Women Voters in Indian Elections: Changing Trends and Emerging Patterns 2021007722, 2021007723, 9780367531126, 9781032054544, 9781003094432

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WOMEN VOTERS IN INDIAN ELECTIONS CHANGING TRENDS AND EMERGING PATTERNS Edited by Sanjay Kumar

WOMEN VOTERS IN INDIAN ELECTIONS

This book looks at different dimensions of political participation of women voters in India. Elections in India have witnessed an increasing electoral participation of women, both as political actors and as voters. Taking note of this positive development, the book looks at what has contributed to this increased turnout among women voters in Indian elections and discusses in detail the factors that facilitate or hinder this participation. Drawing on empirical data from 11 Indian states, it looks at key issues like the voting behaviour and political activities of Indian women; individual and motivational factors affecting participation; the political socialization of women at home; the role of internalized patriarchy and political opinions; along with the challenges faced by women in attaining representation in Indian politics. An important contribution in the study of voting patterns, this book will be indispensable to scholars and researchers of political studies, women’s studies, gender studies, sociology, Indian politics, political sociology, voting behaviour and South Asian studies. It will also be useful for journalists and activists. Sanjay Kumar is Professor at the Centre for the Study of Developing Societies (CSDS), Delhi, India. He served as the Director of CSDS from January 2014 until January 2020. His main areas of research have been Indian elections and voting behaviour, but using quantitative methodologies, he has also been engaged in conducting research on other topics, namely Indian youth and the state of democracy in South Asia. He has published several books and edited volumes on Indian elections. Some of his well-known books are Post Mandal Politics in Bihar: Changing Electoral Patterns (2018), Changing Electoral Politics in Delhi: From Caste to Class (2013) and Measuring Voting Behaviour in India (2013). Besides these, he has also co-authored and edited volumes on Indian youth. In addition to academic writing, he contributes regularly to both English and Hindi newspapers. His articles are published regularly in Asian Age, Deccan Chronicles, The Mint, The Hindu, Indian Express, Dainik Bhaskar and Rajasthan Patrika. He is also a well-known psephologist and a familiar face on Indian television as an election analyst.

WOMEN VOTERS IN INDIAN ELECTIONS Changing Trends and Emerging Patterns

Edited by Sanjay Kumar

First published 2022 by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN and by Routledge 605 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10158 Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business © 2022 selection and editorial matter, Sanjay Kumar; individual chapters, the contributors The right of Sanjay Kumar to be identifed as the author of the editorial material, and of the authors for their individual chapters, has been asserted in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identifcation and explanation without intent to infringe. British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Kumar, Sanjay, 1967- editor. Title: Women voters in Indian elections : changing trends and emerging patterns / edited by Sanjay Kumar. Description: New York : Routledge, 2022. | Includes bibliographical references and index. | Identifers: LCCN 2021007722 (print) | LCCN 2021007723 (ebook) | ISBN 9780367531126 (Hardback) | ISBN 9781032054544 (Paperback) | ISBN 9781003094432 (eBook) Subjects: LCSH: Women--Suffrage--India. | Women--Political activity--India. | Voting--India. | Elections--India. Classifcation: LCC JQ289 .W66 2022 (print) | LCC JQ289 (ebook) | DDC 324.9540082--dc23 LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2021007722 LC ebook record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2021007723 ISBN: 978-0-367-53112-6 (hbk) ISBN: 978-1-032-05454-4 (pbk) ISBN: 978-1-003-09443-2 (ebk) Typeset in Sabon by Deanta Global Publishing Services, Chennai, India

CONTENTS

List of fgures List of tables List of contributors Preface and Acknowledgements 1

Patterns of women’s political participation in India: An introduction

vii ix xiii xiv 1

SANJAY KUMAR

2

Participation in politics: Voting behaviour and engagement in political activities

17

SANJAY KUMAR AND JYOTI MISHRA

3

Individual and motivational factors affecting women’s political participation

34

VIBHA ATTRI

4

Political socialization at home: Locating women in personal spaces

59

MANJESH RANA AND NEEL MADHAV

5

Internalized patriarchy: Socio-cultural and economic barriers to participation of women in politics

84

MANJESH RANA

6

Politics as a career: Systemic political challenges NEEL MADHAV

v

109

CONTENTS

7

Political opinion and attitude: Issues and party preferences 133 JYOTI MISHRA AND VIBHA ATTRI

Appendix I: Methodology: Study design and sample Appendix II: Construction of indices Index

vi

151 155 167

FIGURES

1.1 Gap between male and female voter turnouts: Lok Sabha elections 1962– 2019 2.1 Voter turnout in Lok Sabha: 1962–2019 2.2 Gender gaps in states in the last three assembly elections 2.3 Women’s active electoral participation 3.1 Opinion on politics and its impact on interest in politics 3.2 Increase in vote effcacy 3.3 News media exposure index 3.4 Exposure to news media and political participation 3.5 Three in every fve women have no exposure to news media 3.6 Limited impact of social media on political participation 4.1 Two-thirds of women have no freedom at all with respect to their political participation 4.2 One-third of women show strong male dominance in deciding who to vote for 5.1 Internalized patriarchal prejudices and the political participation of women 5.2 Composite index of internalized patriarchal prejudices 5.3 More than one-third of working women are working because it is important for them to work in order to run their families 6.1 Three-quarters of women are not willing to make politics their career if given an opportunity 6.2 More than one in two women with increased exposure to media feels positive that women in parliament can bring about a good change in the country 6.3 Index: quantum of change through women leaders vii

5 20 21 23 43 49 51 52 53 54 67 70 89 89 102 114 123 124

FIGURES

6.4 Support for the reservation of legislature seats for women has slightly dwindled 7.1 Political party preference/identifcation 7.2 Which party focuses on women’s problems? 7.3 Reason for liking a party 7.4 Two-ffths of women who currently like the BJP didn’t like it earlier 7.5 Which groups of women shifted to the BJP only recently?

viii

128 134 138 139 139 140

TABLES

1.1 State list of gender gap in voter turnout: Lok Sabha elections 2019 2.1 Women’s electoral participation: 1996–2019 2.2 Level of electoral participation and socio-economic position 2.3 Use of social media by women for political activities 2.4 Political participation through online platforms across states 2.5 Women’s associational participation by socioeconomic status 2.6 Organizational membership and electoral participation 2.7 Interaction with government offcials by socioeconomic background 2.8 Biggest barrier/obstacle preventing women from participating in politics 3.1 Level of women’s interest in politics 3.2 Women’s interest is more in local politics 3.3 Impact of education and income on interest in politics 3.4 Exposure to news and its impact on interest in politics 3.5 Participation in election-related activities increases with interest in politics 3.6 Discussions of politics 3.7 Discussions of politics and its impact on interest in politics 3.8 Effect of media exposure on political discussion 3.9 Women self-report as being less interested and less knowledgeable about politics ix

7 22 24 25 26 28 29 30 31 38 39 40 41 43 44 45 45 46

TABLES

3.10 3.11 3.12 3.13 4.1

Vote effcacy Exposure to different news media Who is active on social media? Recipient of political news through various media Do older women have a slightly greater share in family decisions? 4.2 Are college-educated women and working women more likely to have a share in family decisions? 4.3 Decisions on education, work and marriage 4.4 Rich and urban women far more likely to vote on their own 4.5 Women with more education are less likely to be dominated by men in their vote choice 4.6 Women from higher-income groups with better access to formal education, and women living in towns and cities are more likely to believe their political opinion need not be the same as their family members’ 4.7 Men far more likely to eat before women 4.8 Women in towns and cities are more likely to eat their everyday meals together with their families 4.9 Better-educated and working women less likely to practice Purdah 4.10 The Purdah practice is most prevalent among the younger married women 4.11 Women who show their husband’s infuence over vote choice more likely to be practising Purdah 4.12 Women who enjoy higher autonomy appear less likely to be practising Purdah 5.1 Older and married women are far more likely to have internalized patriarchy 5.2 Poor and rural women are far less likely to participate in politics due to increased levels of internalized patriarchy 5.3 College-educated women are far less likely to face strong patriarchal dominance at home 5.4 Women’s share in family decisions vis-à-vis internalized patriarchy 5.5 Involvement in local public affairs vis-à-vis patriarchal dominance

x

48 51 53 55 62 63 64 71 72

73 75 76 78 79 79 80 90 92 94 95 95

TABLES

5.6 Elderly women seem to have internalized stereotypes more, compared to younger women 5.7 Internalized misogyny is much stronger in villages and among poor 5.8 College-educated women are far less likely to internalize stereotypes 5.9 Better-educated women are more likely to discard the idea that women should not contest elections against men 5.10 Upper-caste women are more likely to work for selfreliance and other women for their family 5.11 Economic conditions do not much affect political participation 6.1 Representation of women in Lok Sabha throughout the years 6.2 More Sikh women likely to choose politics as a career if given a chance 6.3 Adivasi women less interested in joining politics if given a chance 6.4 Women with a high interest in politics are more likely to make politics their career 6.5 Three-ffths of women believe women have less access to resources for a campaign 6.6 The traditional social and economic barriers still stand high 6.7 More than one in two women feel that women in parliament can bring a positive change 6.8 Increased exposure to media makes women more positive about the quantum of change by women in politics 6.9 One in two women feels women are underrepresented and seats should be reserved for them 6.10 The need for reserved seats in the legislature is felt more by women from oppressed caste groups than women from the general community 7.1 BJP, the party most preferred amongst women 7.2 Party liked most by social demographics 7.3 Media exposure and party identifcation 7.4 Unemployment was reported to be the most important problem

xi

98 98 99 100 102 104 112 114 115 116 118 119 121 125 127 128 135 136 137 141

TABLES

7.5

Party likeability determines voting considerations of women 7.6 Women from different caste communities consider different attributes of the candidate while making their vote choice 7.7 Opinion on beef consumption among women from different religions 7.8 Opinion on banning a flm across various religious groups 7.9 Women from different social positions hold different positions on contentious political issues 7.10 Party likeability determines liberal-conservative position on contentious political issues A.1 Distribution of the achieved sample

xii

143 143 145 146 147 148 152

CONTRIBUTORS

Vibha Attri is a researcher at Lokniti, Centre for the Study of Developing Societies, Delhi, India. Trained in survey research, her areas of interest include electoral politics, local self-governance, voting behaviour gender and political participation. She has an M.Phil. in Political Science from Panjab University, Chandigarh, India. Neel Madhav is a graduate in Journalism and is currently pursuing his Masters’ degree from the Delhi School of Journalism, University of Delhi, India. He is also associated with Lokniti, Centre for the Study of Developing Societies, Delhi, India. His research interests include the intersectionality of politics and media, and gender, among others. Jyoti Mishra works at Lokniti, Centre for the Study of Developing Societies, Delhi, India. She completed her PhD at the Centre for Political Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, Delhi. Her areas of interest are electoral behaviour, democracy, political institutions and governance. She has contributed articles and book chapters on these themes. Manjesh Rana works with Lokniti, Centre for the Study of Developing Societies, Delhi, India. He completed his LL.M from National Law University Delhi and is currently a Ph.D. scholar at Jamia Millia Islamia. He taught Constitutional law at the University of Delhi before joining Lokniti. His research interests include electoral politics, constitutional law, and refugee law. Having worked as a cinematographer for a PSBT flm ‘Please Mind the Gap’, he is deeply interested in documentary flmmaking.

xiii

PREFACE AND ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

Even as we complete the frst two decades of the twenty fst century, gender inequality continues to pervade many aspects of society. Politics is possibly the arena where it is the most pronounced. Available data from The Election Commission of India indicates that historically, in terms of voter turnout, women have lagged behind men by a wide margin. However, during the recent past, this gap has narrowed. The most recent Lok Sabha elections of 2019 not only saw the highest number of women contestants, but also witnessed the highest number of elected women MPs. For the frst time in India’s electoral history, the voter turnout amongst men and women voters was almost equal. However, this turnout amongst women voters is not uniform across states. Wherein some states the women outnumbered men in terms of turnout; in other states, the gender divide is yet to be bridged, women still lag behind men when it comes to voting. In this light, this book intends to understand the emerging participation of women voters in election and politics and discusses in detail the factors that either facilitate or hinder this participation. The book analyses why some women have high political participation compared to others. It attempts to look at women and politics from a multi-track perspective and present the socio-economic and cultural context that shapes the attitude and perception of women to issues of political participation and representation. This volume has been possible with the support and collaboration of large number of people in different capacities. Without the active involvement and support of the team members, this book would not have been completed. First and foremost, I would like to express my sincere thanks to all the authors who have contributed various chapters for this volume. There were a couple of revisions which at times needed to be attended at short notice. All the authors responded quickly and within the stipulated timelines, which at times may be somewhat unreasonable. Without their contribution to this volume, the book may not have been completed on time. There are various others team members, who have not contributed chapters to this volume, but have given valuable suggestions on various chapters. They were always ready to spare time whenever I needed some help at the xiv

PREFACE AND ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

time of preparing this manuscript. In this regard, I must express my sincere thanks to Suhas Palshikar, Sandeep Shastri, Hilal Ahmed and Sanjeer Alam for their constant support and guidance. I would also like to thank the CSDS Data Unit specifcally Himanshu Bhattacharya, who attended to all the data requests promptly. This was not only for me for all the chapter writers. I would also thank the Lokniti team at CSDS particularly Sakshi Khemani, Aastha, Aditya Pandey, Dhananjay Kumar Singh, Amrit Negi and Tushara Vinod who helped in different stages of writing the book. Surveys can never be possible without the active cooperation of the respondents. I must begin by extending my thanks to all the women, who agreed to spare their precious time for sharing their views on various issues during the survey. Data collection requires lot of hard work and dedication. In a large-scale survey like this, data collection is not possible without active engagement of feld investigators. I would like to take this opportunity to thank all the feld investigators who worked hard in the feld for data collection and were guided and helped by able supervisors in each state. I must acknowledge the hard work and dedication of feld supervisors as well. I would also like to extend my gratitude to all the state coordinators who led the research team in various states and successfully completed the survey. The team consisted of Suprio Basu (West Bengal), Lallian Chhunga (Mizoram), Harishwar Dayal (Jharkhand), Vageeshan Harathi (Telangana), K.M. Sajad Ibrahim (Kerala), Mahashweta Jani (Gujarat), Ashutosh Kumar (Punjab), Biswajit Mohanty (Delhi), Kushal Pal (Haryana), Rakesh Ranjan (Bihar) and Gyanaranjan Swain (Odisha). A volume of this kind which is based on analysis of surveys data, demands lot of time, and the normal casualty is the family which often gets the least attention. Family members participate in this exercise in an indirect way, simply by being patient. I must thank my family members for not only being patient but for extending the moral support needed for completing this academic exercise. I would like to frst thank my wife Rashmi, who always supported and encouraged me during the entire process of completing this book. Her support to me for writing this book was far more enthusiastic compared to my earlier book as the topic is very close to hear heart, women. My daughters, Vishakha Nandini and Manavi Nandini also need a special mention in this book. Both of them have always been a source of inspiration for me. Curious questions from the younger daughter Manavi Nandini about how does one writes a book, have been very interesting all through these years of my writing. Appreciation from various other family members has also been a source of inspiration for me and I must acknowledge their invisible contribution to this book. I would like to offer my sincere gratitude to the Konrad Adenauer Foundation especially Peter Rimmele and Pankaj Madan for making the grants available for this project. This book may not have been possible without the fnancial help from the foundation. I would also place on record our xv

PREFACE AND ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

gratitude to Routledge for bringing out this volume in record time and especially to Shoma Choudhury, Commissioning Manager, Routledge India, for her continuous support and cooperation which ensured the timely completion of this book. I would also like to thank the two Anonymous Reviewers to whom the frst draft of the manuscript was sent by the publishers for their valuable suggestions. Their comments helped us enormously in improving the volume. There may be few others, who provided different kinds of support to me while writing this book; I may not have mentioned their names, but my sincere thanks to all of them as well. Sanjay Kumar

xvi

1 PATTERNS OF WOMEN’S POLITICAL PARTICIPATION IN INDIA An introduction Sanjay Kumar

In Indian political culture, women have mostly been considered as subordinate political actors. In 1987, Gail Omvedt wrote ‘the exclusion of women from political power has been marked by more than their exclusion from “productive” work or even property rights’ (Economic & Political Weekly, 2019). For a very long time, from local politics to national-level politics, women’s political participation has remained restricted with regard to their roles as both voters and elected representatives, though there have been some changes in this regard in the recent past. Recent elections have witnessed the increased electoral participation of women voters. One of the main reasons offered for the limited participation of women in Indian politics is women’s inability to make independent political decisions; many of them depend on male family members. Numerous studies have endorsed the perception that women have consistently heeded others’ advice and voted with their families (Deshpande 2009; Sardesai & Attri, 2017). Women have often been considered a ‘rubber stamp’ not only in terms of voting in elections, but also as political representatives, and their decisions are viewed as largely infuenced by the male members of an institution.

Gender equality with regard to women’s inheritance rights in India As we come close to completing the frst two decades of the twenty-frst century, gender inequality continues to pervade many aspects of society, though some of the changes in recent years have tried to bridge this gender divide. The Hindu Succession Act, 1956 was recently amended by the Supreme Court to correct an anomaly that was discriminatory towards women in terms of the inheritance of property. The verdict settles the question of whether the coparcenary right of daughters comes into effect only if the father through whom they claim that right was alive on the day the amendment came into force. It has been categorically ruled that the daughter’s 1

SANJAY KUMAR

right fows from her birth and not from any other factor (i.e., whether or not the father was alive on the day the amendment came into force). The court has conferred equal status as a coparcener on daughters in Hindu families governed by Mitakshara law, and this right is accrued by birth. The coparcenary status given to daughters has been a subject of reform in many states, particularly in south India, long before the United Progressive Alliance (UPA) regime brought in the amendment for the whole country. Kerala had introduced legislation in 1975, Andhra Pradesh in 1986, Tamil Nadu in 1989 and Maharashtra and Karnataka in 1994 (The Hindu, 2020).

Towards gender parity with regard to marriage and employment In a recent judgment, the Supreme Court of India ruled that women offcers in the army should be entitled to permanent commission and command postings in all services other than combat, and they have to be considered for it irrespective of their service length. It held the Central Government’s policy of restricting the permanent commission to Staff Selection Commission (SSC) women offcers with less than 14 years of service as violating the right to equality. The judgment was delivered in response to the defence ministry’s petition challenging the 2010 Delhi High Court verdict that ruled that female SSC offcers in the army and Indian Air Force (IAF) should be granted permanent commission on par with male SSC offcers. The Centre issued a notifcation in February 2019 granting permanent commissions to SSC offcers in the army. However, as per its proposal, only female SSC offcers with up to 14 years of service were to be considered (R. Singh, 2020). There is another step the government is taking for bringing about gender equality in Indian society. It is raising the minimum marriage age of women from 18 to 21 to bring it in line with the minimum marriage age of men. Two crucial reasons that make it necessary to update the law again. The frst is to improve female health. According to a United Nations Population Fund report, India is home to one in three child brides in the world. Early marriages causing early pregnancies are inherently linked to higher rates of malnourishment and maternal and infant mortality. Although the maternal mortality rate has been declining, the move to increase the minimum age of marriage could contribute to this decline. Second is the promise of equality made to women under the Constitution. There is no reason for the law’s presumption that the minimum age of marriage must be different for men and women. It perpetuates benevolent sexism and the stereotype that women are more mature and therefore can be given greater responsibilities at a younger age compared to men. The refection of patriarchy in personal laws must change to ft the framework of the Constitution (The Indian Express, 2020). 2

WOMEN’S POLITICAL PARTICIPATION IN INDIA

Women’s electoral participation: The Women’s Reservation Bill While the government is trying to bring about change in the status of women by legislation, it has failed to increase women’s representation in legislative bodies. Even though the government has not taken any step in this direction, there are noticeable changes with regard to women’s participation in electoral politics as voters, i.e., increasing turnout in elections. Although women in virtually all countries around the world have voting rights, it is only a handful of nations that their share of seats in the main national legislative body of the country is greater than 30%, a number commonly considered as a critical mass necessary for women to exert a substantial infuence on politics. Though worldwide, the average woman’s participation in the national parliament is just 10%, it varies widely across countries. Among the affuent industrialized countries, Sweden has the highest share of women legislators at 40%, while in Japan the fgure is a mere 5%. In several less developed countries, the percentage is even lower. The Women’s Reservation Bill, or The Constitution (108th Amendment) Bill, 2008, is pending before Parliament. This bill proposes to reserve 33% of seats for women in the Lok Sabha, (Lower House of Parliament of India) and in state legislative assemblies of all the states. When the Women’s Reservation Bill frst appeared as the 81st Amendment Bill in 1996, proposing to reserve 33% of seats in Parliament for women, it was looked upon as a feminist issue, and it continues to be debated largely in terms of women’s rights. The argument made in favour of reservations was that the reservation of seats for women was necessary on account of the generally patriarchal character of political parties, which were reluctant to feld women candidates. Reservations would increase the number of women in Parliament, and the elected women legislators would be able to act as a strong pressure/interest group in Parliament. At present, their being in small number inhibits their effective participation in electoral politics. The presence of more women in Parliament and state legislative assemblies would lead to a positive change in society. Women’s voices and presence would help to understand and bring to centre stage the perspectives of women. Arguments made against reservations were mainly that this change would run counter to the principle of equality enshrined in the Constitution. It was also felt that women cannot be equated to socially backward communities, as women are not a socially homogeneous group. The point was also made that such a system of reservations would lead to similar demands from other groups and communities, thus posing a threat to social cohesion. The Committee set up for the Women’s Reservation Bill, decided by a majority to uphold the position taken in the Constituent Assembly and rejected the proposal for reservation of seats for women in Parliament and state assemblies. The Rajya Sabha passed the bill on 9 March, 2010. However, the Lok Sabha never voted on the bill. The bill is still pending before the Lok Sabha. 3

SANJAY KUMAR

The alternative proposal to reservations in Parliament was that political parties should reserve for women candidates a proportion of the total seats the party would like to contest. The former Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh and Samajwadi Parties leader, Mulayam Singh Yadav, frst made the suggestion in 1998, but it was not seriously considered. This issue has been debated few times, but political parties are yet to come to a conclusion. There has been some movement on this front during the 2019 Lok Sabha elections. Even though there are no formal rules that require political parties to give tickets to women, two political parties made a good beginning during the 2019 Lok Sabha elections, thus setting an example for other political parties. First, it was Naveen Patnaik, which gave tickets to seven women candidates to contest the 2019 Lok Sabha elections. This was followed by Mamata Banerjee, which felded 17 women candidates in West Bengal during the 2019 Lok Sabha elections. It is important to note that of the total 24 women contestants from these two states, 14 women were elected to the Lok Sabha from these two states. One can only hope that other political parties will learn lessons from this and follow them in their own states. We can only hope that the Odisha and West Bengal model is implemented in other states, but political parties may take some time before they follow in these footsteps. Using evidence from National Election Studies, Rajeshwari Deshpande’s article ‘How Gendered Was Women’s Participation in Election 2004?’ has shown how 75% of women support the reservation of seats for women in Lok Sabha and state assemblies, as well as women’s active political participation. However, how political parties are organized today inherently prevents women from rising within party ranks. In the 2004 elections, the overwhelming support of women for issues related to their public and political participation points towards the future strengthening of women’s politics; however, not much movement has taken place in that direction.

Women’s electoral participation Available data from the Election Commission of India indicates that historically, in terms of voter turnout, women have lagged behind men by a wide margin. For instance, in the 1962 general elections, male voter turnout was about 12.3% higher than female turnout. However, in the recent past, this gap has narrowed (Figure 1.1). The 2019 elections not only saw the highest number of women candidates contesting (724) but also witnessed the highest number of women elected to the Lok Sabha. For the frst time in India’s electoral history, the voter turnout for men and women was almost equal—66.79% and 66.68% respectively. Kapoor and Ravi (2014) have defned this phenomenon of a declining gender gap as a ‘silent revolution’. 4

WOMEN’S POLITICAL PARTICIPATION IN INDIA

12.63

11.78

10.71

11.25

10.94 9.15

10.06 8.81

8.65

8.33

8.35

7.69 4.42

1.47

0.11

1962 1967 1972 1977 1980 1984 1989 1991 1996 1998 1999 2004 2009 2014 2019

Figure 1.1 Gap between male and female voter turnouts: Lok Sabha elections 1962– 2019. Source: CSDS Data Unit.

This upsurge in women’s turnout did not happen all of a sudden; it began with the 2004 Lok Sabha elections. The gap between male and female turnout narrowed for successive Lok Sabha elections as well; in the 2019 Lok Sabha elections, there was equal turnout for men and women. While this should be celebrated, it is important to understand what contributed to this change. This book works to understand this pattern of increasing women’s participation in elections in particular and in politics in general. The book also analyzes the factors responsible for this change in women’s electoral participation. It looks at whether women’s increased participation is limited to voting or whether it can also be seen in other activities related to elections, including collecting funds for candidates, attending election meetings/rallies, taking part in election campaigns or distributing pamphlets. While it has been argued that women have been less active and attentive to politics than men, this book summarizes how the relationship between gender and different forms of political participation has both changed and remained the same over time. It also attempts to provide explanations for the gender differences that persist.

Explaining women’s increased electoral participation Various socio-political and economic factors contribute to the limited political participation of women in India. Degrees of socialization, lack of awareness and lack of access to education combined with the issue of safety are major constraints for the political participation of women. While on the one hand there are factors that hinder political participation, there are also factors that facilitate women’s entry into the arena of electoral politics. The 5

SANJAY KUMAR

literacy rate amongst women is on the rise, and this increasing literacy has made women more aware of the political situation and contemporary issues (Rai, 2017; Kumar & Gupta, 2015; Rai, 2011). Education also leads to changes in general perceptions. It is complemented by increased mobility and social networking as more and more women enter the public sphere (Rai, 2011; 2017; Kumar & Gupta, 2015). Praveen Rai (2017) notes that voter turnout is higher amongst employed women who have an active public life. It has also been found that the increase in voter turnout is a result of women’s self-empowerment—women are now making decisions independently without the infuence of the male members of their social circles and are more politically conscious (Kapoor & Ravi, 2014; Kumar & Gupta, 2015; Rai, 2011). Rapid technological advancement has allowed media to penetrate more deeply and far more widely, and they have become important channels for education on people’s issues, especially those relevant to women. Media help in educating women about their political and electoral rights, and they also facilitate women becoming more aware of the political agendas of different parties (Rai, 2011, 2017; Kumar & Gupta, 2015). In this context, studies like that of Nadezhda Shvedova (1995) show that it is an evident feature in both longstanding and established democracies that a woman’s socio-economic condition is a prerequisite for ensuring her entry into politics, especially to elected bodies. Even though family can be a major restraint, women’s fnancial dependency is a factor that inevitably restricts their political participation. The general notion of politics being driven by money and muscle power is believed to restrict women’s ability to take part in public sphere activities (Khanna, 2009). Also, families generally shy away from providing fnancial support to women contesting elections. Women are not fnancially independent as not many women are part of the formal economic structure and do not participate in the labour force. According to the 2011 census, only 25% of women in rural areas and 15% women in urban areas are part of the paid labour force of the country (according to Women and Men in India—CSO Report, 2018). This essentially means six out of ten women in the country are involved in ‘invisible’ or shadow work that isn’t remunerable. Control over women’s income promotes their fnancial independence, and further, it is a factor for increasing their participation in socio-political activities. Apart from the socio-economic variables, women in politics are troubled with character assassination, violence and threats. In short, these kinds of prejudices, stereotyped thinking and social environments prevent equality in political participation (Khanna, 2009). In The Private Roots of Public Action, Nancy Burns, Kay Lehman Schlozman and Sidney Verba demonstrate that differences in three factors— resources (time, money and civic skills), recruitment (or mobilization, being in a social network that leads one to be targeted by requests for political activity) and psychological orientations to politics (especially political interest, information and effcacy) largely explain why men participate more in 6

WOMEN’S POLITICAL PARTICIPATION IN INDIA

politics than women. The authors summarize the changes and stability over time in the relationship between gender and different forms of participation, and they delve deep into seeking explanations for the gender differences that persist (Burns et al., 2001). Despite these hindrances, elections in India have witnessed increasing electoral participation of women, both as political actors as well as voters. Drawing from the Election Commission’s data for the 2019 Lok Sabha election, it can be noted that although during the 2019 Lok Sabha election, men and women’s turnout was equal, women’s turnout was not uniform across states. While in some states, women voters outnumbered men with regard to voter turnout; in other states, the gender divide has yet to be bridged (Table 1.1). Table 1.1 State list of gender gap in voter turnout: Lok Sabha elections 2019 (%) States where women outnumbered men in terms of turnout Uttarakhand Meghalaya Arunachal Pradesh Bihar Himachal Pradesh Manipur Jharkhand Goa Kerala Odisha States with more or less equal turnout Uttar Pradesh Tamil Nadu West Bengal Telangana Andhra Pradesh Assam Sikkim Punjab Delhi Nagaland Tripura Rajasthan States where men outnumbered women in terms of turnout Mizoram Haryana Chhattisgarh Jammu and Kashmir Karnataka Maharashtra Madhya Pradesh Gujarat Source: Election Commission of India.

7

+5.69 +5.07 +4.51 +4.45 +3.69 +2.78 +2.73 +2.48 +2.32 +2.10 +0.73 +0.35 +0.23 −0.29 −0.44 −0.44 −0.61 −0.63 −0.66 −0.76 −0.89 −0.99 −1.29 −1.43 −1.87 −1.95 −1.99 −3.74 −5.08 −6.18

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Social factors that hinder women’s electoral participation Taking note of this positive development of increasing women’s turnout in Indian elections, this book attempts to understand what has contributed to it. Though the last decade has witnessed increased turnout amongst women, it has been uneven. Some states have witnessed a signifcant increase in women’s turnout while there are states where women still lag far behind men in terms of voting. The book not only analyzes the trend of increased turnout and the reasons for it, but it also tries to understand the lower turnout of women voters in some states. Very often the explanation for an increase in women’s turnout is the effect of the 73rd and 74th amendments to the Indian Constitution, which reserves one-third of the total seats in local body elections for women. This constitutional provision provides the space and opportunity for women to take an active part not only in elections but also in other electoral activities. Women have started taking part in Gram Sabha meetings and other related activities (Chhibber, 2002). But then the question arises of why only a few states have registered a higher turnout among women and other states lag behind, even with the same set of political institutions, such as Panchayati Raj. Though one cannot ignore that reserving seats for women in local body elections had a positive impact on increased political participation, it is important to note that this electoral change could not have been possible without certain socio-economic developments in the states. Kapoor and Ravi’s (2014) fndings indicate that states with low gender parity on socio-economic indicators show a reverse gender gap in terms of voting. They also outline the factors that affect the political socialization of women that motivate them to take an active part in electoral politics. Another change that makes women’s participation in electoral politics diffcult is the two-child law implemented in 1992. In 1995, a woman from a backward community in Rajasthan was elected Pradhan of her village Panchayat. Three years earlier, the state had introduced a two-child policy, prohibiting people with more than two children from becoming elected representatives. But after she took offce, the woman gave birth to her third child, a son that her husband wanted. As a consequence, the woman had to suppress the existence of the newborn to avoid disqualifcation. She could not openly feed her baby or take him to meetings. She subsequently underwent three abortions, until she was fnally disqualifed. This norm affects women more than men because women do not have autonomy when it comes to family planning. For instance, as mentioned above, a woman in power, an elected representative of the people, couldn’t resist her husband and succumbed to his pressure to have a baby just because he wanted a son. If a woman in such a position couldn’t make her own decision about having another child or not, how can we expect a normal woman to have some say in life? This defnitely dampens women’s enthusiasm to participate in politics (Muttreja, 2019). 8

WOMEN’S POLITICAL PARTICIPATION IN INDIA

Nirmala Buch carried out a study in fve Indian states that considers the impact of the two-child norm on the democratic and reproductive rights of women. Her study shows that this punitive law resulted in an increase in sex-selective and unsafe abortions. Men deserted or divorced their wives, and families gave up children for adoption to avoid disqualifcation. The study demonstrates that the application of the norm has the potential to adversely affect the democratic rights and the reproductive choices of individuals. The two-child norm has serious consequences for the status of women. There is, however, overwhelming public opinion, especially among policymakers, programme implementers, doctors and lawyers, that the norm is necessary to encourage reducing population growth and family size and to give impetus to development. Of those surveyed who faced disqualifcation, women comprised four out of every ten individuals (41%), though their overall representation in Panchayats is a little over 33%. Socially backward classes formed eight out of every ten (80%) people disqualifed (Muttreja, 2019). These reproductive requirements have defnitely impacted women’s ability to participate in electoral politics. Therefore, women politicians show a greater concern for the family welfare and care economy. Thomas (1991) found that female legislators place more emphasis on family welfare policies, such as childcare. Chattopadhyay and Dufo (2004) commented that female legislators implement women-friendly infrastructure in areas such as education and health. Inversely, better social indicators such as health, in turn, improved women’s political engagement in developing countries (Bhalotra & Clots-Figueras, 2014). The popular belief that women are merely puppets does not hold true when their activities and achievements are analyzed. Contrary to the public perception, female politicians actually play an active and independent role in parliamentary and party matters (Iyer & Mani, 2019; Singh & Pundir, 2016; Thomas, 1991). Female politicians propagate women-related as well as general issues such as poverty and economic development. Female politicians have successfully initiated and implemented plans such as building schools, roads, hospitals, etc. Therefore, women are equally effcient politicians to men, if not more so. It is also important to note that women cannot be seen as a homogenous group. The caste to which a woman belongs acts as a divider, even among women. This renders the needs and interests of upper-caste women different from (and sometimes even opposed to) lower caste women (Rege, 1998). The female politicians from reserved Scheduled Castes/Scheduled Tribes (SC/ST) seats had lower incomes and assets than the female politicians from unreserved seats. Clots-Figueras (2010) stated that the gender and class of the politicians impact the policies for which they advocate. Female legislators from reserved SC/ST seats proposed land distribution, social expenditure, primary education and health. Contrary to this, female 9

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legislators from unreserved seats focused on higher education but were uninterested in redistributive measures and reduced expenditure on public goods. It was found that if gender and class issues conficted, then middle- and upper-class women prioritized class interests. It is accepted even amongst those who oppose the proposed policy of reservation of seats for women in Lok Sabha and state legislative assemblies that female politicians act and infuence policies differently than their male counterparts. Thus, having women politicians plays a signifcant role in acknowledging gender inequality and in ensuring women-friendly policies are implemented. This highlights the layered inequality, even among women, and signifes that women politicians from different groups have varying concerns and impact. The representation and participation of women in politics directly correlate to constitutional rights. A study by Austen and Mavisakalyan (2015) examined cross-country data and confrmed that countries with constitutional rights for women had greater parliamentary representation. The legal guarantee enabled women to assert themselves and participate. The existence of rights is a prerequisite, yet it is not suffcient on its own. Sincere enforcement of laws and social change is required to encourage women’s participation (Iyer & Mani, 2019).

