Women and Work in Pre-industrial England 0709908148, 9780709908142

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ROUTLEDGE LIBRARY EDITIONS: WOMEN’S HISTORY

WOMEN AND WORK IN PRE-INDUSTRIAL ENGLAND

WOMEN AND WORK IN PRE-INDUSTRIAL ENGLAND

Edited by LINDSEY CHARLES AND LORNA DUFFIN

Volume 10

First published in 1985 This edition first published in 2013 by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon, OX14 4RN Simultaneously published in the USA and Canada by Routledge 711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017 Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business © 1985 Lindsey Charles and Lorna Duffin All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe. British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library ISBN: 978-0-415-53409-3 (Set) eISBN: 978-0-203-10425-5 (Set) ISBN: 978-0-415-62301-8 (Volume 10) eISBN: 978-0-203-10415-6 (Volume 10) Publisher’s Note The publisher has gone to great lengths to ensure the quality of this reprint but points out that some imperfections in the original copies may be apparent. Disclaimer The publisher has made every effort to trace copyright holders and would welcome correspondence from those they have been unable to trace.

WOMEN AND WORK IN PRE­ INDUSTRIAL ENGLAND Edited by

Lindsey Charles and Lorna Duffin

London

•

CROOM HELM Sydney • Dover, New Hampshire

© 1985

Lindsey Charles and Lorna Duffin

Croom Helm Ltd, Provident House, Burrell Row,

Beckenham, Kent BR3 lAT Croom Helm

Australia Pty Ltd, Suite 4, 6th Floor,

64-76 Kippax Street, Surry Hills, NSW 2010, Australia British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data Women and work in pre-industrial England. 1. Women - Employment - England -History I. Charles, Lindsey II. Duffin, Lorna HD6136

331.4'0941

ISBN 0-7099-0814-8 ISBN 0-7099-0856-3 pbk Croom Helm, 51 Washington Street, Dover, New Hampshire 03820, USA Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data Main entry under title: Women and work in pre-industrial England. Includes index. 1. Women-Employment-England-History-Addresses, essays, lectures. 2.'Women -England-Economic conditions-Addresses, essays, lectures. 3. Home labor-England-History-Addresses, essays, lectures. I. Charles, Lindsey. IL Duffin, Lorna. 85-14950 331.4'0942 HD6136.W66 1985 ISBN 0-7099-0814-8 ISBN 0-7099-0856-3 (pbk.)

Printed and bound in Great Britain by Biddies Ltd, Guildford and King s Lynn '

CONTE NT S

P r e f ace L orn a D u ffi n

I n t roduction L i n d s ey Ch a r l e s

1

Women a nd Work i n Fou rteenth a nd Fift e e n t h C e n t u ry L o n d o n Kay E L a c ey

2

3

Women i n Fou r t e e n t h C e n t u r y Shrew s b u ry D i a n e Hu tton

' C h u r m a i d s , H u s w yfe s a nd Huc k s t e r s ' : The Employment of Women i n Tudor a n d Stua rt S a l i s b u r y S u e Wrigh t

4

' Words t h e y are Wome n , a nd Dee d s they a re Men ' : I m a g e s of Work a nd G e n d e r in E a r l y Mo d e r n E n g l a n d

Mich a el Roberts

5

Women ' s L a bo u r a nd t he T r a n s i tion to Pre­ ind u s t ri a l C a p i t a l i s m Chris Mid dl e to n

1

24

83

100

122

1 81

The Contributors

20 7

I n dex

208

P R EFAC E Lorn a D uffi n

T h i s collect i o n of p a p e r s o r i g i n ated a s a s e r i e s of s e mi n a r s co n v e n e d u n d e r t he a u s pice s and with the fi n a nc i a l s u p p ort of Oxford U n i v e r s i t y Women 1 s Stu d i e s Committee . T h e e d i t o r s a r e mo s t g r a teful t o t he m e m b e r s of the com mittee for t h e i r s u p po r t , to all t h o s e who a t t e n d e d t he se m i n a r s and co n t r i b u t e d to the di scu s s i o n s , a n d to Qu e e n E l i z a be t h H o u s e for p ro v i d i n g t h e v e n u e . T h e work of the co n t r i b u t o r s i n f i r s t p re s e n t i n g t he s e mi n a r p a p e r s a n d s u b s e q ue n t l y re vi s i n g them fo r p u b l ic a t i o n d e s e rve s o u r g e n e r o u s t h a nk s . L i n d s e y C h a r l e s h a d t h e m a i n re s p o n s i b i l i t y for org a n i s i n g the s e m i n a r s , a nd took on the t a s k of acad e mic editor . L o r n a D u ffi n p r e p a r e d t h e m a nu sc r i p t s f o r pu b l i c a t i o n a nd w a s g i ve n s u b s t a n t i a l a n d much a p p reci a t e d a s s i s t a nce by John Corlett . T h i s book i s t h e e i g h t h in t h e Oxford Women s Stu d i e s serie s . 1

I NTROD TJCTION

l

Li n d s e y Ch a r l e s

' To t h e Victori a n s ' , it ha s b e e n said , ' b elon g s the di scove r y of the wom an wo r k e r a s a n ob j ect of pity ' .2 Thi s goe s fa r towa rds exp l a i n i n g why the bulk of hi storical re s e a rch on wom en ' s work conce n t r a t e s on the nineteenth and twentieth ce n t u ri e s . To b e g i n with , t he ex ten sive i n v e s t i g a t ion a n d le g i s l ation which a rose from thi s conce r n for wom en work e r s e n g e n d e red con s i d e r a b l e m a t e r i a l for u s e by hi stori a n s . In a d d it ion , the posi tion of t he wom an worke r in mod ern indu s t r i a l socie t y i s the sub j ect of con t i n u i n g hi storical and sociological deb ate , thu s the n i n e t e e n t h centu r y wom a n wo r k e r i s a n a t u r a l ob j ect of attention and i n t e r e s t . By con tra s t , wom en ' s wo rk in e a r l i e r periods h a s b e e n rel a t i v e l y neg lected a n d de scri bed by one hi stori a n as the 'least well-explored area of women's studies. •3 The r e a s o n s a re not h a r d to find : e m p i rical d a t a i s sca rce and w h a t there i s p r e s e n t s con s i d e r a b l e prob l e m s of inter­ p r e t a t ion and methodolog y . W h i le some import a n t p i o n e e r i n g wo rk h a s been do ne in thi s field , mo st not a b l y Al ice C l a r k ' s Work ing L ife o f Women i n t h e Seven teen th Cen­ tury , there has until rece n t l y been little s u b s equ ent de b a te . 4 Thi s volume i s intended to con tribute to thi s g ro wi n g de b a t e . Its conce rn is with Engl i s h soci ety before its t ransition to i n d u s t ri a l ca p i t a l i s m in the e i g h te e n t h and nineteenth ce n t u ri e s . Thi s pe riod of economic t r a n sition ha s been ch o s e n a s an end point beca u se i t i s oft en argued to h a v e radica l l y ch a n g e d fe m a le wo rk p a t t e r n s and e s t a b lished th e n o r m s of wom en ' s work tod a y . Wh e t h e r it wa s i n d u s t r i a l i z a t ion or pre­ exi stent ca p i t a l i s t org a n i z a t ion which affect ed such ch a n g e s is not al ' w a y s cl e a r , and one ofe the point s made here by Chri s Mi ddleton is that the a n a l yt ical framework wi t h i n which such a r g u m e n t s a re fo rm u l a t e d requ i r e s critical scru t i n y . Which e v e r i s t he ca se , w e hop e th a t the t i m e s p a n of thi s vol u me wi ll p r o v e l o n g e n o u g h to allow u s eful comp a ri son s of wom en ' s work p a t t e r n s acro s s l

