Work Hard, Study...and Keep Out of Politics! Adventures and Lessons from an Unexpected Public Life 0399153772, 9780399153778

Citation preview

.

ELVEDERE TIBURQN LIBRARY

mm A. /I

3 1111 02283 9680

J

with

?m

STUDY.

.

KEEP

OUT of POLITICS!" Adventures and Lessons from an

Unexpected Public Life

Steve Fiffer

— $28.95

Canada $36.00

A revelatory memoir from one minds

political

The

of the great

of our time.

inside story of the battle for Florida

2000;

the

aborted

White House

job

switch that inadvertently opened the door

Iran-Contra

the

to

scandal;

White House

the

turmoil in the dark days following the Reagan assassination attempt;

why Gerald Ford

Ronald Reagan to be

his

and why Reagan did not pick Ford

Bush campaign's

deal

desire

more

.

.

in

offer

1992; and a great

in

.

White House Chief of Staff (twice), State,

1980; the

Dan Quayle

that

from the ticket

to resign

did not ask

running mate in 1976

Secretary of

of the Treasury, and campaign

Secretary

chairman or leader

for three different candidates in

five successive presidential

campaigns

have lived and breathed politics

as

—few people

deeply

as

James

Baker, and now, with candor, Texas-style storytelling,

and not

a few surprises, he takes us into

behind the scenes.

thirty-five years

None

of

father, "the

it

was planned. The advice of his grand-

hard, study

.

.

.

and keep out of

Texas

looked back.

—"Work

politics!"

then a personal tragedy changed the year-old

him

Captain," was drilled into

life

— but

of a forty-

Democrat lawyer, and he never

From campaign

sometimes got rough

horsetrading, which

("Politics ain't beanbag," says

Baker), to the inner councils of the

Reagan and

Bush administrations,

to the controversies of today,

Baker

and spellbinding narratives,

offers frank talk

along with personal appraisals of six presidents and a constellation of others. It

was a long, unexpected

journey from Houston, Texas, to Washington, D.C.

—and 0610

you'll

want

to travel

it

with him.

973.92 Baker 2006 Baker, James Addison Work hard, study-- and keep out of politics! BEL-TIB

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http://www.archive.org/details/workhardstudykeeOObake

'WORK HARD, STUDY

AND

.

KEEP

.

.

OUT OF

POLITICS!

ALSO BY JAMES The Revolution,

War &

Politics of

A.

BAKER,

III

Diplomacy:

Peace, 1989-1992 (with

Thomas M. DeFrank)

"WORK HARD,

AND

STUDY...

KEEP

OUT

OF POLITICS!" ADVENTURES AND LESSONS FROM AN UNEXPECTED PUBLIC LIFE

JAMES

A.

BAKER, with

III STEVE FIFFER

G.

P.

PUTNAM'S SONS

New

York

— —

HIP G.

P.

PUTNAM'S SONS

Publishers Since 1838

Group

Published by the Penguin

Penguin Group (USA)

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Hudson

New

Street,

York,

New

York 10014,

Penguin Group (Canada), 90 Eglinton Avenue East, Suite 700, Toronto,

SA

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Stephen's Green, Dublin

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(Australia),

of Pearson Penguin Canada

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Books Ltd, 80 Strand, London

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Penguin Books Ltd, Registered

Copyright

Offices:

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80 Strand, London

© 2006 by James A. Baker, III No

All rights reserved.

part of this book

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participate in or encourage piracy of copyrighted materials in violation of the

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Published simultaneously

Canada

in

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Baker,

"Word

James Addison, hard, study

unexpected public

.

.

.

date.

and keep out of

life

/James

politics!":

A. Baker,

III

;

adventures and lessons from an

with Steve

Fiffer.

cm.

p.

Includes index.

ISBN-1 3: 978-0-399-15377-8 ISBN-10: 0-399-15377-2 1

.

3.

Baker,

— United

Biography. States

—

—Philosophy. James Addison, — Biography. Cabinet — United United United — and government— 1981-1989. and government— 1989James Addison, and United — — United

James Addison,

Statesmen

5.

date.

States

Politics

6.

government

7.

Civil service

8.

—Philosophy.

E840.8.B315A3

I.

States

officers

4.

Politics

Philosophy.

date

Baker,

2.

States

Fiffer, Steve.

date

Baker,

States.

9.

II.

States

Politics

Title.

2006022305

2006

973.92092—dc22 [B]

Published 10

9

8

in the 7

6

United States of America 5

4

3

2

1

While the authors have made every and Internet addresses

at

effort to provide accurate

telephone numbers

the time of publication, neither the publisher nor the

authors assume any responsibility for errors, or for changes that occur after publication. Further, the

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responsibility for author or third-party websites or their content.

TO THOSE PRESIDENTS OF THE UNITED STATES

WHO

GAVE ME THE OPPORTUNITY TO EXPERIENCE

AN UNEXPECTED PUBLIC

LIFE

4

CONTENTS

PREFACE 1.

xi

"Number One, About

I

Don't

Politics"

Know Anything

1

2.

"Gobblers and Hens"

3.

"The Closest Presidential Election in

Your Lifetime"

27

You'll

50

You Off?"

4.

"Doesn't

5.

"I

6.

"President Reagan Doesn't Like Yes

Want

No,

Piss

It

to

Say

No"

7.

"Spared for

8.

"A Reformed Drunk"

9.

"Catching Javelins"

10.

11.

a

Go

Back

to Texas"

98

Men. When He Says

122

Purpose"

142

165

192

"Jimmy, You're Massaging "If That's

73

Talk to You Before You

We All

Ever See

Me"

2

1

What You Want, George, That's What We'll Do"

235

12.

"If You're

So Smart, Jimmy,

and You're Not?"

2

How Come

55

13.

"From 'Fencing Master'

14.

"The One Constant

15.

"I

16.

"Good Evening, Mr.

President-Elect"

17.

"Mr. President, This

Is

18.

Done This"

in Politics Is

78

Change"

309

36

the First

361

Time

407

Item One on Our Agenda Was the Dollar"

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS 447

Not

3

2

391

"A Single Bluebell"

APPENDIX:

INDEX

to 'Foxtail'"

Don't Miss Washington"

I've

I'm Vice President

443

426

PREFACE

I

was in Washington, D.C., on January

20, 1953, the crisp,

sunny day that Dwight David Eisenhower was inaugurated tion's thirty-fourth president.

At the time,

was

I

a

our na-

as

twenty-two-year-old

second lieutenant in the United States Marine Corps, on leave from nearby Quantico, Virginia.

My

Dayton, Ohio, was in town for

fiancee,

a visit

Mary

before

I

Stuart

McHenry, of

shipped out.

the Marines' platoon leader officer program the

summer

I

had joined

after

my

ju-

nior year at Princeton, in part to keep from being drafted before

graduated.

The Korean War was

raging

when

I

signed up, and

I

I

fully

expected to be sent there.

down

Strolling ration,

very

much

the street

said,

Mary

in love,

dressed older gentleman.

arm

I

arm on the day before the inaugu-

in

Stuart and

was wearing

"thank you for your service.

I

have

lieutenant in Korea. I'm wondering, tickets to the inaugural

"Yes,

Mary

sir,"

I

said to

Stuart and

I

my a

I

were stopped by

a well-

uniform. "Lieutenant," he

son

who

is

a

Marine second

would you and your lady

like

two

parade tomorrow?"

our anonymous benefactor, "and thank you."

showed up early the next day

to claim

our seats

XII

PREFACE

*

and discovered they were on the

of Lafayette Park, directly across

lip

Pennsylvania Avenue from the White House and only

downstream from the presidential reviewing 750,000 people attended the inaugural

An

estimated

and except

Richard Nixon, and the dig-

and family members with them, we had some of the best

nitaries

seats

town.

As

floats

and marching bands streamed

35mm camera.

I

have the

still

by,

I

clicked away with

my

including one of President Eisen-

slides,

hower and John Foster Dulles, soon as

few yards

festivities that day,

for President Eisenhower, Vice President

in

stand.

a

sworn

to be

in as secretary

of

state,

they drove past, and another of a cowboy roping the president in the

reviewing standi Newspaper accounts said the parade lasted about four hours.

The

can't

I

remember

dignitaries (and

on only

a light

Mary

uniform

a great experience.

Stuart)

jacket.

Mary

we

if

stayed until the end, but all

I

doubt

wore heavy overcoats, but

Whatever the weather, however,

Stuart and

it.

I

had

it

was

had no idea what the months

I

ahead might bring, but that day we were happy and thankful.

Twenty-eight years office, this

later

another president-elect took the oath of

time on the terrace of the west front of the Capitol.

privileged to attend both the inauguration that followed. This time, stand, however;

chief of

staff,

sat in

I

I

didn't

it.

I

legislative

me my

years,

first fifty

unexpected After

as

my

presence

Houston law

firm. In

like that

fMore than

and

my

political realities.

presence at Ike's,

at this

and

active

I

about the economy

To

those

who knew

1981 inauguration was as

was

just as surprised.

duty with the Marines and three to a career in a

time away from the demands of the

major

office,

I

would happen today, of course. After the assassination of President lives

now enclosed by

half a century

are stored on the

his ideas

had dedicated myself

I

Kennedy and attempts on the ing stands are

ceremony and the parade

was to be Ronald Reagan's White House

my two-year tour of

years of law school,

'Nothing

my

was

across from the parade reviewing

sit

charged with helping turn

and defense into

I

later,

same shelf

at

of Presidents Ford and Reagan, White House review-

thick bulletproof glass.

my public service

and

Princeton's Seeley G.

political papers, as well as Dulles's,

Mudd

Manuscript Library.

— PREFACE was more interested

ment

a

than serving in a govern-

in serving a tennis ball

job or a political campaign.

What was

XIII

*

blew

finally

my

off

life

deep personal tragedy

friend invited

me

Afterward, a Republican

in early 1970.

my

to get involved in

losing bid for the U.S. Senate that

new and

more-or-less conventional course

its

same

first

year.

campaign

political I

threw myself into

exciting project, and if politics didn't exactly save

certainly helped preserve

my

in as president, that friend,

When

sanity.

came up

"Bake," he said, "who'da thunk

to

my

his

this

life, it

Ronald Reagan was sworn

George H. W. Bush, was sworn

president. Later that day, he

—

in as vice

me, smiling.

it?"

Who, indeed? Few have had two

the opportunity to serve six American presidents

in the military and,

decades

later,

three in senior government po-

sitions,

then one more on several special projects. In

Politics

of Diplomacy: Revolution,

how

about

tail

during

my

& Peace, 1989-1992,

four years as secretary of state under the

is

1

The

wrote in de-

the world changed, dramatically and fundamentally,

Bush. While revisiting

aim here

War

my first book,

some of those events

to tell the story of

my

in this

first

President

second book,

my

journey from Houston, Texas, to

Washington, D.C., then around the world, and to share memories of the political campaigns, the presidential administrations in which served, and the other offices

But

I

hope

to

do more.

I

ease

when

held.

I've

of a century, some in private

now

life,

some

in public service. I'm

life,

ideas.

more

I'm getting things done in the world of action than in

some

of what happened,

But what

what

it all

lessons (often the hard way) and

ideas about politics and public policy.

my

more than three-quarters

lived

ring the ashes of the past and writing about

learned

I

offer in this

I

I'll

While I'm

also share a

meant.

at

stir-

Still, I've

worked out some telling the story

of

few of these lessons and

book are not grand

theories; they are the

XIV

PREFACE

+

one man's hard-won experiences during

lessons from ied

long and var-

a

life.

Soon after Mary Stuart and

I

watched the inaugural parade of one

now my com-

of the great war leaders of the twentieth century,

mander

in chief,

I

shipped out from Quantico.

the Mediterranean, not Korea.

My

The Corps

me

sent

to

months of service with the Sixth

Fleet and the reinforced battalion of Marines that the United States

maintains in the Mediterranean, even to this day, were not unpleasant and, obviously, were considerably less dangerous than even a few days in Korea.

That bloody

conflict occupies a

consciousness between the glory of World

ment of Vietnam, and

is

Basic School insula.

I

—men

knew

I

—

of

my

in a loving

home

ing gone away from Princeton,

home under for

our national

and the disappoint-

something

sacrificed their lives

survived and they didn't, which

Houston

It's

II

in

I

never for-

classmates from Marine Corps

still

We have no say in choosing our parents. in

War

too often forgotten.

many

however, because

get,

hazy zone

I

on the Korean pen-

triggers a bit of guilt.

was fortunate to grow up

comfortable circumstances. Hav-

two years of prep school, then on

entered the Marines as an immature young man.

I

I

to

left

with more personal discipline and with a greater sense of purpose the products of military training, of facing

up

to

what

it

means

to pre-

pare for combat in time of war, and of losing young friends whose potential

seemed

so limitless.

As the old saying rine."

state

tesy

goes,

Early in 1989, after

I

"There

is

no such thing

was sworn in

as a

former

as the sixty-first secretary

of the United States, the commandant of the Corps paid call.

When

at the State

General Al Gray walked into

Department with

remind myself that

I

his four stars

was no longer

a

Ma-

my

a

of

cour-

seventh-floor office

on each shoulder,

I

had

to

second lieutenant who should

stand and salute.

We

had

a

very pleasant

visit.

"Mr. Secretary,

the general said as he prepared to depart.

He

I

left a

have

a gift for you,"

stack of small busi-

— PREFACE

XV

*

ness cards with a military camouflage background. In the center of

each card in large rine."

And under

While

letters was,

"James A. Baker,

very tiny

that, in

in that office,

I

letters,

III,

"and Secretary of State."

participated in the decision to dispatch

Marines and other servicemen and -women to

No

matter

how

just the cause,

Americans into combat, but met.

To

stand aside

it's

fight in the

a responsibility that, at times,

when America's core

In his inaugural address, President

By then

the Cold

a

must be

is

dangerous.

Eisenhower called

for peace,

When

President

twenty-eight years

War had become

send

interests are challenged, as

but promised that America would remain strong. his oath

Gulf War.

a sobering responsibility to

it is

the nation was tempted to do after Vietnam,

Reagan took

Ma-

United States

later,

he said the same thing.

seemingly permanent feature of

the second half of the twentieth century.

The

payoff for four decades of American leadership and resolve

came during the

fall

communism

of

my friend George

the presidency of

in Eastern

classical liberalism

economic freedom, self-government, and the

personal, religious, and

—

We saw

Europe and the Soviet Union.

With the end of the Cold War, the principles of

rule of law

H. W. Bush.

prevailed against totalitarian ideology. There were other

victories, as well, including the

renewed hopes

for

end of apartheid

peace in the Middle East.

the United States was (and

it

in

South Africa and

When those years ended,

remains) the world's sole surviving

superpower.

Our

geopolitical rival in the

Cold War was the expansionist and

nuclear-armed Soviet Union. Our adversaries today terrorist organizations

and nuclear ambitions

—

transnational

and smaller nations with authoritarian rulers

—present

truths remain, however.

As

it

different kinds of threats. Certain

has since World

War

II,

the source of

America's power rests in no small part on our ability to project strength responsibly around the world and our willingness to use that strength

when necessary

in

My full-time career in of President

Bill

Clinton

furtherance of our values and interests.

public service ended with the inauguration

in 1993. In the

previous thirteen years,

I

had

XVI

PREFACE

+

served as White House chief of retary of state, and

I

staff,

secretary of the treasury, and sec-

had led presidential election campaigns.

was time to do other things

—spend time

with

my

was

I

tired,

and

write

my diplomatic memoir; serve as senior partner for Baker Botts, my

it

family;

law firm, and as senior counselor for the Carlyle Group, a Washington-

based private equity firm; help establish the James A. Baker

III Insti-

do

tute for Public Policy as a first-rate think tank at Rice University;

some public speaking; submit the occasional op-ed piece on me; and hunt,

that interested

fish,

and play

In the years after 1993, however, several times. Kofi

Annan asked me to

I

topics

golf.

have been called off the bench

try to help resolve a lingering dis-

pute in Western Sahara, and candidate George W. Bush asked

me

to

help preserve his 2000 presidential election victory in Florida, then to serve as his envoy or representative on several special projects

and 2004,

a mission to

persuade countries to forgive

of the debt owed to them by

Iraq; a trip to the

of Georgia in 2004 to encourage

—

in

2003

a substantial share

former Soviet Republic

my old friend Eduard Shevardnadze to

support a free election; service in 2005 as cochairman with President

Jimmy

Carter of the Commission on Federal Election Reform; and a

call later that

year to chair the American delegation to Israel on the

tenth anniversary of the assassination of

minister of Israel, Yitzhak Rabin.

More

cochair of a bipartisan study group to

ment of the All but

friend, the

recently

make

a

I

former prime

agreed to serve as

forward-looking assess-

situation in Iraq.

one of those summonses came

seventieth birthday All were unsought.

affairs

after

had celebrated

I

None had

that earned a dollar a year before taxes.*

my own

my

a salary,

So why did

and the pleasures of private

life

I

my

except one

take time from

to accept these

com-

missions?

For several reasons,

*I

I

suppose. For one, the projects were interest-

lowever, federal law required that

count effort

in 2000.

my

law firm be paid for

its

work

in the Florida re-

PREFACE For another,

ing.

The

For the

service),

I

came my

takes

first

is

that

few years of

my

had largely

left

friendship with

tragedy, and I

thought that each one had

biggest reason, however,

bility.

us,

I

service.

This

adult

life

felt a

some

life to

my

military

others.

Then

service.

Each of

the world a better place. All

it

part of our time and talent to public

a small price, really, for the privilege

is

my

family's personal

and public

life in politics

make

sense of responsi-

(except for

George H. W. Bush,

my unexpected

the dedication of

simply

XVI

worthy purpose or goal.

the burdens of public

learned, has the capacity to is

I

a

*

of our great nation. As a young man,

I

had

sat

of being

on the

a citizen

sidelines;

now

I

understood the importance of joining the parade.

"We must be ever sacrifices

willing, individually

may be

his inaugural address

indispensable role," he said.

My hope

is

iation for the

that this

both one's very is

accept what-

first

book

years ago. Each citizen "plays an

person, no home, no

come

community can

"whatever America hopes to bring to pass in the heart of America."

will help the reader gain

some apprec-

importance of participation in public service and

corollary, politics,

citizens that

"No

fifty

this call," for

world must

to pass in the

as a nation, to

required of us," President Eisenhower said in

more than

be beyond the reach of

and

its

and also for the satisfaction that comes from giving

best.

For

it is

the promise of such participation by our

the best hope for our country's future.

ONE

"NUMBER ONE,

I

DON'T

ANYTHING ABOUT

The presidential election results

came

in, it

KNOW

POLITICS"

was the tightest in

was apparent that

a small

a century.

number of

As the

votes for

my

candidate or his opponent would swing the contest one way or the other.

When

I

finally

went

to

bed

at 3:00 a.m.,

I

was certain

I

would

never see another race for president decided by such a narrow margin. Boy, was

I

wrong.

The 1976

race between

Gerald Ford was votes in

Governor Jimmy Carter and President

close. If there

Ohio and 3,700

had been

in Hawaii,

a shift

of fewer than 5,600

Ford would have retained the pres-

idency, winning the electoral vote while losing the popular election.

But '76 now pales in comparison to the 2000 race between Vice President Al Gore and Governor George W. Bush. That one was decided by 537 votes in Florida and a 7-2 margin in the U.S. Supreme Court more than a month after the balloting. As most everyone knows, although

Gore won

the popular vote, Bush prevailed in the Electoral College.

In 1970, as a tle interest

that

I

tests,

forty-year-old Houston corporate lawyer

and no experience

in politics,

would be intimately involved

much

less both.

Nor could

I

I

who had

lit-

could never have imagined

in either

of these presidential con-

ever have dreamed that

1

would lead

1

IAMES

*

A.

BAKER.

Ill

successive presidential campaigns for three different candidates.

five

Ar the beginning of 1975,

By that

fall,

I

was

I

was

still

Washington, D.C., second

in

command

in

partment of Commerce. And by the summer of

chairman

for the

Ford-Dole

Who'da thunk

ticket.

my hometown.

practicing law in

'76,

at the

was campaign

I

it?

we had come back from

Before losing narrowly to Carter,

Many

digit deficit after the conventions.

De-

a

double-

observers believe that

if

Ford-Dole had been Ford-Reagan, we would have won. So why didn't Ford tap Reagan for the second spot and create

The

He had

a

dream

ticket?

actor-turned-politician from California was the obvious choice. a

huge core of supporters, and he was

Moreover, he had

just

turned out to be the

a great

campaigner.

missed getting the nomination himself

last

at

what

closely contested national convention in this

nation's history.

President Ford was not happy that Governor Reagan had

such

mounted

strong challenge against a sitting president. But other nomi-

a

nees have chosen runner-ups after bitter contests, particularly

if

those

runner-ups could improve the chances of victory in November. John

Kennedy picked Lyndon Johnson

that way.

F.

While the chemistry be-

tween Ford and Reagan was not good, that alone didn't impel Ford to bypass Reagan. Most accounts say there was another reason. Early during President Reagan's

House chief of

staff,

dent,"

we

I

said, as

he and

I

first

discussed

sat together

when

term, this.

I

was

his

White

"You know, Mr. Presi-

alone in the Oval Office one day,

"if

President Ford had asked you to run with him, he would have won,

and you might never have been president." "You're right," the president responded. "But if

he had asked,

I'd

have

felt

duty-bound

"President Ford didn't ask you,"

I

that,

have to

tell

you, Jim,

to run."

replied, "because

from your campaign that you would join him for the condition that he wouldn't offer

I

we

a unity

received

word

meeting only on

you the vice presidency. And besides

vou very publicly shut down the movement by your supporters

Kansas City to draft you for the vice presidential nomination."

in

"WORK HARD, STUDY... AND KEEP OUT OF "Look," President Reagan said, president, and

anyone

telling spot. If I

I

he had asked,

was shocked.

would have

I

How

duty-bound

felt

different history

—

walls today

Ford-Reagan

a

the

to say yes."

want Reagan

running mate, but the president might have asked

two presidential

me

might have been. Given the

intensity of their primary battle, Ford really didn't

Reagan would accept. And with

3

don't have any recollection of

I

message to President Ford not to offer

to pass a

*

did not want to be vice

"I really

But

said so at the time.

POLITICS!"

if

as his

he had thought

ticket in 1976,

think

I

might be missing from the White House

portraits

those of Jimmy Carter

.

.

and Ronald Reagan.

.

This conversation about the vice presidency occurred early in President Reagan's tenure and was revisited several times over the years. As

anyone who knew him well would without guile. lieve

a

if,

me

want

Why? Perhaps

they

this

knew he

didn't

he could not turn down

felt

Or perhaps

they simply reasoned that

(He

man would have been wasn't, of course,

though without having

My

to

roles

tell

Reagan

anyone

to pass

spot.

on that

his staff did that

to

that

former Nevada

be offered the second

on

its

be vice president, but

a direct offer

if a

must add here

believes candidate

want

from the president.

Ford-Reagan

ticket

had won,

too old to run for president in 1980 or 1984.

and ran successfully first

have no reason to be-

advisers,

would suggest

would have

their

still

I

Still, I

and

President Reagan told me, he didn't

message to the Ford camp, own.

he

that

clear in 1976 that he didn't

as

got.

front with me.

his close friends

senator Paul Laxalt, told

But

up

totally

few years ago one of

it

Ronald Reagan was completely

What you saw was what you

he wasn't being

made

attest,

in

both of those years,

al-

served as vice president.)

campaign chairman and White House

as presidential

chief of staff would not have sat very well with another James Addi-

son Baker,

my

grandfather.

Nor would my view

should consider public service. "Captain," he admonished

all

A

who

that

successful lawyer

all

Americans

known

as the

joined his firm to "work hard, study,

4

|AMES

+

A.

BAKER.

and keep out of

Ill

which he viewed

politics,"

undertaking that really good lawyers ing figure

who helped hub

ket and rail

somewhat unseemly

as a

left to others.

He

was an impos-

transform Houston from a regional cotton mar-

into a vibrant seaport

and the capital of the US.

industry. In the process, he turned a local law practice into a

oil

preemi-

nent Texas firm that would later expand worldwide.

With due respect

to the Captain, however, not

tics

turned out to be one of the best decisions

my

unplanned entry into public

sonal tragedy,

the former

I

found

New

I

in part

by per-

strong predilection and passion for what

a

years,

I

Hedrick Smith called "the

witnessed the exercise of more power

would have ever dreamed

I

ever made. Although

was occasioned

life

York Times correspondent

power game." Over the than

had

I

keeping out of poli-

(sometimes the hard way) to keep

possible, but a sense

was often reminded

of perspective about

it all.

No one was better at keeping me humble than my mother, Bonner Means Baker. On my visits to Houston in the late 1980s and early "Now,

nineties, she invariably asked:

darling, tell

me

exactly,

what

is it

you do?"

"Mom,

am

I

secretary of state."

"Of the United "Yes,

States of America?"

Mom."

"You don't mean

Then lived,

it!"

she would add, "Well, you know, dear,

he would never have

My

mother

let

lived to the

you go

if

your father had

to Washington."

handsome age of

ninety-six.

dad had tried to have children for thirteen years before so she doted

on

me

and

my

arrived

—me on

later.

talked baby talk until

I

my mother

younger

April 28, 1930, and I

cross-examination of

me

I

in

Bonner,

am

a

warm,

still

my

came

along,

when we

finally

I

Bonner some eighteen months

was three or four years

"Mamish." She was

not indifferent to fashion.

sister,

She and

spirited,

old,

and

I

called

and elegant woman,

not sure whether her affectionate

her twilight years

mind or her enduring sense of humor.

stemmed from

a failing

"WORK HARD. STUDY... AND KEEP OUT OF Mother was only Jr.,

met

when she and my

fifteen

high school dance in Houston.

at a

always said.

They were engaged

wanted to be

in a position to

for five

It

father,

was love

POLITICS!"

James

*

A. Baker,

she

at first sight,

and one-half

5

years.

My

dad

support his bride and, eventually, a fam-

but after he finished Princeton in 1915 and got his law degree at the

ily,

War

University of Texas in 1917, World

on August

4,

telling

me

intervened.

for the trenches of France.

that in his absence she comforted herself every

and ten thousand

joke, ian.

at

as a

young

remember Mother

I

peating a verse from the 91st Psalm: "A thousand shall

Like

They married

months before he shipped out

1917, about ten

army lieutenant

I

thy right hand; but in shall not

day by

fall at

come nigh

re-

thy side, thee."

my mother, Dad had a wonderful sense of humor and loved to

but he also had an austere demeanor and was a

And

like his father, he, too,

vents poor performance."

He

had

man my

tell

Dad was

gift

It's

a simple

children, then forget. People are

age recite

and without embarrass-

it,

my father that has almost every day of my adult life.

ment. But this was a or another

a saying: "Prior preparation pre-

called this the "Five Ps."

aphorism, the sort of thing adults often surprised to hear a

strict disciplinar-

from

helped

me in one way

an intercollegiate wrestling champion and fine pole-

vaulter while at Princeton.

No doubt his training as

an athlete and his

military service reinforced his views about the importance of discipline and preparation, about doing your best in the fleeting time are given

on

you

this earth.

Dad's fifth-year Princeton reunion book features the photographs

of

many

who never returned from the bloody battlefields of

classmates

He came back, however, as an infantry captain and a genuine war hero. He once ordered some in his company to clear out an enemy trench. When they balked, he went in by himself, armed only with his Europe.

.45-caliber service revolver, that pistol for

many

War helmet and I

My sister and

and captured two German

years until

it

was stolen, and

I still

soldiers.

have

his

I

had

World

uniform. I

always addressed

Dad with

respect, but behind his

6

JAMES

*

my

back,

RAKER. Mi

A.

friends and

I

him "Warden." He expected good man-

called

and deference

ners, hard work,

corporal punishment as

to adult authority,

way

a useful

isfying those expectations.

The

and he regarded

to help us see the benefits of sat-

culture of the 1930s supported this ap-

proach. In those days, children did what their parents asked

them

to.

Sometimes he spanked me. Occasionally, he would throw cold water

me

on

in

leave

I'll

of

bed

it

I

lationship,

my

didn't get

I

now

him

loved

dearly,

and he lives

them too much money and too in the

Dad spent

also loved to

wonderful re-

ruined because their parents gave

little

hunt and

discipline.

That was never

a

prob-

fish.

From

the time

They

I

was

six,

he and

I

are superb classrooms

forms of discipline, including the patience neces-

sary to

know

and

emphasis on the Five

exactly the right time to pull the trigger. After his love

was Dad's greatest a

a

me on the right path. Many of

together in duck blinds.

for teaching other

As

set

We had

Baker household.

many hours

his

and cons

considered old-fashioned and too

that he was a terrific dad.

is

contemporaries had their

lem

should.

I

to the child-rearing experts to debate the pros

can say I

up when

of upbringing,

this sort

harsh. All

if

gift to

Ps, sharing his passion for the

outdoors

me.

young competitive tennis

player,

I

didn't question

my

father's

orders to stay on the court after matches and practice backhand after

backhand.

Nor

did

I

question his decision to send

try to Pottstown, Pennsylvania, to his

didn't even protest cial fraternity at

in

law

school,

when he

told

me

sit

to join his old

I

undergraduate so-

Here

I

was

Week

hazing in

was poured raw eggs down

my throat

and having to go through I

bare-assed on a block of

didn't rebel.

When

I

we

a

Hell

ice.

was growing up, our objective was to please

our parents. Mother and Dad knew them. But

alma mater, the Hill School.

twenty-four years old, just out of the Marine Corps, mar-

which college kids younger than

I

across the coun-

the University of Texas, Phi Delta Theta.

ried with a child,

and made

me

me

certainly didn't always

most teenagers, then and now,

I

best,

and we didn't argue with

do everything we were

broke curfew more than

a

told.

Like

few times.

WORK HARD. One

my

irony in

STUDY...

father's life

captain in the most difficult

"Captain" was an honorific

he joined in the

militia

men

nent

in the

"Colonel Jones." give

younger

conduct

balls,

is

way

title

AND KEEP OUT

OF POLITICS!"

possible, but for

bestowed by

a

my

late 1800s. After the Civil

way

and (not

many promi-

War,

"General Smith" and

as

I

have heard, to

wear outlandish uniforms,

to

least)

grandfather,

ceremonial Houston

My grandfather's militia was formed, a

7

that he earned his military rank of

South were forever known

men

*

join parades,

claim military rank of their

own

—

all

without the grim necessity of being actual soldiers. I

remember

cigars.

and

He

sat

railroads,

the Captain as a heavyset

man who

on the boards of many major banks, and represented them

as a lawyer.

always smelled of utility

companies,

Well known in Texas,

he rose to national prominence in 1900 when he became the central figure in

In a

one of the most sensational scandals of

New

York murder

trial,

his era.

he proved that a butler and an un-

scrupulous lawyer had poisoned William Marsh Rice, a wealthy Texas

merchant, with mercury and chloroform, then claimed Rice's fortune

under

a forged will.

My grandfather had

been Mr. Rice's lawyer, and

his efforts restored the victim's original will,

Marsh Rice

Institute, a "university

of the

which endowed William first

class" that

Rice had

chartered in Houston in 1891. Rice Institute (now Rice University)

opened

in 1912,

and

board of trustees for

The Captain was his father,

was born

my grandfather served fifty

the second James A. Baker in our family.

in

it

The

first,

1816 near Florence, Alabama, to Elijah and Jane

descended from Scottish immigrants.

part of the great migration of early Americans out of the

thirteen original states to the unsettled forests

were,

chairman of the

years.

Baker. Family lore says they

They were

as its first

and plains out west. They

seems, a well-educated family In Alabama, James apprenticed

to a lawyer

and appeared to have prospects for

a

good

career. In April

1852, however, he abruptly left for Texas, apparently in grief over the

sudden death of he served

his bride

as a judge.

of

less

than two years. During the Civil War,

Afterward, he joined a small Houston law firm

the one that to this day bears his name, Baker Botts.

He and

his

second

JAMES

8

BAKER,

A.

I

I

1

Rowena, are buried

wife,

in Huntsville,

Texas, not far from his friend

General Sam Houston. will not

I

pretend that

I

grew up under modest circumstances.

mother's father, J. C. Means, was in the timber,

He

and cotton business.

was not particularly successful, but the Bakers were reasonably

well-to-do.

We

one.

Each generation had

of Houston real estate and Still,

I

we

No

The

made

house near Rice University and befamily

owned

most of

his

No

me.

And no

a dollar

than to

and

I

I've

my mother wanted;

material possessions

were meaningless, something

become much

when

I

was a young boy,

when

just plain fun:

I

inher-

in

my

my own.

childhood.

my mother once

pink linen smock for a portrait by a

Some were

else

better as the years have gone by

There were occasional extravagances

member

Some were

me

had

dressed

of the French Acad-

the University of Texas played

A&M in football, the Captain often took us to the game in a pricar arranged through one of his railroad clients.

rail

There was one domain money.

When

smoke

I

was

until

in

which

a teenager, I

wait until habitual

I

was eighteen for

smoker

until

I

it

I

my

he said he would pay

didn't collect, first

me

taste

though

I

$1,000 if

I

would always

of hard liquor.

say,

that

I

if

I

I

didn't

managed

to

was not in

I

didn't start drinking the

a

our

"The smoking lamp

was okay to smoke. Most everyone did, so

somewhat remarkable

me

father was willing to give

went into the Marine Corps. At breaks

training, the drill instructors

— meaning

my

was twenty-one and another $1,000

drink alcohol before that age.

It's

a re-

Texas existence.

big allowance for me.

have been able to accumulate some means of

didn't

As

it.

his chil-

from him. But

Texas

make

money. Yet he did spend, without hesitation, for

ited

outlandish:

He

quite frugal.

invested

for himself or his children

vate

Dad was

Dad

big cars.

dren's education or for things

emy.

considerable amount

didn't lead the stereotyped bigger-than-life

mansion.

in a

a

other good investments.

was easier to spend

it

on the success of the previous

my parents spoiled

don't think

understood that sult,

built

lived in a nice two-story

longed to two country clubs.

lit"

oil,

My

is

did, too.

moment

— "WORK HARD. STUDY... AND KEEP OUT OF

my parents tough.

dropped

me

9

*

My first year there was

off at the Hill School.

know anybody. Most

entered as a junior and didn't

I

POLITICS!"

classmates

had already been there for two years and had established friendships.

my

was a new boy. All

wear

and every time

a beanie,

a part

friends I

were back put

it

on,

it

Houston.

in

reminded

senior year,

I

was

much more

at ease.

ships that continue to this day.

outstanding.

my

Still, I

managed

My

larly those

from the South.

said,

I

made up

I

didn't really drink until

for lost time during

my

first

from the constraints of prep school, of both Princeton's Right

Two

clerics, it

many young American men

I

Wing Club

still

friend-

I

wanted and it

was

the destination of

of Scottish heritage, particu-

I

was eighteen, but

I

quickly

year at Princeton. Liberated

became

member

went

wild.

—

named because we spent

so

I

a

of our time using our right arms to hoist spirituous beverages

my

right

arm

a similar mission.

to play tennis as cocaptain

ter than

was.

I

The

next year

I

part because the rugby team

the tennis team went only to

1950 that

who was

My

I

met the

girl

who were

went

to

Bermuda

North Carolina. later to marry,

for spring break, It

was

Mary

in

wonder I

I

nor) and history

and

a bit.

I

(my major)

By

in

McHenry,

New York. my member-

ignored the Five Ps to such an extent that

didn't get five Fs and flunk out.

had matured

bet-

Bermuda

Stuart

freshman and sophomore year grades reflected I

also

gave up tennis and switched to rugby, in

there on spring break from Finch College in

ship in the social clubs.

nately,

was

I

I

of the freshman team,

but the team was loaded with nationally ranked players

a

made

centuries after

was

and 21 Club, another social organization with

is

was not

grades were good, but not

father had attended: Princeton.

choice for

As

also

I

to get into the university

founded by colonial Presbyterian

used

me that I

was elected to the stu-

I

dent government and captained the tennis team.

much

even had to

of the old boys' club.

By

that

I

I

it

junior year, fortu-

studied more, finding the classics

(my mi-

especially interesting.

My senior thesis covered the conflict within

Britain's

Labour Party

10

|AMES

+

in the

A.

RAKER.

Ill

whom

ment, Aneurin Bevan,

Bevin, a "social democrat."

When

men.

said,

I

saw

and Ernest

as a "true socialist," lost

between these two

member declared

that

Bevan was

tween idealism and realism. Those who know favored the approach of the

I

own

his

"Not while I'm around."

argued that the clash between Bevan and Bevin was

I

Parlia-

There was no love

cabinet

a British

worst enemy, Bevin

that

members of

1930s and forties between two powerful

me

Bevin,

realist,

will not

who

be-

a clash

be surprised

served as Clem-

ent Attlee's foreign secretary. "Bevin was not interested in theories, but in practicalities,"

wrote.

I

"He knew

when men were unemployed

that

they wanted bread and work, not an oration on the coming revolution

Bevin believed in solving the problems of the present before tackling the problems of the future." I

had no interest or talent

grasp of history

More

law.

— an

indicator that

important, however,

Baker Botts was everything.

and had worked

"Practicing law

a

is

my

"I'd

wonderful

never

my

father's office as

money doing

insist

summer

More

you be

as a teenager.

tray while stabbing victims

Dad

lifestyle,"

it, it's

he worked,

very satisfying."

Dad

a lawyer."

My

I

I

even

took a job

told

a

at St. Joseph's

assignment was to hold the

cutting into a patient's chest cavity. All that blood!

I

didn't have the

a doctor.

any event,

I

didn't have to

make

to

become

a decision

a

I

also

surgeon

quickly realized

I

by graduation day

'Another alumnus of the Baker Botts office-boy pool, hired manv years Bush.

the

with

flirted

baby being born and observe

stomach or the aptitude

Still,

me

and overdosed drug users threw up.

had the opportunity to watch

In

my legacy.

told me. "Although

than once

going to medical school, but that was before Hospital one

for the

family.

path was not ordained.

choice was mine.

might have an aptitude

fair

been brought up with the idea that

I'd

I'd sat in

never make really big

this career

I

math, but did have a

the firm myself as an office boy.* That was

at

That was the history of

you'll

in science or

later,

was George W.

"WORK HARD. STUDY... AND KEEP OUT OE in the late spring

of 1952.

My

POLITICS!"

*

11

immediate future was Basic School

the U.S. Marine Corps' officer training program

—not law

The

school.

government had started drafting young men out of college when the Korean War broke out school

my

first. It

was too

in 1950.

1

wanted

late to join

an

to serve, but

wanted

I

to finish

ROTC program at Princeton, and

tendency to motion sickness made

prudent not to consider the

it

Air Force or the Navy.

The CIA seemed

a possibility until

I

had an on-campus interview.

"Would you have any problem jumping out of an airplane with chute behind

"You bet

Then

I

I

enemy

we'll give

was asked.

I

End of

would."

interview.

you

a

camp for six weeks each summer for two summers, and commission when you graduate. After that

an obligation to serve on active duty for two years. In Basic School at Quantico,

ond

The

learned of the Marine Corps platoon leaders program.

go to boot

deal:

lines?"

a para-

lieutenants.

I

have

signed on.

I

was one of about

Our commanding

you'll

hundred

fivQ

officer told us that if

sec-

we worked

hard, we'd get our choice of duty station and military occupational specialty

(MOS).

behind

few regular Marine enlisted

When

a it

I

graduated

came time

at

the top of the reserves in our class

men

picked to become

hand out MOSs, the commanding

to

officers.

officer told

—platoon

leader,

because

have a

me, "We're going to put you where we put our best

MOS 0302— infantry officer." "Major," friend

I

replied, "one reason

who graduated

naval gunfire spotter,

a

a

couple of jeeps,

MOS a

worked so hard

year ago, and he talked to

Spotters went in with the

had

I

0840. That's what

first

I

is

me

about being a

really

wave of an amphibious

I

want

to do."

invasion.

They

few men, and some radio equipment, and their

job was to deploy forward and direct the

fire

of naval ships supporting

the operation. This was hazardous duty, as was leading a platoon, but

preferred

it.

I

didn't

want

I

to be responsible for the lives of forty-four

other people.

Although the major wasn't pleased by

my

request, he

honored

it.

I

12

RAKER.

JAMfcS A.

*

thought

be going to Korea, and fifty-nine of the sixty officers in our

I'd

who

class

Ill

MOSs

received artillery

two weeks and then on

went

The

to Korea.

to Fort

sixtieth

Oklahoma,

Sill,

for

— me—ended up with

the battalion of Marines the United States had kept deployed in the

War

Mediterranean since the end of World

USS

port ship, the

overboard

was

I

vember

as

Mediterranean for

in the

1953,

Mary

ton, Ohio. After

Stuart and

my

I

six

I

a

troop trans-

rail.

months.

were married

When

in

her

I

returned in

I

No-

hometown of Day-

we moved

discharge from active duty in 1954,

small apartment in Austin, Texas, where Bill.

was on

Monrovia, where the biggest danger was falling

perpetually heaved over the

I

II. I

to a

GI

entered law school on the

my father argued that the

thought about applying to Harvard, but

University of Texas was the best place to learn Texas law and establish

connections with others

who would be

didn't question his counsel,

During that

initial

practicing in Texas. Again,

which turned out

to

year in law school, our

Nothing concentrates the mind

have been excellent.

first

son, Jamie, was born.

and being mar-

like military service

ried with a child. Practicing the Five Ps to exhaustion,

review and graduated with honors, but

I

wasn't

I

much

I

made

the law

fun to be around.

We never considered settling anywhere except Houston. My family law firm where three James A.

was there. So,

too,

Bakers before

me had hung their shingles.* I would have been happy to

was Baker

Botts, the

follow in their footsteps, but the firm had an ironclad antinepotism rule.

My father was still practicing there, so

Thanks

to

my academic record

and

I

could not.

my name, the partnership con-

sidered making an exception for me, but eventually decided against

waiving the

rule.

I

was disappointed. Baker Botts was

all I

knew; In the

end, however, their decision was the best thing that could have hap-

pened

to me.

father,

my

I

I

succeeded

grandfather, and

*Why am James along.

Had

A. Baker,

III,

my

at a firm so closely identified

great-grandfather, neither

I

with

my

nor any-

not IV? Because the numbering didn't start until

I

came

"WORK HARD, STUDY ...AND KEEP OUT OF body

else

would have been able

my name. Going to sink or swim on my own.

chance

a

my

on

cess was based

me

to say with certainty

skills

or

POLITICS!"

whether

*

13

my suc-

to another firm gave

&

That other firm was Andrews, Kurth, Campbell

Bradley.

was

It

a

smaller but also well-respected firm with a blue-chip roster of clients that included

Howard Hughes. When and

thirty-five lawyers,

hired in the firm's

work.

joined in 1957, the firm had

I

was only the seventy-eighth to have been

I

fifty- five-year history. It

The philosophy of

AK and its history,

was

a

wonderful place to

the practice was collegial,

and we were

loyal to the firm

we were proud of

and one another.

"We're going to assign you to Harry Jones," said Mickey West, the firm's chief recruiter.

And

it

truly was.

warm, gentlemanly,

"What an opportunity!"

The man who would become my mentor was

brilliant,

and pragmatic, the smartest practitioner

ever known. In law school,

I've

that

I

had briefed every case so thoroughly

often got lost in the details. If not for

I

Harry Jones,

my practice. He

followed the same dead-end path in

might have

I

taught

me

to get

to the heart of the matter. I

I'd

would

sit

across from

him

written. "Is there anything

in his corner office while

more on

threatening and professorial voice.

from the chaff

or, less delicately,

he would ask in

this?"

The

to cut

he read what

ability to separate the

through the BS in

non-

a

wheat

a written

memo or a face-to-face negotiation, not only served me well at the law firm, but has also been one of my strengths in politics and public service.

I

owe much of

that to

Harry Jones,

a lawyer's lawyer.

In 1957, the practice of law was not as specialized as

drews Kurth was

just

trial section.

courthouse client

as

I

today.

I

asked to be assigned to

soon found myself sitting second chair

one of our lawyers

down

its

policyholder.

It

at the

Our

tried a personal injury case.

was an insurance company bound by contract to provide

fense for

An-

beginning to establish departments. In law school

they told us that real lawyers tried lawsuits, so the

it is

seemed obvious

to

lying under oath and that nothing was being

a

de-

me that witnesses were done about

it.

I

didn't

BAKER.

|AMES A

14

want any part of

that, so

and

approached

Three more boys a

goodbye

gas,

Sunday school

to

And

a

man

On

his

though he was at

the office.

of

in

off for

to

He

Sunday school

I

remember

was

first

Dad was

left

work those mornings, and

after that first

at First

We

Presbyterian Church near his office

him

at

my

Scottish

work.

attended chapel every day, and

in college

when

how

a little

I

to pray.

found

was

I

a

and attended church only occasion-

switched.

I

ancient Baker ancestors

I

was

a Presbyterian,

didn't think about

I

may have turned

it

at

the time,

when

in their graves

the faith they had brought across the ocean from Scotland and

went over

to the "English"

railing against. In

church they had spent so many centuries

Houston we attended

St.

Martin's fairly regularly.

found the services rewarding and eventually served on the

committee of

lay

members who help manage

then was not nearly as important to Like II

al-

spent Sundays

workaholic

a

Stuart was a better Episcopalian than

and when we married,

I

not a churchgoer,

I

Marines and during law school.

ally in the

my

one year

getting a sense of fulfillment out of religion

nonobservant Christian

but

for

who

was

myself enjoying the hymns and learning

Mary

and

to learn the hereditary faith of

the Hill School.

at

we could be de-

father was raised a Presbyterian.

a Christian Scientist

forebears. After class, we'd join I

My

Stuart,

joined

Mother's church, he would drop Bonner and

at

downtown Houston,

Mary

thanks to

her church.

faith.

way

year of Sunday school

me

been at

and

was good. Our marriage flourished.

scribed as a churchgoing family.

went

gen-

acquisitions, corporate

— Mike, John, and Doug—followed Jamie. We

for a while

a

banking, and real estate.

forty, life

couple of country clubs.

Mother had

and hello to

to litigation

—mergers and

securities work, oil 1

said

I

law practice

eral business

As

Ill

my

orkabolic

is

father,

my

me

it is

I

vestry, the

the parish, but

my

faith

now.

church on Sundays was often

my

law

office.

me during those first made time for tennis and indulged my lifelong

an overworked term, but

twelve years of practice.

as

I

it

describes

desire to escape to the country every once in a while to hunt and fish

and clear

my

head, but

Mary

Stuart and

I

took very few real vacations.

.

-WORK HARD. STUDY... AND KEEP OUT OF

my

Houston was else or

I

The most

some

a lawyer. Politics

that can be said of

elections anyway. Oftentimes

Texas

15

*

never dreamed of living anywhere

doing anything besides being

picture. in

world, and

POLITICS!"

me I

politically

was not that

is

I

in the

voted

.

.

did something else instead.

hadn't forgotten that Republicans were in office during

still

Reconstruction, so like just about everyone else in the state at the time, I

was

a

1950s,

Democrat.

w hen r

I

And

voted,

I

many

like

other conservative Democrats in the

my party's candidates

voted for

in local

elections and for the Republican candidate for president.

was

different.

remained

She came from

active in the small

a precinct captain I

I

and often

a

1968, she noticed a

Texas branch of her as a

Stuart

if

Mary

my

as

for local candidates.

Stuart had stayed healthy,

entire

life.

Her doctor

in her breast.

even serving

party,

campaign worker

politics for

lump

Mary

state

long line of Republicans in Ohio, and she

sometimes wonder whether,

would have kept out of

and

But in February told her not to

worry; the lump was most likely just mastitis, a side effect of being on birth control pills,

he

if it persists,"

which were

at the

River where earlier.

By

new

at

the time.

"Come back

said.

That summer we took

camping

relatively

a fishing trip into the

mountains of Wyoming,

same spot near the headwaters of the Yellowstone

my father and I had camped to hunt elk twenty-four years

the end of the

The lump was now

trip,

hot and red.

Mary

Stuart had lost

Not too long

we

after

all

her stamina.

returned, one of

America's best surgeons, our friend Denton Cooley, performed a mastectomy. In the waiting

room

doesn't have a chance," but

the worst.

We

I

I

after the surgery,

he didn't

sensed he was telling

me

say,

"She

to prepare for

was scared and depressed, but hopeful.

were building

a

new home. Mary

Stuart had designed

it,

and

she continued to watch over construction. As the months passed, however, the

cancer spread to her bones, and

going to make

From else.

ing mother.

a

was clear that she wasn't

it.

the time

She was

it

I

met her

in

Bermuda

in 1950,

gorgeous and bright woman,

a

1

never dated anyone

devoted wife, and

a lov-

*

16

AMES

|

We

BAKER.

A.

were

close,

but

1

I

1

—whether out of other— we never

talked openly about her

probably, concern for the real prognosis.

told her that a

I

She never told

knew she was

dark cloud in those

found

"My

it

me

she

dying.

knew she was

November

dear sweet loving and lovable Jimmy,"

Though my time

My darling,

afraid

in

it

not be far

Bermuda

love another body.

.

and keep you safe

it

never

goodbye

a

like

letter.

I

and addressed to

reads in part:

off, it is

not now.

life.

Since the night

The only

grown men. Since they .

I

I

We

I

am

not

have been

kissed

you on the

have loved you more than anybody could ever

I

leaving you and the boys.

qualities in them.

me

29, 1969,

has been a beautiful

many ways

fortunate in so

beach

may

to die

dying, and

That knowledge hung over us

months. She did write

last

her death. Dated

after

more

fear or uncertainty or,

.

I

thing that makes

often

are half

God

and

I

me

sad about dying

wonder what they

you they will

will

be

will

is

like as

have some good

watch over you and the boys

me

Don't be sad. Rejoice and come to

someday.

My instinct from earliest memory has been to keep personal things These few words reveal something about Mary

personal. that

Stuart's spirit

worth sharing, however, not only for the sake of her children

is

and grandchildren, but also

woman's

faith

as a

model

how

for others of

gave her the courage to accept her

own

this

young

mortality so

serenely.

When

the house was just about finished,

we took her over

threshold in a wheelchair. She never got to live in

had lapsed into fifteen.

I

a

it.

the

Within days, she

coma. The boys were ages seven, eight, thirteen, and

—

never told them she was dying

a

mistake

I

now profoundly

regret.

Most cot

in

some

nights while

her room. rest in

One

my own

Mary

Stuart was in the hospital,

evening, however, bed.

The

I

went home

I

had slept on

for a

a

shower and

hospital called during the night and

"WORK HARD. STUDY... AND KEEP OUT OF said,

come over

"You'd better

breathing heavily.

I

When

here."

held her in

my

sound, and

a little

hours later

at 11:00 a.m.,

sixteen years.

He

like to think

February

The boys and

Eight months I file

I

earlier,

his wife

I

there was no

way

on

for his

"Number

him

told

told

loved her. She

she heard me. She died a few

18, 1970.

We

had been married

for

he was vacating to run for the Senate.

when

I

was

could do

I

campaign

their three-year-old daughter died

flattered,

but given

Mary

Stuart's illness,

that.

Stuart died, that

his senatorial

him

I

I

were our good friends and had experienced their own

of leukemia.

Mary

Stuart was

my tennis doubles partner had suggested that

tragedy with cancer in 1953,

After

how much

17

*

were devastated.