Non-electoral participation Apart from voting preferences and legislative representation, civic activities such as signing petitions, attending rallies and communicating with public offcers also constitute an important element of political participation. Though women’s representation is limited in Parliament and electoral politics, they have an even lesser role in non-electoral politics (Iyer and Mani, 2019). While the voting gap between genders has signifcantly reduced, the gaps in campaigning and fundraising activities continue to be wide. The villages that had female Pradhans showed an increase in women’s interaction with offcials, in meeting attendance and in voicing their concerns (Bhalotra & Clots-Figueras, 2014; Chattopadhyay & Dufo, 2004; Singh & Pundir, 2016). Female leadership provides better psychological support to women than perhaps educational attainment and media exposure. A study on youth and electoral politics revealed that levels of educational attainment and levels of media exposure did not increase women’s interest in politics (Kinjal & Mishra, 2014). The study interestingly pointed that among men higher education levels corresponded with higher political interest, but among women, the opposite pattern appeared. Women with high levels of education expressed less political interest than women with lower levels of education. Clearly, women’s political participation is a complex issue that requires a multidimensional approach. 10

WOMEN’S POLITICAL PARTICIPATION IN INDIA

How is this book organized? What do the various chapters deal with? This book tries to systematically tell the story of women’s political participation in India, what facilitates this participation and what hinders it. The different chapters tell the story of this issue. Though various authors have contributed chapters to this volume, there is a story the authors have tried to build that connects one chapter to another. This frst chapter raises some questions, and the chapter authors either individually or jointly offer possible answers to these questions. What has made it possible to establish a connection between various chapters and offer systematically possible answers is the evidence from the same source, which authors have used for building their argument and to offer an explanation. All the authors draw heavily from a survey-based study titled Women and Politics: Changing Trends and Emerging Patterns, conducted by a team of researchers at the Centre for the Study of Developing Societies (CSDS) on this subject. This study was conducted in 11 states spread across all the regions of India. A total of 6,348 women voters from various socio-economic backgrounds were interviewed to collect data on various aspects of women’s electoral participation and related issues. The profle of women voters who were interviewed in this survey is representative of the profle of women voters in India, enabling generalization at the national level from these fndings. Chapter 2 looks at the core issue that this book tries to address—women’s participation in politics, both active and passive. Through an examination of evidence, it looks at the pattern of women’s participation in the electoral process as candidates and as elected representatives. The evidence indicates a clear trend of increasing, active participation of women both as candidates and as elected representatives. The number of women contestants is increasing as is the number of women MPs in the Indian Parliament; however, it is still far from what may be desired. The chapter also analyzes women’s political participation as voters by looking at turnout trends in various Lok Sabha elections over the last seven decades, and it analyzes women’s participation as political workers by examining women’s involvement in activities such as election campaigning, fundraising for political parties and candidates, distributing pamphlets during election campaigns and participating in protest demonstrations and political rallies. In the national elections, the gender gap in turnout has narrowed considerably. The 2019 Lok Sabha elections witnessed men and women voting in more or less equal proportions. Not only that, but women as voters outnumbered men in many states during both the Lok Sabha elections and the state assembly elections. Also, in some states where women did not outnumber men the gap has narrowed. However, in states like Gujarat, Haryana and Delhi, men still outnumber women when it comes to voting, i.e., the gender gap has still not narrowed. While turnout indicates a clear pattern of 11

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women’s increasing electoral participation, women’s participation in other electoral activities is far from the desired levels, i.e., not many women participate in various forms of political activities like campaigning, etc. The evidence clearly indicates that women’s political participation is on the rise, but participation in mass politics by Indian women is still missing. One cannot say that women are non-participative and are isolating themselves from politics. There are clear signs of their keenness to participate; however, the recognition of women as a political category is still at an emerging stage. Some factors have encouraged women’s electoral participation, but at the same time, various socio-cultural and structural barriers hinder their entry into politics or their engagement in political activities. It is important to identify those barriers and address them to encourage more active political participation by women. This is precisely what Chapter 3 looks at, i.e., what are the factors that facilitate electoral participation, and what are the barriers that hinder women’s awareness and interest and participation in politics. Lack of political interest, lack of knowledge, non-participation in political discussion, low levels of media exposure and lack of self-confdence has a negative impact on women’s political participation. Some women are interested in politics, but lack of exposure to political developments and politically relevant information despite the presence of traditional and social media makes large numbers of women feel that politics is complicated and diffcult to understand. Their inability to make sense of politics discourages them from taking an active role in politics. Though this barrier is primarily an individual barrier and not all women would ft into this category, one cannot deny the prevalence of deeprooted gender stereotypes of ‘women being less interested in politics’ or ‘politics is not meant for women’, which have a signifcant impact on women’s perceptions of their interest and space in politics. These traditional attitudes towards and stereotypes about the expected role of women are acquired by Indian women early in their life, which results in women keeping away from politics and following the behaviour ‘expected’ of them by society. However, things are changing; younger and educated women are challenging these notions and are not only taking an interest in politics but also participating in other forms of political activities. Once we have more women active in politics, there is a likelihood that inactive women will connect more with them and take inspiration from those active women, hence this involvement has the potential to promote women’s more active participation in politics. Women’s electoral participation is also shaped both positively and negatively by the role they play in the day-to-day affairs within their household. Those who play an active role in household decision making are more likely to participate in politics, while those who are not encouraged to participate in household decision making are reluctant to play an active role in politics. Chapter 4 analyzes this issue in great detail in order to locate the social, cultural and economic barriers within the household and place them 12

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on a gender spectrum connected to stereotyping, fnancial dependence and assigned gender roles. A patriarchal mindset within families governs the relations of men and women in both personal and public spaces. The superiority of men is quite evident by looking at the distribution of household work between men and women in day-to-day socio-economic activities, though this has changed in many households during the COVID-19 pandemic. The culture and environment of the ‘home’ appear to have visible barriers for women, demarcating clear boundaries and restricting the freedom of women in an institutionalized manner. Chapter 4 highlights the position of women in their personal spaces in the context of their role in making important family decisions, the autonomy of political participation exercised by them and the isolation of women through age-old customs and patriarchal practices. Women in a very large number of Indian families do not seem to have a fair say in family decision making, depriving them of equal status in their households. This is evident to varying degrees amongst families irrespective of religion, caste, literacy, mobility and locality. Due to socially constructed patriarchal norms, something as basic as eating daily meals has also been gendered, with men eating before women on a routine basis amongst a large number of Indian families. The system is practised amongst families belong to different castes and communities, Christians and Adivasis being the exceptions. Women from Christian and Adivasi families enjoy far more equal positions in the household compared to women from other caste communities. Women’s equality vis-à-vis men amongst a large number of Hindu families and Muslims, in general, is highly affected by the age-old practice of Purdah, though the spread of education amongst women has brought about some change in this respect in recent years. To add, women who participate in politics and who are not infuenced by others in decision making are found to be far less compliant with the Purdah system. Domestic spaces are demarcating clear boundaries for women, restricting their mobility, limiting their share in decision making and infringing on their physical as well as mental liberty. The nuances of patriarchal practices are clearly leaving a negative impact on women’s democratic freedoms. However, education seems to be a catalyst that enables women to move forward towards securing parity with men in various felds. Education has the potential to inculcate a sense of independence and autonomy amongst women, which in turn facilitates their participation in politics. Chapter 5 analyzes the impact of the socialization of women within the family and society and its impact on their political participation. Even when women are encouraged to participate in politics, large numbers of women do not come forward, as many believe that the primary duty of women is to look after their family. They should not allow their family to suffer for the sake of participating in politics. The domination of men over women is also acceptable to a large number of women; they are happy to accept it as 13

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a normal pattern of life. The level of educational attainment has a positive impact, as educated women are less likely to accept their subjugation by male members of the family. Marriage also works as a factor but in a different direction. Younger, unmarried women are less likely to accept the domination of men over women as normal; married women are more likely. A large number of married women have internalized patriarchal norms related to family and social values and public life, and a large number of them are ready to accept that men make better leaders than women. A large number also agree that men are better public speakers. Further, amidst these deeprooted gender schemas, signifcant proportions of women have developed an adverse perception of their direct participation in mainstream politics due to a lesser probability of winning against men. The prejudice is more evident among women who are elderly, less educated, married and rural, as well as among those who belong to Adivasi communities. Despite some important legal developments in the last few decades, women continue to face a number of obstacles that affect their engagement in political activities with the biggest and most deep-rooted being the internalization of misogynistic cultural norms and social practices. Married and middle-aged or elderly women are far more likely to internalize patriarchal prejudices due to stronger patriarchal dominance in their households, thereby lessening their participation in politics. Thus, the various ways that women have internalized misogyny in their day-to-day lives refect how patriarchal prejudices continue to dominate and infuence perceptions. These deeply held prejudices, rooted in patriarchy, have defnitely shaped the way women in India perceive politics. The internalization of patriarchal beliefs and social and family prejudices has resulted in creating an atmosphere where a very large number of women are not interested in making a career in politics. Chapter 6 discusses this in great detail. A glimpse of the political history of India suggests we have had many infuential female political leaders, chief ministers of states, and even a Prime Minister, but that is no indication of women’s inclination for making a carrier in politics. Some women recognize various structural, social, and economic barriers to their participation in politics, though these barriers do not work the same way for women belonging to different caste communities. The barriers are well recognized and that is what has resulted in the lower participation of women in Indian politics; however, this low participation does not shape women’s views about the changes they could bring about in the overall nature of politics. A large number of women share the view that, if women actively join politics and are represented in legislative bodies, there would be a change in the nature of politics, and women’s issues would get more prominence in overall governance. Women’s lower participation in politics and their recognition of the social, cultural and economic barriers obstructing women’s political participation does not dampen their spirit as sizeable numbers of them still identify with one or the other political party, Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP) being the 14

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most liked party amongst women voters followed by the Congress. Regional parties are also liked by women voters in different states. Large numbers of women voters share a clear view about which party they think cares more about women issues, and, in this regard, Congress has an edge over the BJP. Clearly, support for the BJP amongst a larger number of women voters is guided by factors other than their perception of which party cares more for women’s issues. Not only do a large number of women identify with one or the other political party in spite of their low participation, but they also seem to be highly opinionated, a large number of them are willing to express their views on various social and political issues. Chapter 7 explores this. Given their level of political participation and various existing social, cultural and economic barriers, we are still some distance from women emerging as a political category, but that distance is fast being covered by political parties and more so by parties in power. When in power, many political parties have launched various policies, programs and schemes to beneft women. The manifestos and existing welfare schemes launched by political parties at the national and state level are evidence for the claim that no party can win an election by ignoring women voters. This is true of the current BJP government at the centre, as well as of various state governments. The Women’s Reservation Bill is a distant dream, but some political parties have set the example by giving tickets to a large number of women candidates, many of whom were elected to the 2019 Lok Sabha. Given these developments, it seems, the emergence of women as a political category has already knocked at the door, and it will enter Indian politics in a big way very soon. This book tells the beginning of a story that has the potential to change the nature of Indian politics.

References Austen, S., & Mavisakalyan, A. (2015). Constitutions and the Political Agency of Women: A Cross- Country Study. Feminist Economics, 22 (1), 183–210. Bhalotra, S., & Clots-Figueras, I. (2014). Health and Political Agency of Women. American Economic Journal: Economic Policy, 6 (21), 164–97. Burns, N., Schlozman, K. L., & Verba, S. (2001). The Private Roots of Public Action: Gender, Equality, and Political Participation. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Chattopadhyay, R., & Dufo, E. (2004). Women as Policy Makers: Evidence from a Randomised Policy Experiment in India. Econometrica, 72 (5), 1409–43. Chhibber, P. (2002). Why Are Some Women Politically Active? The Household, Public Space, and Political Participation in India. International Journal of Comparative Sociology, 43 (3–5), 409–29. Clots-Figueras, I. (2010). Women in Politics: Evidence from the Indian States. Journal of Public Economics, 95 (2011), 664–90. Deshpande, R. (2004). How Gendered Was Women's Participation in Election 2004? Economic and Political Weekly, 5431–36.

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Deshpande, R. (2009). How Did Women Vote in Loksabha Elections 2009? Economic and Political Weekly, 44 (39): 83–87. Economic & Political Weekly. (2019, May 3). Where Are the Women in Indian Politics? EPW Engage 54 (19). Retrieved from: https://www.epw.in/node/154294 /pdf Iyer, L., & Mani, A. (2019). The Road Not Taken: Gender Gaps Along Paths to Political Power. World Development, 119, 68–80. Kapoor, M., & Ravi, S. (2014). Women voters in Indian democracy: A silent revolution. Economic and Political Weekly, 63–67. Khanna, M. (2009). Political Participation of Women in India. The Indian Journal of Political Science, 55–64. Kinjal, S., & Mishra, J. (2014). Interest in Politics and Electoral Participation. In K. Sanjay (Ed.), Indian Youth and Electoral Participation: An Emerging Engagement. New Delhi: SAGE Publishing. Kumar, S., & Gupta, P. (2015). Changing Patterns of Women’s Turnout in Indian Elections. Studies in Indian Politics, 3 (1), 7–18. Muttreja, P. (2019, September 16). India's Best Population Strategy? Ensure Women Have the Right to Limit Their Families. Scroll.in. Retrieved from: https://scroll.in /article/936964/indias-best-population-control-strategy-is-to-ensure-women-hav e-the-right-to-limit-their-families. Rai, P.. (2017). Women’s Participation in Electoral Politics in India: Silent Feminisation. South Asia Research, 37 (1), 58–77. Rege, S. (1998). Dalit Women Talk Differently: A Critique of 'Difference' and Towards a Dalit Feminist. Economic and Political Weekly, 33 (44), WS39–WS46. Sardesai, S., & Attri, V. (2017). Vote Choice of Indian Voters: Guided or Independent?. Studies in Indian Politics, 5 (2), 276–85. Shvedova, N. A. (2015). Human Capital Development and Gender Equality: Smart Gender Policies. Woman in Russian Society, (3–4 (76–77)), 17–30. Singh, P., & Pundir, J. K. (2016). Women Legislatures in UP: Background, Emergence and Role. Economic and Political Weekly, 37 (10), 923–28. Singh, R. (2020, July 24). Permanent Commission for Women in Army Approved. Hindustan Times. The Hindu. (2020, August 14). Right by Birth: On Daughters and Hindu Succession Act. Right by Birth: On Daughters and Hindu Succession Act. The Indian Express. (2020, August 18). Make it Same. Thomas, S. (1991). The Impact of Women on State Legislative Policies. The Journal of Politics, 53 (4), 958–76.

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2 PARTICIPATION IN POLITICS Voting behaviour and engagement in political activities Sanjay Kumar and Jyoti Mishra

Background Citizens living in a political system participate in politics in different capacities. Some take an active part in politics and political activities, whereas others engage in politics passively. But who are the citizens who can articulate their citizenship rights? In the history of political philosophy, and in defning the concept of citizenship, many political philosophers and thinkers were not at the same place in their consideration of women as citizens. They had different opinions about giving citizenship status to women. Plato, who favoured gender equality in his book Republic and who advocated for providing equal opportunity to rule to both men and women (philosopher King, which in itself is gender-biased), has questioned women’s status in his other book, Laws, written after Republic, and he assigned an inferior role to them (Frede 2018: 287). Plato’s disciple Aristotle also denied citizenship rights to women as he believed that women lacked the moral and intellectual excellence required to be a citizen. It was an English philosopher, J.S. Mill (1869), who called for women’s suffrage in his book The Subjection of Women and who supported their citizenry rights and legal equality. This book became a touchstone for forthcoming women’s movements demanding their citizenship rights. After a long struggle, women attained the legal voting right and started taking part in political activities. However, political participation is not merely taking part in elections. It is much wider in nature and ranges from active participation such as voting in elections, contesting elections, door-to-door canvassing for a party or a candidate and donating or collecting money to passive participation such as listening to the political news, discussing politics with friends, attending political rallies, writing petitions and getting in touch with public institutions. Citizens also participate in political systems by joining various political and non-political organizations. These citizenry actions and people’s participation in democracy and governments were well conceptualized by 17

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Robert Putnam (1993) as ‘civic engagement’, which he believed was important for economic development and effective governance. Using the intensity and regularity of citizen’s political and social engagement, many theorists working on political participation (civic-political culture), classifed citizens into different categories (Byrce 1921; Almond & Verba 2015; Milbrath 1965). Most of these theorists concluded that people with a higher socio-economic status were found to be more active in politics and more engaged in electoral activities when compared to people in the marginalized sections of society. Women, being a marginalized group in society, were found to be less active in politics. Nonetheless, through various policy reforms (i.e., affrmative action) women were systematically encouraged to engage more with the political system in particular. Yet their participation in politics remains limited to the involvement of only certain sections of women. This chapter assesses women’s participation in politics in broader terms, ranging from active to passive participation. It examines to what extent Indian women take part in politics. The chapter is divided into eight sections. The frst section discusses women as candidates in elections, especially the Lok Sabha elections. The second section analyzes patterns of turnout among women voters. The third and fourth sections assess electoral participation and participation through online platforms, respectively. In the ffth section, women’s associational participation is analyzed in detail. The sixth section focuses on women’s interfacing with a range of institutions. In the seventh section, reasons for non-participation have been analyzed. The last part of the chapter sums up fndings and outlines the barriers that prevent women from taking an active interest in politics.

Women as candidates In the Indian context, attention was paid to women’s limited participation in politics and political activities and timely interventions were made to provide the right ambience for encouraging greater female participation. This was done by introducing laws that enabled women to become candidates in elections and to get elected to political institutions. The 73rd and 74th amendments to the Indian Constitution were path-breaking legislation that enabled women to get elected to rural and urban local governments and to participate in the policy-making process. This marked the beginning of a new phase of women’s participation in politics (Deshpande 2004: 5431). This was the time when women’s participation (as contestants and as active voters) gathered new momentum. This phase was also described as the second democratic upsurge (Yadav 2000: 145). Replication of this policy initiative was also sought at the state and national levels. However, to date, this has not received the necessary approval from Parliament.1 As a consequence, one notices less representation of women in legislative bodies, 18

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both at the central and the state level. This is also related to women’s limited participation in electoral politics as not many women contest elections due to various individual and structural barriers. Nonetheless, women’s representation in Parliament and the state legislative assemblies has gradually been increasing (see Chapter 6). This increased representation is also related to an increase in the number of women contestants. The data from the Election Commission of India (ECI) indicate that the number of women contestants in the Lok Sabha elections has been increasing over the years. During the 1957 Lok Sabha election, there were only 45 women contestants and the fgures remained low till the 1977 election. It was in the 1980 Lok Sabha elections that the number of women contestants went up to three digits with 143 women contesting that election. The highest jump was registered during the 1996 Lok Sabha election when close to 600 women contested. However, in the 1998 election, the fgures dropped drastically. They rose again in the 1999 election, and since then the numbers have been increasing in each subsequent election. During the last Lok Sabha election held in April–May 2019, 724 women contested and 78 of them were elected—the highest number of women in the Lok Sabha ever. Women’s representation in the state assembly elections is also on the rise (Radhakrishnan 2018). The smaller number of women in politics could also be explained by the fact that not many political parties select women candidates as they doubt their ability to win (Deshpande 2004: 5433). However, analysis based on ECI data indicates that the percentage of winners among women has always been higher than for men (Fadia 2014: 544). Women believe in their calibre and reject the idea that they have a lesser chance of winning elections compared to men. Two in every fve women (40%) disagree with the statement that ‘there is a lesser possibility for a woman to win against a man, therefore, women should not contest elections against men’, whereas only 17% endorse the statement.

Political participation through voting Voting in an election is seen as the frst step in political participation, and suffrage was a hard-earned right that people received in different stages. It was frst male property owners who could claim citizenship status and suffrage, and this was then extended to other sections of democratic societies. Many established democratic countries gave women voting rights during the First World War, while India gave universal suffrage to all of its citizens. Article 326 of the Indian Constitution guarantees every adult citizen of India the right to vote, irrespective of gender, caste, religion or region. Nonetheless, there was a visible gender divide in voter turnout. When one looks at the elections held in the decades after India’s independence, there was a visible difference in the voting turnouts of men and women. In recent 19

SANJAY KUMAR AND JYOTI MISHRA

decades, one notices this gap reducing. In fact, the gender gap was negligible in the 2019 Lok Sabha election. The data also indicate that in many states women outnumbered men as voters (Kumar & Gupta 2015). This can also be seen with reference to the increased number of women among the electorate. From the 1990s onwards, women’s registration as voters has seen a signifcant increase (Deshpande 2004: 5431). Figure 2.1 presents turnout trends in the Lok Sabha election from 1962 to 2019. The overall turnout during the Lok Sabha election has increased. The biggest leap in turnout was registered in the 2014 Lok Sabha election. The voter turnout increased by 8.2 percentage points in the 2014 election as compared to the previous election held in 2009. In the 2019 Lok Sabha election, the turnout increased marginally by 0.7 percentage points compared to the previous election. However, the biggest story of the 2019 turnout was the reduction of the gender gap to just 0.4 percentage points from 1.5% in 2014. Nonetheless, the 2014 Lok Sabha turnout was a success story in itself as the gender gap had come down to 1.5% from 4.4% in the 2009 Lok Sabha election. The reducing gender gap in turnout is not just a phenomenon seen in national elections; this trend is also to be observed in many state assembly elections. Evidence indicates that the gender gap has declined in most of the States.2 For example, in Bihar, Kerala, Mizoram, Odisha, Punjab, West Bengal and Jharkhand, the turnout of women was higher than the turnout of men in the last state assembly elections (Figure 2.2). In Bihar and

80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 Male Turnout (%) Female Turnout (%) Total voter turnout Gap

1962 63.3 46.6 55.4 16.7

1967 66.7 55.5 61.3 11.2

1971 60.9 49.1 55.3 11.8

1977 66 54.9 60.5 11.1

1980 62.2 51.2 56.9 11

1984 68.4 59.2 64 9.2

1989 66.1 57.3 62 8.8

1991 61.6 51.4 57 10.2

1996 1998 1999 2004 2009 62.1 66 64 61.7 60.2 53.4 58 55.7 53.3 55.8 58 62 60 58.8 58.2 8.7 8 8.3 8.4 4.4

Figure 2.1 Voter turnout in Lok Sabha: 1962–2019 (%). Source: Election Commission of India.

20

2014 67.1 65.6 66.4 1.5

2019 67.3 66.9 67.1 0.4

PARTICIPATION IN POLITICS

12 10 Last Assembly election

8

Second last

Third last

6 4 2

* na

d

la n Te

kh ar Jh

ga

an

el hi D

l ga en

nj

ab W es tB

Pu

di sh a O

m ra M iz o

al a er K

ya ar H

−4

na

at ar uj G

Bi ha

−2

r

0

−6 −8 −10

Figure 2.2 Gender gaps in states in the last three assembly elections. Source: Election Commission of India. *Figures before past election includes Andhra Pradesh.

Mizoram, in the past two assembly elections, the gender gap was negative. In the 2004 Jharkhand assembly elections, the gender gap was 10%, which decreased by 4.6 percentage points in the 2009 assembly election. In the 2014 assembly election, the gender gap was −1.1%. A similar trend was observed in Odisha. One of the states with a relatively wider gap in the assembly elections was Gujarat (4.4%).

Participation in election-related activities Voting in elections is one form of electoral participation. If one is to truly understand women’s participation in politics, it has to be looked at in terms of women’s active participation in electoral and party politics. Like in the case of female voter turnout, women’s participation in electoral and party politics has also increased. When one talks about electoral activities, one speaks of a range of activities, from participating in election meetings or rallies to contributing or collecting money for particular parties or candidates. The analysis indicates that not many women have taken part in these kinds of election-related activities in the past, but over the years, participation has increased. Out of all the election-related activities, women are more likely to attend election meetings or rallies. In the 1996 Lok Sabha election, 7% of women voters mentioned attending election meetings and in the 2019 study, 18% of women accepted attending election meetings. Women’s 21

SANJAY KUMAR AND JYOTI MISHRA

Table 2.1 Women’s electoral participation: 1996–2019 (%)

Attended an election rally/ meeting Took part in procession Door-to-door campaign Distributed pamphlets Donated or collected money

NES 1996*

NES 1999

NES 2004

NES 2009

NES 2014

Women’s study (2019)

7

11

10

7

12

18

—

6

6

5

5

11

5

5

5

6

4

14

5

6

4

11

7

7

3

9

Note: *Question asked: During an election people lend their support to the party or candidate in different ways, e.g., organizing and attending meetings, campaigning, giving donations, etc. Did you take part in any of these activities or any other? For the purpose of comparison, the study extracted the data linked to women respondents and looked at their engagement in electoral activities during the time of elections.

participation in other electoral activities, such as joining a political procession, canvassing door to door, distributing election materials or donating and collecting party funds, have also increased over the years (Table 2.1). There are various electoral activities in which women participate before and during elections. The level of participation is not uniform in these various kinds of activities. Some women are more active in one kind of activity than another. In order to get a sense of women’s overall participation, these electoral activities are analyzed together by way of creating an index of electoral participation (see Appendix 1). The evidence suggests that over the years women have become more active in electoral politics. During the 1996 Lok Sabha election, 95% of women voters were not at all active in politics and 5% showed low levels of participation. Three years later, when the 13th Lok Sabha election took place in 1999 after two short-lived coalition governments in 1996 and 1998, women’s participation in electoral activities increased. The analysis of the 1999 election indicates that one out of every ten women participated in some election-related activity, whereas 3% actively participated in the same. Women’s participation increased during the next Lok Sabha election held in 2004. Yet, after 2004, their participation in electoral activities declined until 2019. Evidence from the 2019 study suggests a little more than one-ffth (22%) of women voters participated in electoral activities. Sixteen per cent of them participated in either one or two activities, whereas 6% of women voters participated in at least three or all four types of electoral activities during the time of election (Figure 2.3). 22

PARTICIPATION IN POLITICS

100 90 80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0

Highly active Somewhat active Not at all active

1996

1999

2004

2009

2014

0 5 95

3 10 87

3 14 83

2 6 92

2 8 90

2019 (Women study) 6 16 78

Figure 2.3 Women’s active electoral participation (%). Note: Active participation means women directly take part in electoral activities such as doorto-door canvassing; joining a procession/protest/demonstration; the distribution of pamphlets and donating or collecting money. National Election Studies (NESs) are national surveys, but the comparison data is extracted for the same states where the 2019 Women’s Study was conducted.

Women in Gujarat, Punjab and Delhi are relatively less active in electoral politics as compared to women in other states. These states have seen a higher gender gap in voter turnout during the last few assembly elections. On the other hand, in states like Kerala, Telangana and Jharkhand, women are found to be more active in electoral politics. In these states, the gender gap in voter turnout has declined, and in Kerala and Jharkhand women outnumbered men as voters. Women in Bihar, Haryana and Odisha were also found to be relatively more active in politics but not as enthusiastically as in Kerala and Jharkhand. Women as a category are not a homogenous group. Various sociodemographic factors impact their levels of participation in electoral politics. For instance, compared to urban women, women in rural India are more active in electoral politics. The possible reason for this increased rural participation could be the Panchayati Raj Institutions (PRIs) that politically empower women and see their active participation in the Gram Sabhas and the like. Along with locality, education levels also affect women’s political participation. Various studies have pointed out the positive relationship between a higher level of education and higher political participation. Nie et al. (1996) believe that educational enhancement promotes social engagement, which further leads to political advancement. In the Indian context, it is found that women who have better access to education are more active in 23

SANJAY KUMAR AND JYOTI MISHRA

electoral politics compared to those who have limited or no access to education. Interestingly, moderately educated women are more active in electoral politics compared to women educated to the college level and above. So, unlike American politics as depicted by Nie et al. (1996), in India, there is no linear relationship between women’s education level and their political participation. However, age and political participation have a positive correlation. With increasing age, women’s participation in electoral activities also increases. This trend goes with the established theory that with age political knowledge and interest also increase, which motivates one to take an active part in politics (Crittenden 1963; Glenn & Grimes 1968). Socioeconomic class also determines women’s participation in electoral activities. Women belonging to the upper economic and upper social (castes) classes were found to be more active in electoral politics as compared to women placed at the bottom of the social and economic hierarchy (Table 2.2). Table 2.2 Level of electoral participation and socio-economic position (%) Active electoral participation

Locality Rural Urban Level of education Non-literate Up to primary Up to matric 12th pass/intermediate College and above Age groups 18 to 25 yrs 26 to 35 yrs 36 to 45 yrs 46 to 55 yrs 56 yrs and above Caste/communities Upper caste Other Backward Class (OBC) Scheduled Caste (SC) Scheduled Tribe (ST) Muslims Others Economic class Poor Lower Middle Upper class

Not at all active Somewhat active

Highly active

76 80

16 15

8 5

84 75 75 75 78

12 19 17 17 15

4 6 8 8 7

83 78 75 75 75

13 17 18 17 16

4 6 7 9 9

78 75 81 81 70 81

15 18 14 15 22 12

7 7 5 5 8 6

83 78 74 78

13 16 19 14

4 6 7 9

Source: Women’s Study 2019.

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PARTICIPATION IN POLITICS

Political participation through online platforms In the era of technological advancements, there are various online platforms that are being used by political parties for their political campaigns. The citizens access these platforms to retrieve political news or information. Some active citizens use these platforms for stating their political opinions and preferences. However, women are not as active as their male counterparts on these social media platforms. A limited number of women use them for political activities or for gaining political knowledge. Sometimes, they become passive recipients of political news or action, and sometimes some women consciously use them to acquire political knowledge or access updates. While tracing women’s use of social media platforms, one can observe that they are most frequently used by women to watch videos related to politics. Only 10% of women use social media for that purpose. At the same time, only 5 to 6% of women visit the websites of political parties, and an almost similar number share newspaper articles or links on a social networking site. However, women themselves rarely share their own political opinions on platforms such as Facebook or Twitter. Only 1 to 2% of women share their political opinions on Facebook and Twitter respectively. Nonetheless, 4% of women campaign for a candidate or a party on social media platforms (Table 2.3). An overall analysis of all online activities suggests the modest participation of women in these activities. Over four-ffths of women voters do not use any of these platforms or engage in these activities. This may be due to the non-availability of social media platforms to women. Eight per cent of women voters show low participation on social media platforms while 6% moderately participate in political activities. Overall, only 3% of women are highly active on social media platforms for political activities. Analysis of the political participation of women through online platforms at the state level indicates that women in Kerala are amongst the least active, whereas when it comes to taking part in traditional forms of participation, women

Table 2.3 Use of social media by women for political activities (%) Per cent Ever watched videos related to politics Visited a website of a party or political organization Shared a newspaper article/link on any social network sites Campaigned for a candidate or party of your choice on Facebook, WhatsApp, Twitter or any other social media platform Facebook post to express a political opinion Posted a tweet to express a political opinion Source: Women’s Study 2019.

25

13 6 5 4 2 1

SANJAY KUMAR AND JYOTI MISHRA

Table 2.4 Political participation through online platforms across states (%) Political participation through online platforms

Bihar Gujarat Haryana Kerala Mizoram Odisha Punjab West Bengal Delhi Jharkhand Telangana Overall

No participation

Low participation

Moderate participation

High participation

93 89 86 89 73 83 84 85

2 6 2 5 18 9 9 4

2 3 6 4 7 7 5 9

3 2 5 2 2 1 3 2

89 70 76 83

2 16 12 8

6 10 9 6

3 4 4 3

Source: Women’s Study 2019.

in Kerala are more active. Women voters in Bihar seem to be the least active on online platforms. Following Bihar and Kerala, women in Delhi and Haryana are less active on online platforms. On the other hand, women in Telangana, Jharkhand and Mizoram are more active on online platforms in terms of political participation (Table 2.4). Unlike active political participation, political participation through online platforms shows women from privileged groups to be more involved. Women living in urban areas, women with higher levels of education and younger women are more active on online platforms for political activities compared to rural women, women having no access to education and elderly women. Further, women from higher socio-economic groups are also found to be more active on online platforms. One reason for this might be the degree to which such technology is available to the privileged sections of society and the greater ability they have to use it.