In traduction

seve r a l ph a s e s of econom i c and s oci a l o rg a n iza t ion . T h e s t art ing poin t for o ur p e r i od wa s more d i ffic u l t t o de termi ne . ' P r e-i n d u s t r i a l ' , i t h a s b e e n pointed o u t , i s a ' s omew h a t n e g a t ive l a b e l ' s w h ich can s ub s u m e m a ny The d i ffe re n t e r a s a n d for m s of economic org a n iz a t ion . ch oice o f a s t a r t i n g da t e o f 1300 i s l a rgely p r a gm a t ic s i nce t h e l a t e t h i r t e e n t h a n d four t e e n t h ce n t u r i e s m a rk t h e a p p e a ra nce o f m o r e ad e q u a t e w r i t t e n sources a n d r eco r d s Th u s t h e t h ro u g h w h i ch women ' s wo r k c a n b e ex p l ored . col lect ion s t r a d d l e s the t w o c u s t om a ry h i s torical c a t e g or i e s o f m e d ieval a n d e a rl y mode rn a n d e n comp a s s e s fun d a ­ mental and fa r-reach i n g s oci a l a n d economic ch a n g e . So me b ri e f o u t l i n e of t h e s e ch a n g e s m i g h t b e u s e f u l h e re . 6 E n g l i s h s ociety a t t h e t u r n of t h e fourtee n t h c e n t ur y cou l d s t i l l b e c a l l e d fe u d a l i n th a t t he r e w a s s t i l l a l a rge body of u n fr e e l a bou r re n de ri ng due s i n k i n d o r l a b our s e rvice t o t h e s e i gn u r i a l c l a s s , a n d t h a t m a n or i a l org a n iz a t ion a n d j u r i s d iction co n t i n u e d t o b e s t rong , even ove r t h e t ow n s . B u t mo n e y r e n t s we re b ecom i ng i ncre a s i ngly comm o n . T h i s wa s p a rt l y due t o l a n d h u n g e r ca u s e d b y a nsmg p op u l a t ion w h ich l e d t o t h e recl a m a t ion o f n ew l a n d wi thout t h e a t t ac h m e n t o f c u s t om a ry due s a n d t h e s a le o f o l d l a n d a t a n i n fl a t e d v a l ue re q u1nng c a s h p a y m e n t s a s we l l a s t r a d ition a l d ue s . A s a r e s ult' , b y t h e t im e o f t h e B l ack De a t h 0348 ) ' t h e whole s i t u a t ion wa s ext remely f l u i d . . . Th e s c r a m b l e f o r l a n d , t og e the r w i th com m u t a tion h a d somew h a t b l ur r e d s oci a l s t a t u s , v i l l e i n a n d fr e e m a n o ft e n wo r k i n g s i de b y s i de o n l an d f o r w h ich t h ey p a i d a m o n e y r e n t . ' 7 T a k i ng advantage of the rising p r ice s o ft en a s s oci a t e d w i th p op u l a t ion pre s s ure many l or d s t ook t o f a r m i n g t h e i r de m e s n e l a n d s f o r profit , s e l l in g t h e i r s u r p l u s t o o t h e r p a r t s of t h e cou n t ry a n d , i n m a n y c a s e s , a b r o a d , w h e re i t formed p a r t o f t h e sw e l l i n g t ide of E n g l ish e x p ort s . T r a d e i n g e n e r a l h a d i ncre a s e d d u r i n g w h a t i s o ft e n seen as the econ omic ex p a n s i on o f the twe l ft h and t hi r t e e n t h ce n t ur i e s , a n d w i t h i t t own s h a d grown i n n u m b e r a n d s ize . As t h e i r economic s t re ngth g r ew t h e y b egan to s l ough off t h e s oci a l and p o l itical con t rol exe rted b y t he b a r on a g e . Ov er t h e fol lowi n g 200 y e a r s t h e ma n ortia l s y s t em s u f fe red i n cre a s i ng di s l oc a t i o n a n d a l t h o u g h the ve s t ige s of vi l l e i n a g e l inge red u n t i l t h e s e ve n t ee n t h century ( w h e n t h e l a s t l egal b o n d m a n d i e d ) t h e s oci ety i n w h ich i t h a d f l ou r i s h e d h a d l on g s i nce d i s a p p e a re d . B y 1 600 m a n y o f t h e de scen d a n t s o f m e d i eval b a ron s w e r e s t ill hol d i n g v e r y l a r g e e s t a t e s , but t h e i r t e n a n t ry wa s fr e e a n d u s u a l ly p a y i n g money r e n t , a n d t h e i r l e g a l j u r i s d ict ion ov e r t h e l oc a l ity h a d dwi n d l e d t o n ot h i n g . Nor were they the only g ro u p o f s u b s t a n t i a l l a n down e r s a s , w i t h the exce p t io n o f t h e c h u rch , t h e y h a d b e e n i n t h e fou r t e e n t h c e n t u r y . The

2

In tro duction

g e n t ry cl ass was now a n a f flue n t a n d i n flue n t i a l social group , and had acqui red an importa nce , loc a l and n a t ion al , i n t h e count rys i de a lmost equ a l to t h a t of t h e a ristocr acy . Be low the ge n t ry there was the n e a rest t h i ng Engl a n d e v e r se ems to h a v e had to an i n d e p e n de n t , in t h e sh a p e of t h e yeGm a n cl ass p r osperous p e as a n t ry 8 - sm a l l scale , l a rgely ow n e r occupy i ng farmers , r i v a ll ing , a t t h e ir we a l t h i est e n d , t h e poorer g e n t ry . Al ongside t hese were cot tagers wi th more preca rious le asing a r r a n ge-­ ments over t h e i r l a n d a n d w a ge l abourers who we re oft en e i ther l a n d l ess or sup pleme n t i ng the products of an i n a dequate l a n d hol ding . Se v e r a l reasons have been a d duce d for th ese cha nges . There wa s , to b egin with , the dr a m a t ic disrupt ion of the Bl ack De a t h a n d subseque n t p l ague out b r e a ks w h i ch reversed the popul a t ion rise of t h e p r e v i ous two c e n t u r i es a n d i n s o do i n g may we l l h a v e h a d some fa r r e ach i ng soc i a l conseque nces . T h e re wa s now a l an d sur plus a n d l ab our short age a n d t h i s is fr eque n t ly a rgue d t o h a v e b e e n to the a d v a n t age of the sm a l lholde r who could get b e t t e r t erms of h i r i ng a n d serv ice a n d ch e a p e r l a n d . Town dwe llers also i n v ested incre asingl y in land . Du r i ng t h e f i ft e e n t h ce n tury t h e b a ron age furt h e r weakened their posi t ion as a cl ass in the prolonged i n t ernecine s t r i fe of the Wa rs o f t h e Roses . T h i s reduce d their num b e rs , st retch e d their purses and consi de rably reduced t h e i r politic a l power w h e n the Crown e v e n tually succe e d e d in asse rt ing more con t rol t h a n e v e r b efore over i ts gre at p e e rs . T h e i r cont rol over the local count rys i de was a l so q u i et l y unde rmined by l esse r sorts b u y i n g up the l a n d of impoverished b a rons or gammg i n flue nce i n l ocal a f fa i rs during the prol onge d a bsences of T h e f i n a l m a j o r factor i n the cha nge i n w a rring l ords . t h e b a l ance o f l a n ded powe r w a s t h e sixteenth cen t u r y Engl ish Refor m a t ion and the accom p a ny i ng sale of mon astery l a n d . T h e p urch ase of such l a n d b y prosperous m i ddle cl ass fa mil ies , ur b a n and ru r a l , hel ped t o c r e a t e the sol i d gen t ry cl ass which was pol itica l l y so much i n e v ide nce i n t h e seventee n t h century . Ch a nges i n the t r a d ing a n d m a n u fa ctur i n g sectors of the economy d u r i ng this pe riod we re also ext ensive . Engl ish t rade a t t h e begi n n ing of t h e four teenth centur y , both i n t e r n a l a n d i n t e r n atio n a l , w a s b risk a n d e x p a n ding. M a r k e ting a n d exch a nge t ook p l ace a t a l l leve l s : from the local sale of p e as a n t surpluses to r a ise money for d ues o r the purch ase of commodit ies not ob t a i n a b l e fr om l a nd holdi ngs ( for e x a m p l e , sa l t , fish and iron implements ) , to l a rge l a n down e rs selling t h e produce of their fa rms and m i nes t o ce n t r a l and south e r n Eur ope and Sc a n d i n a v i a . T h e staple o f Engl ish ex ports howe v e r , w a s wool . Engl ish wool was in de m a n d th roughout Europe , p a rt icul a r l y i n

3

In tro d u ction

t h e northern c l oth mak i ng c e n t r e s of Fl ande r s , B r a b a n t and H olland . I t s ex port r e a c h e d a p e a k i n th e e a rl y fou r t e e n t h c e ntury a n d rema ined a t a h i g h level t h rou g h ­ out t h e 1 300s de s p ite t h e d i s r u p t ion o f t h e Hundred Ye a r s v.f a r w i t h F r a nce . S i nce i t wa s i n e v i tably a p r i m e t a rget for Crown t ax a t ion i t w a s fiscally m ore con v e n i e n t to c h a n n e l exported wool through one centre abroad - t h e By t h e St a p le , w h i c h bec ame fixed a t C a l a i s from 1392 . m i d-four t e e n t h c e n t ury t h i s wa s domi n at e d by a s m a l l g roup of l a rg e En g l i s h merch a n t s k n own a s Merc h a n t s of t he Staple or St a p le rs , who by t h e m i d-fift e e n t h century controlled about four-fift h s of t h e En g l i sh wool trade . T h e y included , a s Kay L a c e y s h ows , a t l e a s t two wom e n i n t h e i r n um b e r s i n t h e f i ft ee n t h c e n t ury . Th i s t rade i n r aw wool wa s , howe ve r , incre a s i n g l y c h a l l e n g e d by t he g rowi n g export o f wool len c l ot h . Th i s i nc r e a s e d t h i r ty fo l d between t h e m i d-four teenth a n d m i d­ s ix t e e n t h c e n t ur i e s and by the seventeenth century con st ituted o v e r 9 2 % of a l l wool len export s a n d 80-90% of I t r e t a i ned i t s import a n c e u n t i l ex port s as a wh ole . out s t r i p p e d by c ot ton at the e n d o f t h e e i g h teenth century . Behind this ex p a n s ion i n t h e cloth t ra d e w a s the develop m e n t and ex p a n s i on o f t h e En g l i sh c l ot h i n d u s t ry . A c l oth i n d u s t ry there had a l w a y s b ee n , p r o d u c i n g for t h e home m a rk e t , but i t wa s not u n t i l th e f i ft ee n t h a n d s ixteenth c e n t u r i e s t h a t E n g l i s h c lot h s t a r t e d to com p e t e with fine Fl e m i sh product s i n t h e Europ e a n m a rk e t s . T h i s w a s p a rtly due t o i n fluxe s o f F l e m i sh refug e e s fr om the Low Co u n t r i e s w h o were p a rt ic u l a r l y i n fl u e n t i a l in e s t a b l i s h i n g t h e ' N ew Dr a p e r i e s ' i n Ea st An g l i a . T e c hnolog i c a l c h a n g e such as the i n t roduct ion of the ' f ulling m i l l in t h e t h i r t e e n t h and fo urteenth c e n t u r i e s , m a y a l so h a v e b e e n a n important factor. B y t h e s ev e n­ teenth cent ury the ma nufacture of c l ot h wa s being d e l ib e r a t e l y encou r a g e d b y t h e government a t t h e e x p en s e o f r aw wool expor t s s i nce i t h a d g r e a t e r pay-offs i n t er m s o f e m p loy m e n t a s we l l a s f i s c a l revenue . O n a n u m b e r of occ a s ion s the export of r aw wool w a s b a n n e d and in 1617 the St a p l e wa s d i s b a n de d . W oollen c l ot h , t h e n , for m u c h of our p e riod wa s c e n t ra l ly import a n t to t h e B r i t i s h economy both a s a s t a p l e export a n d a s a m a j o r m a n u fa c t u r i n g act ivity , a fact which ex p l a i n s i t s prominence in t h i s collection . M a ny t ow n s a n d a re a s we re involved i n i t s m a n u f a c t u r e a t s o m e t im e a n d t h e i r for t u n e s w a x e d a n d w a n e d w i t h t ho s e of t h e p a rt i c u l a r typ e s of c l ot h they m a d e . The I n t own s i t c l ot h i n d u s t ry wa s both u r b a n a n d r u r a l . wa s u s u a l ly b a s e d on a n e twork of c ot t a g e r outwork e r s org anized b y m i d d l e-m a n clothie r s . Som e t i m e s the two i nterl i n k e d in t h a t u r b a n m a s t e r s a l so org a n i z e d r u r a l work , e sp e c i a l l y s p i n n i n g , w h i ch wa s n e v e r g i l d org a n i ze d 4