I

for the congressional seat

and

Mary

arrived,

I

arms, only the two of us, and

her what a wonderful wife she'd been and

made

POLITICS!"

same friend suggested

to take

my mind

my

off

that

grief.

work

I

thanked

I

concern and said there were two problems with that

one,

I

don't

know anything about

politics,

and number two,

I'm a Democrat."

He

We did, i's

"We can

chuckled.

and he put

and crossed the

Still,

take care of that second problem."

me

and we carried the county but

t's,

from that time forward,

linked with the candidate, I first

met the man

I

was hooked on

he moved

his family (Barbara

y

22

+

I

A

M

I

A

S

BAKER.

.

Susan was Catholic and divorced, the Episcopal

that May. Because (

Ihurch to which

us.

man of God and

Lancaster, a real

ceremony

in the chapel.

lunch

Only Susan and

church to share our surprise. Both It

was

a

The min-

wonderful guy, performed I

were present

—no family

We had conspired to bring Susan's mother in from Danbury at my mother's house. We went there directly from the

or friends. tor

belonged (and served on the vestry) refused to marry

Fortunately; Dad's church, First Presbyterian, was willing.

ister, Jack

the

I

Ill

a different story

moms were

with the seven kids.

ecstatic.

They were shocked. To

them, the suddenness and secrecy of our marriage were close to fam-

We

ily treason.

made

the job of blending our families

circumstances

—much

tougher.

we succeeded.

heroic efforts,

Our

should have prepared them in advance.

—

difficult

enough

failure

in the best

took a while, but thanks to Susan's

It

My four (Jamie, Mike, John,

and Doug)

and her three (Elizabeth, Bo, and Will) soon became our seven.

added Mary Bonner teen grandchildren.

seven years old

was

We

lost

to

is

this writing,

one of Jamie's

Susan and

girls

us,

and her

in a neighbor's

our time with those we

have seven-

pool in 2002. She I

treasure the

reminded us again how pre-

love.

At the time of our marriage, Participating in George's

loss

I

We

—sweet Graeme, only

our family from God. Susan and

seven years she was with cious

At

—when she drowned

on loan

a gift

in 1977.

of

I

was an acknowledged Republican.

campaign

for the Senate

had awakened

a

sense of adventure and high challenge that was missing from the daily practice of law. 1

I

wasn't ready to quit the practice or run for office, but

was ready for something different. After the election, party leaders

asked

me

to

become

This was, party,

I

I

knew

state finance 7 ,

chairman.

a thankless job. In trying to raise

money

would be competing against committees seeking funds

for the for

two

popular reelection candidates, President Nixon and Senator Tower. (Candidate

money

is

considerably easier to raise than party money,

particularly tor a party as I

accepted

1

had

to start

weak

as the

somewhere.

Texas

GOP was back then. Still,

"WORK HARD. STUDY... AND KEEP OUT OF Actually "somewhere" was everywhere.

many

Austin and

volunteers around the

I

had

state,

POLITICS!"

a small

but

I

spent

*

23

paid staff in

many

a

day

driving to fund-raisers around our huge state and to party meetings in the capital. That's

how

I

who had been

Armstrong,

got to

first

know Senator Tower and Anne

counselor for President Nixon and vice

a

chairman of the Republican National Committee. In 1972,

Nixon

also coordinated the

I

reelection effort in the

fourteen-county Gulf Coast area of Texas. At George Bush's request, I

organized a fund-raiser, and without using notes, the president gave

a magnificent tour d'horizon

on foreign

while speaking, but was clearly the event.

I

remember

We met

his

ill

at ease in face-to-face

handshake

I

on campaign

spectful of him, but

strategies I

find

it

meetings

at

was in the Reagan and

Bush administrations, and he periodically wrote gestions

comfortable

as brief, formal, perfunctory.

number of other times when

a

He seemed

policy.

and foreign

me

with sug-

letters

affairs. I

was always re-

hard to forgive him for betraying the

country in the Watergate scandal.

He lied to the American people, and

with the release of his tapes in later years, his reputation

fell

lower and

lower.

Watergate was traumatic, but in

a

way it demonstrated the

strength

and resilience of our system. The president's malfeasance was discovered, and within a relatively short time,

gone.

I

wish we had

their foresight, that,

just

One

history's

measure, he was

declared victory, thanked the Founders for

and moved on. Unfortunately, we tried to

though imperfect

broken.

by

thing

we

(as all

fix a

system

systems are and forever will be), wasn't

got in return was a generation of unaccountable

independent counsels who investigated and attempted to criminalize every political controversy,

a

dreadful idea that was finally allowed to

die a well-deserved death in 1999.

Nixon

also betrayed the

worked hard

Republican Party and

for him, taken his claims

defended him

in the early

of innocence

all

of us

who had

at face value,

months of the scandal. He cost the

and

party, as

well as the nation, a great deal. After Watergate, Republicans suffered

24

*

JAMES

right after

and

BAKER.

bloodbath.

a political

me

A.

Ill

will

I

you

know what they were

Nixon announced he was

it. I

told

him he

talking about.

The

resigning, Jamie called and said, "I told

But I'm proud to be an American, because the system worked."

so.

When giving

eldest son, Jamie, telling

Watergate broke that Nixon was behind

his hippie friends didn't

night

my

never forget

up

I

was secretary of the treasury, Nixon wrote

his

me to say he was

taxpayer-supported secret service protection and would

henceforth assume the cost personally. That was a noble thing to do.

He deserves credit for opening relations with China, his serious efforts to disengage I

from Vietnam with honor, and other accomplishments, but

think his achievements will forever be overshadowed by the fact that

he

is

the only president

In 1973,

cloud),

has had to resign the office in disgrace.

when Vice President

went instead

to

Agnew

Spiro

George Bush was on the short

tion that

man

who

list

resigned (also under a

to replace

him

as

VP, a posi-

Gerald Ford. At the time, George was chair-

of the Republican National Committee. Before

served as our ambassador to the United Nations.

Some

that,

he had

say he would

have preferred that President Nixon name him treasury secretary instead of sending

disappointment

him

—

to the

United Nations, but

Nixon

to George's

former Texas Governor John

that job was given to

Connally, a Democrat and a

—much

favorite.

When Nixon resigned on August 9, 1974, Vice President Ford took the oath of office as president. A poll of Republican officeholders put George on the top of the

list

to replace

Ford

others, sent a telegram to Ford extolling

sidered

George but chose Nelson

head our delegation

During different.

in

this period,

decided

The excitement of

it

One was

enthusiasm.

work ethic grounded also taught habits

I

I

I,

along with

my friend's virtues.

left for

many

Ford con-

George was asked

to

Beijing in 1974.

was time for

politics

lacked Washington experience, but

VP.

Rockefeller.

China, and he I

as

made me

me

to

do something

restless as a lawyer.

had several things going

I

for me.

was ready for new challenges. Another was a

in the Five Ps.

My

father and the Marines had

of personal discipline that expressed themselves

— "WORK HARD, STUDY ...AND KEEP OUT OF both in in

my

and

In addition,

me

Harry Jones had taught

Point

1,

Point

—

my

to organize

my

in

To

this day,

my

thoughts and

prove useful. (More about that

getting outdoors as

As tice

much

Department, where

I

I

staff that

was blessed with good

jobs,

you, and almost always

good word.

in a

however, you don't

My interview with

Attorney General Richard Kleindienst, scheduled for April

admitted

it).

The timing

ment

at

later, I

30, 1973,

good word from George Bush (although he never couldn't have been worse. Kleindienst re-

signed that same day, a casualty of Watergate.

few weeks

would

to serve as assistant attorney general

someone with clout has put

a

had also

hoped

calls

came courtesy of

lists

choice for public service was the Jus-

White House; the White House

after

make

first

such

the

I

prioritize

as possible.

in charge of the civil division. In seeking call

25

always tried to preserve by exercising and

I

my

a lifetime lawyer,

later.) Finally, I

and

labors.

developed certain ways of dealing with colleagues and

health and stamina, which

*

professional work.

to organize

work, to focus on what was achievable. 2

-

shoes, neat suits, moderation

personal behavior

eating, drinking,

my

—polished spending— and

POLITICS!

Goodbye

interview.

A

got a nibble about serving as the head of enforce-

the Environmental Protection Agency, but

Two years passed.

I

was

still

in

Houston,

I

wasn't interested.

practicing law, raising

still

seven children with Susan in the house on Greentree. But, having a close friend playing in the Big

was growing ever more In

Game

of politics and public service,

restless.

June 1975 another opportunity presented

George,

I

suspect,

I

itself.

Again, thanks to

was being considered for a high-level position.

with Rogers Morton,

who had

recently replaced Fred

Dent

I

he would

Morton was looking

feel comfortable.

for a

Morton

—

number-two person with

a gentle giant

—interviewed

House.

A

some being pushed by

few days passed. Nothing.

own

whom

from Kentucky,

wonderful man, and an outstanding public servant candidates for the spot, including

met

as secretary

of commerce. Cabinet members are generally allowed to pick their deputies, and

I

the

a

several

White

26

*

I

ing

IAMES

A.

BAKER,

I

I

I

was on Interstate 10 between San Antonio and Houston, return-

home from

ing in with

my

Morton had

picking some of our kids up at office

from

called me.

merce of the United restaurant.

To

a

summer camp. Check-

roadside restaurant,

learn

States

my fate,

from

a

I

I

learned that Rogers

called the secretary of

pay phone outside

com-

a Stuckey's

—

TWO GOBBLERS

AND

pretty long way from

It's a

tween San Antonio and Houston

—not

myself in mid-April 1976

HENS"

on

a Stuckey's

to the

Oval

Interstate 10 be-

Office, but there

I

from the president

just sitting across

of the United States, but offering him advice. Nine months

Rogers Morton had brought

—

commerce

the

me

to

Washington

number-two position

found

as

earlier,

under secretary of

in the department.

Now,

Presi-

dent Ford and Ronald Reagan were in the middle of a close, contentious battle for the Republican presidential nomination. to the

the

White House

to tell the president that his

upcoming primary

Secretary of State

House

in

had come

chances of winning

my home state could increase dramatically if

Henry Kissinger

refrained from briefing the

White

press before departing on a diplomatic tour of Africa.

The May on March

16,

1

Texas primary could be

I

pivotal. In the Illinois contest

Ford had soundly beaten Reagan to take

lead in the delegate count.

whom

I

There was speculation

had met only once, four years earlier

race. "He'll survive until Texas," said

manager, "but

if

John

he loses there, he's out."

a

commanding

that the challenger

— might drop out of

Sears, Reagan's

the

campaign

28

JAMES

*

BAKER.

A.

Ill

Kissinger was a carryover from the

Nixon administration, and

President Ford relied on him to maintain a steady course for U.S. foreign policy in the aftermath of Watergate and Vietnam. In 1976,

who viewed

however, he became a target of unhappy conservatives his policy

of detente with the Soviet Union

were concerned about losing the

as

appeasement, who

and who opposed

U.S. military superiority,

Panama Canal Treaty and other

initiatives.

Reagan repeatedly ac-

cused the secretary of state of taking a defeatist posture toward the Soviet Union, of believing that the "day of the U.S. is

the day of the Soviet Union," of "giving away our

comes from the

restoration of

Texas Republicans ate

it

before leaving, to

make

When I

can't

do

back home,

I

or retreat.

superiority."

two-week tour of Africa

in late

learned that he planned to brief the press

this."

the primary was guaranteed to

"Why

a

called Ford's chief of

I

win Texas, you

tives

American military

freedoms."

up.

Kissinger was scheduled to April and early May.

own

come from weakness

Real peace, Reagan argued, "does not It

past and today

is

staff,

Dick Cheney.

Putting Kissinger on the

stir

"If

you want

air just

before

the political blood of the conserva-

explained.

don't you

come over

to the

"Mr. President, I'm talking to you

White House?" Dick suggested.

now

as a

Texan,"

I

said after be-

ing seated in the Oval Office. "This would be devastating in the lead-

up

to the primary."

The

president was rarely without his pipe. "Well, Jim"

— puff "Henry's done an extraordinarily good job" — "and

I

think

it's

important that he

our foreign policy"

—

tell

puff, puff, puff.

the nation.

I

puff, puff,

puff, puff, puff

very important to

"And you know, Jim," he added,

"the thinking Republicans will understand

"Mr. President,"

It's

—

my

position on this."

replied, "with respect to this issue, there are

no

thinking Republicans in Texas right now." Kissinger's pre-Africa press appearance with the president's bless-

ing was probably one of several reasons six delegates in

Texas and regained

that the president

had

tried to eat a

his

why

Tlfeagan

momentum.

swept It

all

ninety-

also didn't help

tamale in San Antonio without

first

"WORK HARD. STUDY... AND KEEP OUT OF removing

—

corn-husk wrapper

its

headlines across the servative

state.

Shortly before the primary,

to leave I

in the

won

I

GOP primary. How bad was be

in his bid to

a

it?

Ford delegate.

accompanied the president on

Commerce to work full-time in the campaign. One week

a

me

the flight back to Washington, he asked

assumed the position of deputy chairman

My

29

*

gastronomical gaffe that

a

Even Senator John Tower was defeated

On

-

Or that nothing in Texas law prevented con-

Democrats from voting

swing through Texas.

POLITICS!

later,

for delegate operations.

camp and

job was to keep Ford delegates in the candidate's

to

win support from uncommitted delegates to the Republican National Convention

in August.

I

took over the duties of Jack

Stiles, Ford's

who had

time friend and congressional campaign manager,

long-

died in a

car crash earlier that month.

symbolism and pres-

In public service, titles are important for both tige,

but they do not necessarily reflect the importance of your duties

how much

or

whom

they have the most confidence, regardless of

these are the people

and

upon the people

influence you have. Presidents rely

who have been

women who worked

elections. That's

more

cabinet with the White

why

House

—

in the

title.

in the trenches with

Generally,

them

campaigns and helped win

prestigious titles

—men

difficult

some members of

often to the dismay of

in

the

—campaign workers who move

to

most important advisers

to

staff are frequently the

the chief executive.

Jockeying for post-election influence begins during the campaign. Titles tend to denote status, and higher-ups in a successful

can expect to get better jobs in an administration.

The

campaign

organization

had several deputy chairmen, each with different responsibilities, but it

was

a prestigious title. Still, at first

paign hand, a delegate hunter.

merce. As

Rog Morton's

(and after he

left,

my

tled

th> r

desk. Little did

on the

floor

alter

I

felt

that

I

was

just

would have preferred ego and stand-in

acting secretary of

enjoyed dealing with

on

I

I

commerce

at

another cam-

to stay at

Com-

cabinet meetings

for several months),

I

interesting and important issues that landed

know

that the

nomination

fight

would be

set-

of the convention and that the fortunes of Gerald

30

+

)AMES

RAKER.

A.

II!

Ford and Ronald Reagan eventually rest on

But remaining

(

PFC),

who won at

a title that

Baker, to a certain extent

—would

the uncommitteds.

Commerce was

named Rog

already

—and Jim

The

not an option.

president had

chairman of the President Ford Committee

as

^reflect Rog's power.

He was in

charge of the entire

campaign. At Commerce, we had worked well together and liked each other.

could

Now

And even

place?

if

Back inJune in

me on you

I

could have,

1975,

China. "Bake,"

it

to the

I

I

"I just

in the first

could not say no to the president.

received a letter from

began,

George Bush, then

got a call from

one and Morton would be good to work

George was

right

for in

my

on both counts. Rog was

still

Rog Morton querying

under secretary of commerce. The job could be

for

How

PFC.

man who had brought me to Washington

say no to the

I

me

he asked the president to reassign

a

good

opinion."

a terrific boss, as big-

hearted as he was big in stature. Before coming to

Commerce, he had

served ten years as a congressman from Maryland, two years as chair

of the Republican National Committee, and four years as secretary of the interior.

Although

moved from 1975,

1

was Rog's

I

Interior to

first

when he

choice for under secretary

Commerce

at

May

President Ford's request in

was not necessarily the White House's. Reasoning that the ap-

pointment of

a

Reagan supporter

to the

number-two spot

at

Com-

merce might win points with conservatives, Don Rumsfeld, then

White House chief of

staff,

lobbied

Rog

to offer the job to

Banowsky, president of Pepperdine University

committeeman from

national

straight to President

My

visit

in

an even

the top job James's.

No

at

said,

As

I

understand

"No, Baker's the one

I

it,

and

GOP

Rog went

want."*

with the president before the Texas primary was not

'Soon alter taking didacy

Ford and

California.

in California

William

office,

the Ford administration tried to head off a possible Reagan can-

more dramatic

Commerce

luck.

my

fashion,

by offering the former California governor

or Transportation, or the ambassadorship to the Court of

St.

-WORK HARD. STUDY... AND KEEP OUT OF first.

Several months after

into

my

we

and

office

Rog

got there,

instructed

come

"Jim, I

me

how

Oval

to wait outside the

*

31

head

When

Office. Five

busied myself reading. Finally the door opened.

I

in here for a minute,"

don't care

his

go over to the White House."

said, "Jim, let's

or ten minutes passed.

Rog poked

arrived in Washington,

I

POLITICS!"

Rog

said.

how much you

old you are or

complished, walking into the Oval Office for the

—

time, for that matter

to

think you have ac-

time

first

—

meet the president of the United

or any-

States

is

a

heady and humbling experience.

The door was

held open by a

man some ten years my junior, but far

—Dick Cheney, Rumsfeld's successor and

senior in the pecking order

the youngest

behind

White House chief of

Rog

his desk.

sat in a

moment. He motioned

the

chief of staff

is

me

giving

Rog introduced me

staff in history.

nearby

for

me

President Ford sat

chair. Dick's chair

to take

and

it,

thought, "Golly, the

I

his seat."

to the president,

who

we're certainly glad to have you on board."

said

We

something

exchanged

pleasantries and then discussed an issue of the day.

what

it

was, but

I

their seats.

And

First impressions

policy

sown

remembers who

count for

taught

me

is

I

remember It's

a small

staff,

in

came

I

to learn,

Washington,

as

long

is

as

the boss. I

have

We do not always agree on

the seeds of our long-lasting friendship were

That friendship extends

everything

"Jim,

few more

Washington. Dick and

in several administrations.

—who does?—but

that day.

a lot in

can't

I

like,

Washington, D.C., don't give

in

most powerful person

the holder of that office

a

gracious Dick was.

White House chief of

the

potentially the second

worked together

how

men and women

thing, but powerful

up

never forget

will

was empty for

know about

far

beyond Washington. Dick

fly-fishing,

and

I

still

don't

know

half of what he knows.

Dick

is

an extremely bright, no-nonsense guy.

President George

and

W Bush,

to President Ford.

He

just as

he was to the

first

is

very loyal to

President Bush

understands that the people

there and take the risks and put their elected are the ones

He

who have

name on

who go out

the ballot and get

the right to exercise power.

32

JAMES

*

When

I

RAKER.

A.

Ill

was nominated for the position

Houston Chronicle that

I

hoped

Commerce,

at

to help ease the

particularly small businesses. President Ford had

lawyer for eighteen years,

a business

I'd

told the

problems that "govern-

ment regulations and bureaucratic red tape" caused

As

I

seen

for businesses,

made

many

this a priority.

of those prob-

lems, such as the need to provide duplicate reports to different gov-

ernment agencies. "In some is

totally appropriate."

I

areas,"

added, "governmental regulation

I

The

believe that.

still

trick

to find the right

is

balance, and that's never easy.

After

I

was confirmed by the Senate, Susan and

seven children

moved

and Mike,

nell,

his senior year

my

to

Washington. Jamie,

my

first

I

and

five

of our

son, was at

Cor-

second, chose to stay in Houston to complete

of high school and keep his place on the school foot-

team.

ball

Mike was

a gifted athlete,

the star of the Bush-Baker family foot-

games (Turkey Bowls) we played

ball

Day.

The

after

lunch every Thanksgiving

other kids nicknamed him Conrad Dobler, after a tough of-

fensive lineman ("I only bit

one guy!")

for the St. Louis Cardinals.

Mike's football coach and family stayed with him in the Baker house

on Greentree.*

Washington was (and

still is)

largely a one-industry town, but if

own our

you're in

power

house

Houston, we lived in the northwest section of the District

a

in

it's

a great place to live.

house rented from Alex Hufty.

While continuing

to

in

We might have preferred to enroll the

kids in public school, but the system in the District at that time was in

bad shape. As

on

tions

a result

a salary that

we found

ourselves paying for private educa-

was considerably lower than what

I

had earned

at

Andrews Kurth. I

am

not looking for sympathy.

'Mike has made oilfield

his career with

equipment and

services.

It's

bad form to ask for

Smith International,

He

also took

a

I

then

major Houston-based supplier of

on the extraordinarily

ing two children as a single parent, something

a job,

don't think

I

difficult task

could have done.

of rear-

"WORK HARD. STUDY... AND KEEP OUT OF complain about the

life in

and

fic

nomic and

a

For one thing, the quality in

Houston

when they come

much-needed

on

ranch

a

—

less traf-

owned

I

Susan

to Washington. Fortunately,

because about that

in a better position than most, in part

time, an oil play

33

But many public servants make genuine eco-

less pollution.

were

I

benefits.

Washington back then was better than

sacrifices

*

of your paycheck. In addition, public service

many important nonfinancial

offers

of

size

POLITICS!"

South Texas provided us with

in

financial boost.

In Houston, our social

life

was organized around get-togethers

with lifelong friends. In Washington, a city based on power and the

we found

perception of power, true friendships.

You

it

more

difficult to establish as

are extremely busy with your

work and,

many

further,

you can never be certain whether people are attracted by your personality

and character or by your

lic officials

the people

this:

to

receive,

it's

title.

With

all

the attention ranking pub-

hard to stay grounded. But you can be sure of

who wouldn't return your phone

Washington damn well won't return them

Without

a circle

of old friends

like

calls

before you went

you go home.

after

we had back home, we

those

enjoyed far fewer backyard barbeques and endured far more functions

—where protocol determines almost

tion at the table for an official

formal private party)

is

official

everything. Your posi-

luncheon or dinner (or for that matter

determined by your position

a

in the govern-

ment, and people pay attention to whether you are seated above the salt

or below

it.

Cabinet and subcabinet

officials get invited to far

more of these

dinners and receptions than they can possibly attend. If you want to get

your work done

all

case

—you have

Of

six

work

Commerce,

I

is

a difference.

"eyes only"

I

a half

no

days a week

asked two of

my

me some

A

few weeks

my

after

I

ar-

top assistants, Frank Hodsoll

ideas for initiatives that might

offer the following excerpts

memorandum

at the office in

to the parties.

what's important.

and Jim Goyette, to present

make

and

to learn to say

course, the

rived at

—

because they express

a

from the resulting

guiding principle of

34

)AMES

+

A.

BAKER.

Ill

policymaking: don't do anything without being aware of

its

political

impact, especially during an election cycle. Frank and Jim listed factors to consider in choosing initiatives.

The

first

two are most

five

in-

structive:

1.

Interest in

and usefulness of these actions

government

and

(c)

other

officials.

Public visibility and political impact of these actions.

At Commerce,

I

quickly learned that the power

game

is

continu-

being played between departments within the executive branch.

ally

To

terms of good

to (a) the president, (b) the secretary,

key administration 2.

in

illustrate,

I

have one word:

textiles.

In 1976, the State

argued for the unlimited import of Chinese States.

textiles into the

United

This policy would further former President Nixon's (and Sec-

retary of State Kissinger's) earlier effort to ple's

Department

Republic, State argued.

open the door

to the

Peo-

True enough. But the administration

believed that our country's best economic interest was to pursue a

more balanced approach textile

Ford states

that contained

manufacturers. Clearly,

it

some protection

for

domestic

was also in the best interest of the

political operation to avoid alienating the textile

manufacturing

where important primaries between the president and Reagan

loomed.

March

In late

the president flew to San Francisco to address the

American Textile Manufacturers speech was sent for State and

comment

Institute.

draft of his

to interested departments, including

Commerce. At Commerce we were happy with language

allay the manufacturers' fears that

flood

An advance

cheaper Chinese

American markets. The president intended

committed

"to ensure that

our domestic market

textiles

to

would

to say that he was

is

not seriously dis-

rupted."

While we expected State

to lobby for the

the department had not weighed in

removal of that language,

when Ford took

off for California.

"WORK HARD. STUDY... AND KEEP OUT OF At

a

meeting of the Economic Policy Board, Bob

POLITICS!"

Ingersoll, the

35

*

deputy

secretary of state, had simply said that he didn't have the secretary's

A master at playing the power

position yet. This was vintage Kissinger.

who

game, he knew that he that he

would

minute

—when

speaks

last

often speaks loudest.

try to get the problematic sentence it

would be too

day of the president's

flight,

removed

I

figured

at

the last

late for us to offer a rebuttal.

my suspicion was

On

the

confirmed by Bob Hor-

mats, an international economics specialist with the National Security

Council. Kissinger planned to place a call to the president on Air

Force One, Bob I

said.

quickly called

Cheney on

He

the plane.

told

me

that Kissinger

had already called and that the president had tentatively decided to

my

remove the sentence. After hearing that time, politics should

dent to restore

trump

argument, Dick agreed that

policy,

at

and he persuaded the presi-

it.

A few days later, met Kissinger I

partment function. "Ah," he said

—

for the

time

first

—

at a State

in that distinctive voice

of

his,

De"so

you're Textile Baker." I

guess that was better than being called "Goodbye-Kissinger

Baker." In early April, the

campaign asked

me

to attend a fund-raising

event in Oklahoma, another important primary state where Reagan

was strong. After

would have

if

my

presentation,

Ford won

in

was asked what role Kissinger

I

November.

We were at a wealthy contributor's that

no media were present, but

just to

off the record, not for publication. that Kissinger

As

it

would serve

home. be

It

safe,

then said

I

in the next

my understanding declared my remarks

was I

it

was hard to imagine

Ford administration.

turned out, reporters were present from both the Oklahoma

Journal and the Daily Oklahoman. As Denise Donoho, a reporter for the Journal later wrote me,

"We honored your

request of confidence and

apparently the Daily Oklahoman did not."

When

I

returned to Washington,

I

was not aware of

this.

Nor was

I

aware that Rog, now President Ford's campaign manager, had made

H)

(AMES

+

BAKER.

A.

Ill

similar remarks in California.

Our unorchestrated comments had put

the administration on the defensive and forced the president's press

Ron Nessen,

secretary,

media

to tell the

that the president was not try-

ing to ease Kissinger out of office.

After a

ceremony

in the

White House Rose Garden,

I

finally

learned what had happened. "Before you leave the White House, stick

your head

in

Mr. Cheney's

The wire

retary.

featuring

my

furious,

This was last.

services had picked

up the Daily Oklahomans

me

the clips.

Cheney

my

first

The

State

Department and the secretary

reported.

major blunder on the

job. It

could have been

as far

ing order as the under secretary of commerce. sorry

I

was. "Don't worry," he laughed. "Just

called the secretary

me

my

Presidents should never be forced to explain or correct the state-

ments of those who serve them, particularly one

I

story

speculation about Kissinger's future, and a solemn chief

of staff showed

were

Nell Yates, the president's sec-

office," said

—but only

after

I

and begged

make

his forgiveness,

had properly groveled

it

the peck-

Cheney how

told

I

right with Henry."

which he kindly gave

my

in

down

apology to him.

Why did Cheney treat me so gently? later learned that the White House had been impressed by my role in helping the president avoid I

a potentially big political

household phrase:

Common tiple

gal. In

common

at a job site

at the site.

December

by

a labor

union of mul-

because of the union's grievances against

Under

federal labor laws,

1975, however, Congress

—

its

it is

generally

job sites.

make

it

easier for the unions to shut

Now the president had

to decide

Within forty-eight hours of the

dum

to

Rog Morton and

bill's

a letter to Jim

bill.

My

—

passed leg-

down multi-employer

whether to sign or

passage,

I

wrote

a

veto.

memoran-

Lynn, director of the Office of

Management and Budget, explaining why president to veto the

ille-

ranks of Democrats

swollen by the post- Watergate midterm election of 1974 islation to

a

situs picketing.

situs picketing is the picketing

employers

one employer

problem with an issue that was hardly

it

eleven-point

was imperative for the

memo

to Rog,

which

I

"WORK HARD, STUDY... AND KEEP OUT OF knew would be forwarded problems with the

tive

*

37

White House, outlined the substan-

to the

bill.

POLITICS!"

For instance,

it

would

"strike hardest at

small business and nonunion craftsmen and contractors, particularly minorities,"

I

But

said.

I

also laid out the political implications, with

point one being this fairly blunt warning: "A failure to veto will be posuicide as far as the nomination

litical

On January hoped

is

concerned."*

1976, the president vetoed the legislation. "I had

3,

would provide

that this bill

a resolution for the special

prob-

lems of labor-management relations in the construction industry and

would have the support of

mism

in this regard

all

parties,"

he explained.

was unfounded." This was the

"My earlier opti-

first

veto he ever ex-

Labor John Dunlop was so disappointed that he

ercised. Secretary of

resigned and returned to his teaching post at Harvard.

When

should a public

ences in policy? This differently.

One

of

is

official leave

obviously a question each person might answer

my predecessors

1980 after Jimmy Carter authorized ican hostages in Iran.

but he also

failed),

an administration over differ-

at State,

Cyrus Vance, resigned

a military

operation to free

in

Amer-

Vance not only disapproved of the plan (which

(justifiably)

believed he had been ignored in the

decision-making process. President Carter had made the determination after

meeting with other

his national security adviser,

Zbigniew Brzezinski,

advisers, principally

while Vance was away for the weekend in

Florida.

Although I

was

at

I

Treasury or

—when you

so

tration asks

T

was not alone

He

bill.

me

and

I

can't in

you

in

State, there are times

call for a veto. Bill

I

I

like

it is

appropriate to do

a policy the

in

adminis-

Vance, you are not con-

Simon, the treasury secretary, also opposed the

deputy. that

The

president declined to do

wing of the

party.

tune ideologically.

so. Bill

to let

was

a

Those conser\ati\cs who

was too moderate to serve President Reagan always ignored

were

when

were on the same wavelength so often that he once asked the president

Commerce and serve as his conservative, much admired by

thought

when,

to carry out, or

my

when

good conscience support

leave

true

and

never came close to resigning over a policy issue

Bill's

sense that he

18

*

IAMBS

A.

BAKER.

Ill

you do choose

suited about a significant issue in your portfolio. If

way

that

president and his administration.

The

you should do

resign,

you the chance

it

in a

is

to

the least detrimental to the

president, after

has given

all,

to serve.

At Commerce,

I

briefly

worked under someone involved

one of

in

the most spectacular cabinet resignations in history, Elliot Richardson.

became commerce secretary on February

Elliot

time,

Rog moved

White House

to the

the president on domestic and ident Ford

noted, he

as a

economic

1976.

2,

At the same

cabinet-rank counsellor to

issues

and

liaison to the Pres-

Committee and the Republican National Committee. As

would

later

become

Ford's

campaign chairman.

Immediately before replacing Rog, Elliot had been our ambassador United Kingdom. Before

to the

that, the

Harvard-educated attorney

served as secretary of health, education and welfare, secretary of defense,

and

—most famously—attorney

he became the

first

victim of the "Saturday Night Massacre" in Octo-

ber 1973

when he chose to

order to

fire

Elliot

tolerate as

resign rather than to obey President Nixon's

the Watergate special prosecutor, Archibald Cox.

was

a

wonderful man. This Boston Brahmin

more than one drink

genuine.

general. In that latter position,

—

—who

couldn't

wasn't as earthy as Rog, but he was just

He once said that Washington

was

of cocker spaniels,

a city

meaning people who would rather be petted and admired than wield power.

Maybe we

He

it

off because he

knew I would

rather wield power.

was extraordinarily bright, so cerebral that he was sometimes

difficult to

wrote

hit

a

understand.

He

book called The

often

seemed

to talk in riddles. In 1976, he

Creative Balance: Government,

dividual in Americas Third Century.

tried to read

I

Politics,

and the In-

it

but found

a

blood sport, featur-

it

too es-

oteric to finish. Politics, as the

saying goes,

ain't

ing raw emotion and gutfighting. advantage, but

some have been

stump

for President Ford,

The

It's

intellectual

successful. Elliot

considered himself too refined for tant to

beanbag.

retail politics

whom

is

often at a dis-

was one.

He

never

and was never reluc-

he obviously admired.

WORK HARD. I

worked with

AND KtEP OUT

STUDY...

Elliot for only three

reluctantly, for the

PFC. The

offices

OF POLITICS!'

months before

left

I

that will get

the

its

A

3

of our campaign headquarters

well-run campaign spends

9

Commerce,

Eighteenth and L Streets were small and poorly furnished, should have been.

*

money on

as

at

they

the things

candidate elected, like television, not on amenities for

staff.

At the PFC,

I

Secretary of the

reported directly to Rog,

Army Bo

Callaway

PFC.

chairman. In the weeks be-

as

tween Callaway's departure and Rog's

for presidential candidate

cemented

chestrate Reagan's

had made

a

name

Nelson Rockefeller

when he and

his reputation in 1966,

Stu Spencer ran the

arrival,

Stu, a first-rate political consultant,

working

who had succeeded former

win over Pat Brown

Bill

in

for himself

1964 and had

Roberts helped or-

for the California governor-

ship.

Stu also worked on Reagan's successful campaign for reelection in 1970, but in

September 1975, he joined the Ford

effort. In time,

appointed deputy chairman for political organization

—

he was

the chief po-

litical strategist.

Stu was political, but he was not politic. At one point, he told Ford,

"Mr. President, as a campaigner, you're no fucking good."

dent was taken aback, but laughed Jack

Stiles,

my

predecessor

rectly to Stu.

Although Stu and

port to him.

Initially, this

however,

we I

up

I

a

presi-

it off.

delegate hunter, had reported di-

worked closely

together,

I

did not re-

source of tension. As time went on,

forged a strong relationship.

When came ing

was

as

The

to the

delegates, so

I

PFC,

tracked

there was no how-to manual on round-

down some good

delegate hunters from

past campaigns and picked their brains. Clif White,

who engineered

Barry Goldwater's remarkable drive for the Republican presidential

nomination

in 1964,

and Dick Kleindienst, Nixon's man

in 1968,

were

the most helpful. Clif's advice

went something

like this:

thing you can about these delegates.

"You want

to learn every-

What makes them

tick.

What

are

I

their interests

W

hat issues are important to them.

commit

them

Who

are the per-

then you want to get them

to Ford, if possible in a public way, not just tell you,

You want them

there.'

And

important to them.

sonalities that are

to

II

to char

it

would be embarrassing

moving to the

PFC

for

White and Kleindienst

.

my conver-

and based largely on I

Roy Hughes,

sent Rog, Stu. and

the deputy chairman for administration, a six-page, single-spaced

orandum

be

_

Five davs after sations with

nailed, so that

'Til

titled

mem-

"Proposed Delegate Management Operation."

"The primary

make

results of the last ten days

likely that the

it

president and Reagan will go to the convention with neither having sufficient delegates for a first-ballot victory,** it

of

turned out. As

nized and implemented.** delegate

—

u

and "uncommiteds.**

I

also offered a plan

headed by

chairman. Each state in the region would also have

official

This

is

a

a

regional

chair,

a

"knowledgeable party politician rather than

who normallv would be a

as

promptly and carefully orga-

to divide the country into eleven regions, each

should be

wronglv.

proposed that we keep dossiers on each

I

"ours.** "theirs.**

—

delegate-hunting operation would be

a result the

importance and needed to be

vital

wrote

I

who

"an" elected

too busy to give us the time required.**

cardinal rule of politics: partv people will

work

their tails

off for a candidate they like: elected officials have divided loyalties their

own

come

careers always

first

and too many other demands on

their time. In the

memo.

or three times a

I

urged that the chairmen update the campaign two

week on the

status of delegates in their region, that

the president set aside twenty to thirtv minutes a day to call targeted delegates, and that

we schedule caucuses with

keep them "informed, plugged can happen to

a politician

"The next worst thing tion

is

is

is

in,

and

delegations in order to

rired up."

"The worst thing

not to have someone to talk

not to

know what

is

going on.

to.**

I

that

wrote.

Communica-

the answer to bot:

enty-nine states selected their delegates through primaries.

"

'WORK HARD, STUDY... AND KM!' OUT OF

POLITICS'

while twenty-one chose them at state conventions. In gates

would come

The magic number

to Kansas City.

41

+

2,259 dele-

all,

for the

nomina-

tion was 1,130.

The

race seesawed back and forth. After Reagan took Texas to put

himself back in contention, Ford

still

Wins

led 232-183.

Georgia, and Alabama gave Reagan a brief lead, but by

in Indiana,

May

25, the

count was Ford 732, Reagan 530, uncommitted 184. Ford stayed ahead through the end of the primary season on June

8.

By

then, however,

only eleven of the twenty-one state conventions had been held, and

Reagan was better organized

on July

16, the

New

in most. After the final state

York Times called

it

conventions

1,102-1,063 for Ford with

ninety-four critical votes uncommitted.

Reagan's campaign manager, John Sears, saw

July

19,

he said

gates, ten tant.

man would come

more than needed. Such

When

clinched,

his

it

differently.

On

to Kansas City with 1,140 dele-

projections, if credible, are

impor-

delegates perceive that one candidate has the nomination

many

Everybody

will flock to his side.

loves a winner. If

we

couldn't

hold those delegates committed to us and win enough of the

uncom-

numbers were even close

Sears's

mitteds, Gerald Ford

to being accurate

would become the

first

and

if

sitting president to fail to

hold his party's nomination since Chester Arthur.

Not too many

drews Kurth law firm

home.

"I

realized

my protege from the Anintroduced me for a speech back

years ago, John Cabaniss, in

Houston,

on one of our spring turkey hunts that Jim Baker was

destined for high office," John said. "There just has to be greatness in a

man

that can distinguish

whether

a

wild turkey you are tracking

gobbler or a hen by closely examining

its

After the laughter stopped, he added:

is

a

"The operative word there

is

droppings.

closely!''

I

didn't hunt delegates for President Ford exactly like wild turkeys,

but almost.

I

began by sending out biographical questionnaires.

Many

4

.>

*

JAMES

A.

BAKIR.

Ill

delegates responded, and

on those who did

we

blanks as best

example, excerpts from

not. Here's an

single-spaced bio

in the

filled

we compiled on

we could

a three-page,

delegate from the South

a

who

eventually committed to Ford.

Engaged

in practice

Citizens Advisory

ber of

of law continuously since 1951. Served on the

Committee

Member

Commerce work

.

.

.

Active in

Cham-

of the Propeller Club of the

x\merican Legion, Young Americans for Freedom.

United States

Has been and probably would torneys

to juvenile court.

named

as federal

like to

continue to be consulted on

judges in [his

state].

at-

Practices extensively in

federal courts.

The biography gate's

also included a detailed

chronology of the dele-

involvement in Republican campaigns and

information about local,

state,

ported. For example: "1961,

activities,

including

and national candidates he had sup-

member Goldwater banquet committee

which sponsored large and successful banquet honoring Senator Goldwater

.

.

.

long before Senator Goldwater was considered

a presidential

candidate."

We also kept a log of our contacts with delegates. In the case of our quarry mentioned above:

—President

6/18/76

sent

him

a

thank you in response to

recommendation on behalf of vacancy on the U.S. 6/22

[a

candidate] for appointment to

for

Ford does not veto the offshore presidential candidate

not go for Ford

of

district court.

—Per Jim Plummer: Will go

will

letter

if

is

oil

Ford on three conditions:

revenue sharing

bill;

If

the vice

not unacceptable (Brooke/Percy); [and

Ford challenges] Louisiana and Mississippi

delegations [for not having] enough blacks, females, and young.

—

6/24

Baker:

He

needs

lots

of attention.

AND

"WORK HARD. STUDY

K

Whether the nomination would go

to

the votes of about 150 swing delegates.

The

ted.

rest

would go

U>

E

OUT OF POIITK V

*

43

Ford or Reagan depended on

Some were

backed either Ford or Reagan but not

uncommit-

truly

The

firmly.

to the outfit that did the best job of corralling

its

contest

own herd

while picking off strays from the other side.

was

It

my job to stalk the uncommitteds.

stalked me, and not always appropriately.

I

Sometimes, however, they

doubt that any of these pols

were Latin majors, but clearly several of them understood the meaning of quid pro quo. If

had taken them up on their proposed

I

well might have been in flagrante

delicto.

Two

deals,

my

examples, and

I

re-

sponses:

[A delegate from Missouri] offered through Peter Roussel [of the

PFC]

uncommitteds

to deliver the

ernor] Kit

Bond

on patronage

if

we would

in the St.

assure

Louis area.

Missouri

in

I

who do

not like [Gov-

them they would have

final

told Roussel not to discuss

it

say

with

[the delegate]

Party people had reported [that

wanted

He called me

a federal job.

a

delegate from Pennsylvania]

and asked for an appointment with

Art Fletcher, [the deputy] assistant to the president fairs].

I

refused to do

In

I

had

all

at least

with their hands out.

I

fore the convention,

I

[for

urban

af-

for him.

it

seventeen questionable contacts with delegates

remember wrote

a

that

number because four weeks be-

memorandum

for the

file

("Improper

Suggestions from Delegates") that listed these incidents and the rest of

them. For instance, his vote if

a

we promised

Commission;

a

eral building

named

sued

who

a

congressman from Colorado hinted we could get to

name him

to the Federal

delegate from the Virgin Islands wanted the after him;

most

for

new

and "a delegate from Brooklyn

public statement saying he would

bids the

Communications

sell his

fed-

... is-

vote to the candidate

it."

While we were scrupulous about making

a

record of improper

4 4

+

|

AM ES

\

BAKER. Ml

.

we were otherwise plenty

suggestions (and rebuffing them), sive.

For instance,

we

and assigned one key person

identified

suader" to approach each targeted delegate. party leader, or even

official, a

a

neighbor

sonal influence to win or hold a

then follow up with

a

phone

call

It

aggres-

as a "per-

might be

public

a

— anyone with enough

per-

commitment. The president would

and, in

some

instances, a face-to-face

meeting.

Candidate Reagan also telephoned and met with key delegates, but

Gerald Ford had

phone

call at

a big

advantage here. Imagine receiving

home from

a state

dinner

the

at

President Ford and the leader of a foreign country.

on July

on board the USS Forrestal'm

1976, as forty

4,

tall

President Ford also met

He

egations.

articulate.

stood

Chevy

celebrating the

New

York Harbor

at

White House with

the

at

these events

entire state del-

—

gracious, humble, and

Chase's Saturday Xight L he impersonation of

the caricature

—

particularly the physical

graceful and athletic man,

onship football teams

him

as a ge-

over doorsteps and big words. Unfortunatelv,

humor

own. Even the slightest misstep was taken

offers

Or

one who actually knew the president ever quite under-

who stumbled

nial dolt

White House with

ships from around the world sailed past.

was impressive

No

personal

the president of the United States, asking for

vour help. Or being invited to

nation's bicentennial

a

who had

as

—took on

a life

more proof

from the pros, was,

played on two national champi-

all

down

bumbler.

in fact, a

President Ford personified

its

that this

the University of Michigan and turned

at

of

that

is

good about America, and he

was comfortable with himself, popular with old friends on both sides of the

aisle in

Congress, admired and respected by his

tive in private sessions

1976?

with delegates. So

The economy and

the pardon of Richard

cipal reasons, but a contributing factor

friendly at a time politics.

The

he spoke.

when

television

president had

When

why

staff,

did he

fail

and effecto

win

Xixon were the

in

prin-

was that he was not television-

had become the nation's window on

a habit

of pausing for several beats before

the red light on a television camera

would come on

WORK HARD. his

cue to

talk

STUDY...

—he would not

AND

start

KEEP CM

POLITICS!

(H

I

45

*

speaking right away. This some-

times gave the mistaken impression that he was struggling to find the right words.

TV-friendly or not,

wonderful, lifelong public servant was ab-

this

solutely the right person at the right time to heal the tergate, to restore America's confidence in

its

wounds of Wa-

government, and to

bring the nation out of that terrible period. Pardoning the disgraced

Nixon on September

8,

The

1974, was the right thing to do.

"could go on and on and on, or someone must write an end to said. "I

have concluded that only

conscience

tells

me

that

it is

tranquility but to use every

I

my

can do

and

that,

if

I

can,

I

scandal it,"

Ford

must.

My

duty not only to proclaim domestic

means

that

I

have to ensure

it."

By doing

the right thing, however, he hurt himself in the polls, the primaries,

and

—

ultimately

The

—

the election.

average American might wonder whether

ting president to entertain delegates at the

it is

proper for

White House,

just as

a sit-

Amer-

icans had concerns about President Clinton's inviting donors to stay

overnight in the Lincoln Bedroom. After one delegation lunched with President Ford, reporters asked

The

who had

paid for the meal. Answer:

president had used personal funds.

Having led presidential campaigns fwe times from 1976 through 1992

—and

for three

tive to these matters.

incumbent presidents

—

The

is

ways took pains to do connection with

tions at the

so.

visits to

government funds

first

In late

official

and the

to follow the law. I

I

wrote, but

it

—were okay

if

We

could not use

was okay for delegates to

official events, "as

al-

meetings or recepat-

long as their presence

nature of the event." Small

like

We

drafted guidelines "in

for "entertainment or political

tend state dinners and other

tie clasps,

June 1976,

have long been sensi-

Washington of delegates."

White House,"

does not alter the

rule, clearly,

I

gifts

—

cuff links,

they were not purchased with

government funds.

summer of

While

I

spent part of the

delegates,

I

spent most of the time at

'76 at the

PFC

White House with

headquarters working the

4

t)

+

A

!

M

A

IS

.

B

A K

Ml

phones and keeping

Ill

.

in daily

contact with regional and state chairmen,

with our "persuaders," and with the delegates themselves. Spencer and I

around the country to meet delegates.

also flew

When cle

New

the convention began, the

York Times published an arti-

about our delegate operation under the headline, "'Miracle Man'

Given Credit

for

Ford Drive." In Kansas City, the campaign picked up

on the headline and gave walkie-talkie network.

I

me

the code

name "Miracle Man"

—from

on the hard I

a

effort

like

team

the del-

for the soft sell

cases."

recognition as

sport,

much

and we had

a

next guy, but delegate hunting

as the

great one —

Pete McPherson, Paul Manafortjudy

and others

—

Others bugged the dele-

a failure into a success

on behalf of Mr. Ford. But they saved Mr. Baker

gates

our

earned that "sobriquet," the Times reported,

by "having turned the most crucial phase of the Ford egate hunt

for

at

ations in the

headquarters, and field.

By

is

-Jackie Fernald, Pete Roussel,

McLennan, Richard Mastrangelo,

many more

the convention,

and

in regional

we had

a

state oper-

tremendous organiza-

tion in place. In politics, organization think.

Texas pols have

a "goat

out

a

a

term

is

much more important

for a disorganized

than people

campaign: they

call

it

rope" (as in roping goats, a figurative term for "chaos"). With-

smoothly functioning presidential campaign apparatus, the chair-

man would be

forced to spend far too

much time

refereeing battles

between players who are on the same team.*

PFC Chairman Rog Morton volving me.

Some background:

did have to referee one battle in-

In 1966,

Godfrey "Budge" Sperling,

a

Washington-based Christian Science Monitor reporter, started hosting breakfasts at

which print reporters met

for freewheeling on-the-

record discussions with political newsmakers. Although Sperling re-

*

Political operatives use a

members of themselves

at

the

cruder term, also involving animals, for

same team spend most of

a

campaign

their time fighting for turf

the expense of their colleagues.

They

—

call that a "rat f

k."

in

which

and promoting

AND

-WORK HARD. STUDY.

K

E I

OU1 OF POLITICS!"

P

*

47

linquished his duties as host in 2001 and retired from journalism in 2005, the breakfasts are In 1976, attend.

1

The

press; this

now

was asked to

talk

a

chance to

But the invitation created

institution.

about the delegate hunt.

was eager to

I

uncommitteds was being played out

battle for the

was

Washington

a

in the

about our operation and delegate count.

talk

a furor within the

campaign. Peter Kaye, head

PFC press operation, strenuously objected to my going. Why? He told me would be eaten alive by the veteran journalists, but suspect the real reason was turf. The PFC press people wanted to of the small

I

I

keep tight control of what was said and by whom, but them.

I

was adamant about going, so

I

took

my

I

didn't report to

case to Rog,

who

gave

his blessing.

The

breakfast not only

credibility.

went smoothly but

The Washington

particularly if

new a

my

you are ill-prepared or untruthful. In

to the Beltway,

I

was not

you

press corps certainly can eat

the campaign, however, no one

our

also contributed to

seemed anxious

to

early days at

devour me.

and

a professional politician,

alive,

I

was

I

came with

decent resume: a successful lawyer in private practice with a good

education

who had done

Maybe

merce.

a respectable job as

they were just giving the

under secretary of com-

new guy

the benefit of the

doubt.

As the summer progressed, however, the major reason that credibility with the press a

delegate unless

was simple: I never lied to them.

we had something from

public statement, for example Credibility

is

—

that

I

that delegate

would support

never claimed

—

a letter

nomination

fight.

or a

my claim.

important in every political campaign, but

sential in the too-close-to-call '76

had

I

it

was es-

Because reporters

saw that the delegate counts we announced were accurate, not speculative,

City.

they could

This

human

say,

"Looks

won support

like Ford's got it," as

for us

(I

believe the

information about delegates also contributed to

media

to Kansas

from some uncommitteds because

nature to side with the winner.

relationship with the

we headed

in the eighties

and

my

it's

way we handled

generally positive

nineties.)

•4cS

+

JAMES

The

BAKL

A.

R,

Ill

other side did not enjoy the same credibility. After Reagan

campaign manager John Sears proclaimed on July 19 that date had 1,140 delegates, later,

reported that

I

The New

in

York Times

Some Ford

accused him of "blowing smoke." Four days

we had picked up

and now counted 1,135 win.

I

his candi-

our column

would

fifteen delegates

—

five

from Hawaii

more than we needed

to

later report:

operatives urged Mr. Baker to use razzle-dazzle to toss

out numbers without names and claim delegates not yet confirmed

and thus create

He

a

momentum

in fiction that

might lead to one

in fact.

refused

Unlike his counterpart in the Reagan campaign, where claims of 1,140 delegates

—

ten over the nomination

—stood

for

weeks without

evidence, Mr. Baker edged along slowly to the magic number, citing three delegates in Virginia or five in Hawaii

names and

— and handing out

their

addresses.

The news media

canvasses invariably confirmed the switches and,

within a few delegates one way or the other, matched the Ford count

and rebutted the Reagan count.

As we "edged along even

if

we

vention.

slowly,"

did reach the magic

By

state law,

didate on the

we knew

number by

some delegates had

first ballot,

that victory was not assured,

the beginning of the con-

to vote for a particular can-

but were free to go their

own ways on

procedural votes and, in some cases, on subsequent ballots for the nomination.

We

figured about twenty first-ballot Ford delegates might

go Reagan's way on procedural matters.

Why was this own

party

is

important? Because unseating a president from your

hard to

justify,

unless he's perceived as a loser. Beating

President Ford on procedural issues, the Reagan team believed, would create doubts in the minds of

uncommitted delegates and some of our

delegates, too. If Gerald Ford can't control his

can he defeat Jimmy Carter in November?

own

convention,

how

WORK HARD. On July

26,

gates by

naming

sylvania.

The

and Reagan's

STUDY...