Women as members of different organizations: associational participation Women’s presence in various associations is believed to infuence their political participation. In other words, a ‘participatory polity may rest on a participatory society’ (Verba & Nie 1972: 3). There are various studies that establish a link between civic and political participation (Putnam 1993; Verba & Nie 1972). Nevertheless, other studies point out the weak impact of civic participation on political participation (Kasse 1999; Newton 2001; 26

PARTICIPATION IN POLITICS

Norris 2002). Most recently, Jeong (2013) found a strong relationship between civic participation (participation/membership in various organizations) and political participation among South Korean citizens. Therefore, in this context, it is important to view women’s engagement with various civic organizations alongside their political participation. Not many Indian women actively engage with political organizations such as political parties or student unions. Only 4% of women are members of a political party and only 6% are members of a student or youth union. On the other hand, women are found to be more active in other organizations such as self-help groups and women’s organizations. A little less than one out of fve (19%) women are members of a women’s organization. Greater participation of women is seen in self-help groups with more than one out of every fve (22%) women having such memberships. One can observe state-level variations in the associational participation of women. Overall, on average, women in Mizoram have higher associational engagement compared to women from other states. At least one in every four women voters in Mizoram is a member of any of these associations. Following Mizoram, women in Jharkhand and Odisha are also found to be more active in different associations. On average one-ffth of women in Jharkhand (20%) and Odisha (18%) are members of these associations. When one looks at the membership of these associations individually relatively more women in Mizoram, followed by Jharkhand, are the members of student or youth unions and political parties. Half of Mizoram women are members of the Non-governmental Organizations (NGOs), and a little less than half are a part of women’s organizations. Close to one-third of women in Jharkhand are members of both a women’s organization and a self-help group. In Odisha, close to two-thirds of women are members of self-help groups. The social profle of women members of these associations indicates that members of different associations have different characteristics. For instance, when we look at women members of the student or youth unions and the NGOs, they are mainly from the upper strata of society—more urban, educated, from the upper class—though the differences are marginal. In contrast, women who are members of rural self-help groups (SHGs) or women’s organizations have less education and are from lower economic classes. Associational participation is also related to women’s marital and employment statuses. A proportionally higher number of unmarried women are members of student unions and NGOs, whereas married women are more engaged in SHGs and other women’s organizations. At the same time, working women are more likely to be members of women’s organizations and SHGs (Table 2.5). Engagement with these organizations enhances the level of women’s participation in electoral activities. Women who are members of such organizations are much more active in electoral activities compared to those who are not members. Membership in political organizations such as political parties or student unions or youth wings has a strong association with women’s 27

SANJAY KUMAR AND JYOTI MISHRA

Table 2.5 Women’s associational participation by socio-economic status (%) Student or youth union Locality Rural Urban Level of education Non-literate Up to primary Up to matric 12th pass/ intermediate College and above Economic class Poor Lower Middle Upper class Marital status Married Unmarried Employment status Working Housewives Unemployed/ seeking employment Students

Women’s Self-help NGO organization group

Political party/ any wing

6 7

6 10

20 17

30 11

4 4

1 4 6 10

1 7 9 11

13 21 22 20

20 25 26 22

1 5 5 5

14

11

16

14

5

3 4 7 11

6 7 8 10

16 18 21 18

22 25 22 18

3 5 5 3

6 11

6 16

20 10

24 8

4 5

7 5 12

11 5 17

26 17 10

27 22 12

6 3 4

11

11

10

8

7

Source: Women’s Study 2019.

participation in electoral activities compared to membership in civic organizations. Close to a quarter of women who are members of political parties are highly active in electoral politics and a little more than two-ffths are somewhat active. At the same time, among women who are members of student unions or the youth wings of political parties, one-ffth are highly active. Women who are members of women’s organizations, NGOs or SHGs are also relatively more participative in electoral activities (Table 2.6).

Interaction with public institutions In a democracy, citizens interact with the government through various public institutions in order to use different services and demand public goods. This is also a mode of civic engagement that motivates one to take part in active politics. Nonetheless, due to the patriarchal nature of society, men tend to 28

PARTICIPATION IN POLITICS

Table 2.6 Organizational membership and electoral participation (%) Active electoral participation

Membership Political party Student or youth union Women’s organization NGO Self-help group

Not at all active

Somewhat active

Highly active

Nonmember

Member

Nonmember

NonMember member

Member

80 80

35 51

14 15

41 29

5 5

24 20

83

56

12

30

5

14

79 82

63 65

15 13

24 24

6 5

13 11

Source: Women’s Study 2019.

interact more with such public institutions than women; however, a little over one-fourth (28%) of women have contacted government offcials. In states like Kerala, Telangana and Jharkhand, a proportionally higher number of women contacted government offcials. In Kerala and Telangana, close to half of women contacted government offcials. In Jharkhand, two-ffths of women contacted government offcials. In Mizoram, one of the most literate Indian states, not many women interacted with the government institutions. Less than one in ten women in Mizoram has ever contacted government offcials for any issue or problem. The other states that are far below average in this regard are Punjab, Gujarat, Delhi, Bihar, Haryana and Odisha. When we look at the socio-economic profle of women who interact more with government offcials to have their issues or problems resolved, they mainly belong to urban localities, have higher levels of education and come mainly from upper economic classes or castes, with a few exceptions. When we look at the caste profle of women, it is women who belong to the scheduled castes who are more likely to interact with government offcials compared to women from the other castes and communities (Table 2.7). This could be due to the higher dependency of this segment of the population on the government to provide services and concessions through several social schemes. Women’s interaction with public institutions motivates them to take part in politics. Women who have contacted government offcials are more active in politics compared to those who have not contacted government offcials.

Explaining non-participation For women’s empowerment, their participation in politics is important. Further, various policy measures have been taken up by the government, and as a result, their participation in voting and in other political and electoral activities has increased. We have also observed an emerging trend of 29

SANJAY KUMAR AND JYOTI MISHRA

Table 2.7 Interaction with government offcials by socioeconomic background (%) Contacted government offcials Locality Rural Urban Level of education Non-literate Up to primary Up to matric 12th pass/intermediate College and above Caste/communities Upper caste OBC SC ST Muslims Others Economic class Poor Lower Middle Upper class

26 30 23 24 27 29 37 32 28 33 14 27 24 22 27 30 32

Source: Women’s Study 2019.

greater women’s participation in various election-related activities including an increase in the number of women contestants, a higher turnout among women and women’s engagement with party politics and party-related activities during the time of elections. Nonetheless, not many women participate in electoral politics. Close to four-ffths of women have not taken part in electoral activities at all. What explains this lower women’s participation in politics? What are the factors hindering their active participation in politics? The patriarchal norms and structure of society seem to be the biggest obstacle preventing them from taking part in politics. More than one-ffth of women seem to be facing this issue. Sylvia Walby (1990) theorized patriarchy’s effect on politics and stated that the patriarchal system has caused women’s oppression and established men’s domination in politics. Household responsibilities also seem to be a hindrance to political participation for a sizeable (roughly 13%) number of women. Women have to take care of children, prepare meals for family members and engage in other household work. Another set of hindrances to women’s active participation in politics is their lack of interest in politics, their lack of awareness and their educational backwardness. 30

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Table 2.8 Biggest barrier/obstacle preventing women from participating in politics (%) Biggest barrier

Per cent

Patriarchal structure Household responsibility Individual barriers Cultural norms Constrains related to fnance or political structure Negative image of politics Other barriers No response

22 13 12 7 6 3 1 36

Source: Women’s Study 2019.

Cultural norms also prevent Indian women from participating in politics. Here, cultural barriers mean obedience to the purdah system, less mobility, a prohibition on talking to men outside their families, etc. Such cultural barriers affect the political participation of 7% of women in Indian society. Financial and other structural constraints are also potential barriers for women, preventing them from taking part in politics (Table 2.8).

Summing up This chapter assessed women’s active and passive political participation. It discussed women as candidates in the Lok Sabha polls and indicated that more women have started contesting in elections, resulting in more women getting elected to Parliament. Political parties like the All India Trinamool Congress (AITC) in West Bengal and the Biju Janata Dal (BJD) in Odisha have taken steps to ensure gender parity in the distribution of tickets to contest elections. In Odisha, the BJD nominated seven women for the 21 seats it contested in the state. The AITC nominated 17 women candidates in the 42 parliamentary seats it contested in West Bengal. This may be a useful strategy for other parties to pursue. Women as voters have outnumbered men in national elections in many of the states as well as in many state assembly elections. In some states, the gender gap in voter turnout has narrowed. However, in states like Gujarat, Haryana and Delhi, the gender gap remains signifcant. Looking at women’s participation in traditional electoral activities undertaken for a party or a candidate, not many women were found to be active participants. Positively, the proportion of active women participants has gone up, but that rise is still limited. Women need to be provided with an environment that motivates them to be active in politics. The educational and economic independence of women has enabled them to take an active part in politics and related activities. These socioeconomic factors not only infuence the level of participation in electoral 31

SANJAY KUMAR AND JYOTI MISHRA

activities but also motivate them to be more active on online platforms. Through these online platforms, women may engage in political activities, like visiting offcial the website of a party or writing posts on platforms in favour of or against any political party or candidate or political campaign. When one looks at women’s associational participation, one can see that women are actively involved in social organizations such as NGOs and SHGs, but they are not as active as women who are members of political organizations like political parties or their student or youth wings. Association with these organizations is determined by a woman’s social position. Women who have less education and who are less affuent and who reside in rural areas are more likely to be associated with SHGs and women’s organizations, whereas women living in urban localities who are more educated and from the upper class are more likely to be engaged with political organizations. Based on this analysis of women’s political participation, one can infer that Indian women are increasingly politically mobilized; however, there is still a lack of mass political participation among them. The recognition of women as a political category is still an emerging phenomenon. There are various socio-cultural and structural barriers that block their entry into politics or their engagement in political activities. Therefore, to bring women into mainstream politics, one has to identify these barriers and effectively deal with them.

Notes 1 The 108th Amendment Bill, which is also known as the ‘Women’s Reservation Bill’, proposes to reserve 33% seats for women in both State Assemblies and the Lok Sabha. The Bill was passed by the Rajya Sabha (Upper House) but never went to the Lok Sabha (Lower House) for approval. 2 The gender gap in turnout was calculated by subtracting female voter turnout from male voter turnout.

References Almond, G. A., & Verba, S. (2015). The Civic Culture: Political Attitudes and Democracy in Five Nations. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Byrce, L. (1921). Modern Democracies. New York: Macmillan. Crittenden, J. (1963). Aging and political participation. Western Political Quarterly, 16(2), 323–31. Deshpande, R. (2004). How gendered was women's participation in election 2004? Economic and Political Weekly, 39(51), 5431–36. Fadia, K. (2014). Women's empowerment through political participation in India. Indian Journal of Public Administration, 60(3), 537–48. Frede, D. (2018). Equal but not equal: Plato and Aristotle on women as citizens. In Democracy, Justice, and Equality in Ancient Greece (pp. 287–306). Springer: Springer International Publishing.

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Glenn, N. D., & Grimes, M. (1968). Aging, voting, and political interest. American Sociological Review, 33(4), 563–75. Jeong, H. O. (2013). From civic participation to political participation. VOLUNTAS: International Journal of Voluntary and Nonproft Organizations, 24(4), 1138–58. Kasse, M. (1999). Interpersonal trust, political trust, and non-institutionalized political participation in Western Europe. West European Politics, 22(3), 1–21. Kumar, S., & Gupta, P. (2015). Changing patterns of women’s turnout in Indian elections. Studies in Indian Politics, 3(1), 7–18. Milbrath, L. W. (1965). Political Participation: How and Why Do People Get Involved in Politics? Chicago: Rand McNally. Mill, J. S. (1869). The Subjection of Women (Vol. 1). Philadelphia: J.B. Lippincott et co. Newton, K. (2001). Trust, social capital, civil society, and democracy. International Political Science Review, 22(2), 201–14. Nie, N. H., Junn, J., & Stehlik-Barry, K. (1996). Education and Democratic Citizenship in America. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Norris, P. (2002). Democratic Phoenix: Reinventing Political Activism. New York: Cambridge University Press. Putnam, R. D., Leonardi, R., & Nanetti, R. Y. (1993). Making Democracy Work: Civic Traditions in Modern Italy. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Radhakrishnan, V. (2018, December 26). How many women MLAs in your State? The Hindu. Verba, S., & Nie, N. (1972). Participation in America. New York: Harper and Row. Walby, S. (1990). Theorizing Patriarchy. Oxford: B. Blackwell. Yadav, Y. (2000). Understanding the second democratic upsurge: Trends of Bahujan participation in electoral politics in the 1990s. Transforming India: Social and Political Dynamics of Democracy (pp. 145–175). USA: Oxford University Press.

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3 INDIVIDUAL AND MOTIVATIONAL FACTORS AFFECTING WOMEN’S POLITICAL PARTICIPATION Vibha Attri

Introduction An equal political participation of women is often considered a prerequisite for democratic governance. However, women continue to be marginalized in politics due to barriers linked to family, socio-cultural norms, traditional gender stereotypes, discriminatory cultural practices and institutional restrictions. In addition to these, socio-demographic factors like education, income, caste, locality, age and region also critically affect women securing opportunities for political participation (Agarwal, 1997; Banerjee, 2003; Kumar, 2014; Rai, 2017, 2011; Kumar, 2009; Kumar & Gupta, 2015). Motivation to participate in political activities also depends on various factors such as political stimuli (interest in politics and political discussion), social identity (religion, locality and caste) and personal attributes (age, class, level of education, and media exposure) (Mishra & Gupta, 2019: 42). Additionally, Verba et al. (1995), in their explanation of why people do not participate in politics, link lack of participation to one’s psychological disposition, which is in most cases measured by interest in politics, political effcacy, political trust and satisfaction with democracy. The Economic Survey of 2017–2018 tabled in the parliament quoted factors like domestic responsibilities, prevailing cultural attitudes regarding roles of women in society, lack of support from family, lack of confdence, and fnance as the deterring factors that prevented women from entering politics (The Economic Times, Jan 29, 2018). In the past, researchers have talked about supply-side and demand-side factors when explaining women’s levels of political representation within a single country or across the world (Randall, 1987, Norris, 1997 cited in Paxton et al., 2007). This concept is associated with Norris and Lovenduski’s (1995) pioneering study, Political Recruitment: Gender, Race, and Class in the British Parliament. Supply-side factors affect the increase in the number

34

WOMEN’S POLITICAL PARTICIPATION

of women with the will and experience to compete against men for political offce. Demand-side factors are characteristics of countries, electoral systems or political parties that affect the likelihood that women will be pulled into offce from the supply of willing candidates (Paxton et al., 2007). The supply-side factors therefore acknowledge that political participation requires both personal characteristics like interest, ambition and knowledge, and resources such as time, networks, civic skills, education and economic resources. Hence, the availability of women for political offce is determined partly by gender socialization, which infuences women’s interest, knowledge and ambition regarding politics, and partly by large-scale social structures, which enhance or limit women’s opportunities for education and employment (Ibid). In an attempt to understand the features of women’s empowerment and legislative representation, Iwanaga (2008) analyzes the factors that can positively infuence women’s participation and representation in politics by using the concept of facilitator. Facilitators refer to particular conditions and policies that facilitate women’s empowerment. In the absence of these facilitators, the progress of women’s advancement in politics will not take place or it will be slow and uneven. Facilitators can remove or reduce barriers that hinder women’s political participation (Iwanaga, 2008: 6). These facilitators are institutional, contextual and individually oriented. The institutional facilitators are related to the political structure of opportunities available to women and are mainly dependent on the type of political and electoral system, the nature of the legal system, the role of the state and the level of party competition, in addition to other factors such as incumbency, turnover and campaign fnance. These institutional facilitators can be further subdivided into legal, electoral and political facilitators. Contextual facilitators refer to the broader context of the socio-economic and cultural structure in which participation and recruitment takes place, and they also consider the infuences from the external environment that facilitate women’s participation in politics. These too can be subdivided into three categories: international, socio-economic and cultural. Both institutional and contextual facilitators infuence the structures of opportunities for female participation in political life (Ibid). The third type of facilitators (i.e., individually oriented facilitators or ‘supply-side’ facilitators) are the factors that encourage women to run for offce in the legislative recruitment process. If few women aspire to run for offce because they lack ambition, self-esteem, fnancial resources or political experience, then it should come as no surprise that women are scarcely represented in politics. Most women are restricted psychologically when they confront or challenge the border between the private and the public domain since they have been socialized to perceive their role according to gender norms. The challenge presented by going against the prevailing cultural and

35

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societal norms often discourages women from entering the political arena and running for public offce. Their restricted role in the private domain has prevented them from participating in the public arena on the same terms as men. Many times, they lack the necessary political network, know-how, time or backing from home in order to devote themselves to political footwork. Poor self-esteem, lack of experience in public appearances and lack of economic resources also play a determining role (Iwanaga, 2008). Studies in the past have also suggested that women are less likely to engage and participate in politics because of their lower access to socioeconomic resources. Schlozman et al. (1994, 1999) suggested that men are far more likely to be employed full-time than women, and employment was positively related to political participation, information and effcacy among U.S. respondents. However, U.S. research suggests that women’s lower levels of political information, interest in politics, and effcacy are important explanations for a gender gap independent of other characteristics (Verba et al., 1997). Coffé and Bolzendahl (2010) found that though it may seem that men and women do not differ in their electoral behaviour, but on analyzing further and controlling for attitudinal characteristics, women were more likely to vote than men. Hence, if women were to develop an interest in politics and feelings of political effcacy equal to that of men, women would vote more than men. Numerous other studies in the past suggest that women have been socialized in more politically passive roles compared to men (Campbell et al., 1980; Greenstein, 1965; Coffé and Bolzendahl, 2010). Hence, women’s lack of political resources such as interest in politics and awareness may actually be rooted in gender socialization, which results in women being socialized towards a gender role that is more passive, private, rule-abiding and compassionate, while men are oriented towards leadership, public roles, autonomy and self-reliance (Fox and Lawless, 2004; Coffé and Bolzendahl, 2010). Chhibber (2002) found that women in India do not participate in political life to the same extent as men. He attributes this limited presence of women in legislative bodies to the household factor, which is responsible for many women remaining inactive in politics. On assessing which women have been able to take the opportunity to join local bodies where one-third of seats are reserved for women, the author fnds that even after controlling for demographic factors, only those women who have an identity that is independent of their household are likely to avail themselves of the opportunity to contest elections for local bodies. The author also fnds a similar pattern to be existing globally. However, Jaros (1973, p. 44) summarizes the political socialization explanation and concludes that the non-participation of women does not, in general, stem from restrictions imposed on women. Rather it results from 36

WOMEN’S POLITICAL PARTICIPATION

a set of norms that women hold that they should not participate as much as men and that politics is a man's game. There is a cultural tradition of feminine non-participation transmitted in childhood. According to theories of socialization, women and men are both socialized to accept the assignment of different kinds of gender roles in life. Women’s domestic roles are seen as incompatible with the toughness and assertiveness that politics and political leadership require (Iwanaga, 2008). Family is the basic unit where inequalities are produced and reproduced and these inequalities play a great role in shaping women’s lives. The role of women at home has a lot to do with them developing various psychological or personal traits, which could explain participatory electoral behaviour. Lack of interest in politics, the view that politics is not meant for women, knowledge barriers and a lack of confdence and self-esteem are all barriers that stem from the prevalence of deep-rooted gender stereotypes, and they shape how women view politics. This cultivation of passivity, lack of expressiveness, home and child responsibilities, time constraints, restrictions in mobility and expressiveness, lack of support, lower prestige and authority in the occupational hierarchy and lack of political resources and networks critical to political leadership all reinforce the male dominance bias. Despite being individual barriers, one cannot deny the fact that they all stem from the prevalence of deep-rooted gender stereotypes that women pick up early in life via their experiences within the family and in society at large. This chapter sets out to explore the individual and motivational barriers to women’s participation in politics. A little over one in every ten women perceive these individual barriers to be important hurdles that prevent them from participating in politics. From all these, a key factor that propels a large number of women to participate in politics, especially voting, is their interest in politics. In every society, one comes across those who are deeply interested in politics and political affairs and those who are not. Such individual attitudes determine the extent of one’s political participation.

Interest in politics and factors linked to it Interest in politics is an important prerequisite of political participation. Studies have documented how women tend to show a lesser degree of interest in politics compared to men. This pattern is visible in both developed and developing countries (Verba et al., 1997; Burns and Schlozman, 1997; Burns et al., 2001; Chhibber, 2002). This applies to young women as well (Sampat and Mishra, 2014; Mishra and Gupta, 2019). These gender differences could be strongly attributed to how women are socialized. A low level of interest in politics may result in putting women at a disadvantageous position as a higher interest in politics may be associated with greater political engagement and a better quality of decision making. 37

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Rai (2011) found out that nine out of ten women interested in politics voted in the Indian national elections of 2009. He further states that an interest in politics is one of the key factors in determining women’s participation levels in election campaigns. It would be interesting to start with the question ‘how interested are women in politics?’ This section not only looks at the level of interest in politics among Indian women but also considers whether this interest has seen a rise or a decline when compared to past decades.1 This section also looks at the impact of factors as locality, caste, age, economic class, level of education and media exposure on one’s interest in politics. A comprehensive analysis of women’s interest in politics at different levels—local, state and national—suggests that three-fourths of women (74%) are interested in politics, but to varying degrees (Table 3.1). Of these, one out of every ten have a high degree of interest, one-third have moderate interest and a little less than one-third show a low level of interest in politics. About a quarter of women (24%) show no interest in politics at all. However, a silver lining to this is that the evidence from previous studies conducted by Lokniti–CSDS show that there has been a continuous rise in women’s interest in politics since 1971. The fgure has increased from 17% in 1971 to 21%, 29% and 24% in 1996, 2004 and 2009 respectively and to 43% in 2019.2 However, one needs to keep in mind that the fgure for 2019 is based on the index of interest in politics, which is based on interest in politics at three different levels. Another fnding that indicates this trend is that close to one-third of women are more interested in politics now, compared to four to fve years ago. Still, interest in politics has declined in one of every fve women. There are other factors as well that demonstrate that there is a growing interest in political participation amongst women. The 2019 Lok Sabha elections had the highest number of women contesting elections (724), of which 78 were elected, making it the highest number of female parliamentarians elected in the country’s history (Attri and Jain, 2019). These elections also saw a reduction of the gender gap in turnout to 0.4%. Women were also found to have become more participative in other electoral activities. So, undoubtedly women’s interest in politics is on a constant rise from decade to decade. It is important to note that the women show a greater interest in local politics than in national-level politics (Table 3.2). One reason for this could Table 3.1 Level of women’s interest in politics Composite index of interest in politics

(%)

No interest at all Low interest Moderate/some interest High interest

26 31 33 10

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WOMEN’S POLITICAL PARTICIPATION

Table 3.2 Women’s interest is more in local politics (%) Interest in Local politics (Panchayat/ municipal corporation) Politics of states National politics

Not at all interested

Not very interested

Moderate/ High interest

27

25

46

28 30

26 29

44 38

Note: The rest of the women did not answer. Question asked: Women’s interest sometimes varies across different level of politics. Are you personally very interested, somewhat interested, not very interested or not at all interested in: (a) Local politics (Panchayat/municipal corporation); (b) Politics of your state; (c) National politics?

be that they feel closer and more connected to the local government as it provides them with an opportunity for direct involvement compared to the state and the central governments. Feminist literature requires us to recognize that ‘women’ is neither a stable nor a homogeneous category (Menon, 2015). In ‘Under Western Eyes: Feminist Scholarship and Colonial Discourses’, Chandra Mohanty (1986), critiques the prevailing assumptions about ‘Third World women’ found among predominant Western feminists. She rebukes the categorization of ‘Third World women’ as a homogeneous group. Mohanty argues that it is very important to look at the multiplicity of social factors that affect women in complex ways and open up the possibility that some women in Western countries may share experiences with some women in the ‘Third World’. Applying this in the context of one country, one cannot assume women to be a homogeneous group. Race, class, age, sexuality and ethnicity must also be considered in order to uncover the attributes, experiences, opinions or oppressions that women have in common. As gender interacts with class, education, locality and ethnicity, these interactions are very signifcant for understanding how women engage in politics. Depending on whether women are young or old, educated or uneducated, living in rural or urban areas, belonging to the lower, middle or upper classes and socialized in a conservative or liberal environment, they will have very different life experiences. This will lead them to have different levels of interest in politics. Interest in politics amongst women seems to be positively related to age, education and class. Evidence suggests that the gap in interest in politics among women widens with all the above three attributes. Older women are more likely to be alienated from politics than the young. Close to half the women in the age group of 18–25 show a moderate to high interest in politics (45%) compared to four out of every ten women age 55 and above (38%). A higher level of education is associated with a higher level of political interest, as it increases the ability of citizens to understand politics. Evidence 39

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suggests that education generates greater interest in politics. Women with a higher level of education are found to be more interested in politics. The proportion of women interested in politics is 27 percentage points higher amongst college-educated women (56%) compared to women who do not know how to read and write (29%) (Table 3.3). Students are also more interested in politics. Looking at class groups, one notices that women with higher economic standing have a greater interest in politics. Over half of the women who belong to upper-class households (51%) have a greater interest in politics compared to only one-third of women from poor families (Table 3.3). Clearly, education and income are important predictors for interest in politics. Both education and income provide citizens with the skills and resources to understand politics, and therefore they affect one’s interest in politics. Urban women are very similar to urban men in terms of political apathy. Women residing in urban areas seem to be less interested in politics compared to those residing in rural areas. Where 31% of women in urban areas have no interest in politics, in the rural localities this fgure is 24%. This apathy could be a possible explanation for why urban areas have traditionally seen a lower voter turnout compared to rural parts of the country. However, it is important to note that women residing in rural areas were more interested in local and state politics, whereas women in the urban areas were more plugged into national politics. Additionally, this trend of women in rural areas being more interested in politics remains the same even when controlled by education. In fact, the gap further widens when one looks at educated women in the two areas with rural women having a greater interest in politics.

Table 3.3 Impact of education and income on interest in politics (%) Composite index of interest in politics

Level of education Non-literate Up to primary Up to matric 12th pass/intermediate College and above Economic class Poor Lower Middle Rich

No interest in politics at all

Low interest in politics

Moderate/High interest in politics

39 26 24 20 20

33 31 34 32 24

29 42 43 49 56

34 29 22 20

31 29 33 29

35 41 45 51

Note: Figures may not add up to 100 due to rounding.

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WOMEN’S POLITICAL PARTICIPATION

One’s lack of political knowledge and understanding could be another possible factor affecting one’s interest in politics. This section investigates whether there is any relationship between exposure to news media and interest in politics with a hypothesis that news through various media could act as a major source of political information resulting in a higher level of interest. Exposure to political content via news channels, newspapers and news on the radio contributes to people receiving more information about politics and current affairs, which in turn builds their interest in politics. Though it must be remembered that an interest in politics might drive a desire for exposure. This hypothesis is supported by evidence that suggests that exposure to news outlets is positively associated with one’s interest in politics. Women with higher exposure show more interest in politics compared to those with low or no exposure to news media (Table 3.4). Correspondingly, even those who are accidentally exposed to political news through phone, email, WhatsApp or similar platforms have a much greater interest in politics compared to those who did not have access to news through these mediums (71% vs 39%). It is worth highlighting that women in the states of Mizoram (54%), Jharkhand (51%) and Punjab (53%) are found to have a greater interest in politics (moderate/high) compared to women in the states of Gujarat (25%) and West Bengal (27%), which have the smallest proportion of women interested in politics. While developing one’s political perspective, families are found to be the foremost, and often the most enduring infuence on young people. Hence,

Table 3.4 Exposure to news and its impact on interest in politics (%) Composite index of interest in politics Composite index of news media exposure

No interest in Low interest Moderate/High politics at all in politics interest in politics

No news media exposure Low Moderate High news media exposure Composite index of recipient of political news through different means Non-recipient Occasional/rare recipient Recipient at times Regular recipient

36 29 17 16

33 34 27 22

31 37 56 62

28 21 10 15

34 30 31 14

39 49 59 71

Note: Figures may not add up to 100 due to rounding.

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more the politically active one’s family, the greater the chance a person will be active (ushistory.org). Scholars have argued that early life experiences are generally considered to form the basis for political attitudes (political values and identity), political engagement (political interest and political effcacy) and ultimately political behaviours (e.g., conventional and unconventional forms of political participation) (Neundorf and Smets, 2017; Quintelier et al., 2007). Thus, the family is the most important determinant of young people’s attitudes and behaviour, as children usually spend a lot of time with their families and tend to acquire the habits, behaviours, beliefs and attitudes of their family. For this reason, family tends to be the most important source of political socialization. One expects that higher levels of parental political interest would serve as a predictor of higher political interest levels among their children. The evidence suggests women whose parents and siblings are interested in politics are more likely to demonstrate a similar interest compared to those whose parents do not have any interest in politics. An interesting fnding that emerges from the evidence is that a politically active mother’s infuence on her daughter outweighs that of a politically active father. What turns off women from politics? Why do some women show absolutely no interest in politics? The perception that ‘politics is bad’ can act as a deterrent to one’s interest in politics. The evidence suggests that 37% of women consider politics ‘good’ and 10% consider it ‘bad’. A little less than half (44%) consider it both good and bad. Further, evidence also supports the hypothesis that having a bad or negative idea of politics affects one’s level of interest in politics. Those who have a negative idea of politics are less likely to show interest in politics compared to those who view it as something positive (Figure 3.1). This section has looked into women’s interest in politics, but does having an interest affect one’s political participation? Here, political participation is measured in terms of involvement in election-related activities like distributing pamphlets, collecting funds for parties and participating in protests and demonstrations. The evidence suggests women who have relatively little interest in politics also participate less in political activities. Participation in political activities increases fvefold when those who are not at all interested are compared with the ones who are highly interested in politics. Among women who have no interest in politics, only 3% admit to participating in political activities, while this fgure increases to 17% among those with a high interest in politics (Table 3.5).

Discussions of politics and political events Social networks play a vital role in the explanation of many political phenomena. One’s engagement in political discussions with family, friends, spouses, colleagues and others close to them is also a process of political socialization that can have an impact on one’s political participation. 42

WOMEN’S POLITICAL PARTICIPATION

48

Politics is Good

29 23 45

Both good/bad

33 23 27

Politics is Bad

30 42 Moderate/ High Interest in Politics Low interest in Politics No interest at all

Figure 3.1 Opinion on politics and its impact on interest in politics (%). Note: The rest of the women did not answer. Question asked: Some people see politics in a positive light and others in a negative light. Thinking about yourself, please tell me whether you consider politics good or bad?

Table 3.5 Participation in election-related activities increases with interest in politics (%) Composite index of political participation Composite index of interest in politics No interest at all Low interest Moderate/some interest High interest

Low participation No participation in in political political activities activities

High participation in political activities

89 81 71

8 14 21

3 5 8

56

27

17

Individuals who are more involved in political discussions are likely to be more aware of politics and political issues and hence take an active part in politics. Table 3.6 shows that only one out of every ten women have regular political discussions with the people around them and three out of every ten never discuss politics. Close to two-thirds of women confrm that they have political discussions, though in varying degrees (with 8% having regular discussions, 33% having moderate and 24% having rare). Also, amongst 43

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Table 3.6 Discussions of politics Frequency of discussing politics

(%)

Always Sometimes Rarely Never With whom do women discuss politics the most Spouse Other family members Neighbours Friends Colleagues

8 33 24 30 15 24 15 11 3

Note: The rest of the women did not answer. Questions asked: How often do you discuss politics with the people around you—always, sometimes, rarely or never? And (if discuss politics regularly, sometimes or rarely) with whom do you discuss it the most?

those who discuss, close to four out of every ten women (39%) do so with their family members (15% with spouse, 24% with other family members). The level of discussion also varies depending on crucial socio-demographic factors. Women who have access to a college education have frequent political discussions compared to those who cannot read and write. Similarly, the likelihood of having political discussions is much higher among women in rural areas compared to women in urban areas, and among the upper class compared to those from economically less privileged families. Also, those with high media exposure are likely to be more plugged into political discussions compared to those with no media exposure. A similar demographic trend is seen for interest in politics as well. It is women between 26 and 35 who participate most actively in political discussions. Participating in political discussions stimulates one’s interest in politics. One benefts from political discussions as they result in active exchanges of political information. This further helps to raise awareness and to cement one’s opinion. Overall, women who participate in political discussions are more engaged in politics, leading to a greater interest in politics. The evidence supports this, and one notes that as the frequency of political discussions goes up, so does one’s interest in politics (from 24% to 65%) (Table 3.7). Citizens also learn about politics and government from exposure to various types of media, be it traditional media (television, newspapers and radio) or social media (Facebook, Twitter, WhatsApp and YouTube). Other than these media, individuals also get access to political information through messages they receive on their mobiles, email and WhatsApp. These media outlets act as a source of political information, which can in turn increase the frequency of political discussions. This hypothesis is supported by the 44

WOMEN’S POLITICAL PARTICIPATION

Table 3.7 Discussions of politics and its impact on interest in politics (%) Composite index of interest in politics Discuss politics

No interest in politics at all

Low interest in politics

Moderate/high interest in politics

Never Rarely Sometimes Always

40 24 17 14

37 37 24 20

24 40 59 65

Note: Figures may not add up to 100 due to rounding.

Table 3.8 Effect of media exposure on political discussion (%) Frequency of political discussion Composite index of exposure to news media

Frequently

Rarely

Never

No exposure Low exposure Moderate exposure High exposure Composite index of exposure to social media No exposure Low exposure Moderate exposure High exposure Composite index of recipient of political news through phone, email and messages Non-recipient Occasional/rare recipient Recipient at times Recipient of it many times

31 39 52 48

23 25 23 31

39 33 22 20

38 38 48 51

23 34 25 24

34 24 25 24

39 46 54 63

24 26 28 24

34 26 16 13

Note: The rest of the women did not answer.

evidence as these media affect whether or not one participates in discussions (Table 3.8). Those exposed to any of these media frequently participate in political discussions when compared to those who are not exposed to these platforms. The evidence further reveals that women who have more exposure to political discussions tend to be more engaged in political activities than those who have low or no exposure. This proves a strong link between political discussions and participation.

Knowing and caring about politics Various studies have indicated that women are less interested in and less aware of politics compared to men. But what is women’s opinion on whether 45

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Table 3.9 Women self-report as being less interested and less knowledgeable about politics ‘Women are less interested in politics than men’

(%)

Agree Somewhat agree/disagree Disagree ‘Compared to men, women are less aware of politics’ Agree Somewhat agree/disagree Disagree

42 30 20 41 30 21

Note: The rest of the women did not answer. Questions asked: Now, I will read few statements. Please tell me whether you agree or disagree with each of them. (a) Generally, women are less interested in politics than men; (b) Compared to women, men are less aware of politics.

men are more interested in and aware of politics? The evidence suggests that 40% of women agree that ‘women are less interested in politics’. Similarly, 40% of women also agree that ‘compared to men, women are less aware of politics’ (Table 3.9). The longitudinal data from various studies done by Lokniti–CSDS suggest women’s limited interest in politics has not changed much, and women continue to believe that ‘politics is not meant for women’. Women accept the fact that men seem to be more interested in politics. This view stems from how women are socialized and from what they see in reality. They see that politics is a man’s game and therefore believe politics is not meant for them. All these things contribute to the marginalization of women in politics and the acceptance of politics as an unusual place for women.