In trodu c t ion

and always u n d e r t a k e n by outwork e r s , whether urb a n or ru r a l . So, for ex a m p le , the fourteenth a n d f i fteenth century wo rsted i n d u stry in Norwi ch wa s closely i nt e g r a t e d with i t s s u p p l iers of y a rn in s u r rounding B u t i n other reg ions urban a n d ru r a l c l oth villages . m a n u fa c t u r e wa s uncon nected a n d even , at times , in com p e t ition . On e of t h e ma j o r e a r l y cloth town-s , Yo rk , w a s i n de c l i n e by the f i ft ee n t h c e n t ury w h i le around i t the ru r a l W e s t Riding indu s t ry wa s thriving . Th i s l a rgely independent rur a l c l oth indu s t ry i s oft e n s e e n a s b e i n g o n e o f t h e f i r s t i n d u s t r i e s t o experience l a rg e s c a l e org a n i z a t i on , r e s t i n g a s i t d i d on the employ m e n t a n d coor d i n a t ion of n u m b e r s of workers c a rry i n g out di ffe rent and s p e c i a l ized proce s s e s : spinning , we a v i n g , fu l l in g , dyeing a n d s o on . Ot her i n d u s t r i e s we re a l so g rowi ng i n impor tance , howe v e r , a s de m a n d for their produc t s incre a sed , both a t h o m e a n d a b road . I r on w o r k of a l l sort s , pottery a n d c o a l we re c h i ef a mon g s t t h e s e . D u r i n g the seventeenth century , a s En g l i sh t rade n etwo rk s beg a n their rapid ex p a n s ion to t a k e i n Afr i c a , As i a a n d the At l a n t ic , and g oods w e re i ncre a s i ng l y c a rried , w i th government e ncour­ a g eme n t , i n En g l i s h s h i p s ( a s oppos e d , for exa mp l e , to D utch c a rr i e r s ) s h ip b u i l d i n g a n d fitting a l so became a m a j or industry . By the end of the century such m e r c a n t ile act ivity h a d become at l e a st a s important i n En g l i s h ove r s e a s t rade a s t h e c l ot h trade . Cloth still comp r i sed by fa r t h e l a rg e s t export i n terms of vol um e , but other commoditi e s of l e s s bulk sold into new a n d u n p r e d ic t a ble m a rk et s had d i sproportion atel y l a rge return s . E n g l a n d had a l so e volved a s y s t em of re-export and monopol y s up p l y i n g wi th its colon i e s , p a rt icul a r l y i n the New Worl d , which proved l ucrati ve until b l own a p a rt by t h e Am e r i c a n revolut ion a r i e s in t h e l a te e i g hteenth century . U n de r t a k i n g or i n v e s t i n g i n ri sky but pote n­ t i a l ly profi t a b l e v e n t u r e s over s e a s became a l iv i n g i n i t se l f , de s p i t e t h e oc c a s i on a l speculative d i s a ster , a n d London became t h e · c omm e r c i a l c a p i t a l of t h e worl d . I t w a s p e rh a p s t h e s p o i l s o f t h i s t rading e m p i r e a n d the opportun itie s it offe re d i n t erms of raw m a ter i a l s a n d m a rk e t s which contributed to the i n d u s t ri a l de ve lopm ent of th e l a te eighteenth centu r y . Ch a n g e s in a g ri c u l t u r a l org a n iz a t i on , comb ined wi th g rowi ng p op u l a t ion , h a v e a l so been s i n g l e d out a s contributory fa ctors . By the end of the s eventeenth century ' t he m ovement towa rds to e Gr e a t E s t a t e wa s b e g i n n i n g ' , 9 a t the e x p e n s e o f s m a l le r fa rm ers a n d l andhol de r s . These we re incre a s i n g l y pu shed out b y d i spos s e s s ion by consol i d a t in g a n d enclosing l a n d l ords o r n e i g hbour s or by overw he l m i n g compet i tion from t h e great estates which , i t is a r g ue d , were fr eque n tl y created and e x p a n de d for t h e v e ry purpose of a l low i n g i n c re a s e d 5

In tro d u c tion

e f ficiency . B y the mi d-e i g h t e e n t h c e n t ur y a w i d e n i n g g a p h a d op ened up b etwe e n s u b s t a n t i a l fa rmers a n d l a r g e l a n dow n er s on t h e one h a n d a n d v i r t u a l ly l a n d l e s s wa g e l abour e r s on t h e other . T h i s , com b in e d w i t h accel e r a t e d pop u l a t ion g row t h i n t h e l a t e r e i g h t ee n t h c e n t u r y is t ra d i tion a l l y a r g u e d t o h a v e prov ide d t h e pool of s u r p l u s l abour r e q u i r e d f o r i n d u s t ri a l de v e l opme n t . At the same t i m e , c a p i t a l i s t a g riculture c r e a t e d s u r p l u s c a p i t a l w h i c h c ou l d be i n v e s t e d i n i n d u s t r i a l de ve lopm e n t a n d t h e tech nolog i c a l innov a t i o n s w h i ch e n a b l e d i t to h a p pe n . C a p i t a l i s t o r g a n i z a t ion i s fr e q u e n t l y a rg ue d t o h a v e b e e n we 1 1 e s tabl i s h e d in m a n y s ectors of t h e economy b y t h i s t i m e - for most M a rx i st h i s tor i a n s t h e s e v e n t e e n t h c e n t u r y form s t h e w a t e r s h e d b e t w e e n fe u d a l i s m a n d c a p it a l i s m . T h e m i x of c a u s e s a n d t h e w e i g h t e a c h should c a rry i n a n e x p l a n a t io n o f e ig h t e e n t h c e n tury i n d u s t r i a l c h a n g e i s t h e s u b j ect o f pr olonge d a n d h e a ted d i sp ut e . l 0 Wh a t i s c l e a r i s t h a t t h e l a st y e a r s o f t h e e i ghteenth c e n t u r y wi th t h e i r large , capital intensive cot ton factor i e s ( albeit still d e p e n d e n t on woode n m a c h i n e ry a n d w a t e r powe r ) h e r a l de d t h e m a s sive c h a n g e s i n m a n u f a c t u r e w h i c h b y t h e l a t e n i n e t e e n t h century h a d t ra n s forme d t h e En g l i s h economy into a n i n d u s t r i a l one and t h e En g l i s h pop u l a t ion to a predom i n a n t l y ur b a n one , wo rk i ng for wages on an i n cr e a s i n g l y s p e c i a l ized a n d m e c h a n i zed b a s i s . Such , t he n , i s t h e g e n er a l soc i a l a n d econom i c b ac k g roun d t o t h e s t u dy o f women ' s work . Wh a t p ic t u r e h a s emerged from s u c h s t u dy to d a t e ? Fo r t h e e a r l ie r p a rt of t h e period , u p t o t h e s e v e n t e e n t h c entury , some col'l! mon fe a t u r e s emerge from t h e e x i s t i n g l i t e r a t u r e . It i s g e n e r a lly ag reed t h a t wom e n , wh i le o n t h e whole v i r t u a l ly excluded from publ ic li fe , p l a y e d an ext rem e l y a c t i v e e conom i c role . Th i s wa s expected b y contempor a ri e s : ' h u sb a n d a n d w i fe were t h e n m u t u a l ly de p e n d e n t a n d both s u p ported t h e i r c h i l dr e n . oll T h e ex a c t n a t ur e of t h i s role T h e r e wa s , i t i s a r g u e d , f a r more is d i ffic ult t o de fine . to b e done i n t h e w a y of product ion for con s u m p t ion by t he household 1 t h e s p i n n i n g of t h r e a d and we a v i n g of c l ot h , the making of c loth e s , a n d the prep a r a t ion of food s . ol2_ w h i ch wa s l a rg e l y u n de r t ak e n by t h e wo m e n of t he household . But wom e n a l so unde rtook r e m u n e r a t i v e work . T h e y a p p e a r t o h a v e p a r t i c i p a t e d to some ext e n t i n most c r a ft g ilds . !] a n y c a rried on a c r a ft or t r ade i n d e p e n de n t ly , a n d a h a n d ful , p a rt i c u l a r l y i n t h e upper reaches of society , we re s u c c e s sful and prominent i n t h e i r field . On t h e whol e , howev e r , wom e n ' s involvement i n g i ld org a n ized c r a f t s wa s t hroug h t h e i r p a r t ic i p ation i n th e ir h u s b a n d s ' or f a t h e r s ' t rade s. These , it must be remembered , we re fr e q u e n t l y c a r r i e d on in the same premi s e s a s t h e h o u s e h o l d 1 s l iv i n g q u a rt er s , a n d i t i s a r g ue d t h a t t h e wom e n of t h e hou s e a s s i s ted i n t h e m -