Reagan made a

a

AND KEEP OUT

OF rO

LI

TICS'

*

49

desperate pitch for these swing dele-

running mate, Senator Richard Schweiker of Penn-

senator was viewed as considerably to the strategists believed

ticket in the general election.

sylvania delegates

to

of Reagan,

he would broaden the appeal of the

More

committed

left

important, they hoped that Penn-

Ford would switch to Reagan

at the

convention to show support for their home-state senator. This was possible but not probable. In football parlance, the Schweiker ploy was a

Hail

Mary

pass.

The man who could make

the ploy

work or defeat

it

was

Drew

Lewis, President Ford's chairman in Pennsylvania. In 1974, he had

managed 1976,

his friend Schweiker's senate reelection

Drew Lewis could

not be moved.

He

campaign, but in

not only remained loyal to

Ford; he also prevailed on the Ford delegates to honor their

ments.

(Drew would

ident Reagan before

later serve as secretary

becoming

commit-

of transportation for Pres-

CEO of Union Pacific Corporation.)

How confident was I that we had the nomination won when we rived in Kansas City?

convention,

I

totally.

On

the Sunday evening before the

attended church with Susan. "If the count had been

1,250 for Mr. Ford, to the press.

Not

ar-

maybe

that wouldn't have

been necessary,"

I

joked

THREE "THE CLOSEST PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION YOU'LL EVER SEE IN

YOUR

LIFETIME"

Vice presidential nominees Americans vote

tions.

argued that in 1976,

who

don't decide presidential elec-

for the top of the ticket. at least, the

the vice presidential

it

can be reasonably

Republican nomination hinged on

nominee was

As delegates were packing

But

...

or was not.

for their trips to

Kansas City, Ronald

Reagan's campaign strategist, John Sears, asked the party rules

com-

mittee to force candidates to pick their running mates before the con-

vention voted on a nominee. With Pennsylvania Senator Richard

Schweiker already lined up for Reagan, Sears wanted to force Ford's hand.

He

decideds his

reasoned that he could pick off some Ford delegates or un-

who were

running mate. Aware of

over what came to be

we opposed

this,

the rules committee, which

When

whomever President Ford

alienated by

known

we as

the proposal. So, too, did

controlled. This forced a floor fight

Rule 16-C.

the convention began on

Monday, August

vote on 16-C would determine the nomination final

yes,

count

after the

selected as

itself.

16,

we knew

And

it

did.

the

The

Tuesday night showdown was 1,189 no and 1,060

with 10 abstentions. Sears's make-or-break gambit had failed by

only 29 votes.

'WORK HARD. STUDY... AND KEEP OUT OF POLITICS! If tion,

had been advising Reagan,

I

would have

I

rolled the dice

ideological, not procedural: "Fire

-

51

*

told reporters after the conven-

I

on

a

three-word proposal that was

Henry

That would have

Kissinger!"

mobilized the Reagan troops, attracted some undecideds, and, more than

likely,

won support from

My suggestion

about attacking Henry had nothing to do with

judgment of him or

his policies. It

would have been harder on

line I

few of the president's supporters.

a

was

for President

offered lots of good advice.

we

are both realists

ally see

mand

Ford to have kept

have always liked Henry and consider him

sought his counsel before taking office

but

a purely political assessment. It

referendum over the controversial secretary of

a

—

as secretary

state.

When

a friend.

I

of state in 1989, he

We come from very different backgrounds,

practitioners of realpolitik

—and we gener-

eye to eye on foreign policy issues, particularly those that de-

American public

realize that the

we each

will not long support a policy that

cannot be explained in terms of hard national

good bureaucratic

interests.

committed, and

The

a

We

are both

infighters, too.

vote on the nomination on Wednesday, August

mactic. Everyone

team.

his troops in

national sacrifices. Values are important, of course, but

The

my

knew Ford would few

president

soft

won

win. Overnight, the

Reagan delegates

18,

was

anticli-

uncommitteds winning

also joined the

1,187 to 1,070, a narrow but decisive 117-

vote margin.

From 1972 through tions. last

1996,

1

attended

all

seven Republican conven-

For sheer drama and excitement, 1976 stands alone.

time either party actually picked

wrap up the nomination

dates prefer to

time and

money

however, that

its

I

candidate on the early, so

It

nostalgic for the days

when

Candi-

floor.

they can spend more

against their general election opponents.

am

was the

the

I

confess,

outcome was not

preordained by state primary contests. Each election cycle,

it

seems,

the primaries are earlier than last time, and a few key states always

have disproportionate influence. that the

nominee

and that many

will

Our system now

virtually guarantees

be known months before the party convention

states will

have

little

or no say in the decision.

The

52

JAMES

+

BAKE

A.

R.

Ill

Commission on Federal Election Reform President Carter in 2005

good way

a

to

do not suggest

New

now have

permit states that

runs for our nation's highest I

political persuasions into the

we could

find a

way

say help decide

who

rooms, but the modern

When

the three major telin earnest in the

room drew Americans of

all

ages and

drama of self-governance. Seeing the

work inspired many Americans

at

of regional

Hampshire. That would

began covering the conventions

early 1950s, the box in the living

system

a series

little

a return to smoke-filled

first

cochaired with former

office.

system deprives us of something important. evision networks

I

recommended having

primaries after the contests in Iowa and

be

that

to get involved.

I

wish

to reinvest major-party conventions with that

same meaning and excitement. Nowadays, the selection of teams to compete for the

NCAA

Men's Division

I

sixty-five

Basketball

Cham-

pionship seems to generate more excitement than the selection of the

two nominees

for the highest office in the

most powerful nation on

earth.

When John

Kerry picked John Edwards

as his

running mate before

the 2004 Democratic convention, the last vestige of suspense was

drained out of the convention. nation in 1976, sure

whom

nobody

he would

By

—including

select.

when Ford won

contrast,

the president himself

the nomi-

— knew

for

As noted, he was under the impression

that he should not offer the spot to Reagan.

My choice,

George Bush,

was also out of the running.

George was conspicuously absent from

politics in 1976. In January,

he became director of the Central Intelligence Agency, a position he didn't seek.

seemed

He hoped

like a

to run for president someday,

major detour, possibly

a

and Langley

dead end, on the path

White House. Would Americans ever accept

a

to the

former spy chief

as

chief executive?

Before voting on the

CIA

nomination, Senate Democrats wanted

President Ford to pledge that he would not ask

ning mate

in 1976.

Both Rogers Morton and

I

George

to be his run-

advised George not to

— "WORK HARD, STUDY... AND KEEP OUT OF George saw

take the post. said,

"and

if

There was speculation by

Don

me

the president wants

to

do

it,

I'm gonna do

53

it."*

CIA appointment was engineered

that the

Rumsfeld, then Ford's White House chief of

who became

*

important position," he

differently. "It's an

it

POLITICS!"

staff.

Rummy,

secretary of defense after Ford fired Jim Schlesinger, was

thought to have presidential aspirations of his own.

George from the scene could only have helped

If true,

removing

his chances.

After winning the nomination, Ford wisely sought Reagan's advice

on possible running mates, among them John Connally, Howard Baker,

Bob Dole,

Simon, Elliot Richardson, and William Ruckelshaus.

Bill

Reagan favored Senator Dole, and Ford tapped the World

War

Anne Armstrong, then was also on the

list.

would have been

hero

II

as his

to the

GOP convention was

While

still

demographic

count considerably more

good

This

is

good

politics.

for

advisers,

United Kingdom,

a national ticket.

a big surprise in 1976, especially

face of the Kansas City this

own

chosen, she would have been the

major party to run on

a

with his

running mate.

Ambassador

U.S.

Had she been

woman nominated by

after talking

predominates

women

at

from our

party.

first

That

The

largely white and male.

our conventions, we

now

delegates and delegates of color.

our party and our nation, and

—not

coincidentally

After the convention, Ford advisers and campaign

officials,

includ-

ing me, gathered at a retreat in Vail, Colorado, to plan the campaign against Jimmy Carter. In discussions to

sion was

made

mittee (PFC).

Most

notably,

*In the end,

Rog had made

when Ford

George enjoyed

his

Clinton wrote

in

for Intelligence. it

I

was not

privy, a deci-

Rog as chairman of the President Ford Com-

to replace

restored America's trust in the

which

a

lost in Indiana,

time

as

CIA and

CIA

also

Alabama, and Georgia three

director and did a great job in the office. "You

the rest of the intelligence community," President

1999 when the Langley

The experience

few mistakes during the primaries.

compound was named

made George

the

George Bush Center

a better president,

I

think, because

enabled him to understand both the importance and the limitations of intelligence-

gathering.

54

JAMES

•

BAKER,

A.

111

days after being humiliated

Texas,

in

Rog had

"I'm not going to

said,

rearrange the furniture on the deck of the Titanic!' At the same time,

he permitted himself to be photographed liquor bottles.

full

To

be

fair to

in front

of a row of less-than-

Rog, the press had joined in emptying

knew

those bottles. Furthermore, although few

it,

Rog was

suffering

from cancer.

Rumor had

it

that John

Connally would replace Rog, who would

then be given the largely ceremonial

shocked when

of chairman emeritus.

title

I

was

learned that the president wanted me to take over day-

I

to-day control of the campaign.

Chairman of the President Ford Committee was not was seeking.

I

had been

Washington

in

a position

for less than a year.

I

really

struggled with the question of loyalty to Rog, a wonderful man,

who had been

ill,

the

first

place.

The

situation

woman and

to

me

and had brought

grew even worse when Rog's

him you

"But, Anne," I

good

dear friend, heard about the

urged. "Tell

If

so

I

can't

do

hadn't thought

it

I

turn

to the capital in

Anne,

"Don't take

offer.

down

it,

a lovely

Jim," she

the president?"

would hurt Anne even more,

told her that the decision to replace if

wife,

now

it."

"how can

said,

me

I

I

would have

Rog had already been made. Even

had turned down the president, he would have offered the chair-

I

manship

to

somebody

else.

At

least

I

could make certain Rog received

the respect he deserved and the responsibility he wanted in his role as

chairman of

a blue-ribbon steering

committee

for the

new cam-

When we returned to Washington from Vail, I refused to move the large PFC chairman's office, insisting that Rog remain there.

paign. into

The Ford-Carter was historic on

many

contest in the year of our national bicentennial levels. It

marked the

to elect a president after Watergate.

candidates was a sitting president fice or, for that

tion in

It

first

chance Americans had

was the only time one of the

who had

not been elected to that of-

matter, to the vice presidency.

And

which Joe Garagiola played an important

it

was the

role.

last elec-

"WORK HARD. STUDY ...AND KEEP OUT OF

am

I

the

St.

only half-kidding

when

who

Louis Cardinals

I

*

55

mention Joe, the former catcher

for

parlayed his genial sense of

humor

into

broadcaster and television celebrity, eventu-

a career as a baseball

NBC's Today show His presence on

ally hosting

POLITICS!"

the campaign

symbolized the increased importance of television. By 1976,

trail

TV

had

—almost every household had one

not only penetrated our culture

more

sets

—but had

also

begun

to

thought about government and

The

read about Watergate.

change the way most Americans

politics.

TV

or

The newspaper

generation experienced

generation it,

through

broadcast hearings and press conferences, and finally through the live resignation of a president, right there in the living room.

The

post- Watergate

campaign laws compounded the power of the

The Pursuit of

tube. In Marathon:

the Presidency,

1972-1976, his compre-

hensive book on the 1976 election,* reporter Jules Witcover called the

1976 presidential race "ordination by television." In part reflected the

power of the medium, but

it

this

simply

was also an indirect conse-

quence of the new campaign-finance law passed by the Democratic Congress

1974 in response to the fund-raising abuses of the 1972

in

Nixon campaign. tarily"

In theory, both candidates Carter and Ford "volun-

accepted public financing of their general election campaigns.

no choice, given the new

In reality, they had

limits

on how much indi-

viduals and groups could contribute. (This decision had already been

made by

the time

in return

they could not accept private donations. As Witcover pointed

out, this

I

took over.) Both campaigns got $21.8 million, but

was "roughly one-third of what

for Nixon's

no-cost strategies to

'This book, for which

earlier"

I

its

candidate to the public^ Television could

was interviewed extensively, will refresh the

required us to assign

comply with

forced each campaign to look for low-cost and

sell its

interested in revisiting 1976.

law,

had cost four years

campaign against McGovern.

The spending limits

fit also

it

It

memory

of anyone

refreshed mine.

a large tribe

detailed rules, and

of lawyers and accountants to interpret the

file

new

reports with the Federal Election Commission.

IAMES A

BAKER.

Ill

reach millions, so the challenge for both campaigns was to win as

much

airtime as possible for as few dollars as possible. Twenty-four-

hour cable news networks did not

a

back then. The evening news

— ABC. CBS. and NBC —drove the

on the three major networks numbers. This begat

exist

simple philosophy: orchestrate events featuring

the president that the networks had to cover If

we wanted

between our farm program and

size the difference

dailv

to

empha-

Carter's, for

exam-

then send the president to a farm.

ple,

Televised debates

wav

—

the ultimate reality television

to reach tens of millions of

Americans

acceptance speech, the president side.

I

am

.

.

.

said.

—

also offered a

at a time. In his

convention

"This year the issues are on our

eager to go before the American people and debate the

real issues face-to-face with Jimmy Carter."

Here Ford was breaking the mold. He would be the president to participate in

broadcast debate with the other parry's

a

nominee. Comfortably ahead

in the polls

and reasoning that they had

nothing to gain by giving their opponents Presidents Johnson and

first sitting

Nixon had refused

a

forum and

credibility.

to debate.

Free coverage was important, but both camps also recognized the

importance of paid

political advertising.

For the

last

few days of the

campaign. President Ford flew to key venues to do half-hour commercials in a

with

a

talk-show format, not with his running mate. Bob Dole, but

TV

and Jerry

personality. Garagiola. Stay tuned for

more about the

"Joe

Sh


WITH

G4

*

JAMES

September

A.

7

BAKER.

I

I

I

The

meeting.

first

Women

sponsored by the League of

NBC

Voters and moderated by veteran

newsman Edwin Newman, was on September

atre in Philadelphia all

ninety-minute Ford-Carter debate,

held at the Walnut Street The-

23.

"The debates

overshadow

will

other presidential campaign activity," said the Vail campaign strat-

egy document. "This

And

dent's time."

advertising guru

it

activity

began long before the

bate thesis"

seeing

it

15,

Bailey,

first

and media consultant

Carruthers,

Bill

memo with

a "de-

the debate' will result from the president's

commu-

not as a contest with Carter, but as an opportunity to

what Carter does

nicate with the people, regardless of strategy"

by Mike Duval,

question was asked.

Bailey sent Duval a two-page

—"'Winning

on the presi-

priority call

did. Ford's preparation, led largely

Doug

On September

must have the

—"The dominant

fact

—and

of the debate will be that

a

"debate

it is

not be-

tween two candidates but between one candidate and the president." Seven guidelines followed, including these:

The

president should always stand, never using the stool.

should

.

.

.

take notes

when Carter

is

making

He

strong point; ignore

a

the cameras, always assuming they are on him.

He

should refer to him

direct conversation with

The

as

"Mr. Carter."

He

should avoid any

him

president should not cite congressional anecdotes.

He

should always be presidential by referring to the past two years.

A

final

guideline referred the president to an attached chart listing

"seven points to be made, the type of question or

be used to make them, and some memorable

Here

is

comment which can

summary

lines

on each."

one example:

Basic message to communicate: "With recovery of peace, stability,

and

When

trust,

to use

we can

it:

enter a

new generation of freedom."

Questions on

government reorganization, equal

economic

priorities; issues

such

rights, crime, education.

as busing,

"WORK HARD. STUDY... AND KEEP OUT OF Key

we must lives

"FDR's Four Freedoms are

lines to use:

freedom from government

also seek

—freedom from Washington

in

our

—thanks

valid.

still

*

65

But today

restrictions in

our

lives."

Carter arrived in Philadelphia for the

first

debate with a

to an article

ing 18 percent lead, but

POLITICS!"

—momentum was beginning

media source

from

to shift

command-

most unexpected

a

our way. Three days

before the debate, Playboy released a long interview with Carter. "Christ said,

'I

tell

you that anyone who looks on

committed

lust has in his heart already

interviewers. "I've looked

ted adultery in

recognizes for

I

my

will

heart

on

a lot

many

—and

do

of

with

adultery,'" Carter told his

women

times. This

have done

I

woman

a

with

commit-

God and God forgives me

is

—

it

lust. I've

something that

." it.

.

.

Carter's statement was the perfect political gaffe.

It

hurt

him with

almost every voting group. His fellow Southern Baptists, for instance,

were offended that he gave the interview without condemning Playboys role irrwhat they

saw

as the

of traditional sexual morality.

funny

(in the

Some

voters simply thought

it

was

sense of odd) for a presidential candidate to talk openly

about his lustful thoughts. as excessive religiosity.

and

coarsening of culture and weakening

political skills.

And

others were troubled by what they saw

The episode

cast

doubt on Carter's judgment

Frank Irwin, a conservative Democrat from Texas,

even printed bumper stickers saying, "God doesn't want you to vote for Jimmy Carter."

Meanwhile, we had to decide how the painfully long campaign

say something controversial.

whether

it

will gain

mining factor

is

trail

to respond.

It's

inevitable

some

that a candidate will, at

The

on

point,

opposition then has to figure out

more by speaking up or keeping

quiet.

The

deter-

often whether the press itself can be expected to keep

the story alive, and on "lustful thoughts," reporters were doing just fine,

thank you very much, without any help from

president nor I

Bob Dole

us.

Neither the

said a thing.

accompanied the president

to Philadelphia for the first debate.

GG

JAMES

*

Ill

none of the

Surprisingly,

Not

BAKER.

A.

panelists asked about the Playboy interview.

surprisingly, neither candidate

The

debate

first

but instead for

its

is

mentioned

remembered, not

best

silence.

Cutoff," as the Washington

on the

stage.

fix

it,

anything that was said

in the

Posh

middle of

a response.

H ay nes Johnson

While technicians

lasted twenty-seven minutes.

what was wrong and

for

With about eight minutes remaining, the

sound system went dead while Carter was

"The Great

it.*

called

it,

tried to figure out

the president and Carter remained standing

Neither said a word, and neither seemed to want to

sit

down. President Ford eventually

won

the standoff. After about twenty

Sound was restored

minutes, Carter took his seat.

a

few minutes

later.

The

first

won

the debate, too. Carter's 18-point lead (54-36) was reduced to 8

post-Philadelphia Gallup Poll suggested the president had

(50-42).

A

little

more than

paign, a Harris poll

a

month

was remarkable considering it

with just days

showed the race was

Carter leading Ford by only

cult

later,

1

a virtual

point, 45^44.

how

far

The

left in

dead

the cam-

heat, with

tightness of the race

behind we had

started,

how

diffi-

was to overcome public concern about the Nixon pardon, and

how many new and unexpected

troubles

came our way during

the

campaign. Unbelievably, given President Ford's sterling reputation, one of our first

big problems was fighting off an ethics charge. Watergate Special

Prosecutor Charles Ruff was appointed by the administration's attor-

—without campaign —

ney general, Edward Levi in the heat

of the

prior notice to the president and

to investigate whether, as a congress-

man, Ford had diverted campaign contributions

for personal use.

It

'Finally questioned about the interview in the third debate on October 22, Carter con-

ceded that

it

had been

Christian beliefs fice,

.

.

.

a mistake. "If

I'll

I

should ever decide in the future to discuss

my deep

use another forum besides Playboy!' In interviews after he

President Carter admitted the interview had cost him

a lot

of votes.

left of-

— "WORK HARD, STUDY... AND KEEP OUT OF was

a

POLITICS!"

*

G7

bogus charge from the beginning, and Levi should never have

referred

it

mid-October, Ruff announced

to a special prosecutor. In

there was no evidence of wrongdoing and closed the case. Nevertheless, the investigation

ion, inappropriate a real sign

and

badly hurt our campaign and was, in

unfair, a perversion

of troubles to

come from

my opin-

of the political process, and

the post- Watergate independent

counsels.

Another ethics question boiled up

in the press while

Ruff was con-

ducting his investigation. John Dean, President Nixon's White House counsel

who

pled guilty to obstruction of justice in the Watergate

scandal (he admitted paying the Watergate burglars to keep quiet), told reporters that Ford, as a congressman, had

White House

—attempted

to kill a 1972

—

at

the behest of the

House hearing on

the Water-

gate burglary. At his vice presidential confirmation hearing, President

Ford

testified that

he had opposed granting subpoena powers for the

investigation but that he

had not acted on behalf of the White House.

(These events occurred well before the

full

implications of Watergate

were evident.) Both Ford and the White House aide as his

source denied Dean's allegations, and

—

whom Dean cited

despite the hair-trigger

post- Watergate spirit toward real or imagined impropriety

not think the charges were worth investigating

Still,

the

—Ruff did

damage was

done. President Ford suffered guilt by association every time reporters

wrote another story about Dean's baseless charge.

The Butz

affair,

another unexpected pothole on the campaign

trail,

resolved itself with the secretary's resignation, but two days later an-

other key administration

damaging. That

official

official

spoke and the result was even more

was President Ford himself.

During the second televised debate, the president painted himself into a corner while trying to defend the Helsinki Final Act,

signed in 1975.

It

was an extremely important human rights document

among other things fense, President

which he

—butjimmy Carter

criticized

it

mercilessly. In de-

Ford said the Soviets had kept their word and notified

us about their military maneuvers. "In both cases where they've done

68

so,

there

will

BAKER,

JAMES A

*

is

no Soviet domination of Eastern Europe and there never

he under

A

III

a

Ford administration."

Max

follow-up question from

Frankel of the

New

York Times

gave the president an opportunity to correct his misstatement. But President Ford responded by citing two communist countries that in

some sense had kept and Romania

thumb of

—and

the Soviet

one

Union

at arm's

other, Poland, that

He

—Yugoslavia

was clearly under the

the Soviets. "I don't believe that the Poles consider them-

dominated by the Soviet Union," he

selves

length

said.

was, of course, referring to the indomitable spirit of the Poles

and other peoples of Eastern Europe the collapse of the Berlin Wall

some

—one of

the major reasons for

thirteen years

later.

And he was

also stating a longstanding U.S. policy that refused to accept the legality

of the occupation by the Soviets of Eastern and Central Europe

ter

World War

deny the At

facts

II.

But

That's

most

one thing

on the ground, which

this stage in the

to carry

it's

if

not

where the

to have a policy is

—

and another to

what he appeared

to be doing.

campaign, we knew that to win we would have

all

of the northern and eastern industrial

where the

electoral votes were. That's also

blocs of Polish Americans and others of Eastern lived

af-

states.

largest

European descent

the population most likely to be affected by the president's re-

marks.

What to do? that in the

and

I

Several of us

met to discuss damage

control.

We decided

morning Cheney, National Security Adviser Brent Scowcroft,

would go

to the press to explain the president's statement

an enviable task given the

number of

—not

Soviet divisions stationed in

Eastern Europe. Interestingly, while both the

press immediately focused ets

Ford and Carter campaigns and the

on the president's remarks about the Sovi-

and Eastern Europe, the public did

of those

who had watched

comfortable

1 1

not. Teeter's

overnight polling

the debate gave the president the win by a

percent margin.

Then

the newspapers hit the stands,

the remark was rebroadcast on television, the pundits

weighed

in,

and

"WORK HARD, STUDY... AND KEEP OUT OF

POLITICS!-

*

GO

the Carter campaign focused on the assertion. Within forty-eight

who had

hours, polls revealed that a substantial majority of those

watched the debate now believed Carter had won.

When This

guiding principle of

a

is

vou're wounded, you must stop the bleeding immediately.

message and threatened

Many

to

politics.

This gaffe had knocked us off

keep us there for

a

long time.

of us advised the president to meet the press and clarify his

remarks. Unfortunately,

Henry Kissinger had

what

to tell the president

a

called after the debate

wonderful job he had done, which rein-

forced Ford's view that he didn't need to do that. After

we

didn't of-

recognize that the Soviets had any right to dominate Eastern

ficially

Europe, and neither did the Eastern Europeans

Only

all,

after

it

became

being sidetracked

—

—

at least in spirit.

clear to the president that his

six

agonizing days later

—

campaign was

did he speak up.

"The

original mistake was mine," he said. "I did not express myself clearly. I

admit

it."

That gave us something

to

work

with, and

pointing out to reporters that this was the

first

I

was soon happily

time in

six

weeks that

the president had had to clarify any remarks, while candidate Carter

was constantly revising what he had

said.

I

cited six

comparable Carter

do-overs, including the famous Playboy interview.

Carter gaffes were in part responsible for the

statistical

dead heat

the polls reflected on election eve. So, too, was the fact that voters not

only liked Gerald Ford, but also saw him

as presidential.

The

"Joe and

Jerry Show" played a big part in reinforcing this perception.

off.

The

president and Garagiola had met earlier in the year and hit

The

plan to team

them together

in six

it

thirty-minute campaign in-

fomercials was hatched at an October brainstorming session between

Bob Teeter and consultant John Deardourff. In

modern

"cookies"

—

baseball parlance, Garagiola pitched the president

questions he could easily hit for

home

runs. I've long since

forgotten these confections, but in Marathon, Witcover recounts a few

of them, including: "Gosh, Mr. President, there sure are

a

lot

of

7

+

)AMES

BAKER.

A.

Ill

people worried about taxes, and

just

what are you going

them out?" And, "How many world leaders have you These shows went over extremely

we had

of what

outcome with

ever, the picture

fore

we

He

left

polls

opened on November As our

certainty.

"Thank you, but I

I

said,

As always, he was gracious. Be-

don't smoke, Mr. President." After

had stopped when Mary Stuart got

exit polling

find

as a victory cigar.

I

from our people

in the field,

the residence in the is

sick, started

up

The

it

for

looked

it."

as if

I

might have reason

early results were better than our

from the

for the

press,

campaign on

monitored returns

and watched the television coverage from

downtown Washington. The

and several close friends

There

cig-

the campaigning, the presi-

some use

fielded questions

the Ford headquarters in family,

all

had predicted. As the spokesperson

election night,

smoking

then quit again.

"Maybe you might

up

it

o'clock in the after-

5

a cigar.

For a time after the polls closed, to light

how-

presented the numbers to the

I

His voice reduced to a whisper by

dent

no one could predict

exit polling data trickled in,

stoically.

me

he even offered

arettes for years,

2,

began to look bleak. At about

took the news

after she died,

dealt with?"

well, with viewership well in excess

noon, Cheney, Spencer, Teeter, and president.

to help

expected.

By the time the the

do

to

president, his

—including Garagiola—watched from

White House.*

a telling

photograph of Joe and Jerry, taken

during the evening. As the two friends

sat

at

some point

together on a couch, the ex-

pressive Garagiola has his head buried in his hands. Beside him, the

president calmly lights his pipe. Later Joe was reported to have said,

"The president took

'The

Family was

First

all

the news very calmly.

a real asset in the

I'd

seen [Cardinals'

campaign. Because the president did not travel

extensively until late in the campaign, appearances by Mrs. Ford and the children were

very important. "Mrs. Ford ident," said

We

didn't,

is

greatly respected because she

our Vail strategy book.

and Betty Ford,

a classy

is

independent from the pres-

"We should not try to discourage this independence." woman, won a lot of votes for the president.

"WORK HARD. STUDY ...AND KEEP OUT OF

POLITICS!"

71

*

teammate] Enos Slaughter get more upset about an umpire saying, 'Strike two,' than

win

Gerald Ford did when he realized he wasn't going to

a presidential election."

That

come

realization didn't

day morning. In the end

a shift

of only a few thousand votes in Ohio

would have given

(25 electoral votes) and Hawaii (4 electoral votes)

won

the victory to the president. Carter-Mondale

by about

1.7

Wednes-

until the early hours of

the popular vote

million ballots out of almost 82 million cast, 50 to 48

where the magic number was 270,

percent. In the Electoral College,

Carter-Mondale won 297

to 240.

(A renegade elector from Washing-

Not

ton gave Reagan one vote.)

Woodrow Wilson

since

Charles Evans Hughes by 23 electoral votes in 1916 had

defeated a race for

president been so close.

As sunrise approached,

How

thought to myself,

I

were a Democratic lawyer in Houston seven years

ago,

up

for I

all

also

11

is

lit

up the

ter dinner. Politics

That assessment held

ever see in your lifetime.

cigar the president I

kicked the habit,

had given me. For the next three I

smoked

a cigar

every night

af-

can be hazardous to your health.

Because the results were so close ously about asking for one or

more

in so

many

states,

had decided against

would be very hard

for

me

it.

we

talked seri-

recounts. After thinking about

day or two, however, President Ford called us

said he

obviously the clos-

of twenty-four years.

or four years, until

for a

Here you

and now you ve run a

campaign for an incumbent Republican president, in what est presidential election you

bizarre.

"I lost

together and

all

the popular vote," he said. "It

to govern if

Electoral College through a recount."

it

I

He

won was

Gerald Ford may have been calm about

the presidency in the

right,

of course. Garagiola re-

losing, as

ported, but that reflected the president's character, not indifference to

the outcome.

He

presidency are

was

a strong

—and he was

spective. His reputation

our nation pull

itself

a

—

competitor

proud man.

was secure

all

those

Still,

who

he had

as the president

a

aspire to the

sense of per-

who had helped

together after Watergate. Against great odds, he

72

JAMES

+

BAKER.

A.

Ill

ran a strong campaign and almost pulled

it off.

Now

he gracefully ac-

cepted the decision of the American people and prepared to move on.

As

for

me,

good man win

come

a shot. In the

economy were

just

rally

from 33 points down

host of the Today

to

it

a

end the Nixon pardon and concerns about the

too

also took solace

I

nomination and

his party's

within an eyelash of recapturing the presidency. We'd given

of

hell

took satisfaction in having helped this wonderfully

I

much

to

overcome.

from the many

show

letters

I

the time, thanked

at

Tom

received.

me

for

Brokaw,

demonstrating

"class" in

appearing on the program the morning after the election, and

added:

hope

"I

that

you

will take

some consolation

in

knowing that the

President Ford Committee conducted a masterful closing campaign.

was an

effort

of which you can be proud."

And George Bush

"Dear Bake: Nobody could have done any better thing

is

spect,

that

you did

your dignity

One day

it 'first

class'

intact. Just

nobody!!

—and you emerge with

know

during the campaign,

—

I

wrote:

The

big

universal re-

we're awfully proud, Bushie."

brought Susan and some of the kids

over to the White House, and President Ford graciously invited us into the Oval Office.

Our ten-year-old

The

is

office.

My

really ugly."

president laughed and said, "Well, son,

your daddy will be getting

Rumor had

all

son, Will, looked the place over,

then said to the president, "Gee, you have a really pretty daddy's office

it

a

much

if

we win

this election,

prettier office."

the president planned to

name me secretary of trans-

portation. After the election, however, the only transportation

be concerned about was

how

to

I

had to

pack up the Baker brood and move

back to Houston. Andrews Kurth had an office waiting for me, and took for

it,

me.

but resuming the practice of corporate law held I

knew

I

for.

little

I

would run

for office, but

what

office

I

it I

appeal

wouldn't be able to stay out of politics for long.

question wasn't whether

run

It

The

would

FOUR "DOESN'T IT PISS

YOU

Running for Attorney General (AG)

OFF?"

in Texas, as

did in

I

1978, was a far cry from running a presidential campaign. In this, first

(and only) bid for elective

were in.

a year,

I

ate every variation of chicken imaginable. (In

no question about which comes

state politics there's

House

dinners in the White

Rotary Clubs and barbeques in backyards were

out; potlucks in

Over almost

office, state

my

the chicken

first,

or the ego.)

When

I

wasn't pressing

my case

at

these gatherings,

the flesh on street corners and in supermarket parking

advance team, and such as

it

I

didn't travel

was, usually consisted of

on Air Force One.

two guys

—Peter

I

was pressing

had no

lots. I

My

entourage,

Roussel, a friend

from Houston who had worked for George Bush, and Jim Cicconi, recent University of Texas

me one day on wanted to for

help.

Law

School graduate

the street in Austin before

(Jim

who had approached

had announced and said he

later served with distinction in the

George H. W. Bush and,

dential Library and

I

afterward, helped set

Museum. More

a

recently, he

White House

up the Bush

Presi-

was vice president

74

|AMES

*

BAKER. Ml

A.

and general counsel of

AT&T before its merger with

SBC.) The press

rarely followed me.*

Susan rarely accompanied me. Her job was to stump couldn't get

to.

She covered much of the

in the areas

I

our white Suburban

state in

with "Jim Baker for Attorney General" painted on the windows, stop-

ping for coffees and teas organized by family and friends. Karen Jones, a

young campaign worker, organized the

did Susan's

and traveled with

her, as

Much

of the

Klinka Lollar, and other special

sister,

time Susan traveled with for

trips

a portable crib in the

back of the Suburban

our daughter, Mary Bonner, the newest Baker, born

September

saw

in

Houston

a small

crowd

in a

the Texas Panhandle.

shopping center and went over to shake hands

and distribute campaign

literature.

"Hey, did anyone ever

you that you look

tell

like

Jim Baker?" one

man

said before

I

I

was hardly

a

household name or

I

had frequently been on national television

Baker" because

could introduce myself. face,

dent Ford's campaign chairman. "Yes,"

'Back

at

our modest headquarters

in

Houston,

I

but some people knew "Jim

Stoltenberg, and Jan Naylor.

(When

I.

my campaign

affairs consultant.

Lavin

is

my I

affairs.

Today he

is

staff,

a

under secretary of commerce. Naylor

personnel director for Bush 41.)

fWhen

manager, Frank Donatelli,

Townsend, Frank Lavin, Lisa

was White House chief of

an assistant to President Reagan for political

as Presi-

replied with a smile. "Often."

led a small staff that included his wife, Becki, Carol

being

in

1977.*

One hot summer afternoon I found myself in I

pals.

Donatelli served as

prominent D.C. public later served as

deputy

We were also blessed with any number of volunteers, one

cousin Preston Moore.

learned Susan was pregnant,

boy." "Jimmy,

we

I

said,

"Oh my goodness,

we're gonna have another

are going to have a blue-eyed baby girl," she replied.

the delivery room,

I

When

stayed behind, true to the old tradition that there are

she went to

some

places

men

just don't belong.

"Mr. Baker, you have a lovely baby is

a really

cruel joke,"

I

the baby had blue eyes.

our

I

think

train of eight children.

together.

it

the nurse told

me

in the

had put her up

to

it.

was God's providence that we had

waiting room. "That

But

it

was

this lovely

true.

And

caboose to

She brought the Baker and Winston wings of our family closer

Mary Bonner took her

was giving an interview.

girl,"

told her, thinking Susan

first

steps in a press office in

Brownwood, Texas,

as

Susan

-WORK HARD. STUDY... AND KEEP OUT OF

The guy never "Doesn't

said,

it

batted an eyelash.

piss

In those days,

you

was

it

for attorney general,

I

—

for statewide office

He

POLITICS!"

looked straight

at

*

75

me and

off?"

hard to be a Texas Republican. In running

still

was attempting to do what no

save Senator John

Tower

GOP

candidate

—-had done since Re-

construction. Win.

George Bush and others had suggested nor, but

Dolph

and

I

didn't think

Republican

and

a

chance.

knew I was

I

could raise enough

RNC.

I

Daniel, Jr., was liberal

for

office

money

enough

much

to give

to

run for AG,

had been encouraged

to seek. Be-

as

I

Houston and the Andrews Kurth law firm

after the '76 election,

lican National

of the

Demo-

lawyer*

a better

Washington

fore leaving

few weeks

I

wouldn't cost nearly

It

Governor wasn't the only

a

should run for gover-

My likely Democratic opponent for attorney general, for-

mer Texas House Speaker Price a

I

Briscoe, the incumbent, was an establishment

crat, fairly conservative,

to beat him.

that

some Ford supporters on

Committee (RNC) encouraged me gave this serious consideration.

to

Repub-

the

run for chairman

When a Democrat holds

the presidency, as Jimmy Carter would from 1977 to 1981, and Republicans control neither

chair I

becomes de

prominent

my name for a

I

fight."

Second,

it's

in "a

surplus to

More money came

my

who

knock-down, drag-out

in

we had

in 1980,

a deficit,

he wrote

when George

but

a fund-raising letter

than was needed to pay off the debt, so

of.

My

father

once told

me how much

from Connecticut who had done the same thing

the father of

told the

I

on

refunded the

contributors on a pro rata basis. Returning unspent campaign contributions

unusual but not unheard

U.S. senator

I

virtually impossible to run the party without being

eventually raised about $1.5 million. After the race,

behalf.

RNC

First, sev-

politicians sought the position, and, as

Bush received the vice presidential nomination

my

was the case then, the

couple of reasons.

wanted to avoid being involved

press,

is

as

facto spokesperson for the party and, thus, a player.

eventually withdrew

eral other

*I

house of Congress,

my friend George. Even me any money back."

ever gave

today people

tell

in the

he respected 1950s

—

a

former

Prescott Bush,

me, "You're the only politician

JAMES

+

/(,

BAKER.

A.

scarred politically.

Ill

You have

to be willing to

make hard

about

calls

what campaigns to support with funding and other tough issues. You can never please everyone, and

people

mad

if

you're

you end up making more

fair,

than glad. Finally, although the White House privately

me

encouraged

to run, President

Ford did not want to endorse one

candidate over the others.

As I

turned out, not running was one of the best political decisions

it

ever made. Former Tennessee Senator

ship on,

believe, the third ballot

I

Brock won the chairman-

Bill

and did

a fine job.

When the party re-

claimed the presidency in 1981, President Reagan named him U.S.

Not

trade representative. ident's inner circle,

bad. But Bill never

even when he served

became part of the

as secretary

When

returned to Houston,

I

Baker Botts, approached

me

Bill

Harvin, managing partner

about becoming

My

great-grandfather had helped found.

a partner at the firm

dad was no longer

family firm, albeit twenty years don't think

They

I

can do

me pursue

let

that, Bill,"

I

was appealing, but

said.

"AK

It just

wouldn't be

practicing law and

I

if

of good friends

years

taught

later,

me

I still

do you think would have

President Ford had won?"

"Wow,"

said this

man whom

"Secretary of transportation."

me serve

live to see

In the

Governor a

declined. "I

would probably have been named secretary of transportation,

told him.

see

I

man who had

whom, nineteen

called "Mr. Jones." "Jim," he asked, "what

happened

so

alive,

right."

of those friends was Harry Jones, the

much about

my

has been very loyal to me.

this political agenda. I've got a lot

practicing there.

One

late,

at

my ticket punched at the

the nepotism rule was not a problem. Getting

so

of labor in Rea-

second term.

gan's

still

pres-

as secretary

me

I

I

so admired, with genuine awe.

deeply regret that he did not

of the treasury and secretary of

run for attorney general, though, and

Democratic primary, Mark White, Briscoe, beat

major upset,

as

"Price, Jr.," in the

state.

live to

He did

lose.

a conservative

my opponent of choice, Price

— Daniel

I

protege of

Daniel. This was

idiom of Texas

politics

"WORK HARD. STUDY... AND KEEP OUT OF was widely expected to follow

in the footsteps

POLITICS!"

of his

*

77

father, a leg-

endary Texas House speaker, attorney general, governor, senator, and state

supreme court justice. Young Daniel

side

from

my

faced

He figured, erroneously, that me in the general election.

Just as

money on

to

run

—

lost, in

TV during the pri-

he would need

George Bush had expected

his mother's

Sam Houston

great-grandfather's old friend

part because he was reluctant to spend

mary.

—descended on

more when he

it

mainstream

as the

alter-

native to the liberal Ralph Yarborough in the senate race of 1970,

expected to portray myself Daniel.

And

just as

as the

Preston

been

a bit closer

liberal

my unexpected establishment Dem-

(Mark White) beat me, 1,249,846

Moore

had

George's unexpected establishment Democrat op-

ponent (Lloyd Bentsen) beat him, ocrat opponent

mainstream alternative to the

1

recently reminded

had

me

said yes to an offer

I

munity organization that

shall

go

to 999,431.

that the race

made by

unnamed

would have

com-

leaders of a

here.

They

offered to

deliver a large bloc of voters in return for a $5,000 check. "Walking-

around money" for local

political leaders

cedure in Texas

they

It

politics,

was an odd election

said.

year.

I

told

John

was standard operating pro-

them

Hill, a

it

wasn't

SOP

me.

for

moderate,* upset Dolph

Briscoe, a reasonably popular conservative governor, in the

Democratic

primary. This was an early sign that Texas conservatives were drifting

away from

their hereditary party. Bill Clements, a gruff

former Democrat with strong

ties to John

Texas oilman,

Connally, and former deputy

defense secretary in the Nixon and Ford administrations, spent millions of his crats

still

own money

win the governorship. With Texas Demo-

outnumbering Texas Republicans by

drilled a very expensive Hill,

to

a

big margin, he almost

dry hole. In the end, however, he squeaked bv

thanks to superb media, good organization, and a lot of crossover

*In a footnote to history,

Perrin, in 2005.

my

They now

daughter Mary Bonner married John

live in

Hill's

Los Angeles, where Mary Bonner

is

grandson,

an actress

\

lunter

78

JAMES

*

BAKER.

A.

Ill

who

votes from conservative Democrats

Clements became the

first

GOP governor in Texas in

Another Texas Republican

George W. Bush, then Texas

made

105 years.

his first bid for office in 1978.

thirty-two, ran for Congress in a sprawling

moved

first

also

liberal.

to the state. In the

GOP

primary, an opponent

charged that "Junior" had "Rockefeller-type Republicans such

Rove

to help

Rove in

him run

his

as Karl

campaign."

twenty-seven-year-old guy

"is a

West

included Midland. That's where the Bushes lived

district that

when they

regarded Hill as too

who works

in

my dad's office

Houston," George W. responded. "He has had nothing to do with

my

campaign

doubt he even supports Rockefeller." Junior won

I

the primary but lost the general election to Kent Hance, a conservative

Democrat.

Everyone knows what became of George W. Bush. Here's what be-

came of Price Daniel, Jr. Devastated by

home

turned

rifle,

movie, a sad testament to a

re-

him

to

then beat the rap with Racehorse Haynes

her attorney. This story later showed up in life

a

made-for-TV

dreadful

and career that held such promise.

Another candidate, John Tower, retained

We

Mark White, he

to Liberty, Texas. In January 1981, his wife shot

death with a .22-caliber as

his loss to

ran into each other on the campaign

trail

his senate seat in 78.

one hot summer day

in

San Antonio and repaired for drinks to the old Menger Hotel. That's

where

in

1898

my

hero Teddy Roosevelt recruited Texas cowboys of

varying degrees of sobriety as

American War. Over vodka thing, Baker?

This

is

Rough Riders

my

disillusioned, but

many campaign

I

race,

I still

George

"You know some-

I

replied. "I'm

new

to

all this."

didn't find the business squalid.

I

wasn't

was exhausted. So was Susan, who had attended so

coffees

on

taken for the Folgers Lady.

We

said,

a squalid business we're in."

"Speak for yourself, Senator," After losing

Tower

martinis,

to fight in the Spanish-

my behalf that We retreated to

hadn't been vacationing for called. "Let's get going,"

she might have been misFlorida for a

more than

he

said.

I

a

little

R&R.

day or two when

knew what he meant.

"WORK HARD. STUDY. ..AND KEEP OUT OF George and

do

so.

Now he was

had promised

I

this?"

to help if

I

were

in a

po-

ready to go.

me one

Early on, George turned to

do

79

*

had talked many times since 1976 about the possibility

I

of his running for president. sition to

POLITICS!"

Even fellow Texans

day and asked, "Am

—who tend

to

crazy to

I

admire bold action

—were

you don't mean you're gonna run against

ridiculing him. "George,

John Connally?" he was asked more than once.

who looked and sounded

Connally, a Texan's Texan

had been planning

casting's idea of a president,

George. John and

I

had crossed paths

a

of

my

duties at the Vail meeting

run for

as

long

where

know

it

him.

I

really got to

I

was named Ford's cam-

Dem-

paign chairman was to host this fellow Texan (and fellow former

Over the next few months, the former Texas governor and

ocrat).

as

few times over the years, but

wasn't until the Ford campaign of 1976 that

One

a

like central

U.S.

treasury secretary was a great help to our campaign.

When I

my

behalf

ran for attorney general, Connally at a

fund-raising event in Fort Worth. Beforehand, he and

his wife, Nellie, staff

were

point, if

Susan and

I,

visiting in the hotel

where the event was

I'd like to

into the next room. "Jim, I'm

hope you

have

gonna run

a

campaign

to be held.

word or

for president,"

At one

his said, "Jim,

two."

he

We

said,

went

"and

I

will help me."

was never quite sure whether he asked because he was impressed

by the job

I

had done

for President

around who had run president in the I

my

and Peter Roussel from

Connally stood up and in that deep, rich voice of

the ladies will excuse us,

I

made an appearance on

said

I

a

I

was the only guy

Republican general election campaign for

last fifteen

couldn't help.

Ford or because

My

years and hadn't done allegiance was to

first

jail

time. Either way,

my

friend George,

I

told him.

While the relationship between George Bush and Connally was ways

civil, it

was never warm.

I

think

al-

George was disappointed when

President Nixon appointed Connally as treasury secretary in 1971.

It

Nixon's urging that George had given up his safe seat

in

was largely

at

JAMES

8

*

the

House

George

BAKtR, IN

A.

to run for the Senate against

The Connally

and was,

I

won

a cabinet

that George, not John, eventually

the presidency.

community supported Connally, which gave

the business

and

credibility

a

only major candidate

good source of campaign funds. (John was the

who turned down

primaries, which, in theory, permitted

money

than other candidates.)

run, and

I

meant

In

it.

my

He had what it took to be ter

that,

family never considered George a real Texan

somewhat envious

think,

Most of him

he should have been rewarded with

rightly believed

position.

Ralph Yarborough. After

Nixon resigned

considering

in

a

Still, I

federal matching funds in the

him

and spend more

to raise

George he wasn't crazy

told

to

mind, he was the best-qualified candidate. strong campaigner and a fine president. Af-

1974 and the newly sworn-in President Ford was

whom to nominate as his vice president,

I

had jotted down

my thoughts on why George should be considered. Under the heading "Fit to be Pres.,"

life

—

Kappa) and

Successful Yale

scholastically (Phi Beta

(capt. baseball team);

war record

as

country over

—

—decorated—

a record of success":

athletically

shot down; successful

—Ways and Means freshman; UN Ambassador; RNC — toughest

businessman; Congress

Committee

—

wrote: "Look at record in

I

first

Repub. from Houston

job in

last

eighteen months.

In the four years since

to his resume, serving as

I

our

had made those notes, George had added liaison to China, then director of the

first

CIA. (George's 1980 campaign slogan would be "A president we won't have to

train.")

My notes also included several other pluses, including:

Age, geography (Conn, and Tex.), foreign

by Repub. Party leaders

who knew him

in

in all sections

of country, respect of those

Congress (both sides of

esty and integrity (above

all),

experience, admired

affairs

aisle),

reputation for hon-

outgoing, articulate, intelligent, fair

(votes convictions), competitive.

— "WORK HARD. STUDY... AND KEEP OUT OF In addition to

all this,

he had

many

POLITICS!"

81

*

around

friends and acquaintances

the country, thanks to his family and business connections and his personal and political travels.

card

list

George and

Barbara's legendary Christmas

was testimony that they never forgot anyone they had met.

Lest someone tag George as a loser because he had been beaten in

two Senate

races,

I

wrote: "Precedent for pres. losing race for Senate

William McKinley."

our nation's twenty-fifth

later learned that

(I

president had, indeed, lost two races, but for the

1882 and 1890, not the Senate.)

tatives in

Let's

be frank about another reason George Bush ran in 1980.

was ambitious. So was he was

a

House of Represen-

I.

He

Despite George's impressive resume, however,

long shot; Ronald Reagan was the clear front-runner for the

Republican nomination. But we believed we could win by using a

model developed by another long

George made

shot, Jimmy Carter, in 1976.

run for the nomination but

a credible

lost,

And

if

there was al-

ways the possibility that he might be tapped for vice president. I

saw no downside. George was

Even

fifty-six in 1980.

around the track time out, win or shot.

Look

is

he

turn

he would be only sixty in 1984. Going

lost,

very important in presidential

lose,

at Bill

if

He would

relatively young.

you learn

a lot. Besides,

politics.

The

first

you've got to take your

Clinton in 1992. Big-name Democrats such as Lloyd

Bentsen and Dick Gephardt saw George's 89 percent approval rating after the first

polling

Gulf War

—and decided

—

the highest in the history of presidential

to wait until next time. Clinton

way and wound up becoming

a

On

and started talking political action

details.

money

By

we

to

I

any-

campaign

talked about tak-

quit talking generalities

the end of that year,

committee called the Fund

This was not exactly to raise

George and

1977 trip to China,

a

in

two-term president.

After President Ford lost in 1976, ing that shot.

jumped

for

we had

set

up

a

Limited Government. a legitimate

way

pay for George's travel around the country.

On

a

vehicle, but

it

was

these trips, he spoke about his philosophy of government and strength-

ened

ties

with local Republican leaders. By the time he formally

82

JAMES

*

BAKER.

A.

I

I

I

May

declared his candidacy on

two

1,

1979, he had already visited forty-

states. I

served as chairman of the fund even before

We

eral.

operated out of

Trust

ran for attorney gen-

on Main Street

a small office

&

been the Houston Bank

I

Company

Building.

in

We

what had

had

very

a

small staff that included Jennifer Fitzgerald, George's assistant since 1974. a

Our

first

two hires were twentysomethings with

young man by the name of Karl Rove and

a

lots

of energy

young woman named

Margaret Tutwiler.

No

one would ever wonder whatever happened

course, later for the

my

became George

political strategist in runs

Texas governorship and U.S. presidency. Margaret served

assistant (her title

cal affairs)

and

W Bush's chief

to them. Karl, of

when

I

was deputy assistant to the president for

politi-

was President Reagan's White House chief of

as assistant secretary for

public affairs

when I was

staff

secretary of the

when

treasury and assistant secretary of state for public affairs secretary of state. In the

as

was

I

George W. Bush administration, she served

with great distinction as ambassador to Morocco and then as under secretary of state for public diplomacy and public

an executive vice president of the day,

I

consider her one of

New York

my most loyal

affairs.

Stock Exchange.

and capable

incredibly sensitive political antennae and an

She

advisers.

uncanny

is

now

To

this

She has

feel for the

way

things will play in the press and with the public.

George and

I

got things going in earnest after

Florida. Before the

my

end of 1978, we spooled up the Fund

return from for

Limited

Government and created an exploratory committee

that eventually

became the George Bush

We

raising

money.

And we

for President

Committee.

also started

paid courtesy calls on both Gerald Ford and

Ronald Reagan to advise them of George's intentions. President Ford and George had always gotten along very well, and I

still

would

had great respect for the former president. like to

plans, but

help George,"

he released

me

I

to

told him.

work

He

for

said

my

"If

you don't run,

he was uncertain of

friend.

I

his

Former Governor

WORK HARD.

STUDY...

AND KEEP OUT

Reagan was very friendly and thanked us

He

George's plans.

we

but

coming out

for

very briefly

him of

was noncommittal about whether he would run,

my

first

contact with Ronald Reagan.

—when he spoke

at a

ganized in Houston. Four years

later,

ident Ford in the general election. had.

was in

I

my office

at the

We

first

met

1972 Nixon for President event

we

I

I

or-

crossed paths in the fight for

the nomination during the primary season, and

when he helped

Pres-

remember one exchange

fondly

President Ford Committee headquar-

when Pete Roussel came running in.

ters

"Bake," he said, "there's a you.