Understanding of Politics One needs to have a basic understanding of politics and how the political system works in order to engage politically. The strength of any democracy rests on a well-informed citizenry. For this reason, political awareness and/or knowledge is seen as a functional and essential element of a viable democracy. However, a majority of women are inclined to accept that ‘politics is complicated and diffcult to understand’. The evidence suggests that 40% of women fnd politics and government so complicated that they do not understand what is going on. This situation is only worsening with time as the proportion of those who believe that politics is very complicated is on the rise. The proportion of those who strongly agree with this statement has increased from one-fourth in 2009 (25%) to three-ffths in 2019 (41%).3 Women in Punjab, Delhi, Odisha and Telangana are more likely to hold the view that politics is diffcult to understand. Despite having the highest 46

WOMEN’S POLITICAL PARTICIPATION

proportion of women with an interest in politics, Punjab also has the highest proportion of women saying that ‘politics is diffcult to understand’. A deeper analysis suggests that having an interest in politics has no positive effect on whether or not one considers politics to be complicated. More than one-third of women who have no interest in politics fnd politics diffcult to understand, and the number increases to four of every ten among women who have an interest in politics. Kerala has the highest number of women who did not express any opinion on this issue followed by West Bengal (36% and 32% respectively). A little less than half of women are unable to say what they understand by politics, clearly indicating that a large proportion of Indian women lack a basic understanding of politics (48%). Thirteen per cent understand it as party politics, governance, power struggles, law-making and domestic and foreign affairs. For about 16%, politics has a negative connotation; it is something meant only for the rich, with false promises and corruption. Generally, it is considered to be a bad place to be in. One out of every ten women defnes it as something good (10%). Twelve per cent understand it in terms of social welfare, voting and people’s participation. Overall, do women consider politics good or bad? Evidence shows a little over four out of every ten consider it to be both good and bad (44%). A little over one-third consider it to be good (37%), and one out of every ten considers it bad (10%). This perception of ‘politics being bad’ is restraining women’s interest in politics.

Vote effcacy and political participation In addition to the above determinants of behaviour and attitude, as well as demographic variables that infuence political participation, another important factor that affects one’s political participation is the effcacy of one’s vote. Political effcacy is one’s individual sense of how effective the vote is in infuencing the political process. People with a high sense of political effcacy believe that their vote will make a difference in how things are run in the country, and people with a low sense of political effcacy believe that their vote has no power to bring about change (Condon and Holleque, 2013). Past literature has documented that vote effcacy affects political participation (Rai, 2011; Sampat and Mishra, 2014). Evidence suggests that women express deep faith in the effcacy of their vote, as close to seven out of every ten (69%) believe that their vote makes a difference in how things are run in the country (Table 3.10). Research confrms that political effcacy is predicted by socio-economic characteristics, which in turn impacts political behaviour. One fnds that those indicating a higher level of vote effcacy are 36 to 45 years old. Besides students, those living in rural parts of the country tend to believe much more in the effcacy of their vote. One’s education and class share a positive 47

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Table 3.10 Vote effcacy (%) Vote effcacy

Overall Poor Lower Middle Rich Non-literate Up to primary Up to matric 12th pass/intermediate College and above

Vote has no effect

Vote has an effect

16 16 18 17 13 19 17 17 16 12

69 63 66 71 80 58 68 71 73 79

Note: The rest of the women did not answer. Question asked: Do you think your vote has an effect on how things are run in this country or do you think your vote makes no difference?

relationship with one’s trust in the capacity of their vote. If one looks at the relationship between levels of education, economic class and vote effcacy, it is observed that those with greater access to education and those belonging to higher income groups have greater trust in the effcacy of their vote as compared to others (Table 3.10). Upper-caste Hindu women have the most trust in their votes (73%), while Muslim women and other marginalized communities have a comparatively lower level of trust in the capacity of their vote to bring about change. However, for these marginalized groups, the fgure is only slightly lower than that of upper-caste Hindus (Muslims 67%, OBC 68%, ST 65 % and SC 65%). In addition to the demographic factors, vote effcacy seems to also be affected by one’s interest in politics, political discussions and use of media. Belief in the effcacy of one’s vote declines with a lower level of political interest, media exposure, political discussion and access to political information. Bihar, Kerala, Haryana and Punjab are the four states where the proportion of women who feel that their vote has no effect is much higher than the national average. On the other hand, Delhi has the highest proportion of women having trust in their votes. One notes a steady rise in the belief of vote effcacy among women. From three of every ten in 1971, it has risen to seven of every ten in 2019 (Figure 3.2). Keeping in mind various studies done on vote effcacy and political participation, one would also expect that the probability of political participation would increase with a higher level of belief in the political effcacy of voting This hypothesis stands true as the belief in the effcacy of voting makes a positive difference to political participation. Women who have trust in their vote are more likely to have high levels of political participation 48

WOMEN’S POLITICAL PARTICIPATION

53

60

63

69

58

31 1971

1996

1999

2004

2009

2019

Figure 3.2 Increase in vote effcacy (%). Note: Figures for 1971, 1996, 2004 and 2009 are from the NES Post-poll studies conducted by CSDS during the Lok Sabha elections. For 1971, 1996 and 1999, Telangana includes data for the combined state of Andhra, and the study does not include Jharkhand and Mizoram. For 2004 and 2009, Telangana includes data for the combined state of Andhra.

compared to those who have no faith in their vote. However, the impact of belief in vote effcacy is higher on whether one votes or not compared to the other forms of participation. This fnding is in tune with studies done in the west (Hadjar and Beck, 2010). Among those who have trust in their vote, 80% are regular voters (i.e., voted in most elections) compared to 60% of those who have no faith in their vote. Additionally, a similar fgure for participation in various electoral activities is 25% for those having faith and 19% for those not having faith in their vote.

Media, political knowledge and political participation The media—television, newspaper, radio and various online platforms—are crucial sources of information and knowledge for people. They can shape people’s opinions on different issues. One’s exposure to politically relevant information through mass broadcasting can boost political interest and knowledge, belief in vote effcacy and participation in public life. Existing literature on political communication shows that politically relevant information infuences one’s political attitudes as well as one’s political participation. This is mainly because news media such as newspapers and television provide necessary information about political activities and help citizens acquire political knowledge. Studies have demonstrated that exposure to media is positively associated with different forms of political participation, from interpersonal discussion and interest in political affairs to voting and protest (Scavo and Snow, 2016). Both reading newspapers and regularly viewing TV news have been positively linked with attendance and participation at public deliberations, such as local meetings (Ibid). Vreese and Boomgaarden (2006) found that one’s exposure to news outlets with high levels of political content (such as public television news and broadsheet newspapers) contributes the most to knowledge gains and increases the propensity to vote. However, exposure to news outlets with 49

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less political content has either no effect or a slightly positive effect, depending on the type of content This section explores the impact of media on political participation with the hypothesis that more the exposure one has to the media, the higher the degree of political participation. This section is further divided into three parts: exposure to news media (reading newspaper or online news, watching the news on TV and listening to the news on radio), social media exposure (use of social media platforms such as Facebook, Twitter, WhatsApp, Instagram and YouTube) and lastly an analysis of whether women are recipients of political news through additional means of communication. Exposure to news media Exposure to news media by reading the news in a newspaper or on a website, watching the news on television or hearing news on the radio is how citizens can enhance their knowledge about politics and, in the process, increase their propensity to participate in politics. Exposure to news media fortifes citizens’ political knowledge, fosters their perceived capacity to deal with politics and consequently increases the likelihood of their participation in politics (Hoffman and Thomson, 2009). In responses to an open-ended question ‘What is your primary source of news?’, television emerged as the ‘main source’ of news for a majority of Indian women (59%), while only 10% claim newspapers as their main source of news. Informal news channels such as friends and family were the most important source of information for 13% of Indian women. For 11%, other sources, such as social networking sites and their phones, are the most important source of gathering information. Supporting this, when, in a separate question, women were asked about their usage of individual news media platforms, the traditional mediums were again found to dominate. More than three-quarters of women watched the news on television (that is daily, weekly, monthly or rarely); reading a newspaper was at a distant second position, and a little less than half read newspapers regularly.4 This was followed by internet websites and the radio (Table 3.11). Taking all these sources of information into account, only 4% of women seem to be regularly exposed to various forms of media (Figure 3.3). A little over one-fourth had moderate exposure, a little less than half had low exposure, and two out of ten had no exposure. The degree to which women gather news via the media is linked to their socio-economic status. Higher one’s socio-economic status, greater one’s exposure to news media. Younger women accessed news more compared to older women, as do women with a college education compared to those with less exposure to formal education. Further, urban women are more likely to access news compared to those in rural areas. An analysis by economic and caste background reveals that women from the rich and middle classes and upper castes have greater exposure to news media. 50

WOMEN’S POLITICAL PARTICIPATION

Table 3.11 Exposure to different news media (%) Hear/read news on

Users Non-users No response

Television Newspapers Internet websites Radio

77 47 22 18

22 50 73 78

1 3 5 4

Note: Users include those who use it daily, weekly, monthly and rarely. Question asked: How often do you do the following things— daily, few days a week, few days a month, rarely or never: (a) Watch the news on TV; (b) Read the newspaper; (c) Listen to the news on radio; (d) Read news on internet websites.

4

20 No news media exposure

28

Low Moderate High news media exposure

48

Figure 3.3 News media exposure index (%)

The earlier part of this chapter already discussed how news media exposure has a positive infuence on one’s interest in politics and political discussion. Now it is important to test whether this exposure to news media is associated with increased political participation. The evidence indicates exposure to news media increases the probability of one’s participation in politics. As one’s exposure to news media increases, so does one’s political participation (Figure 3.4). However, it is important to remember that the above analysis does not assign causality to this relationship. Additionally, one also needs to keep in mind that this relationship could work in the opposite direction: more political participation could lead to a greater interest in politics and increased political discussion and vote effcacy. Exposure to social media The internet plays a signifcant role in providing information to the public on political events, engaging its users and also encouraging them to get 51

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No news media exposure Low

3

10 5

Moderate High news media exposure High Participation

87 15

10 13

80 22 20

68 68

Low participation

No participation

Figure 3.4 Exposure to news media and political participation (%)

involved in online political activities. The internet has become vital for political discussions and political participation (Ahmad et al., 2019). With the arrival of new technology, interpersonal interaction, communication patterns and social and political discussions have undergone a change. Internet use has become the main source of political effcacy and political participation (Ibid). Does social media also contribute to political participation? Internet use, political knowledge and political participation are associated with one another. The internet and social media have become increasingly important for disseminating political information (McAllister, 2015). McAllister, in his study, examined the internet’s role in shaping political knowledge among the young, found that use of the internet during an election campaign signifcantly increased political knowledge among the young which further enhanced their likelihood of turning out to vote (Ibid). In terms of use, WhatsApp is the most used app (32%), followed by YouTube (30%), Facebook (24%) and Twitter (7%). An analysis of usage of all these social media platforms suggests that close to two-thirds of women have never used any of the ‘popular’ social media platforms. The remaining one-third are exposed to social media but in varying degrees, with ‘high usage’ of these platforms at 13%, ‘moderate exposure’ at 14% and ‘low exposure’ at 8% (Figure 3.5). The evidence further suggests that those most ‘plugged into’ social media are younger women, those who are highly educated, from the upper class, living in urban localities, belonging to the upper castes and are unmarried (Table 3.12). This pattern remains unchanged even when one looks at the various platforms individually. One would assume that younger women would be more active on social media compared to their older counterparts. As hypothesized, social media does appear to be a space dominated by the young with the younger cohorts 52

WOMEN’S POLITICAL PARTICIPATION

13% No social media exposure Low exposure

14%

Moderate exposure 8%

65%

High social media exposure

Figure 3.5 Three in every fve women have no exposure to news media Table 3.12 Who is active on social media? (%) Composite index of social media exposure Age groups

No exposure

Moderate/high Low exposure exposure

18 to 25 yrs 26 to 35 yrs 36 to 45 yrs 46 to 55 yrs 55 yrs and above Level of education Non-literate Up to primary Up to matric 12th pass/intermediate College and above

45 57 69 83 89

12 9 10 5 3

44 34 22 13 8

96 85 65 38 23

2 5 13 14 9

2 10 22 49 68

(18–22) having maximum exposure. Forty-four per cent of women in this age group have moderate to high exposure to social media. The corresponding fgures for those in the age groups of 26–35, 36–45, 46–55 and 55 years and above are 34%, 22%, 13% and 8% respectively. An analysis by education level reveals that social media is a platform for the educated, particularly for those who are highly educated (Table 3.12). The evidence also indicates social media use is still an urban phenomenon, with women living in urban localities more likely to use it than those living in rural localities. Additionally, women belonging to the upper class are more likely to be exposed to social media than those who are economically not that well off. Where four in every fve women (82%) from the poorer classes have no exposure to social media, this decreases to 46% for upper-class women. The evidence suggests that though social media does promote political participation, the impact is limited when compared to news media exposure 53

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No social media exposure Low exposure Moderate exposure High social media exposure High Participation

6

15

4

79 22

9 8

19 16

Low participation

74 73 76 No participation

Figure 3.6 Limited impact of social media on political participation (%)

(Figure 3.6). The possible reason for this could be that though one’s usage of digital media may enable women to learn about political issues that enhance one’s political knowledge and that promote political participation, one has to be exposed to relevant sources. Recipients of political news through various mediums In the last few years, people have had the opportunity to access news from different sources. One can choose between joining social media, reading a newspaper, watching the news on television, or listening to it on the radio. The extent of receiving such information may infuence voting behaviour and political participation. The evidence reveals that three in every fve women are not exposed to any information from any of these sources. A very small proportion of women (4%) are regular recipients of this information; 14% receive it rarely; 10% receive it at times. The largest chunk is the non-recipients (63%). Segregating the data further by different sources of information, one fnds that political advertisement by cell phone and WhatsApp are the top two sources of information (Table 3.13). Frequent recipients are also more engaged in other political activities compared to non-recipients. Among those who are frequent recipients of these messages, 23% ranked high on the political participation index. This fgure reduces by almost half (12%) for those who are recipients at times, and it drops further to 7% for those who are occasional/rare recipients and 5% for non-recipients. Conclusively, online media does seem to have a signifcant infuence on political interest and political participation. However, exposure to both online and offine news media is not equal across various demographics, and it is still a space for those who are young, urban, educated and upper-class. 54

WOMEN’S POLITICAL PARTICIPATION

Table 3.13 Recipient of political news through various media (%) Received

Recipient Non-recipient

Political ads on cell phone Political ads by WhatsApp Newspaper article/link Political ads by e-mails

25 21 18 12

66 68 71 76

Note: The rest of the women did not answer. Question asked: How many times in the past 1–2 years have you received the following many times, sometimes, rarely or never: (a) Political ads on cell phone; (b) Political ads by email; (c) Received a newspaper article/link from someone; (d) Political ads by WhatsApp?

Conclusion This chapter indicates a set of motivational and individual barriers that exclude women from participating in political activities. It shows how lack of political interest and knowledge, political discussion, belief in vote effcacy, media exposure and self-confdence affect political participation. Women are not a homogeneous group, and whether they are young or old, educated or uneducated, living in rural or urban areas, belonging to lower, middle or upper classes matters. They have different life experiences that in turn results in different levels of participation. Though women’s interest in politics is on the rise, and discussions of politics can be seen to stimulate this interest, women’s engagement in political discussion is still limited. Moreover, women lack exposure to politically relevant information through various forms of mass media, and this increases the proportion of those who fnd politics complicated and diffcult to understand. These barriers are individual barriers but one cannot deny the prevalence of deeprooted gender stereotypes of ‘women being less interested in politics’ or of ‘politics not being meant for women’. Such stereotypes have a signifcant impact on women’s perception of politics. These traditional attitudes and stereotypes about women’s expected roles are acquired early in life, which results in women keeping away from politics and following the behaviour ‘expected’ by society. Due to the way most women are socialized, and due to various individual factors, such as domestic responsibilities, time constraints, lower prestige, lack of resources, support and fnancial independence and women’s average lower level of education, women have to bear undue pressure which hinders the cultivation of political interest and attitudes. However, younger and more educated women are challenging these notions. They are not only showing a greater interest in politics but they are 55

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also participating in other forms of political activities. The principle of ‘you can’t be what you can’t see’ applies here. Once we have more women active in politics, there is a likelihood that women will connect more with it, and this has the potential to result in greater participation.

Notes 1 The study was conducted in 11 Indian states, including Mizoram, Jharkhand, Odisha, Punjab, Bihar, Haryana, Kerala, Telangana, Delhi, Gujarat and West Bengal. For detailed methodology please refer to Chapter 1. 2 For all the years except 2019, the question that was asked was: ‘Leaving aside the period of elections how much interest would you say you have in politics and public affairs? A great deal of interest, some interest or no interest at all?’ For 2019, interest in politics was an index constructed using three questions. These are: ‘Women’s interest sometimes varies across different level of politics. Are you personally very interested, somewhat interested, not very interested or not at all interested in (a) Local politics (Panchayat/municipal corporation); (b) Politics of your state; (c) National politics?’ For 1971, 1996, 2004 and 2009 ‘great deal of interest’ and ‘some interest’ were merged to form ‘interest in politics’ and for 2019 ‘high interest’ and ‘moderate interest’ were merged to form ‘interest in politics’. 3 Data for 2009 from a national election study conducted by Lokniti–CSDS. 4 This fgure should be read with caution and should not be confused with newspapers being reported as the primary source by only 10%, as there the women had to choose only the most preferred medium among all the mediums they used. This explains the increase in the fgure of newspaper readership.

References Agarwal, B. (1997). Re-sounding the alert-gender, resources and community action. World Development, 25(9), 1373–80. Ahmad, T., Alvi, A., & Ittefaq, M. (2019). The use of social media on political participation among university students: An analysis of survey results from rural Pakistan. SAGE Open. Retrieved from: https://doi.org/10.1177 /2158244019864484. Accessed on 16 April 2020. Attri, V., & Jain, A. (2019). When schemes translate into votes. The Hindu, 27 May. Retrieved from: https://www.thehindu.com/elections/lok-sabha-2019/ when-schemes-translate-into-votes/article27256139.ece. Accessed on 26 March 2020. Banerjee, S. (2003). Gender and nationalism: The masculinization of Hinduism and female political participation in India. Women's Studies International Forum, 26(2), 167–79. Burns, N., Schlozman, K. L., & Verba, S. (2001). The Private Roots of Public Action. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Campbell, A., Converse, P. E., Miller, W. E., & Stokes, D. E. (1980). The American Voter. University of Chicago Press. Chhibber, P. (2002). Why are some women politically active? The household, public space, and political participation in India. International Journal of Comparative Sociology, 43(3–5), 409–29.

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Coffé, H., & Bolzendahl, C. (2010). Same game, different rules? Gender differences in political participation. Sex Roles, 62(5–6), 318–33. Condon, M., & Holleque, M. (2013). Entering politics: General self-effcacy and voting behavior among young people. Political Psychology, 34(2), 167–81. De Vreese, C., & Boomgaarden, H. (2006). News, political knowledge and participation: The differential effects of news media exposure on political knowledge and participation. Acta Politologica, 41, 317–41. Fox, R. L., & Lawless, J. L. (2004). Entering the arena? Gender and the decision to run for offce. American Journal of Political Science, 48(2), 264–80. Greenstein, F. (1965). Children and Politics. New Haven: Yale University Press. Hadjar, A., & Beck, M. (2010). Who does not participate in elections in Europe and why is this? A multilevel analysis of social mechanisms behind non-voting. European Societies, 12(4), 521–42. Hoffman, L. H., & Thomson, T. L. (2009). The effect of television viewing on adolescents' civic participation: Political effcacy as a mediating mechanism. Journal of Broadcasting & Electronic Media, 53(1), 3–21. Iwanaga, K. (2008). Women and politics in Asia: A comparative perspective. In Iwanaga, K. (Ed.), Women’s Political Participation And Representation in Asia: Obstacles and Challenges (pp. 1–22). (No. 2). Denmark: NIAS Press. Jaros, D. (1973). Socialization to Politics. New York: Praeger Kumar, S. (2009). Patterns of political participation: Trends and perspective. Economic and Political Weekly, 47–51. Kumar, S. (Ed.). (2014). Indian Youth and Electoral Politics: An Emerging Engagement. Delhi: SAGE India. Kumar, S., & Gupta, P. (2015). Changing patterns of women’s turnout in Indian elections. Studies in Indian Politics, 3(1), 7–18. McAllister, I. (2015). Internet use, political knowledge and youth electoral participation in Australia. Journal of Youth Studies, 19(9) 1220–36, Menon, N. (2015). Is feminism about 'Women'? Economic and Political Weekly, 50(17), 37–44. Mishra, J., & Gupta, P. (2019). Political engagement and political attitudes of Indian youth. In S. Kumar (Ed.), Youth in India: Aspirations, Attitudes, Anxieties (pp. 41–58). Delhi: Routledge Publication. Mohanty, C. (1986). Under western eyes: Feminist scholarship and colonial discourses. In Feminism without Borders: Decolonizing Theory, Practicing Solidarity (pp. 17–43). Durham: Duke University Press. Neundorf, A., & Smets, K. (2017). Political socialization and the making of citizens. In Oxford Handbooks Online in Political Science. Oxford University Press. Retrieved from: https://doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199935307.013.98. Accessed on 21 August 2019. Norris, P., & Lovenduski, J. (1995). Political Recruitment: Gender, Race and Class in the British Parliament. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Paxton, P., Kunovich, S., & Hughes, M. M. (2007). Gender in politics. Annual Review of Sociology, 33, 263–84. Quintelier, E., Hooghe, M., & Badescu, G. (2007). Parental infuence on adolescents' political participation: A comparison of Belgian, Canadian and Romanian survey data. In International Conference on Political Socialisation, Date: 2007/10/082007/10/10, Location: Örebro. Sweden. Retrieved from https://pdfs.semanti

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cscholar.org/b71c/5750f3a3b5ff79d6c7af343753201607b401.pdf. Accessed on 13 August 2019. Rai, P. (2011). Electoral participation of women in India: Key determinants and barriers. Economic and Political Weekly, 47–55. Rai, P. (2017). Women’s participation in electoral politics in India: Silent feminisation. South Asia Research, 37(1), 58–77. Sampat, K., & Mishra, J. (2014). Interest in politics and political participation. In S. Kumar (Ed.), Indian Youth and Electoral Politics: An Emerging Engagement (pp. 18–46). Delhi: SAGE Publication. Scavo, A., & Snow, C. (2016). Media and political participation: Fostering inclusive governance. BBC Media Action Research Report [online]. Retrieved from: https ://dataportal.bbcmediaaction.org/site/assets/uploads/2016/07/Political-Participa tion-research-report-1.pdf. Accessed on 15 April 2020. Schlozman, K. L., Burns, N., & Verba, S. (1994). Gender and the pathways to participation: The role of resources. The Journal of Politics, 56(4), 963–90. Schlozman, K. L., Burns, N., & Verba, S. (1999). "What Happened at Work Today?": A multistage model of gender, employment, and political participation. The Journal of Politics, 61(1), 29–53. Shistory.org. What factors shape political attitudes? Retrieved from: http://www .ushistory.org/gov/4b.asp. Accessed on 29 August 2019. The Economic Times. (2018). Women's Political Participation in India Low, Need More. Retrieved from: https://economictimes.indiatimes.com/news/politics-andnation/womens-political-participation-in-india-low-need-more-economic-survey/ articleshow/62696726.cms?from=mdr. Accessed on 12 August 2019. Verba, S., Burns, N., & Schlozman, K. L. (1997). Knowing and caring about politics: Gender and political engagement. The Journal of Politics, 59(4), 1051–72. Verba, S., Schlozman, K. L., Brady, H. E., & Shapiro, R. Y. (1995). Voice and equality: Civic voluntarism in American politics. Political Science Quarterly, 111(4), 706.

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4 POLITICAL SOCIALIZATION AT HOME Locating women in personal spaces Manjesh Rana and Neel Madhav

‘Socialization’ is a process by which an individual acquires knowledge, beliefs, abilities and perception, making her able to function in a particular way as a member of society (Elkin & Handel, 1972; Rosav, 1977; Stacy, 1978). Pandit (1994) defnes socialization as ‘a process whereby each society shapes its members and prepares them for successful incorporation into group life’. Hyman (1959) conceptualizes political socialization in terms of three dimensions: participation or involvement in politics, radical or conservative goals and democratic or authoritarian forms. Further, Greenstein (1970) points out that political socialization consists of both individualistic approaches, wherein the subject of an investigation is an individual herself, and systemic approaches that enquire into a system’s stability and maintenance. He further explains that political socialization can be thought of as either very narrow – the planned inculcation of political values, like civics classes in school – or very broad – meaning all political learning, formal or informal, throughout life. Thus, political socialization may be summed up as involving the study of individual roles, content and agents in a process of learning about politics (Pandit, 1994). The traditional global male-dominated patriarchal social system has recently been challenged. It took four waves of feminism to trigger a wider debate on gender equality and justice, though it appears this discussion has been largely about representation and equality in the public sphere and shared spaces. The dominance of patriarchy at home is not discussed as much as gender equality in public spaces. The family is the frst and the most important socializing structure, shaping attitudes towards politics and establishing political orientations. Identifying age as a defning factor in the process of socialization, Trevor (1999) states that ‘there is a primacy principle in the socialization process that what is learned early is learned best and structures later learning’. Among young girls, increased socialization at home may be a product of 59

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decreased independence and spending more time with parents and other family members. This contrasts with the experience of young boys, who enjoy more freedom, exposure and a greater propensity to question parents (Trevor, 1999). The values, beliefs and behaviours inculcated at an early age are said to have a deep and lasting infuence; however, the process of political socialization is continuous and not limited to one’s childhood (Pandey & Kumar, 1977). It has been the dominant view that women are less active than men in participating in political activities (Lane, 1959). Apart from many others, the immediate social environment is one of the factors that most infuences women’s participation in politics. In an ‘eight-hours-a-day’ work world, it is natural for humans to spend a bulk of the remaining time in their personal spaces, especially their homes. The family’s social infuence over a woman needs to be investigated in order to understand its impact, as women in India are far more likely to be confned to their homes, compared to men. Welch (1977) argues that, traditionally, women have been kept occupied within the home, taking care of family, with hardly any time to participate in politics or otherwise leave their personal spaces. For them, all or most of the political training and socialization (even if at a minimal level) takes place within the four walls of the home, with male members – father, brother(s) or husband – playing a dominant role in determining women’s identities and the course of their lives. Further, Welch (1977) contends that it is far less likely for women to be found in those sectors of the society that enhance their participation in politics, like education. Further, not working outside the home robs women of an opportunity to develop an interest in politics or to expose themselves to political arguments and discussions (Verba, 1965). Acknowledging positive changes in the last few decades, Trevor (1999) points to the increasing participation of women in the workforce and to the strong correlation between changes in women’s socio-economic conditions and their political participation. However, the traditional role-play, which is still prevalent in almost all sections of Indian society, robs women of equal and free participation in many activities, including ones pertaining to politics. With this hypothesis, using evidence from the Women and Politics Study conducted by the CSDS, we look at the position of women in their personal spaces, i.e., their homes. In the background are some of the most common patriarchal practices women are subject to in their day-to-day lives that affect their political opinions and participation. Firstly, this chapter attempts to analyze the position of women as decision-makers in their households, especially when it comes to making important purchases. Secondly, it tries to examine the autonomy of women’s political participation, and, in the process, it highlights women’s opinions on some important questions pertaining to their political participation, such as whether or not they should have the same political opinion as their families, whether or not they freely exercise their right to vote, and whether 60

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or not they are infuenced by anyone in their families, particularly males. Thirdly, it looks at the practices that add to the seclusion of women within their personal spaces and in the public sphere and the impact this might have on their participation in political activities. Discussion of these important issues might help us identify the factors playing crucial roles in increasing women’s participation in politics. German (2014) lists several factors that impact socialization, with the most important being gender, education, family, region and religious orientation. We attempt to understand the correlation between women’s positions in their households and their participation in politics through the prism of these various socio-economic and cultural factors.

The unheard voices: share of women in household decision-making Unlike the frst wave of feminism, which mostly revolved around suffrage rights, the second wave initiated conversations on a myriad of issues. It questioned social inequalities and aimed to change the overall position of women in society. Second-wave feminists argued for a direct relationship between politics and everyday life, and this shifted political understanding signifcantly. This allowed women rights group to expand the defnition of political and say that ‘the personal is the political’. This phrase became the slogan of the movement. Issues once considered personal or private, like abortion rights, sexual violence and harassment and housework, were not personal or private anymore; they were part of a broader political debate and the feminist agenda (Burrell, 2004). In a patriarchal society, the role of women in family decisions has often been marginal. Hanisch (1970), in ‘The personal is political’, argues that personal spaces are refective of politics and explains why it is important to see the personal space as political space and vice versa. The most signifcant indicator of the status of women in any society is the role they play in decision-making, representation and political participation (Ray, 2000). This section looks at the dynamics of women’s role in family decisions. Analyzing women’s responses to a set of questions highlighting their position as decision-makers inside their homes might help us understand the gender disparity prevalent in Indian households. This includes responses to questions about who makes decisions regarding major purchases, from buying electric appliances to buying a vehicle, a piece of land or a house. In order to analyze women’s role in family decision-making, their share in the process has been divided into three categories: ‘a lot of share’, ‘some share’ and ‘no share at all’. Overall, an alarming proportion—more than two in every fve women (44%)—do not seem to have any share in family decisions at all, while about one in every four (23%) have ‘some share’. Conversely, only one in every three (33%) women have ‘a lot of share’ in family decisions. It is not 61

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Table 4.1 Do older women have a slightly greater share in family decisions? (%) Women's share in family decisions

18–20 years 21–24 years 25–29 years 30–39 years 40–49 years 50–59 years 60 years and above

No share at all

Some share A greater share

61 50 48 45 39 35 36

17 22 23 26 24 25 20

22 29 29 30 37 41 44

Note: Figures may not add up to 100 due to rounding off. Question asked: Please tell me who takes these decisions in your house: (a) Expenditure on big things like buying a car/scooty; (b) Buying a house or land; (c) Buying other important household items like fridge, TV, washing machine?

surprising to note that younger cohorts have far less of a share in decisionmaking within the family compared to older ones. While more than half of those who were 24 years old or below have ‘no share at all’, conversely, more than two-ffths of those above 50 have ‘a lot of share’ in their household’s decision-making. However, with more than one in three women having no share in family decision-making, the position of even the older cohorts looks far from ‘equal’ (Table 4.1). There are some patterns of women’s participation in family decisionmaking across religion—Christian women have a greater share in family decision-making compared to women of other religions. Half of the Christian women surveyed have ‘a lot of share’ in family decision-making, while only one in every three women in the other three major religious groups have a say in family decision-making (Hindus 31%; Muslims 32%; Sikhs 32%).1 Caste also seems to have some impact on women’s participation in family decision-making. Adivasi women have ‘a lot of share’ in family decision-making with a little less than half (46%) of them participating in family decisions. They are distantly followed by upper-caste women, with one-third (34%) having a large share in the family decision-making process. However, Dalit women and women from other backward castes are found to have very little say in family decision-making—only 30% and 28%, respectively. It is generally believed that the poor, who are more likely to be from marginalized communities and with little access to education, would be far worse when it comes to the exclusion of women from decision-making processes when compared to upper-class households, but the disparity in decision-making seems to cut across all the classes in Indian society, with women belonging to all four economic groups—poor, lower-class, middle-class and 62

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rich—experiencing a more or less similar degree of involvement in family decision-making. Only around one-third in all the income categories have ‘a lot of share’. Thus, the evidence does not support the class hypothesis and women from all the economic classes face a similar degree of marginalization in the family decision-making process. Does education guarantee gender parity in crucial family decisions with respect to how and where to spend? Evidence suggests college-educated women have only a marginally greater say in family decision-making compared to uneducated women—35% and 33%, respectively. But there is a positive side as well—there is a notable difference of about 10 percentage points between the non-literates and the literates when it comes to having ‘no share’ in family decision-making. While a little more than half (51%) of those having no access to formal education have ‘no share’ in family decisions, the proportion reduces to around two-ffths among those with at least some level of education. Literates and non-literates appear to be on a different footing. The women who have studied up to the primary and matric levels have more or less similar participation in family decision-making as those who have completed school or attended college (Table 4.2). Comparing working women (women employed in a formal or informal sector to earn money) with the non-working women, working women are only slightly more likely to have a share in family decisions (Table 4.2). Summing this up, while education, overall, does prove to be a somewhat important factor, the position of women appears to be dismal regardless of the level of education they have received. Further, even working women show a narrow level of participation in making family decisions, indicating their marginalization in personal spaces, despite their fnancial contribution to the household. They are denied the share they deserve, and their labour

Table 4.2 Are college-educated women and working women more likely to have a share in family decisions? (%) Women's share in family decisions

Non-literate Up to primary Up to matric 12th pass/intermediate College and above Working women Non-working*

No share at all

Some share

A greater share

51 41 43 41 39 39 45

16 22 25 29 26 23 23

33 37 32 30 35 38 32

Note: Figures may not add up to 100 due to rounding off. *Includes home-makers, job-seekers, unemployed and students.