6

In tradu c tion

a lm o s t as a m a t ter of cour s e . Th ere wa s a l s o , h owe v e r , a r a n g e of occ u p a t ion s undertaken by women outside g i l d org a n i ze d c r a ft s , m a ny of wh i ch were almost exc l u s i vely The most common of t h e s e we re spinning , fe m a l e . brewing , retailing and general prov i sioning . Rural wome n , b y fa r t h e mo st numerou s b u t m o s t fo rgotten g roup , wo rked the l an d a n d t ended l ive stoc k . I n c loth m a n u fa c t u r i n g d i s t rict s , both men a n d women fr equently drew p a rt of t h e i r l ivel ihood from out-work for e n t re­ preneur c loth i e r s : s p i n n i ng g e n e r a l ly s eemed to fa 1 1 to women , w h i le men l ooked a ft er th e l oom s . It i s g e n e r a l l y a s s umed th at fe m a l e . a ct ivity wa s l a rg e l y de termined by t h e de m a n d s of the h ou seh old a n d the fort u n e s of i t s m a l e wo rk e r s . He nce Eileen P owe r , a p ion e e r in the study of m e d i e v a l wo men a rg ue d t h a t ' i t wa s n e ce s s a ry for t h e m a rr i e d wom a n to e a rn a s u p p l e­ m e n t a ry wa g e ' 1 3 in w h a t e v e r wa y sh e coul d , and de s i g n a t e s m a ny w i v e s ' occ u p a t ion s a s ' b ye-i n d u s t r ie s ' s id elines r a th e r t h a n ful l t im e occ u p a t ions . Th i s view a l so emerg e s from more recent 1 iterature Sa l ly Alex a n de r , for e x a m p l e , a r g u e s tha t a wom a n ' s wo rk in the h ome w a s ' a l loc ated between dom e stic l a bour and wo rk i n product ion for s a le , accord ing to the fa m i l y ' s economic need s . ' 1 4 F u r t he r , it i s o ft en a r g u e d t h a t ' t h e s e we re oft en t rade s w h i ch r e l a t ed d i r ect ly t o t h e wo rk of wom e n in t h e household bec a u s e at th i s s t a g e dome s t ic a n d i n d u s t rial l ife we re n o t c l e a rl y s e p a r a te . Wom en th u s c a rr i e d o n food , drink a n d clot h i n g product ion . ' 1 5 For t h e most p a rt wom e n ' s work is a l so seen i n t h e cont ext of m a rr i a g e and wi dowh ood since it is g e n e r a l ly a s sumed t h a t the de mog r a p h i c b a l ance betwe en t h e sexe s wa s mor e even than in t h e p '\ s t 200 y e a r s a n d t h a t most wo m e n m a r ried a t some t i m e. 6 On ly P ower m a i n t a in s , on somew h a t s h a k y evidence , th a t t h e r e wa s a ' s u r p l u s ' of s i n g l e women w h o h a d t o s u pport t he m s e l ve s . 1 7 Ov erall , wom e n ' s l a bour i s s een a s de termined by , a n d subord i n a t e t o , th e de m a n d s of h u s b a n d , h o u sehold a n d family . On th e whole th ey we re a l so l e g ally s ubordinate to their h u sb a nds and t he i r economic activity wa s in th eory closely confined by l e g a l i n c a p a c ity , which affe cted , amon g s t ot her thing s , t h e i r right t o own a n d d i spose o f property . Th i s , h ow e v e r , wa s not a s i n c a p a c i t a t i n g a s t h e l e g a l s ubordin­ a t ion of women i n the nineteenth c entury , p a rt l y due to l ooph ol e s a r i sing fr om conflic t i n g and overl apping j u r i sd ictions wh ich at t im e s a l lowed even ma rried wom e n con s i de ra b l e l e g a l i n d e p e n de nce . 1 8 On e furth e r import ant ch a racteristic of medieval wom e n ' s work wh ich has been g e n e r a l ly i de n t ified i s t h e l ow level of fe m a l e w a ge s . In e x a mp l e s wh ere th e s e c a n b e com p a re d with those of men in fie l d l a bour i n g or s e r v a n t , work , th ey a p p e a r to be con siderably l owe r . 1 9 7

In trad u c tion

Th e p i c t u r e o f wom e n ' s work g en e r a l l y p r e s e n ted for th e e a rl ie r p a rt o f th i s p e r i od is a somewh a t s t a t i c o n e . Few h a v e ident ified a n y moveme n t s for ch a n g e in wom e n ' s work over t im e . 2 0 Th i s i s i n c on t r a s t t o th e s e v e n t e e n th c en t u r y a n d onwa rds , wh i ch , as de scribed above , is g e n e r a l l y s e en a s a p e r i od o f r a d i c a l soc i a l a n d econ om i c t r an s fo r m a t ion a n d wh e r e r e s e a rch foc u s s e s on h ow th i s a f fe c ted wom en ' s l abour . Th e most substantial and th orough r e s e a rch o n wo m e n i n ' p r e- i n d u s t rial ' En g l a nd to date de a l s w i th th e s e l a t e r y e a r s . M o s t import a n t are C l a r k ' s V.lor k i n g L ife and a n oth e r e a rly p ioneering wo rk by I vy P i n ch b eck : fv'omen l4orkers a n d t h e Ind u s tria l Both s e e s i m i l a r ch a n g e s t a k i ng Rev o l u tion 1?50-1850 . 21 pl a c e i n wo m e n ' s work d u r i n g th e p e riod c . 1 6 50- 1 8 50 , b u t d i ffe r a b o u t th e i r c a u s e a n d t im i ng . Th e ch i ef ch a n g e s i de n t ifi e d by both are th e d i s a ppe a r a n c e of m an y t rad i tional fe m a l e occ u p a t i on s , th e g row th of a c l a s s of i d l e wo m e n in more a f fl u e n t s oc i a l g r o u p s a n d th e r e sort by th e i r poorer s i sters to w a g e d C l a r k a t t r i b u t e s th e s e de velop­ l abour out s ide th e h ome . m e n t s to th e g rowth of c a p i t a l i sm ( a lth o u gh sh e confoun d s capitalism w i th i n d u s t ri a l i z a t ion ) and places th e i r b eg i n n in g s i n th e l at e s e v e n t e e n th c en t ur y . I n a g r i c u l t u r e c a p it a l i s t de velopment l e d t o l a rg e s c a le fa r m i n g wh i ch e v en t u a l l y d i spos s e s s e d th e de sce n d a n t s of m a ny of th e s m a l l i n d e p e n d e n t fa rme r s p r ized an d en c ou r a g e d b y th e T udors an d forc e d th em , m a l e a n d fe m a l e a l ik e , to t u r n to w a g e d l a bour . In i n d u s t ry c a p i t a l i s t development edg e d out small c r a ft smen a n d l e d to th e con c e n t r a t ion o f i n c r e a s in g n u m b e r s of wo rke r s i n workp l a c e s aw a y from h om e . T a k e n tog e th e r , th e s e de velopmen t s de p r ived women o f th e i r opport u n i t i e s to sh a r e th e i r h u s b a n d s ' work . For we a l th y wom e n th i s l e d t o th e p a r a s i t i s m de scribed b y Ol ive Sc h r e i n e r , 2 2 for th e poor , i n c re a s ing e x p l oi t a t ion at th e h a nds of w a g e-p a y i ng c a p i t a l i s t s . Th e incre a s i n g a mo un t s of c a p i t a l r e q u i r e d i n b u s i n e s s com b i n e d w i th n e w s k i l l s p ec i a l i z a t i on s fr om wh i ch wom e n we r e e f fe c t iv e l y excluded prevented th e vast maj o r i ty of wom e n from c a r r y i n g on th e i r own b u s i n e s s . P i nch beck a t t ri b u t e s f a r more r e s p on s ibil ity i n th i s proce s s to incre a s i n g in d u s t r i al m ech a n i z a t ion , a l th ough h e r a n a ly s i s of th e e f fe c t of l a r g e scale ag ricu l t u r a l de v e lop m en t is s i m i l a r to th a t o f Clark ' s . Th e g rowth of factor i e s i n th e l a t e e i gh t eenth and n in eteenth centur i e s led to th e de s t ruct ion of ha n d ic r af t i n d u s t ry and th e s e p a r a ti o n o f h om e an d wo r k . I t a l so g r a d u a l ly removed m a ny of th e t a sk s of h ou s eh o l d product ion formerly u n d e r t a k e n by wom e n to m a s s factory p ro d u c t i on . H e r view o f t h e s e ch a n g e s is l e s s g loomy th an C l a r k ' s s i nce i t m a i n t a i n s t h a t fem a l e wa g e e a r n e r s i n f a ctory in d u s t ry we r e n o m o r e exp l oi t e d th a n th o s e p r eviously worki ng a t h om e on ou t-work f o r c a p i t a l i s t 8