He

says he's

of strange

"He

guy on the phone who wants

to talk with

Governor Reagan."

some kook,

"He's lot

to tell

83

*

believed he would.

This was not

we

OF POLITICS!"

just get rid

of him,"

I

replied.

(Campaigns get

a

calls.)

really

sounds

like the governor,"

Pete

said.

"Well, you don't think he'd be calling me, do you?"

"No,

So

I

don't.

I

But

it

sure sounds like him."

picked up the phone. "Hello?"

"Howard?" was indeed Reagan, but he was trying to reach

It

—

Baker

the senator from Tennessee,

Howard and I became good worked on

his staff

as

In 1978,

Baker.

Over the

friends. In the early eighties,

when Howard was Senate

wasn't the last time

each other

Howard

Reagan helped

years,

my son Jamie

majority leader.

And this

We

refer to

someone confused Howard and me.

"O.B."— Other

a different

Baker.

me campaign

headlined a fund-raiser in Lubbock

at

for attorney general.

He

which we auctioned off hunting

and fishing equipment.

George Bush spent more than three hundred days on travel in 1979.

Not me. An

effective

political

campaign chairman or manager

doesn't need to go out on the road very much. Indeed, he shouldn't.

His job

is

to plan the travel,

name

a

good advance team

for

each

visit,

help organize the candidate's speeches and public statements, and

84

JAMES

*

BAKER.

A.

manage the campaign It's

grunt work, but

it's

Ill

finances

—

To

George and did

in

home

little

Houston

my

much

of what

firm's history

spurious

I

trav-

to the

Mary Bonner

Washington area

later joined

me

in a

(The other kids were either away

for the

time being.)

I

didn't

partnership share. This resulted in

I

immedi-

did signifi-

my

foregoing

otherwise would have had of the largest payday in the

—

a big fee for fighting off

ambitious tax collectors,

and wannabe heirs to save the Howard Hughes estate

wills,

for family

moved

from Andrews Kurth, but

ately take a leave of absence

cantly reduce

frees the candidate to

young man from Houston,

I

in Alexandria, Virginia.

in college or stayed in

It

a first-class job.)

January 1980. Susan and

rented

a fine

manage the campaign,

better

administer the operation.

necessary grunt work.

be the candidate. (David Bates, eled with

in short to

members

in

Houston.

Running the primary campaign

for a little

known, underfinanced

long shot would prove to be very different from running the general election

campaign

looked nothing acteristics

which

is

The

common

the 1976 Ford model. to

all

The 1976 Carter model

Still,

there are certain char-

successful campaigns, the most important of

organization. first

step was to get the right people in place.

who had

George and

I

re-

Houston friend Bob Mosbacher to be finance chairman.

cruited his old

Bob,

like

for a sitting president.

served in the same role for President Ford's campaign,

gave us instant credibility with Republican insiders and helped im-

mensely

as

I

recruited the rest of our core

campaign. Bob Teeter, Ford's

a

dyed-in-the-wool conservative

had worked for John Sears; Rich Bond, Teeley, a very effective press aide for Javits,

most from the Ford

pollster, joined us. So, too, did three tal-

ented operatives: David Keene,

who had

staff,

a

young Bush

loyalist;

who

and Pete

New York's liberal senator Jacob

himself campaigned for President Ford. David served

as political director,

Rich was

field director,

person. Others with the very good team

and Pete was our press

we put

together were David

Sparks, Bill Mclnturff, Susan Morrison, Fred Bush, Joe

Hagen,Jon-

"WORK HARD. STUDY... AND KEEP OUT OF athan Miller, Emily Ford, Alixe Glenn,

Tom It

Lias,

POLITICS!"

Mary Ashmun, Rob

*

85

Quartel,

and Betty Green.

was not surprising that we were able to

The American

public

Bush

at the outset

liked

by Republican

may

attract

known

not have

such good people.

of the campaign, but he was well insiders.

George

or appreciated

They appreciated

known and

well

his service to the party

and the nation, and knew that Ford also liked and trusted him.

Most of

the other candidates would have been happy to have had

these folks. In addition to Reagan and Connally, Senate Minority

Leader Howard Baker, Senator Bob Dole, and Representatives John

Anderson and Phil Crane joined the

race.

Although George often

noted in his speeches that labels were for cans, not candidates, the consensus was that Reagan, Connally, Dole, and Crane were the conservatives,

and Bush and Howard Baker the moderates.

At the beginning, George was an

"asterisk in the polls"

date with numbers so microscopic that they did not even

When

the polls.

he

some celebratory

later

lapel pins that

As chairman of the of

cracked the

polls, the

campaign

—

a candi-

show up staff

in

made

trumpeted our number, "3%."

RNC, George

had inevitably bruised

his share

GOP egos, but he also made a lot of friends and established valuable

contacts.

These

friends

and contacts helped us

raise

money and

organizations in the critical caucus and primary states the early contests in Iowa and

—

New

New Hampshire. Our strategy was to do

—Ronald Reagan and George

Hampshire, historic

had long been dates paid

little

came before

Jimmy

a

site

make-or-break

of the

state.

first

would

Bush.

primary of the season,

Until 1976, Iowa had not; candi-

attention to the state's caucuses, even though they

New

Hampshire's primary.

Carter changed

Harris, Morris Udall, shire, the

up

particularly

so well in these venues that the cluttered seven-candidate field

quickly be reduced to two

set

that.

While opponents Birch Bayh, Fred

and Sargent Shriver focused on

New Hamp-

lesser-known governor from Georgia worked ceaselessly

back and forth across the plains of Iowa. His unexpected victory rhere

8 G

JAMES

*

BAKER.

A.

momentum

gave him

Ill

in

New Hampshire. We knew an

Iowa win would

have the same effect for Bush.

Looking

at the glass as half full instead

for politicians

tial trait

—we believed George's low rank

was an advantage, not

polls

of half empty

a disadvantage. If

won

he

—an

essen-

in the early

made

or even

strong showings early on, he would exceed expectations. In politics

and

in governance, too

expected." That's

why

—

name of

the

who

long shot

a

game

the

is

to

do "better than

scores a strong second can

sometimes win more press attention than

a

better-performing front-

runner. In 1968, for instance, President Johnson polled the most votes in

New

Hampshire's Democratic primary, but

antiwar candidate Senator

his

primary opponent,

Eugene McCarthy, won the headlines by

doing better than anticipated.

How

Bush backers thought we should work the major media markets face time I

on

disagreed.

television.

As

This

is

to

win

what Connally and Howard Baker

did.

told a reporter early in the campaign,

I

name-identification problem

Jimmy

Some

does a little-known candidate become better known?

.

.

.

you have

to

win

"To cure the

early, the

same way

Carter did, and you can't win those early ones by standing in

the lobby of the Waldorf-Astoria in

Ronald Reagan liked

New York."

to joke that

George spent more days

in

Iowa

than he, Reagan, had spent hours. George was a tireless campaigner.

With Rich Bond running our operation on the ground, we scheduled appearances from dawn to dusk

—on

farms, at factories, in homes, and

at rallies.

Retail politics takes time. Despite George's intense effort

campaign that

ber

trail

(and a complementary wholesale

began airing 1,

in

Iowa

in early October), a

1979, poll by the Des Moines Register

by 36 points

— 50 percent

to 14 percent.

on the

effort: television

ads

November 28-Decem-

showed we

The January

trailed

Reagan

21 caucuses

were

only seven weeks away, and the front-runner looked unbeatable.

By

this time,

contests."

Maine and

Florida had each held presidential "beauty

These were merely straw

polls in

advance of

state

conventions

— WORK HARD,

STUDY...

AND KEEP OUT

or primaries, not elections of delegates, but

and most other candidates

did, too

—

OF POLITICS!"

we took them

87

*

seriously

an important forum for trying

as

to beat expectations.

the favorite in Maine, a state in which Reagan

Howard Baker was was making no

effort.

early because he and

He

George were

young Maine

quietly engaged a

run an under-the-radar

November

was also the candidate we had to knock out

effort.

from the same pond.

state legislator

She did

won

who had

to Connally,

named Josie Martin

a masterful job,

and

in early

Howard Baker and

invested heavily there.

which no delegates were

Each party was

in straw

at stake.

Iowa the

to hold a debate in

first

week

The much-anticipated Democratic showdown between ter

to

the Florida straw poll convincingly, a

John Connally never recovered from these early knockdowns polls for

We

George shocked everyone by beating Baker in Maine.

1979,

Several days later Reagan

blow

fishing

in January.

President Car-

and Teddy Kennedy never materialized. Citing the Iranian hostage the president refused to leave the

crisis,

spotlight

on the

GOP

debate.

We,

too,

White House. This put the

had

a

no-show

On

the advice

of campaign manager John Sears, Reagan passed, the only Republican to

do

so.

During the

final

week,

we

sent out about one million pieces of mail

and made thousands of telephone

matched

more than ever

six

The

before.

man who

(31.6 percent),

final

who had been running

one of Reagan's

come

a sitting president.

Reagan 31,348

far

preference vote was stunning: Bush

four years earlier had

nomination away from

be

of our opponents

thousand Republicans attended the caucuses,

upset Reagan, a candidate

Black,

None

this effort.

One hundred

1968, a

calls.

(29.5

for president since

close to wresting the

The

count: Bush 33,530

percent). "Hell," said Charlie

political operatives, "I didn't

know

it

was gonna

a primary!''

In the afterglow

that he

now had

of victory, an ebullient George Bush announced

the "Big

Mo"

— momentum—heading

into

New

ft

88

*

JAMES

BAKE

A.

R,

III

Hampshire. The weekly newsmagazines gave him extensive coverage, and dozens more reporters now clamored to travel on our rented campaign plane, an old nineteen-passenger turboprop Fairchild. (Unlike

some other

candidates,

we never

raised

of-the-art airplane. For a long time

enough money

George

to get a state-

flew coach in commercial

aircraft.)

George Reagan

in

flew ahead in the polls, too.

New

He had been down

19 points to

Hampshire. Suddenly he was 6 points ahead. In the

Puerto Rico primary, he whipped Howard Baker by 60 to 37 percent.

He in

and built up sizable leads

also took the lead in Florida (for a time)

Massachusetts and Still, as

Illinois.

George has

fortunate because

since acknowledged, the Big

raised expectations too high.

it

win

to be excited about the

in Iowa, but

paigned and we had barely beaten him.

Mo boast was un-

We had every reason

Reagan had hardly cam-

One week

after the caucuses,

Wall Street Journal reporter James Perry praised George's "organization

and hard work." But, he added, "post-Iowa, Mr. Bush that he verges didates,

on cockiness." Cockiness

and verging on

is

bad news for

nearly as bad as going

it is

is

all

down some

political can-

the way.

My first big opportunity to lower expectations came Breakfast shortly after Iowa.

so confident

at a

With the help of Pete Teeley,

Sperling I

jotted

talking points for this meeting with the Washington press,

including these:

We

would

ble to

do

like to

so.

win

New

However, the

gan's strongest states.

Hampshire and reality

Combine

is

that

will

N.H.

is

will

After

realize

how

difficult

be

all

the

his victory at

one of Ronald Rea-

that factor with the all-out efforts of

Howard Baker and even John Anderson and you it

do everything possi-

work

that

George Bush put

was one of elation.

one time or another.

.

.

.

It is a

into Iowa ... his reaction to

human

quality that

Frankly, that was a

week

ago.

all

of us have

The

realities

"WORK HARD. STUDY... AND KEEP OUT OF are that he

still

POLITICS!"

*

89

remains an underdog, and he and the entire campaign

staff realize that.

As we lowered expectations

for

New

image of George

to raise the public's

as a

Hampshire, we also wanted

man of substance

ident you wouldn't have to train. In Iowa

"George who?" Now,

tion

"George why?" Bush

We

(fifty-five at

also

New

in

wanted

we had answered

the pres-

the ques-

Hampshire, we had to answer,

to stress the age difference

the time) and Reagan (sixty-nine).

erature featured pictures of

—

George

between

Our campaign

lit-

and he frequently went

jogging,

out for runs with the media in tow Teeter's polls

showed

base, to give voters a reason to

won in Iowa. more

George needed

that

back him other than the fact that he had

Bob, David Keene, and

specific

on the

After the campaign,

issues.

I all

told

He wasn't quite

George would

tell

tive,

ily

and

I

would argue with them:

I'm answering questions every day

concede

at this

point

I

George

that he should be

as responsive as

now I

we hoped.

Germond and

reporters Jack

Jules Witcover, "There was a feeling, well, substantive,

to build a substantive

you've got to be more

think

... I just

I

am

being substan-

didn't see

may have been wrong. But

I

it. I'll

read-

didn't feel any

great need to do something different."*

The New Hampshire

debates offered

portunity to be substantive.

remember the ber,

however,

tor Jon

Breen

I

all

seven candidates an op-

will wager, however, that

issues discussed at those events.

is

in

few Americans

What many do remem-

the following exchange between Reagan and modera-

Nashua on

Saturday, February 23

—

three days before

the primary. Reagan and Bush had agreed to a one-on-one debate that

evening, but

when Reagan took

the stage, he argued that

all

candidates

should be allowed to participate.

'Germond and

Witcover's campaign journal, Blue Smoke and Mirrors, helped

number of events from

the 1980 campaign, as did

me

recall a

George Bush's book, Looking Forward.

90

JAMES

*

BAKER.

A.

1

Reagan: I'm paying for

that was is

due

made our

words won the nomination

more to

real

Reagan

is

[sic].

had met

no question that

for seizing the

Manchester

Voters.

By

it

created

moment,

I

New

Hampshire.

debate.

Three days

share of mistakes in

in

That may be

for Reagan.

momentum for

and sustainable than our Big Mo. And while

Nashua was the second

Women

microphone, Mr. Green

this

an exaggeration, but there

credit

off.

observers believe this was the turning point in the campaign,

that those seven

him

I

Turn Mr. Reagan's microphone

breen:

Some

1

for a

this time,

all

have to admit that we

earlier

all

candidates

forum sponsored by the League of

Reagan had pulled even with George

the polls. Stunned by the Iowa results, he was

now campaigning

in

with

purpose and energy. Reagan also had the support of William Loeb, influential publisher of the state's largest newspaper, the Manchester

Union Leader. George, an "oil

man from

Texas," was a "phony candi-

date" pushed by "the entire Eastern Establishment, the Rockefellers,

and

all

the other

power

interests in the East,"

he thundered. Most

viewers thought Reagan did better than George and the other

can-

five

didates in the Manchester debate, and by the twenty-third the race

was no longer even. According to most digit lead.

He

polls,

was beginning to solidify

Reagan now held

his base,

which was

a

double-

far larger

than George's.

Although we were now the

Nashua

trailing,

debate. This was to be

we were

excited by the prospect of

Bush

Reagan, mano a mano.

vs.

Our

strategy from the beginning had been to engineer a two-candidate race. Still,

it

had not been our idea to leave the other candidates

Jerry Carmen, Reagan's

New

Hampshire chairman,

idea of a two-candidate debate.

Hugh

first

broached the

Gregg, our state chairman,

quickly persuaded the Nashua Telegraph to sponsor the event.

would the Reagan challenger?

cut

forces

Carmen

George down

later

to size.

want

to anoint

out.

George

as their

Why

only serious

explained that he believed the debate would

"WORK HARD. STUDY ...AND KEEP OUT OF The

other

complained

five

POLITICS!"

*

91

contenders were not happy to be excluded. Dole

Commission (FEC)

to the Federal Election

that the Tele-

graph was, in effect, giving the two invited candidates an illegal cam-

paign contribution.

The FEC

suggested that the two candidates fused,

When

agreed. split

the Reagan

camp then

the cost, $1,750 each,

Gregg re-

and those of us running the national campaign went along with

him. This was a huge mistake.

The Reagan camp, having paid

the costs, then set an ambush, se-

all

cretly telling the other candidates that if they

came

to

Nashua, they

might be included. Everyone showed up except Connally. ing for broke in South Carolina.

Crane

filed

When

He

was go-

Dole, Baker, Anderson, and

onto the stage of the Nashua High School auditorium as

the debate was to begin, the majority of the 2,500 in the audience ap-

plauded. George and the Telegraph's Breen stuck to their guns, ever: as previously agreed, this

was to be

a

two-man, not

how-

a six-man,

forum.

As Reagan began

to explain

why he wanted

to include the other

candidates, Breen called for technicians to turn off his microphone.

That's

when Reagan

hit

it

out of the ballpark.

The debate proceeded without the stage, an angry

Bob Dole came up

"Jim Baker," he said, "you'll regret

Dole when

fectively with

We

the other challengers. As they

I

left

me and poked me in the chest.

to

this." (I

was chief of

worked very closely and

staff

and in

my

ef-

cabinet posts.

were, and are, friends.)

Matters didn't get any better of days

later,

frontation.

"The bad news

The good news

is

is

later.

As Teeley told George

that the

a

couple

media are playing up the con-

that they're ignoring the debate,

and you

lost that, too."

Reagan had indeed "paid

for this

for getting ourselves in a position

eted.

On

microphone," and we paid dearly

where

it

mattered. His numbers rock-

primary day, he took 49.6 percent, Bush got 22.7 percent, and

Howard Baker

ran third with 12.1 percent. As

campaign manager learn

a lot

I

said, a

candidate and a

by going around the track that

first

time.

92

BAKER.

*

JAMES

If

there was a silver lining to

Ill

New

Hampshire,

it

was

later,

George rebounded

Howard did.

A

to capture the Massachusetts primary.

That same evening Reagan won Vermont. Baker, who in

this:

John Anderson, and the others did even worse than we

Baker,

week

A.

finished poorly

each of these contests, dropped out. Connally was done four days

when Reagan crushed him

later

Anderson held on

longer.

By

and Vermont on March

setts

George

worse than

as the

finishing

victors.

us to a certain degree because paint

South Carolina. second in both Massachu-

he exceeded expectations and drew

4,

away from the

press attention

in

His continued presence helped

made

it

candidate of the

it

more

difficult for

But

in the end,

left.

Nineteen-eighty marked the

likely to vote for

first

time

I

led the

didate trying to win his party's nomination.

chairmanship of the Ford

date

is

a

it

effort,

When

to

hurt us

hurt Reagan, because Anderson drew moderates

it

would otherwise have been more

What does

Reagan

who

George.

campaign of I

a can-

had assumed the

he was already the party's choice.

campaign leader do from headquarters while

his candi-

on the road during the primary season?

In addition to running the

George

ularly offered

my

demanding day-to-day operation,

counsel.

A memo

I

sent

I

him two days

regafter

Massachusetts and Vermont, "Reaction to March 4 Primary Results," is

typical.

You should be that

careful to stick to your position

Reagan cannot win

in

November

—

i.e.,

on Ford's statement

you don't agree with

that,

but [you do believe] you would be a better candidate with a better

chance to win.

You should not and Vermont It

as freakish or aberrations.

This makes you look petty.

wouldn't hurt to even congratulate him on

[say] that

the voting

of

refer to Anderson's showings in Massachusetts

states.

it

is

remains to be seen

if

he can do

primarily by Republicans, as

a

good showing and

as well in states

it is

where

in the vast majority

"WORK HARD, STUDY. ..AND KEEP OUT I

also coordinated George's

ularly effective

on

a series

"Ask George Bush."

An

OF POLITICS!"

campaign appearances.

He

*

93

was partic-

of campaign television broadcasts called

April 8

memo to eleven members of our cam-

paign staff offers a glimpse of the logistics for these events. For the four "Ask

George Bush"

The goal was

one's duties.

We

wanted

telecasts in Pennsylvania, little

to

chance

and prepared George Bush to meet

a rested

... is

responsible for the buying of

vision] airtime (after

a candidate-

checking with

me

regarding

required [tele-

all

cost).

Red Caveney and Bob Goodwin, working with Dave responsible for securing the four locations

Each lead advance man articulate

as possible.

would ask candidate-friendly questions:

friendly audience that

John Morgan

always to leave as

spelled out every-

I

members of

... is

.

.

.

and

all

advance work.

up

responsible for lining

the audience to carry the

Sparks, are

Q&A

five

or six

at his event.

Questions will be restricted to non-press members of the audience.

Dave Gergen

is

responsible for writing the opening and closing

remarks for George Bush for each

Margaret Tutwiler

is

telecast.

responsible for seeing that

hours are

five

blocked out prior to each telecast for the following: one hour staff briefing

on

local issues;

one hour jogging; one hour on

television consultant] Bill Carruthers; and

After Iowa, District of

we had won only

in

two hours

site

with [our

off.

Puerto Rico, Massachusetts, the

Columbia, Maine, and Connecticut, but by

late April all

major candidates except Reagan and Bush had dropped out, and Pennsylvania offered the

put everything

two-man matchup we had been looking

we had

into the April 22 primary

campaign charged that Reagan's plan tax cut was

"voodoo economics"

—

to stimulate the

that's

for.

We

where the

economy with

—and came away with

a

a solid victory

in the

popular vote. Unfortunately, thanks to an odd "blind voting"

system

in that state,

manding

lead.

Reagan won more delegates and added

to his

com-

94

*

I

A

The

M

RAKER,

A.

E S

III

conventional wisdom was that the loss in

put George off his game for

around the

trip

track.

By

a while.

contrast,

New

Hampshire had

Perhaps. Again, this was his

Reagan had run

first

for president in

both 1968 and 1976.

George known.

is

He

does not

like to lose,

George never hung

gan,

War

from prep school to

have ever

he displayed the same de-

age eighteen,

at

I

but as state after state went for Rea-

his head. Instead,

termination he had shown straight

human being

about the most competitive

when

he became

Yale,

instead of heading

a naval aviator in

World

II.

Everything came together on

May

20 in Michigan.

I

turned on the

television that night expecting George's 57 to 32 percent landslide

there to be the lead story, but

ABC and CBS had a different take. They

proclaimed George the winner in Michigan

all right,

but the big news,

they said, was that by winning Oregon, Reagan had collected more

than the 998 delegates needed for the nomination.

Three delegate-rich would hold primaries in his

home

metic was both

state,

right,

—New

two weeks on June

however

—and

it

3.

and California

Reagan was way ahead

to be

—even

still

if

If the arith-

George won

win the nomination.

to raise about $500,000 to challenge in California. In

would be "goddamn tough"

reporters.

seemed

and Ohio, Reagan would

light of the delegate projections, It

Jersey, Ohio,

but George was strong in the other two.

New Jersey

Now what? We needed

in

states

should

we keep

to raise the

money

fighting?

Could we?

in California,

At the same time, George told the Washington

I

told

Post that with-

out sufficient funds to contest California, campaigning in Ohio and

New Jersey "might be

an irrelevancy."

Washington Post staff writers Bill Peterson and David Broder re-

ported that

quoted to

me

I

said

we were

as follows: "If

people that you

numbers.

still

closing

you

have

down

can't

operations in California.

do California, then you

a shot [at the

And once you concede

that,

nomination]

why do you

in

They

can't argue

terms of the

stay in?"

WORK HARD. If

I

had

carefully.

I

terpreted.

do over

to

it

again,

didn't think through

Only the candidate could do himself to

I

call it quits.

was

I

just

Does

George was actly

what

I

this

had

words more

remarks might be in-

Nor was

I

trying to pressure

George

answering questions honestly and be-

New Jersey,

however, reporters

I

I

it

whether to stay or

in California, but

I

gave the impression that

reality,

go,

He wanted to know ex-

don't blame him.

had only talked about not having enough

compete

to

The

you're dropping out?"

and

said.

admitted, because

pull the plug.

mean

furious,

money on hand I

95

George, "Baker says you don't have anything going in

telling

California.

my

*

intention to throw in the towel.

ing realistic about our prospects. In

were

my

the ways

my

that.

OF POLITICS!"

would have chosen

all

was obviously not

It

AND KEEP OUT

STUDY...

of course,

but

I

is

that

hadn't done

shouldn't have done

it,

we had no choice but to

George had

him any

to decide

soon

favor by talking so

openly about our rocky financial position.

George had done

remarkable job in transforming himself from

a

the pollsters' asterisk into the only legitimate challenger

He had won

Iowa and seven other contests. "The remarkable thing

about Bush's candidacy long as

it

standing.

left

is

not that

it

failed,

did," the Post's Peterson wrote.

I

but that

agree.

it

kept going as

And because

it

had

kept going, George would be the only candidate besides Reagan with a significant

a

good shot

number of delegates at

becoming the

at the

convention. This meant he had

party's vice presidential

nominee.

Candidates for president should never create the impression that they are really running for vice president or would be happy to end up in

second place.

ficult

had carefully followed

this rule. It wasn't that dif-

because George always said privately that he wasn't sure

was interested I

We

now

told

in

George

campaign much

camps were already gan's Eleventh

he

being vice president. that

it

was time to decide and that

he would blow any chance of getting on the ticket less

if

longer. Relations

strained.

if

I

he ran

thought a

hope-

between the Bush and Reagan

Each candidate had

tried to observe

Commandment, Thou shah not speak

ill

Rea-

of fellow Republi-

96

JAMES

*

cans,

BAKER.

A.

Ill

but opponents in a two-way race invariably rub each other the

wrong way George decided

He

to return to

Houston

members, close

talked at length with family

campaign

staff.

Keene, and

I

As

I

to think about

remember, senior consultant Vic Gold, Dave

George wanted

New Jersey. Nick

to do.

and senior

friends,

argued that he should withdraw. His family

ther they nor

what

believed George could

to disappoint supporters in

who was running the operation

Brady,

win

still

his state.

Why

Nei-

resisted.

in

Ohio and

New Jersey,

not try to strengthen

George's hand by picking up the delegates there and in Ohio?

For what?

I

asked. "You're the only person at the convention who's

going to have any delegates,"

I

said.

"They have

they're going to run with, and the longer a

to start thinking

you hang

in if

who

you don't have

mathematical chance of winning, the more you're going to hurt your

chances."

On

It

went

like that all

weekend.

the campaign airplane,

Kenny

Rogers's song

"The Gambler"

was sometimes played on the public address system. George and others had often joined the chorus, "You got to 'em,

know when

tell a

to fold 'em."

candidate to fold 'em, particularly I

when

that candidate

did not back down.

he

said,

"but

I

also

his

know how

as

is

On May

George announced he would stop campaigning and throw to Reagan. "I'm an optimist,"

to hold

hard for a campaign manager to

It's

competitive as George Bush, but

know when

26,

support

to

count

to 998."

George was gan's

first

a logical

pick for vice president, but he was not Rea-

choice. Nevertheless, he held a

good hand. What other can-

didate had comparable delegate and party support at the convention,

or a perfect resume to balance the ticket?

At the convention, however, the answer switched from George

Bush

to a

most surprising

possibility,

suddenly depended on whether

a

Gerald Ford. George's future

former president might accept the

role of vice president or, as Walter Cronkite suggested

"copresidency."

on the

air,

a

"WORK HARD. STUDY. ..AND KEEP OUT OF

My

future looked even

more

uncertain.

I

POLITICS!'

had managed two hard-

fought battles to deny Ronald Reagan his party's nomination successful, the other not. I'm a realist,

room

for James A. Baker,

idency.

It

looked

like

III,

in the

time for

me

and

97

realistically there

Reagan campaign or

to fold 'em, too.

a

—one

was no

Reagan pres-

FIVE

"I

WANT TO TALK TO YOU YOU GO BACK TO

George

H. W. Bush

ported that

when

is

nothing

if

BEFORE

TEXAS"

not likable. Yet

it

has been re-

the 1980 primary season ended, Ronald Reagan was

not happy with George and did not want to select him as the vice presidential

nominee. Let

me

set the record straight: This is true.

moment, Reagan's preferred candidate

for

running mate was

At that

ABB

Anybody But Bush.

Why?

After gracefully withdrawing from the presidential race and

support to Reagan, George seemed the obvious choice.

throwing

his

He

proven vote-getter, the only other candidate

was

a

rive at the

mid-July convention in Detroit with

delegates.

He had

necticut Yankee graphically,

a

who would

a significant

ar-

number of

superb record of government service. As a Con-

who had

relocated to Texas, he balanced the ticket geo-

and he was perceived to be more moderate,

politically,

than Reagan. Selecting him would give the ticket credibility with un-

decided voters in the middle. But writes, the

stand

up

as

Reagan biographer Lou Cannon

governor thought George lacked spunk because he didn't

for himself in the school

auditorium during the

fight

over

"WORK HARD. STUDY... AND KEEP OUT OF whether

when

also lost points

nomics" for the policies that would

99

*

The

Republican contenders to debate.*

to allow the other

Bush campaign

POLITICS!"

used the label "voodoo eco-

it

be known

later

as

Reaganomics.

"Lacked spunk"? George joined the Navy straight out of prep school,

won

He

sions.

wings

his

at eighteen,

parachuted out of

He won

U.S. submarine.

he took the

risks

a

and flew

burning

fifty-eight

aircraft

combat mis-

and was rescued by

a

the Distinguished Flying Cross. In business,

of entrepreneurship and started a thriving company.

His resume in politics and public service was replete with tough, highprofile positions. (I've listed his offices often

won't do

1980 race

again here.)

it

as

Most

enough

recently, of course,

in this

book and

he had entered the

an overwhelming underdog and emerged as Reagan's only

serious contender.

But

Aware

at that time,

nominee held him

that the party's

George and a spot

these facts about the

I

man seemed in relatively

thought he probably didn't stand

on the November

We

ballot.

to matter

little.

low regard, both

much chance of winning

were even

learned that several prominent Republicans and

less

hopeful

members of

when we

the Reagan

inner circle were lobbying for themselves or other strong candidates.

Nevada Senator Paul

dent supporters, wanted the

man

Jack

Kissinger,

Kemp were

—

ticket in as a

GOP

the president

Ford?

job.

also

Senator

To be

chairman

apparently in the running.

Bill

Brock) pushed their

many of them had once

sure,

And Henry

own ABB

Ford-Reagan dream

ticket

as

it

was

candi-

served, Gerald Ford.

Republican polling revealed that

1980 had the potential to be

ar-

Howard Baker and Congress-

Alan Greenspan, Bryce Harlow, and others (including,

rumored, the date

one of Reagan's best friends and most

Laxalt,

a

Reagan- Ford

appealing and successful

might have been

in

1976. But the

Ford crowd had another motive, the one everyone in politics shares:

'Cannon covered Rise

to

the

White

1

louse for the Washington

Post.

Power and President Reagcm. The Role of a Lifetime

searching this hook.

His biographies

— Reagan: His

— were excellent sources

for re-

100

JAMES

+

BAKER.

A.

I

I

I

ambition. If they could return their

number-two

man

would enhance

position, they

Washington, even

to

their

in

the

own chances of

re-

turning to power and influence.

At

first,

remote.

the odds of seeing Reagan-Ford

The

contentious battle for the 1976

both of these

men

fine

with scars.

bumper

man

They were anything but

real power.

come back

No.

as

2

The

became

close.

the United States, the

in the world. Traditionally, vice presidents

moved from

appeared

GOP nomination had left

Moreover, Gerald Ford had been president of powerful

stickers

were

most

far re-

absurdity of having a former president

when I asked myself how I would

clear

Or was

dress Ford. "Hello, Mr. President-Vice President"?

ad-

"Hello,

it,

Mr. Vice President-President"?

On his way to the convention, By coincidence, fered

me

I

was there for

a ride to Detroit.

we

certainly did not discuss the subject.

we had been

if

was coming, however,

would not have broached the

my

role in George's campaign, that

alone and

I

much more

had known what

than pleasantries. Even I

Omaha.

corporate board meeting, and he of-

was too short and the plane too crowded for

flight

in

hadn't heard any talk about his being con-

I

sidered for vice president, and

The

a

Gerald Ford stopped over

subject.

Given

would have been inappropriate.

But now, George's future was very

much up

in the

mine. Shortly after George withdrew in late May,

from Reagan press secretary Lyn Nofziger.

He

I

asked

air,

and so was

received a call if

were

I

inter-

ested in serving as political director for the Reagan campaign.

As

I

have noted,

had

titles

are important.

had installed

his trusted friend Bill

have accepted the

comedown

for

title "political

Casey

in that capacity.

director"

But for

last election.

I

told

Lyn

I

me

would have been quite

someone who had managed the campaign of

president in the

demand

—campaign chairman. Governor Reagan

I

to

did not presume to

1976

the position

in

I

was interested

a

a sitting

in

helping

Reagan, but not in that capacity \lv role was late

June.

He

still

was

a

unresolved when

I

met with Casey

in

Dallas in

Wall Street lawyer and former Securities and Ex-

"WORK HARD. STUDY... AND KEEP OUT OF

POLITICS!"

change Commission chairman, but he hardly looked the

may have gone

to his head, but not to his wardrobe.

rumpled, he was disheveled. spoke.

They had

to;

he was

a

Success

part.

When

101

*

he wasn't

people paid attention when he

Still,

We talked about how to

chronic mumbler.

organize Reagan's effort against President Carter and

how

might

I

help the campaign.

At that time Jimmy Carter was 10 points behind Ronald Reagan

The

the polls.

Iran hostage

economy, foreign policy

soft

Kennedy were taking

their

wearing rose-colored

glasses,"

You can win told

I

politicians

thought

it

this election,

toll.

but

I

"But

anyone

if

it's

gut-fighters

He

had one big advantage, incumbency.

also

all

had

his a

too,

campaign team

for the fall,"

I

your time. You won't

make

where

After

we

find I

much

sleep until the election

make

met,

I

enough hours

thought

I

over,"

a decision, so

sent

him

day to do

all

you have

We discussed ways

I

we agreed

He had

drafts of an organizational structure

much

not solicited this material.

happened

terial also

the better.

however,

my

could

to

remind him of

When

role was

I

He

to talk again later.

budget based on our 1976 campaign, along with more ideas about egy.

I

demands made on you and

in the

could help.

is

including by serving as a deputy chairman.

his job easier,

wasn't ready to

GOP's convention

said.

told Casey. "You're going to find incredible

is

said.

"This gives us a head start in organizing and gearing

"But don't expect to get

to do." This

I

that

one the Ford campaign

did not have in 1976. As the party out of power, the

up

they

problems, Carter

"They've got their act together,"

Governor Reagan had an advantage,

first.

a mistake.

who would do whatever

to elect their guy. For

track.

making

is

some tough, hard-nosed, capable

—accomplished

had been around the

your organization

going to be close."

against

would take

in

Ted

battles with

told Casey, "they're

him he was up

would come

(most notably the

failures

and the president's primary

crisis),

in

wanted

and

strat-

to help, but if the

ma-

my experience and expertise, so

the convention began on Monday, July 14,

still

uncertain.

102

JAMES

*

A.

BAKER.

Ill

Reagan did not reveal in

his choice for vice president before arriving

would have removed

Detroit. If he had, he

the proceeding. I'm said,

I

offer this

tion to

name

a

all

for injecting a bit of

We

it

was

the block of rooms

He

12.

we had

same hotel where Gov-

stayed at the

I

George

joined

in

The

— Barbara and other family members,

spokesman Pete Teeley, some other

loyal

Dean Burch, an

as

we reached

after

reserved at the Hotel Ponchartrain.

relatively small

such

George beat

a mistake.

ernor Reagan was headquartered, the Detroit Plaza.

served in the

conven-

making the

too) before

so,

went our separate ways

I

Detroit on Saturday, July

friends,

until the

did not do that in 1988, the year

President Ford and

few

That

votes.

running mate: make sure you have thoroughly vetted

Michael Dukakis, and

Bush party was

win

to

warning to any candidate who waits

your choice (and that the press has done

announcement.

drama

suspense from

all

Nixon and Ford

campaign

staffers,

old Goldwater hand

and

a

who had

administrations. Governors, other

elected officials from the primary states where

George had done

well,

and other prominent Bush delegates stopped by from time to time to

pay their respects and

about the one and only topic

talk

at

conven-

tions, politics.

President Ford's opening-day speech roused the delegates, pleased

Governor Reagan, and created momentum

for the possibility that

Ford might be offered the number-two spot. This set off closed-door meetings that did not conclude,

a series

of

the eleventh

literally, until

hour Wednesday evening.

Only the

insiders

know

exactly

played out. Later reports said

group of Reagan

loyalists

Bill

who

how

the Reagan-Ford courtship

Casey and Ed Meese headed sat

down

with a Ford team led by

Henry Kissinger and Alan Greenspan. One thing talks

would never have happened without

Meanwhile, back vate meetings, but inside story, so

we

at the

Ponchartrain,

rumors were

flying.

a small

a

is

clear,

however: the

green light from Reagan.

we were not

privy to the pri-

Everyone claimed

to

have the

hesitated to believe anyone. Besides, what could

we

"WORK HARD. STUDY... AND KEEP OUT OF do? About

all

-

*

103

George had scheduled during these long hours were

few delegation drop-bys,

a

fall

campaign.

met with the California

the hotel to hurry

up and

On Wednesday might be willing

On Tuesday

delegation.

Then

it

morning, for

was back to

wait.

evening,

Walter Cronkite, Ford

a

duty he shared with other party luminaries,

to motivate the troops for the

instance, he

POLITICS!

broke loose. In an interview with

hell

all

out the general conditions under which he

laid

to take the

second

He

spot.

said that he

would need

"reasonable assurances" that his role would be substantive rather than

ceremonial. Cronkite said this sounded like he was proposing a "copresidency." Ford never used this word, but his failure to correct the

anchorman

By some

most viewers

led

later accounts, the

to believe that

was exactly what he meant.

former president's team had proposed that

he would chair the National Security Council and have veto power over some appointments, which pretty far

"As that

I

down

—

if

—was

not exactly a copresidency

the road in that direction.

watched that interview," Reagan wrote

we had some major problems with

member

thinking, this

gotiations continued as

the idea: Wait a minute,

two presidents

is really

later, "it really hit I

re-

he's talking about!' Still,

ne-

Wednesday evening wore

on.

While Ford's remarks gave Reagan pause, they brought the alive. It

now seemed

gan, the

that the

dream

rumor went, would come

ticket to the

me

might soon be

a reality.

floor

Rea-

convention center to make

the announcement.

Meantime, George was on coveted prime-time speaking

his

way

slots.

to the hall.

He

He had one

of the

delivered a powerful speech,

but the Ford story overshadowed his appearance.

Our mood vention

floor,

in the

Bush

we awaited

now seemingly

suite

the

inevitable,

Unbeknownst

was not

Like those on the con-

announcement of the once improbable,

Reagan-Ford

ticket.

to us (and the delegates), the deal

Reagan and Ford representatives were details.

festive.

still

was not done.

trying to work out the

Unable to reach agreement on the makeup of Ford's

staff

and

104

its

JAMES

*

BAKER.

A.

said. I

Ford visited Reagan's

p.m.,

suite.

It's

not going to work, he

Reagan agreed. was not there for that meeting, obviously, but

what happened

dent Ford's

Ford

next. Shortly after the

rang in George's

man

suite.

I

Drew

answered.

visit to

Lewis,

line. "Jim,"

he

was present for

I

Reagan, the phone

who had been

Pennsylvania in 1976 and was

in

Reagan, was on the to

broke off negotiations. Sometime between 10:30

role, the parties

and 11:30

II!

Presi-

now working

"Governor Reagan would

said,

for like

speak to Ambassador Bush."

Was Ford?

this a

Or was

though most

courtesy

it

the call

call to tell

George

we had been hoping

in the suite suspected that the

The

tension built until

George

Reagan had selected

for?

Nobody was

news would be

George was

After a brief exchange of pleasantries, spoke.

that

finally

sure, al-

bad.

silent as

Reagan

turned our way, smiled,

and gave us the thumbs-up.

During the conversation, Reagan had asked George two questions, one general and one

specific:

And, can you support

my

In his

campaign

opposed

am

amendment

decision, because there

vide for exceptional cases I

George had spelled out

his position

personally opposed to abortion.

to a constitutional

preme Court

policy positions?

position on abortion?

literature,

that sensitive issue. "I

Can you support my

—

is

that a

I

am

on

also

would override the Su-

need

to recognize

and pro-

rape, incest, or to save the life of a mother.

oppose federal funding of abortion, with the exceptions noted

above."

George and Reagan had to overturn Roe

v.

fundamental disagreement over whether

a

Wade with

a constitutional

amendment, but they

agreed on several points. Both opposed abortion, personally. They also accepted that

it

was

justified to save the life

would add cases of rape or

incest.)

And

of the mother. (George

they both opposed federal

funding for abortions, except in those cases.

Some select a

of Reagan's more zealous backers

may have hoped he would

running mate whose positions on abortion and other social

is-

"WORK HARD. STUDY ...AND KEEP OUT OF sues were identical to his own. the only

way

who had run

a presidential

The

reality,

POLITICS!"

however,

nominee and vice

*

105

that just about

is

presidential

nominee

against each other in the primaries could be in complete

agreement on everything would be through cloning. The best No.

1

No.

2

can

hope

realistically

for,

and unequivocally demand,

that

is

supports his policies. If in good conscience George could not have an-

swered Reagan's two questions, "Yes, sure,

sir,"

he should have (and, I'm

would have) declined the nomination.

To put an end to the Ford rumors, Governor Reagan then went immediately to the convention hall to introduce his running mate. This

broke the tradition that nominees were not supposed to appear on the

podium

until they

roof almost

were ready

came

there together,

it

off,"

to give their acceptance speeches.

Reagan wrote

was almost

as if

later.

we were

"As

George and

I

"The stood

putting the party back to-

gether again."

The next

day, not surprisingly, the press

honed

ences, real and imagined. This was to be expected.

is

bound

on their

The two

differ-

candidates

in the primaries.

Any

alliance

to raise questions.

The

goal

had offered competing visions former adversaries

in

between

now was

to

de-emphasize the issues that divided them and emphasize the ones on

which they agreed.

When Rights

reporters asked

George

Amendment (ERA) and

that could not be used to drive a

make news: "My view fall ...

are going to be

and I'm the

in favor

is

to state his positions

abortion, he answered with language

wedge between the running mates or

that the big issues, the major issues in the

economic and foreign

of equal

rights."

Note

affairs.

I

oppose abortion

that he didn't say he supported

ERA, which Reagan opposed; he supported equal

Reagan.

Nor did he

on the Equal

rights, as did

say that he opposed the constitutional

on abortion that Reagan favored; he

amendment

said, quite honestly, that

he op-

posed abortion. "I'm not going to get nickeled and said as the questions continued,

dimed

to death

by

detail,"

he

adding that he would not "get bogged

10G

JAMES

*

down

in

.

.

A.

BAKE

R.

Ill

permitting you to accentuate the differences with the gov-

.

ernor during the campaign, which have been minimal."

The

press also zeroed in on the point that

Ronald Reagan.

ald Ford, was standing beside

ernor, that Mr.

George was number-two make?

"Isn't

it

clear then,

Gov-

Bush was your second choice?"

think the situation

"I

George Bush, not Ger-

is

unique."

also asked if

he was the number-two choice for the

spot. "It's unique,"

he echoed. "What difference does

it

irrelevant. I'm here."

It's

In 2004

,

a

perhaps even more "unique" situation arose when

ocratic presidential

nominee John Kerry spoke

John McCain about running and the

clined, Kerry

man he

to

Dem-

Republican Senator

as his vice president. After

McCain

de-

did choose, Senator John Edwards, faced

questions similar to those faced by Reagan and Bush.

Would

Kerry-McCain

McCain appealed

cause

most

a

likely

said that,

Case

In

top

of the

independents and ticket

splitters

who

the undecided voters in 2004. But having

ticket. Further,

politics,

party switchers rarely do

in point: John Connally.

brief speech

a

have been effective? Perhaps, be-

important to remember that in presidential

people vote for the well.

to the

made up most of

it's

ticket

accepting his nomination Thursday night,

George endorsed the platform, compared Reagan

to Eisenhower, en-

couraged Democrats and independents to vote Republican, and then got off the stage. This was Reagan's night.

Following a film about his

podium

to a

life,

the

nominee walked onto the

thunderous ovation. "Well, the

find myself, for the first

time in

a

first thrill

tonight was to

long time, in a movie in prime time,"

he joked.

Reagan hammered campaign themes that would take him

White House and, afterward, provide tration

—

a blueprint for his

repairing what he called "a disintegrating

to the

adminis-

economy" and

"a

weakened defense." "We're taxing ourselves into economic exhaustion and stagnation,"

WORK HARD. he

said,

duce."

On

AND KEEP OUT

STUDY...

OF POLITICS:

107

+

"crushing our ability and incentive to save, invest, and pro-

The

answer: tax cuts and better control of federal spending.

make-

defense, "the Carter administration lives in a world of

believe," he charged, citing the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, the

Iranian hostage

increased Soviet military spending, and the gen-

crisis,

of American leadership. His

eral failure

own

priority,

he

would

said,

be "in working for peace, to ensure that the safety of our people cannot successfully be threatened by a hostile foreign power."

when

only too well that war comes not strong, but

when they

was

his soaring rhetoric. "It

splendor of

this vast

the forces of freedom are

are weak."

What was even more important ever,

"We know

is

than his views on the issues, howimpossible to capture in words the

continent which

of His creation," Reagan

said.

God

has granted as our portion

"There are not words

to express the

extraordinary strength and character of this breed of people

Americans." Language like

this

was balm to the

wounded by Vietnam, Watergate, and As the convention ended, for at least the next three

and

it

call

of a nation

economy.

was clear what George would be doing

a half

certain. Philip Uzielli, a great friend in

a fractured

spirit

we

months.

My future remained un-

of mine from Princeton

who

died

August 2001, once told Time magazine, "Jimmy gets depressed

whenever he

He

faces the prospect of having to return to practicing

craves the action."

To

this charge,

I

plead guilty.

Reporters on the Reagan plane later fabricated phony book

and attributed them derstood

my

need

to

to figures in the

law

titles

campaign. Showing that they un-

be where the action was, the

title

they picked for

me was Third Choice, The Only Campaign in Town, by Jim Baker, referring to my serial support for Ford, then Bush, then Reagan. Ouch! Among the other "books" was Prospects for Nuclear Disarmament, by Amy Carter. When people talk about the debate between Amy's father, President cite

Jimmy

one famous

sponse to

a

Carter, and Ronald

line

Reagan

in 1980,

they generally

by each candidate. President Carter's came

question about arms control.

"I

had

a discussion

in re-

with

my

106

ill

«

Amy

daughter

me

the other dav be:

here and asked her what

the most important issue was." the president said. "She said she

thought nuclear weaponry and control

Amy

Carter had

iust

or"

turned thirteen. Her

ggest in an understated

"daisv commercial" Democrats osc a

popped up

inst

Goldwater

think,

:ew>

_

the infamous in 1964.

What

Remember

the "Ask

Amy"

posters

at rail

memorable

gin's

_

—an echo of

I

delicious straight line to the press, late-night

comedians, and Reijir. supporters. that

father's point.

and indirect wav that Re.

on nuclear disarmament scared children

he did instead was feed

nuclear arms."

had the opposite

line

on

effect

his

campaign.

^vVhen Carter charged that Reagan had opposed legislation to create

Medicare. Governor Reagan looked the president in the eve. sighed, lid.

"There vou go Set Mi:ch.

int i

again."

member

a different line

from that evening of October

uttered about an hour earlier. Governor Reagan and ing

room s,

at the

Cleveland Music Hall,

in his hold-

two of us. In

just the

one

a

few min-

he would take the stage for his only debate with President

— an event

Carter dencv. near,

were

I

28,

He

that could

make or break

his quest for the p:

was calm, almost serene. "Jim." he said

"would y mi excuse

me

a

moment 1 want to

as h

ill

have

a

came

word with the

rs I

left

room with

the

gUL He

who

wi>. i>

deeper understanding I

would see again and

of.

and respect

again, a

man

for.

of faith

verv privately, but verv genuinely, drew his strength from

higher power.

and for the

n

It

then.

\

George and

set I

_an a

had agreed

month or

if a

so after the convention.

use ot

tt

election experience with President Ford,

not Bush,

a

was an extraordinary privilege to serve him. that night

That term of that

By

a

I

for vice president

prior general

should work with Rei_

suitable role and title could be found.

manage George's run

mv

Dean Burch would

WORK HARD, Reagan

AND KEEPOU1

STUDY...

officials told

me

they wanted

me

me to

Casey and

a senior adviser

Meese. Soon,

I

work

*

l()

^SD KEEP OUT OE

POLITICS!*

137

push story of the Reagan economic inheritance; Iran

for presidency;

hostage policy announcement; and

.

.

.

unannounced

Washing-

visits to

ton memorials, mix with crowds."

During the ship

coming

u

first

week, we planned an emphasis upon new* leader-

into office; show- decisive break with past, fresh

hope

for

future; set brisk but not frantic pace; begin building constituencies

support

(e.g.,

blue collar).

r

We

also

developed an action agenda for the

president to implement these goals.

On January

22, for instance, the

president would issue "directives to department heads

re:

fraud and

waste and cutting costs."

Like Jimmy Carter in 1976, Ronald Reagan had run as an outsider

who

made uary the u

Washington

criticized the

status quo. Unlike Carter, however,

plans to extend an immediate olive branch to Congress.

23,

according to our plan, the president would host

we

On Jan-

a breakfast for

GOP leadership and have dinner with Tip O'Neill. On January 25:

Super Bowl

—

invite in top congressional leaders (including a few-

Democrats) to watch on big screen. White House family

During the

transition period,

and asked for their advice,

I

just as

I

tracked

down former

theater."

chiefs of staff

had asked former delegate hunters

and campaign managers for advice before assuming those positions.

The

counsel

I

received from

my

predecessors ranged from the practi-

cal to the philosophical to the personal.

with Dick

Cheney

rilled

Notes from

my

four legal pages. His suggestions included:

•

Restore power and authority to the executive branch.

•

Orderly schedules and orderly paper flow

the president. •

Keep

come

a

a

low

Most valuable profile.

conversation

asset in D.C.

is

[are]

way vou protect

time of Ronald Reagan.

Talk to press always on background.

If

vou be-

major public figure you lose credibility feathering vour own

nest rather than serving the president.

Dick also told

me

to "be an honest broker. Don't use the proces

impose vour policy views on people."

I

highlighted that advice, and

it

138

JAMES

*

served

own

me

A.

BAKER,

111

my

well during

four years in the White House.

opinions on most important issues

of doing something about them issues

White House, and

Dick's predecessor

with

a

what

that's

Don

on the

politics

some

as well, that

That

for presidential attention.

when I

particularly

—and understood,

were not important enough

the president was best served

—

my

had

I

said,

sides got a fair hearing in the

all

tried to provide.

Rumsfeld,

like a true

CEO,

twelve-page primer that he had written four years

"Rumsfeld's Rules for the Assistant to the President."

me

presented

The

first

earlier,

and

last

notations were the same: "Don't play president." Other advice:

•

Assume

that everything

you say and do

will

be on the front page of

the Washington Postthe next morning and conduct yourself accordingly. •

it

unless you have, in understanding

tell [the

president] what you think and feel

Don't take the job or stay in

and

fact,

the freedom to

on any subject with the bark •

Obviously, always

correct •

the

full truth. If

down and

in groups, assign

Don't get or

let

out.

tell

him and

about the press or Congress or

Rumsfeld

among

your mooring

job or

you

leaks. Relax.

performance. Help your

don't forget

it

to

Understand the

some valuable personal will lose

lines into the world,

the

is

do

responsibility yourself.

in-

staff,

tips:

"Don't be

your balance. Maintain and tend your family,

people out of government. That balance

still

the pressure

institutions.

also included

consumed by the

x\ll

areas, arrange

White House or the president get paranoid

the

evitable interaction

Find problem

them, and delegate.

more and more

the reverse, to take

you are

you screw up,

it.