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seems to be largely unseen and their voice seems to be largely unheard inside their homes. However, given the slightly smaller proportion of working and educated women having ‘absolutely no share’, it certainly seems to be an important step towards achieving gender equity. Looking at the urban-rural divide, there seems to be a huge gap between the position of women living in villages and those living in towns or cities. Evidence suggests that, if you are a woman living in a village, you are far less likely to have a share in important family decisions. Conversely, if you are a woman living in a town or a city, you are more likely to have a say in crucial family expenditures. While a little more than half of the rural women surveyed (51%) have no share in family decision-making, for women who live in towns, the fgure is one-third and for women who live in cities less than one-third. Conversely, 28% of women living in villages and 41% in towns and cities have ‘a lot of share’. It would perhaps be worthwhile to note that more than three in every four women from Telangana (63%) and Bihar (61%) have no share at all in family decisions, the highest score amongst all the states for which we have evidence. With more than one in every two (52%) reporting the same, Haryana is not far behind. Among the states with a relatively higher proportion of women having ‘a lot of share’, Mizoram, with nearly twothirds (58%), Gujarat, with more than half (53%), and the National Capital Territory (NCT) of Delhi with nearly half (47%) of the women surveyed enjoying ‘a lot of share’, are relatively better-performing states. Other important decisions: education, work and marriage As Table 4.3 shows, only one-ffth of the women surveyed seemed to make their own decisions regarding education, while almost the same proportion Table 4.3 Decisions on education, work and marriage (%) Education Work Marriage* Own decision Husband (if married) Only mother Only father Both parents/in-laws Together Any other

22 16 1 9 10 19 3

35 21 1 3 8 18 2

19 4 16 26 28 0

Note: The rest of the women did not answer. Figures may not add up to 100 due to rounding off. *Asked only to unmarried women Question asked: Please tell me who takes these decisions in your house: a) Your education b) Whether you work or not. c. (If unmarried) Your marriage?

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make this decision after consultation with family members. There are some differences in the pattern if one looks at the opinion of married and unmarried women—two-ffths (42%) of unmarried women decide on their own, while only one-ffth (20%) of married women make decisions about education independently. Thus for married women, a husband’s dominance is evident, with about one in six women (16%) being guided by their husband with regard to their educational decisions. A sizeable number of Indian women are also guided by male family members regarding their decision to work. About one-third of women surveyed make their own decisions, while almost one-ffth make their decisions in consultation with the family. Unmarried women have greater independence in this regard, as nearly half (49%) of unmarried women decide on their own, while only one-third (33%) of married women are able to make an independent decision regarding work. A large number of women are also guided by family members with regard to decisions about marriage. About one-ffth of unmarried women make their own decisions, while more than one-fourth (28%) decide together with family. The father seems to be playing a far more dominant role here, with about one in every six women guided by her father’s choice, compared to only one in every 25 who follow their mother’s advice. For one in every four women surveyed, both of their parents make this decision. But has the situation changed over the last few decades with regard to women’s independent decision-making? Do we expect the next generation of women to have a greater or lesser say in decision-making? The last few decades have certainly brought about some positive changes. Three in every fve (60%) women surveyed think that the situation has improved and approximately one in every three (30%) women believe that the situation is the same or has worsened. What is more, Indian women seem to be much more hopeful for the future, with more than two-thirds of them (68%) expressing the view that women would have a greater say in decision-making in the future. More than one in every fve (22%) women surveyed had negative views, as they believe that the situation would remain the same or could get even worse. As discussed earlier, representation in various felds, participation in politics and a fair share in the decision-making process in both personal spaces and political spheres are identifed as important indicators of the status of women in any society (Khanna, 2009). With minimal or no share in family decisions, women continue to live as second-class members of their households and as second-class citizens outside it. This indicates a strong connection between their positions in personal spaces and society at large. Women’s inferior position in the outside world can be very well attributed to their dismal status at home and vice versa. This conditioning and training of women in their homes, denying them a voice in important matters, can be understood as an important contributing factor to their under-representation in the job market, especially at important administrative and managerial levels, and in 65

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politics, where it is seldom that they are seen as potential leaders who can be trusted by the masses. With this, we now move on to assessing the level of freedom or autonomy enjoyed by women in their political participation.

The invisibles: women’s autonomy in political participation This picture of women’s participation in family decision-making is not limited to private spaces and households; it also extends to public spaces and politics. Women have always made up a small minority in Indian politics. This seems to be changing as the participation and representation of women in politics has increased in recent times, yet, the gap is still quite signifcant (Bansal, 2019; Sasha & Dubey, 2019). Women have proved to be effective change agents, contributing to the empowerment of society as a whole. Therefore, at a time when there is a rising consciousness for gender equality, it is important to recognize women’s autonomy of political participation and their position in the society as ‘full citizens’ in earnest, in all spheres— social and economic, as well as political (Khanna, 2009). Amidst growing recognition of women’s political and personal independence, it is important to examine their level of freedom in making their own decisions about their participation in politics. Autonomy in political participation is a prerequisite to women acting as ‘full citizens’, defning their position in all the spheres of society (Khanna, 2009). Studies have argued that women’s role in political, social and economic contexts needs to be acknowledged in the earnest, and the forces that keep them away from the main arena need to be countered (Khanna, 2009). Politics is made up of an array of activities, including, but not restricted to, exercising the right to vote, canvassing for a candidate or a political party, attending public meetings and rallies, contesting polls and holding a party offce. Women’s participation in politics has dependent variables. Various socio-economic and cultural factors play a crucial role in orienting a woman towards or away from activities that defne her level of political participation. In this context, this section expands on women’s autonomy in their political choices and representation. It also explores the dynamics that limit women’s participation in the political sphere. Based on participation in various election-related activities, women are classifed as those who enjoy ‘a lot of freedom’, ‘some freedom’, ‘very little freedom’ or ‘no freedom at all’, indicating what degree of autonomy they enjoy in terms of their political participation. The situation regarding women’s freedom does not seem to be encouraging. As Figure 4.1 indicates, two in every three women surveyed do not have any freedom, while only one in every ten enjoys a lot of freedom with respect to their participation in political activities. Evidence suggests that older women are more likely to have freedom of political participation, compared to younger women. While only 6% to 7% 66

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Women’s autonomy of political participation A lot of freedom 10 Some freedom 12

Very little freedom 12

No freedom at all 66

Figure 4.1 Two-thirds of women have no freedom at all with respect to their political participation (%). Note: All fgures are rounded off. Question asked: Please tell me whether you have/will have to ask permission of your husband or a senior family member to: (a) To go to a political rally; (b) To attend a meeting of a candidate in your locality; (c) To take part is some morcha/protest/demonstration; (d) To campaign for a candidate/party; (e) (If Village) Attend Gram Sabha meetings?

of young women between the ages 18 and 29 seem to be absolutely free to participate in political activities, the proportion increases to 8% to 10% among middle-aged women between the ages of 30 and 49. It increases further to between 15% and 17% for those aged 50 and above. Thus, a slight improvement can be noticed, but this is not enough to make age a signifcant factor in altering the position of women. Married and unmarried women seem to have similar experiences regarding their autonomy in terms of political participation—it remains low for both of them. It needs to be stressed that, in the case of younger women, this survey result could be a refection of their aspirations and expectations, while in the case of older women, it may indicate that acceptance fows from experience. They internalize dominant social practices and are able to develop and implement coping strategies to challenge patriarchal domination. The Adivasi women are in a relatively better position, being more likely to exercise autonomy, compared to Dalits, OBCs and upper-caste women. While a little over half of Adivasis have ‘no freedom at all’ (52%), women from the other three caste groups have even lower degrees of freedom, with 69% of upper-castes and OBCs and 72% of Dalits having ‘no freedom at all’. However, amongst women enjoying ‘a lot of freedom’, there is no signifcant difference across the four caste groups. 67

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Looking at other socio-economic factors, there is not much of a difference between women who belong to different economic groups and between women residing in villages, towns and cities. Even a woman’s level of education does not make much of a difference in terms of her freedom to participate in politics. There is a slight difference, however, between working and non-working women, with more than one-fourth of working women having ‘some’ or ‘a lot of freedom’ (16% enjoy ‘some freedom’ and 10% enjoy ‘a lot of freedom’) and one-ffth of non-working women having ‘some’ or ‘a lot of freedom’. (10% enjoy ‘some freedom’ and 10% enjoy ‘a lot of freedom’). Therefore, aside from the few exceptions stated above, socio-economic difference among women does not prove to be an important factor affecting their political autonomy. The issue of women’s independence is guided largely by their families, even if women want to participate in public affairs. They are discouraged on this issue, or, in some instances, family members remain indifferent. Only a little more than one in every three women (35%) believe that their family would encourage them if they wanted to be more active in public affairs in their locality, while almost the same proportion of women think they would be discouraged (30%). The proportion of women who are not sure about the approach of their family members is also around one-third. The participation of women in politics has been low, and perhaps this explains why Parliament reserved one-third of seats for women in the Panchayats and the Municipalities, the institutions of local self-governance in rural and urban India introduced via 73rd and 74th Amendments to the Constitution. These Amendments, which came into effect in 1993, did bring some relief, as the move was intended to decentralize political power (which largely lies in the hands of men), to give women the much-needed opportunity to act as political representatives and in the process to make them participate in decision-making at the local level in villages, towns and cities. The move was overwhelmingly welcomed by women’s organizations as a potentially empowering provision, and they worked extensively at providing support to the women elected in this set-up (Sonalkar, 1999). However, as it has been seen in some localities, the entry of women into local-level politics has been manipulated. In some situations, such de jure elected women are neutralized, and the local bodies are ruled by men acting as their ‘proxies’ (Chaudhary & Sood, 2015). This might have been expected, as this was the frst time women from all sections of society were given a constitutional permit to participate in local political processes from which they have mostly been excluded. Despite these important constitutional mandates, the participation of women continues to be minimal even after more than 25 years. Even though this is not a direct assessment of the changes brought in by the two Amendments, the dismal level of urban and rural women’s participation indicates they did not change the narrative at the local level and the gender 68

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gap still persists. By and large, women’s participation in politics has been low, and they seem less likely to freely engage in political activities, attend meetings and rallies and participate in protests or political campaigns. In India, as well as in many other countries, politics continues to be largely associated with displays of physical strength, unhealthy competition involving unfair means, and a hunger for power. In the process, women have been socialized to not associate themselves with politics, believing it to be a male domain. Moreover, in the absence of the freedom to participate, and the encouragement of their families, women continue to be under-represented in the political arena.

How women vote: understanding infuences on vote choice While there is a defcit in gender representation in legislative bodies and it appears there is a long way to go to reach equality, one area where the gender gap has signifcantly decreased over the years is in general election voter turnout. The rise in numbers of women turning out to vote has been called a silent revolution in India (Kapoor & Ravi, 2014). There has been a decrease in the gender gap and an increase in women’s turnout in both national and state elections. In the Lok Sabha elections, the gap has become almost negligible (Kumar & Gupta, 2015). The difference in turnout in the 2019 Lok Sabha election was reduced to 0.11 percentage points from 8.5 percentage points in the 2004 Lok Sabha election. While women voters are coming out to vote in large numbers and parity has almost been achieved in terms of turnout, it is important to note if women in India exercise their right to vote freely (i.e., without outside infuence, especially that of male family members), and if women’s participation in other political activities is infuenced and controlled by men. Women enjoy a lesser degree of autonomy when it comes to their political participation, and the picture does not appear to be improving. As Figure 4.2 indicates, while almost three in every fve women voters make their voting decision on their own, one in every three women make their voting decision under strong ‘male dominance’, particularly that of their husband and/or father, as far as their choice of a candidate or a party is concerned. The infuence of a woman’s husband on her vote is much more evident when one segregates women voters on the basis of their marital status. While among unmarried women more than two-thirds (69%) make their voting decision on their own, amongst married women it decreases to less than three-ffths (57%). Almost one in every four married women voters (23%) is infuenced by her husband in deciding who to vote for, while more than one in every 10 (11%) relies on a male family member for guidance. For one in every fve unmarried women (20%), it is her father’s opinion that matters the most. Men’s infuence on women’s vote choices shoots up after marriage. It increases by 14 percentage points from one in every fve women 69

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Influence on vote choice

59

33

4 Mother or other female family members

3 Husband or Father or other male family members

Others (not family members)

Own decision

Figure 4.2 One-third of women show strong male dominance in deciding who to vote for (%). Note: The rest of the women did not answer. Figures may not add up to 100 due to rounding off. Question asked: In deciding who to vote for, whose opinion matters to you the most?

(20%) to one in every three (34%). The infuence of mothers or other female members continues to be extremely low, with merely 5% unmarried and 4% married women relying on their opinions, again indicating that women are far less likely to be politically motivated or having a political opinion independent of their families. When one looks at women voters on the basis of their religious identities, one again fnds that Christian women are in a relatively better position in terms of the control of male family members, compared to Hindu, Sikh and Muslim women. While only approximately one in every fve (22%) Christian women are infuenced by a male family member regarding their vote choice, one in three from each of the other three religions admit having such infuence (Hindus 35%; Muslims 32%; Sikhs 33%). Women voters belonging to the Dalit castes are under signifcant infuence of their male family members, with two in every fve (40%) deciding their vote choice in consultation with men, as opposed to 29% of uppercastes women and 36% of OBC women. Adivasi women are found to be the least infuenced by male family members, with approximately a quarter of them (26%) being infuenced by the advice of fathers, husbands or other male family members. Evidence also suggests that the infuence of male family members is higher among economically disadvantaged groups compared to advantaged ones. While almost two in every fve poor women are infuenced by male 70

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family members when deciding who to vote for, only one in every four rich women are infuenced by male family members. Also, while only a little more than one in every two women from poor and lower economic classes freely vote, the proportion of women voting independently is higher among middle-class and affuent groups—three in every fve and more than two in every three, respectively. Further, evidence suggests a huge gap between rural and urban women regarding the infuence of male family members on their voting choice. While only one in every two women in villages vote without anybody’s infuence, more than two in every three women in towns and four in every fve women in cities vote on their own. The infuence of male family members, including husbands and fathers, is far more visible in villages. Conversely, in towns, less than one in every four women, and in cities, only about one in every seven women are infuenced by a male family member while casting their votes (Table 4.4). Education also seems to be a major factor. Women with better access to education are less likely to be under the infuence of male family members regarding vote choice. Evidence in Table 4.5 suggests that while approximately half of women voters who cannot read and write (non-literate) make an independent decision to vote for a party or a candidate, three-fourths of college-educated women are able to make an independent voting decision. Male infuence in women’s voting is inversely proportional to women’s level of education: more than two-ffths of women with no access to formal education are infuenced by male family members compared to one-fourth of women who have completed their schooling and one-ffth of women who are college-educated. If we look at a husband’s infuence on women’s vote choice, among married college-educated women voters, approximately one in every eight (13%) women is infuenced by her husband’s advice. It increases as Table 4.4 Rich and urban women far more likely to vote on their own (%) In deciding who to vote for, whose Mother or opinion matters other female to you the most? family members

Husband, father or other male family members

Others (not family members)

Own decision

Poor Lower Middle Rich Village Town City

37 35 31 25 41 23 14

4 3 4 2 4 3 1

53 55 61 70 49 68 79

5 4 4 2 4 4 4

Note: The rest of the women did not answer. Figures may not add up to 100 due to rounding off.

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Table 4.5 Women with more education are less likely to be dominated by men in their vote choice (%) In deciding who to vote for, whose opinion matters to you the most?

Mother or other female family members

Husband, father or other male family members

Others (not family members)

Own decision

Non-literate Up to primary Up to matric 12th pass/intermediate College and above

4 4 4 6 2

43 36 33 25 19

4 4 3 2 2

47 54 58 66 76

Note: The rest of the women did not answer. Figures may not add up to 100 due to rounding off.

educational attainment decreases: 15% amongst women who have completed their schooling, 23% amongst women who have only studied up to class X, 25% amongst women having only a primary level of education and 29% amongst women who have received no formal education. Clearly, education proves to be an important factor in women gaining independence with respect to exercising their right to vote. However, women’s work status does not appear to be a major factor, as dividing women voters into working and non-working categories do not uncover a signifcant difference. The number of working women who vote on their own is only 2 percentage points higher than the number of non-working women (60% and 58%, respectively). If women are considered on the basis of their marital status, many interesting fndings appear. In summary, a husband’s infuence on his wife’s decision to vote is found to be strongest in Bihar, with more than half of women voters reporting that they vote according to their husband. Although a father’s infuence among married women is found to be less than 3% in all states, in West Bengal 15% of women solicit their father’s opinion before casting their votes (15% infuenced by their fathers, 34% by their husbands and 13% by other male family members). In Haryana, while one-third of women (33%) are infuenced by their husbands, only 1% are found to be infuenced by their fathers. Haryanvi women are also found to be strongly infuenced by male family members (which are most likely be their brothers and sons), as nearly a quarter of them (24%) are infuenced by other men in the family when deciding who to vote for. Should women have the same political opinions as their family? Is it important for women to have the same political opinions as their family members or is it fne to have different opinions? Evidence in Table 4.6 indicates that more than one in two women feel it is ‘very important’ or 72

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‘somewhat important’ for them to have the same political opinion as their family members. Conversely, for approximately one-third of women surveyed, it is ‘not very important’ or ‘not important at all’. Women in higherincome groups, women who have better access to formal education and women living in towns and cities are more likely to feel that it is not important to have the same political opinions as their family members; large numbers of these women cherish having independent political opinions. Further, evidence in Table 4.6 indicates a direct correlation of socio-economic factors. One in every four women from rich households compared to one in every nine women from poor households believe it is ‘not at all important’ for them to have the same opinion as their families. Women in towns and cities are three times as likely to share similar views and cherish having independent political opinions compared to women living in rural areas. Similarly, as the education level among women increases, the idea that one

Table 4.6 Women from higher-income groups with better access to formal education, and women living in towns and cities are more likely to believe their political opinion need not be the same as their family members’ (%) How important is it for women to have the same political opinion as their family?

Overall Poor Lower Middle Rich Village Town City Non-literate Up to primary Up to matric 12th pass/ intermediate College and above

Very important

Somewhat important

Not very important

Not at all important

20 18 19 20 23 18 22 22 15 20 20 21

32 32 35 31 29 37 24 26 37 32 33 30

15 14 14 17 12 18 11 8 13 17 15 15

17 11 15 18 27 9 28 27 11 13 15 20

22

26

15

28

Note: The rest of the women did not answer. Figures may not add up to 100 due to rounding off. Question asked: Some women feel that it is very important that they have the same political opinion as their family members, whereas there are others who feel there is nothing wrong if they and their family members have different political opinion. What about you? Would you say it is very important for you, fairly important, not very important or not at all important, that you have the same political opinion/views as your family? Very important, somewhat important, not much or not at all?

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should have independent political opinions becomes stronger. Nevertheless, employment again fails to emerge as an important factor in encouraging women to hold independent political opinions; there is minimal difference between the responses of working and non-working women regarding having independent political opinions.

Anonymity: understanding barriers from home Sonalkar (1999) notes that patriarchy infuences how men’s infuence over women is articulated, frst in a woman’s family (i.e., in the home) and then in the public sphere (i.e., in society at large). Homes sometimes act as institutionalized patriarchal boundaries that deprive women of their equality (Hanisch, 1970). Patriarchy makes personal space unequal for men and women and establishes a system in which the former are superior. The human behaviour of eating together and interacting equally changes when humans are divided based on gender. This division by gender hinders women’s individual aspirations and their progress in shaping their own thought process. Stressing the segregation of women in public as well as personal spaces, Khanna (2009) observes that: Practices such as female seclusion and sex segregation, the relative rigidity of the division of labour, and the notion of the ‘naturalness’ of males’ and females’ work, and many subtle aspects of gender relations all contribute to the shaping of and are themselves shaped by the ideology underlying their practices and behaviour. (p. 58) The following section will highlight how patriarchy functions in household spaces and will try to understand how it infuences women’s political participation. Eating patterns of women and men While the household space is mostly occupied by and dependent on women, that does not mean that women are in positions of power in the household. Though household responsibilities are comprised of many things, when one takes a close look at women’s domestic spaces, it appears very much tilted in men’s favour. Men are treated as superior in domestic spaces compared to women. One can see a clear gender divide in Indian families with respect to something as basic as eating daily meals. Evidence suggests (Table 4.7) that only a negligible proportion of women eat before male family members. In more than one-third of the households, men eat everyday meals before women—a clear indication of men’s dominance. When there are 74

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Table 4.7 Men far more likely to eat before women (%) Generally, do women in your household eat before men, after men or all members of the household eat together?

In everyday meals When they have guests

Overall Unmarried Married Overall Unmarried Married

Women eat frst

Men eat frst

Everyone eats together

3 3 3 1 0 2

36 18 39 40 25 42

56 74 53 49 67 46

Note: The rest of the women did not answer. Figures may not add up to 100 due to rounding off. Question asked: Generally, do women in your household eat before men, after men or do all members of the household eat together, (a) Everyday meals; (b) When you have guest(s)?

guests present, in two-ffths of the households male family members are more likely to eat at the same time as the rest of the group, but this is not the case in all families. Approximately half of the women surveyed eat their everyday meals together with the rest of the family, and this is more prevalent amongst urban families. This should be seen in the light of a gendered division of work—cooking is mostly believed to be a woman’s job. Marriage comes out as an important factor determining the eating pattern in families. Unmarried women, most of them also being young, are far more likely to have their everyday meals together with the rest of their family compared to those who are married. While three in every four unmarried women (74%) eat their everyday meals with their families, only 53% of married do. Christian women enjoy greater parity with men compared to women of other religions in Indian households. Large numbers of them eat together with the rest of the family compared to Hindu, Muslim and Sikh women. Nine out of every 10 Christian women (90%) have their everyday meals with their family, as opposed to only approximately one in every two women from the other three religions (Hindus 50%; Muslims 53%; Sikhs 56%). Further, the culture of men eating before women appears more prominent among Hindus, with men eating before women in more than two in every fve Hindu households (42%). Men eat before women in less than two out of fve Muslim households (37%) and in one out of every three Sikh households (33%). Three out of every four (75%) Adivasi women are more likely to eat their everyday meals with their family. They are distantly followed by upper-caste women (56%), OBCs (50%) and Dalit women (49%). Thus, Christian and the Adivasi women enjoy slightly better status in this regard compared to other women. 75

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Table 4.8 Women in towns and cities are more likely to eat their everyday meals together with their families (%) Generally, do women in your household eat before men, after men or all members of the household eat together?

In everyday meals When they have guests

Village Town City Village Town City

Women eat frst

Men eat frst

Everyone eats together

2 2 7 1 1 2

47 23 18 48 26 33

46 69 70 42 60 57

Note: The rest of the women did not answer. Figures may not add up to 100 due to rounding off.

Looking at the urban–rural divide, urban spaces appear to be more progressive in this regard. Evidence in Table 4.8 indicates that in less than oneffth of the households in big cities, men eat before women; a little less than one-fourth of the households in towns report so. In villages, in almost half of the households, men eat before women; rural women are far more affected by this discriminatory practice. This might be due to the difference in family composition in urban and rural spaces. Towns and cities are far more likely to cater to smaller nuclear families, while rural spaces are more likely to have larger families. Moreover, the size of houses and kitchens may also be one of the determinants of this behaviour. The level of education seems to have a major impact on women’s independence. Evidence suggests a clear pattern: the more educated a woman is, the more likely it is she will eat her everyday meals with the rest of her family. While half of the women with no formal education (non-literate) indicate that the men in their families eat before them, it declines to 30% among women who have completed their schooling, and to only 21% among college-educated women. Seclusion of women vis-à-vis participation in politics Society has created barriers to women’s equality in different forms, and it has made women adapt to different restrictive practices defned and determined by customs, heritage, language and culture. ‘Purdah’ is a practice of screening women from men or strangers, especially by means of a curtain. The Purdah system started in ancient India and intensifed with the arrival of the Mughals and continues to the present day (Walsh, 2006). Women are physically segregated within buildings by the judicious use 76

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of walls, curtains and screens. The fact that half of the population was once restricted by such physical barriers curtains seems an ‘old fashioned’ practice. In contemporary India, this system of seclusion has taken new forms, but it remains in practice. It has evolved from ‘curtains’ to ‘costume’, a metaphorical wall. It can be seen in the burqa worn by some Muslim women and ghunghat or pallu worn by some Hindu women. Ghunghat, pallu or burqa—they all take the place of traditional Purdah practices and they continue to inhibit women’s freedom of movement. In these different forms, Purdah has emerged as a major challenge to women’s participation in the public sphere, including in politics, and it contributes to their seclusion. Sizeable numbers of Indian women observe Purdah in different forms with male family members, with elders (relatives) and in public places. Evidence suggests that more than one-third of women surveyed practise one of the abovementioned forms of Purdah in different situations. Two out of every fve women (40%) survey practice Purdah with their relatives, while a little less than two in every fve (37%) women practice it in public places. More than one in every three women (35%) practices Purdah even in front of male family members. According to German (2014), there is a correlation between religious orientation and political opinion and behaviour, with more orthodox religions fostering more conservative political thought, and teaching women to play a more traditional role in society, discouraging them from taking part in political activities. As it is a cultural practice, segregating the survey data based on women’s religion would perhaps give a different picture. Unsurprisingly, Hindu and Muslim women stand out as most commonly practising Purdah, with more than two out of every fve women practising Purdah in front of male family members (Hindus 42%; Muslims 45%). Christian and Sikh women enjoy greater freedom—a negligible proportion of Christians and Sikh women practice any form of Purdah (6% and 3%, respectively). Women in Hindu and Muslim households practice Purdah in front of their relatives (48% and 49%, respectively). In both situations, the gap between Hindu and Muslim women is very narrow; however, the gap widens when looking at the practice of Purdah in a public place. While 42% of Hindu women practice ghunghat or pallu when they are in a public place, the proportion of Muslim women who wear the burqa is 20 percentage points higher (62%). There is a clear rural–urban divide in this regard. Rural women practice Purdah much more than urban women, though this age-old practice does not remain restricted to only rural women. One in every four urban women also practises some form of Purdah in front of the male family members (towns 25%; cities 27%). What’s more, when relatives are around, both rural and urban women are more likely to practice Purdah, with 47% women in villages, 29% of women in towns and 30% of women in cities practising Purdah. Women also practise Purdah in public places; 45% of 77

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women in villages and 30% of women in towns follow this practice when in a public place. However, women living in big cities follow the practice of Purdah in public places in a smaller number. In cities, the level of practice appears to be equal when compared to the level of practice in personal spaces, such as homes. A sense of urban anonymity could be understood as a potential reason for this, whereas, in villages, people usually know each other and therefore the situation remains similar both inside and outside their homes, forcing women to comply with the Purdah system. There is clear evidence that (Table 4.9) education and employment make a difference to the practice of Purdah among women. The higher the level of women’s educational attainment, the lesser they practise Purdah. Women with little to no formal education practice Purdah more often compared to women who have completed their schooling or received a college education. More than two out of every fve women with no formal education comply with the patriarchal practice of Purdah, while only one out of every four college-educated women follow the Purdah system. Similarly, non-working women practice Purdah much more than working women. The difference is quite notable; approximately two in every fve non-working women practice Purdah, whereas, among working women, the proportion decreases to one in every four. It is also not surprising to note that married women practice Purdah far more than unmarried women, with almost 38% of women practising Purdah in front of male family members, in contrast to only approximately one in every seven unmarried women (14%). Evidence suggests (Table 4.10)

Table 4.9 Better-educated and working women less likely to practice Purdah (%) Do you practice Ghungat/ Purdah/Pallu/Burqa in front of male members of the family?

Non-literate Up to Primary Up to Matric 12th Pass/intermediate College and above Non-working Working women

Yes

No

Net

44 40 36 28 24 38 26

53 51 53 58 65 53 61

−9 −11 −17 −30 −41 −15 −25

Note: The rest of the women did not answer. Figures may not add up to100 due to rounding off. Question asked: Thinking about yourself, please tell me whether you practice Ghungat/Purdah/Pallu/Burqa: (a) In front of male members of the family; (b) In front of relatives; (c) In public places?

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Table 4.10 The Purdah practice is most prevalent among the younger married women (%) Do you practice Ghungat/Purdah/ Pallu/Burqa in front of male members of the family? Married women between Yes

No

Net

18–20 years 21–24 years 25–29 years 30–39 years 40–49 years 50–59 years 60 years and above

53 50 48 52 54 56 59

−13 −3 −2 −11 −18 −23 −29

40 47 46 41 36 33 30

Note: The rest of the women did not answer. Figures may not add up to 100 due to rounding off.

that amongst married women, younger married women follow this practice much more compared to older married women, with the practice being most prevalent among married women between 21 and 29; thereafter, the proportion declines. As observed above, women are isolated in personal as well as public spaces. Does this seclusion of women using practices like Purdah, even while they are inside their homes, affect their political participation? Evidence in Table 4.11 indicates that women who vote on their own (i.e., without being infuenced by anyone else) are far less likely to practice Purdah in front of their family members (29%). In contrast, women who vote on the advice of their husband are far more likely to comply with the practice of Purdah (48%). Further, women who are infuenced by their father or another male family member (excluding their husband) in choosing a candidate or a party are also likely to practice Purdah in their homes (43%). Table 4.11 Women who show their husband’s infuence over vote choice more likely to be practising Purdah (%)

In deciding who to vote for, whose opinion matters to you the most? Husband Father or other male family members Independent decision

Do you practice Ghungat/Purdah/Pallu/ Burqa in front of male members of the family? Yes

No

Net

48 43 29

44 50 60

+4 −7 −31

Note: The rest of the women did not answer. Figures may not add up to 100 due to rounding off.

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Table 4.12 Women who enjoy higher autonomy appear less likely to be practising Purdah (%) Do you practice Ghungat/Purdah/Pallu/ Burqa in front of male members of the family? Women’s autonomy of political participation Yes

No

Net

No freedom at all Very little freedom Some freedom A lot of freedom

52 56 62 67

−14 −21 −36 −41

38 35 26 26

Note: The rest of the women did not answer. Figures may not add up to 100 due to rounding off.

It can be concluded that women who do not have an independent opinion while casting their votes are far more likely to practice Purdah in their homes. Purdah, therefore, proves to be one of the most relevant factors in restricting women’s equal participation in personal spaces and the public sphere. As it prevents them from participating in discussions and debates, Purdah impacts their voting choices. When looking at the degree of women’s autonomy in broader political participation, a clear pattern can be observed, where women who enjoy more autonomy appear to be less likely to practise Purdah in their homes, while women who have less or no autonomy are far more likely to engage in this patriarchal practice (Table 4.12). Among women who do not enjoy any autonomy, as many as two out of every fve practice Purdah. In contrast, among women who enjoy some or a lot of autonomy, only about one in every four practices Purdah. Clearly, women who do not practice Purdah in their homes are more likely to choose a candidate on their own, owing to the greater autonomy they enjoy. In contrast, the voting choices of those subjected to the Purdah system are overly infuenced by men, particularly their husbands, making the practice of Purdah an indicator of their level of political freedom. Hazarika (2008) stresses that participation in politics should be measured by looking at individual experiences of day-to-day life in relation to private and public issues and by paying attention to individual voices as groups, as individual voices go largely unnoticed in a male-dominated public sphere. When women struggle to negotiate both private and public spaces, Purdah only further infringes their mobility.

Concluding remarks In Republic, Plato advocated for education and training to develop the guardians for the city of Athens, beginning what we now call ‘political 80

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socialization’ (German, 2014). At a time when the gender debate is ongoing in all domains and parts of the world, it is extremely important to understand political participation and its connection to private space. This chapter examined how women’s socialization, traditional gender roles and women’s position in their households affected their political participation. Millet (2005) argues that even though men’s dominance over women can become apparent to a layperson, what eludes us is the concept of birth-right priority whereby males rule females, encouraging the most ingenious form of ‘interior colonization’. This form of segregation is undoubtedly the most rigorous one. It impacts the growth of an individual by teaching her, from a very young age, to habitually surrender to notions of male superiority. The individual will fail to realize the adverse effects of this mindset upon her freedom and choice in various spheres throughout her life, irreconcilably damaging her thought processes. Gender inequality, thus, is a pervasive cultural belief that provides a central and fundamental concept of power (Hazarika, 2008). A patriarchal mindset certainly governs the relations of men and women in both personal and public spaces. A belief in the superiority of men is quite evident by comparing the socio-economic activities of men and women. The culture and environment of the home are visible barriers that demarcate boundaries and that affect the freedom of women in an institutionalized manner. This chapter has highlighted the position of women in personal spaces in relation to their role in important family decisions. It has also looked at how much autonomy they have regarding their political participation, and the isolation some women experience as a consequence of age-old customs and patriarchal practices. Firstly, women do not play an equal role in family decisions, and this deprives them of equal status in their households. As discussed, this persists irrespective of religion and caste. Neither economic class nor the level of education seems to have any signifcant impact on women’s role in family decisions. The fact that some women are employed also does not signifcantly change their role in this regard. However, urban women are found to be in a relatively better position compared to those in villages.  Secondly, the evidence highlights the grim position of women with regard to how much freedom they have to participate in politics. A majority of women have no freedom at all. Education or work failed to have an impact on women’s status in their households. As the voting turnout for women has increased in recent years, there is a need to understand if women exercise their right to vote freely or if they do so under male infuence. Evidence suggests that when women vote, the infuence of male family members, especially of husband, appears to be strong. However, urban women are the least affected by their husband’s or any other male family member’s opinion, and thus they exercise their right to vote more freely than other women. Moreover, unlike in relation to their freedom to 81

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participate in political activities, education does have an impact, with married, college-educated women least affected by male infuence. Thirdly, due to socially constructed patriarchal norms, something as basic as eating daily meals has also been gendered, with men more likely to eat before women. The situation is found to be dismal in all religious and caste groups, except among Christians and Adivasis, as women in these groups are in a relatively better position. Education and employment appear to be major factors in bringing women onto a more equal footing. Further, Hindu and Muslim women are signifcantly affected by the age-old practice of Purdah. Furthermore, women who are less compliant with the Purdah system enjoy greater autonomy in their political participation, and they exercise their vote choice freely. Domestic spaces are thus demarcating clear boundaries for women, restricting their mobility, limiting their role in decision-making, and infringing on their physical and intellectual liberty. Patriarchal practices are clearly negatively impacting women’s exercise of their democratic freedoms. However, education and employment seem to be taking women forward and onto a more level playing feld, and they have the potential to improve the independence, autonomy and participation of women in politics. With a greater number of women accessing education, especially a college education, and a relatively high number of women entering the workforce, the socialization process also seems to be going through some long-awaited changes. Hopefully, this rising exposure will prove to be more effective in diminishing the gender gap in the future.