In trad u c t ion

e m p loy ers and m i d d l e m e n - an a s pect o f e a r ly c a p i tal i s m o f w h i ch C l ark t ak e s l i tt le acco unt . 2 3 T h e s e interpretatio n s, mo s t o f them e st ab l i s h e d e a rly i n thi s c e n tury , o f t h e e f fe c t s o f i n d u s t r i a l c a p i t a l i s m , h a v e o n the who le been accepted w i th l i ttle mo d i fic a t io n s ince a n d fo rm t h e b a s i s o f much o f t h e t h eo retical de b a t e on the de termi nant s o f wo m e n 1 s wo rk i n mode rn i n d u s t r i a l s oc iety . 2 4 \'/ h a t h i storical modific a t io n there h a s been h a s us u a l l y b e e n to the v i e w o f n i neteenth century wo men 1 s wo rk it h a s b e e n pointed o u t , for e x a m p le , that o utwo rk , h ome-work and h a n dicraft work , much of it invol vi ng wome n , survived i n t o thi s century . 2 5 Even the co ncep� of the idle m i ddle c l a s s wi fe has been chall­ enged . 6 B u t t h e p i c t u r e of t h e antecedent co n d i t io n s s k e t ched a b ove rem a i n s l a rgely intact . A p a rt from i t s t heo retical co nvenience s , one reason f o r the l a ck o f modifica tion to t h i s v i ew m a y we l l b e t h e s c a rc i ty o f sou r c e s available and the fo rmidable m e t hodolo g ic a l pro blem s t h e y p r e s e n t i n u s e . Before exam 1 n 1ng t h e p a rticul a r contrib u t io n of the p a p e r s in t h i s co llectio n t o t he fi e l d out lined above , a s urvey o f t h e r a w m a t e r i a l a v a i l a b l e a n d i t s l im i t a t io n s w i l l b e u s e ful . On e of the s t a p l e sour c e s for the hi story of the e a rl ier part of our p e r io d is court records ( rol ls ) . The m o s t imp ort a n t here , i n a collectio n o f p a p e r s h e a v i ly b i a s ed to w a rd s u r b a n l i fe , a re t ho se of roy a l , eccle s i a s­ Sur v i v i n g rol l s are quite t i c a l and bo ro ug h co u r t s . ext e n s ive a n d are . made up of a mass of de positio n s , p r e s e n tm e n t s, _ a l l e g a t io n s , de c i s io n s a n d o rde r s . T h ey a re pe r h a ps the mos t s ys te m a t i c a l l y and re g u l a r l y k e pt r ecor ds , e sp e c i a l ly at t h e level of n a t ion a l j u d i c i a l circuits . Ye a r o oo k s , w h i c h we re notes on t h e procee­ d i ng s o f c a s e s , a p p a re n t l y by a sp iring l awyers , can a l so b e illuminating . R a rer , b u t al so we l l kept , a r e t ax a t ion records . Ag a i n , t h e s e a r e b e st at a n a t ional l e vel w h e r e , for e x a mpl e , the l ay s u b s i d i e s a nd p ol l t a xe s levied by t he ro ya l governme nt i n t h e f ourteenth cent u ry provide a fairly comp rehen s ive a n d h ence v a l u ao l e c ov e r a ge ? 7 A n ot h e r im portant so urce 1 s g i l d records a n d r e g u l ations - the n a t ure a n d ext ent of these de pends on tn e lo c a l ity . In a d d i t io n t o t h e s e typ e s o f d a t a , there i s a v a riety of mat er i a l to be fo und a t l oc a l level . H o u s e ho l d l i s tin g s , baptismal registers , the Ea ster b ook s 1 used b y Sue 1-l r i ght a re exam p l e s of o ffic i al reco rd s kept o cc a sion al l y i n i n d i v i d u a l tovm,r . Oth e r impol!' t ant c.nd widely u sed sourc e s c..::::- e p e r son al recorc. s in t�1 e form of wi lls, �esta:nents anci i n v e n to ri e s w h i ch can sD. ed l ig ht on everyday l i fe, i n h e r i t a nce cu s to m s , farr· i l y rel a t ion s h i p s a nd sc on . P e r s onal p a pE r s becomE mor e ext e n s ive a�. ou r period p ro g r e s se s a s d i a ry-k e e p i n g becarr. e more commo n a n d 1

9

In traduction

co r r e s pondence more fr e q u e n t due t o h i gh e r s t a n d a rds of l i teracy and a more s t a b l e pol itic al e n v i ronment � 8 F i n all y , th e r e are l it e r a r y s o u r ce s , wh i ch al so b ecome more e x t e n s i v e i n th e l ater p a rt of th e p e riod due to e a s i e r acce ss to printing pr e s s e s and , again , increasing l i teracy . Book s a n d p a m ph l e t s of a d v i c e , w a r n i n g a n d e xh or t a t ion on a r a n g e of s ubj e c t s a p p e a r i n g row i ng n u m b e r s a s we l l a s th e more a r t i stic wo r k s of fict io n : p l a y s , poetry , s a t i r e s a n d , e v e n t u a l l y , novel s . A l l th e s e sources p r e s e n t fun d a m e n t a l prob l e m s i n u s e , e s p e c i a l ly for h i s tori a n s s t u dy i n g women . \'l om e n , a s i s oft en pointed out , t e n d to b e ' i nvi sible ' a s fa r a s m a n y h i stor i c a l source s a re conce r n e d , r a rel y a p p e a r i n g , o r doing s o only f le e t in g l y . Th i s i s due l a rg e l y to th e i r s u b o r d i n a t e l e g a l a n d politic al p o s i tion wh i ch m e a n s th at th e y were r a rely h ou s eh ol d e r s , l it i g a n t s or g i l d m e m b e r s . Th i s i s p a rt i c u l a r l y s o for m a r r i e d wom e n wh o s e righ t s a n d i de n t ity we re l a r g el y s ub s u m e d · u nder th e i r h u s b a n d s ' a n d wh o p r e se n t th e add ed com p l i c at io n of a ch a n g i n g surname wh i ch m akes th e m very di ffi c u l t to trace , B u t th e a c t u a l p o s i t io n e sp e c i a ll y th rough rem a r r i a g e s . of wom e n wh o d o a p p e a r i n t h e records c a n b e v e r y d i ffic u l t to a s c e r t a i n . T a k e , for e x a m p le , g i l d record s , wh e r e wom e n a r e occ a s ion al l y recorded a s m e m b er s . It c a n not be un que s t ion i n g l y a s sumed th a t s u ch wom e n a c t u a l l y c a rr i e d on a t rade o r e nj oy e d t h e s a m e g i l d p rivileges a s men . I t se e m s c l e a r t h a t th e re were d iffe r­ e n t t yp e s o f m e mbersh i p . 2 9 To b eg i n w ith , m a n y g i l d s h ad soc i a l and r e l i g iou s function s wh i ch were as imp ort a n t a s th e i r role i n reg ul a t i n g a n d protec t i n g trade . Wom e n m i gh t p a rt i c i p a t e f u l 1 y i n th e r el ig i o u s a n d s o c i al a sp e c t s of a g i l d wh i le h a v i n g only a l im i ted role i n its econom i c 1 ife . M oreove r , w i th i n th a t e conom i c 1 i fe th e r e cou l d be di ffe r e n t l e v el s of p a rticip a t ion : for e x a mpl e , someone m igh t en j oy th e p r i v i l e g e confe r r e d by th e g i ld t o t rade w i th out h a v i n g th e r i gh t t o p a r t i c i p a t e i n th e g ov e r n a n c e of th e g i l d . \lh e n th i s h a p p e n e d , women w e r e p r ob ab ly u s u a l ly i n th e for m e r c a t egory . Th e sh e e r d i v e r s ity of g i l d t ra d i tions a d d to th e comp l i c a t io n s of d e t e r m i n i n g th e p o s i t ion o f w o m e n w i th i n th em . Wome n , p a rt i c u l a r l y w i dow s , d i d , h ow e v e r , h a ve o n e u n i que r o l e w i th i n th e g i l d s i n th a t th ey cou l d offe r a w a y t o m e m b e r sh i p for o u t s i de r s . M e m b e r sh i p wa s oft e n e x t e n d e d t o th e w i dows o f c r a ft smen, but wa s t ra n s fe rred to th e i r n ew h u s b a n d if th ey ma rried a m a n wo r k i n g the same t rade . Th i s r a i s e s th e furth e r import a n t p r ob l e m of h ow far fe m a le g i l d m e m b e r s a c t u a l l y c a r ri e d on a t r ade th e m s e l v e s a n d h ow fa r i t wa s i n th e h a n d s of m a le r el a t i v e s a n d employ ee s - p a r t i c ul a rly i f th ey w e r e w i dow s ( a que s t ion exp lored h e r e by Sue W r i gh t ) . Th i s i n t u r n r a i s e s t h e que s t ion o f th e t y p e a n d ext ent of th e e x p e r t i s e 10