Force responsibility

them

•

tell

off.

is

friends, neighbors,

critically

important to your

children, and friends to understand that

same person, despite the

publicity,

good or bad

.

.

.

and

yourself."

As White House chief of

staff,

I

was

in a position to help

my friend

"WORK HARD. STUDY... AND KEEP OUT OF George Bush I

more than some

stay in the loop

was working for Reagan now, not Bush

bruising primaries

Any appearance

—and my

that

I

would be

opponent

in the

to the president.

wasn't about to do that.

I

Even the appearance

was more closely aligned with Bush than Reagan would have un-

dermined

my effectiveness.

George was present the meeting tion.

139

past vice presidents. But

his principal

loyalty

*

my real goal was only to help my old friend would

have been inappropriate. that

first

—

POLITICS!"

One

I

attended

— along with Casey, Meese, and Deaver— at

topic was cabinet selection.

elect's close friend

office.

days after the elec-

We were joined by the president-

and confidante Senator Paul Laxalt, and by Pen

James, a private-sector headhunter personnel

home two

the Reagans'

at

who would run

the

White House

Pen had already begun putting together

a short list

of

candidates for each position.

During the at 5:00 p.m. in

deputy or

transition,

my office

James, Meese, Deaver, and

We would then discuss our recommen-

assistant secretaries.

would make the

final decision.

Reagan tentatively selected General Al Haig

He had

Al had a heck of a resume. Allied

Commander

experience in Vietnam and last

days of the Watergate

staff for

met every day

to go over candidates for key positions such as

dations with Reagan, and he

Supreme

I

as secretary

of

state.

returned from serving as

just

of Nx\TO. Before that he had combat

a stint as crisis,

an aide to Henry Kissinger. In the

he served

as

White House chief of

Richard Nixon.

Before offering the post to Al, the president-elect wanted assurances that he would not use

it

as a

base of operations to run for the

presidency, as rumors suggested. In early December, he had told

Meese, Laxalt, Allen, and

me that he did

not want to be president. Fur-

thermore, he said, no one interested in running for president would

want to be secretary of

state.

Too many occupants of

suggested, have been scapegoated by their presidents.

that office, he

That

satisfied

Reagan, and he soon nominated Haig for the position.

On January

20, 1981, a bit

more than

a

month

later,

Susan and

I

140

sat

JAMES

*

BAKER.

A.

Ill

on the inaugural platform

as

Ronald Reagan took the oath

idential reviewing stand in front of the

and

floats

crept past,

I

White House. As bands, digni-

showed Susan the area under the bare

trees in Lafayette Park, just across the street

Mary

Stuart and

our

We later watched the parade from the pres-

nation's fortieth president.

taries,

as

and to the

where

left,

had shivered through the 1953 parade twenty-eight

I

years earlier.

Inauguration day was memorable for other reasons, as well.

ments

Reagan took

after President

more than fourteen months

earlier.

vania Avenue after the parade,

We

office.

mentous tration

office, Iran

freed the hostages taken

While work crews swept Pennsyl-

Mike Deaver and

I

went

to

Ed Meese's

probably talked about the president's response to

event.

It's

also likely that

and the bright

sion Directive

we

lifted a toast to

possibilities ahead.

We

were

And

even unpacked our briefcases.

still

Suddenly and unexpectedly,

in formal attire.

We

—

—had Al Haig—

is,

tion.

Ed

Haig

Defense Weinberger, viser Allen before

hadn't

including

yet seen, proposing to put the secretary of state

in charge

told

Deci-

here was Al Haig, not yet con-

firmed by the Senate, with a twenty-page document no one the president

mo-

our new adminis-

in.

Talk about bad timing.

that

this

He said he had a proposed National Security (NSDD) he wanted the president to sign.

Al Haig walked

Mo-

of

crisis

management

for the administra-

that

we needed comments from

CIA

Director Casey, and National Security Ad-

Secretary of

we could put something this important on

the pres-

ident's desk.

This did not Realism, Reagan,

sit

well with Al. In his diplomatic memoir, Caveat-

and Foreign

Policy,

he suggested that he had an earlier un-

derstanding with the president about lines of authority that was

danger of being reversed. Striking specifically

at

now

in

Meese, Haig wrote:

"Surely the President did not want his counselor editing communications

from the cabinet, or muddying presidential instructions."*

Instructions? President

ument. But

as

Reagan had given us none about

this

doc-

Al Haig and others would soon learn, the president

"WORK HARD. STUDY... AND KEEP OUT OF

—

did want communications to his office officers

—

to be vetted, if not edited,

This presented far too heavily

"a

a real

problem

He

staff,

141

+

including those from cabinet

by Ed and me. Management

for Al.

on the White House

POLITICS!"

101.

thought the president relied

whom

he later referred to

as

bunch of second-rate hambones."^ Just ten weeks after President Reagan took office, tragedy struck.

Without warning, senior White House

staff,

the cabinet, and the vice

president were forced to consider a variant of the question Haig had posed: in a

'When

I

crisis,

who's in charge here?

later served as secretary

of state for George Bush, 41, the scope of

was defined by something considerably more powerful than

Document f After It

put

a

a

—

a

my

authority

National Security Decision

the confidence and friendship of the president.

thorough review, President Reagan signed

NSDD

No.

3

on December

14, 1981.

"Special Situation Group, chaired by the vice president," in charge of crisis

agement. In 1988, Al Haig ran unsuccessfully against that same publican presidential nomination.

\

man-

ice president for the

Re-

SEVEN

SPARED FOR A PURPOSE

I

was in the White House mess having lunch when

Jim Brady dropped by my

March

30,

at

the Washington Hilton.

can't go,"

I

said. "I've

Mike Deaver went ident's side as the

of the hotel

and breezv

and said

it

was time to leave.

and the president was scheduled to speak

CIO members "I just

table

Press Secretary

in

got too

my place.

I

had planned

many

AFL-

on today."

After the event, he was at the pres-

return to the

day, the sidewalks

was

to attend.

things going

entourage exited the YIP entrance

at 2:25 p.m. to

to 3,500

It

at

the lower level

White House.

were wet from

It

was

a light drizzle.

a

The

warm pres-

ident had been in office seventy days.

As the president walked toward their usual questions,"

Mike

his car, "the press started asking

recalled

U later.

I

Brady up because he was the press secretary. the

first

shot went over

with the help of

a

turned and moved [Jim] I

took three steps.

my shoulder. knew what it was. I

Washington policeman.

I

I

Then

ducked down

smelled the powder.

I

never saw the gunman." In less

than ten seconds, that unseen gunman, John Hinckley,

Jr.,

twenty-five, fired six hollow-nosed bullets from his .22-caliber re-

— "WORK HARD. STUDY... AND KEEP OUT OE volver. later.

sounded

It

One

like firecrackers

pop, pop,

—

pop

Tim McCarthy in

rushed between the president and the shooter. left

eye and entered his brain.

ing Ronald Reagan, realized

143

in the neck.

An-

the stomach as he

third hit Jim

Brady

although nobody, includ-

the time, another bullet ricocheted

at

it

And

A

+

the president said

Thomas Delahanty

bullet hit police officer

other struck Secret Service agent

over the

POLITICS!"

off the president's limousine, cut into the president's chest, ripped into his left lung,

and embedded

itself there,

inches from his heart.

Jerry Parr, head of the Secret Service detail, shoved President Rea-

gan into the black Lincoln limousine and told the driver to head for the White House. Parr radioed ahead. Shots have been

but the president was not

hit.

About

fired,

he

that time, the president

said,

began

coughing up blood. Parr immediately ordered the driver to divert

to

nearby George Washington University Hospital.

The

car arrived there about 2:35. Flanked by Secret Service agents,

the president walked into the

Once

ER

his

own

power.

however, his legs gave way and he suddenly collapsed.

inside,

With the help of in the

emergency room under

agents, a

paramedic carried him into

a private suite

and gave him oxygen.

Meanwhile, David Gergen burst into shots had been fired, but in those

first

my

office

with the news that

confused moments, neither he

nor anyone else we could find knew exactly what had happened or

whether the president had been injured.

Ed Meese

joined

jumped

shooting, he had

This was the

Brady and found

me

first

at least

in

Now

Deaver

called. After the

and followed the president.

contact between the hospital and the White House.

one agent had been

a small bullet

lost

office.

into a limousine

hit,

Mike

said,

and doctors had

hole in the president's coat. Dr. Daniel Ruge, the

White House physician, was had

my

an enormous

also

on the

amount of

line.

blood.

He

told us the president

The bad news was

getting

worse.

Meese and fore

we

left,

I

I

agreed that we should get to the hospital ASAP. Be-

received a phone call from Secretary of State Al Haig.

I

)AMES

144

*

told

him what

RAKfR.

A.

Ill

knew and

I

said

was on

I

my way

to the hospital. Vice

President Bush was in Texas. Haig said he would set up a White

command

post with key cabinet

members

Weinberger, Secretary of the Treasury

William French Smith, rity

Adviser Dick Allen.

and he said he would

Haig arrived

CIA I

call

Director

told

about

When we

six blocks

Don

Regan, Attorney General

Casey, and National Secu-

my

Haig he would be

point of contact,

the vice president.

Meese, Speakes, Lyn Nofziger, and hospital,

— Secretary of Defense Cap

Bill

White House

at the

House

away

—

I

a

few minutes

after 3:00 p.m.

were already on our way to the

siren wailing, lights flashing.

arrived the president

winked

from behind

at us

his

oxy-

gen mask. "Who's minding the store?" he asked. His greeting to Nancy was

"Honey,

just as light:

I

forgot to duck," a line borrowed from Jack

Dempsey. But there was nothing funny about the way he looked.

He

didn't appear to be in danger of dying, but his appearance shocked me. In

my two-plus months on the job,

ident's vigor, a lifestyle.

had been impressed with the pres-

testament to his natural good health and active outdoor

Now^ he was ghostly

Speakes wrote in ing to lose him.

The

I

his

pale.

"Doctors believe bleeding to death,"

notebook. "Can't find a wound. Think we're go-

Touch and

doctors worked

go."

fast.

They soon found

of the president's chest under his

in the side

for certain:

Ronald Reagan had been

was lodged

in his left lung,

after the shooting,

shot.

the wound, a small

Now we

knew

bullet, flat as a

dime,

left

The

slit

arm.

which had collapsed. At

3:25 p.m.,

he was w.

For one thing, there was no way to set

by the US. Constitution.

A

and

its

unique interplay of public

Still,

law.

day one. eyery network was carrying angry interviews about

was genuine.

this

manv

local

relations,

the butterfly ballots and other real or imagined voting problems.

of

either

near-perfect illustration of the dynamics of the

Florida election dispute, with

On

a

demanding

quicklv and correctly threw the plaintiffs out of court.

the cases offered

politics,

in Florida,

Palm Beach County or

in

allocation of the votes.

Gore

ever hit the tarmac in Tallahassee, local

Fm

The Democrats' purpose.

Bush-Chenev victory and Even though

local

terrlv cases. Bill

Democrats clearly orchestrated

sure, but

In fairness, both sides organized rallies

of the protests.

protests.

I

believe,

bv the courts.

set the stage for intervention

Democrats, not the Gore campaign,

riled

the but-

Daley Warren Christopher, and others publicly em-

November

10.

I

a rule

On

illegal.

spoke about the butterrlv ballot and. to use a

phrase from an old lawyers' joke.

There's

and

was to delegitimize the

braced the charge that the Palm Beach County ballot was Friday

Some

I

pounded the

of law to be followed

in

all

law.*

elections.

The

state

of

Florida has established legal procedures to design, approve, publish,

and

if

need be

to protest ballots before the election.

ballot was designed

do you win on vour

pound

side,

a case.:

pound the

the table.

The

bv

When tacts;

a

The

butterfly"

Democratic elections supervisor. She ap-

the law

is

on your

side,

pound

the law;

and when neither the law nor the

other side was pounding the table,

ber 10 onward, we pounded the law.

in

my

when

facts are

opinion.

the facts are

on your

side.

From Novem-

"WORK HARD. STUDY... AND KEEP OUT OF proved tion.

it.

The Democratic

Party did not question

And we have

The

with us here today

you would

statutes if

rules and, again, the

Our lawyers have confirmed

not complain

like to

is

is

by the way, that says you

some

unjust, in

but

ing,

what the rule of law

dures, and if

we purport

campaign would request

a

if

you

limitations. It

change the rules

after

we have no

law,

when they hurt us.

warm-up

when

9,

same prin-

away without pay-

under the rule of

to live

"Butterfly ballots" was a

November

injustice to

all

game was

debt

a

is

of deadlines and technicalities and proce-

choice but to respect them, even

Thursday,

the

by the statute of

sense, for a deadbeat debtor to get

is full

is

go to court to collect

can't

after the deadline set

The law

the event.

the

before

good or bad. This

would be an even greater

it

the legality of this bal-

playing by the rules as they existed

your lawsuit

Democrats did

have them.

played, then living with the results,

file

in the

copies of the relevant Florida

.

.

butterfly ballot cases illustrate

about, which

ciple,

.

375

*

before the elec-

it

This butterfly-type ballot was used in recent elections

same county and under the same

lot.

POLITICS!"

bout.

The main event

started

on

Daley announced that the Gore

Bill

hand count of

ballots in

Palm Beach County

and three others: Volusia, Miami-Dade, and Broward.* Obviously, Al

Gore

didn't invite

me to

represent

to play

Monday morning

quarterback, but

to seek

manual recounts

in four heavily

than

sixty-seven counties was a big mistake.

all

erwise effective public relations slogan

I

him

in Florida or

will say this: his decision

Democratic counties rather It

undermined

—"count every

vote"

his oth-

—and gave

us the moral high ground on that issue.

There was debate

members ties

believed

or for a

full

in

we should

call for

later joked that after arriving in Florida,

ties

.

.

.

and four

hand recounts

in

pro-Bush coun-

my opinion,

statewide hand recount, but these folks, in

were not seeing the big picture.

*I

Some team

our camp on how to respond.

no unities

1

First off, political strategists in the

I

learned that the state has

s

i

x

r \

three coun-

w

|AMES

+

(.

BAKER,

\

me

stare ach iscd

III

that there weren't

pect to get a bounce. Secondly,

many

where we could ex-

places

worried about the fact that most of

I

those counting the ballots were Democrats. At the very least, there

would

be, as

put

I

it

to the press, "the

and most important reason

final

was that recounts are for

We were still

losers,

for not seeking a recount, however,

and we had won.

ahead, unofficially, by 300 votes

tions supervisors

the mandatory 10,

Even though two-thirds of the

over."

it's

when

November

statewide machine recount ended on Friday, position was, "Hey,

The

opportunity for mischief."

were Democrats,

state elec-

Bush-Cheney had

told reporters,

I

my

and

prevailed. All that was left was to count the overseas ballots, and they traditionally favored Republican candidates.

"We

will vigorously

op-

pose the Gore campaign's efforts to keep recounting over and over un-

happens

til it

to like the result,"

In answer to a question,

reminded reporters of another close

I

to the

upon

a recount,

thousand votes or so down

what would be good

come back

in

And he

said,

moment

in a

seats, squinting, trying to

tiny rectangles of paper

to

our

changed

beginning to end

to President

'No

went forward.

That's not

Human vote coun-

light,

twisting in their

read the minds of voters based on whether

were dangling or hanging or dimpled or preg-

in the

—what we

in

for this process.

middle of the counts.

Texas would

call a

It

a hit off.

As noted

Ohio would have moved the turn just under 3,700 votes in

in

state to the 1

lawaii.

chapter one,

a shift

Ford column, but

At

was chaos from

"goat rope."

to protect against the excesses of creative counting,

'My memory was

Ford

legal efforts to block the re-

There were absolutely no uniform standards

times, the rules

when I was

for the country.'"*

began holding machine ballots up to the

nant.

of 1976,

because he was only some seven

Ohio

counts, but, as everyone knows, they ters

memory

room and many, many people were arguing

that he should insist

I'll

said.

drawn back

race. "I'm particularly in the

I

we had

To

try

senior

of fewer than 5,600 votes

we would

also

in

have needed to

"WORK HARD, STUDY. AND KEEP OUT OF

—

people

POLITICS!"

including John Bolton and Frank Donatelli

—

377

*

sitting in the

chad rooms for days and days. This

is

where Katherine Harris, the elected secretary of

Florida (and a Republican), evision viewers. office

a familiar figure to

Each county was supposed

on November

hand recounts

became

one week

14, exactly

just getting

to certify

state

America's

its

of

tel-

results to her

after the election.

With the

under way, however, the four counties ob-

viously could not meet that deadline.

nounced on November 14

Under

legal pressure, she an-

Bush-Cheney

that

postponed formal certification to November

led by 300 votes, but

17, subject

only to count-

ing the overseas ballots and to the possible acceptance of late returns that could be legally justified.

Supreme Court ordered ing

its

Two

days

later,

hand recounts could continue, pend-

that the

decision on whether they were legal.

simply given up, so

however, the Florida

we were down

By

then,

Miami-Dade had

to three counties.

Shortly after arriving in Florida, Zoellick, Allbaugh, and see Katherine Harris. She

hominem

attacks

would soon be subjected

to

some

went

I

vicious ad

by both the Gore team and members of the

Secretary Harris was obviously very bright, but

I

to

press.

sensed that she was

uneasy about the position into which she had been forced by circumstances, almost to the point of being paralyzed.

the law required, and

we made

to

meant sooner rather than

and

later.

in a specific

For her

own

manner, which

sake,

we

vised her to get the best legal help she could, which she did.

stand that

Gore

do what

the case that the law required her to

certify the election at a specific time

basically

She wanted

representatives also visited her to

make

also adI

under-

their case, as

was perfectly appropriate.

The

next stop was the Florida

tee ballots

had come

votes. Oral

arguments were

down In

the next day.

It

in

Supreme Court. By

then, the absen-

and the Bush-Cheney lead had grown to 930 set for

November 20 and

the opinion

came

was an outrageous piece of judicial overreaching.

complete disregard of the statutory law of Florida and of Article

Section

1,

II,

of the United States Constitution ("Each State shall ap-

178

+

M

A

|

A

S

I

point, in such

Electors

.

RAKER.

Ill

Manner as

"),

.

.

.

the Legislature thereof

direct, a

Number

of

the court extended the deadline set by the legislature

ongoing recounts

for the

may

November

to Sunday,

26, twelve

days after

the deadline set by Florida statutes.

"For the

wrote

first

time since his arrival

Baker "looked

later,

age as he read a statement attacking the

his

court's decision." Absolutely.

Robert Zelnick

in Tallahassee,"

I

was worn out, angry, and worried.

Today, Florida's supreme court rewrote the legislature's statutory system, assumed the responsibilities of the executive branch, and

sidestepped the opinion of the

weeks

after the election, that court has

vented

new system

a

now be

not

court as the finder of

trial

for

surprised

if

fact.

Two

changed the rules and

counting the election

results.

One

in-

should

the Florida legislature seeks to affirm the

original rules.

The

court said

technical reliance

it

was guided by "the

upon

will

of the people, not a hyper-

statutory provisions." That's the sort of lawyer

sounds impressive until you think about

talk that

sion of "the will of the people" on this subject, after

enacted by lawmakers elected by the people. liance

had

upon

just

ladies

statutory provisions"

is

—

trampled into the dust

and gentlemen,"

dle of the

game or

When

was

I

I

change the

game

treasury secretary,

another

We

tinued after

I

together at In 1994,

my

Washington

ranch

in

was the statute

"hyper-technical re-

name

for is

what

this

court

simply not

rules, either in the

I

became

who

friends with

fair,

mid-

in 1993,

Texas and

at

Lawton

Chiles,

chaired the Senate Budget

both loved to hunt wild turkeys.

left

best expres-

has been played."

the Democratic senator from Florida

Committee.

all,

the rule of law. "It

said, "to

after the

And

The

it.

Our

friendship con-

and we would sometimes hunt

various places in Florida.

Lawton was elected governor of

Florida.

He

defeated Jeb

"WORK HARD, STUDY... AND KEEP OUT OF

who was making

Bush,

campaign

—many thought which

cial Security,

is

run for the

his first it

office.

was too negative

POLITICS!"

Lawton ran

a

379

*

tough

—focused mostly on So-

a federal issue, not a state issue. After that,

anybody

wasn't particularly popular with the Bushes for

it

to be friends

with Chiles, but the Chiles-Baker relationship had been struck up long before Jeb ran for governor, and

On

one

trip in Florida,

it

survived.

Lawton and

were joined by

I

who

friend Dexter Douglass, a silver-haired lawyer ernor's general counsel.

Dexter was

versationalist. In short order,

him.

One was

that

one of

five

however, that

I

didn't think any

very, very simple.

told the

I

think he

more about

I

believed, was to go over

Dexter Douglass story

eral lawsuit. "If

we

In

it.

its

2000,

legal strategy,

head.

in the first

my brain

meetings with

why I thought we needed

don't get into federal court,"

I

to

file

said, "we'll

a fed-

be

as

as a doornail."

Florida was a state

and that the federal courts would be reluctant to intervene, but

insisted

Bush.

November

to deal with the Florida

Some of them argued with me. They thought issue

may have recom-

Bush-Cheney

the

The only way

trust in Florida to help explain

dead

con-

was to recommend candidates to Lawton for ap-

memory helped shape

Supreme Court, I

lively

of the seven justices on the court.

At the time,

which was

humorist and

Democrat, big time. The other was

pointment to the Florida Supreme Court.

mended

served as the gov-

learned two important things about

I

that he was a liberal

his jobs

a colorful

his close

we

He

motion

try anyway.

I

also

recommended

agreed, and on Saturday,

in U.S. District

manual recounts.

We

Court

in

that course to

November

Miami

1

1,

filed

our

for an injunction to stop the

argued that the recounts violated both the due

much

latitude to the

counting the ballots and because

have their votes counted It's

Governor

Ted Olson

process and equal protection clauses of the Fourteenth

because they gave too

I

in

the

all

Amendment

men and women who were

Florida voters were entitled to

same way.

important to understand that our purpose

in

going to the federal

380

[AMES

BAKER.

A

courthouse was nor

from being changed by standards, which

licans.

took I

Our

to overturn the election.

purpose, rather, was to

Bush-Cheney victory by stopping the

preserve z lawful

We

Ill

a subjective

recount system without uniform

we

believed was both

of

flak for tiling

a lot

election results

wrong and

some of

the lawsuit,

got a real earful, for instance,

when

unconstitutional.

called

I

from Repub-

it

mv

friend,

former

Missouri senator Jack Danforth, to ask him to be our lead counsel federal court. Jack

spectrum and has

well liked and well respected across the political

is

a

was

a

former

man Dick Cheney had recommended

running mate, and an ordained Episcopalian

would lend

He

reputation for integrity.

a spotless

Missouri attornev general, \Y*s

in

priest.

as

thought he

I

instant stature to our federal case.

Jack was vacationing stead of a yes,

I

in

Cancun when

I

asked him to sign on. In-

got a lecture, the essence of which was:

vou go

if

to

court and lose, you're going to ruin Bush's career; he's young enough to

run again sometime, but not

When

dential election in court.

Austin,

we decided

Our ber the

first

to

do

1th Circuit

judge ruled against

The

didn't

in

recommended

I

On Novem-

us.

Two

we appealed

days later 1

to

court up-

" that

recounts would continue.

come

as a surprise.

had not exhausted our remedies

The

1

1th Circuit said

in state courts and,

beginning, had not demonstrated

We

Cheney

Supreme Court.

to the U.S.

Court of Appeals, and on November

These defeats

ble injury.

when

a presi-

a superlative job for us in the federal

two successful appeals

held the lower court.

just

reported this to Bush and

shot at the federal courts went nowhere.

13, a district 1

I

seen as having challenged

to look elsewhere. That's

Ted Olson, who went on courts, including

if he's

with the recounts

a substantial threat

of irrepara-

were disappointed, of course, but our case had been

missed without prejudice, which meant we

still

we

had

a foot in

dis-

the

federal courthouse door.

Three days

the Florida

later,

ments on the recount

vember

21

opinion

I

issue.

Supreme Court conducted

oral argu-

This was the hearing that led to the

No-

The

rirst

have alreadv described

as

outrageous.

WORK HARD. STUDY ...AND

KEEP OUT OF POLITICS'

few seconds of the Gore-Lieberman oral arguments were

-

fairly

381

mem-

orable to me.

members of

"Mr. Chief Justice,

who

the speaker today the state of

was

It

a

New

will

argue the case for

Mr. David Boies from

routine introduction, except for one thing.

who

sat at the table

with Boies,

referred to as Boies's right-hand man, was

He

was introducing

he had helped place on the court.

body

else's

I

The man who

who was sometimes

none other than Dexter

new Yankee

his

tices

friend to the very jus-

felt like a

stranger at some-

family reunion.

already said

I've

us,

here to introduce

York."

introduced Boies,

Douglass.

Tm

the court,

all I

need

to say about the Florida court's decision

to extend the deadline for the recounts to

November

26.

1

resisted the

temptation back then to assign political motives to the seven

and

I'll

resist it

now.

assume they honestly believed they were doing

I

the right thing, which just

wanted.

What they

really did

happened

williger,

quickly

I

to be

what Gore-Lieberman

by changing the rules

game, however, was to give our side

Supreme Court.

justices,

a

new and

in the

middle of the

stronger case for the U.S.

met with Ginsberg, Olson,

Carvin, and others to decide what to do next.

Zoellick, Ter-

Some

of them

were not optimistic that the Supreme Court would take an appeal of the Florida decision, and, in any event, estimated our odds of winning at

no better than

recount

suit,

fifty-fifty.

some

Maybe we should

rive

certification.

keep going with the

suggested, to avoid putting the high court in the pos-

ture of overruling a state court.

were only

just

The

calendar was also a factor. There

days until the Florida Supreme Court's

Was

it

realistic to

listened, then

I

liked

a

the recount

decided we should go forward. For one thing.

our chances. For another, we simplv needed

light,

If not,

decision could be issued.

possible to get into federal court.

green

for

expect the U.S. Supreme Court to grant

our petition, hear arguments, and rule that quickly?

would be over before

new deadline

and on November

Once

22,

again,

to trv in every

Governor Bush gave

I

way us

a

our lawyers asked the US. Supreme

•

(

\

I

Ml

S

A

.

B

AK

R

t

.

Ill

)ourt to review the Florida

Supreme Court's

had violated

a federal statute

the election,

we

cle to

decision.

The

state court

by changing the deadline for certifying

argued. In doing so that court had also violated Arti-

of the U.S. Constitution, which gives state legislatures authority

II

determine how presidential electors are chosen.

We

argued

also

and random counting rules violated the due

that the selective recounts

process and equal protection clauses.

On November 24 colleagues

—

—

to the surprise of

the high court agreed to hear our case.

Marx

paraphrase the famous Groucho

we now had a

many, including some of

whether we wanted

to decide

court that would have us.

two days away, and

line

it

to

word,

I

To

have anything to do with

The November 26

was beginning to look

Supreme Court add

what?

about club membership,

deadline was as if

now

we would

ahead when the recounts we4*e completed. What could U.S.

Now

my

only

still

be

a victory in the

One

to a certified victory at the ballot box?

argued: legitimacy.

We presented Governor Bush with a memorandum listing "reasons for

case."

Among

lose the case after eking out a

narrow

dropping the case" and "reasons for continuing the

the reasons for dropping: "If

win

in the vote count,

Gore

we

will

be seen

as scoring a big victory,

w hich T

momentum and legitimacy to his contest challenges courts." Among the reasons for continuing: "A Supreme

he will use to lend in Florida

Court win might remove the

basis for Gore's election contest

thermore, as long as the case

is

likely to

pending, the Florida Supreme Court

word:

to continue.

Why?

legitimacy.

On November 26, as the

is

be more careful in contest proceedings."

Governor Bush quickly decided he wanted us

One

Fur-

winner by 537

Secretary of State Harris certified Bush-Cheney votes. In Tallahassee

governor to claim victory and

call

we

on Gore

to

drafted a speech for the

end

his fight. In Austin,

however, the Bush team reportedly thought the language "too arrogant."

Governor Bush delivered

the votes are counted,

it is

a kinder, gentler version.

time for the votes to count," he

"Now said.

that

"WORK HARD. STUDY... AND KEEP OUT OF In Winning Florida, here's

press that

how

Zelnick describes

POLITICS!"

my

same evening: "The speech may have been

remarks to the

'too arrogant' to

be delivered by the next president of the United States, but, with modifications

slugging

it

seemed

it

tough old

just right for a

383

*

a

few

political strategist

out in Florida but wishing he were off somewhere abbrevi-

ating the lives of pheasants."

Gore did not accept the

Unfortunately, Vice President

and concede. In

sults

certified re-

speech on November 27,

a nationally televised

he vowed to press onward. In what surely was the one of the oddest re-

marks of the thirty-six-day dispute, the

man who had

asked for selec-

recounts in just four heavily Democratic counties said, "That

tive

we have asked

since election day: a complete count of

in Florida."

We

count of

the votes" was just a slip of the tongue.

all

were

pretty tired by then, so

changed the

Certification

had now

all

officially

this

the votes cast

all

maybe "complete

George W. Bush

legal landscape entirely.

won. From

is all

moment, Gore-Lieberman were no

longer protesting the election count; they were contesting^ certified election

and seeking to overturn

it.

This created two enormous problems for

would be much

the Democrats. For one thing, the burden of proof higher, requiring evidence of fraud or

or of

some monumental

change the statewide

some other

serious

wrongdoing

irregularity or inaccuracy significant

results.

The second problem was

Supreme Court's extension of the recount deadline

Both camps and

all

to

November 26

December

eral "safe harbor" deadline for settling the

States

1

in

2 to

Supreme Court heard our job.

the Reagan and Bush administrations

tices

were appointed.

been

distracting.

The next

meet

names of

Olson argued the case and did an excellent been

left for

the

courts were working on the assumption that

the election had to be resolved by

The United

to

that the Florida

had chewed up so much time that there weren't many days contest.

enough

a statutory fed-

Florida's electors.

case on I

stayed away.

when some of

My presence was unnecessary, and

Some might even

day, distinguished

December

it

I

1.

had

the jus-

could ha\ e

argue, inappropriate.

and folksy Circuit Judge \. Sanders

184

+

|

AMES

RAKt

\

Sauls kicked off

a

R.

Ill

three-day quickie

Ciore contest. Boies gave

That same

day, the U.S.

to

win cases

filed in

December

issue,

And

21.

4,

Judge

without excep-

Supreme Court vacated

Supreme Court decision of November soon

eon County to hear the

but on

his best shot,

it

I.

Gore-Lieberman on every

Sauls ruled against tion.

trial in

the Florida

elsewhere,

we were

Florida courts by the Democrats to challenge

absentee ballots and overseas ballots. For a couple of days, Bush-

Cheney was running

the table.

But the Democrats Florida tices

refused to concede, and once again the

still

Supreme Court saved

their bacon.

On December

8,

the jus-

voted 4—3 to reverse Judge Sauls's decision and ordered some-

thing that Gore-Lieberman had not even asked

recount of so-called undervotes

—

for, a

statewide

manual

those ballots the machines regis-

tered as not having voted for any candidate for president. This decision will be reprinted in law books for decades to

come

as

an example

of what appellate courts are not supposed to do. Wearily, wearily, wearily

I

trudged to the microphone to explain,

yet again, that the Florida court had overstepped

many

time by (among

its

boundaries, this

other things) overruling Judge Sauls's findings

of fact that there was no evidence of fraud or other serious wrong-

Law

doing. Appellate

101 says appeals courts are supposed to deal

—except

with the law, not

in rare instances

—with

the facts, which are

settled in lower courts. In a scorching dissent, Florida

Chief Justice Charles Wells ex-

plained the true nature of this opinion. turn this case to the either

[trial]

as

it

majority's decision to re-

court for a count of the undervotes from

Miami-Dade County

law of Florida

"The

or

existed on

all

counties has no foundation in the

November

7,

2000, or at any time until

the issuance of this opinion," he wrote.

Amen,

brother. That's the sort of thing

we had been saying

since

November. "I

have

process

a

deep and abiding concern that the prolonging of

in this

.

.

.

judicial

contest propels this country and this state into an

"WORK HARD. STUDY... AND KEEP OUT unprecedented and unnecessary constitutional Wells

OF POLITICS!"

*

385

Chief Justice

crisis,"

said.

my

There's no point in

saying

much more about

the decision, be-

cause the U.S. Supreme Court promptly stayed the Florida court's or-

then vacated

der,

December

By

12.

it

in

Bush

Gore,

v.

the famous late-night decision of

7-2 vote, the high court held that the recount or-

a

dered by the Florida Supreme Court was unconstitutional because the lack of uniform counting rules violated the equal-protection clause of

the U.S. Constitution. Let that sink

Seven out of nine

in.

justices

agreed

who

say the

with Bush-Cheney on the issue of constitutionality. Critics

case was "really 5-4" are talking about a second vote on a subsidiary

remedy

matter, the

—what

do about the Florida Supreme Court's

to

outrageous decision. Referring to December

12, the federal statutory

safe harbor deadline, a majority of the court said, us,

and there

is

no recount procedure

in place

"That date

is

upon

under the State Supreme

Court's order that comports with minimal constitutional standards." It

was

over.

Yet again, the law was on our side. votes than the other side

The next

day,

flew back to

I

ous fatigue, dropped by

and

— 537

staffers flocked

my

down

to

*One

subject

tion."

A

I

I

thought

it

chose not to write

legislature simply could have

going court

battles.

There was

my end

of legal research on

it.

of the hall to welcome

lose?"

much about

a lot

made a slate

in this

that

someone

12,

fairly seri-

I

replied.

chapter

under the

is

me home.

asked.

"Every day."

the so-called "nuclear op-

U.S. Constitution, the Florida

of electors and put an immediate end to on-

of talk about this possibility, and

On December

had more

still

Baker Botts. Dozens of lawyers

was possible,"

named

we

Houston and, despite some

office at

very strong argument can be

yet again,

to be exact.*

"Did you ever think you might "Every day

And

the Florida

House

we

did a

fair

amount

actually approved a slate of

twenty-five pro-Bush electors, but the Senate never acted. I

don't think

by legislative

fiat

Governor Bush would have authorized

us to trv to win Florida's electors

rather than through the votes of the people of Florida.

Having

popular vote by more than 500,000 votes, he understood very well how hard

been

to

govern

if

he won the White

1

louse that way.

it

lost

the

would have

186

t

AMES

|

RAKL

A.

Florida was

R.

II

an unsettling experience for the American people.

hope we never have

to

go through anything

like that again.

I

was

It

equally unsettling to the world at large. As the legal battles dragged on, I

received telephone calls from several present and former prime min-

whom

had worked

of

isters

and foreign ministers with

state.

"What's happening to your country?" they asked. "Can't you

even conduct an election?" In part

was also

this

I

was simple

curiosity, but there

whiff of anxiety about the uncertainty of

a

as secretary

who would be

president of the sole remaining superpower.

"What's happening," is

a

I

replied, "is that

our system

is

working. This

very emotional issue for the American people, but on both sides,

think,

we

are handling

And whatever For

street."

case, I

were

a

else

few

this to

meant what

it

things

with dignity and pursuant to the rule of law.

may be happening, we do

callers,

added

I

not have tanks in the

might have been the

a zinger: "as

have happened in some other countries." I

said about dignity. In a dispute as important

contentious as Florida,

some

I

would be

it

was inevitable, given

human

and

nature, that

said outside the boundaries of civility

and that

other things would be done that, in hindsight, might have been done differently.

What

is

striking,

however,

is

how few

those incidents were

and how quickly they have faded from mind.

That tone was

set early.

Two

days after the election,

Warren Christopher. As we touched that a settlement could be negotiated.

and the other was bound to

lose.

experienced negotiators. But

ducted

in

I

met with

gloves, neither of us suggested

One

candidate was bound to win

There was no middle ground, even

we agreed

that the contest

for

would be con-

an honorable and dignified way on both sides. That's what

both sides did, by and large, and

I

salute Chris

and

his colleagues.

Al

Gore's gracious concession speech deserves special acknowiedgment. It

helped our nation accept the legitimacy of the outcome.

One

great benefit of having

done things

in the right

way and

in ac-

"WORK HARD. STUDY... AND KEEP OUT OF cordance with the rule of law

won

Al Gore, had he to accept the

—

is

— and

that the

it

POLITICS!"

would have been the same

on.

Some

didn't,

Even the Florida Supreme Court

in a little-noted

ment of

set in motion.

December

a specific,

for

of course, but that

was also inevitable, given the intensity of feelings on both

it

387

American people were more willing

outcome and move

about the process

*

finally

"Upon

sides.

had second thoughts

reflection," the court

wrote

22 opinion, "we conclude that the develop-

uniform standard

to ensure equal application

and to

secure the fundamental right to vote throughout the State of Florida

should be dress

A

it,

left to

the

body we believe best equipped

and ad-

to study

the legislature."

bit

more of

Florida recount exercise

After

all

and the

that sort of judicial restraint early on,

would have unfolded very

differently.

the visiting lawyers, political operatives, and reporters

had packed up and gone home, two different media-sponsored organizations conducted statewide recounts of the Florida ballots. Here's

what the New York Times reported on November

A

12, 2001:

comprehensive review of the uncounted Florida

year's presidential election reveals that

won even

if

ballots

statewide manual recount of the votes that the Florida

Even under the

to

Gore pursued

—

filing suit to force

dominantly Democratic counties lead,

the

Supreme

go forward.

strategy that Mr.

the Florida standoff

last

George W. Bush would have

Supreme Court had allowed

the United States

Court had ordered

from

at

the beginning of

hand recounts

in four pre-

—Mr. Bush would have kept

according to the ballot review conducted for

a

this

consortium of

news organizations.

In a separate study, the

Miami Herald and USA Today szxd

recount called for by the Florida Supreme Court's

cember

8

had been implemented

—

final

the opinion the

that if the

opinion of De-

Supreme Court

388

JAMtS

*

RAKIR,

A.

111

declared unconstitutional lead to

more than

— Bush-Cheney would have widened

1,600 votes from 537 votes.

I'm sometimes asked

if

I

think

I

tarnished

my

reputation by going

into the trenches of the Florida election dispute. This

gesting that

maybe Bob

"diminished

my

My

answer

political life

their

is

way of sug-

a

Strauss was right, that going to Florida had

aura as a statesman."

is

that Florida was a unique and historic event in the

of our nation, and I'm proud to have been able to play a

was tough on both

sides,

but defending the rule

of law and preserving a legitimate victory in

a presidential election

successful part in

it.

It

are important and satisfying tasks. Politics and public service are sides of the

same

you do

itics if

coin.

it

There

is

two

nothing disreputable about doing pol-

with dignity and play by the rules.

It is,

after

all,

through politics that our leaders achieve the right to practice public policy or statesmanship.

One

of the big lessons of Florida

the rules in place on election day.

A

is

corollary

those rules, you should try to change

We can

that candidates is

that if

must abide by you don't

them before the next

always do better next time. That's one reason

I

like

election.

agreed to serve

with former President Jimmy Carter in 2005 as cochair of a bipartisan

Commission on Federal Election Reform. More on

that in the next

chapter.

Election 2000 also generated a lot of talk about doing away with the Electoral College and electing our presidents by popular vote.

That

will

never happen, and

it

shouldn't.

The

Electoral College was

part of the grand bargain by which the Founders induced the states to give

up some of

States.

As part of that compromise, the small

their sovereignty

and become part of the United states

won

dispropor-

tionate influence in the U.S. Senate (each state, regardless of size, gets

two senators) and

in electing

our presidents. The Founders wanted

our presidents to have broad appeal among political majorities in a

handful of big

many

states.

Even

states, if

not one-sided

you disagree with

the theoretical and historical arguments, however, there

is

no practical

"WORK HARD. STUDY... AND KEEP OUT OF way

to get rid of the Electoral College.

POLITICS!"

That would require

*

389

a constitu-

by

a significant

number of

also learned a

few lessons

in humility, thanks to their

tional

amendment

which

ain't

ratified

the small states,

gonna happen.

The media

erroneous election-night

calls

on Florida. The

call for

Gore was made

before the polls had even closed in the Florida panhandle, which

strong Republican territory.

home

stayed

Most fair-minded people would agree

Bush-Cheney

that this hurt the

is

ticket.

Some

potential voters simply

heard the race in their state was over. Given

after they

the obvious importance of Florida in the Electoral College and the closeness of races in Iowa,

—

within one percent

it is

New Mexico,

Oregon, and Wisconsin

may have

influenced the results in those

The media

exercised

more caution and

dential election.

mount,

it's

fair to ask

Amendment

restraint in the

what we might do within the

to avoid adverse effects

ing of results in future elections.

One

2004 presi-

limits of the First

from early or erroneous report-

— have closed — probably

The most obvious answer

journalists to call the races until all the polls

unconstitutional.

states.

memories fade and competitive pressures

as

Still,

all

also reasonable to speculate that the early,

call

erroneous

—

to forbid

is

other possibility might be for the states to

arrange polling schedules so that voting would end everywhere at the

same

time. But even that

would not prevent early birds from

calling

the whole thing, based on exit polls, or prevent erroneous calls based

on erroneous

exit polls, as

may

down

just boil

brace

to

also

It's

fewer than

ter,

and

on their part to

let

need

to

keep

a

a

conundrum.

will recognize

It

and em-

our elections play out

with more than 105 million ballots decided by

thousand votes

think

we

it.

sense of perspective about Florida. Having

in

one

state

was

our election laws and voting systems. I

a real

the right thing to do, and they ought to do

a presidential election

flaws in

It's

without doing anything that would undermine the integrity

of the process.

We

in 2000.

hoping that journalists

a special obligation

naturally,

happened

will.

But

if

that ever

a rare

event that exposed

We can

certainly

happens again,

I

do bet-

suspect that

tM

S

•

BAKER.

Ill

no matter what reforms we have made, the losing side than

a

thousand votes

complain about.

to

\

s

:em

is

will find

more

or ever will be

perfect. Finally, the biggest lesson

Despite

all

the turmoil, as

I

of Florida was that the svstem worked.

told the foreign leaders, there

•nd no tanks in the streets. transfer of

power

We

for granted, but

faith in the rule

The Bush-Kerry close

of

ri-

Americans may take the peaceful

measured against the standards of

history, Florida testifies to the strength

and our

were no

of our constitutional democ-

law.

presidential race of 2004 was close, but not as

—thank heavens—

as 2000. Still,

when America went

election night, Senator Kerry had not conceded.

would win the presidency. There was

to

bed on

Whoever won Ohio

talk that the

Democrats might

protest the vote in that state, which the networks had called for Bush. I

was on the way to the dentist the next morning when

from Andy Card, President Bush's White House chief of stopped. "Please, Andy,"

I

thought, "don't ask

me

to

I

got a call

staff.

My heart

go to Cleveland."

SEVENTEEN

MR. PRESIDENT THIS IS NOT THE FIRST TIME I'VE DONE THIS"

"Mr. Secretary," non Jordan I've

to see if

asked

Andy Card, "would you mind

calling Ver-

he would encourage Senator Kerry to concede?"

known Andy since 1979 or

when he signed up

1980,

to help or-

ganize Massachusetts for George H. W. Bush's

first

presidential run.

He

still

in his early thir-

was

ties.

a

Republican state legislator back then,

Andy came

work, telling

it

to

like

Washington it is,

and

mid-1980s and through hard

in the

fierce loyalty,

Reagan and Bush 41 White House

staffs to

climbed the ranks in the

become

secretary of trans-

portation. In

November 2004 he was White House

dent George

W Bush, the same

gan and Bush.

I'd

and regarded him fective

worked with him as a friend.

and had President Bush's

had taken

my

I

once held for Presidents Rea-

a lot

He had

the office extended longer than

fifty

office

full

a

chief of staff for Presi-

over the years, admired him,

low-key

style,

confidence.

my own

but was very ef-

When

four-plus years,

I

his

tenure in

joked that he

place as the longest-serving chief of staff in the past

years, except for Eisenhower's

disgrace) and Nixon's H. R.

Sherman Adams (who resigned

Haldeman (who ended up

in prison).

in

192

•

|

AM

in

III

known Vernon Jordan

I've also

shaker

BAKER,

a

s

I

Washington with close

friendship with

Bill

our

try not to treat

won

nor Clinton

long time. He's

a

mover and

the Democratic Party, a deep

ties to

We both

Clinton, and a wonderful sense of humor. political adversaries as

enemies. Right after Gover-

the 1992 election, Vernon

came

He and

about the presidential transition.

talks

a

to

my

house to

start

are both past presi-

I

dents of Washington's Alfalfa Club, the only function of which

is

to

hold one dinner each year to poke fun at ourselves and our national leaders.

September 2004, Vernon and

In

negotiated the terms of the

I

Bush-Kerry and Cheney-Edwards debates. Both of us had experience at this,

and our

phone. Going

talks

in,

were amiable and

the biggest issue was

always, however, almost tention.

Would

be located?

all

how many

sit

or stand?

Would

debates to have. As

Where would

the podiums

there be warning and stop lights

keep the candidates within their time

tially didn't

tele-

would ask questions? Would the candidates be per-

mitted to address each other? to

done mostly by

other details of the event were also in con-

the candidates

Who

efficient,

limits? (Senator

want them. His fallback position was that the

Kerry

ini-

should

lights

not be visible to the television audience.) I

proposed the following to Vernon: "You're gung ho for three de-

bates,

and we would probably prefer two, since our candidate

dent and has

is

I'm absolutely convinced that

a lead in the polls.

we can

say we'll do only two and won't have to pay a political price. But to

know

if

presi-

I

want

your side would be willing to give us everything we want on

format, subject matter, duration, warning lights, and so on, if the pres-

ident were to agree to do three."

Vernon's

first

reply was, "Well,

I

don't know." But after

we had

feinted back and forth for several days, he said, "Yeah, we'd be willing to

do I

that."

proposed

this idea in a

meeting

in the

White House residence

with the president, Karl Rove, and Karen Hughes.

not eager to do three debates,

initially,

The

president was

and Karen favored

just two.

"WORK HARD. STUDY... AND KEEP OUT OF

POLITICS!"

)9

+

i

President Clinton had given Bob Dole only two, which would have

been good precedent three

we could

if

is

not the

member times when I was darn make up

He

time

done

I've

my candidate

glad

I

supported

I

said. "I re-

we wanted.

first

poor performance

for a

But Karl and

to more.

get everything else

"Mr. President, this

to

no

for saying

this,"

had another debate

in an earlier one."

we

listened, then agreed. "Okay, if

get everything

we want on

the other issues."

As

turned out, the third debate was President Bush's best perfor-

it

He

mance.

hit a

home

things will turn out.

After Vernon and the bar of

Our

pened

But you never know in advance how these 7

thought our bargain was

I

worked out well

tainly

tinis.

run.

this time,

I

had

tied

but

up

it

a

good one, and

could have bitten us in the

all

the loose ends,

we

repaired to

conversation drifted back to 2000.

in Florida,"

we

"It's

too bad what hap-

Then we

agreed, perhaps for different reasons. if

either candidate,

Bush or Kerry,

lost the

be appropriate for him to ask for recounts in one or two states than the recounts mandated by state law7 in the Electoral College?

I

—

pop-

Would

ular vote and also lost the electoral vote by a narrow margin?

ate,

tail.

New York's Waldorf-Astoria to seal the agreement with mar-

began to muse. What

come

cer-

it

it

—other

to try to reverse the out-

didn't think that

would be appropri-

nor did Vernon. At that point, of course, we were

just

two guys

nursing our drinks, not representatives of our candidates.

Which It

brings

me

my telephone

was Wednesday morning,

presidential election.

I

was on

November

my way

call 3,

from Andy Card.

2004, the day after the

to the dentist.

To

all

appear-

Bush-Cheney had defeated Kerry-Edwards by healthy margins

ances, in

back to

The networks had

called the

they were right this time. George

W wound

both the popular and electoral votes.

election for the

up with

GOP, and

50.6 percent of the popular vote (Kerry took 48.1 percent)

and

286 electoral votes to Kerry's 252.

On Wednesday cede.

1

le

had

morning, however, Senator kern had yet

his eves

on Ohio and

its

twenty electoral votes.

\\

to

con-

hen the

194

•

|

AMES

BAKER,

A

I

I

I

counting ended that morning, the president was leading there by about

36,000 votes.

1

The

uncounted provisional in

senator was said to be holding out hope that

ballots could give

him the

turn would give

him the Buckeye

Electoral College and the presidency.

Provisional ballots are those cast by voters

pear on the registration

estimated the

number

as

high as

1

error.

had been

verified

The

and

it

the public face of the

Wednesday morning. "We

exam-

for

top state election

official

would be November

tallied. If

to wait out that process before conceding,

Andy Card was

—

75,000 (which later turned out to be

about 20,000 too high). Under state law, fore these ballots

whose names do not ap-

the local polling stations

rolls at

because of an administrative

ple,

which

State,

13 be-

Senator Kerry wanted

we were

in for a long wait.

Bush-Cheney campaign on Bush has won

are convinced that President

reelection with at least 286 electoral votes," he told supporters, but

"President Bush decided to give Senator Kerry the respect of

time to reflect on the results of

Andy's

me

call to

his candidate to

to see if

I

more

this election."

would ask Vernon Jordan

concede was clear evidence that

encourage

to

in politics as in diplo-

macy, there are back channels. "Sure,"

down by

him

said, "I'll give

I

telephone.

When

I

a call. It

took a while to track Vernon

reached him, he was on the eleventh tee

Augusta National Golf Club, home of the Masters tournament. didn't say he

cion

would or would not

that he either

is

called President

Bush

weighed to

talk to

in or

concede

at

Senator Kerry, but

Ohio

—

almost

lost the

19,000.

suspi-

about

1

1:00 a.m. Eastern time.

right thing to do. Senator

popular election by almost three million votes and

after the provisional

1

He

was about to when the senator

That concession was absolutely the Kerry had

my

at

and overseas

ballots

There was no plausible way

for

were counted

him

to

—by

have reversed

the outcome.

George large part

it

W Bush won the 2004 election was

a

referendum on

terrorist attacks of

September

for a

number of

reasons. In

his leadership in the aftermath 11, 2001.

I

of the

also believe the debates

.

"WORK HARD, STUDY... AND KEEP OUT OF

POLITICS!

-

395

*

helped him, on balance. Another big reason was simply that our side

much

did a

better job of organizing and getting our voters to the polls.

Turnout was more than 122

up about

million,

16 percent from 2000,

and the sixty-two million votes cast for the president broke the prior record by about eleven million. certainly didn't see this coming.

I

On

When I

Houston

arrived back in

that afternoon,

results of several exit polls that didn't look

mentioned

my

later that day,

turned out to be.

left

The more

—

character and each of it.

fourth

name

to that

Early in his

things change

whom

list,

first

left

.

it's

convenient for him (and

We

indeed they

as

.

working

for three great

—each

in far better

a

more

man

a

shape than he

it

I

came

to

usually

White House.

I

discuss whatever

George

W

T .

Washington, and

is),

he asks that

I

Bush asked I

do.

When

drop by

for a

usually stay about thirty to fortyis

on

his

mind

—sometimes

foreign

or economic policy, sometimes politics, sometimes personnel.

me

to be candid

sensitive to critical

and frank, and

comment

is

I

am. This idea that he

despite what a lot of pundits

self,

not as a conduit from the president's father or anyone I

is

He

overly

not accurate, as far as I'm concerned.