Note 1 Sample sizes from other religious groups were inadequate.

References Bansal, A. (2019). Women turn out in greater numbers than in previous elections. Economic Times. Retrieved from https://economictimes.indiatimes.com/news/ele ctions/lok-sabha/india/women-turn-out-in-greater-numbers-than-in-previous-e lections/articleshow/69405687.cms?from=mdr. Accessed on 17 April 2020. Burrell, B. (2004). Women and Political Participation: A Reference Handbook. Santa Barbara, California: ABC-CLIO. Chaudhary, U., & Sood, M. (2015). Women as proxies in politics: Decision-making and service delivery in Panchayati Raj. The Hindu Centre for Politics and Public Policy. Retrieved from https://www.thehinducentre.com/the-arena/current-issues /article7761306.ece. Accessed on 13 April 2020. Elkin, E., & Handel, G. (1972). The Children and Society: The Process of Socialization. New York: Random House. German, D. (2014). Political socialization defned: Setting the context. In German D., De Landtsheer C., Farnen R., Dekker H., Sünker H., Song Y., et al. (Eds.),

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E-Political Socialization, the Press and Politics: The Media and Government in the USA, Europe and China (pp. 17–26). Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang AG. Greenstein, F. (1970). A note on the ambiguity of “political socialization”: Defnitions, criticisms, and strategies of inquiry. The Journal of Politics, 32(4), 969–978. Hanisch, C. (1970). The Personal is Political. Notes from the Second Year: Women’s Liberation. New York: Radical Feminism. 76–78. Hazarika, S. (2008). Democracy and leadership: The gendered voice in politics. Sociological Bulletin, 57(3), 353–370. Retrieved from www.jstor.org/stable /23620806. Accessed on 18 April 2020. Hyman, H. (1959). Political Socialization: A Study in the Psychology of Political Behaviour. Glencoe, Ill: Free Press. Kapoor, M., & Ravi, S. (2014). Women voters in Indian democracy: A silent revolution. Economic and Political Weekly, 63–67. Khanna, M. (2009). Political participation of women in India. Indian Journal of Political Science, 70(1), 55–64. Retrieved from www.jstor.org/stable/41856495. Accessed on April 17, 2020. Kumar, S., & Gupta, P. (2015). Changing patterns of women’s turnout in Indian elections. Studies in Indian Politics, 3(1), 7–18. Lane, R. (1959). Political Life: Why People Get Involved in Politics. Glencoe, Ill: Free Press. Millet, K. (2005). Theory of sexual politics. In Ann E. Cudd and Robin Andreasen (Eds.), Feminist Theory: A Philosophical Anthology (pp. 37–59). Oxford: Blackwell Publishing. Pandey, J., & Kumar, V. (1977). Political education: An empirical framework. Indian Journal of Political Science, 38(4), 506–520. Retrieved from www.jstor .org/stable/41854941 Accessed on 17 April 2020. Pandit, V. L. (1994). Political education and political socialization in a pluralistic society: A case study of two generations of women in India. In S. S. Nagel (Eds.), Asian Development and Public Policy. Policy Studies Organization Series. Ray, B. (Ed.). (2000). Women and Politics: France, India, and Russia (Vol. 19). Kolkata: KP Bagchi & Company. Rosav (1977). Socialization to Old Age. London. University of California Press. Sasha, R., & Dubey, T. (2019). Here are the 78 women MPs who are going to be the political face of India. Your Story. Retrieved from https://yourstory.com/herstory /2019/05/w omen-politicians-lok-sabha-2019. Accessed on 17 April 2020. Sonalkar, W. (1999). An Agenda for gender politics. Economic and Political Weekly, 34(1/2), 24–29. Retrieved from www.jstor.org/stable/4407543. Accessed on 22 April 2020. Stacy, B. (1978). Political Socialization in Western Society. London: Edward Arnold. Trevor, M. (1999). Political socialization, party identifcation, and the gender gap. Public Opinion Quarterly, 63(1), 62–89. Retrieved from www.jstor.org/stable /2991269. Accessed on 29 April 2020. Verba, S. (1965). The Civic Culture. Boston: Little Brown. Walsh, J. E. (2006). A Brief History of India. New York, NY: Infobase Publishing. Welch, S. (1977). Women as political animals? A test of some explanations for malefemale political participation differences. American Journal of Political Science, 21(4), 711–730. Retrieved from doi:10.2307/2110733. Accessed on 29 April 2020.

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5 INTERNALIZED PATRIARCHY Socio-cultural and economic barriers to participation of women in politics Manjesh Rana

In Theorizing Patriarchy (1990), Walby defnes ‘patriarchy’ as ‘a system of social structures and practices in which men dominate, oppress and exploit women’. The term refers to a social structure where men are considered to be superior to women, and, therefore, men’s actions and ideas dominate. This can be seen in the inequalities experienced by women in personal spaces, such as households, and in public spaces, including in the political sphere. In nearly all Indian households (as well as in households in many other countries), the eldest male is considered the ‘patriarch’ and, therefore, de facto the head of the family. Accordingly, Walby identifed patriarchy as having two distinct forms—private and public. Private patriarchy is the household structure that can prevent women from taking part in family decision-making and from accessing public life. Public patriarchy is the social structure that withholds status and power from women, despite their presence in public realms; this structure deprives women of equal positions in the labour market and the political sphere. Soman (2009) highlights the different ways patriarchy functions: Patriarchal norms are maintained through a variety of ways which includes upbringing (refecting the expectations of parents, peers, self), discrimination (in hiring, promotions, giving credit, giving opportunities, etc.), social arrangements (such as family, church, competitive hierarchical occupations, gender division of labor, etc.), force (rape, battering, harassment), lack of facilities (for childcare, contraception, training, etc.), and laws and policies which lead to exclusion from occupations, unequal wages, age discrimination, etc. These forms of patriarchy operate in the public and private spheres of life, thereby, limiting the lives of women everywhere. According to Martin (1990), society defnes masculinity and femininity differently. While, essential characteristics attributed to masculinity revolve 84

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around strength, power, domination, confdence, competitiveness, etc., the differentiating features of femininity are submissiveness, caring, being emotional and being devoted to one’s family. Of the two, masculine characteristics are regarded as more appropriate and suitable for positions of power, such as political leadership. Consequentially, men are expected to exhibit masculine characteristics and women are expected to show feminine ones. Unsurprisingly, even women who hold powerful positions are often expected to behave like men. Male leaders who do not fulfl normative gender expectations in a given situation are often compared to women. For instance, former Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi was referred to be ‘the only man in a cabinet of old women’ by an English daily for her stronghanded leadership (Katzenstein, 1978), and when people are angry with male leaders for appearing unable to make a bold decision, they are often asked to wear ‘saarees and choodis’ (Business Standard, 2017). Over time, women have internalized patriarchal norms such as this concept of femininity. Consequentially, their adherence to this idea appears to be voluntary and natural, and any deviation from it is seen as not conforming to the perceived identity of women (Soman, 2009). The internalization of patriarchal norms alters how a woman perceives, comprehends, appreciates and evaluates the world around her; this is discussed in detail in the following section. Women’s participation in politics can be understood by looking at the culture and practices prevalent in their households, and this chapter hypothesizes a connection between the level of women’s participation and the degree to which women have internalized patriarchal norms. This chapter is an attempt to locate women in a patrilineal and patriarchal society. It attempts to locate women in personal spaces, where they deal with ‘private patriarchy’, and in public spaces, where they face ‘public patriarchy’. Using empirical evidence from a study on women and politics conducted by the CSDS, this chapter tries to look at the possible link between prejudices women hold against themselves in the form of internalized patriarchal norms that are then reinforced by society, and their participation in the electoral process. Therefore, the chapter understands women as both victims of and agents for these developments through analyzing the impact of internalized patriarchal norms and how they might have conditioned women’s perceptions of Indian politics. This chapter aims to discover how successful women have been in cutting through the pomposity of male rhetoric, especially in their personal spaces. It also looks at how women have subverted traditional hierarchies, specifcally in family decision-making and in exercising their right to political participation. It considers the degree to which women’s fnancial independence might impact the level of their political participation. Lastly, this chapter attempts to identify the factors that could play a crucial role in increasing women’s participation in politics. 85

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Internalized patriarchy vis-à-vis women’s participation in politics The Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU) and UN Women place India at 149th in global rankings for women in the executive and parliamentary branches of government (as of 1 January 2019), with women making up less than 13% of the Lower House and a little over 12% of the Upper House. India trails Pakistan, Afghanistan and Bangladesh (IPU & UN Women, 2019). Women’s representation improved slightly during the 2019 Lok Sabha election, with the 17th Lok Sabha boasting of the highest percentage of women representatives since independence—14.3% (78 women out of a total 542 in the Lower House). The Lower House of the Indian Parliament follows a system of electoral representation based on population (i.e., seats are allocated based on states’ population1). However, women’s representation in the House is still far below the actual proportion of women in the total population of each state.2 It is well established that a representative or a proportional number of women in the Parliament would alter legislative priorities and go on to shape the economic and social fabric of a democracy (Ramachandran, 2019). Further, the right of women to participate in public affairs and politics on an equal basis is fundamental to gender equality and sustainable development (UN Human Rights, 2018). The Universal Declaration of Human Rights endorses the principles of non-discrimination, frmly stating in Article 21 that ‘Everyone has the right to take part in the government of his/her country, directly or through freely chosen representatives’ (UDHR, 1948). Building on the UDHR, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights upholds the right of all citizens to participate equally in public affairs and voting in Article 25 (ICCPR, 1966). The Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women specifcally protects women’s right to participation in political and public life, which includes the right to vote in all elections, in Article 7 (CEDAW, 1979). Despite the above-mentioned international provisions, the situation leaves much to be desired in many countries around the world. India witnessed improved participation of women in the electoral process during the second decade of the 21st century, with women outnumbering men as voters in several states in the 2014 and 2019 Lok Sabha elections. However, women’s direct and indirect participation in politics is still restricted, and they continue to face several challenges. Socio-cultural and economic barriers create a huge gap between men and women, with women far less likely to have access to basic education and fnancial resources. Given the structure of the Indian society, a woman, be she a minor or an adult, is always under some kind of guardianship, whether it’s her father as the patriarch of the family, her husband or her son(s) in her old age (Chowdhry, 2007). Male control is never-ending during a woman’s lifetime; men’s authority merely shifts from one patriarch to another. Any departure 86

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from this pattern is considered to be very threatening. In this context, marriage is believed by many to be an instrument that substantiates this ideology of guardianship in the overarching ideology of patriarchy, kinship and caste (Chowdhry, 2007). In order to understand how patriarchy and its concept of femininity are internalized and socialized by men and women, it is perhaps worthwhile to briefy discuss Pierre Bourdieu’s (1977) refexive sociological work and explain the relationship between ‘habitus’, ‘feld’ and ‘practice’. Bourdieu defnes ‘habitus’ as the mental structures that facilitate an individual’s engagement with the social world. Habitus produces and is produced by the social world, and it constrains thought and action. He states that habitus is ‘the dialectic of the internalization of externality and the externalization of internality’ (p. 72). ‘Field’ denotes the network of relations existing beyond the individual’s consciousness and will, and it consists of agents or institutions constrained by the structure of the feld (such as domestic, artistic, religious, economic, bureaucratic and political). The relationship of habitus and feld establishes their ‘practices’, cultural practices in particular. Applying Bourdieu’s theoretical framework and emphasizing the relationship between habitus, feld and practice, Soman (2009) explains how patriarchal norms are internalized by men and women. The conception of habitus can be applied to patriarchy where it should be perceived as a guideline, directing social relations. In a patriarchal society, men internalize their relative hierarchical position and establish solidarity in their behaviour pattern, enabling themselves to dominate women. They also fnd it diffcult to admit their problems or shortcomings in the effort to sustain their superior image as achievers. Women, on the other hand, conform naturally and voluntarily to their subordinate status as a result of their long-term exposure, occupation and socialization in such a social setting. Patriarchy, as a habitus, is socially constructed as a result of historic circumstances; as the women are habituated to it over generations, they are unable to identify and assess critically the domination, exploitation and subjugation exercised over them by men. Patriarchy constrains their thoughts, actions and choices, and eventually, living in compliance with patriarchal norms and principles becomes normal for their social existence. They deny autonomy, depend on protection and struggle for the best deal possible for themselves and their children. (p. 262) Thus, the patriarchy manifests in different felds, including politics, determining how women participate in social and political activities. When women 87

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repeatedly adhere to patriarchal norms, it reinforces a patriarchal system. In turn, this system continues to shape them. It is cyclical. Furthermore, age, education, economic class, social setting, family background and other factors also play an important role in determining the impact of patriarchal norms on women’s thoughts and choices. Patriarchal norms are so internalized amongst women that only approximately one in three expressed disagreement with the statement ‘Men of the family should have a right to decide whether women of the house can participate in politics or not’. There cannot be better evidence than this for showing the control men have over women’s participation in politics. Women also appear ready to endure more subjugation as the majority of women surveyed agree with the statement ‘Women should not contest elections as they have family duties to perform’. Only a little less than two in fve disagreed with this statement. This also indicates that women have internalized the expectation that they will perform gender-specifc duties as defned by a patriarchal society. There is some difference in women’s attitude towards voting independence with half of the women surveyed expressing their disapproval of the statement ‘It is okay for the male members to get angry if the female members of the house do not vote according to their advice’, though, even in response to this statement, a sizeable proportion of women agreed (Figure 5.1). Evidence suggests that as many as two in every three women have internalized patriarchal norms, possibly due to regular exposure to gendered behaviour. A little more than one in every ten women has strongly internalized patriarchal norms, while approximately one in every four women has internalized patriarchal norms to a moderate degree. One in every three women seems to show a low level of such internalization, and approximately one-quarter of women surveyed show no internalization at all, hinting at their living in a progressive environment (Figure 5.2).

Marriage acting as a catalyst An internalization of patriarchal norms is more visible amongst middle-aged and older women and less visible amongst younger women. Time spent in a particular environment has an impact on women’s attitudes and behaviours. Clearly, middle-aged and older women have internalized patriarchal norms much more than younger women as they live in a conducive environment for a much longer period. Thirty-seven per cent of women between 18 and 20 and 34% between 21 and 24 do not demonstrate any degree of internalizing. The numbers kept decreasing as we enter higher age groups, with only 20% of those 60 and above reporting no internalization of patriarchal norms, making the gap between the youngest and oldest women quite signifcant at 17 percentage points. 88

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45 38 34

33 26

25

27

24 18

“Men of the family should have a right to decide whether women of the house can participate in politics or not” Agree

“Women should not contest elections as they have family duties to perform”

“It is okay for the male members to get angry if the female members of the house do not vote according to their advice”

Somewhat agree / Somewhat disagree

Disagree

Figure 5.1 Internalized patriarchal prejudices and the political participation of women (%). Note: The rest of the women did not answer. All fgures are rounded off. Question asked: Please tell me whether you agree or disagree with the following statements: a) ‘Men of the family should have a right to decide whether women of the house can participate in politics or not’; b) ‘Women should not contest elections as they have family duties to perform’; c) ‘It is okay for the male members to get angry if the female members of the house do not vote according to their advice’

Level of internalized patrirachy with respect to political participation of women 31 28 23

12

Strong

Medium

Low

Nil

Figure 5.2 Composite index of internalized patriarchal prejudices (%). Note: The rest of the women did not answer. All fgures are rounded off.

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Another notable difference is between the experiences of the three youngest groups of women. While 57% of the youngest women (i.e., those between 18 and 20) seem to have internalized patriarchal norms (‘strong’, ‘medium’ and ‘low’ combined), the number jumps to 63% in those between 21 and 24. It jumps further to 68% among women between 25 and 29. The gap remains more or less stagnant in all the higher age groups. Here, marriage can be understood as an important factor as it acting as a catalyst for male dominance. Sixty-eight per cent of married women seem to have internalized patriarchal norms compared to 54% of unmarried women. Between these two groups, there is a signifcant gap of 14 percentage points. Evidence suggests almost half of unmarried women show no internalization of patriarchal norms (44%) whereas only approximately a quarter of married women seem unaffected. Put it simply, a married woman is far more likely to have internalized patriarchal norms compared to an unmarried woman (Table 5.1). There is other evidence to suggest that patriarchal norms are deeply ingrained in Indian women and that marriage has an important role to play in this. Voting is an individual act, and it is supposed to be exercised by all adults above the age of 18. Historically, women have voted in lesser numbers than men, and though this has changed in recent years, it is also important to note that a large number of women do not vote on their own. They seek the advice of male family members as a matter of habit, even if they have the full authority to exercise their voting choice independently. Even if there is a strong internalization of patriarchal norms amongst unmarried women, 75% of them vote on their own, though amongst married women this number drops to 46%. About a quarter or more of the married women surveyed having internalized patriarchal norms (‘strong’, 28%; ‘medium’, 28%; ‘low’, 24%) give preference to their husbands’ opinion when it comes to deciding who to vote for. Among women showing ‘strong’ levels of internalized patriarchal norms, 16% consult their father or other male family

Table 5.1 Older and married women are far more likely to have internalized patriarchy (%) Level of internalized patriarchy with respect to political participation of women

Married Unmarried

Strong

Medium Low Nil

12 8

24 16

32 30

25 44

Note: The rest of the women did not answer. All fgures are rounded off.

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members, compared to only 3% who consult their mother or any other female family members. In summary, marital status and age seem to directly affect a woman’s participation in the electoral process. Married and older women are less likely to have freedom of choice when it comes to their participation in electoral activities, as party workers, contestants or voters. Even after reaching adulthood, most women are confned to their homes and are connected to the world outside primarily through their husbands, thus, reinforcing the division of labour learned during the impressionable period of childhood. Position of different identity groups The religion women practice also has some impact on the degree to which they internalize patriarchal norms. Sikh women are divided with half showing the internalization of patriarchal norms (‘strong’, ‘medium’ or ‘low’ degree) with respect to their participation in politics and half showing no such tendency at all. Women belonging to the other three religious groups exhibit a similar pattern (Hindus 68%; Muslims 67%; Christians 75%, with all three degrees combined). Muslim women were more likely to show a ‘strong’ internalization of patriarchal norms, at 16% (4% higher than Hindus and Christians, and 9% higher than Sikhs). Religious faith or practice affects the degree to which women internalize patriarchal norms. The greater the degree of engagement in religious activities, the greater the chance of women internalizing patriarchal norms. Amongst non-religious women and women who have very low levels of religious behaviour, there is an absence of internalized patriarchal norms (35% and 32% respectively). Evidence suggests that religious faith and the degree to which a woman has internalized patriarchal norms are connected. In other words, the more religious a woman is, the more patriarchal her environment is, and the more likely her freedom to participate in political activities will be infringed upon. Although, men’s exploitation of women cuts across all castes and classes, there is a difference in the experience of an upper-caste woman and a Dalit or an Adivasi woman and in the experience of a rich woman and a poor woman. Sonalkar (1999) argues that, in Indian society, the preservation of the caste system is the basis for patriarchy’s longevity. Sonalkar (1999) explains that Caste is perpetuated through endogamy, but then it operates through a number of social and economic institutions and ensures, frst and foremost, that the domination of the upper castes and the subservience of the lowest castes are preserved. Women of the lower castes remain at the bottom of the hierarchical order; they 91

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have no right to privacy or decision-making and no right of protection against sexual exploitation. (p. 25) The evidence mirrors these arguments. Among caste categories, women belonging to upper castes are less likely to have internalized patriarchal norms compared to women from scheduled castes, scheduled tribes and other backward castes. Conversely, they are most likely to show an absence of such internalization, with one-third (34%) demonstrating this, followed by one-third of SCs (30%), one-fourth of OBCs (24%) and one-ffth of STs (20%). Therefore, one could say that even though patriarchy in India begins with the household dominance of men over women, it also perpetuates social hierarchies, which are primarily caste-based. Women’s economic circumstances also affect the degree to which they internalize patriarchal norms. Evidence suggests that women from lower economic strata report a ‘strong’ internalization of patriarchal norms, while women from higher income groups are more likely to report an absence of such internalization. Looking at either end of the spectrum, more than onethird (36%) of women from rich households report an absence of internalized patriarchal norms compared to only one-ffth (20%) of women from the poorest households. Similarly, 17% of women from poor households have a ‘strong’ internalization of such norms compared to rich women (10 percentage points lesser) (Table 5.2). One can infer an indirect relationship between a woman’s economic class and her internalization of patriarchal norms, which in turn affect her political participation. Therefore, the poorer

Table 5.2 Poor and rural women are far less likely to participate in politics due to increased levels of internalized patriarchy (%) Level of internalized patriarchy with respect to political participation of women

Poor Lower Middle Rich Village Town City

Strong

Medium

Low

Nil

17 12 10 7 14 11 5

26 22 23 21 27 22 14

24 33 35 32 31 35 28

21 27 29 36 22 28 47

Note: The rest of the women did not answer. All fgures are rounded off.

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a woman is, the greater the chance she has internalized patriarchal norms, and in turn, this could infringe upon her freedom to participate in politics. The place where women live (location) also has an impact on the degree to which women have internalized patriarchal norms. Women living in a village or a town are far more likely to have internalized patriarchal norms the might limit their political freedom compared to women living in cities. While approximately half (47%) of the women living in cities show no internalization of patriarchal norms, in villages and towns, this proportion was, approximately one-ffth (22%) and one-fourth (28%), respectively. Moreover, the proportion of women in villages showing a ‘strong’ level of internalization is three times that of women in cities, and the proportion of women showing a ‘medium’ level is twice that (Table 5.2). Education: a precursor in reversing internalized patriarchal prejudices The level of education also affects the degree to which women internalize patriarchal norms. Many believe illiteracy among women is one of the signifcant reasons for a deterioration in their status. There is a higher degree of internalizing patriarchal norms amongst illiterate women, and the most visible changes in political behaviour take amongst college-educated women. Women who have a greater degree of educational attainment are less likely to have internalized patriarchal norms. While only one-ffth (20%) women who have no formal education (non-literate) show a total absence of internalized patriarchal norms, more than two-ffths (43%) of collegeeducated women show the same. The most notable difference is between women who have completed their schooling and women who have been to college. While one-third (33%) of women who have completed their schooling (i.e., women who studied up to class XII) appear to have not internalized patriarchal norms, the number of college-educated women is 10 percentage points higher. Moreover, the proportion of non-literate women showing ‘strong’ traces of internalized patriarchy is found to be one and a half times that of women who have completed their schooling but did not go to college, and three times that of college-educated women. This indicates the importance of colleges and universities in changing women’s perspectives, and challenging the patriarchal norms they may have personally witnessed over a long period of time (Table 5.3). With a greater number of women entering the workforce, how women are socialized is expected to change. Since women are going outside of their homes to work in growing numbers, the line between the traditional domains of men and women may become blurred. An important question is: what difference might this make in terms of women’s political participation? Evidence suggests that it makes only a marginal difference for working (women who work in both the formal or informal sectors to earn 93

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Table 5.3 College-educated women are far less likely to face strong patriarchal dominance at home (%) Level of internalized patriarchy with respect to political participation of women Level of formal education

Strong

Medium

Low

Nil

Non-literate Up to primary Up to matric 12th pass/intermediate College and above

15 14 12 10 5

25 27 25 20 17

28 31 33 33 32

20 23 26 33 43

Note: The rest of the women did not answer. All fgures are rounded off.

money) and non-working women. Working women showing internalization of patriarchal norms (63%; ‘strong’, ‘medium’ and ‘low’ combined) were almost same as non-working women (67%). While it is diffcult to understand this similarity between working and non-working women, it should be mentioned that working women are more often the targets of the most obvious and measurable forms of gender discrimination—receiving unequal pay for equal work and being denied positions of power despite being a deserving candidate. Moreover, since the questions posed to women were of political nature, the men’s dominance in the political sphere could be a possible explanation for having internalized patriarchal norms. Decision-making within the household How strong a voice do women have when it comes to important household purchasing decisions? Do men dominate here as well? When one looks at how women take part in important family decision-making it is not surprising that there is a connection between the amount of infuence women have and their internalization of patriarchal norms. Women who have no share in family decisions at all are those who also have a ‘strong’ internalization of patriarchal norms, while women with ‘some share’ or ‘a lot of share’ are less likely to report the same. Further, about one-third of women who have a share in decision-making (‘some’ or ‘a lot’) do not appear to have internalized patriarchal norms at all, as opposed to approximately the oneffth of women surveyed who have ‘no share’ in family decision-making (Table 5.4). The degree to which women have internalized patriarchal norms also depends on their family’s attitude towards their participation in public affairs. The greater women’s freedom to participate in public affairs, the lesser the degree to which the family has internalized patriarchal norms and vice versa. Amongst women who involve themselves in public affairs in their 94

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Table 5.4 Women’s share in family decisions vis-à-vis internalized patriarchy (%)

Women’s share in family decisions No share at all Some share A lot of the share

Level of internalized patriarchy with respect to political participation of women Strong

Medium

Low

Nil

15 10 9

24 25 21

32 29 33

22 31 33

Note: The rest of the women did not answer. All fgures are rounded off.

Table 5.5 Involvement in local public affairs vis-à-vis patriarchal dominance (%) Level of internalized patriarchy with respect to political participation of women

Would your family encourage you if you want to be active in public affairs in Strong your locality?

Medium

Low

Nil

No Yes Maybe

27 20 25

34 32 31

23 38 29

13 9 11

Note: The rest of the women did not answer. All fgures are rounded off.

respective localities, two-ffths (38%) show no internalization of patriarchal norms; this is 15 percentage points higher than women who are not allowed to participate in public affairs. Similarly, women who believe their family would not support their participation in public life are those who also accept stereotypes of male superiority (Table 5.5). Therefore, women who believe their family would encourage their active involvement in public affairs are found to be far more likely to show ‘no dominance at all’ compared to women who enjoy a share in family decisions. In summary, patriarchal dominance does not stop women from participating in household decision-making as much as it stops them from taking part in public affairs outside their homes. The nature of the relationship between gender and political participation varies widely as it depends on the status and position of women in a particular society. It also depends on the political socialization of women. If they are socialized to believe politics is only for men, women may show a lack of concern with politics and distance themselves from the political developments taking place around them. The narrow range of external stimuli to which women have traditionally been exposed is one of the foremost reasons for the strengthening of this socialization process (Andersen, 1975). 95

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Thus, though women have been given equal legal status with men, politics, by and large, is still a male-dominated enterprise. This dominance is refected in voting behaviours, as well as in more direct forms of participation, such as attending political meetings, being involved in political campaigns and rallies and infuencing other voters (Andersen, 1975). However, one important takeaway at this stage is that how women conceive of their political role seems to be changing for the better, especially among educated women, and particularly among college-educated women. Education is thus an important factor in helping women challenge patriarchal norms. It is college- or university-educated women who have managed to challenge the norms that bar women from politics. The next section expands the discussion of women’s relationships to patriarchy and delves into the different kinds of prejudices held by women that infuence their relationship with politics.

The dominant patriarchal narrative: from capabilities to winnability ‘Women’s suffrage denatures both men and women; it masculinizes women and feminizes men. The history of ancient civilizations has proven that a weakening of the man power of nations has been but a pre-runner of decadence in civilization’, read a broadside created by the Southern Women’s League for the Rejection of the Susan B. Anthony Amendment (Fessler, 2018).3 Politics has largely been dominated by men. For much of history, women have been deprived of their rights to participated in politics both directly and indirectly. Anti-suffragists4 argued that if given the right to vote, women would simply vote as instructed by men in their family or social circle (Phillips, 1991). In independent India, women have had the right of equal participation in the electoral process since the inauguration of the Constitution and the frst general elections (1951–1952). However, the voter turnout amongst women has been low compared to male voters. As discussed earlier, women’s voting improved with each passing election. The last two general elections (2014 and 2019) witnessed comparatively higher voter turnout among women than previous elections. In many of the states, the number of women voters surpassed the number of men, and women enthusiastically involved themselves, strengthening the democratic process. It is also important to discuss the 73rd and 74th Amendments to the Constitution of India, which reserve one-third of the seats in Panchayati Raj institutions (73rd) and urban local bodies (74th) for women. Consequentially, thousands of women have been elected at the village, block and district levels in rural and urban areas. However, in light of the increasing number of men ruling by ‘proxies’ (Chaudhary & Sood, 2015), a United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Report analyzing women’s participation noted that ‘the process of decentralization has provided representation but representation does not necessarily lead to participation (UNDP India, 2009). 96

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Women still face a number of challenges when it comes to being actively involved in politics, such as limited access to education, a lack of fnancial independence, the burden of productive and reproductive roles and opposition stemming from entrenched patriarchal views. Training, therefore, has emerged as a critical means for facilitating their effective participation. There is a general perception that men make better leaders than women. A recent study conducted by the State University of New York at Buffalo has also indicated that men tend to emerge as leaders more frequently than women (Badura et al., 2018). The study found that even though the gender gap has reduced, a ‘contemporary gap’ still remains (Badura et al., 2018). In response to this, the next section attempts to highlight Indian women’s opinions on the impact of societal norms and expectations on both women and leaders. The frst sub-section analyzes women’s opinions of men and women as political leaders and public speakers, and the second sub-section analyzes their opinions concerning contesting elections, given women’s ‘lower winning probability’. Political leadership and public speaking Women seem to be equally divided regarding who they think are better leaders and better public speakers—men or women. While three out of every ten women (29%) agree that men are better political leaders and public speakers, nearly the same proportion of women reject this notion (28%). Thirty-fve per cent of women are in the middle (i.e., they somewhat agree or somewhat disagree).5 Based on the pattern of responses, there are few important observations briefy summarized below. Firstly, once again, younger women are more likely to disagree with the stereotype of men being better political leaders and public speakers, indicating a progressive outlook, while a large number of older women agree with the stereotype. The net disagreement (i.e., disagreement minus agreement) is the lowest among the women of 60 and above. In contrast, the net disagreement among younger is much higher (Table 5.6). It appears that as women age, they agree more with patriarchal norms. Further, Higgins (2018) points out that women have always been disadvantaged by the institution of marriage, noting that patriarchal ideas and gender inequality are part of it. Refecting this, the evidence indicates that married women agree more with the view that men are better political leaders than women. However, amongst unmarried women, more disagree than agree to this view (an increase of 6 percentage points and 16 percentage points, respectively). Among married women, the number of those who agree with this stereotype is marginally higher than those who disagree (Table 5.6). Put simply, unmarried women are more likely to disagree with the idea that men are better political leaders and public speakers than married women. Thus, age and marital status continue to affect women’s relationships to 97

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Table 5.6 Elderly women seem to have internalized stereotypes more, compared to younger women (%) … political leaders

… public speakers

Compared to women, men are better

Net disagreement

Net disagreement

Overall 18−20 yrs. 21−24 yrs. 25−29 yrs. 30−39 yrs. 40−49 yrs. 50−59 yrs. 60 yrs. and above Married Unmarried

−1 +7 +6 +1 0 −2 −7 −11 −2 +6

+1 +11 +9 +5 +2 −3 −6 −10 −1 +16

Note: Net disagreement means disagreement minus agreement. All fgures are rounded off. Question asked: Please tell me whether you agree or disagree with the following statements: a) ‘Compared to women, men are better political leaders’; b) ‘Compared to women, men are better public speakers’?

patriarchal norms and behaviour. These categories are connected, as most of the unmarried women are in the youngest age group. Secondly, the evidence again indicates a clear division according to class and location. The poorer a woman is, the more likely she is to agree with this stereotype. Middle-class or rich women are more likely to disagree with this stereotype (Table 5.7). Also, internalized misogyny appears to be much stronger in rural parts of the country, compared to urban parts. There are large gaps of 21 percentage points and 22 percentage points between women living in villages and women living in cities, in response to the idea that Table 5.7 Internalized misogyny is much stronger in villages and among poor (%) Compared to women, men are better

Women belonging to poor economic class Lower class Middle class Women belonging to rich economic class Village Town City

… political leaders

… public speakers

Net disagreement

Net disagreement

−7

−6

−2 +2 +1

+4 +3 +5

−6 −3 +15

−4 −1 +18

Note: Net disagreement means disagreement minus agreement. All fgures are rounded off.

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Table 5.8 College-educated women are far less likely to internalize stereotypes (%) Compared to women, men are better … political leaders

Non-literate Up to primary Up to matric 12th pass/intermediate College and above

… public speakers

Net disagreement

Net disagreement

−7 −10 −2 +8 +12

−5 −9 0 +11 +14

Note: Net disagreement means disagreement minus agreement. All fgures are rounded off.

men are better political leaders and public speakers. Women in cities are far less likely to exhibit a traditional gender bias towards women. As shown in Table 5.7, in cities, more women disagree than agree with these two statements (+15 percentage points and +18 percentage points, respectively). From this, we can imply a progressive outlook in these populations. In villages, however, more women agree than disagree (+6 percentage points and +4 percentage points, respectively), implying a patriarchal mindset. Put simply, if you are a woman living in a village, you are more likely than urban women to believe that men are better political leaders and public speakers. Lastly, education is again found to be an important factor in altering women’s thought processes and challenging patriarchal stereotypes. At the higher education levels, there is a greater proportion of women who disagree with the stereotype of men being better leaders and public speakers than women (Table 5.8). Probability of winning against men It is undebatable that women are gravely underrepresented in both kinds of political participation—direct, as political leaders and party workers and indirect, as voters and infuencers. As of February 2019, only one-fourth (24.3%) of all national parliamentarians are women (UN Women, 2019). Further, only one-ffth (20.7%) hold ministerial positions. The fve most common portfolios assigned to women include Social Affairs; Family, Children, Youth, Elderly, Disabled; Environment, Natural Resources, Energy; Employment, Labour, Vocational Training; and Trade, Industry (IPU & UN Women, 2019). In India, the present government has only three women in the 24-member cabinet (India Today, 2019). In response to the survey statement, ‘Women should not contest election against men as there is a lesser possibility for a woman to win against a man’, overall, two in every fve women (41%) disagreed. A little less than one-ffth (17%) agreed, and a large proportion of women—one-third (31%)—partially agreed or disagreed. A few interesting observations can be made. 99

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Firstly, even though the disagreement rate is high throughout the age groups, the disagreement is much higher amongst younger women compared to the older women. Net disagreement is +33 (33% more women disagree than agree) among the youngest cohort (i.e., the women between 18 and 20), while among the oldest (i.e., those 60 or above) net disagreement declines to +21. Similarly, among unmarried women, it is +30, while amongst married women, it declines to +23. Secondly, despite a high rate of agreement among all groups, divisions by class and location are again clearly visible. While net disagreement among the poorest women is at +15, it increases as one moves into the other economic classes. It is +23 in the lower-income group, +29 in the middle-class group and +35 in the upper-class group. Looking at the rural-urban divide, while the net disagreement with regard to the statement is +19 in villages, it jumps to +30 in towns and +36 in cities. Thirdly, educated women are more likely to disagree with the statement, with the highest rate of disagreement being among college-educated women (Table 5.9). Therefore, for women to challenge patriarchal structures, it is important for them to have access to education. Access to a college or university education can provide further beneft. With improved education, they will have more opportunities for independence, economic and otherwise. At the level of schools and colleges, conscious efforts need to be made to develop leadership skills, to instil self-confdence and to nurture self-esteem in all the girls and women. By doing this, educational institutions can play an important role in making women question the system around them and encourage them to challenge patriarchal barriers. This can help them emerge

Table 5.9 Better-educated women are more likely to discard the idea that women should not contest elections against men (%) ‘There is a lesser possibility for a woman to win against a man therefore women should not contest election against men’ Net disagreement Non-literate Up to primary Up to matric 12th pass/intermediate College and above

+19 +20 +24 +32 +34

Note: Net disagreement means disagreement minus agreement. All fgures are rounded off. Question asked: Do you agree or disagree with the following statement: ‘There is a lesser possibility for a woman to win against a man therefore women should not contest election against men’?