In trad u c tion

a c q u i r e d by the wives and da u g h t e r s who fr equently seemed to h a v e a s s i st e d m a ster c r a ft s men wi thout offic i a l I t a l so p r e s e n t s an interesting problem i n recog n i tion . t h o s e c a s e s w h e r e h u s b a n d a n d wi fe a re fou nd pur s u i n g d i ffe rent g il d c r a ft s or t rade s or w h e n g i l d p r i v i le g e s a re g r a nted to both h u s b a n d a n d w i fe - e x a m p l e s of both h a v e b e e n u ncovered by D i a ne Hut ton a n d K a y Lacey . Ev en such a p p a r e n t ly s t r a i g h t forw a rd a s pects of g i lds a s t h e i r reg u l a t ions c a n not b e t ak e n at f a c e v a l ue . For our purpo s e s here , those reg u l a t i n g t h e emp loy m e n t p r a ctices of ma s t e r s a r e most i n t e r e s t i n g . For e x a m p l e , from t ime t o t im e there we re proh i b i t ions on t h e empl oy­ ment o f wome n by m a s t e r s except for their own w i v e s a n d d a u g h t er s . This t h rows i n t e re s t i ng light on the employment o f wom e n i n t h e t rade s concerned , a n d on t h e posi tion of w i v e s a n d d a u g h t e r s . But it also raises the problem of t h e rea son s f o r t h e proh i b i tion a n d i t s e f fect . I t m u s t h a v e been enacted in response to w h a t wa s perce ived a s a n u n a c c e p t a b l e level of fe m a l e emp loyment i n t h e t rade . B u t wa s this higher t h a n formerl y , or we re econom i c condition s a n d m a le unemploy m e n t g etting wo r s e ? Wa s it perh a p s d u e to politic a l p r e s s u r e from m a l e apprentices and journeymen prompted by their ow n preca rious p o s i t ion ? An d why wa s fe m a l e l a bour s e e n a s u n a c c e p t a b l e a ny w a y ? F r e q u e n t l y t h i s m u s t h a v e been due to t h e t h r e a t of unde rcut t i n g pre sented by fe m a le l abour s ince wo m e n ' s r a t e s of pa y then a s now t e n ded to b e l owe r t h a n me n ' s . Th i s r a i se s l a r g e r que stions of the sexual d i v i s ion of l a b our a n d d i ffe re n t i a l wage r a t e s to w h i c h we s h a l l return l a ter . D i fficul t i e s s im i l a rly ar i se w i th t h a t even richer source - court records . He re t h e prob l e m of typ i c a l ity h a s been recog n i ze d for some t im e and not j u st i n t h i s p e riod o r i n ' wo m e n ' s h i story ' . I t i s obv iou sly d i ffic u l t t o g e t a b a l anced v iew of a com mu n ity and i t s l i fe from court or pol ice recor ds . On e of the many probl e m s i s j u dg ing the prevalence o f a p a r t i c u l a r crime o r mi s­ de m e a n our at any one t im e : a f lood of prosecutions for a n offe nce cou l d me a n t h a t i t s incidence h a d r i sen , or i t c ou l d s im p ly i n d i c a t e m o r e e f ficient pol icing or i n c re a s e d p ub l ic concern about i t for some rea son s . T h u s , for examp le , wom e n prosecuted for i l le g a l r e t a i l i n g cou l d be p a rt of a n s 1ng t r e n d o r could b e the victims of a p a rt i c u l a r l y v i g i l a n t t own corpor a t ion . Moreove r , it i s d i ffic ul t to a s s e s s how w i de s p r e a d t h e offence wa s : t h e a uthorities may ha ve swoop ed s u c c e s s fully o n a l l s u c h l aw b r e a k e r s or they may h a v e b e e n s t ru g g l ing in v a i n a g a i n s t a m a j o r prob l e m , in w h i c h c a s e even a l a r g e n u m b e r of prosecutions may r e p re s e n t o n l y the tip of t h e iceberg . Records of prosecutions a n d th e l ik e t h e refore h a v e to be used very ca reful l y and i n c lose conj u n c t ion 11

In tro d u c tion

with other da t a about t h e l i fe of t h e commun ity a s a whole . How e v e r , court records a r e not confined to r eport s of c a s e s h e a rd and de c i sions and p e n a l t i e s g iv e n . As D a v i d V a i sey h a s pointed out , m u c h u s eful i nc i de n t a l i n forma t io n c a n o ft en b e g le a n e d fr om t h e s t a t e m e n t s o f w i t n e s s e s , t h e c om m e n t s of c l e r k s a n d w h a t we re to contempor a r i e s u n im p o r t a n t i n c i d e n t a l c ircum s t a n c e s of a c a s e : 1 t h e m o s t v a l u a b l e n u g g e t s are to b e fou n d i n t h e m o s t u n l ik e ly­ Th u s a source w h i c h h a s been we l l s ou n d i n g c a s e s . 1 3 0 worked over i n convent ion a l w a y s m i g h t , with a l i ttle im a g i n a t ion a n d a l ot o f t horo u g h t ooth-comb i n g , b e m a de to y i e l d n ew i n s i g h t s . The sourc e s which are perhaps most obv iou s l y fr a u g h t with prob l e m s of u s e a n d i n t e r p r e t a t ion are l it e r a r y on e s . W h e t h e r ov ertly polem i c a l o r n ot , t h e y obv iou s l y offe r a h i g h l y s u b j e c t ive view of t h e wo r l d a n d i t i s ext remely d i ffic u l t to de t e r m i n e h o w f a r a n d how a c c u r a te l y t h e norms of contemporary society a r e reflected H ow e v e r , such sources still have valuable therein . poten t i a l , provided t h a t t h e i r l im i t a t ions a r e recog n i ze d . T h u s , they c a n not be r e l ie d on to g i ve concrete i n for­ m a t ion on the n a t ur e and e x t e n t of women 1 S employ m e n t b u t m a y g i ve s o m e i de a o f t h e w a y i n w h i c h i t w a s p e rc e ived , b y wom e n a n d oth e r s , of t h e s t a t u s it enj oy e d and

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t r a c t s or o t h e r form s of l it e r a t u r e , may h a v e i t s ow n soc iolog i c a l s ig n i fi c a n c e . M ic h a e l Rob ert s s how s h e r e h ow l it e r a ry source s , when c a refully h andled , can yi e l d im a g e s and i de a l s w h i ch t h e m s e l v e s reflect important f a c e t s of a n d c h a n g e s i n t h e society of a p a rt i c u l a r p e r i od . Th i s , then , i s t h e b a c k g ro u n d of source m a t e r i a l a n d g e n e r a l met hodologi c a l c on s i d e r a t ion s a g a i n st wh i ch t he p a p e r s col lected h e r e , with t h e i r s p e c i fic foc i a n d varying approaches must be set . VI e b e g i n wi t h a s t u dy by K a y Lacey of t h e l e g a l cont ext o f women 1 s wo rk i n fou r t e e n t h a n d f i ft e e n t h c e n t u r y London . Th i s i s a c e n t r a l i s sue a s t e r m s of t r a d i n g , ow n e r s h i p of l an d and goods , r i g h t t o prosecute for de b t , i n short , everything nece s s a ry for econom i c a c t i v i ty wa s a f fe cted b y l aw , w h e t h e r i t be p a rl i a m e n t a r y s t a t ut e , common l aw o r boro u g h r e g u l a t io n . L a c e y t h re a d s h e r w a y t h rough t h e m a s s of complex a n d oft e n conflic t i n g l aw g o v e r n i n g wo m e n 1 s wo rk i n London d u r i n g t h i s period to de t e r m i n e w h a t wom e n 1 s l e g a l c a p a c i t i e s may have b e e n Sh e then comp a r e s t h e i r t h eoret i c a l p o s i t ion i n t h eory . with what can b e d i scovered about t h e i r actual work in London a t this t im e , a n d s h ows that t h e two fr e q u e n t ly d i d not c oi n c i de . D i a n e Hut ton put s wo m e n i n roug h l y t h e s a m e p e riod 12