And

what

of

limited role.

administration, President

him know each time

private visit at the

our nation

although in

to let

wants

I

pleasure of later years has been adding a

me

minutes.

was given the

for the president.

Ford, Reagan, and Bush 41

An unexpected

found

In-

and before long Dick Cheney was on

full-time public service in 1993 after

American presidents

five

good

I

me know the exit polls were wrong,

the telephone to let

I

Wash-

in

concerns to Margaret Tutwiler. She happened to talk

Lynne Cheney

to

was

I

Howard Hughes Medical

ington, D.C., for a board meeting of the stitute.

election day,

may

imagine,

I

always speak for

my-

else. Finally;

learn in confidence in those visits to the Oval Office stays in the

Oval Office.

On

a

couple of occasions

I

have been asked by the president, or by

196

the a

\

BAKt

IAMI-S A.

+

R.

Ill

on the president's behalf, whether

ice president

full-time position in the administration.

all-consuming these kinds of jobs case was the same:

my

know how demanding and

life

I

do not think

my

however, so

are,

am extremely honored by

"I

age and stage of

I

this

would consider

I

is

reply in each

the suggestion, but at

something

Discussing the details of these inquiries would break

should do."

I

my

rule about

respecting presidential confidences. addition to negotiating the ground rules for the debates in the

In

2004 election, request

—

a

I

have taken other special assignments

at

the president's

diplomatic mission to former Soviet Georgia,

win forgiveness of

Iraqi debt,

and service

as

a

mission to

cochair of the Carter-

Baker federal election reform commission. At the request of members of Congress and with the approval of the White House,

agreed to cochair

a bipartisan

study group to conduct

looking assessment of the situation in Iraq. In addition, dential delegations to the twenty-fifth anniversary

movement

the Solidarity

in

recently

I

forward-

a I

led presi-

commemoration of

Poland and events commemorating the

tenth anniversary of the assassination of Israel's prime minister, Yitzhak

Rabin.

Eduard Shevardnadze was foreign minister of the Soviet Union during most of my tenure as secretary of state. We worked side by side as the Berlin

Wall

fell,

Germany was

reunited, Eastern

Europe and

Central Asia were released from Soviet domination, and an international alliance

the

formed

to liberate

Cold War ended more

derly fashion than

honored place \\

hen

it

bounded by

it

Kuwait from

quickly,

more

Iraq.

Thanks

to

peacefully, and in a

otherwise might have. For

that,

Eduard,

more

or-

he will have an

in history.

was

all

over, he

went home

to

Russia, the Black Sea, Turkey,

His countrymen

called

him back there

Georgia

—

a

small countrv

Armenia, and Azerbaijan.

after their

experiment with

freedom dissolved into chaos and internal violence. The elegant and

"WORK HARD. STUDY... AND KEEP OUT OF soft-spoken

man known

to his

countrymen

POLITICS!"

397

*

"Grandfather" or the

as

"Silver Fox" had a reputation for honesty and hard work, and, serving as acting

chairman of the

stability.

Three years

Eduard

elected

later

he quickly restored

Georgia adopted

new

a

a

degree of

constitution and

president.

my

one of

In

state council,

last acts as

1992 to show support for

my

secretary of state, old friend.

A

I

flew to Georgia in

war was

civil

still

could hear gunfire from the government guesthouse where

which had been the home of Joseph

I

I

stayed,

KGB

infamous

Stalin's

raging.

chief,

Lavrenty Beria. Tens of thousands of Georgians rallied in Freedom Square, and

my

walkie-talkies

amid

all

diplomatic security agents nearly swallowed their

when Eduard and

I

went down

the burned-out buildings. Things were

to address the

crowd

more peaceful when

I

visited again as a private citizen in 1994.

The Shevardnadze economy showed

the

years in Georgia were mixed, at best. At times

signs of

life,

but Eduard had to fight hard to pre-

serve the territorial integrity of Georgia against tremendous pressure

from Russia and other neighboring countries. Eduard never succeeded in eradicating corruption

gun

as a Soviet

—

a fight that, in a twist

apparatchik in the 1960s, also without

In addition, an estimated 260,000 their

homes by violence

ethnic discord.

young

in outlying regions,

it

all,

Europe

much

success.

Georgians were driven out of

And thousands more, many

adults, fled to

Through

of history, he had be-

much

of

it

sparked by

of them well-educated

to find work.

Eduard was

steadfastly pro-Western,

United States reciprocated with economic

aid,

and the

diplomatic support,

and low-level military support. In 1997, he visited the United States (and the Baker Institute). "Georgia's future security,"

I

wrote

at

the

time, "is important to America's security" because Georgia occupied a strategic location

between the

Sea and international markets

No

vast oil

and gas resources of the Caspian

in the West.

wonder, then, that the United States cared what happened

Georgia's tumultuous parliamentary elections of

in

November 2003 and

J98

•

|

AM

is

BAKER,

A

III

the presidential election that

would come early the next

year. Liberal

reformers had substantial political support for taking Georgia direction, but they feared that irregularities that

past

my

visit

when

old friend to impress

elections be free and

appointed

On

efits.

To

upon him how important

it

was that the

the flight to Georgia in early July 2003 on one of the jets, I

to

I

was

envoy (SPE), without salary or ben-

worked out

a set

White

of election guidelines

"Scorecard for Georgian Elections"

it

me

lend authority to the undertaking,

as a special presidential

House's Air Force called

fair.

in

victory.

White House and State Department asked

the

new

had been evident

Georgian elections would deprive them of their

That's

in a

—with my

—we

traveling team,

Elizabeth Jones, assistant secretary of state for European and Eurasian affairs,

Matt Bryza from the National Security Council and Julie

Fisher, the State

Department's desk officer for Georgia.

We

joined on the ground by the U.S. ambassador, Richard Miles.

we

other things,

were

Among

called for equal access to the media, independent

election observers, and most important, perhaps, the rejection of vio-

lence by It

all sides.

was not pleasant to

and we knew that

ness,

tell

an old friend

fair elections

how to run

his nation's busi-

would not necessarily go

As always, however, Eduard was gracious and did the

his way.

right thing.

"America has been providing Georgia with invaluable assistance since the very

first

day of

its

independence," he would say

fore [has] the moral right to give us friendly advice."

signed the guidelines, as did the opposition. As far as

government implemented the guidelines, except that

were out of

its

"and there-

later,

I

He

quickly

know, Eduard's

in those provinces

control.

That November,

exit polls

showed

that the opposition

had won,

but for several days the election commission refused to certify the results.

Tens of thousands of Georgians took

to be

known

as the

Rose Revolution. Just

as

to the streets in

he had done

at

what came the end of

the Cold War, Hduard refused to use force to preserve the old order.

He

held out

a

few days, then, facing the inevitable, he resigned.

"WORK HARD, STUDY... AND KEEP OUT OF Less than a year

been married

later,

he

lost his

fifty-three years.

is

writing his memoir.

my heart for this man

warm

him many

times, as a friend, that

spot in

and

life after politics

should not stay too long. Sadly,

am

I

+

199

beloved wife, Nanuli. They had

Today he

have a big

POLITICS!"

his family.

I

I

still

had told

was good and that he

afraid, that

what he

is

did.

But

he will be treated well by history for his refusal to support the use of force to keep the empire together

when he was

foreign minister of the

Soviet Union.

Less than two weeks

after the

Bush announced that

had accepted another assignment

presidential envoy, this

I

Shevardnadze resignation, President

one concerning

Iraq.

as special

"Secretary Baker will re-

port directly to

me

governments

the highest levels, with international organizations,

and with the

at

Condi

first

the

and reduction of

White House announced on December

5,

Iraq's

2003.

came from

administration contact about this mission

Rice, then the president's national security adviser, in October

2003 while

I

was

at

my Wyoming

U.S. -led military coalition first

work with the world's

will lead an effort to

Iraqis in seeking the restructuring

official debt,"

The

and

same

ranch. Earlier that

had invaded and occupied

Iraq.

year, the

A necessary

step in rebuilding the devastated country was to get rid of the bil-

lions of dollars

of

Iraq's

debt to other countries.

Saddam Hussein's government had borrowed from other governments the people of Iraq

—an estimated $120

would ever be able

tanks and missiles, billions

erning

elite.

more

After debt repayment, no

Much

Weimar Republic permanent

after

a

World War

instability in Iraq.

more

of

and luxuries

money would be

humanitarian relief or to rebuild schools, hospitals,

and other infrastructure. And

more money

billion or

to repay.

for palaces

far

it

—than

went

for

for the govleft

over for

utility systems,

financially crippled Iraq, like the I,

would almost certainly guarantee

One more

point:

from

a U.S.

every dollar of debt relief would potentially be one

perspective,

less dollar that

400

lAMl-s

*

BAKER.

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I

I

the American taxpayer might have to be asked to pay toward reconstruction.

Mv

debt-relief mission covered only government-to-government

(or sovereign) debt, not the billions

more

that Iraq

owed

to private

companies or the reparations the Security Council had ordered Iraq to pay Kuwait after the reprise of

mv

first

Gulf War. The idea was

tin-cup tour in the

tal to capital soliciting

of 1990, when

fall

I

I

would do

a

went from capi-

I

pledges of financial support for

paign to liberate Kuwait. This time, however,

governments

that

a

military

cam-

would be asking

to write off their Iraqi debts.

Condi suggested "For this to work,"

that

I

operate through the Treasury Department.

replied, "I have to be seen as a representative of

I

my office, if

the president." That

meant

White House,

needed to report directly

that

I

to a cabinet officer,

that

and that

I

I

had one, had to be to

in the

W Bush, not

George

should meet with prime ministers and

other foreign heads of government, not with their finance ministers. All this was agreed to,

and

I

was again appointed

dential envoy. This time, however,

the

White House

before taxes.

I

also

as its

was actually put on the roster of

I

lowest-paid employee at one dollar per year,

had to take

With me standing by

as special presi-

in the

a

drug

Oval

test,

which, fortunately,

Office, the president then

I

passed.

telephoned

Jacques Chirac, Gerhard Schroeder, and other government leaders

and asked them

The

president and

act words, but in

to see

me. I

my main

also talked

about strategy.

I

don't recall the ex-

point was that this would be a delicate mission,

view of the opposition of many creditor nations

many, and Russia

—

in particular

was no reason to think they were

to

judgment," years,

allies,

in a

I

said.

however, we can't

mood

to

let that

do us any

we're going to rebuild Iraq. So

I

favors.

we were

treated

disappointment cloud our

"These alliances have meant

and now we're up against

France, Ger-

Operation Iraqi Freedom. There

"Regardless of our disappointment with the way

by longtime

—

a situation

a lot to us

through the

where we need them

want to be able to go

to

them and

if

say

"WORK HARD. STUDY... AND KEEP OUT OF that we're reaching out."

my

The

president agreed, and

POLITICS!"

I

later

*

used

101

this in

talking points with foreign leaders.

On Monday, December able to the to France,

15,

an Air Force 757 from the

White House picked me up

Germany,

Italy,

Great

Houston

in

Britain,

and Russia.

fleet avail-

for a four-day trip I

was delighted to

get one of the big birds, usually reserved for the vice president, the

secretary of state, or the secretary of defense.

communications, and most of

for staff,

Gary Edson, deputy nomic

affairs

deputy

the National Security Council,

me were

all

of

whom

press

spokesman from

offered superb support.

we are reaching

out

Our

countries have

and asking you

build their country. These debts can never be repaid.

ply accept that reality

and move

What the president seeks

tial reduction in settle this

your

on,

which will

is your

lift

had disagreements

to help the

Iraqi people re-

By forgiving them, we sima dark shadow from Iraq's

agreement to the principle of a substan-

We

country's debt in Iraq.

also seek your

commitment

thing

I

would not

do, however,

is

talk

My job

numbers. The details was to create

tum by winning commitments on very generous words level that

would

at

momen-

the political

translate into very large numbers at the technical level.

meetings with President Chirac and others went remarkablv

well. In a joint statement,

reductions in the debts

do the same. Great

France and

owed them by

Germany pledged

"substantial"

Iraq and urged other nations to

Britain and Italy, both coalition allies, also gave

their support. Russia agreed to consider the matter. Later that

Japan raised the bar by agreeing debts.

to

matter quickly, in 2004.

could be settled by finance ministries.

My

assistant sec-

strategy was simple. The president values our historic alliance and

about Iraq, but

One

the indispensable

Clay Lowery, deputy

McCormack,

grateful that you have received me.

future.

of

and deputy national security adviser; Larry Greenwood,

retary of the treasury; and Sean

is

facilities

assistant to the president for international eco-

assistant secretary of state;

Our

had excellent

sleep, that vital friend

all,

the successful diplomat. Traveling with

It

China refused

to

be pinned

month,

to forgive the "vast majority" of

down

its

publicly, but privately assured

402

+

me

of

AM

I

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s

a "big,

BAKER,

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I

On

big reduction."

a later trip to

the Middle East, Qatar

and the United Arab Emirates quickly signed on. Because of special circumstances, however, Kuwait (reparations) and Saudi Arabia (a dis-

come

pute over whether payments were loans or grants) did not terms, and last

ongoing.

I

I

heard negotiations with these two countries were

by

also talked to leaders of several other countries

to

still

tele-

phone.

By December 2004,

a

year after

we

started, the Paris

Club

—

a

con-

sortium of nineteen industrialized countries that have worked together since the 1950s to help over-indebted countries to an across-the-board reduction of a

was

a

been

new record told,

United

minimum of 80 percent, which

for that organization.

Some

was 67 percent.)

(The previous

States, for instance, forgave

single nation,

it

was certainly one of the

Abd al-Mahdi,

my

point of view,

from

called it

also

it

I

every dollar Iraq owed us

was not the largest debt-relief operation

Adil

high,

creditors wrote off even more.

billion. If this

ter,

—had agreed The

—

$4.1

in history for a

largest. Iraq's finance

minis-

"the second liberation of Iraq."

demonstrated

have

how much good

And

the de-

veloped nations can accomplish when they work together.

As

I

was

for service

putting this book to bed in early 2006, another opportunity

on Iraq came

study group on Iraq.

Our

my

way.

I

was asked to cochair

assignment: to

make

a

forward-looking as-

sessment of the situation there.

The group was formed

members of Congress, but

White House welcomed

the

to help with travel, access to

who

a bipartisan

at the it

urging of

and agreed

documents, and other assistance. (Anyone

has read this far knows

I

would not have taken

this

assignment

without White House approval.)

My who

cochair

chaired the

is

former congressman Lee Hamilton,

House Foreign

Woodrow Wilson

Affairs

Committee.

a

Democrat,

He now

heads the

International Center for Scholars, which will assist

with the project, along with the United States Institute of Peace, the

"WORK HARD, STUDY... AND KEEP OUT OF Baker

Institute, the

Center

for Strategic

POLITICS!"

403

*

and International Studies, and

the Center for the Study of the Presidency. I

is

My hope

don't have any illusions about the difficulty of the task.

that

we can develop

insights

and advice that

be helpful to the

will

administration and to Congress, and that will benefit our country.

me,

this

study group has

commission a set

in 1983.

much

the

same mission

That group worked out

To

as the Social Security

a bipartisan

consensus on

of commonsense policies that helped Congress and the adminis-

tration put aside considerations of political advantage

best for our country

my prayer, is

on

a

very

that the Iraq

difficult

and do what was

and contentious

My hope,

issue.

Study Group can do something

similar.

In the 2000 Florida presidential election recount dispute,

I

objected

strenuously to changing the rules in the middle of the game, not to the idea that election reforms might be needed. But those reforms should

come by

legislative action

between

elections,

I

believed, not by letting

courts rewrite the rules while the votes were being counted. In late 2004

form. tional

The

I

was challenged to put up or shut up on election re-

came from Ken Mehlman, head of

call

Committee. After the 2000

election, a

the Republican

Na-

commission headed by

former presidents Jimmy Carter and Gerald Ford had recommended

a

package of election-law changes, some of which were enacted by

Congress

in 2002.

commission

to

Now

new

President Carter wanted a

bipartisan

push for additional reforms, and unfortunately, Presi-

dent Ford no longer traveled.

This was not something

was eager to do, but

The commission would be

consider

it.

anything

official,

I

I

a private

told

me

told

I

would

undertaking, not

later,

it.

"Because," Karl

"President Carter will find a Republican

be willing to serve, and we want someone on our side rolled."

Ken

and we were winning elections, not losing them, so

wondered why the administration cared about

Rove

I

who

who won't

will

get

KM

|AMtS A

+

still

I

White

hadn't

BAKI

R.

made up my mind

louse dinner

I

Bush's sixtieth

Ill

January 2005 when

wedding anniversary. President Bush 43

being willing to do

attended

1

a

honor of George H. W. Bush and Barbara

in

when he pulled me

the issue for me, however, for

in

sort of settled

aside and said,

"Thanks

reform commission with

this federal election

President Carter." "You're welcome, Mr. President." I'm glad

I

Working

accepted.

turned out to be

a pleasure.

We

cochair with President Carter

as

have had our

ferences in the past, and I'm sure we'll have a

man

and

of integrity

fair elections

who

and policy

political

more

in the future,

dif-

but he's

deserves credit and respect for promoting free

around the world, personally and through

his

Carter

Center. In 1990, for instance, he worked with our Republican adminis-

Nicaragua that replaced

tration in connection with the elections in

Daniel Ortega with Violeta Chamorro, ending more than violent conflict in that Central Carter's moral authority, results

We

I

American

decade of

But for President

nation.

doubt that Ortega would have accepted the

and stepped down. held hearings

the Carter Center.

at

American University, the Baker

make

the-sky recommendations. That didn't happen.

September 2005, and

it

was

a

and

President Carter and

I

The

report

in the fairness

wrote, "and while

to address the

bunch of

a

pie-in-

came out

good one.*

"Americans are losing confidence

we need

Institute,

was concerned that the commission would turn

I

into a philosophical debating society, then

in

a

problems

Our

." .

we do not

.

goals

of elections,"

face a crisis today,

were

to

improve the

administration of our elections, enhance their integrity, and increase voter participation.

The commission had four,

*My

I

think,

assistant

Chronicle.

I

lis

eighty-seven recommendations.

were asking voters to present

on the project was John Williams, writing

skills,

the commission staff had

a

former

to

big

driver's licenses or other

political reporter tor the Houston

practical experience covering elections,

a lot

The

do with how well things turned

out.

and hard work with

WORK HARD STUDY

AND KEEP OUT

405

OF POLITICS'

photo IDs when they show up to vote, improving our system

for reg

tering voters, turning elections over to nonpartisan administrar

and requiring electronic voting machines to print paper records that can be audited.

The commission

do more

also asked states to

and to supply IDs without cost

ter potential voters

for

to regis-

people

who

lacked driver's licenses. States should take responsibility for the accuracy their voting

lists,

we

said

—

should be linked together through

would need

tive voter

do

local officials a

it

now

and integritv of

— and

all

state lists

national computer, so a prospec-

to register only

one time.

Other recommendations included four regional presidential maries:

request that the media wait until voting ends in

a

all

pri-

forty -

eight contiguous states before projecting the results anvwhere: and the

enfranchisement of ex-felons

who have done

their time, except regis-

tered sex offenders and those convicted of capital crimes. That last

one was something it

All in

be

its

spirit

all.

the

a positive

In:

would not have proposed myself, but

accepted

Commission on Federal Election Reform turned out

experience

—

practical in

and approach, successful

President George

5,

in its

W Bush

its

aspirations, bipartisan in

outcome.

also asked

me

dential delegation to the twenty-fifth anniversary

the Solidaritv

movement

old acquaintances to reflect -till

I

of the overall package.

as part

to

I

work

What

a

commemoration of

pleasure

it

was to renew

Lech Walesa, Bronislaw Geremek, Vaclav Havel

on how the

at

in Poland.

to lead the presi-

spirit

in peaceful

.

of Solidarity had transformed Poland and

democratic movements

like the

Rose Rev-

olution in Georgia, and to read to the assembled dignitaries President Bush's letter of greeting.

Later that vear.

I

also led the presidential delegation to the cere-

monies commemorating the tenth anniversary of the assassination of Israel's

prime minister. Yitzhak Rabin.

more emotional, because Yitzhak

—

If

anything, this event was even

architect of the

(

h

accords, ad-

K)6

JAMtS

*

RAKh

A.

R.

Ill

vocate of peace, Nobel laureate at his

Mount

grave on

Herzl

— was

also

in Jerusalem

my

friend.

The ceremony

reminded us

had done and, even more, what he might have done

if

all

of what he

he had not been

cut down. I

saw and

old days

visited with

—among them,

many

acquaintances and colleagues from the

Ariel Sharon,

jamin Netanyahu, and Eytan Bentsur.

Ehud Olmert, David I

Levy, Ben-

had dinner one evening with

Olmert, Condi Rice, and Sharon. "Tell the prime minister,"

Ehud, "that

this

is

the only time I've ever

announced the creation of

mark

to

a

new

come

settlement."

to Israel

Ehud

I

joked to

and he has not

translated

Prime Minister Sharon, who smiled and replied

my

re-

in English:

"That's because I've used that trick before."

The

irony, of course,

is

now become

a'

he would be disabled by

a

process, had

winged chariot

.

.

that Sharon,

who long

peacemaker himself.

resisted the peace

How

sad, then, that

severe stroke two months

later.

Time's

EIGHTEEN SINGLE BLUEBELL"

"A

It's a

tradition

in the

news business

to prepare obituaries for

prominent people before the event, and reporters interview stories ready ahead of time. That's lit

up

in early

Now

years.

Nancy

lost

calls.

I

why my office telephone

June 2004. Ronald Reagan had been

word had spread

that

hour, the

my memories list

had nothing

was

it

Ronnie and our nation

Journalists wanted

Hour by

also like to get their

lost

of the

its

man and

greatest presidents.

reaction to his death.

of press inquiries grew, but

to say

One

of

give past-tense interviews about

my

for almost ten

matter of time before

just a

one of

ill

I

didn't return the

rules, rarely violated,

anyone who

is still

alive.

is

not to

To me,

it

seems inappropriate.* President Reagan's illness had cut him off from his friends long before death took his body. For years, however, iting

Nancy most every time

I

was

in

*In the years before President Reagan's death,

the can, but onlv because

served the president

I

I

had made

a point

of vis-

Southern California. Seeing

her,

put one or two retrospective inter* lews

Nancy approved of mv doing

so.

along with others

in

who had

4

8

AM ES

|

even for

\k

Ill

few minutes, was

a

and

spect,

BAKER.

A

it

last

in

to

spirit.

came three days before

February 1994 gala

a

— probably

honor.

in his

just social chitchat

his

don't re-

I

—but he was

His political soul mate, Margaret Thatcher, spoke that

spirits.

and he always delighted

night,

of communicating love and re-

conversation with the president

what we talked about

great

my

always refreshed

eighty-third birthday at call

my way

her presence.

in

"It is

an honor and

a joy

be here with vou to celebrate the forty-fourth anniversary of your 1

thirty-ninth birthday,' she joked

A

bit

more than

eight

months

later.

President Reagan supplied

a

taped message for the groundbreaking ceremony of the Baker Institute.

excitement of the moment.

In the

to

failed to notice

I

what

now

is

me. His speeches usually soared, even for routine events.

daw however;

his

words fluttered

Exactly sixteen days

later,

on November

5.

1994. he

"When cluded.

could spare

the Lord calls

"I will

its

Saturday June

I

I

now

I

only wish there

that

may

be."

he con-

begin the journey that will lead

2004, Margaret Tutwiler telephoned to say

5.

He

took consolation

was ninety-three.

knowing

in

Nancy's, had ended, and that he was in

Now

he wrote,

life."

the president had passed away.

dened, but

"I

that

this painful experience."

me home, whenever

future.

my

into the sunset of

On

this

leave with the greatest love for this country of ours and

eternal optimism for

me

Nancy from

announced

feel just fine/

I

but he understood the burden his family would bear. I

On

to the earth, never quite taking wing.

he suffered from Alzheimer's. "At the moment,

was some way

evident

could

talk, so

I

went

to

my

I

was deeply sad-

that his suffering,

and

a better place.

office at the

Baker Institute and

gave interviews until nine or ten that night, then got up early the next

morning

for a

couple of Sunday

Each contact with

talk shows.

porters was coordinated through the White House, at I

repeated the Reagan story to

America's pride guile

.

.

.

.

.

.

all

made everybody

big-picture president

.

.

.

who

feel

its

cared to hear

good

.

.

.

re-

request.

"Restored

it.

completely without

stuck to his principles

.

.

.

changed

— AND KEEP OUT OF

-WORK HARD. STUDY the world."

And Nancy

"has handled these

POLITICS'

409

*

years with

final difficult

dignitv and grace."

a

mentioned

also

I

more

civil

that the

Washington of Ronald Reagan's time was

place than today. Political adversaries then were not

treated as personal enemies.

The

president could right

Tip O'Neill over public policy then that evening

Early

and share

a

sit

day with

all

down with him

over drinks

caught

Washington

laugh.

Wednesday June

9,

Susan and

I

with George and Barbara Bush on the \\ "hire fetch the forty-first president and his

first

ride to

a

House

airplane sent to

lady That afternoon. Presi-

dent Reagan's coffin arrived from California and was pulled slowly up Constitution Avenue to the U.S. Capitol on

lowed by

a

horse-drawn caisson,

a riderless horse.

Shortly after George. Barbara. Susan, and

we went by coffin

—

Rotunda

the Capitol

to

I

arrived in Washington,

pay our respects. The flag-draped

brightly spotlighted, framed bv a military

honor guard

alone in that vast space on the same catafalque

President Lincoln. In ident Dick "If

a

ceremony there

am

I

few hours

a

moment went unrecorded"

a cynical,

— and

the vision and will of Ronald Reagan that gave

shamed the oppressors, and ended an

evil

the steps of the Capitol afterward.

wept.

when Susan and

I

went

I

rested

Vice Pres-

gentle

man

or cruel, or selfish word, the

powerful figure

a

as a

—

used for

told

earlier.

Cheney had eulogized President Reagan

Ronald Reagan ever uttered

turmoil

fol-

in history

hope

"It

was

to the oppressed,

we walked down

empire." As

My

—

emotions were

to sleep that night in the

still

in

Lincoln Bed-

room, guests of the forty-third president. As thousands of mourners streamed through the Rotunda to pay their respects the next

Barbara on

a visit to

Nancy

am

sure, but the fact

her.

Nancy was

a

day Susan and

is

at Blair

that she

I

accompanied George 41 and

House.

We

said

her love and devotion were

a

the right thine-.

I

comforted us more than we comforted

source of strength for her Ronnie.

nied him to Washington one

all

last

time

— and

later

And

as she

accompa-

back to California

source of strength for us

all.

HO

*

\M

I

s

I

BAKER,

\

The agency Washington,

in

I

I

I

charge of state funerals

a unit

is

the Military District of

of the U.S. Army, which worked out the details

with the family well ahead of time.

Mike Deaver had coordinated

much of

the planning for Nancy. Everything was prearranged, tightly

scripted,

and beautifully done. The staging would have delighted the

former

actor,

drama,

this

ting his

On

I

He

think.

one about

marks one

was playing

a

leading role in a vast national

remembrance, and heroism, an old pro

love,

hit-

last time.

Friday, Susan

and

traveled in the president's motorcade from

I

the

White House

We

entered in a Secret Service "security package" after most others

including

was

a bit

all

to the National Cathedral for the

former presidents except 41

memorial

—had been

seated,

officiated.

The

Sermon on

upon

a hill

text of the

the

homily

for President

Mount, "'You are the

cannot be

ing city on a

hid,'" Jack said.

light

Reagan was based on

of the world.

A

city set

hill."

learned

ident for eight years,

I

anyone

in all

encountered

kindness [and]

I

eulogies. "As his vice pres-

more from Ronald Reagan than from

my years of public life,"

he

said. "I

learned

also learned courage."

Margaret Thatcher, present

for the funeral service but not well,

spoke by prerecorded tape. While "others hoped,

at best, for

an uneasy

won

the Cold

cohabitation with the Soviet Union," she said, "he

War

minister,

"For him, America was the shin-

George H. W. Bush delivered one of the

I

which

embarrassing.

Former senator Jack Danforth, an ordained Episcopalian

the

service.

— not only without

firing a shot,

but also by inviting enemies out

of their fortress and turning them into friends."

As the former

British

prime minister's

distinctive voice filled the

cathedral, she sat quietly, head bowed. In the chair immediately to her right was

one of the friends she had

in

vited (like her) as a special guest of the

"For the

last

ness," she said.

years of his

life,

mind, Mikhail Gorbachev,

Reagan

Ronnie's

"That cloud has now

lifted.

family.

mind was clouded by

He

is

in-

himself again

ill-

—more

"WORK HARD. STUDY... AND KEEP OUT OF POLITK himself than

any time on

at

former president

—

we may be

deep

love and affection, and

in the

sure that the Big

who remember Him."

Fella Upstairs never forgets those

The outpouring of

For

this earth.

411

*

S!'

respect, for this

ceremonies and on the street

—was

over-

whelming. His supporters had always loved him, but now everyone, cluding some of his old detractors, had those of us tegrity,

and

come

who worked with him knew about his

performance

now

many

admitted the obvious

credit,

world for the I've

had

—

that he

a lot to say,

power of the medium

and public

owe my career

life,

but an event

to unite

I

in politics

also

campaign chairman

How

eight years?

me

was

owe

I

for

two

fortunate

life

president and

a great

it

my friend George

to President Reagan.

political rivals as

enough

Who

else

own judgment,

would

to hire the

White House chief of

to serve this

wonderful

I

and

I

tried every

man

for

want

day to be worthy

loved him dearly. I

told

Nancy

at Blair

House

After everyone else had said their goodbyes,

for

to tell

you one more time,"

I

said,

the day be-

lingered a

I

"how

bit.

appreciative

I

having had the opportunity to serve the president."

"We're very grateful," she replied, did for us." I

of

and public service to

into his administration,

That's one of the things

I

one demon-

My life was forever changed by his one generous decision

of that honor.

am

like this

our country around shared

have had the confidence, the comfort in his

"Nancy,

to their

his passing.

H. W. Bush, but

fore.

And

had changed the nation and the

experiences, this time in celebrating the

mourning

as a person.

his

pro and con, about the impact of television on

strates the

to invite

had abhorred

better.

politics

staff?

whom

and commentators,

journalists

American

I

his character, his in-

could never bring themselves to dislike him

that he was gone,

something that

as president.

Even members of the media, many of policies,

to realize

in-

left

the

room

in tears.

my

hands

in hers, "for

what vou

412

*

JAMES

A.

BAKER.

After the memorial

I

I

service,

I

my

waited for

ride in a

group

at the

side entrance of National Cathedral, along with President Carter and

Rosalynn, President and Senator Clinton, Senator Kerry, and others. think

George and Barbara were

there, too.

I

I

was talking with Rosalynn

when someone grabbed me from behind, turned me around, and gave

me

a big

hug and

kiss.

My

osculatory partner was none other than

Teresa Heinz Kerry, wife of the presumptive Democratic nominee for president.

She and her

first

husband, Senator John Heinz, were friends

of Susan's and mine before his death in

1991 air crash. This was the

time we had seen her in years, and she was

first

though he didn't

know

me

a

as vibrant as ever. Al-

me, John Kerry was also very

kiss

the incident had been caught on camera until

about

friendly.

I

didn't

my friends kidded

it later.

After the ceremony, George, Barbara, Susan, and

Houston. Forty-one was turning eighty, and

him was scheduled

for Saturday night in

a

I

rushed back to

long-planned party for

Minute Maid

Park.

The

next

he went skydiving over the Bush Library in College Station,

day,

Texas

own

—

a stunt that

made me wonder whether he was aching

for his

funeral!

A friend

later told

me

he was fascinated by the aftermath of Presi-

dent Reagan's funeral. Cameras followed some dignitaries

as

they

left

the cathedral, and he was struck by the sight of former national lead-

and world leaders setting off down the sidewalk by themselves,

ers

without fanfare, destined in

all

likelihood to fade into the crowd.

When I was President Reagan's chief of staff back in the early eighties, I saw my counterpart from a former adI

was not surprised by

ministration walking

this.

down Pennsylvania Avenue. Once he had been

the center of American public self

— no reporters, no

security,

life.

at

This day, however, he was by him-

—

no trappings of power

just a solitary

"WORK HARD, STUDY... AND KEEP OUT OF man, unnoticed, alone with

me

served to remind

his thoughts.

—my

after,

413

*

that mental picture

of the impermanence of power and place.

Three things helped me

my

family,

spotlight

Ever

POLITICS!

grounded during

stay

and

friends,

my

faith. I've

my

years in the

my

talked about

family throughout the book, and will return to that subject. But for

my

friends,

of course

—and

George H. W. Bush, but

in particular

also

Gerald Ford, Rog Morton, Dick Cheney, Stu Spencer, Mike Deaver,

—most of

and Bob Teeter

this

book would have been blank pages.

have only alluded, however, to the role of about I

and

I

want

had been

churchgoer and

a

first

time

I

one

transcript for this

Many believe at least,

is

faith

is

a regular participant in

spoke openly about

tional Prayer Breakfast in 1990.

Of

all

small-group

the speeches I've ever given, the

the most requested.

more

difficult for

those in public

life.

For me,

the exact opposite was true. Living in the centrifuge of poli-

tainly exciting and, in

many

"Power tends

power corrupts

Lord Acton

I've felt the

absolutely,"

temptation myself, and

In addition, temporal

power

January 1993 and became

life

was cer-

ways, satisfying. But power can also be

intoxicating and addictive.

I

more

my faith was at the Na-

encouraged, even demanded, spiritual growth. That

staff

to say

this.

worship, but the

tics

faith,

I

is

it's

to corrupt,

and

said,

I

and absolute

think that's true.

unsettling.

fleeting.

a private citizen.

cleaned out

I

my

desk in

Like the lonely chief of

had spotted on Pennsylvania Avenue so many years before,

all

my titles now had "former" in front of them. As my public prominence diminished,

I

also discovered that

I

could stand on busy street corners

and walk through airports without being recognized. This was ing in a way, but also

Power has

its

—

truth be told

satisfactions,

among them.

It is

God, not by our actions here on

tionship with

And

have to work

disquieting.

but inner security and the deepest kind

of personal fulfillment are not

meaning.

—

for

at

it.

me,

liberat-

at least, a life

of

faith

only through

earth, that

life

does nor conic

a rela-

has real easily.

I

4 14

*

(AMIS

One

BAKER,

A

III

blessing of faith

events of your

When

life.

you can see God's handiwork

that

is

was secretary of

I

the

in

state, for instance, a great

revolution swept Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union. As the Berlin Wall

were toppled, the Soviet Union collapsed,

dictators

fell,

and communism was consigned to President Reagan's "ash heap of history,"

beliefs

role of

of

it

was hard not to see the profound influence of the religious

of those

who were

human agency

this revolution, I'll

but

never forget

freed from tyranny.

I

do not discount the

or the powerful economic and political causes I

believe

it

also

my September

had

a spiritual source.

Wyoming

1989 meetings in

former Soviet Foreign Minister Eduard Shevardnadze.

He and ended I

our very productive round of negotiations with an exchange of gave him cowboy boots.

He

gave

ing the people. "You see, even

me an enamel

we communists

with

gifts. I

picture of Jesus teach-

are changing our world-

view," he said.

He

was

right.

Communism had

and treated individuals

as servants

lution that swept Eastern

with

it

a

resurgence of

God

denied the very existence of of the

state,

but the political revo-

Europe and the former Soviet Union brought Individuals were affirmed as children of

faith.

God, each equally worthy of

respect, free to choose,

and responsible

for their choices.

Vaclav Havel, then president of Czechoslovakia, said democratic revolution was sion, humility,

a

moral event, restoring the

his country's

faith,

compas-

and forgiveness that communism had opposed.

It

was

no accident that the churches of Eastern Europe played such an important part in these political changes. Despite decades of oppression, the people of

God

maintained their integrity

and guardians of the dignity of individual

There was

a lesson for the

Walesa, the hero of

away from said,

"we

a free

of the faith

men and women.

United States

in these events.

Lech

Poland, once said, "Americans were drifting

spiritual values as they

will

as custodians

become

richer."

"Sooner or

later,"

he

have to go back to our fundamental values, back to God,

the truth, the truth which

is

God." This

is

a useful

reminder,

I

believe.

"WORK HARD, STUDY... AND KEEP OUT OF that the great political

POLITICS!

experiment of the United States was, and con-

Kennedy

tinues to be, a great spiritual experiment as well. President

had

mind,

this in

think,

I

when he

these words: "here on earth God's

My but

instinct I

as a

closed his inaugural address with

work must

young man was

to go

truly be our own."

alone.

it

I

hard enough,

if

I

you could do

meant never admitting you needed dured

The

truth, however,

is

that

other. Friends are especially I've written

about

me

there with

at

as

we

do

can't

you worked

pain,

it

you en-

need each distress.

Stuart, to cancer

My friends helped save my life. There

when

They were to help

our

And there to stand with

Su-

last days.

scared, confused.

we put two

We

alone.

important in times of personal

her bedside during the

—heartbroken,

me

san and

you were

yourself. Self-reliance

you suffered

how I lost my first wife, Mary

she was only thirty-eight.

four boys

help. If

if

friends,

you had problems, you solved them.

If

it.

it all

If

life.

you prepared carefully enough, and

believed,

my

loved

was slow to accept their help in getting through

strong enough,

415

*

families together at a very difficult time in

the lives of our seven children.

My public career was a monument to the friendships the way.

people

I

also

with me.

in this

together. That's

book, and

In the end, however,

they can do for

company we

formed

team, and their judgment,

a

us.

I

why

I

much of what

have mentioned so

wish there was room to mention

we do not choose our

They

are the people

we

many of

many

others.

friends because of

love and trust, and

what

whose

enjoy.

My other anchor Means

We

hard work, and loyalty were responsible for

we accomplished them

made along

developed close relationships with many of the young

who worked

creativity,

I

Baker, taught

has always been

me

my

family.

My

mother, Bonner

—by precept and example— many of

the

\

al-

*

4 11)

|

AMES

why

my

dedicated

I

Ill

guided me.

that have

lies

BAKER.

A

always treasure her memory. That's

will

I

book, in part, "to

first

whose love and support gave me wings

The

my

whose belief

God,

in

same name

as

to

do well

me

remarkable

a

means

it

such accomplished men. From childhood, I

w as r

also given the love

Without

in life.

this legacy,

I

I

to carry

was sim-

and support to allow

doubt that

I

would have

ever had the education, the experiences, or the confidence life

grand-

of James Addison Bakers

hard to explain what

It's

my

great-grandfather,

and hard work gave

integrity,

ply expected to succeed.

me

wonderful mother,

fly."

father, the three generations

heritage that inspired me."

the

"my

other dedication went to

and

father,

to

my

my

public

demanded. I'm not sure

I

did as well for

grandfather did for me.

young

I

worked hard

child-rearing to

in

Mary

I

my own

loved them

my

children as

r

big-firm law practice and

Stuart.

father and

when they w ere

dearly, but

all

my

left

We were a happy family, but

most of the I

wish

I

had

spent more time with the boys.

One their

my

of the biggest mistakes in

mother

was.

my

life

was not telling them how

Another was surprising them three years

marriage to Susan.

My

for all of

them

—

later with

knew one another

four and Susan's three

beforehand, so that helped with the blending, but

ill

it

was

a

rough time

losing one parent through death or divorce, dealing

with the disloyalty (from

a

of the remaining

child's perspective)

parent's remarriage, then sharing that parent's attention with other

children.

The to be a

family

burden

name

for

that was such an asset to

my children. They w ere the

tinguished family, with a father whose papers.

It

proved

generation of a dis-

name was

often in the news-

was natural for them to wonder,

would ever be good enough. "Why

me sometimes

fifth

r

can't

I

suspect,

we

just

be

whether their best a

normal family?"

one child wondered aloud.

Some their teen

in

our family struggled with alcohol and drug abuse during

and early adult years.

We

had the resources, thank God,

to

I

"WORK HARD. STUDY... AND KEEP OUT OF we

help them find the treatment they needed, and

how

-

POLITICS!

are very

417

*

proud of

they have put their problems behind them.

who

was Susan

It

ran the car pools to four different schools and

countless after-school activities, bought the groceries, kept the chart in the kitchen to determine which teenager got the station

which it

wagon on

and explained why Daddy wasn't home. The way

night,

was time to get up

many mornings was when I heard

knew

I

the whack, whack

of her knees hitting the floor to pray for our family.

The

joy of

my

life is

that those prayers

were answered.

When

family gathered for Thanksgiving about eight or ten years ago,

everyone to say in one sentence what they were thankful

I

want to say

and proud

I

to

am

our children

—

for the

to be their father

In mid -May of 2002,

1

world to hear

They were descendants of Mary Jane

a large family that

into a small

with axes and

can

still

has

its

w eed

trimmers, and there

saw the gravestone of our

it

I

—amid

common

And

it

I

We

a lot

of fresh work

thirteen small

mv

Ameri-

—

visit

great-great-grandfather, Elijah it,

and

my

cousins had

forest.

told this story in a

commencement speech

University of North Alabama in Florence. history,"

first

and produced

to decorate the site for

from the encroaching

Later that day,

had never met

a James Carroll

Baker, 1792-1845. Hunters had recently found

reclaimed

I

Baker, a sister of the

opening that showed evidence of

r

—how thankful

roots around Florence, Alabama.

pushed into the ground

flags

"I'm

found myself tromping through the woods of

James Addison Baker, who had married

came

for.

and stepfather.

northwestern Alabama with a group of distant cousins before.

asked

I

my sons said, "that my parents didn't give up on me."

one of

thankful,"

our

told the graduates. "It shapes us.

It

"We

are

all

at the

embedded

in

defines our opportunities.

challenges us."

The

first

James Addison Baker and four brothers

left

Alabama

the early 1850s and planted themselves in Huntsville, Texas.

in

James

4 18

+

|

Baker's

A

M

I

first

A

S

III

soon met and married Rowena Crawford, the principal

of the Huntsv ancestors

RAKER,

wife had died early, and he was probably looking for a

He

fresh start.

.

ille

wound up

in

Texas.

an interesting story, one

It's

how my Baker

(Texas) Female Academy, and that's

I

have heard repeated

all

my

My

life.

family scrapbooks contain old handwritten genealogies that trace our

some branches even

history back to Elijah Baker (and trace back), but I've never really I

been much of

take from family history

The

past lives in us and

we

of Diplomacy,

Politics

and

toil

I

What

did not invent ourselves. as a nation, the benefi-

and

on these same values

sponsibility, in turn, to pass

In The

we

are, individually

of untold generations of love and

ciaries

genealogy buff myself.

a

the idea that

is

further

sacrifice. It is

our

re-

to future generations.

wrote that President George H. W. Bush

characterized our friendship "as a big brother-little brother relationship." "I think that's a fairly accurate description,"

"and one that Well,

my

this

I

said in the book,

consider quite a compliment."

according to genealogist William

George and makes

I

I

Addams

Reitwiesner,

are not brothers; we're long-lost cousins. Reitwiesner

claim on a

Web

staff ran across while

site

—"Ancestry of George W Bush"—

doing research for

this

book.

The

that

site traces

the Bush family history to colonial America and beyond. At the end

of his genealogical database, Reitwiesner reports that two of George's

remote ancestors are lived in

also

mine

—Richard Cocke and Mary

Henrico County, Virginia,

in the 1600s.

One

Aston.

They

son (Richard, Jr.)

was George's ancient grandpa, and another (William) was mine. I've

no way

always been suspicious of far-out claims of kinship and there's for

me

to say that the

to judge the accuracy of Reitwiesner's work, other than

bottom of

his

twelve-generation chart of

consistent with Baker family records. sources, and he said

My

staff

asked him about his

two of Captain James A. Baker's

aunts) had joined the Daughters of the

my ancestry is

sisters

(my

great-

American Revolution, "and

"WORK HARD, STUDY... AND KEEP OUT

OF POLITICS!"

419

*

their lines take Mr. Baker back to pre-revolutionary Caroline County, Virginia.

From

tion to the

there," he said,

then, that

can say

is

fect story that

Maybe

I'll

drop

rained on

It

I

a distant cousin

led

plan to believe

Jefe

and

me

my

close friend,

is

2004 that

I

first

Sam Houston,

served as

such

a per-

ain't so.

it

its

in Huntsville,

James Addison the general

who

—

after

president, then

first

Com-

and governor. The Texas Historical

as U.S. senator

my

was supposed to

Oakwood Cemetery

mission had authorized a marker for I

in

great-grandfather, the

won Texas independence,

—

my

someone proves

until

it

buried, along with his friend

annexation

of

into politics and public service?

November day

the cold

Texas. That's where is

the connec-

saying cousin*

start

give an outdoor speech in the

Baker,

make

easy to

Bush-Baker family connection

that the I

am

man who

tennis partner, the I

trivially

Cockes and Astons that the Bushes descend from."

Is it true,

All

"it's

my great-grandfather's grave,

was invited to attend the ceremony to

install the

and

marker and say

a

few words. Susan and

under

a

I

got out of our car and started walking to the cemetery

dripping umbrella,

tractive gentleman,

when we were stopped by

who approached from

a very

tall, at-

the other direction.

I

had

never seen him before.

"How do you

do, sir?"

he

said,

extending his hand.

"My name

is

James Baker."

*I

am

less

confident

in,

but intrigued

by,

the possibility that

with

Thomas Jefferson.

not

genealogist) noticed that one branch of

to

a

In

my

Richard Bland and Elizabeth Randolph. This

least claimed, for

many

years.

My

son's maternal grandparents. If first

it's

common

also share

my

ancestry

researcher (who

is

ancestral family, the Blands, traced back is

researcher said

something it

my

family has known, or

appeared plausible

beth Randolph was the daughter of William Randolph and

cousin of the

I

reviewing the Bush-Baker connection,

to

him

at

that Eliza-

Mary Isham, Thomas Jeffer-

true, the sixtv-tirst secretarv of state

would be

a

distant

one

1

42

|AMES

*

RAKER.

A.

Ill

"That's interesting,"

playing along.

said,

I

"My name

is

James

Baker, too."

know," he replied.

"I

"I

have followed your career for

long time.

a

I'm your cousin."

name was James

His

most of brother,

his life in

Los Angeles.

Wendell Baker, who

still

wasn't sure whether to take

I

uine

in their assertion

my

introduced

Though born

He

nearby, he had lived

them

to his

my

remarks

children and other relatives if I

seemed gen-

seriously, but they a

few minutes

who were

later,

I

present at the

myself were serious,

I

introduced

"just-discovered cousins."

—handsome

James Otis and Wendell Baker

men

—smiled

as the

crowd turned

African-American

to identify them.

woman warned me to be careful. "That Wendell

Afterward, a is

me

quickly introduced

lived in Huntsville.

of kinship. In

Then, not quite knowing

event.

my

Otis Baker.

Baker

an agitator," she whispered.

"What are It

these called?"

was Sunday, July

3,

2005, and

southwest of Huntsville with

just

I

was driving through the woods

my newfound

cousins,

and Wendell, eighty-two. Out the window,

eighty-six,

James

Otis,

spotted a

I

beautiful flower.

"They're called bluebells," Wendell

"May

I

said.

pick one?"

"Pick as

many

as

you want."

Jesse Baker was James's and Wendell's father, and their family

owned Road"

the sandy-soiled acreage and the old

— where

cousin.

Andy had had

woman named Emma third cousins.

place

—

off "Baker

Jesse and his wife, Fannie Willis, had farmed and

reared their children. Jesse's father was first

home

still

Andy

a relationship

Curtis,

Baker,

my

grandfather's

with an African-American

which made James and Wendell

my

"WORK HARD. STUDY... AND KEEP OUT They had ing

me

told

about

November when

"Andy" was

They

first

I

nickname

a

also invited

descendants.

I

me

I

421

*

that rainy day the preced-

met them, but they mistakenly thought

Robert Baker,

my grandfather.

brother of

a

to attend the biennial reunion of Jesse Baker's

accepted, and that's

woods with them on Susan and

for

Andy and Jesse

OF POLITICS!

how I came to be

riding through the

hot Sunday afternoon in July, eight months

a

had arrived

Wendell's

at

home about

an hour

later.

earlier,

along with two of our sons, John and Mike, and Mike's daughter Mary.

my Houston

(Some of

Baker cousins showed up

later.) It

was

a lovely

The

brick residence on a large green lot shaded by towering pines. living

room

portraits,

walls

were covered with scores of family pictures

wedding pictures, graduation shots

ingjesse Baker in a

graphs of I

my

suit, tie,

grandfather

and

hat. It

—including one of

to

a smil-

was similar in style to the photo-

when he was young.

had had the family connection researched, and

had learned

—formal

explained what

I

I

James Otis and Wendell. "Your great-grandfather was

Gabriel Baker,"

I

told them. "Judge James

were sons of Elijah Baker, whose grave graduation ceremony

at

I

Addison Baker and Gabriel

saw when

the University of North

I

went

Alabama

to speak at a in 2002.

My

great-great-grandfather, Elijah, was also your great-great-grandfather."

Gabriel had a son year before the Civil

twenty-three

War

I

said.

He

was born

in 1864,

one

ended, and he would have been about

when Jesse was born

by Dr. Bernadette University,

named Andy,

in 1887.

According

Pruitt, a history professor at

Andy acknowledged

his son,

to research

Sam Houston

wanted him

to

done State

have the Baker

name, and (by one account, which Wendell disputes) helped provide for Jesse until adulthood.

(I

have no way of knowing

the question of support, but

When

I

hope Andy did

who

is

right about

that.)

he grew up, Jesse farmed cotton and vegetables with mule-

and cut pulpwood and timber,

drawn plows, bought and sold

land,

James Otis and Wendell

"Everybody worked

told me.

summer. He'd buy the land

just to get the trees off

of money, the bank wouldn't bounce

ir.

for

my dad

And

if

in

the

he ran out

his check."

^^Mh

422

JAMES

*

BAKt

A.

R.

ill

Jesse had eleven sons and daughters, they told me.

who married

bert,

knew

ally

She worked

her.

husband

lived with her

"We laughed about

woman named

for

Mackie. As

a boy,

in a

I

know who

she was," Wendell

it."

have known about Jesse because Andy

who was

know whether Mackie's employment was merely

don't

One

thing's for sure,

however: no one ever told

my generation of Houston cousins

anything about

this

me

a

his

co-

Andy

incidence or happened because she was married to a grandson of Baker.

actu-

house behind the Captain's

buried in the same cemetery plot with Captain Baker,

cousin.

I

grandfather, Captain Baker, and

Bakers "didn't

My grandfather might well is

my

Houston

in

The Houston

residence. said.

a beautiful

One was Her-

or others of

other branch of

our family.

At the reunion, had changed since 1

I

my grandfather's day,

890s, Captain Baker

what

tablish

is

couldn't help thinking about

and

how much

for the better. In the early

and other Houston leaders wrote

now Rice

things

a charter to es-

University as a first-class institute for the

"white inhabitants of Houston and Texas." That kind of overt discrimination seems foreign to us now; but evidently what the founder, William

went

trustees

to court in 1963

it

was standard back then and

Marsh

Rice, dictated. University

and got the

racial restrictions elimi-

nated.

Wendell and Jesse told

me

with pride about their accomplished

family and in-laws. Teacher. Lawyer. Judge. Social worker. Entrepreneur.

Health inspector. First African-American deputy sheriff

Harris County. Mathematician. Jazz prodigy.