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as political leaders. Indian women have been discouraged from developing such traits by a patriarchal society. At this juncture, it would be interesting to look at the correlation between women’s economic conditions and their political participation. This last section highlights the primary reason some women (24% of working women) choose to challenge patriarchal systems.

Economic conditions vis-à-vis participation of women in politics In a patriarchal society, men and women perform traditional gender roles. Men are looked at as the breadwinners, while women are viewed as the homemakers. These gender roles are perpetuated by men’s dominance in socio-political institutions. The opinions of working women (i.e., women employed in both the formal or informal sectors) on what motivates them to work are important to note.6 This section also takes a close look at the possible connection between women’s political participation (both working as well as non-working women) and their economic conditions. In order to better understand the perceptions of working women, it is important to understand what motivates them to work in both the formal and informal sectors. Do they work to earn money or gain societal respect? Do they work because they enjoy it or so they can be self-reliant? Do they work because of family need, or is there another motivation? As Figure 5.3 indicates, more than one in every three women work because of family need, while close to one in every four reports the main reason for working is the money they earn. One in every three works either for self-reliance, to gain societal respect or because they like their work. Two-ffths (40%) of women between 21 and 24 work, with their motivations being self-reliance (24%), respect (7%) or enjoyment of their work (9%). However, in the older age groups, these reasons for working are less prevalent. The evidence shows a shift in motivation, with women working in order to take care of the family. It drops by seven percentage points amongst working women between 25 and 39, and by three points amongst women between 40 and 59. Married women are more likely to work in order to run their families (37%) compared to unmarried women (27%). Also, unmarried are more likely to work in order to be self-reliant (26%), compared to married women (19%). Amongst the four caste categories, Adivasi women are more likely to be working in order to maintain their families (one in every two). Two in every fve Dalit women and more than one in every three OBC women also say the same. For upper-caste women, however, only approximately one in every fve declare this to be the primary reason. Further, one in every three upper-caste women gives ‘self-reliance’ as their major reason compared to only approximately one in every fve OBC women and approximately one in every ten Dalit and Adivasi women. Furthermore, with 12% of upper-caste 101

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Objective behind working Liking for work 7

Other 1

No response 4

Respect 6

Money 27

Self reliance 19 Running the family 36

Figure 5.3 More than one-third of working women are working because it is important for them to work in order to run their families (%). Note: All fgures are rounded off. Question asked: There are different reasons for which women work. Some work in order to earn money, some in order to have respect in society, some because they like their work and some because they want to be self-reliant and then there are others who work because it is important for them to work to run the family. Which one of these applies most to you?

women admitting their liking work as the major reason, their proportion is about twice that of the Adivasi women, three times that of the OBC women and six times that of the Dalit women (Table 5.10). Looking at class divisions, it is not surprising to fnd poor women are more likely to work in order to run their families (47%) and upper-class Table 5.10 Upper-caste women are more likely to work for self-reliance and other women for their family (%) Objective behind working Money

Running the family Self-reliance Respect Liking for work

SC ST OBC Upper castes

41 49 35 22

34 24 29 24

12 11 19 32

5 3 7 7

2 7 4 12

Note: The rest of the women either did not answer or gave an answer not mentioned above. All fgures are rounded off.

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women are more likely to work in order to become self-reliant (33%), to gain respect in society (14%) or because they like what they do (17%). For poor women, work is more of a need. If they do not work, it may be diffcult for them to meet their daily needs. Most poor working women are daily wage earners employed in an organized sector. However, for rich women, their work appears to be more of a choice. Regardless, work helps all women to become independent and navigate away from the age-old traditional practices they have been subjected to by society. A similar pattern is found when comparing the women living in rural areas and women living in urban areas. Women living in villages and towns are more likely to be working in order to run their families (36% and 43% respectively) compared to urban women (27%). Further, a higher number of urban women admit to working in order to become self-reliant (26%; 11 points higher than women in towns and 7 points higher than women in villages). Education again emerges as the most infuential factor, allowing women to work for themselves and to move beyond patriarchal practices. More than two-ffths of the women surveyed who are either non-literate or who have only completed their education up to the primary level work in order to run their families (41% and 45% respectively), while only one-third who have studied up to matric or intermediate level (35%) do so and only oneffth with at least a college education do so (21%). In contrast, more than two-ffths (41%) of women with a college education work in order to be self-reliant. This is twice the number of those who have completed matric or intermediate levels of education, three times the number of those who completed the primary level of education; and fve times the number of those identifed as non-literate. Further, among college-educated, 10% declare ‘to gain respect’ as a reason and another 10% claim to be working as they like their work. In other words, higher educated women appear to be working to be self-reliant; and conversely, less educated ones appear to be working to earn bread and butter for their families. However, we must take note of the fact that it is the upper-class women who are more likely to have access to a college education, therefore, a woman’s economic class and the education she receives correlate with each other, making education a privileged commodity. Would better economic condition mean improved participation? We observed in the previous sections that even though patriarchy affected all the classes, upper-class women saw a more progressive picture; they seem to have internalized patriarchal norms less than their poorer counterparts. At this stage, it would perhaps be important to delve further into this data and look at the possible connection between women’s economic conditions and their political participation. 103

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When looking at the connection between women’s economic situations and their political participation, it is clear that women with lower-income levels participate less compared to women who experience greater economic prosperity. The current economic situation shapes women’s political participation; however, one does not know if women would participate more if they experienced improved economic conditions. Two in every fve women mention that ‘it would make no difference’,7 therefore, for a signifcant proportion of women, better economic conditions would not necessarily translate into improved political participation. However, one in every four stated that their participation would certainly improve if their economic conditions were better (Table 5.11). Evidence in Table 5.11 further indicates that compared to poor women, women who belong to the lower and middle-income groups believe they were more likely to participate in politics if their economic conditions were better. Some important fndings are briefy summarized as under: Firstly, Sikh women from lower economic groups are more likely to believe that better economic conditions would improve their political participation (more than two-ffths or 44%) compared to women of the same income group in other religious communities. Among Hindu women 28% expressed this belief, among Muslim women, this proportion was 20% and among Christian women, 18%. Secondly, across caste groups, Adivasi women belonging to lower-income groups are more likely to report improved political participation with better economic conditions, with more than one-third (36%) saying this. They are almost twice as likely to believe they would participate more compared to

Table 5.11 Economic conditions do not much affect political participation (%) ‘If your economic condition was better than what it is now, would you have taken more or less part in politics?’

Overall Women belonging to poor economic class Lower Middle Women belonging to rich economic class

More part

Would have made no Less part difference*

25 18

15 13

41 39

27 28 31

15 16 14

40 40 46

Note: The rest of the women did not answer. All fgures are rounded off. *It wasn’t given as an option in the question. It was silent.

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upper-caste women (19%) of the same economic group. Among Dalits and OBCs, the proportion is 29% and 26%, respectively. Thirdly, improved economic condition increases the participation of women from poor or lower-income groups living in cities compared to those living in villages and towns. While 26% of poor and 30% of lower-income group women admit this in cities, for women in towns, the proportion is 16% and 24%, respectively. Going further inside the rural regions of the country, 18% of poor and 27% of lower-income women feel this way. For some women, their economic conditions do appear to be a potential barrier affecting their position and political participation; however, more than economic conditions, it is the social and cultural practices around women that have had the most regressive impact. The position of women can be summed up by what Katzenstein (1978) observed in one of her survey-based articles: Whether due to economic constraints or ideological rigidities, the social and economic status of women as a class has remained basically unchanged. Legislation in India as in the United States has deeply affected the lives of individual women. But these individual changes have not collectively amounted to an improvement in the income or occupational position of women as a group. (p. 484)

Concluding remarks Despite women constituting nearly half of India’s population, their voices are rarely heard in the corridors of power, as they continue to remain almost invisible. As is evident in international experience, constitutional and legal mandates fail to ensure the equal participation of women in political activities. Despite Constitutional provisions ensuring equality with respect to gender, women are still reduced to only a symbolic presence in all political parties and are underrepresented in Parliament, as well as in state assemblies. It is diffcult for women who are already inhibited by age-old gender role expectations to improve their condition in a patriarchal society like India’s. The prejudices women hold against themselves certainly infuence how, and to what level, they participate in politics, in terms of both direct and indirect participation. Patriarchy operates in the personal and public spheres, and it dominates, oppresses, exploits, marginalizes and subjugates women, reducing them to being a vulnerable other (Soman, 2009). We discussed above the effects of pervasive patriarchal values and expectations in personal and political spaces. Firstly, in spite of some important legal developments in the last few decades, women continue to face a number of obstacles, affecting their political participation with the biggest and most deep-rooted being the internalization of misogynistic cultural 105

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norms and social practices. Education seems to be the major contributor to reversing the effects of internalized patriarchy and empowering women in personal and public spaces. Women who have better access to education appear to have internalized fewer patriarchal beliefs. However, marriage continues to act as a catalyst for patriarchal prejudices amongst women. Married, middle-aged or older women participate less in politics because they are more likely to have internalized patriarchal prejudices due to the structure of their households. Secondly, Indian women seem to hold the general perception that men are better political leaders and public speakers, with marriage further strengthening this perception. Education again proves to play the most signifcant role in changing this perception, as women with better access to education are less likely to hold this view. However, the belief persists even among working women (i.e., women employed in formal or informal sectors). Further, a signifcant proportion of women have developed a negative perception of their direct participation in mainstream politics; they believe they have less of a chance of winning compared to a male candidate. This belief is more evident among women who are elderly, less educated, married and living in rural parts of the country. Women from relatively poor economic classes are also found to conform to this gender stereotype. Lastly, in the midst of gender roles that cast the man as the ‘head’ of the family and, therefore, the main breadwinner, a signifcant number of working women are found to be working in order to run their families (i.e., only when it is utmost important for them to work). However, once again educated women stand apart. Working women who have received a college education are far more likely to be working for themselves (i.e., to be selfreliant), thus education seems to be making a much-needed difference. With respect to economic conditions, for most of the women surveyed improved economic conditions would not have helped to increase their political participation. Thus, the various ways women have internalized misogyny in their dayto-day lives refect how patriarchal prejudices continue to dominate and infuence perceptions. Deeply held prejudices, rooted in patriarchy, have defnitely shaped the way Indian women perceive politics.

Notes 1 This is mandated by Article 55(2) of the Constitution of India. Uttar Pradesh, with over 20 crores of population, has the highest number of seats (80), while states with the least population like Sikkim, Mizoram and Nagaland have only 1 seat each. 2 The 73rd and 74th amendments to the Constitution of India reserve one-third of local body seats for women. The reservation of one-third of the seats in the Lok Sabha for women has been tabled as a bill several times, the last as recently as 2008. Each time the bill has lapsed.

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3 The  Nineteenth Amendment  (Amendment XIX) to the  United States Constitution prohibits the state and federal governments from denying the right to vote to citizens of the United States on the basis of sex. 4 The anti-suffrage movement was a counter-movement opposing the social movement of women's suffrage in various countries. It began in the late 19th century. 5 ‘Somewhat agree/disagree’ wasn’t given as an option in the question. It was silent. 6 Twenty-four per cent of women in the sample are working women. 7 It wasn’t given as an option in the question. It was silent.

References Andersen, K. (1975). Working women and political participation, 1952–1972. American Journal of Political Science, 19(3), 439–53. doi:10.2307/2110538. Accessed on 28 March, 2020. Badura, K. L., Grijalva, E., Newman, D. A., Yan, T. T., & Jeon, G. (2018). Gender and leadership emergence: A meta-analysis and explanatory model. Personnel Psychology, 71(3), 335–67. Bourdieu, Pierre. (1977). Outline of a Theory of Practice. London: Cambridge University Press. Business Standard (2017). Will Smriti Irani send bangles to PM now? Sibal asks on soldiers’ mutilation. Retrieved from https://www.business-standard.com/article/ news-ians/will-smriti-irani-send-bangles-to-pm-now-sibal-asks-on-soldiers-muti lation-117050200986_1.html. Accessed on 11 March 2020. CEDAW (1979). Retrieved from https://www.ohchr.org/en/professionalinterest/ pages/cedaw.aspx. Accessed on 16 March 2020. Chaudhary, U., & Sood, M. (2015). Women as proxies in politics: Decision making and service delivery in Panchayati Raj. The Hindu Centre for Politics and Public Policy. Retrieved from https://www.thehinducentre.com/the-arena/current-issues /article7761306.ece. Accessed on 13 February 2020. Chowdhry, P. (2007). Contentious marriages, eloping couples. New Delhi: Oxford University Press. Fessler, L. (2018). An anti-suffrage poster from 1920 epitomizes today’s fears about women’s progress. Quartz at work. Retrieved from https://qz.com/work/13184 03/an-anti-suffrage-poster-from-1920-epitomizes-todays-fears-about-womens-p rogress/. Accessed on 18 February 2020. Higgins, C. (2018). The age of patriarchy: How an unfashionable idea became a rallying cry for feminism today. The Guardian 22 June. Retrieved from https://ww w.theguardian.com/news/2018/jun/22/the-age-of-patriarchy-how-an-unfashionab le-idea-became-a-rallying-cry-for-feminism-today. Accessed on 9 March 2020. ICCPR (1966). Retrieved from https://www.ohchr.org/en/professionalinterest/pages /ccpr.aspx Accessed on 16 March 2020. India Today (2019). Only three women cabinet ministers in Modi government 2.0. Retrieved from https://www.indiatoday.in/india/story/female-ministers-in-modi -government-17-lok-sbaha-1538818-2019-05-30. Accessed on 11 March 2020. IPU & UN Women (2019). Women in politics map. Retrieved from https://www .unwomen.org/en/digital-library/publications/2019/03/women-in-politics-2019 -map. Accessed on 19 March 2020.

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Katzenstein, M. (1978). Towards equality? Cause and consequence of the political prominence of women in India. Asian Survey, 18(5), 473–86. doi:10.2307/2643461. Accessed on 28 March, 2020. Martin, B. (1990). Uprooting War. London: Freedom Press. Phillips, A. (1991). Engendering Democracy. University Park: Penn State Press. Ramachandran, N. (2019). India needs more women parliamentarians. Livemint. Retrieved from https://www.livemint.com/opinion/columns/opinion-india-needs -more-women-parliamentarians-1550514703491.html. Accessed on 17 March 2020. Soman, U. (2009). Patriarchy: Theoretical postulates and empirical fndings. Sociological Bulletin, 58(2), 253–72. Retrieved from www.jstor.org/stable /23620688. Accessed on 28 March 2020. Sonalkar, W. (1999). An Agenda for gender politics. Economic and Political Weekly, 34(1/2), 24–29. Retrieved from www.jstor.org/stable/4407543. Accessed on 28 March 2020. Thanikodi, A., & Sugirtha, M. (2007). Status of women in politics. The Indian Journal of Political Science, 68(3), 589–606. UDHR (1948). Retrieved from https://www.un.org/en/universal-declaration-humanrights/ Accessed on 16 March 2020. UN Human Rights (2018). Guidelines on the right to participate in public affairs. Retrieved from https://www.ohchr.org/Documents/Issues/PublicAffairs/Guideli nesRightParticipatePublicAffairs_web.pdf. Accessed on 30 March2020. UN Women (2019). Leadership and political participation. Retrieved from https:/ /www.unwomen.org/en/what-we-do/leadership-and-political-participation/facts -and-fgures. Accessed on 30 March 2020. UNDP India (2009). From reservation to participation. Retrieved from https://ww w.undp.org/content/dam/india/docs/national_workshop_capacity_building_ of_elected_women_representatives_and_functionaries_of_pris%20_report.pdf. Accessed on 30 March 2020. Walby, S. (1990). Theorising Patriarchy. Oxford: Basil Blackwell. Zumbish (2019). How women panchayati offcials in Bihar are challenging the practice of proxy candidates. The Caravan. Retrieved from https://caravanmagaz ine.in/policy/bihar-women-panchayati-offcials-challenging-practice-proxy-c andidates. Accessed on 19 March 2020.

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6 POLITICS AS A CAREER Systemic political challenges Neel Madhav

‘For me, a better democracy is a democracy where women do not only have the right to vote and to elect but to be elected’. Michelle Bachelet, the former Head of UN Women and the former President of Chile sums up the inherent desire and demand for democracy for women. India has had Indira Gandhi as Prime Minister, Pratibha Patil as President and several other women in leadership roles, including many Chief Ministers such as Mayawati, Jayalalitha, Mamata Banerjee, Sheila Dikshit and Rabri Devi. Sudha Pai identifes three different kinds of women leaders: those who acquire their roles through dynastic succession, institutional climbers and proxy leaders (Pai, 2015).1 Despite the Indian Constitution’s promise ‘to secure to all its citizens justice, social, economic and political’ and to provide ‘equality of status and of opportunity’ as a fundamental right, there is an over-representation of men and an underrepresentation of women in India’s legislative bodies. India comes with its own set of challenges, especially for women, in terms of equal representation both in participation and leading the socio-cultural, economic and political front of the largest democracy. It is no secret that for a long time, global politics has been dominated by men; however, in recent decades, this hegemony has been challenged, and we are subsequently witnessing a substantial rise in the numbers of women in parliaments all over the world. According to the Interparliamentary Union (IPU) Index, at the start of this century women occupied approximately 14% of the seats in parliaments around the world; currently, this number has increased to 25%. However, though the number has increased, it still remains highly disproportionate to the number of women in the global population (Women in Parliament: Global and regional averages, 2020). According to UN Women, in June 2019, out of more than 190 countries in the world, only 11 have women serving as the head of the state, and only 12 women serve as heads of government (Facts and fgures: Leadership and political participation, 2020). The increase in women’s representation suggests growth in women’s interest in and aspiration for a place in the political sphere. At the same 109

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time, while this interest and aspiration may exist, it is not refected in the number of women in politics and Parliament, suggesting that women experience barriers in both society and the political system. A lack of interest in politics among women in comparison to men could also be one of the reasons for the small number of women in political life, though this can also be accredited to many other factors including lack of visibility (Chhibber, 2002) and lack of resources (Schlozman et al., 1994). Political parties also play a role in limiting the participation of women. Despite these many barriers, there is a silver lining—women desire to overcome these boundaries. One of the ways to increase and ensure women’s representation is to reserve a certain number of seats in legislative bodies for women. Reservation has helped women’s representation, and there this measure has wide acceptance and support among women. More than a hundred countries around the world have introduced quotas for women in parliament or on party lists in the last two decades, which has resulted in a substantial increase in representation (Besley et al., 2017). This is coupled with the feeling that more representation will help legislative bodies to focus on issues concerning women in legislature and policymaking, which is overdue. There has been a consensus among scholars that, as it is a key means of political socialization, media plays an important role in shaping the public’s political knowledge, attitudes and behaviour (Besley & Burgess, 2002). Media plays a role in cultivating women’s interest in politics and making politics accessible. The lack of political information is one of the reasons for the defcit of women in politics (Verba et al., 1997). Media exposure acts as one of the factors shaping women’s opinions on many issues, and it could be used to consolidate public opinion about the importance of women’s representation in politics. The rise in the number of women in politics is accompanied by a shift in the focus areas of policies in many places. Studies have suggested that an increase in women’s representation does have a positive impact on the formation of policies. A study done by Esther Dufo and Raghabendra Chattopadhyay in West Bengal shows that women pradhans (heads of local self-government in villages) focus on infrastructure was more relevant to the needs of rural women (Chattopadhyay & Dufo, 2001). It has been seen that, in India, constituencies represented by women in the Parliament have experienced a greater increase in economic activities than constituencies represented by men (Baskaran et al., 2018). India has witnessed a gradual increase in the number of women in legislative bodies and other political spheres in recent elections. The voting turnout of women has increased signifcantly in the last few decades, and the gap between male and female voter turnout has never been this less. While the turnout difference between men and women was 8.35% in the 2004 general elections, it dipped to 0.11% in the 2019 general elections. At the same time, a rise in the number of women candidates has also occurred, 110

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with the 2019 general elections witnessing the highest number of women candidates (724). This signifes a slight change in the attitude of political parties towards women in politics. The higher turnout for elections and an increasing number of women in legislatures have made political parties take notice of women as a force and have also made them talk about the issues that concern women specifcally. There is a wide consensus that women leaders institutionalize women’s confdence in politics, which results in broader participation and a demand for change. As Suzanne Dovi (2008) puts it, ‘We need to know why democratic representative institutions do not work for women as well as they work for powerful men, and we need to know what conditions contribute to those institutions working better for women’ (p.148). An attempt has been made in this chapter to scrutinize and analyze the factors that matter and infuence women in relation to politics. It investigates the political space for women, taking into account the political views, attitudes and socio-economic realities that women face. The arguments are premised on and backed by empirical data from the Women and Politics Study conducted by Lokniti-CSDS. Women’s concerns and solidarity for the parties that engage with gender issues and incline towards women-centric policies are discussed. The chapter also opens up to understanding of ways to better women’s democratic experience. This chapter focuses on women’s preference for making a career in politics, the barriers they face in the process, their opinion on the reservation of seats for women and the impact of having more women leaders in the political sphere. It identifes the expectations and preferences of women vis-à-vis politics and the accessibility of the political process to them. An attempt is made to understand what obstructs or encourages the participation of women or infuences their viewpoint.

How have women fared in parliamentary representation in India? Post-independence, the Constitution of India ensured equal rights and guaranteed equal opportunities irrespective of different identities, including gender. Universal suffrage was also one of the many things ensured by the Constitution. In the last seven decades of the Indian story, two things stand out in relation to women in politics. First, the exponential rise of women who vote, and second, the slow and steady growth of the space occupied by women in the Indian Parliament (i.e., more women getting elected to the Parliament). Women in leadership positions, especially in the political sphere, have been limited and have always been more of an exception than the rule. In the 17th Lok Sabha election in 2019, India elected the largest number of women parliamentarians to the House compared to its past records. In comparison to the 16th Lok Sabha, there was an increase in the number 111

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of women members by almost 28%. In comparison, less than 5% of the members of the frst Lok Sabha were women. The representation of women in the Lok Sabha has registered a signifcant increase. In his frst address to the newly elected Lower House after the 2019 election, Prime Minister Narendra Modi congratulated Indians on this important achievement. While this was a moment to celebrate such historic representation, it is also necessary to think about why women’s representation does not refect their share in the total population.  In 1962, the Lok Sabha election saw 34 women elected and the House had a little less than 7% female members. It dipped to less than 4% in the 6th Lok Sabha, elected in 1977. The 1984 elections saw a rise in women’s representation, with little over 8% of the House being women. In the 1999 Lok Sabha election, it rose to close to 9% and except 2004 has steadily increased since then (Table 6.1).  The Rajya Sabha, the Upper House of Parliament (which is indirectly elected by the state legislative assemblies) doesn’t paint a rosy picture either. In terms of representation, the situation is not very different from that in the Lok Sabha. For instance, as of April 2020, out of the 245 members in the Rajya Sabha, only 27 are women (a little over 10%). In fact, the percentage of women in the Rajya Sabha is signifcantly lower than in the Lok Sabha. It was expected that, given the leadership of political parties could play an important role in determining candidates to be elected to the Upper House Table 6.1 Representation of women in Lok Sabha throughout the years Year

Number of women % of women in % increase from representatives Lok Sabha last Lok Sabha

1952 1957 1962 1967 1971 1977 1980 1984 1989 1991 1996 1998 1999 2004 2009 2014 2019

22 27 34 31 22 19 28 44 28 36 40 44 48 45 59 61 78

4.4 5.4 6.7 5.9 4.2 3.4 5.1 8.1 5.3 7 7.4 8 8.8 8.1 10.9 11.2 14.36

— 22.7 25.9 (−)8.8 (−)29 (−)13.6 47.4 57.1 (−)36.4 28.6 11.1 10 9.1 (−)6.3 31.1 3.4 27.9

Source: The data of representatives from 1952 to 2014 has been sourced from Rai (2017) and for 2019 from Election Commission of India.

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(as it is indirectly elected), they would attempt to address the imbalance in gender representation of the Lower House. The Rajya Sabha had 15 women members in 1952, which was 6.9% of its total members (Women members of Rajya Sabha, 2003). Unlike in the case of the Lok Sabha, the representation of women in the Rajya Sabha has not witnessed any signifcant increase. According to the Interparliamentary Union report, India ranks 144th in the world out of 188 countries in the IPU Index (Women in Parliament: Global and Regional Averages, 2020). This Index looks at the representation of women in parliaments around the world. India ranks below many of its neighbours, as Pakistan’s representation stands at 20.23%, Nepal’s at 32.73% and Bangladesh’s at 20.63%. The countries that have recently transited to democracy (like Afghanistan, 27.87%) have a much better record of women’s representation (Union I.P., 2020). India sits way below the world average in terms of women’s representation in the national Parliament and also lower than the Asian average (World average, 24.4%; Asia, 20%; India, 14.36%).

Politics as a career—are women interested? Any effort to increase women’s role in politics in general and in their representation in legislatures around the world has received a positive response in recent years. This effort has also been somewhat successful in shifting the debate focus to women leaders. Increasing representation of women in legislatures can be suggestive of growing political aspirations among women. It has been established time and again that the representation of women in politics is limited, and politics remains mostly a male-dominated bastion. The evidence from study supports the past fndings that suggest a lack of interest in politics among women (Chhibber, 2002). Evidence suggests that a little over one-fourth of the women surveyed (28%) are keen to make a career in politics if they get an opportunity (Figure 6.1). The numbers of women not willing to make a career in politics even if they get an opportunity is much bigger (61%), while 11% of women have no opinion on this issue. Evidence suggests that the lack of interest shown by women could be a key factor inhibiting women’s participation. There seems to be an inherent disinclination among women to distance themselves from mainstream politics. This could largely be on account of the ‘environment’ of politics, the ‘political culture’, ‘social attitudes’ and the male-dominated social system that exists. Evidence suggests that around seven out of every ten women surveyed (72%) wish to keep a distance from, or have no interest in, politics. Religion seems to have some bearing on women’s interest in politics. Evidence suggests that women from the Sikh community are most willing to participate in politics compared to women belonging to all other religions. The enthusiasm for political involvement is minimal amongst women from 113

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11 No 28

61

Yes No opinion

Figure 6.1 Three-quarters of women are not willing to make politics their career if given an opportunity (%). Note: All fgures are rounded off. Question asked: Given an opportunity will you make politics your career?

Table 6.2 More Sikh women likely to choose politics as a career if given a chance (%)

Hindu Muslim Christian Sikh

Yes

No

No opinion

28 26 18 40

61 60 67 58

12 13 15 2

Note: Figures may not add up to a hundred due to rounding off.

the Christian community. Four out of every ten Sikh women (40%) show a willingness to join politics if given a chance, while in the case of Christian women, it was less than two out of every ten (18%) (Table 6.2). The caste to which women belong also has some bearing on women’s interest and their willingness to participate in politics. Evidence suggests that younger women from upper-class and upper-caste families living in urban locations are more likely to want to make politics a career if they get a chance, as opposed to women from other classes and castes. Women from the scheduled castes and other backward classes are also willing to make politics their career, though to a slightly lesser degree. One is not sure whether this is merely the expression of an expected intention and if it would be translated into reality when the opportunity became available (Table 6.3). Class is also a factor impacting the interest of women in taking up politics as a career. Evidence suggests close to one-third of women (34%) from 114

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Table 6.3 Adivasi women less interested in joining politics if given a chance (%)

General OBC SC ST

Yes

No

No opinion

30 29 30 16

64 59 60 56

7 12 11 28

Note: Figures may not add up to a hundred due to rounding off. 

affuent backgrounds are keen to choose politics as a career, if given an opportunity. This percentage gradually reduces as one goes lower down the class spectrum, with only two out of every ten poor women (21%) being keen on a career in politics. To a certain extent, this also refects the priorities of women from different economic strata. For poor women, the career focus is essentially on providing for the family, while those from wealthier backgrounds can afford to think about a role in politics. One notes a signifcant gap among married and unmarried women when it comes to making politics a career. Evidence suggests that unmarried women are more likely to choose a career in politics if given a chance compared to married women (35% vis a vis 27%). Evidence also suggests that women who have a family background in politics are more willing to participate in politics compared to those who don’t come from a political background. Four out of every ten women (40%) who come from a political family are willing to participate in politics, while only one-fourth of women (26%) who do not have a family background in politics is willing to take the plunge if the opportunity arises. The degree of patriarchal dominance also has an impact on women’s willingness to make politics a career. Evidence suggests that two-ffths of women (40%) who report facing no patriarchal dominance in their lives reply positively about making politics their career if given a chance. However, less than two out of every ten women (18%) who experience strong patriarchal dominance are positive about making a career in politics. Women who encountered less patriarchal dominance are likely to be more positive towards entering politics if given an opportunity. Exposure to media also has an impact on women’s orientation towards a political career. The higher the exposure to media, the greater are the chances of women being willing to make a career in politics, while those with no exposure to media are unlikely to have any opinion on this issue. They are uncertain if they would like to make a career in politics. It is expected that women who are exposed to news media will be much more politicized with regard to the social, economic and political problems facing 115

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Table 6.4 Women with a high interest in politics are more likely to make politics their career (%) “Given an opportunity will you make politics your career” Interest in politics

Yes

No

No interest at all Low interest Moderate/some interest High interest

16 19 38 51

71 69 52 40

Note: The rest of the women had no opinion. All fgures may not add up to a hundred due to rounding off. 

society. Close to four out of every ten women (38%) with high media exposure seem willing to make politics a career option if they have the opportunity. On the other hand, only two out of every ten women (19%) who have no exposure to the media are positive about choosing politics as a career. Almost two-thirds of women (63%) with low exposure to the media express an unwillingness to pursue a political career. It is expected that women with an interest in politics will be willing to try for a political career if given a chance. Evidence suggests that women who have a high interest in politics are more willing to opt for politics as a career if given an opportunity (Table 6.4). More than half the women (51%) with a high interest in politics are willing to choose politics as a career. Favouring politics as a career declines with reduced interest in politics. Seven out of every ten (71%) women who have no interest in politics are not favourable to politics as a career choice. Evidence suggests that, in those states where there is a 50% reservation for women in local legislative bodies, women are more willing to participate in politics. The response also indicates that a conducive environment is critical if women are to express a greater willingness to participate in politics. Further, it suggests that participation in local government acts as a great morale booster for women and creates the necessary ecosystem for encouraging greater women’s participation.