In tradu c tion

but a d i ffe rent t own - Shrew s b u ry - u n d e r the mi croscop e . Sh e t ri e s to a s c e r t a i n the ty p i c a l ity of the few women a p p ea ring i n the records and to recon s t ruct the work i n g l ive s of women in g e n e r a l , ex a mmm g the diffe rences b etw e e n t h e ty p e s a n d p a tterns o f male a n d fe m a l e wo r k . Sh e point s out t h e need a l so to con s i de r t h e work done by women wi thout f i n a n c i a l returns for the m a i nt e n a n c e of i n d i v i d u a l hou seholds and fa m i l i e s in a s s e s s i n g t h e i r ov e r a l l c o n t r i b u t i o n to t h e e conomy . Sue W r i g h t t a k e s u s on to t h e s i xteenth a n d e a rly seventeenth centuries with a de t a i l e d e x a m i n a t ion of women ' s wo rk i n Sa l i sbury during t h i s p e riod . Sh e d i sc u s s e s women ' s role both i n s ide a n d out s i de t h e for m a l g i l d s e c t o r of t h e town ' s economy , t ry i ng to a s s e s s the ext e n t of t h e i r p a rt icip a t ion in all a re a s , a n d t he typ ica l ity a n d ex a c t role s of t h e i solated e x a m p l e s which s u r f a c e in g i l d a n d court records . She too d i s c u s s e s w h e t h e r a n d how fluctuations i n t h e town ' s econom i c fort un e s affe cted t he p o s i tion of wo r k i n g wome n . T h e l a st two p a p e r s move from t h e local s t u dy to t h e n a t ion a l overview . F i r s t , M i c h a e l Ro b e r t s g i v e s u s a d i ffe rent a n d 1 ittle explored p e r s pective on wom e n ' s work i n the seventeenth and e i g hteenth centur i e s . He p r e s e n t s f i v e v i e w s o f women ' s wo rk , dr aw i n g l a rgely , although not exc l u s ively , on l i terary source s . U s i n g t h e s e , he s how s the i de olog i c a l uncertainty and a m b i v a l e nce s u r rounding wom e n ' s work , a n d indeed work i n g e n e r a l , He then rel a t e s t h e s e variou s a n d during t h i s period . s om e t im e s conflic t i n g views to t h e econom i c r e a l ity o f wom e n ' s p o s i t ion a n d t h e c h a n g e s p r o b a b l y t ak i ng p l ace i n i t due t o t h e de v e l opment o f c a p i t a l i s m a n d t h e first s t a g e s o f i nd u s t ri a l i za t i on . A cont r a s t i n g treatment of t h e effe c t s of c a p i t al i s m i n i t s v a rious s t a g e s o f d e velopment fol lows i n Ch r i s M i ddleton ' s p a p e r . H e s e e k s firstly to evolve a c l e a r e r a n d m o r e rigorous theore t ic al per s pective o n w h a t pre­ i n d u s t r i a l c ap i t a l i s m com p r i se d . He then a r g ue s t h a t m a n y of t h e c h a racteri s t i c s of wom e n ' s w o r k which c a n b e d i scerned under pre- i n d u s t r i a l c a p i t a l i s m pr e-da t e i t s development . I n so do i n g h e c h a l le n g e s m a n y of t h e a r_g u m e n t s fr eq uently a d v a n ced about the rea son s for s e x u a l d iv i sion s of l a bou r . He d r a w s p a ra l l e l s o v e r t i m e , r efer r i n g for w a rd to t h e pr e s e n t a s w e l l a s b a ck to feudal society , to p oint u p t h e s i m i l ar i t i e s a n d con t i n u i t y in women ' s work e xp e rience a s w e l l a s t h e dif f e ren ce s. W om e n ' s wo r k d ur i n g t h i s p e r io d , then , i s v iewed from a number of con t r a s t i n g a n g l e s in this collection . T h e r e are , howe v e r , a few common themes a n d prob l e m s wh i ch occ ur t h roughout the p a p e r s a n d w h i ch may b e draw n tog e t h e r b r i e f ly h e r e a n d com p a red w i t h other 13

In troduction

fi n d i n g s t o date o n th e s ub j e c t . On e of th e most imp ort a n t of th e s e i s th e a s soc i a tion b etwe e n h om e and wo rk in th i s p e riod . As seen ab ove , t h i s i s oft e n i d e n t ified a s a k ey d i ffe re n c e , c e r t a i n l y for fe m a le l abour , b etwe e n pre- a n d post-i n d u s t r i a l society . I t wo u l d b e imp o s s ib le to de ny th a t th i s th eory h a s m u ch ' P re-i n d u s t r i a l 1 t rade a n d m a n u fa c t u r e i n i t s favour . w a s u s u a l ly c a r ried o u t i n c l o s e prox i m i ty t o dom e s t ic li fe , wh eth e r i n th e cotta g e s of r u r a l work e r s producing c l oth or yarn u n de r th e p u t ting o ut sy s t em , or i n th e s ho p o r work sh op of urb a n t r a d e r s a n d c r a ftwor]{ e r s wh i ch w a s u s u a l ly i n th e s a m e b u i l di n g a s a fa m i ly ' s l iv i n g I t i s a l so c l e a r th a t members o f th e s a m e q u a rt er s . fa m i ly o ft e n p u r sued o r a s s i s ted i n th e s a m e econom i c a ct ivity . Th e ex a m p le o f th i s wh i ch a r i s e s m o s t fr e q u e n t ly i n th e s e urb a n-ori ented p a p e r s i s th e o n e c i ted e a rl i e r of w i v e s and da u gh t e r s a s s i st i n g i n c r a ft s m e n ' s work . It r ecog n i zed th a t f a m i ly a n d work r e l a t io n s we r e wa s c losely i n tertwined - h en c e th e r i gh t o f w i dow s t o i nh e r i t a n d continue th e i r de a d h u s b a n d s 1 t r a de , o r p a s s on h i s gi l d s t a t u s t o a new h u sb a n d . F u r th ermore , m a n y h o u s eh ol d a c t i v i t i e s overl a p p e d For e x a m p l e , i t i s l ik e ly th at w i th c om m e r c i a l o ne s . still made b r e a d , a le and h om e s p u n m a n y h o u s ew i v e s c l oth e s f o r th e i r h ou s eh ol d s , b u t t h e s e we re a l s o produce d for

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b y e - i n d u s t r i e s.

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a n d t ext il e m a n uf a c t ur e , th e s e c r a ft s h a d r e a ch e d a f a i r l y a d v a n c e d de g re e o f org a n i z a t ion , a n d th u s wh a t counted a s a s t a n d a rd fe m a l e occ u p a t ion w i th i n th e h ou s eh ol d h a d b ecome a t rade i n i t s own r igh t out s i de i t . B u t th e l in e s we re o ft e n b l urred - a le wa s fr e q u e n t ly m a de b y h ou s e­ for exa m p l e , h e nce th e name ' a lewi fe ' and wives , How we l l de f i n e d th i s a c t ivity wa s for th e ' brewster ' . wom a n concerned , th a t is, wh eth e r it constituted a di stinct oc c u p a t ion r a t h e r th a n · a s i del ine in s u r p l u s fr om a le m a d e routinely for th e h ou s eh ol d i s d i ffic u l t to s a y , n ot l e a st b ec a u s e it doubt l e s s v a ried w i th e a ch c a s e . It i s , h owe v e r , p o s s i b l e to overdr aw th i s i de n t ifica­ t ion of h ome a n d wo rk , for b oth male and fe m a le l ab our . M a ny , po ssibly most , men worked a way from th e i r l iv i n g qu a rt er s . Journeymen and a p p r e n t ice s , for ex a mp le , wo rked on th e i r ma s t e r s ' p r em i s e s and we re But many s u p p o s e d to l ive as p a rt of h i s h ou s eh ol d . j o u r n ey m e n we re m a rried , a n d f o r th em th ere wa s a c l e a r se p a r a t ion o f home a n d work . It a l s o , a s D i a n e H u t ton po i n t s out , r u l e d out fa m i l y p a rt i c i p a t ion i n th e i r c r a ft a n d p u t th e i r w i v e s i n a q u i t e d i ffe r e n t p o s i t ion to th o s e For th e f a r g re a t e r numb er s work i ng o f m a s t e r c r a ft sme n . It h as th e l a n d a s im i l a r c a s e cou l d prob a b l y b e m a d e . b e e n pointed out e l sewh e re th a t th e m a l e pop u l a t ion w e r e fr e q u e n t ly out of th e h ou s eh ol d ' s owi n g , p lough i ng , 14

In trad u c tion

h edg ing , ditch i ng , h a y m a k i n g , h a r v e s t i n g . •31 To wh i ch may be a d de d m i n i n g , foundry work , p e d d l i n g a n d so on . Th e wo rk of m a ny wo m e n s e e m s almost inevitably to h a ve t ak e n th em ' a broad ' out of th e h ou s eh ol d . Fo r e x a m p le , it i s c l e a r h e re , a n d h a s l ong been recog nize d , th at p oorer wome n we r e oft e n ' re g r a t er s ' or 'h u c k s t e r s ' street t ra de r s wh o bough t up produce and h awked i t a t undercutting p r i ce s . B u t i t i s rarely acknowl e d g e d th a t th i s a c t ivity i t se l f t ook th em aw a y from dome stic confine s . Wome n a l s o , of cour se , wo rked on th e l a n d . On ly p e rh a p s i n th e few r u r a l h ou s eh olds exi sting by c ot t a g e i n d u s t ry a l one we re members of th e family in th e h ou s e wo rking tog e th e r at th e i r a l lotted occ u p a t ion s for much of th e time . ln an u r b a n context it wa s p e rh a p s only i n r e t a i li n g b u s i n e s s e s a n d th e h ou s eh ol d s of independent c r a ftwork e r s th a t most o f th e f a m i ly worked a s a m a t ter of cou r s e on r e l a t e d a c t i v i t i e s under th e s a me roof . Neverth e l e s s , it m u s t b e admi tted th a t for wome n th e i de n t i fication of h ome \J. nd work wa s stron g e r th a n for men . To b e g i n w i th , th en as now , th ey bore th e brunt of h ou seh ol d m a n a g e m e n t , unp a i d dome s t i c wo rk , and ch i l d c a re . F o r m a n y 'h u s wyfr y ' wa s th e i r work . Al so a s noted a bove , i t s eems c l e a r th a t m a n y wom e n de veloped a som e t i m e s i l leg a l byel ine in s e l ling g oods wh i ch th ey produced for h ou s eh ol d u se anyway . But it is e q u a l ly c l e a r th a t wom e n ' s a c t i v i t i e s were oft en not , a p p a re n t ly , l i nked to t h e i r h ou s ewi fe ly role s . M a rried wom e n i n th e more sub s t a n t i a l c l a s s e s somet im e s pur sued occ u p a t ions wh ich we r e p a te ntly not ext en s ion s of th e i r dome s t i c activities most s p e c t a c u l a r l y th e fem a le brok e r s a n d m e rch a nts c i ted by K a y L a c e y . W o m e n wh o actua l l y a s s i s ted in th e i r h u sb a n d s ' or fath e rs ' c r a ft were by th at very fa ct o ft en stra y i ng beyond th e i r househ ol d sk i l l s . Th i s i s not a l t ered b y th e fact th at , a s D i a n e Hut ton p o i n t s out , th ey were oft e n to be fou n d running th e r e t a i l i n g s i de of th e b u s i n e s s . S k i ll i n r e t a i l i ng doe s not seem to a r i se n a t ur a l ly from h ou seh ol d t a sk s , except p e rh a p s experience g a i n ed wh i le m a r k e t in g , yet i t seems i n general to h a ve been a n import a n t fe m a le act ivity a t a l l s oc i a l l e v e l s . Th i s a ct ivity formed p a rt o f wh a t h e re i s oft en termed th e ' i nfor m a l economy ' of th e town s. Th i s c a n be b roadly defined a s e conom i c activity wh i ch fe l l outside th e formal sy s t e m s of r e g u l a t ion a n d recog n ition imposed by th e g i l d s . l t e ncomp a s s e s not only h u c k s t ering , regrating and th e l ik e , but a l so services such as n u r s i n g , s e a rch i n g th e de a d , l a u n d e r i n g a n d s e r v a n th oo d itself. Th e ' i n form a l economy' included both men a n d wom en - b y no m e a n s a l l t rade s were g i l d organ ize cP 2 a n d th o s e th a t we re represented , on th e whole , e l i te g roup s . But wh i l e men we r e d i stributed , i n unknown proport ion s , 15