Vice president

at

Disney-ABC

Network budget

officer.

Television Group. Marriage to a son

of James Lawson, the intellectual architect of the nonviolent rights

movement. (Lawson

and he

is

Wendell As

the one

who

"is

the

added cheerfully

—

taught Dr. King the power of nonviolence,"

being an agitator

that

civil

guy who got Mandela out of prison

said.)

tor Wendell's

in

—"and

stemmed from

a

troublemaker, too," he

civil rights

work, including the

"WORK HARD, STUDY ...AND KEEP OUT registration of black voters

and the peaceful

throughout East Texas

racial integration

Wendell explained

of

take

in the early

Sam Houston

We're taxpayers. We're

a

said,

I

*

423

1960s

State University. 'I

have

'We've been good

citi-

his motivation this way: "I said to myself,

served in the army to defend America.' zens.

OF POLITICS!

productive family. Hell, I'm not going to

it.'"

One

of his most fascinating stories was

movement

in 1961 to

how he helped

lead a

throw African- American support to Republican

Anglo Democrats had

senatorial candidate John Tower. Conservative

locked African Americans and Mexican Americans out of the party,

according to Wendell, and anointed a candidate he and other minority leaders regarded as a racist.

We put John Tower in there," he said. And afterward, "calling Tower was just like calling my brother. He'd pick up the phone and say, 'What do you want?' We got blacks appointed to "Boy,

all

sorts I

we wiped 'em

of

told

out.

offices."

Wendell and James Otis about having the support of several

African- American leaders, including Barbara Jordan and Mickey Iceland,

when

vative

I

ran for attorney general as a Republican against a conser-

Democrat

in 1978. "Barbara Jordan,"

Wendell

said wistfully.

"She understood."

Wendell then passed around What One

Man

appendix

"Make changes, but use

at the

end

the system to do

his book, If

a fascinating

with his aphorisms.

filled

it."

It's

Not Me, Who?

"Compromise, but never

get nothing." "Results count; excuses don't!"

In telling these political yarns,

likelihood that sides of

copy of

Accomplished in His Battle for Equality.

read, including an

when you

a

we had

Wendell and

I

were not ignoring the

spent most of our political careers on different

many important

issues.

We were just doing what we should have

done, which was to start our relationship on the basis of what

common,

not what

we might

in

disagree about. At our ages, we'll probably

never get around to the other stuff anyway, and

whether we do.

we had

it

doesn't

much matter

We did our part. The rest belongs to younger generations.

1

24

•

|

AMES

James Otis

sat quietly

while his younger brother told political sto-

On

You straightened out

way

the

now

read

it

married,

I

inscription off

home of one

dear while

was wonderful.

itself

talk to

Baker's gravestone.

I

best will bless

life shall last."

He

never

he displayed an old disk harrow, I

mile or so away

a

at

hill

from the main road. Out

symbol of

a

front,

his family's heritage.

barbeque was sizzling on big cookers, kids were

arrived,

running everywhere, and probably 150

and studying

was held

It

of Wendell's sons, Bruce, in and around a beautiful

hardwood-shaded home down the

a large

relatives

were swapping

board that displayed their family

me

Otis and Wendell introduced last living

and

told them. Jesse was his only child.

The reunion

When

Andy

"They who knew him

memory

his

to go

had stopped by the family cemetery

I

to his grandchildren.

name and keep

the

know how

"I'll

things."

to the reunion,

Houston and copied the

his

should have run for president.

I

you, you did a good job," he said. "You

people.

in

III

interjecting only once that

ries, tell

BAKER,

\

to their sister, Leola.

history.

stories

James

They were

the

branch of

my

children of Jesse Baker.

The day brought a swirl of emotions. A year ago, family was

unknown

to

me.

with open arms and sweet

Now

Susan and

spirits. I

I

this

were being accepted

was profoundly moved by

this ex-

perience and pleased to have had the opportunity to learn about them

and to reminisce with them about our mutual great-great-grandfather.

James Otis quietly shared memories of Baker relatives came fit

by,

into the family, and

Jokes were

told.

one by one,

welcome

Children ran

us.

his

beloved wife with Susan.

to shake hands, explain

We

how

they

posed for group photographs.

past, kicking

up dust and wondering who

these old people were. In these ways, two families acknowledged and

embraced each

other,

Reverend Chris

becoming one

Bell, a

family, quietly

and happily.

great-grandchild of Jesse Baker, blessed the

meal. "Holy Father," he said, "thank you for another opportunity for

fun and fellowship, and for way.

.

.

.

Bless this food, Father

all

those

God,

who have come such

that

our bodies. In the name of Jesus, Amen."

it

would be

a

a

long

nourishment to

"WORK HARD, STUDY... AND KEEP OUT Our

hosts

pushed us

to the

head of the

stacked our plates with brisket, sausage, toes, onions,

enjoy our

line,

*

425

and Susan and

I

potato salad, beans, toma-

and sliced bread. Then we went inside Bruce's home to

feast. In

gle bluebell.

ribs,

OF POLITICS!"

her lovely strawberry blond

hair,

Susan wore

a sin-

APPENDIX "Item

When

One on Our Agenda Was

resigned from Treasury

I

in 1988,

the Dollar"

mv

dent said three of his second-term economic

letter to the presiu

initiatives

will

be

widelv judged to have lasting significance." One, of course, was tax re-

new system of

form. Another was a

ordination

we

set in

motion.

And

between Canada and the United

States. I've

Xow

two items on that

international

list,

want

the trade agreement with Canada.

day

to say a

described the tax reform

few words about the other

economic policy coordination and I'll

also discuss Black

October 198" when the stock market

in

economic policy co-

the third was a free-trade agreement

battle in chapter ten.

I

multilateral

write about these issues because today

we

fell

face

Monday,

508 points.

many

I

that

want

to

of the same chal-

lenges to U.S. and world prosperity that confronted us in 1985-1988.

Our answers for

to those

problems then.

I

think, hold important lessons

what might be done today.

The nation,

first is

a

of these subjects, international economic policy coordi-

good-government catchphrase

some

people's eyes to glaze over

stand

its

importance caused

U.S.

It

that,

shouldn't.

unfortunately causes

The

failure to

under-

policymakers to pull up the draw-

APPFNDIX bridges after

World War

We

I.

nomic problems elsewhere

tried to insulate

in the

*

42

7

America from eco-

world and keep whatever growth we

could generate to ourselves. But those policies did exactly the oppo-

we had hoped.

of what

site

International trade and capital transfers

dried up, and with them, economic growth.

The

isolationism and pro-

tectionism of that era actually helped cause the Great Depression

and arguably

set the stage for

World War

II.

In other words,

we

got

it

wrong. After World

War II,

however,

we

got

would cooperate

up the

International

dollar was

pegged

the dollar.

Soon

(GATT)

ments provided I

Victorious in war once

to gold

it

alone. Instead,

Under our

to rebuild postwar economies.

forty-four nations signed the Bretton

Trade

right.

United States decided not to try to go

again, the

ting

it

Woods agreements

leadership,

in 1944, set-

Monetary Fund and the World Bank. The and other world currencies were pegged to General Agreement on

thereafter, the

Tariffs

and

was put in place to promote free trade. These agreefoundation for postwar global prosperity.

a

wasn't worried about another Great Depression

oath of office in February 1985. successful war

we

on

inflation

American economy

afire.

The Reagan

—down

As the

economy. What concerned

me

economy

how

took

I

my

tax cuts and the Fed's

10 points since 1980

U.S.

was

when

—had

set the

grew, so did the world

to maintain this prosperity in

the face of unsustainable, and growing, global economic imbalances.

We

confronted an overvalued dollar, measured against other curren-

cies,

and

a trade

imbalance that favored the Japanese, Germans, and

other trading partners at the expense of U.S. manufacturers and exporters. litical

These two economic problems,

problem

each time

—

Honda

in turn,

a protectionist fever in

or Mercedes

had created

a big

po-

Congress that grew hotter

won another customer from

the Big

Three or another pop economist wrote about the inevitable triumph of Japan,

Inc.

Would we

post- World

War

retary) and

I

I

era?

return to the failed go-it-alone policies of the

Dick Darman

(at

the time, deputv treasury sec-

quicklv concluded that the best way

— and perhaps

the

Hi

428

*

API FN 1

only way

—

I)

IX

problems was

to solve these

to

work more closely with the

finance ministers and central bankers of other major economies.

Item one on our agenda was the

For years, relative world

dollar.

currency values had been set by the market. Sometimes they fluctuated wildly on the foreign exchanges. This

ments, companies, and investors to

could do everything in

exchange

rates.

right,

And

made

make long-range

deficit

in the

United

plans.

A

business

then be ruined by a sudden overnight

move

the disparity between the strong dollar and

weak foreign currencies gave foreign competitors companies

govern-

difficult for

it

States.

and sparked demands

a

big advantage over

This contributed to our growing trade

import quotas, and other

for high tariffs,

protectionist measures.

An

analogy

may

nation's history,

help explain the problem. In the early days of our

we had

a

the Continental Congress,

multitude of currencies bills

—paper

issued by

printed by the states, notes from private

banks, even foreign bills and coins. Shopkeepers had to be mathematical

geniuses to price a loaf of bread.

The

dollar eventually prevailed,

thanks in no small part to the work of Alexander Hamilton.

have

vest in markets

the

currency that makes

a single national

from Maine

is

with no internal currency

no practical way

— and

—we knew we could move

I

stability,

and

in-

risk.

was not advocating doing

in that direction if

we could

the relative values of the major national currencies.

achieve that

sell,

to establish a global currency to

provide the same benefits worldwide so

easy to buy,

to California, with perfect confidence in

medium of exchange and While there

it

We now

stabilize

The only way

to

however, would be to coordinate the underlying

economic fundamentals of the countries that issued these currencies.

And doing

that

would

policy coordination

require, in turn, a process for

among

those countries. That process

created, beginning with the Plaza

*A good account of Yoichi Funabashi.

this

macroeconomic

can be found

in

Accord

Managing the

is

what we

in 1985.*

Dollar:

From

the Plaza to the Louvre,

by

APPENDIX

The

Reagan administration's policy toward the dollar was

first

variably described by

commentators

currency wander where but, fair or not, the in

adopted

it

will.

a

strategy.

jobs.

Don Regan on

sell

His focus

secretary, to find a

now

as

was more

way

There

is

to

change

truly only

to beat

White House chief of and

less

got

staff,

economic.

way

else.

to

do

that.

however,

I

would

had traded

I

rather than treasury

He agreed that we had

we were

And we

The

also

president liked the

in a position to

didn't.

A

stroyed or diminished the effectiveness of what

Chairman Paul

it,

back the protectionist sentiment in Congress and

without telling anyone

we

we needed was

Remember, he and

idea as well, and with his approval

course,

all

the idea.

that our plan offered the best

Of

one decision-maker

sure

we

as

we

this policy,

To make

political

our

letting

from 1981-1984

as acute

branch of the U.S. government, so

an okay from the president.

—

in-

I'm not sure that's a fair description,

problem wasn't nearly

top-down

in the executive

have to

"benign neglect"

as

To win White House support

1985.

429

+

leak

go forward

would have de-

we were

planning.

needed the support of Federal Reserve Board

Volcker. At

one of our regular weekly meetings,

him what we were considering. He had been on record

I

told

since early

1985 in favor of correcting the overvalued dollar, so he liked the idea,

but he questioned whether

change

its

I

would be able

to get the administration to

dollar policy in such a fundamental way.

the view, which

I

He

was strongly of

shared, that the dollar's decline must be orderly, not

precipitous.

Treasury then made quiet contacts with the finance ministries of the four other major currency countries

On

and France.

were

hearing about what

summer of

skeptics, but as the

ize that

act

first

first,

we were

serious.

Our

—Germany, Japan,

the

we were considering

they too

1985 wore on, they began to real-

leverage with

the protectionists in Congress

them was

that

if

we

would throw up trade

White House, Treasury, and Congress, demanding to save

them from

that

didn't

barriers.

Auto makers and other industries were pounding the desks

done

UK,

at

the

something be

foreign competition, and Congress was listen-

430

*

ing.

By

that

we were

PP1 N Dl X

\

late

To our our

side,

staff,

summer, top foreign economic

officials

had begun to see

serious.

great relief,

we kept

news of these quiet contacts never

the circle very tight

—

the president and his chief of

the Fed chairman and his top assistant, and at Treasury,

David Mulford

Darman, Margaret

(assistant secretary for international affairs),

Tutwiler (assistant secretary for public

On

leaked.

and me. Our foreign

affairs),

now was

counterparts evidently did the same. All that was needed

a

face-to-face meeting of the finance ministers and central bank gover-

nors of the

five

countries to agree on the actions to be taken by each

toward coordinating their underlying economic

That came on September

policies.

Gold Room of

22, 1985, in -the

managed

York's lovely old Plaza Hotel. All participants had secretly in that

New

day because

York for the Sunday afternoon meeting. financial

markets would be closed.

press until the meeting was under way. in droves.

to arrive

We

picked

didn't tell the

alerted, they

showed up

The room was packed.) By the end of the day, we had agreed

on what came

to be

nique described the

The

(Once

We

New

U.S. current

known

as the

risks to the

account

Plaza Accord.

world economy

deficit together

The

if

burdened countries would be unable

real

is

now

not resisted, could

lead to mutually destructive retaliation with serious

world economy: world trade would shrink,

commu-

in these words:

with other factors

contributing to protectionist pressures which,

even turn negative, unemployment would

public

damage

growth

to the

rates could

rise still higher,

and debt-

to secure the export earnings

they vitally need.

Ministers and governors "stand ready to cooperate

courage" exchange-rate adjustments, the masterful use of understatement,

it

communique

in a

closely to ensaid.

added that "exchange

play a role in adjusting external imbalances."

was never used, but

more

The word

And

in a

rates should

"intervention"

separate document, a "nonpaper" that was not

A PPE N D

made

public, participants agreed to sell dollars

cies to adjust the relative values

*

X

I

4 31

and buy other curren-

of the currencies

—

that

is,

to lower

the value of the dollar against other currencies.

The

results

were spectacular. Despite strong resistance from

traders,

the dollar dropped against other currencies, quickly and substantially,

but in an orderly way. In his January 1986 state of the union address, President Reagan signaled our satisfaction with the Plaza Accord and

our commitment to continue working with our trading partners to bilize

exchange

sta-

rates.

Plaza was about

more than

just

currency adjustments.

It

also estab-

lished the principle (and for a while, at least, the practice) of multilat-

States

undertook

other things, the United

to control the fiscal deficit, Japan agreed to stimulate

domestic demand and open it

Among

economic policy coordination.

eral

would reduce the

size

its

of

borders to more imports,

Germany said

public sector and remove "rigidities"

its

(read, "excessive regulations") that inhibited the labor

markets, and

signatories

all

Critics say the

pledge. All

United States

can say

I

promised to

is

that

we made

did our best to implement

it.

Gramm-Rudman-Hollings

Act,

federal spending.

In

fight protectionism.

reneged on

later

straints that

made

practice. Just fect,

our

December

it

which slowed the

put

all

growth of

also fell short is

that

we were

on all

their

trying

to political con-

the desirable policies fully into

because implementation of the Plaza Accord was not per-

however, does not

was clearly successful in

rate of

Each country was subject

difficult to

deficit-reduction

the president signed the

Other signatory countries

policies.

its

the promise in good faith and

commitments. What was important, however, to coordinate

and capital

mean

that the

agreement

itself

was not good.

It

in forestalling potential protectionist legislation

Congress. In early 1986,

tion of

Treasury even pushed for international coordina-

monetary policy

resisted.

They

them what

didn't

to do.

to drive

down

interest rates. Central bankers

want finance ministers, mere

Some understandings were

politicians, telling

reached, however, and in-

APPENDIX

432

began to

terest rates

fall as

central bankers responded to calls for coor-

dinated action. In time, concerns

grew that the dollar might have

fallen too far.

This led to the Louvre Accord of February 22, 1987. While Plaza

onetime agreement

a

to deal with a specific set of circumstances.

Louvre was more ambitious.

It

aimed

to institutionalize the process of

coordination of economic policies to stabilize world currencies within an agreed, but unpublished, set of ranges. Like Plaza,

work out common

the

of 198",

fall

worked. Deputy

meet monthly, rinance ministers

rinance ministers began to quentlv. to

it

policies,

less fre-

and the dollar headed north. Bv

publiclv referred to the possibility of looking at "a

I

basket of commodities, including gold." to stabilize our currencies on

aomists called "purchasing power parity."

the b

The

of macroeconomic policy adjustments often are not

many months. Bv

risible for dericit

— which

Talk

communique had

economic system

in the global

zero.

the Plaza

198". however, the U.S. current account

Co:

in

died away bur

it

—had begun

After

momentum

I

countries involved, but that left

Treasury

in 1988, the

for a short time, then fell

largely

economic

it

reached

difficult

policj

is

po-

no reason not to make the

process continued of

its

own

dormant. In President Clinton's

second term. Robert Rubin briefly revived the East Asian

In 1991.

it.

economic

Multilateral coordination of

effort.

fall.

The Reagan economic boom continued.

subsided.

and the world economy grew with

litically for all

to

^ting trade barriers never completely

tei

_

cited as evidence of trouble

it

ci

to deal, successfully, with

and sadly the process

.

ended with the Reagan administration.

The need

deficit that

profile I

economic policy coordination todav

more acute now than

anything,

~.

for aggressive

it

N

worried us so

much

in

in

The

1985.

1985 was only

reached 6.4 percent. Even China issets

—shades of

"Japan. Inc."

is

—

L

current account

S.

2."

percent of

GDP

starting to bid for high-

and.

all

too predictably

protectionist sentiments are strong and growing in Congress.

current account dericit together with other factors

is

now

The

U.S.

contributing

APPENDIX to protectionist pressures which, if not resisted, could lead to

433

*

mutu-

with serious damage to the world economy:

ally destructive retaliation

world trade would shrink, real growth rates could even turn negative,

unemployment would would be unable

rise still higher,

to secure the export earnings they vitally need.*

Furthermore, the United States start

paying debt service on

words, for the

and debt-burdened countries

its

now, for the

time, about to

first

net investment debt position. In other

time we have

first

is

investment abroad than

less total U.S.

foreign investment here. If something isn't done, that net debt service

payable to China, Japan, and other creditor countries billion a year in another

$200

terrible cost to

unacceptable. national

problem,

this

a U.S. recession,

as

I

other

is

see

is,

One

is

at a

of course,

economic policy coordination, which could over time reduce

The United

now

are not

States today has a policy, not quite "benign neglect,"

of hoping the dollar will

Our

it.

through another round of aggressive inter-

imbalances. Unfortunately, the prospects for coordination good.

approach

which would come

both the U.S. and global economies, and

The

will

couple of years.

There are only two ways out of through the mechanism of

—

fall,

but not saying or doing

much about

it.

trading partners appear to be less interested in currency stability

than in maintaining their trading advantages against the United States.

view the dollar

Also, they generally

as

too weak, not too strong

exactly the reverse of 1985. Finally, there

Europe and elsewhere This

is

We

on many

in

issues.

should not be indifferent to these

risks

economy, nor should our trading partners.

The third major gan's

widespread resistance

to following U.S. leadership

not a happy picture.

to the global

is

economic accomplishment of President Rea-

second term, after tax reform and international economic policy

coordination to defeat protectionism and stabilize exchange

'In case

you didn't catch

old Plaza Accord. Sadly,

it,

I

it is

lifted this

rates,

sentence word for word from the twent\ -one

even more true today than

it

was then.

was

\c.ir

4J4

the

A

*

N D

P IM

I

X

Canada-United

on January

1,

its

Trade Agreement.

removed many trade

1989, and

United States and it

States Free

largest trading partner.

It

went into

between the

barriers

More

effect

important, perhaps,

served as a model for the North American Free Trade Agreement

(NAFTA), which went

into effect five years later

and made Mexico,

Canada, and the United States the world's largest trading bloc*

The

agreement with Canada was the election of

catalyst for the

conservative government headed by Brian

Mulroney

a

1984. Like

in

President Reagan, he passionately believed in free trade and had the political

courage

to erase tariffs

in the face

and other barriers to the movement of goods between

Canada and the United to the vision, courage,

Trade

States.

and

liberalization

economics.

It

The

ultimate agreement was a testament

political will as close to

is

of these two great leaders.

accepted gospel

as

anything in

holds that free trade between any two countries makes

both more prosperous, even cally,

of significant domestic opposition to try

however, free trade

is

one

if

is

dominant

always a tough

benefits are diffuse (everybody shares to

sale.

in all sectors. Politi-

The

reason

some extent in

is

that the

the general in-

crease in prosperity), but the costs are specific and painful (some industries and labor groups invariably suffer

when import

tariffs

and

quotas are removed). Beneficiaries of trade liberalization are usually quiet, but victims rail

scream and politicians

listen,

which makes

it

easy to

against free trade (as Ross Perot did in the 1992 presidential elec-

tion). That's

why

the General

Agreement on

efforts to liberalize the

World Trade Organization Countries impatient with

Tariffs

(WTO) this

and Trade

(GATT)

have stretched over

and,

the

many decades.

European Community (forerunner of

references are Free Trade: Risks and Regards, edited by L. Ian

MacDonald, and

Building a Partnership: The Canada- United States Free 'Frade Agreement, edited by

Kreinin.

later,

slow pace have independently formed

regional trade blocs, such as the

'Two good

world trading system through

Mordechai

APPEN

Dl X

435

+

the European Union) or signed bilateral trade agreements, such as the

one Prime Minister Mulroney and President Reagan wanted.

The agreement almost

and more than once on the verge of complete col-

tracted, painful,

began

lapse. Initial talks staff

and went on

night,

October

ment w as T

3,

1984 w hile r

in

was

still

White House chief of go before the mid-

1987, deadline for submission to Congress, no agree-

in sight.

under

set

ized the negotiations. If

we met

"fast-track" legislation that author-

the deadline, Congress

up or down on the agreement

with amendments. If

good

I

for years. Still, with just days to

The deadline was

vote

we missed

as a

it,

w ould have T

whole and not pick

apart

it

as dead.

over as point deal

is

man

for U.S. negotiators

at all possible, get

it!

gotiations. "This

was

a critical

knew we needed someone

The

next day

a high-level

sisted

we

meeting

and gave

staff,

move

with

in itself,"

Baker to make

like

me

a

With only two days

Derek Burney, Mulroney's chief of

a

plan for resuming ne-

in the

Treasury conference room.

as

deputy secretary of the

I

negotiations in

my

career, but

as old controversies

ones brought to the

table.

was ably

who by

then

I

have partici-

few that compared

w ere fought one T

as-

treasury. (Peter

complexity and contentiousness with these. There was a

and lightning

"We

later.

happen."

served as president of Michigan State University.)

many

telephoned

left, I

Burney wrote it

to take

simple mandate:

throughout these negotiations by Peter McPherson,

pated in

me

started through the agreement, point by point, in

had replaced Dick Darman later

to

however, the agreement was as

As the deadline approached, President Reagan asked

if a

were pro-

didn't happen. Negotiations

last

lot

in

of thunder

time and new

Meanwhile, teams of lawyers

in

another

building were sweating over language to satisfy Canada's biggest sticking point

—

a

mechanism

to enforce the

before the deadline, Burney and

I

agreement. In the

worked out the

last

hours

final details in

mv

office.

Successful negotiation requires

a

sense of political limits. For this

MDIX

I

agreement, that mean: sensitivity to the political dynamics

Canada and the United

States,

are varied and vocal, and

both

in

two democracies where interest groups

power

divided and diffuse.

is

I

spent

a lot

of

time gauging congressional opinion and cultivating bipartisan support

from friends of free trade on Capitol

on the a

political constraints faced

no-no

Canada

in

to give

Hill.

I

also

us.

seemed

up trade and investment

but to the Canadians, "culture" was that whatever they

nallv told them,

you what to

is

more

wanted

seeing too

Even

principle was okay

verv elastic concept.

Getting the agreement

ri-

tell

about what was culture and

Canadians are

many American movies

me

I

It

— automobiles!" That seemed

less elastic

today, however.

was

barriers designed to

The

a

it

to protect, they called culture.

cultural in the United States

wasn't.

educate myself

for effect than anything, "Fine, okav, let

encourage them to become

what

to

by the Canadians. For instance,

protect their culture against Americanization.

with

had

still

"protected" from

or sitcoms on television.

ratified in the U.S.

Congress was no picnic,

but the Canadian ratification right almost brought

down Mulroney's

government. National elections were called

and only

partv

won could we he

One litical

thing that

courage

alization.

down

in

I

will

certain that our deal

in 1988,

would

after his

stick.

never forget about President Reagan

is

his

po-

going on the offensive on trade and investment liber-

Remember

that at the

same time we were seeking

to

knock

trade barriers with Canada, powerful protectionists in Congress

were threatening punitive

legislation against

our major trading part-

ners. Instead ot plaving defense,

however. President Reagan snatched

the ball and ran the other way.

We

turned the debate from narrow

questions of advantage for one industrv or another and from near-

xenophobic attacks on our trading partners our national

a

huge success. Trade between Canada and the

United States more than doubled

in

The

broader questions of

interest.

The agreement was

fect.

to

result:

in

the decade after

higher economic growth, more

both countries.

jobs,

it

went into

ef-

and better wages

APPENDIX

The

Canada

deal with

also

prepared the wav

tor

NAFTA,

•

a

4

M

trade

agreement that today covers more than 425 million people. After

George Bush

41

became president

in

1989, he

worked with Prime

Minister Mulroney and Mexico's President Carlos Salinas to bring

Mexico

into the trade zone. Negotiations

went more quickly

this time,

primarily because of the lessons learned in the Canadian round. President Bush signed the agreement in

December QQ 2. "We've commit1

ted ourselves to a better future for our children and for generations yet

unborn," he

The

said.

next administration inherited the task of winning congressalute President Clinton for having the political

sional ratification.

I

courage to do

despite strong opposition from labor unions and

so,

other constituencies within his

own

partv.

teen days before Congress would vote

ganized

a

bipartisan

House East Room.

I

show of support

Nobel

NAFTA

laureates,

In

my

task ...

as close to

is

NAFTA

state, five

.

.

NAFTA

or-

White rive

other former treasury secretaries,

and Paul Yolcker. Former presidents Bush,

accepted gospel

as

I

said, trade liber-

anything

in

economics.) 1

said,

Working together on

a bipartisan basis,

"Our

we must expose

fact-fudging, the fearmongering, the prophets of protectionism are playing

fif-

persuade Americans that they have nothing to fear from

to .

Q0 3,

for the trade pact in the

remarks to the distinguished attendees that day, is

1

up or down, he

Ford, and Reagan issued statements of support. (As alization

2,

attended, along with former president Carter,

other former secretaries of eight

On November

the

who

on the doubts of the American people." The House passed

by 23-1-200 and the Senate by 61-38, with Republicans pro-

viding more votes than Democrats.

Over the

past decade,

NAFTA

has been

a

resounding success

Trade among the three signatory countries has more than doubled.

The economies cent and the cent. L.S.

of Mexico and Canada ha\ e grow n more than 30 per-

economy of

the United States has

Wages and productivity

are

up

in all

grown about 40 per-

three countries. The strong

economic expansion of the 1990s owes

a

great deal to

NAFTA,

I

438

APIU N

+

X

and the trade pact clearly helped Mexico weather

think, crisis,

HI

consolidate free-market reforms, and strengthen

What we Trade Area

America

in

still

however,

lack,

for the

Americas

the long-dreamed-of

is

—

after

in

December 1994 to announce

trade area that stretches from Alaska to Argentina."

place by 2005, he said.

America endorsed the

More

democracy.

FTAA

— Free

NAFTA went into effect,

prospects looked good. President Clinton convened the

Miami

currency

uniting South, Central, and North

one trade zone. Immediately

the Americas in

its

a

first

Summit of

plans for "a free It

would be

in

than thirty heads of state from Latin

went home

plan, then

to wait, expectantly, for

negotiations to begin.

What

President Clinton lacked, however, was the same fast-track

authority from Congress that had

gan and Bush to put

made

in place the

two

it

possible for Presidents Rea-

earlier trade agreements.

He

could have gotten that authority in 1995. Unfortunately, however, he waited until 1997 to ask for

By

it.

then, opposition within his

own

party had hardened. Lacking critical support from Democrats, Presi-

dent Clinton became the turned

down on

first

president since President Ford to be

a fast-track vote.

He

tried again in 1998, but

seem-

ingly not wholeheartedly. His personal troubles had erupted earlier that year.

The House would

that year

and he apparently hesitated

the run-up to the

midterm

vote on an impeachment resolution later to alienate fellow

Democrats

in

elections.

President Clinton's decision not to go for fast-track authority in

1995 was arguably the biggest mistake of his presidency.

Why?

cause nothing would have done more for economic growth for

all

Bethe

countries of this hemisphere, including the United States, than to have

been part of tunity

a free trade

we had

agreement

to get there at that

for the Americas.

time was

lost.

many

America while Uncle Whiskers

on the

sitting

the oppor-

Now Asians and Euro-

peans are cutting free trade agreements with is left

And

countries of South sidelines.

This

is

a

real tragedy.

George

W Bush has resumed the movement toward hemispheric

APPENDIX trade liberalization with the Central

Free Trade Agreement of 2005.

My

America-Dominican

139

*

Republic-

former adviser, Robert Zoellick,

queued up

that project as U.S. trade representative in the forty-third

president's

first

term. In the absence of real progress on liberalization

won

of world and hemispheric trade, he also

agreements with rocco and

number of

a

x\ustralia.

We've

bilateral free-trade

also signed deals recently with Chile, Peru,

and Colombia. Unfortunately, however, the all-important just a

dream, not

As

have

I

said, the U.S.

stabilization of the dollar.

In

One came on

all

my

economy exploded

ever, that

I

trip.

decided to do

me

to

19, 1987. I

had never taken

Things were going so well

just that

when

in 1987,

the king of Sweden, Carl

hunt elk with him.*

week

before, although

as particularly serious at the time.

the late-August peak in 1987, the

From

On

before

I

left,

it

I

18.

didn't regard

the end of 1984 through

Dow Jones

gained a stunning 127 percent. Since then,

figures set

a

how-

was scheduled to depart for Stockholm on Sunday, October

The Wednesday

and

There were some dark days along the way,

Signs of trouble appeared the

them

to tax cuts, tax reform, free trade,

years of public service before then,

Gustaf, invited I

into a frenzy of growth

"Black Monday," October

boondoggle overseas

real

FTAA is still

a reality.

under President Reagan, thanks

however.

Mo-

U.S. trading partners, including

Industrial Average had

had been drifting down.

the downtrend accelerated as bad trade

Congress to talking about protectionism.

Thursday,

White House.

I

tried to

calm the market

in a press briefing at the

We weren't about to go into a recession,

I

said,

but

I

com-

plained about the plans of the Bundesbank (Germany's equivalent of

our Federal Reserve)

to hike interest rates.

clined again.

'\\ liar

the

Swedes

call "elk,"

we

call

"moose.

On

Friday, the

marker de-

440

APPhlsmiX

*

Before

my Sunday

departure,

Bundesbank. "We

criticized the

I

appeared on Meet the

will not sit

back

Press.

Again

I

country and

in this

watch surplus countries jack up interest rates and squeeze growth

worldwide on the expectation that the United States somehow follow by raising

its

interest rates,"

I

said.

Then

boarded

I

a

When

head.

my official host, the Swedish minister for finance, met me at the foot of the stairs. His face was white as

landed,

I

Kjell-Olof Feldt, a

plane and

my

flew to Europe, visions of majestic Swedish elk playing in

will

snowcapped

glacier

on

a

"The market closed down

mountain peak, and he could hardly speak. frvel"

he

said.

I

was puzzled. What's wrong

with a five-point drop in the market? "No, no!" he

The Dow Jones

Industrial Average

"Five hundred!"*

said.

had dropped 508 points

one

in

excruciating day, losing about 22 percent to close at 1738, the secondbiggest one-day percentage decline in history.

went

I

my room

to

in

the government guesthouse for visiting dignitaries and started work-

ing the phones. that

my

staff

remember had

White House

all

the details, but

frantically

UK, and

been trying

to get a briefing

who had succeeded Don Regan

officials at

told,

don't

Treasury

called the

Baker,

I

I

quickly learned

to reach

me.

also

I

from former senator Howard

as chief

of

staff.

I

also talked to

Treasury and the finance ministers of Germany, Japan, the

—

if

I'm not mistaken

—

France. This was a global

and we had to consider the possibility that

After spending the entire night on the telephone,

it I

was

crisis,

was

I

just beginning.

flew to

London

the

next morning and caught the Concorde home.

Back

in

Washington,

I

went

straight to a

meeting

in

my

office at

Treasury with Alan Greenspan, Howard Baker, George Gould (our under secretary for domestic finance), Robert Zoellick (Gould's assistant the time), and others.

ning to

stabilize,

but

By

we

then,

it

appeared that the markets were begin-

couldn't be sure they wouldn't drop again.

*Almost the same thing happened to Alan Greenspan when he landed a speech.

diately

Over the summer, he had succeeded Paul Volcker

hopped

a

at

plane back to Washington.

as

The

in Dallas to deliver

Fed chairman. Alan imme-

APPfcNDI

most important

who headed

lan,

we

thing,

the

New

441

York Stock Exchange

at the time,

to let trading

did a great

resume without

We all agreed that it was important to inject huge

getting out of control.

amounts of

*

decided, was to reassure investors. John Phe-

emergency procedures

job by instituting

X

liquidity into the system,

and

this

is

exactly what Alan then

did and would continue to do. Alan also issued a statement that affirmed the Fed's "readiness to serve as a source of liquidity to support the eco-

nomic and

financial system."

This permitted investors to borrow to

cover their positions, which prevented a cascading series of defaults that

could have brought

down banks and investment houses.

In addition, the

president issued a statement to reassure the public.

There was one more aftershock then the tle

crisis

ended almost

—an

8 percent

as precipitously as

drop on October 26

it

had begun, with

lit-

impact on either exchange rates or long-term economic growth.

hurt

of people,

a lot

clearly,

It

and raised disturbing thoughts about

where the economy might be headed. Despite Black Monday, however, the

Dow Jones ended

went on

to post solid gains in eleven of the next twelve years.

I'm not sure late.

The

Brady

to

why

Black

Monday

2

head

me

percent gain for the year, then

occurred and won't try to specu-

president appointed former

New Jersey

a task force to investigate the

headed Dillon Read, ceeded

1987 with a

a

meltdown. At the time, he

prominent Wall Street

as treasury secretary.

mentioned several contributing

The

senator Nicholas

firm,

and he

later suc-

task force report in January 1988

factors,

including overvaluation of the

market, a negative investor psychology that took root the preceding

week, concern about our tectionist legislation

had

just

okayed

by computers cialists to

in

in

worries about pro-

legislation

(Ways and Means

eliminate the tax deduction for interest on

corporate takeovers), automatic program trading

the big investment houses, the failure of market spe-

serve as buyers of last resort for securities they managed,

and capacity problems the

deficits,

and trade

and antitakeover

a bill to

borrowed money

fiscal

Hood of

sell

at

orders).

the exchanges (they simply couldn't handle

442

A

+

P P

The

ND

fc

I

X

many and exchange contributed to the

gered

my

report also mentioned

What

it.

statements

I

I

rates.

I

still

sell-off,

and

remarks to the press about Ger-

my

have difficulty believing I

absolutely don't believe they trig-

said then wasn't substantially different

had made to the

wouldn't say the same thing.

press. Still, if

One

remarks

lesson

I

had

I

learned

at

from other

do

to

it

Treasury

over, is

that

even the most innocent remarks about the dollar or other economic sues could provoke investors to

A number

buy or sell, almost

I

is-

blindly, in response.

of market reforms were installed after Black Monday,

including restrictions on program trading and "circuit breakers" to halt trading

the market.

and allow investors to cool off

They seem

after significant

to have helped. In addition,

I

believe our ongo-

ing efforts to stabilize the dollar probably prevented the

crisis

ing worse. While the dollar lost value during this period,

way and did not plunge with the

orderly

drops in

it

securities market.

from be-

did so in an I

think this

helped restore confidence. We've had several other significant one-day sell-offs

—including two 500-plus-point drops

two 600-plus drops

in the early 2000s,

the market reopened after 9/11

of

total

in the late 1990s

and

one of which came on the day

—but nothing

like 1987, as a

percentage

market value.

The

big lessons,

I

think, are that

we

survived that dark day, that

it

didn't trigger a depression (or, for that matter, a recession), that the

economy was healthy and kept growing without and that the market recovered and prospered

significant

as investor

confidence

returned. P.S.

I

never did see the king of Sweden,

much

less

an

damage,

elk.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

Writing

a

book

—

I

learned with

with Work Hark, Stud) cially for

.

.

.

7

and Keep

someone whose

and relearned

.

out of Politics:

writing' career

matic statements, and points

lists,

—

is a

team

sport, espe-

was long on contracts, diplo-

and short on writing

for a general

audience.

My

quarterback was collaborator Steve

sional writer

searched for hours,

my

and editor with fourteen other books story from public sources and

and churned out

voice.

He may

nois),

and

client, a

a

be

a

My writer,

first

drafts that

Baby Boomer,

a

Sharon

book was getting

my

He

re-

interviewed

me

to his credit.

riles,

then edited into

my own

to

Illi-

tine job for his

or the great plea-

know Steve and

assistant

Hancock. Darrell originally authored

later chapters

talent, this

And one

former policy

of

this

his wife,

and speech-

rirst

drafts or

book and helped research and

check the entire manuscript. Without and

profes-

a

Fitter.

second collaborator was Darrell

is

Yankee by way of Fvanston.

septuagenarian Texas Republican.

main of the

1

my

Steve

Democrat, but he did an honest and very

sures of working on the novelist

Fitter.

his expertise,

book would not have happened

tact-

judgment, advice,

444

ACKNOWl

+

Neil Nyren

[Hi

E

M N 1

S

I

Putnam did

at

his usual

expert job of editing and was

my

particularly generous in his understanding of

work

plete the

And of telling

as rapidly as

my

course,

me when

I

I

inability to

com-

had originally agreed.

editor in chief was Susan, never shy about

got something wrong, ever helpful in suggesting

ways to improve the book. Margaret Tutwiler offered invaluable advice,

as usual,

reading drafts of chapters for accuracy and refreshing

including

my memory

of

events.

was fortunate that Dick Darman was willing to review parts of the

I

me

manuscript and help things that

I

had forgotten.

prolific writer himself,

many

in

confirming

facts

and reminding

me

of

My great friend Otis Carney, a talented and

reviewed

much

of the manuscript and offered

helpful suggestions, in spite of the fact that he was

ill

with ter-

minal cancer.

Many

people consented to be interviewed by

my

collaborators,

beginning with President George H. W. Bush and including Robert

Mosbacher, Stuart Spencer, Peter McPherson, Gary Edson, Preston

Moore, Caron Jackson, Peter Roussel, Frank Donatelli, Anna Theofilopoulou, and James and

My researchers and

I

Wendell Baker.

also relied

on

zine articles, and newspaper accounts of lic

service,

many of which

A number book

are

number of

a

my years

mentioned

in politics

to

maga-

and pub-

in the book.

of people constantly encouraged

—too many

fine books,

me

to write this

mention here. The recurring theme of their argu-

ments was: you've written about your State Department experiences as a statesman,

and

but you've also had other experiences in public service

in politics that

very few other people have had; you need to write

about those. Susan was one

David Paton,

my

college

who encouraged me

roommate and

to write.

lifelong friend.

were Ed Djerejian, founding director of the Baker wife, Franchise, files

and

who

in selecting

also assisted Steve

Two

others

and

his

in accessing

my

Institute,

and Darrell

photographs for the book.

Another was

ACKNOWLEDGMINIS

*

My staff— Charlotte Cheadle,John Williams, and Catherine of Baker Botts too, did Joe

—contributed

Barnes of the Baker

stored.

I

my

my

Jr.,

Barnett, and

Dan

Mudd

University's Seeley G.

and public service papers are

political

also received valuable assistance

dell Baker,

Bob

attorney

Dan Santamaria of Princeton

Manuscript Library, where

So,

Institute.

Others who were helpful were Linke and

Duke

ways too numerous to mention.

in

445

from Fannie Richard, Wen-

Wistar Morris of the Miller Center of Public Affairs,

Maggie Cryer, formerly with the Baker

and researchers Anne

Institute,

Hong, Alexandra Joseph, Cornelia van Amerongen, Marina Powell, and Jessica McBride.

Every memoirist to kiss

and

suppose, faced with the question of whether

For me, the answer was easy:

tell.

principles by which

H.

is, I

I

would not

I

gained and held the trust of Gerald Ford, George

W Bush, Ronald Reagan, George W Bush, and many

which

I

served them.

I

III,

quotations in the book

Politics

III,

in

in his

mind. a

of Diplomacy, by con-

detailed transcripts and notes taken by State Depart-

ment stenographers.) Although some quotations be word for word,

was

served, and

came from my memory, not from

written record. (Most quotations in The

came from

I

and by

might turn on them

old age must have another James Addison Baker,

trast,

others,

love and respect the presidents

anyone who thinks James Addison Baker,

Many

violate the

I

believe

all

in this

book may not

of them convey the substance of what

said.

To

the trout, quail, and turkeys

had to work on

this

book when

I

whose

everyone says

this,

but

I

fenses.

They

are,

me I

for those that

I'll

in

I

in the field

be back.

certainly

have mentioned above for their help book, and blame

were spared because

might otherwise have been

or on the stream, go forth and multiply. Finally,

lives

mean

it:

Credit those

keeping errors out of

may have

assure you, unintentional.

slipped through

my

I

this

de-

INDEX

Abd al-Mahdi, Abrams

tanks,

The Acting

Annan,

Adil, 402

Abortion, George H.

W Bush and, 104-5

352-56

Kofi, xvi,

Aquino, Corazon, 286, 290 Arab-Israeli peace process, 302—4

269n

President, Schieffer

and Gates, 125n

Arms-for-hostages deal, 202-3

Acton, John Emerich, Lord, 413

Armstrong, Anne,

Adams, Sherman, 391

Aronson, Bernie, 342

Advertising

political,

56

23, 53

Arthur, Chester, 41

Afghanistan, 306

Ashmun, Man,', 85 "Ask George Bush"

Agnevv, Spiro, 19,24, 145

Aston, Mary, 418

Advisers to presidents, 29, 128-31

Agronksy

&

Co.,

SI

Ailes, Roger, 238, 247, 265;

243, 267,

Airplane

Atlantic Monthly,

and 1988 campaign,

93

and Stockman, 166-67

Clement, 10

Attorney General (AG), Texas, campaign

272n

travel,

Attlee,

telecasts,

for,

73-77

1980 campaign, 88

al-.\ssad, Hafez, 303

Attorneys, responsibilities

Albania, 292-93

Atwater^ Lee, 124, 238, 267-68, 356; and 1988

Alcohol,

9;

Baker and, 20-21

of,

341

campaign, 243, 252, 2~2n

Alfalfa Club, 392

Auth, Tony,

Algeria, and Western Sahara, 353

Azar, Alex, 370

Allbaugh.Joe, 357, 358, 366, 368, 369-70, 377

Aziz, Tariq, 297-98

2

1

Alldav, Dossy, 21 Allen, Richard, 113, 130, 132n, 139, 140, 144, 147,

Background checks, 24

194, 196

48

Al Smith Dinner, 116

Backgrounding, 170, 193

Alzheimer's disease, Reagan and, 234 American people, and terrorism, 305-6 American Textile Manufacturers Institute, 34

Bailey,

Andersonjohn,

Baker,

Bonner

Baker,

Bonner Means (mother), 4-5,

85, 88,91,92, 111, 120-21, and debates, 112-13, 114-15, 116

125;

\ndersun. Martin, 111,113,134, 180

Andrews, Kurth, Campbell 13-14, 72,76,84,

& Bradley

Doug, 64

baker, \ndv,

death law firm,

420-2

I ;

gravestone inscription,

424

of,

(sister), 4, 14

165, 415

285

Baker, Bruce, 424

25

Baker, Doug(son), 14,22, 57n, 224, 155

16;

448

IND1X

*

Baker, Elijah (great -great -grandfather), 7,417, '

Baker, Fannie Willis, 420

Graeme

Baker, John (son), 14, 22, 261 n, 355, 421

(granddaughter), 22

Baker, Leola,

I

Inward, 53, 62, 83, 85,

majority leader, 88, 91, 92, 99;

Baker, James

440; as

14, 238,

1

>80 campaign, 86, 87,

c

34;

1

1

and Reagan administration, 181

Addison (great-grandfather), 7-8,

419

339, 417-18, 421; grave of,

Bakerjames Addison "Captain"

(grandfather),

8, 10,

261,

338; and law school, 12

32-39; first 1 1

crisis

Baker,

Mary Jane, 417 Mary Stuart McHenry,

338-41; and Carter,

firm,

Commerce Department, management

29-30,

plan, 148; death of

wife, 15-17, 20-21; as debate negotiator,

1-21; and family, 3-9, 415-25;

of,

15-1

7,

politics, 18, 19;

Baker,

Attorney General campaign, Texas, 73-77;

19-20; and

code name, 284n

Mike

12,

14-15, 140;

20, 261, 278, 415, 416;

and

Susan Winston and, 21

(son), 14, 22, 32, 355, 421

Baker, Robert, 421

retirement, xvi-xvii, 336-38, 341^45;

and Baker Botts law

74, 74n, 77n,

84, 160, 215, 21 5n, 305, 327, 334, 337, 340;

Baker,

activities since

III:

Mary (granddaughter), 421 Mary Bonner (daughter), 22,

death

Baker, James Addison, Jr. (father), 5-7,

Baker,James Addison,

Baker,

Baker,

Baker,

3-4,7,338,344,346,422

1

424

Baker, Mackie, 422

Baker, Herbert, 422 Baker,

7

Baker, Joanne, 21

Baker, Gabriel, 421 Baker,

Bakerjane,

Bakerjesse, 420-22, 424

418, 4:i

first

meeting

Rowena Crawford (great-grandmother),

418 Baker, Susan Winston, 21, 25, 49, 72, 79, 84, 121, 192, 215, 236-37, 278-79, 280, 311, 333, 334,

340, 366, 415;

and Baker

birth of daughter, 74n;

relatives,

421-25;

and chief of

staff job,

127-28, 154; and Clinton, 314-15; code

name, 284n; and election of George W. Bush,

with Ford, 31; and friendship, 415; and

George H. W. Bush, 17-20, 52-53, 79-96,

359-60, 362; and Enron, 344; and job change,

239-41, 286; grandchildren

209, 210-11; marriage of, 21-22,416-17;

of, 22;

influences

on, 24—25; and Iraq, 299-302; job change,

move

199-202, 210-1

236-37; 1988 campaign, 275, 276-77; and

1;

and Kissinger,

12-14; Marine Corps service,

51;

law career,

11-12;

xiv,

move

opposition of,

to

to,

122-24, 198-99, 264—66; parents

45-47; philosophy

of,

149-50; and

PFC, 39-41, politics,

24-25, 72, 278-79; The Politics of Diplomacy: Revolution,

War

& Peace, 1989-1992,

280, 285, 296n, 298,

345^6,

xiii,

Reagan

272n,

365, 418; and

speaking engagements, 343; and Tipper Gore, ranch, 260-61

Man Accomplished in His Battle for Equality, 42 3 Baker Botts law

firm, xvi, 7, 10, 12-13, 76,

Barak, Ehud, 277n Barnett,

Bill,

337-39, 346

Barnett, Bob, 272n

attempt, 142-50, 160-62; and Reaganomics,

Barr, William, 329

188-89; religious

Barrett, Laurence, Gambling with History,

of

state,

faith, 41

3-15; as secretary

141n, 205, 279-314, 319-21; special

Bartlit, Fred,

370

assignments, 396-406; and Stockman,

Baseball commissioner, 206

165-69; and tax reform, 219-34; and 2000

Bates, David, 84

election battle, 363-90; as Treasury secretary,

Bayh, Birch, 85

2

14-34, 241^12, 426, 439-42; as White

House chief of

staff, xii,

122-41, 150-64,

Beck, Phil, 370 Begin,

Menachem,

193

169-71, 196-99, 212-13, 21 5n, 312, 322-34;

Behind the Scenes, Deaver,

Wyoming

Bell, Chris,

ranch, 260-61; youth,

Baker,James Addison, 1-2;

George

III,

xiv,

6

presidential campaigns,

W Bush's campaign, 357-60;

1

2

5n

424

Bell, Griffin,

370

Bennett, Tony, 235-36

1976 campaign, 54—72; 1980 campaign,

Bentsen, Lloyd, 20, 77, 81, 273-74

100-121; 1988 campaign, 240-77; 1992

Bentsur, Eytan, 406

campaign, 309-33

Beria, Lavrenty, 397

Baker, James Addison, IV (Jamie), 12, 22, 24, 32,

83,224, 311, 313, 338,341, ^55

Bakerjames

Otis,

419-24

338-11

Banowsky, William, 30

public service career, xv-xvi; and Reagan,

and Reagan assassination

Wyoming

236-37, 327; and

Baker, Wendell, 420-24; If Not Me, Who? What One

presidential candidacy, 349-52; and press, 63;

108, 407-12;

and presidential candidacy,

350, 351-52; Rabins and, 304;

inauguration, 140; Reagan funeral, 409-10; and

Washington, D.C, 32-33;

4—6; personal qualities, 25; and

Washington, D.C, 32-33; and music,

politics, 74, 78;

marriage, 12, 21-22; Middle East diplomacy,

302-4;

to

Berlin Wall,

fall of,

Bevan, Aneurin, 10 Bevin, Ernest, 10

286, 290-91, 294, 414

118-19

I

Birnbaum, Jeffrev, Showdown

process, 303-1; Baker and, 25, "2.

at Gucci Gulch:

Lawmakers, Lobbyists, and the

L

nlikely

X

It

*

1

W,

)

199,

debates, 1988, 272-75; and 175,

2 J5

economy

173,

321-22,439; eightieth birthday, 412;

Black, Charlie, 87,252, 523

foreign policy, 279-309; and independent

"Black Monday," 439-42

counsels, 204; and Iraqi invasion of Kuwait,

294-99; Lukens and, 123; 1980 campaign,

Tony, 300

Blair,

1

237-38, 280, 28 v 418-19; and CIA, 52-53;

Triumph of

lax Reform, 218n, 22}, 221 Birthday party,

NDI

79-96; 1988 campaign, 238-54, 262-77;

Bland, Richard, 419n Blue Smoke and Mirrors,

Germond and

1992 campaign, 309-33; personal

Witcover,

89n

characteristics, 240; as president, xv, 200,

Boards of directors, service on, 339-40,

275-77, 278, 303n, 307, 395; and Reagan

343-44

assassination attempt, 144, 145-46, 149, 161;

Boies, David, 369, 370, 371, 381, 384

at

Boland Amendment, 203

Texas, 335; sixtieth wedding anniversary, 404,

Boll Weevils, 174, 177, 178-79, 184, 355

sons

Boltenjosh, 368

taxes, 233; as vice president, 98-99, 132n,

Reagan's funeral, 156, 409-10; return to

and Soviet Union, 288-90; and

of, 355;

Bolton, John, 368, 377

157-58, 193, 195, 243-4; vice presidential

Bond,

candidacy, 104-5

Kit,

43

Bond, Rich, Bradley

84,

Bill,

Bush, George

86

W,

xvi, lOn, 185, 245, 251, 256, 334,

350, 355-58;

219, 222

campaign,

Brady,Jim, 135, 152n, 161; and assassination attempt, 142-43, 147

and Baker, 362; Congressional

78;

and debates, 392-93; election 363-90, 393-95; as

as president, 361,

Brady, Nicholas, 96, 238, 242, 441; and Quayle,

governor of Texas, 357; inauguration

24"

as

president, 362; and Iraq, 300-2, 399-402;

Looking Fonvard, 89n; Marilyn Quayle and,

Brady, Sarah, 152n

Breaking the Deadlock, Posner, 362n

318n; as president, 395-96, 405; presidential

Breen, Jon, 89-90,91

campaign,

Woods agreements, 427

Bretton

183;

investigation,

1

18-19

and trade

355, 367, 379

Bush, Marvin, 355

Briscoe, Dolph, 75, 77

Bush, Neil, 355

Briscoe, Frank, 19

Bush, Prescott, 75n

Bnstow, Darvl, 370

Bush Library Foundation, 256n

Britain,

Brock,

German

and

Bush

unification, 291

99

Bill, 76,

liberalization,

Bush, Laura, 356

Reagan and, 156

Briefing material,

357-60; and Social Security,

Bushjeb, 311,313,

Bridgelandjohn, 370

book

1,

taxes, 233;

438-39

Brezhnev, Leonid, 162-64

Briefing

and

v.