What do women think about barriers? The smaller number of women in politics has been attributed to many things, including a lack of interest and patriarchal barriers. At the same time, there seems to be suffcient interest among women in politics, but converting this interest into a signifcant force in politics is missing. The 116

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aspirations of women in making a career in politics and less representation in legislative bodies indicate towards the existence of barriers in political parties and the electoral process. Apart from problems attributable to a patriarchal society, the dominance of men in politics and the lack of support for women in politics among political parties and the electoral process, women have experienced discrimination in being given tickets, in political ranking and inside party structure. The excuse of ‘lesser winnability’ that has been used to justify not allotting tickets to women has been debunked time and again (Rai, 2011).2 Political parties also bear some blame for limiting the political participation of women. Past research by scholars of women’s movements in India has suggested that the role of political parties has been to limit and curb the participation of women in politics. Women’s lack of capital for campaigning and other political activities when competing against men in a society where women have very limited access and ownership of resources is also a hindrance. The structure of society ensures that women have limited resources available to them, making a supposedly equal fght in electoral politics unequal. At the same time, apart from discrimination within party structure and in relation to the resources needed to fght an election, there are multiple factors putting up barriers for women. In a society where caste and class are a social reality, they have the potential to limit women’s political aspirations. The intersectional realities cannot be neglected while looking at the barriers women face in the political system. Keeping this in mind, we need to know what women think about topics such as barriers in the political system, women as political leaders and elected representatives, and the role societal difference plays. This knowledge cannot be gained in isolation; it should be studied while remembering that men fnd it easier to secure party tickets, are preferred by political parties and reach the top positions, despite the presence of equally qualifed women. Evidence suggests that, in a situation where a man and a woman are equally good candidates, women think that a political party always prefers a male candidate while giving tickets. Further, close to half the women surveyed (44%) think this, while only around one-seventh (15%) do not prescribe to this view, and one in every ten women (12%) has no opinion whatsoever on this issue. On the basis of the evidence, it was concluded that Sikh women are more likely to agree than those from the other religious denominations. While close to three-fourths of Sikh women agree that preference is given to male candidates in the allotment of tickets from a political party, only four out of every ten Hindu women think the same. The view that male candidates are preferred over female candidates by political parties despite having equal qualifcations is shared by more than half of the women belonging to richer classes, whereas only four out of 117

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every ten women from poor classes agree to it. This is further supported by the evidence that more than half the women from towns and cities support this view, while only four out of every ten women from rural areas seem to subscribe to it. Less than one-ffth of the women from more socially developed states like Kerala (18%) and West Bengal (18%) agree that political parties prefer male candidates over female candidates, despite equal qualifcations. Even though West Bengal is the state that sends a large number of women members to the Lok Sabha, the response of women may be more a refection of on-theground realities than a statement of their attitudes. The states of Kerala and West Bengal, which have a high literacy rate among women and the largest female contingent in the Lok Sabha, respectively, have close to a quarter of the women disagreeing with the statement that political parties prefer men over women when distributing party tickets for contesting elections. While more than half the women in the 21–24 age group feel that parties prefer men over women when distributing tickets to contest elections, the numbers are reduced to a little over one-third when the responses of women above 60 are taken into account. There is a very marginal difference in the different age groups in the number of women who disagree that political parties prefer men over women when deciding their electoral contestants. Even if women are able to secure tickets from political parties to fght elections, there are many more factors involving the parties and the political system that create an inherent bias against women. Access to and the availability of resources to fght elections is a big factor creating disparity for women candidates. Evidence suggests that four out of every ten women (41%) feel women have less access to resources compared to men, while two out of every ten women (18%) disagree that women have less access to resources compared to their male counterparts (Table 6.5). Evidence suggests, across religions, it was Sikh women who previously expressed the most interest in choosing politics as a career, and they are the ones who strongly assert that women have less access to resources compared

Table 6.5 Three-ffths of women believe women have less access to resources for a campaign (%) Compared to men, do women have less access to resources for a campaign? Agree Somewhat agree/disagree Disagree No opinion

41 28 18 13

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to men. More than two-thirds of the Sikh women surveyed agree with the statement. Among Hindu women, the support for the statement is closer to four out of every ten. According to the evidence, as one moves up the ladder of affuence, women are more likely to agree that women have less access to campaign resources compared to men. It is also true that, with affuence, more women would also (in comparative terms) disagree with it. What is clear is that two out of every ten poor women (21%) have no opinion on the matter compared to 7% of rich women who have no opinion on the matter. Thus, if half the affuent women agree, the other half either disagree, are ambivalent in their stand or have no opinion. Among women from the middle classes, just over four out of every ten agree, and more than half either disagree or are ambivalent on the issue or do not have an opinion. Among poor women, if four out of every ten agree with the statement, the remaining six out of every ten either disagree, are ambivalent or have no opinion. Caste is a reality in India; it plays a major role in access to resources and is a factor in gatekeeping. Evidence suggests that more than half the women surveyed (56%) feel that it is easier for women from upper castes to join politics (Table 6.6). Only two out of every ten women feel that upper-caste women have no special advantage. Apart from caste, kinship is one of the factors determining easy access to the political sphere. Politics in India is full of examples of dynasties. Evidence suggests that close to six out of every ten women (58%) agree that women with political backgrounds have fewer diffculties than women without any political backgrounds in participating in politics. Over four out of every ten women (44%) feel that Indian voters are more likely to vote for men than women, and six out of every ten women (57%) feel that it is easier for women from wealthier economic backgrounds to join politics compared to women with a lower economic status. As the nature of politics is distinct in states and regions, the same can be observed, as evidence indicates that in Odisha, more than three-fourths of

Table 6.6 The traditional social and economic barriers still stand high (%)  

Agree

‘Easier for a woman from upper caste to join politics compared to women from lower caste’. ‘Easier for a woman with a political background to join politics compared to a woman without any political background’. ‘Indian voters are more likely to vote for men than women’. ‘Easier for a woman from upper economic status to join politics compared to a woman from lower economic status’.

56 58 44 57

Note: The rest of the women somewhat agreed/somewhat disagreed, disagreed or had no opinion. All fgures may not add up to a hundred due to rounding off. 

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the women feel that women from the upper castes have a distinct advantage over those from the lower castes, while in Haryana, two-thirds of the women endorse this position. Evidence suggests that, in a given situation, if two equally qualifed and competent candidates—a man and a woman—are running for offce in their area, close to six out of every ten women (58%) wish to vote for the woman candidate. One out of every ten women (12%) express their inclination to vote for the man, and three out of every ten (30%) have no opinion on the matter. In socially conservative states like Bihar where women are more interested in politics, eight out of every ten women state their inclination is to vote for the women candidates. Close to half the women from Kerala have no opinion, six out of every ten women from the affuent classes and living in urban areas think that they are more likely to vote for women candidates. Evidence suggests that four out of every ten women feel it is easier for men (42%) than women to make it to top positions, while only one-seventh (14%) feel it is easier for women compared to men. What is important to record is that over 34% of the women surveyed feel that capability, not gender, matters and that it is equally diffcult for both men and women to make it to top political positions. This suggests that popular perceptions are grounded in socio-economic and political reality. When one looks at women’s places of residence, evidence suggests that those from cities are more likely to believe that it is easier for men to reach the top position (close to half), while only one-third of women from rural areas feel so. Evidence also suggests that close to half the women surveyed (47%) do not agree that ‘male candidates can take as much care of women’s interests and thus there is no need for women to join politics’. While one-fourth (27%) were found to be ambivalent on this issue, just over one-seventh endorse this position (14%), suggesting there is less consensus among women about the idea that a male-dominated process can take care of their needs.

Women political leaders and their impact The study of the impact of women leaders does not get as much attention as the story of representation gets, but there have been enough studies to suggest that women leaders have a positive impact. It has been proven that an increase in women representatives improves the status of public health in the country, as the issue of poor services is taken up by women representatives (Bhalotra & Clots-Figueras, 2014). Women in legislatures have also favour investments in sectors such as education and health. A study done on data from 16 Indian states during the period 1967–2000 fnds there is a visible effect of the gender of the legislative member on policy formulation (Clots-Figueras, 2011). 120

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A May 2018 study of 4,265 state assembly constituencies between 1992 and 2002 undertaken by the United Nations University World Institute for Development Economics Research (UNU-WIDER) suggests that women in a legislature raise the economic performance of their constituencies by about 1.8 percentage points per year in comparison with men in legislatures. (Baskaran et al., 2018). The study also used satellite imagery of night luminosity as a measure of economic performance in the constituencies studied. The study also says that women members are more effective at completing road projects and creating infrastructure for growth, which provides a higher rate of job creation for men than women, challenging the notion that women, if effective, are only so on women’s issues. The same study suggests that women legislators have less chance of being criminally charged and a greater chance of governing without corruption. Research done on the Odisha Assembly suggests that, even if women do not have the numbers to affect motions and impact voting procedure directly, they introduce proposals, take part in debates and attempt to convince their male counterparts by initiating a dialogue (Mishra, 2000). Evidence suggests that a little over half the women surveyed (54%) assert that the presence of more women in Parliament can bring about a positive change in the country, while around one-fourth (23%) believe it ‘may’ have a positive impact, and less than one out of every ten (9%) disagree with the same (Table 6.7). Evidence indicates a huge contrast among different states in their responses to the idea that women in Parliament can bring about a positive change in the country. A positive response is held by close to three-fourths of women in states like Punjab (76%), Delhi (74%) and Odisha (71%). While a little less than one-ffth of women in West Bengal (19%) and a bit over one-fourth of women in Kerala (29%) have the same response. In states such as Gujarat and Mizoram, a little over one of every ten women feel that having more women in Parliament will make no difference to the country. In a state like West Bengal, where close to one-third of the members elected to the Lok Sabha are women, it is interesting that only two out Table 6.7 More than one in two women feel that women in parliament can bring a positive change (%) ‘Do you believe that the presence of more women in parliament can bring about a positive/good change in the country?’

(%)

Yes No Maybe Will make no difference

54 9 23 6

Note: The rest of the women did not respond to the question. All fgures may not add up to a hundred due to rounding off.

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of every ten women (19%) feel that women in politics will bring about a positive change, whereas in states like Bihar, where less than 10% of those elected to the Lok Sabha are women, close to two-thirds (63%) of the women surveyed are positive that women in politics will bring about a positive change. According to the evidence, in Kerala, which ranks the highest among the states in the Human Development Index, women are the most uncertain about whether women will bring a positive change, with approximately four out of every ten women uncertain about this. As per the evidence, the rural-urban divide continues on this issue, as a little over half the women in rural areas are positive about women in politics, while two-thirds take this stand in urban areas. It is important to also state that almost six out of every ten unmarried women are sure that women in politics will make a difference, while only half of the married women surveyed believe so. Class makes a signifcant impact, as evidence suggests that rich women are more likely to be positive about the presence of more women in Parliament. Women from the rich classes have stronger opinions about the change that an increase in the number of women in Parliament can bring to the country. The difference remains intact across educational qualifcations in the class categories. Notably, however, there is a signifcant difference in responses between women who cannot read and write and those who have access to higher education. There is a gradual increase in the expression of the view that the presence of women in Parliament will bring about a positive change with the rise in education level. Less than half of the women who cannot read and write are of the view that the presence of more women in Parliament can bring about a positive change in the country, while, in contrast, more than six out of every ten women who have benefted from college education take this stand. At the same time, further evidence suggests that younger people are more likely to believe that the presence of more women in Parliament can bring about a positive change in the country. Six out of every ten women between the ages of 18 and 25 believe so, while the number comes down to less than half among those aged 55 and above. At the same time, the proportion of women who believe that it will make no difference or who have no opinion regarding this increases with age. Evidence indicates that news media exposure has a phenomenal impact, as women with high media exposure are more likely to express an opinion compared to women who have less exposure to media. We see that close to two out of every ten women who have no opinion have no exposure to media, while only 1% of women who have no opinion have high exposure to media (Figure 6.2). Six out of every ten women who believe women in Parliament can bring about a positive change in the country have high exposure to media compared to approximately half who believe the same but who have no exposure to media. 122

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Positive/good change in the country

No

No opinion

70 62 60 50

56

54

50

40 30 20 10 0

16 7

No exposure

8

13

10

8

4

Low exposure

Moderate exposure

1 High exposure

Figure 6.2 More than one in two women with increased exposure to media feels positive that women in parliament can bring about a good change in the country (%). Note: The rest of the women did not answer. All figures may not add up to a hundred due to rounding off.

With women being increasingly visible in political spaces, there is a range of aspirations and expectations from society regarding the change women in politics can bring about. One would need to concede that this perception or expectation would be extremely subjective and linked to the socio-economic and political context of women’s lives and experiences. An attempt is made here to measure the societal expectations women leaders in politics face. To understand the change that can be brought about through having women leaders, a composite index is created based on a set of questions. The findings of index of quantum of change through women leaders brings out compelling evidences. While three out of every ten women feel that women leaders are instrumental in bringing about major change, a little over one-third think that women leaders bring no change at all. Another one-third feel that women leaders will bring about only very little or marginal change (Figure 6.3). The above analysis clearly indicates a divided opinion on the matter among the women surveyed. This difference can be linked to important socio-economic and demographic differences. The faith that women have in women leaders could also have been impacted by the presence of women leaders at the local level. Duflo and Topalova (2004) observed in their study of women leaders who gained their positions at the level of local government because of seat reservations 123

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31

33

No Change at all Very Little Change Some Change Big Change

15

21

Figure 6.3 Index: quantum of change through women leaders (%)

that these women were found to be reasonably effective leaders and were considered less corrupt, as there were fewer bribery incidents (Dufo & Topalova, 2004).3 Further evidence suggests an interesting contrast between states like Kerala and Punjab. Four out of every ten women in Punjab think women leaders will bring about major change, while the number was just two out of every ten in Kerala. One out of every ten women in Punjab believes that women leaders will bring about no change, while almost six out of every ten women have this view in Kerala. In Delhi and Punjab close to a majority of women feel that women leaders can be instrumental in bringing about a major change. Besides Kerala, another state where a majority of women feel that women leaders will not bring about any change is West Bengal. Evidence also suggests that, in terms of women’s religious persuasion, four out of every ten Sikh women feel women leaders will bring about a major change. One-third of Hindu women have this view as do one-fourth of Muslim women. Two out of every ten Christian women also are positive about the impact of women leaders. Four out of every ten Muslim women feel that women leaders do not bring about any change. One-third of Hindu and Christian women agree with this, while the least negative view on this topic is found among Sikh women. In the 17th Lok Sabha, women make up around 14% of the total members. It is interesting to note that there is a greater representation of women in reserved seats than in unserved seats. Out of a total of 131 reserved seats in the Lok Sabha for scheduled caste and scheduled tribes, 24 of them are held by women, which is around 18% of all reserved seats, around 4% more than the total average. Studies have suggested that female legislators representing reserved seats invest more in health and early education and have favoured woman-friendly laws and redistributive policies (Clots-Figueras, 124

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2011). The question of women leaders’ impact should also be considered in relation to the different segments of society. Survey evidence and policy evidence suggest that there is a confict. Around one-third of women belonging to general (35%), other backward (35%), and scheduled (35%) castes hold a positive of the impact women leaders may be able to make. But women who belong to the scheduled tribe are comparatively less positive about the change women leaders may be able to bring about. The lack of a positive view amongst scheduled tribe women about women leaders being able to bring about positive changes in policymaking goes against the evidence of the better policy intervention and performance of women leaders. It also opens up new avenues of investigation. Economic conditions are an important factor, and evidence indicates that women coming from affuent backgrounds are more confdent that women leaders will bring about substantive change; women from poorer backgrounds take an opposite stand. As mentioned earlier, it is clear that people’s socio-economic experiences often shape their attitudes and perceptions. If four out of every ten women who come from poor economic backgrounds believe that women leaders will not bring about any change, it could well be a refection of their life experience. On the other hand, if four out of every ten affuent women believe that women leaders can bring a substantive change, it may be both a refection of their experience as well as their expectations. Opinion among middle-class women is clearly divided, wherein equal numbers believe that women leaders contribute to major changes and that they bring about no changes at all. Media exposure has always had an impact on awareness levels. Evidence suggests that four out of every ten women who have high exposure to media feel that women leaders can bring about substantive change, and close to half of the women with no media exposure think that women leaders will bring no change at all (Table 6.8). Opinions about the effcacy of women leaders seem to be mixed among those women who have low or moderate media exposure. Table 6.8 Increased exposure to media makes women more positive about the quantum of change by women in politics (%) News media exposure

No change at all

Big change

No news media exposure Low Moderate High news media exposure

48 28 33 27

23 33 31 41

Note: The rest of the women either responded ‘very little change’ or ‘some change’. All fgures may not add up to a hundred due to rounding off.

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Do more women in politics help women’s issues? There is an ongoing debate about whether only women are capable of raising women’s issues at the centres of power. There is evidence suggesting that an increase in women’s representation leads to more focus on women’s issues and concerns. While evidence suggests that women believe that an increase in the number of women in politics would bring more attention to women’s issues. Around six out of every ten women (60%) feel that, if the participation of women in politics increases, there will be a much greater focus on women’s issues, which is in agreement with past studies. Only three out of every ten women feel that it will not help (14%) or make difference (16%). At the same time, evidence also suggests a demographic contrast, as nine out of every ten women feel women’s issues will be taken up with the women candidates coming to power in states like Punjab (91%) and Delhi (89%). However, in states like West Bengal, which already has the highest number of women representing them in the Lok Sabha, less than half of women (45%) agree with this.

What do women think about the reservation of seats for women? There are multiple methods of introducing quotas for women around the world, but two of the most popular are through the Constitution/legislation and through quotas in political parties or on lists. In the last few decades, one of the most positive things to happen in different democracies is the increasing representation of women in politics. This increase has also been achieved through the introduction of quotas in legislatures. In India, the recommendations for reserving seats for women surfaced in the 1970s at the suggestion of a Committee on the Status of Women in India. In 1988, the National Perspective Plan for women suggested that at least 30% of seats be reserved for women in local governments (Rai, 2005). In 1993, India reserved one-third of the seats in rural local bodies for women through a Constitutional Amendment Act (73rd Amendment Act, 1992). After the introduction of affrmative action for women in local governments, the demands for the same in Parliament and in legislature increased. In September 1996, at the time of the United Front Government, an unsuccessful attempt was made to pass a bill reserving 33% of the seats in Parliament for women for the frst time. This attempt was known as the 81st Constitutional Amendment Bill. Though subsequent attempts were made by successive governments, it was never passed. The Women’s Reservation Bill, 2008 (108th Amendment) was a constitutional amendment bill that also proposed to reserve one-third of the seats legislative assemblies and the Parliament for women. The bill was passed in Rajya Sabha on March 9, 126

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Table 6.9 One in two women feels women are underrepresented and seats should be reserved for them (%) Women who think that they are underrepresented in parliament & 56 assemblies and therefore seats should be reserved for them Women who think that they should enter the Parliament on their own and 28 there should be no reservation for them Note: The rest of the women gave no response. All fgures may not add up to a hundred due to rounding off.

2010, but is still pending before the Lok Sabha. The main opposition to this bill came from parties representing backward castes, like Samajwadi Party, who demand that separate quota be established for backward, minority and Dalit women; they claim that if this is not done, the bill would facilitate entry of only upper-caste women (Pai, 2015). Considering this whole debate around seat reservations for women, a look at the survey evidence suggests women agree that seats should be reserved for women in Parliament in order to address underrepresentation. A majority of women (56%) feel positive about it, suggesting widespread support on the issue. Just over one-fourth of women (28%) feel that women should enter as elected legislators on their own strength and that they do not need reservations. (Table 6.9). This evidence should be considered alongside the longer history of women’s support for this issue. The current rate of support was matched with the evidence from the 2009 National Election Studies (NES) undertaken by Lokniti-CSDS. There is a marginal decline in support for women’s reservations. Around two-thirds of the women in NES 2009 fully or somewhat agreed that there must be reservations for women in the legislature (65%). According to the current evidence, this number has declined by 9 percentage points, suggesting a decline in consensus on the issue. (Figure 6.4). Although there is support for the idea of reserving seats for women among a majority of women, irrespective of their religious identity, if we attempt to locate the support on the basis of religion, we can see the support groups more clearly. The evidence suggests that Christian women support reservation the most. Close to two-thirds of Christian women (63%) feel that women are underrepresented in Parliament and seats should be reserved for them. Around three out of every fve Sikh (60%) and Muslim (59%) women also agree with it. The least support comes from Hindu women, as around only half of them (54%) support the cause. It seems that the increased support among women from Christian, Muslim and Sikh communities may stem from the fact that there is, at present, a minimal level of representation due to the smaller number of women parliamentarians from these communities. 127

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2008

2019

50

52

54

56

58

60

62

64

66

Support for reservation of seats for women

Figure 6.4 Support for the reservation of legislature seats for women has slightly dwindled (%)

Evidence suggests that women from oppressed communities root more for the reservation of seats for women. A little over six out of every ten women from the scheduled tribe (61%) and other backward castes (60%) feel that women require seat reservations because they are underrepresented in Parliament. A little over half of the women from the scheduled castes (52%) and the general category (53%) feel the same (Table 6.10). At the same time, more than one-third of women (35%) from the general category feel that there should be no reservation for women, and women should enter the Parliament on their own. The proportion of women who take this stand is marginally lower in the case of women from other caste groups.

Table 6.10 The need for reserved seats in the legislature is felt more by women from oppressed caste groups than women from the general community (%)

SC ST OBC General

Women who think that women are underrepresented in parliament and assemblies and therefore that seats should be reserved for them

Women who think that women should enter Parliament on their own and that there should be no reservation for them

52 61 60 53

28 20 26 35

Note: The rest of the women gave no response. All fgures may not add up to a hundred due to rounding off.

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Different states have different political climates and understanding due to localized issues and the socio-economic factors at play. It is important to understand where the debate on the reservation of seats for women stands in different states. Evidence suggests that Bihar and Jharkhand are the two states where there is a high level of support for women’s seat reservations. Slightly more than three-fourths of the women in Bihar and Jharkhand (77%) strongly feel that women require reserved seats in elected legislatures because they are underrepresented. This could also be a refection of the huge gender disparity and low Human Development Index (HDI) in these states. Women from states like Telangana and Mizoram also show high support for the reservation of seats for women in Parliament and assemblies. In contrast, only one-fourth of the women from Odisha (23%) seem to endorse the need for women’s seat reservations while close to half of Odisha women (49%) feel that there should be no reservation of seats, and women should enter politics on their own strengths (highest among all the states). In the states of West Bengal, Odisha, Gujarat, Kerala and Haryana, more than one-fourth of women have no opinion on the subject, suggesting ambiguity on the issue. Evidence suggests that every three out of fve women living in towns (59%) agree with the statement that women require seat reservations in Parliament, as they are underrepresented. The numbers are marginally lower when it comes to women in villages and cities. Over one-third of the women (35%) in cities think that women should enter Parliament on their own strengths and not on the basis of reservations. The numbers fall to around one-fourth (26%) when talking about the opinion of women from villages. At the same time, it is important to note that close to two out of every ten women in rural areas do not have an opinion on the issue, while the number drops to one in every ten in cities. Age is an important demographic to note, as evidence suggests that young women hold stronger opinions than old women on the issue of seat reservations for women. When age categories are taken into account, we see that six out of every ten women (60%) in the 26–35 age group are in favour of women’s seat reservations, while only a little over half (51%) of those in the 55 and above age category feel the same. Close to one-third (31%) of those in the 18–25 age group feel that there should be no seat reservations for women in elected legislatures, while around one-fourth (26%) think the same in the age group 55 and above. At the same time, more young women have an opinion on this issue than older women, as only 11% of women 18–25 do not have any opinion on this issue compared to 24% of women 55 and above. Media plays an instrumental role in today’s world, and exposure to media contributes to shaping our beliefs and opinions. The debate about seat reservations for women is a few decades old in India and has also been widely covered in the media. Evidence suggests that women with high media exposure do not support women’s seat reservations the most. Close to six 129

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out of every ten women with low (60%) or moderate (58%) media exposure favour seat reservations for women. This number drops to around half when women with high media exposure (53%) and no media exposure (48%) are considered. It is also worth noticing that four out of every ten women (41%) with high media exposure believe that women should enter legislatures on their own strengths and that there should be no reservation for them. Around one-third of women (35%) with moderate media exposure feel the same. Approximately one-fourth of women with no media exposure (24%) or low media exposure (25%) think that women should enter legislatures on their own strengths.

Concluding remarks Democracy depends on participation. Classical theorists like Rousseau and Mill advocated for the maximum citizen participation for a democracy to be successful. Democracy cannot be successful if half the population is not represented in it or does not participate in the democratic decision-making process, thus increasing the participation of women is an important step towards the successful realization of public goals. The increased participation of women in recent times has been an exciting phenomenon and a step towards strengthening democracies around the world. While participation has increased, there still remains a vast defcit considering the composition of the population. This chapter has attempted to weave together an analysis of how women see themselves as leaders. It explored the dynamics of the increasing representation of women and their participation in debates about women in politics. The chapter traced the barriers and the hindrances women face while participating in this process and how a patriarchal setup and other socio-economical hurdles pose a challenge. It found that women are not keenly interested in choosing politics as a career, and there are multiple barriers that limit their access. Evidence suggests that the majority of women are not interested in making a career in politics if given a chance. Women’s interest is proportional to their willingness to make a career in politics if given a chance, with a greater interest increasing the likelihood that a woman is interested in politics as a career. A decrease in patriarchal dominance also increases women’s willingness to choose a political career path; this suggests that patriarchal dominance is a barrier for women. This chapter also found that family support, kinship and the socio-economic and cultural conditions in which women are socialized have a lot to contribute to the way politics is perceived as a profession. The fndings are indicative of class as one of the major factors affecting women’s relationship to politics, as affuent women are more optimistic 130

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when compared to less affuent ones. Age is also a factor, as young women are more optimistic and ambitious compared to older generations of women. Education has acted as a catalyst for women breaking down social and patriarchal barriers. Urban women with more informational resources are more optimistic about the change the women leaders can bring. The fndings show that there is an encouraging amount of support for and positive expectations of the reservation of seats for women, and the change that women leaders might bring. Across different social and economic factors, signifcant correlations are found between women’s political perceptions, their amount of media exposure, and the urge to participate in political activities. This reaffrms the idea that media plays an important role in shaping the public’s political knowledge, attitudes and behaviour. Overall, this chapter suggests that women are generally optimistic about better representation; they see women as leaders and view the impact of women in politics as being positive, barring a few exceptions.

Notes 1 Sudha Pai explains that there are three kinds of women leaders. First, there are leaders who succeed their fathers or husbands in dynastic succession, i.e., Indira Gandhi and Sonia Gandhi. Second, there are institutional climbers who make their way to the top on their own, i.e., Mamata Banerjee and Jayalalithaa. Third, there are the proxy leaders who represent some other members of their family and gain little legitimacy and credibility, i.e., Rabri Devi. 2 Winnability is commonly given as a reason that women candidates do not win elections; however, the data proves otherwise. Female candidates have been comparatively more successful than male candidates. 3 In ‘Unappreciated Service: Performance, Perceptions, and Women Leaders in India’, their study of Gram Panchayats (GPs), Esther Dufo and Petia Topalova measured the satisfaction levels of villagers in terms of the provision of public facilities and various other services. They inferred that there was less corruption when they were able to assess that there were more goods in villages and that the quality of those goods was nearly equal to the goods provided in non-reserved villages.

References Baskaran, T., Bhalotra, S., Min, B., & Uppal, Y. (2018, May). WIDER Working Paper 2018/47, Women Legislators and Economic Performance. United Nations University World Institute for Development Economics Research. Besley, T., & Burgess, R. (2002, November). The political economy of government responsiveness: Theory and evidence from India. The Quarterly Journal of Economics, 117(4), 1415–51. doi:10.1162/003355302320935061 Besley, T., Folke, O., Persson, T., & Rickne, J. (2017). Gender quotas and the crisis of the mediocre man: Theory and evidence from Sweden. American Economic Review, 107, 2204–42. Bhalotra, S., & Clots-Figueras, I. (2014, May). Health and the political agency of women. American Economic Journal: Economic Policy, 6, 164–97.

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Chattopadhyay, R., & Dufo, E. (2001, December). Working Paper 8615, Women as Policy Makers: Evidence from an India Wide Randomized Policy Experiment. National Bureau of Economic Research. Chhibber, P. (2002). Why are some women politically active? The household, public space, and political participation in India. International Journal of Comparative Sociology, 43(3–5), 409–29 Clots-Figueras, I. (2011, August). Women in politics evidence from the Indian States. Journal of Public Economics, 95, 664–90. Dovi, S. (2008). Theorizing women's representation in the United States. In C. Wolbrecht, K. Beckwith, & L. Baldez, Political Women and American Democracy (pp. 148–66). Cambridge University Press. doi:10.1017/CBO9780511790621.012 Dufo, E., & Topalova, P. (2004). Unappreciated Service: Performance, Perceptions, and Women Leaders in India. Manuscript, Department of Economics, Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Facts and Figures: Leadership and Political Participation. (2020, April 10). Retrieved from UN Women: https://www.unwomen.org/en/what-we-do/leadership-and-po litical-participation/facts-and-fgures Mishra, R. C. (2000). Role of Women in Legislatures in India: A Study. New Delhi: Anmol Publications. Pai, S. (2015). From dynasty to legitimacy women leaders in India. In O. Goyal (Ed.), Interrogating Women's Leadership and Empowerment (pp. 107–21). New Delhi: SAGE Publications. Percentage of Women in National Parliaments. (2020, April 10). Retrieved from Inter-Parliamentary Union: https://data.ipu.org/women-ranking?month=3&year =2020 Rai, P. (2017). Women’s Participation in Electoral Politics in India: Silent Feminisation. South Asia Research, 37(1), 58–77. Rai, P. (2011, January 15–21). Electoral participation of women in India: Key determinants and barriers. Economic and Political Weekly, 46(3), 47–55. Retrieved September 04, 2020, from https://www.jstor.org/stable/27918039 Rai, S. M. (2005). Reserved seats in South Asia: A regional perspective. In J. Ballington, & A. Karam (Eds.), Women in Parliament: Beyond Numbers (pp. 174–84). International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance. Schlozman, K. L., Burns, N., & Verba, S. (1994, November). Gender and the pathways to participation: The role of resources. The Journal of Politics, 56, 963–90. Verba, S., Burns, N., & Schlozman, K. L. (1997, November). Knowing and caring about politics: Gender and political engagement. The Journal of Politics, 59(4), 1051–72. Women in Parliament: Global and Regional Averages. (2020). Retrieved from Inter Parliamentary Union: https://data.ipu.org/women-averages Women Members of Rajya Sabha. (2003). New Delhi: Rajya Sabha Secretariat.

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7 POLITICAL OPINION AND ATTITUDE Issues and party preferences Jyoti Mishra and Vibha Attri

Introduction With a growing number of women voting in local and national elections and the narrowing gap in turnout for men and women, women voters have emerged as a crucial political constituency for political parties to woo. Moreover, this increasing signifcance of women voters in the electoral arena and their emergence as a distinct voting bloc that has the potential to swing close elections has arguably been one of the chief reasons for the several government policies and programmes that cater exclusively to women and their interests. Hence, given the rising participation of India’s women as voters and the growing acknowledegment of their electoral importance by political parties and governments, any discussion of women voters and their relationship with politics would be incomplete without looking at the issues important to them, the candidate attributes that matter to them while voting, their political preferences and their overall socio-economic and political perspectives. This chapter analyzes in detail women’s responses to several contemporary issues. It seeks to understand what women voters want the government to prioritize, their prevailing personal political choices, and their overall stand on matters that are directly or indirectly related to society and politics. The frst part of this chapter looks at party identifcation among women, that is, their fondness for a particular party and their opinion as to which party they think is best suited for dealing with women’s issues. The second part focuses on women voters’ opinions on what they think is the biggest problem facing India that the government needs to address. The third part illuminates the importance attached by women voters to certain attributes of candidates while voting. The fourth and fnal part seeks to understand the ideological perspectives of women voters—how liberal or conservative are women in their thought processes and does this have any bearing on the party they support?

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Party identifcation Women as political actors have inclinations towards some political parties. This can be ascertained from the fact that in this study, close to 70% of the women surveyed liked one or another political party. However, there is a sizeable chunk of women voters (28%) who do not like any particular political party. The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) was the most popular party among women as close to one in every four women (27%) named it when asked which party they like the most. A little less than one-ffth (18%) of the women surveyed also liked the Congress. Only about 2% admitted liking the Left parties the most (Figure 7.1). About one-fourth (25%) like the state-based parties the most. Importantly, this is the largest cohort. Age has some bearing on women’s identifcation with a particular party; the older the voters, the greater are their chances of being neutral or not liking any political party. A very high proportion of women above the age of 60 do not like any political party. Currently, the BJP is the most liked party among young women voters. One notices a decline in the preference for the BJP with an increase in age (Table 7.1). Close to one-third of young women (18–20) identify with the BJP, while the fgure drops to a mere one out of every fve (20%) among those above the age of 60. The difference between liking the BJP and the Congress decreases with age. From 19 percentage points among younger women, the gap diminishes and stands at a mere three percentage points among those above the age of 60. What is surprising is that, though the older women are much less likely to identify with the BJP, the Congress fails to capture the support of older women. For them, it is not the BJP or the Congress, but the state-based parties they prefer. The

18

28

Congress BJP Left 27

25

Other Parties Don’t like any party

2

Figure 7.1 Political party preference/identifcation (%). Source: Women’s Study 2019 conducted by Lokniti-CSDS. Note: Those who did not respond to the question have been merged with ‘Don’t like any party’ Question asked: Which political party, do you like the most?

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Table 7.1 BJP, the party most preferred amongst women (%) Party you like the most Congress BJP Left Others Don’t like any party Age groups 18–20 years 21–24 years 25–29 years 30–39 years 40–49 years 50–59 years 60 years and above Economic class Poor Lower Middle Rich

13 22 16 18 17 19 17

32 29 30 28 26 23 20

1 – 2 2 3 3 4

25 25 25 25 25 25 24

28 24 27 27 29 30 35

13 19 18 23

20 23 31 35

3 2 2 2

28 26 24 21

36 30 25 20

Source: Women’s Study 2019 conducted by Lokniti-CSDS.

evidence also suggests that older women are more likely to feel close to the Left parties compared to the younger cohorts. Party identifcation is much weaker amongst poorer women compared to those from affuent backgrounds. Close to four in every ten women from the poorer economic classes do not feel close to any party (Table 7.1). This number drops to half among those who are more affuent. The BJP is the most liked party among the middle classes and the economically well off in the country. This is identical to the current national picture, which shows the upper classes are the most loyal supporters of the BJP (Venkataramakrishnan, 2019). The Congress fails to win the votes of poor and lower-class women as the preference for state-based parties is relatively higher among this group. Barring the rich, the Congress is the third preferred choice of the party across all other classes. The places where women live have a bearing on their orientation towards party politics. The BJP receives unprecedented support from women residing in cities where close to four in every ten women like the party (37%). The rural parts of the country where traditionally the Congress has been a strong force is the third preference out of all the parties (Table 7.2). The Congress has clearly lost its ground in rural India as well. The educated, particularly those with access to college education, liked the BJP the most, and maximum support for the Congress comes from those women who have studied up to matriculation. The community to which women belong has an impact on their party identifcation. Party identifcation is much higher amongst Sikh women; a 135

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Table 7.2 Party liked most by social demographics (%) Party you like the most  

Congress BJP Left Other parties Don’t like any party

Overall Locality Rural Town City Level of education Non-literate Up to primary Up to matric 12th pass/intermediate College and above Caste/communities Upper caste OBC SC ST Muslims Christian Sikh

18

27

2

25

28

18 19 16

26 21 37

2 2 2

28 27 14

27 31 31

17 18 20 16 16

26 21 26 32 34

1 3 3 2 2

28 29 24 21 20

28 29 28 29 28

15 13 15 15 26 17 39

39 35 27 24 12 2 16

1 2 4 1 4 1