Gore decision, 361, 385

Business,

government regulation, 32

Broder, David, 94, 319-20

Butterfly ballot lawsuit, 374-75

Brokaw, Meredith, 260

Butz, Earl, 59, 67

Brokaw, Tom, 72, 260, 273, 305

Brosnahanjames, 330 Brountas, Paul, 271-72

Cabaniss, John, 41, 338

Brown,

Cabinet meetings, 130, 136

Pat, 39

Cabinet members, 221; and presidential

Bryza, Matt, 398

campaigns, 242n; selection

Brzezinski, Zbigniew, 37, 131

Budget, balancing

Budget

of,

173-74; Reagan and, 176

deficits, 186, 187,

189

administration,

1

Calendar, secretary of state and.

Burch, Dean, 102, 108. 116

Callaway, Bo, 39

Burchrield, Bobby, J70

(

Burney, Derek, 435 17, 81, 102,

and Quayle, sixtieth

Bush, Bush,

1

red,

J18; Reagan's funeral, 409;

92 96, 262

lerben Walker,

», 77,251,

riii,

533, J47, 150,413;

mi,

l

7-20, 24,

acceptance

speech, 1988, 255-59; and tab-Israeli peace

campaigns

Campaign contributions, return of, 75n Campaign laws, post- Watergate, Campaign managers, 57 58,83 34, Baker as,

84 I

-

Campaign, tor Attorney General, rexas See also Presidential

215, 240, 276, 279, 333;

wedding anniversary, 404

George

Reagan

Caldwell, Ernie, L50

Bullock, Bob, 557

Bush, Barbara,

of,

39

(

econom) 434-36

lanada:

Cancer.

Man

77 of, 4 $7;

trade agreement,

Stuart Baker and, 15

l"

45

INDEX

*

Cannon, Lou, a

I

98,

1

19; President

Reagan:

The Role of

°°n, I99n; Reagan: His Rise

i/c/inn;

;is.

Carl Gustaf, King of Sweden, 439 ar

1

le

\

iroup,

(

I

louse

416-17; Reagan

14, 22, 32,

Chiles, Lawton, 327, 378-79

Cardenas, Al, 367

"

White

28. See alto

and, 160

Card, \nd\, 390,391, 393, 394

C

22~

Children: of Baker,

99n

133-34; Regan

$91; protection ot presidency,

Power,

to

w

(

George H. W. Bush

Ihina, relations with, 34;

341—42

i,

24;

and,

Reagan and, 109-10

Carmen, Jeny, 90 Can; Waggoner, 19

Chiracjacques, 400,401

Carroll, James, 417

Christopher, Warren, 334, 364-65, 366, 374, 386

Carruthers,

Christian prayer group, 327-28

Bill, 64, 93,

1

14,

Churchill, Winston, 286

16

1

CIA

Amy, 107-8 Carterjimmy, xvi, 37, Cartel;

52,

81,85-86, 136, 137, 172,

209, 271, 289n, 325, 347, 350, 351, 388, 412;

Baker and,

19-20; and debates, 65-68,

1

107-8, 113,

1

15-20; election

Civil rights

campaign,

of election, 120; and

55; loss

Clark,

54—72, 101, 111;

1,

and Baker,

126, 132n, 192, 193-97, 199;

Bill,

200-201

437; and Nicaragua, 205;

presidential campaigns,

movement, Wendell Baker and,

422-23

election reform, 403-5; financing of

NAFTA,

W

Bush and, 52-53 Cicconi,Jim, 73-74 Citizenship, responsibilities of, xvii

and

of, 71;

George H.

(Central Intelligence Agency),

Clarkjoan, 192 Clements,

Republicans and, 53

77-78

Bill,

Carter administration, 132-33, 171

Cleveland, Ohio, Carter- Reagan debate, 115-20

Carter-Baker federal election reform commission,

Clinton, William Jefferson "Bill," 45, 81, 133, 178, 244, 251, 314-15, 350, 351, 362-63, 392,412;

396 Carter, Rosalynn, 412

debates, 324—326, 393; draft avoidance,

Carvin, Michael, 370, 381 Casey,

Bill,

329;

100-101, 102, 122, 139, 140, 144; arms-

for-hostages deal, 202; Debategate, 118-19;

1980 campaign, 109,

1

1,

1

14;

1

and Reagan

xv,

333-34; and

and Foreign

Policy,

Haig, 140,

Clinton, Hillary, 333, 362,412

Cocke, Richard, 418

"Cedar Revolution," 302 Central America, issues

Cocke, Richard, Jr., 418 of,

Cocke, William, 41

148n

Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), George H. W.

Bush and, 52-53

Cold War, 286-92; end

Violeta, 292n,

Change:

law practice, 340-41;

in

404

Command

294, 396

presence, 285

Commander in chief, U.S. president as, 251 Commerce Department: Baker and, 29-30,

Foster, 63

Chapoton, Don, 220 Character, questions

of, 331; as

campaign

issue,

and Chinese

textiles,

388,

Commission on

Chemical Weapons Convention, 351

Common

361-62, 395, 409; advice from,

1

37-38; and

Bush administration, 281-82; election as Ford's chief

Gulf War,

of

staff, 28, 31,

of, 363;

62, 63, 68, 70; personal qualities, 31;

and tax

reform, 231 l.\

198, 212;

as, xii,

414; failure

Competition, George H.

1

12

36-37 of, xv,

292

W Bush and,

18,

94

Compromise, Reagan and, 125 311, 331

Conable, Barber, 185

Confirmation hearings, 215-17;

as secretary

of

280

Congo, 307

White House, Baker

Communism,

state,

nne, 359, 395

of staff,

Presidential Debates,

situs picketing,

Compton, Ann,

35-36; and

298; and 1976 campaign, 58, 59,

52, 120,

403-5

Cheadle, Charlotte, 340

Cheney, Richard, 168, 169, 192, 256, 317, 358, 359,

32-39;

34

Commission on Federal Election Reform,

310 Chase, Chevy, 44

Iheney,

of, xv,

Collins, Marvin, 20

in politics,

243-44,317,332

Chanock,

Coe, Doug, 328 Coelho, Tony, 256

Chamorro,

Chief

437; 1992

campaign, 309-12, 316, 322, 324, 330; and

Clinton administration, and Iraq, 299

148

Caveney, Red, 93

(

358; inauguration of,

NAFTA,

Somalia, 307; and taxes, 230

administration, 201 Caveat: Realism, Reagan,

and economy, 189, 438; and George H.

W Bush, 53n; Gore and,

31,

124-25, 169-70,

122-11, 150-64,

170-71, 197-99, 215n, 267, 322-34; Card

Congress,

U.S.:

Baker and, 154, 282; and federal

deficit, 322; as,

and

Reagan and, 137

Iraqi invasion

of Kuwait, 297;

INDEX Congressional Black Caucus, 177

*

451

assassination attempt, 142, 143, 146, 160; and

Congressional hearings, 225-26

Reagan's funeral, 410, and Stockman, 167-68;

Congress members, and president, 154—55

and

Connallyjohn,

24, 53, 54, 62, 77,

79-80, 86, 106;

presidential campaign, 87, 91-92

as,

111-21

Debategate, 118-19 Debates, televised, 56; 1976, 63-68; 1980, 87,

Connally, Nellie, 79 Conservatives: and Baker, 37n; and Kissinger,

27-28

89-91, 107-8, 112-20; 1984, 207-9; 1988,

271-75; 1992, 324-26; 2004, 334, 392-93. See

Contrast ads,

266

political,

Conventions, major-party,

also 52. See also

Democratic

Convention; Republican Convention

Conway,

television, 267

Debate negotiator, Baker

Defense Department, and

Iraq, 301

Defense spending, 187

341

Bill,

Television

Defense, Reagan and, 107-8

Cooley, Denton, 15

Deficit reduction, 177,431

Cooper, Virginia, 340

Deficit spending, 322

Corruption, in Soviet Georgia, 397

Delaney, Thomas, 143

Council on Foreign Relations, 300

Delegates: entertainment

of, 45;

hunt

for,

Cox, Archibald, 38

Democratic Convention, 1988, 255-56

Crane, Phil, 85, 91

Democratic Party: Baker and,

Crawford, Rowena, 418

Democrats: and economy, Reagan

The Creative Balance: Government,

Politics,

and the

Individual in America's Third Century,

Credibility, in campaign, 47-^48

values, global,

Emma, 420

Curtis,

Pam, 123

1

74,

177-79, 183-84; post-election battle, 2000,

364-90; press

314

as,

Department of Foreign

Affairs, 281

Depression, economic, 427

Cronkite, Walter, 96, 103

Curtis,

Texas, 18-19

era,

Dent, Lynn, 284

management, Reagan administration, 148

Currency

15; in

Dent, Fred, 25

Richardson, 38

Crisis

39-40,

41-46,47

Country music, 236

428-33

Deregulation, Reagan and,

Des Moines

1

76

86

Register,

Dewey, Thomas, 58 diGenova, Joseph, 329 Diplomacy, 282-84, 285; lighter moments, 296n

Daily Oklahoman, 35-36

Daley,

Bill,

Directorships of companies, 339—40, 342—43

365, 374, 375

Dallas Morning News,

1

.

Discipline, personal, 25

Columbia, location

District of

97

Edward

Danforthjack, 380,410

Djerejian,

Daniel, Price, 77

Djerejian, Francoise, 348

P.,

of, 2

14

304n, 348

Daniel, Pricejr, 75, 76-77, 78

Dobler, Conrad, 32

Darman, Dick, 134-35,

Dole, Bob, 53, 85, 238, 245-46, 351, 372;

change, 208-1

1;

347;

and Baker's job

and Bush administration,

and international trade, 427-28,

321, 323;

campaign, 91

430; and 1988 campaign, 252, 253, 272; and

Dole, Elizabeth, 135, 177,246

Reagan administration,

Domenici, Pete, 176-77, 245, 327

162, 181, 207, 209,

211, 220—21, 223; and Reagan assassination

Donatelli, Becki, 74n

attempt, 146; and Stockman, 166; and tax

Donatelli, Frank, 74n, 377

Donoho, Denise, 35

reform, 226, 227 l)a\

debates, 393; 1976 campaign, 62, 65; 1980

KdmundJ., 75

is,

Douglass, Dexter, 379, 381

Dow Jones

Davis, Sammy.Jr., 250

The

Deadlock:

Inside Story of America

Washington Post

staff,

's

Closest Election,

Duberstein, ken,

362n

Dean, John, 67

26S-69

Deaver, Mike, 109, 122, 139, 140, 192-93; and

chid

Scenes, I25n;

75

of staff.

125-27; Behind the

and economy, 187; and 1980

Dulles, John Foster,

xii

Duncan, Charles, M6, '•>'

Dunlop, John,

administration, 130,

l)u Pont, Pierre "Pete,"

1

Jl,

151-53, 160, 171,

1

' .

:oi -2,208-9,211- 12, and Reagan

W7

Duncan, John, 22 \ 226

campaign, 111, 114; and Reagan

I

65

66, 276;

debates, 271-75; presidential campaign,

Deaver, Carolyn, 192

as

1

Dukakis, Michael, 102,238

Deardourff, John, 69

Baker

Industrial Average, 439—41

Draft avoidance, Clinton and, 329

l)u\al, Mike.

58,63,64

154,238

452

INDEX

*

Eagleburger, Lawrence, 284, 320

63-68; and election reform, 403; loss of

hurly Bird,

election, 44-45, 71-72; nomination, 1976, 41.

East

(

1

5

1

icrmanv, 291 n

U.338 Economic polic\

:

international coordination,

"1-72; as

-.pencer and, 39; veto, 37; and vice

18;

Economic

Policy Board, and textile policy, 34-35

Economy, Economy,

Iraq.

399—402

presidency, 99-100, 102—1; and Watergate scandal. 67

George H. W. Bush and, 321-22.

324. 325-26, *32; 1990s, 310, 351;

Reagan

Foreign dignitaries, secretary of state and, 285-86 Foreign policy: Baker and, 285-86; Bush and,

and. 106-7

281-82; Clinton and, 315; Kissinger and, 28;

post-Cold War, 307

Edson, Gary, 401

Former public

Edwards, John, 52, 106 Eisenhower, Dwight David,

18, 136, 251;

inaugural

address, xv, xvii; inauguration of, xi-xii

Elected

44—+5,

54-72; Richardson and,

34, 44, 45, 53,

426-33; Reagan and. 171-90

U.S.:

personal qualities,

51;

president. 398; presidential campaign, 1-3,

Fbert,

Frankel,

40

officials,

Election reform, 403-5 Elections, Soviet Georgia, 397-98

343

figures,

German

France: and

unification, 291;

and

Iraq, 301

Max, 68

Freedom, value

of,

Free Trade: Risks

and Rrxards, MacDonald,

293 ed.,

434n

Electoral College, 364, 388-89

Free-trade agreement, Canada-L.S., 433-36

Electoral votes, dispute over, 361. See also Florida,

Free Trade Agreement for the Americas

Elizabeth

II,

Queen of England, 158-59

Friedersdorf,

Enron, Baker as consultant, 344

Environment, George H. W. Bush and, 268

*

.

Amendment (ERA),

Max, 123-24.

134. 135, 175

7-18

Friendship, 33, 415: with G. H.

YV.

FTAA

for the Americas),

(Free Trade

Agreement

Bush.

1

438-39

Episcopal Church, Bakers and, 14

Equal Rights

(FT A A

438-39

post-election battle

105

Fuller, Craig, 238, 265;

European Community, 434; and unified Germany

and 1988 campaign, 243.

240. 252, 253, 263. 2~2n; and Stockman, 166

Funabashi, Voichi, Managing the Dollar From

291

Evans, Don, 358, 360, 361,365

Plaza

Fund

Evans, M. Stanton, 198

to the

Louvre,

the

428n

Limited Government, 81-82

for

Fund-raising, 22-23; Baker and. 347

Funeral of Reagan, 156, 158, 409-12 Face the Nation, 56-57 Faith,

power

of,

Funk, Sherman, 329

356, 41 3-1

Families of public figures. 237

Federal budget process, 173

Gambling with History, Barrett,

Federal debt, 322

"Gang of

Feldt, Kjell-Olof,

1 1

Six" (G-6), 238, 239, 243

Garagiolajoe, 54-55, 56, 69, 70-71

440

Fernald, Jackie, 46

Garner, "Cactus Jack." 249

Field,Jim, 63

Garrett, "Whispering Jack." 21

Fielding, Fred, 135, 146

Garrett,

Finances of Bakers, 32-33, 336-39, 341-15

Gates,

Financing, public, of election campaigns, 55-56

GATT

Mary

Garv

21

Paul, The Acting President, 125n

(General Agreement on Tariffs and

Trade). 42", 454

Fischer, Dave, 144

2

Fisherjulie, 398

Gayle, Crystal,

Fitzgeraldjennifer, 82

Genscher, Hans-Dietrich, 293

Fitzwater, Marlin, 323

George Bush Center for Intelligence, 53n George Bush for President Committee, 82

"FivePs,"5, 12,20,24, 151, 154 Flanigan,

Tim, 370

Gephardt, Richard, 81,219,222

Geremek, Bronislaw, 405

Fletcher, Art, 43

Florida, post-election battle,

364—90

Florida-Florida State football game. 367 Florida

Supreme Court, and 2000

election,

"-,380-82,384. *87 Ford, Betty 62. "On Ford.

1

1

3,

1

14,

1

1

8,

1

35,

interests. 32; debar.

1

36;

and

Reagan assassination attempt. 143 Germany, unification of, 291-92

Germond,Jack,

89, 250; Blue

Smoke and Mirrors,

265

Ford, Gerald, 24, 31, 145, 34", 376; and Bush, 52.

and business

Gergen, David, 93,

89n; Whose Broad Stripes and Bright

Emily B5 82;

"6

Ginsberg. Ben. 364. 56", 371, 381 (ilenn.

Aliv

Stars.

2^2n.

INDEX

with, 41 3-1

77-78, 370

Hill, John,

Gold. Vic."6. 2"2n

Hill School, Baker

Goldwater, Barn, 39

Hinckley, John, Jr., 142-43,

Goodwin, Bob,

History, Baker and, 149-50

93,

2~2n

Gorbachev, Mikhail, 164, 226, 279, 290, 296n, 410;

and Arab- Israeli peace process, 303

—

V;

and

Reagan and, 287-88

Iraq, 296:

Hoffman, David, 242-43 Hormats, Bob, 35

Horseback

majority, 363-64; post-election battle, 364;

Horton, Willie, 269-71

1,

244.

358-60

Reagan and, 158

riding,

Houston, Sam,

77,419

8,

Houston, Texas,

Gore, Kristen. 327

Baker and,

12, 33;

Gould, George, 220, 440

Houston Chronicle, 32

Governments, nonfunctioning, 307

Howar, Pam, 236

Govette.Jim, 33-34

Howard Hughes Medical

"6

Institute,

395

Hoxha, Enver, 292

Grace Commission, 176

Huftv. Alex, 32

Gramm,PhiI, 178-79 Gramm-Rudman-Hollings

Hughes, Charles Evans.

Hughes, Karen, 357, 392-93 Hughes, Roy, 40

251

S.,

"1

Hughes, Howard, 13,84

Act, 431

Grandchildren of Baker, 22 Grant. Ulysses

15; return to,

337

Gore. Tipper, 236, 327, 362

1

14s"

Hodsoll, Frank, 33-34, 114

concession speech, 386; popular-vote

presidential campaign.

14

at, 9,

Hoggard, Kim, 284

Gore, Al, 25S, 318, 326-29, 362-63, 369, 383;

Grace, Peter,

453

Helsinki Final Act, 67-68

"Goat rope" campaigns, 46

God, relationship

*

Graves, Howard, 296, 296n

Human Events,

Gray, Al, xiv-xv

Hussein, Saddam, 294-95, 298-300, 327, 399

198

Hustler magazine, 236-37

Green, Betty, 85

Greenspan, Alan, 99, 102,

1

14, 182, 242.

440-41

Hyde, Henry, 230

Greenspan Commission, 182—83

Greenwood, Larry 401 Gregg. Hugh, 90-91

If Sot Me,

Greider, William. 16"

11

~bo?

U 'bat One A [an Accomplished in His

Battle for Equality, Baker,

Groomes, Karen, 284

Inauguration, of Reagan, 140

Gucci Gulch. 21"

Independent counsels,

Guiding Principles

for U.S. Post-Conflict Policy in Iraq,

300

423

23, 66-67, 155,

203^,

329-31 Inflation, 187, 188

Gulf War, 298-99, 302

Ingersoll, Robert, 35

"Gypsy Moths,"

Intelligence of Reagan, 156

184, 185

Interest rates, reduction of,

431-32

International Court of Justice, and Western

Hagen,Joe, 84

Sahara, 352

Haggard, Merle, 236 I

laig. Al,

1

and Reagan assassination

39, 238;

143—H,

attempt.

International

146,

14"—19,

161; as

secretary of state, 140—41

Haldeman. H. R.

economic policy coordination,

426-33 International

Monetary Fund, 42"

International

trips,

secretary of state.

Iowa caucuses: 1976, 85-86; 1980, 87-88;

391

Hamilton, Alexander, 214, 428

238

Hamilton, Lee. 302,402

Iran, hostage crisis, 116, 140

Hance, Kent,

Iran-Contra scandal, 193, 202-5; investigation,

78, 185, 355

Harlow, Bryce,99 Harris,

I

Hams,

katherine, 377

Hart. Garv.

Harvin, I

l.iss.m

Bill, II,

Hatfield,

"6

King of Morocco,

Marl

Haynea, Racehorv Icin/..

John, 412

studv group, 402-

\\

debt

restructuring, 390—402; invasion of Kuwait,

1'

Havel, Vaclav, 405, 414

I

330-31 Iraq: bipartisan

red. 85

151, 353

293-9N; warm, 299-

»2

[raqgate scandal, J26-29,

;

Iraq Stud]

Croup, 302

Irwin, Frank. 65

[sham, Mary, 419n Isolationism, 42" Israel.

W3

4

4 54

INDEX

*

King Ranch, 343-44

Jackson, Andrew, 251

Jackson, Caron, 221, 284,

MO

Kirkpatrickjeane,

Kleindienst, Richard, 25, 39

III

Hall, 147

III

Institute for Public Policy, Rice

University, xvi,

31, 162, 235, 300,

1

346-48

Jefferson,

Korean War,

xi, xiv,

1

1-12, 287; United Nations

and, 297

304n.

Kramer, Michael, 271

Kuhn, Bowie, 206

James, Pen, 135, 139 Javits, Jacob,

201

284, 351; and China, 34

Jackson, Michael, 221

James V Baker James A Baker

14, 192, 196,

1

kissmger, Henry, 27-28, 35-36, 51, 69, 99, 102,

Jackjon,Jesse, 258

Kuwait, Iraqi invasion, 293-298

84

Thomas,

279,

419n

Jeffords, Jim, 185, 185n

Jennings, Peter, 305

Labor-management

Jimenez, Frank, 367

Labor unions, picketing

Jimenez, Marcos, 370

Lakejim, 252

Jitkoffjulia, 346

Lancaster.Jack, 22

Job

offers, after leaving office,

John Birch

Larry King Live,

3

Lascaze, Lee, 169

Johnson, Haynes, 66

Lavin, Frank, 74n 86;

Latta, Delbert,

and Bush,

36-37

1

John Paul II, Pope, 159n, 208n Johnson, Corwin, 338n B., 2, 18,

by,

Laney, Pete, 357

337

Society, 19

Johnson, Lyndon

Ford and, 37

relations,

20;

and

Law,

debates, 56

as career, also

Johnson, Manley, 223

Jones, George, 236

Law Law

79

Baker and,

10,

12-14, 25, 107. See

&

Andrews, Kurth, Campbell

firm;

Jones, Elizabeth Winston, 267n, 401

1

Bradley law

Baker Botts law firm changes

practice,

in,

340-41

school, Baker and, 12

Jones, Harry, 13,20,25, 76

Lawson, James, 422

Jones, Jerry, 63

Lawsuits, Florida election, 374-81, 383-84

Jones, Jim, 178

Laxalt, Paul,

3,

99, 139, 158;

and Reagan

administration, 208

Jones, Karen, 74 Jones, Mollie, 340

Lay, Ken, 344

Jordan, 303; Israeli treaty with, 304

Leadership quality, delegation

Jordan, Barbara, 423

League of Nations, 296-97

Jordan, Vernon, 334, 391-94

League of

Women

as,

369

Voters, and debates, 64, 90,

112-13, 116-17

Juster, Ken, 370

Justice Department, Baker and, 25

Leaking, 170, 193-94

Lebanon, 303; Syrian occupation, 302 Legislative Strategy

Kaye, Peter, 47

134-35, 152,

216

Legislators, 237

Keene, David, 84, 88, 96

Lehrer, Jim, 272

Kelley, Bill, 370

Leland, Mickey, 423

Kempjack,

Letters,

99, 222, 230, 238, 245, 343, 351,

Reagan and, 157 66-67

Levi, Edward,

359

Kemp, Joanne, 359 Kendall, Don, 259-60 Kennan, George F, 286-87

Levy, David, 406

Kennedyjohn

Liberal politics,

Kennedy,

Group (LSG),

166, 174-75, 179, 181 n, 184-85,

Kasten, Bob, 222

Pat,

F, 2,

36, 209, 273, 41

284

Kennedy, Ted,

Kerryjohn,

1

Lewis, Drew, 49, 104 Lias,

87, 101, 256,

Tom, 85 American public and, 258-59

Liberia, 307

256n

52, 106, 251, 334, 390, 391, 412;

Libya, 302 Lisagor, Peter, s~

concession of election, 393-94; and debates,

Lobbying; Baker and, 337 339, 342

392

Loeb, William, 90

Kerry, Teresa Heinz, 412

Lollar, Klinka, 74

Kilpatrick, James, 57

Long, Russell, 215, 223

Kimmitt, Robert, 220, 284; and 1988 campaign,

Looking Forward, G. H.

246, 247-48, 252-53

King, Richard, 343

Loomis, Carol,

1

14

Los Angeles Times, 345

W Bush, 89n

I

N

+

1)1 X

155

Lott, Trent, 229, 230, 231, 159

and Baker

Lott, Tricia, 359

management

Louvre Accord, 432

and Iran-Contra scandal, 204; Lukens and,

as chief of stall, [27

plan, 14s and ;

and 1980 campaign, 109,

Lowery, Clay, 401

12

Loyalty; political, 124

policy adviser,

LSG.

See Legislative Strategy

Group

3;

1

30, 131,

1

JO,

34;

1

1

1,

1

194, 199, 201;

attempt, 143, 144, 146, 148, 160; and

Fran, 21,215

Stockman,

Will, 215

and Reagan assassination 167-68

166,

Lynn, Jim, 36

Meese, Ursula, 192

Lynn, Loretta, 236

Meese-Baker memorandum, Meet the

McCarthy, Eugene, 86 McCarthy, Tim, 143

Michel, Bob, 181,230

McClure, Charles, 223

Middle

McCormack,

Midland, Texas, 355-56

Sean, 401

and Rrcoards,

434n

diplomacy

East,

128, 129, 132

440

Press,

Mehlman, Ken, 370,403 Mexico, economy of, 437 Miami Herald, and Florida

McCainJohn, 106

recount, 387-88

in,

302-^4

Miles, Richard, 398

Military service, presidency and, 251

McFarlane, Bud, 201, 202; and arms-for-hostages

204

deal, 203,

Bill,

Military training, xiv

84-85

Miller, Jonathan,

McGovern, George, 219, 258 McHenry, Mary Stuart, xi—xii, Mary Stuart McHenry Mclnturff,

14, as

administration, 151-53, 171, 174-75, 180,

Lummis, Lummis,

L. Ian, Free Trade: Risks

187;

and Reagan

Lukens, Donald "Buz," 123-24

Macdonald,

132; crisis

economy,

Mondale, Walter, 132n, 207, 209, 258; and tax 9, 12.

reform, 219

See also Baker,

Montagne, Bridget, 340

Moore, Preston, 74n, 77

84

McKinley, William, 81

Morgan, John, 93

McLennan, Judv, 46

Morocco, and Western Sahara, 352-54

McPherson,

Morrison, Susan, 84

Peter, 46, 435

Madrid, Spain, Arab-Israeli meeting, 303^4

Morton, Anne, 54

Mail, Reagan and, 157

Morton, Rogers, 25-26,

Maine, presidential primary, 1980, 87

52, 62, 135;

Mosbacher, Robert,

Major, John, 305

Moynihan, Daniel

Manafort, Paul, 46, 252 Dollar:

From

the Plaza to the Louvre,

Funabashi, 428n

53-54 and 1988

Mandatory recount,

Mulroney, Brian, 434, 437

Florida, 367-68, 376

Manual recount, demand

Patrick, 182-83, 231

Mulford, David, 220, 430 Mullinsjanet, 284, 323

Manchester Union Leader, 90

for,

Multilateral

economic policy coordination,

426-33

375-76

Marathon: The Pursuit of the Presidency, 1972—76,

Murray, Alan, Showdown

at Gucci Gulch: Lawmakers,

and the in likely Triumph of Tax Refbrm,2l8n,223,227 Music, Baker and, 235-36

Witcover, 55, 69-70

Marine Corps

39, 40,

84, 238, 324, 344;

campaign, 243

Malek," Fred, 323

Managing the

27, 29-31, 35-36, 38, 46,

and PFC,

Lobbyists,

service, xiv-xv, 11-12,

24-25

Martin, Josie, 87

Mastrangelo, Richard, 46 Matalin, Mary, 323

Mauritania, and Western Sahara, 352, ^5}

Nader, Ralph,

Mealey, Steve, 256-57

N

Means,). C, (grandfather of baker), 8

Media: communications with, 169—71; and

\l

T

21''

North American free Trade Agreement), 315, 351,434, 43"-38

Nashua

\

Telegraph,

90-9] ~

elections, 387-88; pack journalism, 251; political

and

campaigns, 266-69; and Reagan

assassination attempt, 146, 147, 149; and

National Alliance to End National conventions,

I

lomelessness,

National Prayer breakfast, 1990,413

also Press,

National

Medicine,

as career,

iser,

I'M

National Securit) Decision Directive

in, \i\. 12

Meese, Ed, 102, 122, 125-26, 139, 140,

ad\

se< llrit)

National Security Council, 200, Baker and. 282

baker and, 10

Mediterranean, Marine Corps

;

National Guard, Quayle and, 251-54

Republican Convention, L988, 244-45. See Television

-

2

1';:

93;

140

41. 141

11

NSDD),

456

INDEX

+

National Securirj Planning

Group NSPG), 200

Ortega, Daniel, 289n, 404

National Security Political Action Committee, 270

Osborne, kathv, 152, 366

\ \ To

Oslo Accords, 304

\.»rth Atlantic Treaty Organization

Nature, Baker and,

Oval

2(>2

Naval gunfire spotter.

Na\

Outdoors, Baker and, 262

lermanj and, 291

(

1-12

1

conducted

Office: business

in,

1

30-3

(

and

lhaiies

Sally,

435-36

155; successful,

Pack journalism, 251 Pack wood, Boh, 222, 231

Oslo Accords, 304

Nessen, Ron, 36

Palestine,

Netanyahu, Benjamin, 406

Palestinian Liberation Organization, 303

Nevius,

Sally,

Parents Music Resource Center

236

Hampshire primary:

1980, 85-86, 88-92;

Paris Club,

1988,238 64

Partisanship, 155

Reagan era economy,

York Times, 41,

50, 299;

1

1

Pam -switchers,

72

and Baker, 46, 48;

Nixon, Richard, 23-24,

38, 136, 239, 244, 250;

and

Baker, 239; and Bush, 19, 20, 79-80; and

and debates,

34;

resignation

of, 145;

Nofziger, Lyn, 100,

1 1 1

,

56;

pardon

24,

1

35;

Pennsylvania, primary election, 93

Pentagon, attack on, 305 Perot,

and Reagan

assassination attempt, 144, 146, 147

Henry

Ross, 311,312-13, 315-16, 322, 324,

325,332,434

of, 44, 45;

and Tutwiler, 284 1

106

Peace, Reagan and, 28, 120, 287-88

Pearlman, Ron, 223

and Florida recount, 387 Nicaragua, 289; elections, 404; political solution, 203

China,

Perrin, Hunter, 77n

Pernjames, 88 Peters, Dick, 316

Nonprofit boards, service on, 344

Peterson,

Norris, Steve, 341

PFC

Bill,

94-95

(President Ford Committee), 30, 39-41;

North, Oliver, 203, 204

Baker and, 45—1-7,

North American Free Trade Agreement

53-54

NAFTA),

351,434,437-39

315,

North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), 287;

Germany

NSDD

in

and, 291

meetings, 200-201

Morton

and,

Phi Delta Theta fraternity, 6

Howard, 198

Photo opportunities,

(National Security Decision Directive),

54, 56-72;

Phelanjohn, 441 Phillips,

140-41, 141n

NSPG

236, 327

190

Parr, Jerry, 143, 179,

Newspapers, Reagan and, 153 Srxsiveek, and

(PMRC),

402

Parkinson, Paula, 251

Newman, Edwin,

Notes,

153;

275

Negotiations: politics and, 282-83; Reagan and,

New

,

Jan, "4n

lor,

Neblett,

New

1

meetings, 156; Reagan and, 153

156; 1988

campaign, 268-69

Picketing, by unions, 36-37

Pierpoint, Bob, 57

(National Security Planning Group), 200

Pinkerton,Jim, 272n

Nuclear arms agreement, 313

Playboy magazine, 251; interview with Carter,

Nunn, Sam, 327

Plaza Accord, 428-33

65-66

Pledge of Allegiance, 265-66

Plummerjim, 42

PMRC

Obituaries, 407

O'Connor, Sandra Day, 198 Office of Congressional Relations, 175

Oglesbv, M.

B.,

Poindexterjohn, 202; and arms-for-hostages deal, 202; and Baker, 203

175

Ohmanjack, 206 Oklahoma Journal,

Music Resource Center), 236,

(Parents

327

Poland: delegation

support

35

O'Eearv, Dennis, 14

(

Policies, public,

'

396, 405; Ford and, 68-69;

to,

288

for,

Reagan and, 151-52

Olmert, Ehud, 406

Policymaking. 34

Olson, Barbara, 370n

Political conventions, 244. See also

Olson, Ted, 370, 371, 379, 380, 381, 383 O'Neill, T.p, 119, 134, 137, 155, 179,218,229,230,

231,409 Opposition

to Baker,

Organization:

Political loyalty, 124 Political parties, relationship

Operation Desert Storm, 298-99 1:2-24, 198-99, 265-66

in politics, 46: in

campaigns, 84, 243

presidential

Democratic

Convention; Republican Convention between, 183. See also

Democratic Party, Republican Politics, 38, 125; attacks

and,

xiii, 4.

change,

1

1

5,

".

31 7, 332;

Pam

on opponents, 265; Baker 22-25, "2. 349-50; and

George

W Bush and.

N IU

I

355-56; organization

The

in,

46;

and public ser-

Politics

457

*

388; price of, 28()n, 285; rewards of, 13;

titles,

29-30

388

vice,

X

& Peace,

of Diplomacy: Revolution, War

1989-1992, Baker,

xiii,

Public speaking, Reagan and, 174-75

272n, 280, 285, 296n,

298,345-46,365,418 Polygraphs, to determine leaks, 193-94

al

Popular music, 235-36

Quantico, Basic School,

Posner, Richard, Breaking the Deadlock, 362n

Quarrel, Rob, 85

Pounding the

Quayle, James Danforth, 245-54, 263, 273, 317-18

law,

374n

Powell, Colin, 281, 317, 372-73; and

Gulf War,

Qaeda, 306 1

Quayle, Marilyn, 318n

298 Powell, Jody, 111-12, 116

Power: American, xv; Baker and, 41

3;

impermanence

measure

of,

1

41

of,

3;

and,

4, 38; faith

of president,

34; presidential, transfer of,

145—16; source of, 124-25; Washington, White House, 130-31

D.C.,

and, 33-34; in

Presidency, Baker and, 349-52

of, 351;

tenth

anniversary of assassination, xvi, 396, 405-6 Racicot, Marc, 372

Randolph, Elizabeth, 419n Rating system for popular music, 236

President Ford Committee (PFC), 30,

39—11;

Morton

56-72;

54,

Rabin, Yitzhak, 304, 335; funeral

Randolph, William, 41 9n

The Power Game, Smith, 199n

Baker and, 45-47,

Rabin, Leah, 304

and,

53-54

Reagan, Michael, 160 Reagan, Nancy, 113, 153, 159-60, 192, 279,

407-10; and assassination attempt, 144, 147;

Presidential advisers, 29, 130-31

and Baker, 126, 127, 199, 207, 211, 240; and

Presidential campaigns,

Clark, 196; Deaver and, 130; and debate

2, 56,

84, 243; 1976, 1-2,

34-36, 39-11, 54-72; 1980, 100-121; 1984,

performance, 208; and economy, 187; and

207-9; 1988, 239, 262-77; 1992, 239n,

government

309-333; 2000, 357-58

and tax reform, 229

Presidential delegations,

405-6

Presidential nomination, 34; 1976, 27-30, 40-41,

50-52

Reagan,

Parti,

Reagan,

Ron

policies, 171;

and Spencer, 109;

160

(son), 160

Reagan, Ronald, 27-28,

30, 39, 62, 81,

82-83, 241,

Presidential responsibility, 280n

251, 264, 279, 347, 350; advisers to, 130,

Presidential succession, transfer of power,

151-52; and Bush as vice president, 98-99,

145^16 President Reagan:

104—5; assassination attempt, 142-64; Baker

The Role of a

Lifetime,

Cannon, 99n,

and, 97, 122-28, 130-32, 199, 212,

cabinet members,

199n Presidents: protection of,

1

33; success of,

1

34

Press, 61, 105-6,156, 169-71, 212, 251, 314;

Baker

and Congress, 107-8,

1

12,

1 1

1

37;

1

3,

39;

242-H;

and Clymer, 198-99;

death

of,

407-12; debates,

207-9, 325; economic policies, 120-21; and Ford, 52,

and, 47, 63, 151, 198, 282; and debates, 1976,

166-91, 439; election

68-69; and post-election battle, 2000, 372,

53, 103; funeral of, 156, 158; inauguration of,

373;

Reagan and, 110-1

1,

151;

and Reagan

assassination attempt, 147, 161;

daily

news summary, 150-51.

White House

See also

Media;

xii-xiii, xv, 140;

and Nancy,

1

of,

Iran-Contra scandal, 202-5;

59-60; 1976 campaign, 44; 1980

campaign, 86, 87, 89-90, 100-121; and Perot, 312; personal qualities, 108, 124-25, 162-64,

Television Press secretary, Reagan administration, 152

Primary elections, 40-41, 244; Texas, 1976, 27-29. See also Iowa caucuses;

New

Hampshire

171, 178; as president, 76, 132-35, 140-41, 14S, 1

52-64,

1

94-202, 2 1

3,

2

1

5;

and presidential

nomination, 1976,41,48-19, 50—51;

Republican Convention, PASS, 249-50; and

Primary Princeton University, 9-10, 344

Soviet Union, 287-88; as speeebwnter,

Prison furloughs, Dukakis and, 269-70

tax reform, 216-34; turkev hunt, 189-90;

Prisoners of war

vice-presidential nomination, 2-3

in

Vietnam, Perot and, 312

Protectionism, 428-33, 436; Plaza Accord and,

to

Power,

3 In;

and

Cannon, 99n

Reagan administration: economic

431

Protection of president,

Reagan His Rise

1

1

33-34

Provisional ballots, 394

accomplishments, 429-37; internal

Pruitt, Bernadette, 421

Reaganomics, 166-67, 172

Public appearances, after leaving office, 343

Recession 1981, In". 1990s, i

America,

2 16

458

INDEX

*

Regan, Donald, 144, 159, 209-10, 211, 398,429;

and Reagan administration, 170, 219-20, 221,

and tax reform, 216,

226, and Stockman, 166;

218,219-20,226

William, 117

Satire.

Salazar, Hector, 18

437

Salinas, Carlos,

Sasso.John, 264

Rehnquist. William H., 280

Saturday Might Live, 44

Reitwiesner, William Addams, 418

"Saturday Night Massacre," 38

Religion: Bakers and, 14, 240, 413-15;

Reagan and,

383-84

Sauls, N. Sanders,

Schabowski, Giinter, 286

108 Reporters, competition among, 251

Schieffer, Bob,

Republican Convention: 1976,

Schlesinger.James, 53

2,

50-51; 1980,

102-7; 1988, 244-59; 1992, 323; 1996, 351

Republican National Committee (RNC), 75-76;

Bush

Republican Party: Baker and, 22-23; Baker and,

Mary

Stuart

and, 23-24

Nixon

19;

Schooling of Baker,

6,

President,

9-10

Schroeder, Gerhard, 400

Schweiker, Richard, 49, 50, 180-81 Scowcroft, Brent, 68, 281, 323

Republican primaries, 1988, 238

Searsjohn,

Republicans: in Texas, 18-19, 75; post-election

Secret Service code names, 284n

battle, 2000,

367-90

406

Security Council,

Donna, 248 7,

III

Institute for Public

Policy

Selassie, Haile,

Elliot,

296

Bud, 206

Senate, U.S., Republican control, 174

Senate Budget Committee, 176-77

Richards, Ann, 256, 356

38-39, 53, 134-35

Right

Wing

RNC

(Republican National Committee),

September 11,2001,304-6

Club, Princeton, 9

Shamir, Yitzhak, 285 75;

Bush

chairman, 85

Sharon, Ariel, 406 Sharp, Kay, 21

Shaw, Bernard, 274

39

Robertson, Pat, 238

Shevardnadze, Eduard,

Pile Ranch, 261-62

289-90, 296n, 396-99,

Shevardnadze, Nanuli, 399

Roev. Wade, 104

Shivers, Allan, 18

Rogers, John, 131, 135, 220, 284

Showdown

at Gucci Gulch: Lawmakers, Lobbyists,

and the

Triumph of Tax Reform, Birnbaum and Murray, 21 8n, 223, 227

Rogers, Kenny, 96 Roosevelt, Franklin

xvi,

414; and Iraq, 293-94, 296

Rockefeller, Nelson, 24, 39, 62

Rock

300-1; and

Self-reliance, 415 Selig,

Richard, Barry, 367, 370, 371

Bill,

Iraq,

Sahara, 353, 354-55

346, 422

344, 426; Bakers and, 346-49.

7,

See also James A. Baker

Roberts,

UN: and

Kuwait, 295, 295-96, 298-99; and Western

Rice, William Marsh,

as

141 n, 205, 279-315;

319-21

Rice, Condoleezza, 399, 400,

Richardson,

as,

confirmation hearing, 279-80; resignation,

Retail politics, 86

Rice University,

27, 41, 48, 50, 57, 84, 87, 109

Secretary of State, Baker

Resignations over policy issues, 37-38

Rice,

125n

Schwarzkopf, Norman, 298

chairman, 85

as

The Acting

Unlikely

D, 136

Roosevelt, Theodore, 78, 332

Shriver, Sargent, 85

Rose Revolution, Georgia, 398, 405

Shrum, Bob, 277n

Ross, Dennis, 272n, 283, 323

Shultz, George, 193, 195, 197, 199, 200, 201, 289;

Rostenkowski, Dan, 184, 218, 222, 225-26, 228,

230,233

and Iran-Contra scandal, 202-3, 205 Silver

Creek Ranch, 261,262

Roussel, Peter, 43, 46, 73, 79, 83

Simon,

Rove, Karl, 78, 82, 357 392-93; and election

Simpson, Alan, 245

reform, 403

Bill,

37n, 53

Sinatra, Frank, 235

Rowen, Hobart, 242n

Slaughter, Enos, 71

Rubenstein, David, 341—12, 342

Small-group movement, 328

The Power Game, 199n

Rubin, Robert, 189,432

Smith, Hedrick,

Ruckelshaus, William, 53

Smith, William French, 144, 215

Ruff, Charles,

66-67

4, 128;

Smoking, Baker and,

Ruge, Daniel, 143

Social

life

8, 70,

Rule 16-C, 50

Social Security, 176-80

Rumsfeld, Donald, 30, 53, 169, 238; advice from, 138

Solidarity

Running mates, choice

Somalia, 307

Rupp, George, 346

of,

52

Sosa,

71

of Bakers, 33

movement, Poland, 405

Sammy, 356

INDEX Soviet Georgia, mission

396-99

to.

Teeter. Bets

Soviet Lnion.2"O-80, 286-88; collapse of. \

Teeter. Bob. 25S. 359. and Bush administration,

414; Ford and. 68-60; and Iraq. 29^-

Kissinger and. 28; negotiations with.

paign, 60. 62-63. 61

ind 1980 campaign, 84. 89; and 1988

2

163-64

10".

Reagan and.

campaign.

W Bush

George H.

campaign

|

SPE

j,

308,

400

Speech writer. Reagan s

televised;

-^6;

:

::~:::r

:

:r:

:

I:

I

administration, 153

-.

I

>8-9 "

Tr.i:;r.er.?-.

—

- : 14

28

7>.;~.i>

:je.

:

1

14,

1

1".

_— r.i. T:v magaz

1"

andeconc-

1

T'r.

34.

1

54,

'.

^

165-6-

>4, 186, 188;

2

and

Timmons.

Fre >::

~

Bill

1 1

:

II"

II-

?:;:.:-

Thompson.

Stiles, Jack. 2

Stockman. David.

1~1

poli tik

Theonlopoulou. Abb

.

o:

government

Thatcher. Margaret. 408, 410-1

Steelman. Debbie. 272i v

c .

Textiles,

agreemer

r-: _

18-19

:x>litics in.

-ch, purchase of. 261-62

72

Department.

:

Temrilliger. George. 370, 381

—

Godfrey *Budge.~ -

Media: Press

Terrorism, 305. 306

—

State conventions, 41

>:rr~ir.

and

1;

13 In

as,

and Baker as chief of staff. 125-2". and 19"6 eampa: r "0; and 1980 campaign, 109, 111. 115— 16c and -

:

II

and Reagan s funeral 41

Tennis. 17—18

Specter. Arle-

START

5

and Reagan assassination attempt,

terrorist attack, 305. 5«r also Debates,

Special presidential envoy

-

S-

Trade hberahzatic

Sununu.Joh-

Bush

-

American

Syria. 303; occupation

politic

of Lebanc

_

-

arion lette-

Trewhin Tribble.Pau Tribe.

Lam

Taliban, 306

The TnMmtpbofr\ltr.cs. Stockman, 165-66

Talking points: Bush campaign, 1980, 88-89; Ford

Truman. HiTurkevhunt, 189-90

campaign, 61-62

Tutu. Desmond.

Tax and

Fiscal Responsibility

Act of 1^^

1

56

Tutwiler. Margare: taker's »ob

Tax reform I 'Tax Reform Shurrk Tavlor. Elizabeth, Si

1 1

and Bush administrate 1988 camp^

Twair 21

ClubPmv.

Twenrv -second

Amendmc

-

t

and

4G0

I

I

Witty,

NDt

X

Conway, 233

White, Mark,

"Two-Plus-Four" negotiations, 291

White

I

78

77,

White, Teddy,

1 1

Udall, Morris, 85

power

staff,

White House News Summary, 1 50-5 Whitman, Christie Todd, 372

Western Sahara, 352-55

Whose Broad

States, global view,

Bush and,

VV.

24; Israel

Stripes

130-31. See

in,

White House

and, 303; and Kuwait, 295, 296-97; and

United

USA USS USS

Chief of

also

United Nations: George U.

change of

louse: business of, 130-31;

administrations, 336;

and Bright

1

Stars,

,

287

Germond and

Witcover, 252n, 263

307

Today, and Florida recount, 387-88

Will,

Monrovia, 12

Edward Bennett, 206 Williams, John, 404n

George,

1 1

7,

206

Williams,

Ronald Reagan, 192

Williamson, Rich, 135

Uzielli, Philip, 107

Willis, Fannie,

420

Wilson, Mary, 2 Vail,

Wilson, Woodrow, 71,332

Colorado, Republican retreat, 53, 79

Vance, Cyrus, 37-38

Winning

Vanderjagt, Guy, 231

Florida:

How

the

Van Tine, Kirk, 370

Winston, Bo, 22, 190n

Vice presidency: candidates and, 95-96; debates,

Winston, Elizabeth,

Quayle as candidate, 246-54; Reagan and, 2-3, 98-99 1988, 272-73;

Vice presidential nomination,

50;

Ford and, 102—4

the Battle,

22. See also )ones, Elizabeth

Winston Winston, James "Dear Father," 21, 189-90

Winston, Susan,

19, 21. See also Baker,

Susan

Winston

Vice presidents, presidents and, 157 Violence, popular music and, 236

Winston, Will, 22,

Volcker, Paul, 242, 429, 437

Wirthlin, Dick, 115, 136

von

Bush Team Fought

Zelnick, 362n, 383

Damm, Helene, 144 News Service, 359

72, 182,

190n

Wit of Reagan, 159 Witcover, Jules, 89, 250; Blue Smoke and Mirrors,

Voter

89n; Marathon: The Pursuit of the Presidency,

1972-76, 55, 69-70; Whose Broad Stripes and

Walesa, Lech, 405, 414

Bright Stars, 252n, 263

Walker, Clay, 235

Women

Wall Street Journal, 150

World Bank, 427 World Trade Center, 304-5 World Trade Organization (WTO), 434 World War I, 5-6 World War II, George H. Bush in, 94, 99

Wallace, Julia, 21

Wallop, Malcolm, 216

Walsh, Lawrence, 203-4, 330-32, 33 In

W

Warner, John, 113

Washington, D.C., 32-33, 334; Bakers

in,

340;

location of, 214

WTO (World Trade Organization), 434

179, 185, 210, 225, 319, 329;

Post, 150,

and Baker,

Wright, Clymer, 198-99 Writing, Baker and, 345

Washington, George, 321 Washington

in politics, 53

57, 319-22; Deadlock:

The Inside

Story of America's Closest Election, 365n;

Wynette,

Wyoming

Tammy, 236 ranch, purchase of, 260-61

and

1980 campaign, 94-95, 111

Washington Speakers Bureau, 343

Yarborough, Ralph,

Washington Times, 150-51

Yates, Nell, 36

Watergate scandal, 23-24

Yeltsin, Boris, 313

Wattjim, 195-96

Yitzhak Rabin Fellowship in Middle East Peace

Weinberger, Caspar, 140, 144, 161, 168-69,

19, 20, 77,

80

and Security, 304

186-87, 201, 330; and arms-for-hostages deal, 203, 204; and assassination attempt, 147

Welfare reform,

1

Zappa, Frank, 236

78

Wells, Charles, 384-85

Western Sahara, 352-55

West Germany, 291 n White,

Clif,

39-40,

Zelnick, Robert, 371, 378; Winning Florida:

Bush Team Fought the

West, Mickey, 13

1

How the

362n, 383

Zoellick, Robert, 221, 283, 323, 368, 377, 381, 439,

440 1

Battle,

JAMES Staff to

Under

A.

BAKER,

Chid

III, served as

d

Ronald Reagan and George H. W. Bush; Secretary of

Commerce

Gerald

to

Ford;

Secretary of the Treasury to Reagan; and Sec retary

He

of State to Bush.

presidency by

all

campaigns

also led

for the

three of these presidents.

In addition, he has undertaken special envoy

missions for George

W. Bush and

UN

General Kofi Annan on such matters relief

and the conflict

in the

Secretary-

as Iraqi

debt

Western Sahara. In

2006, he became co-chairman of the Iraq Study

Group. Baker

is

currently a senior partner in the law

firm of Baker Botts, and honorary chairman of the

James A. Baker

III Institute for

Public Policy

Rice University. His previous book

War and

Diplomacy: Revolution,

He and

his wife, Susan, live in

STEVE FIFFER

is

of fourteen books.

The

is

The

it

Politics of

1989-1992.

Peace.

Houston.

the author, coauthor, or editor

Fellowship in 2001, he

recipient of a lives in

Guggenheim

Evanston,

nmr

Illinois.

/ / ISBN 0-399-15377-2 5

780399"153778

LI

2895>

A