In trad u c tion

b e twe e n ' form a l ' and ' i n for m a l ' s ectors , wom e n ' s a c t i v i­ t i e s we r e concentrated a l m o s t exc l u s ivel y i n t h e l at t e r , with t h e except ion , of cour s e , of t h o s e u n u s u a l a n d e n i g m a t ic fe m a l e s who a p p e a r i n g i ld records . ' I n form a l ' do e s not n e c e s s a r i l y de note c a s u a l - m a n y of t h e fe m a l e a c t i v i t i e s f a l l i n g u n d e r t h i s h e a d i n g we r e we l l de f i n e d Th e exc l u s i v e l y fe m a le c r a ft o f si lk- m a k i n g , oc c u p a t ion s . for e x a m p l e , required a c on s i de r a b l e amoun t of i nv e s t­ m en t , e q u i p m e n t a n d wo rk org a n i zat ion . W h y s uch t rade s d i d not de v e l op g i l d o r g a n i z a t ion i s a n op e n h i storic a l que s tion , a s K a y L a c e y po i n t s out . Wom e n - only g i l ds w e r e f a i r l y c ommon on t h e continent a n d it i s d i ffic u1 t to see why they failed t o de v e l op i n B r i t a i n . P owe r s u g g e s t s t h a t t h i s wa s d u e to t h e t ende ncy o f wome n to p u r sue a v a r i ety of occup a t ions in comb i n a t ion . 33 B u t , t h o s e fe m a le t ra d e s which seem the l ik e l ie s t candidates for g ild org an i z a t ion a l m o s t c e r t a i n ly dem a n de d t h e full-time work and a tt e n t ion of t he wom e n who p l ie d th em . They a l so p r ob a b ly represented their most imp ort a n t means of l iv e l ihoo d , j u dg ing by t h e London s i lk women ' s p e t itions t o th e K i n g a b o u t t h e t h r e a t of for ei g n com p e t ition i n t h e f i ft eenth c e n t u r y . M i c h a e l Rober t s e x p l ore s t h e n a t ur e o f oc c u p a t ional i de nt i ty a n d d i s c u s s e s wh y i t wa s s t rong for men w h i le a lm o s t non-ex i st e n t for wom e n . Anot h e r t heme common t o most o f t h e p ap e r s here i s t h e i m p ort a n c e o f t he l ocal s oc i a l and e conom i c e n v i ron­ m e n t in sh a p i ng the n a t ur e a n d exten t o f wom e n ' s wo rk . For e x a m p le , a t own ' s wa n i ng econom i c fort u n e s m i g h t account for repc e s s ive measures against women ' s emp loy me n t i n c e r t a i n t rade s . Th e e a rl ie r t h e p e r i od th e more pronou n c e d l oc a l v a r i a t ion s in econom i c org a n i z a t ion and p r o s p e r i ty t e n d t o be in g e n e r a l , y et t h e i r e f fe c t h a s C l a r k s hows 1 ittle a p p r e c i a t ion o f o ft en been overlook e d . t h e g eog r a p h i c a l l y u n e v e n i m p a c t o f c a p i t a l i s m on wome n ' s work and P owe r takes no account at al l of such c i r c u m s t ance s , a l though P i nchbeck u n d e r t ak e s , f o r t h e e n d o f t h e p e riod , a s op h i s t ic a t e d a n a l y s i s o f th e v a ry i n g fort u n e s o f women i n d i ffe rent p a r t s of t h e cou n t ry .34 More recent work on th e e a r l y mode rn p e riod h a s emph a s ized the importance of loc a l con d i t ion s , demon s t r a t i n g how d i ffe re n t commu n i t i e s w i th i n a f a i r l y s m a l l g eog r a ph i cal com p a s s cou l d de vel op very d i v e r s e c u stoms and work p at t ern s . 35 Econom i c con d i tions a r e p e r h a p s the most obvious l ocal factors a f fe c t ing wom e n ' s work , but t h e r e a re o t h e r s w h i c h a re eq u a l ly i f n o t m o re import a n t . On e s u c h ·'i s de mog r a p h i c circum s t a n c e s . I t s e e m s i n c r e a s i n g l y cle a r t h a t th e s e h a v e to b e s t u d i e d a t a l oc a l l evel a n y w a y, g i v e n t h e d i ffic u 1 t y of ob t a ining rel i a b l e n a t ion al da t a b efore th e n i neteenth c e n t u r y . So me of th e more obviou s l y i n flue n t i a l demog r a p h i c factors t o b e borne i n m i n d w h e n 16

In tra d u c tion

con s i de ring wo men ' s work are the i nc i dence and a v e r a g e age of marriage , th e i n c i de n ce of r e m a r r i a g e a n d t h e number of c h i ldren wo m e n cou l d e x pect to b e a r o r s ee A more h i dde n phe nomenon which i s a l so s u r vive . imp ort ant in thi s context is mi g r a t ion . M i g r a t ion , e sp e c i a l l y b etwe en town a n d country s i de , could affe c t both the p r e s s ure o f the pop u l a t ion a n d t he b a l ance of s exe s i n p ar t ic u l a r loc a l it i e s , which in t u r n affe cted women ' s T h e e f fe ct o f m i g r a t ion de p e n ded p o s i t ion a n d wo rk . rather on its c a u s e s a n d t h e di strict s concerned - to t ak e a s imp le exa mple , ru r a l out s i de rs a t t racted to a t own by its prosperity might b e e a s i l y ab sorbed , t ho s e impelled t h e r e by d i s a ster or de c l ine i n their home commu n i t i e s cou l d pose a g r e a t e r problem . M a le a n d fe m a le m i g r a t ion oft en had d i ffe re n t c a u s e s a n d hence di ffe rent con se­ q u e n c e s for the commu n i t i e s concerned . M a le m i g r a n t s we re more l ik e ly to be ski lled work e r s l ooki n g for e m p l oy ment , fe m a l e s more l ik e ly to be driven by a d v e r s e p e r s o n a l c ircum s t a n c e s . M i c h a e l Rob ert s a n d Sue W r i g h t di scu s s s o m e of t h e c i rcum s t a n c e s a n d r e s u l t s of fe m a l e T h e s e factors h a v e u n t i l recently m i g r a t ion into t own s . b e e n overlooked a n d i t is notice a b l e that ' s t u d i e s of demog raphic h i st ory oft e n n eg lect the subj ect of wom e n ' s work , w h i le s t u d i e s of wo m e n ' s wo rk n eglect t h e h i story of t h e f a m i ly . • 3 6 F i n a l ly , mor e i n t a ng ible l oc a l influences m a y a l s o b e de tected a t work . Loc a l c u s tom s , w h o s e ori g i n s may not always b e c le a r , cou l d b e imp ort ant i n de termining t h e p o s i t ion of wome n , a f fe c t ing a s they d i d t he s t a t u s a n d t re a t m e n t o f wi dow s a n d s p i n s t e r s a s we l l a s , more obviou s ly , t he typ e s of work wome n we re expected o r p e rm i t ted t o do . T h e re wa s a l so t h e que s t ion of t h e i n d i v i d u a l ' s s t a n d i ng - recent wo rk on t h e role of g o s s i p and de f a m a t ion suggests t h a t a wom an ' s status and l ivel ihood c o u l d b e a f fe cted i n a n u m b e r o f w a y s by h e r r e p u t a t ion o r con n ec t ion s or both . T h i s , howe v e r , i s a s ubject w h i ch i s only n ow b e ing t en t a t ively e x p l ored . 3 7 P e rh a p s one of t h e most s t r i k i n g fa c t s to e m e r g e from the s t u d i e s g a thered here i s t h e s i m i l a rity betwe en c e rt a i n a sp e c t s o f wom e n ' s work b efore a n d after i n d u s t ri a­ l iz a t i on . There we r e , for ex a m p l e , di st i nct sexual d i v i sions o f l ab ou r , i n b o t h t h e s e n s e s d i s t ing u i s h e d by Ch r i s Middleton . Sp i n n in g , sewing , m i l l inery , silk­ wo rking , l a u n d e r i n g a n d n u r s in g a l l seem to h a v e been c h i efly fe m a le p r e serve s , w h i le there we re , of cour se , m a ny activities which we re mostly or exc l u s ively m a l e . Ob v i ou s l y , a s s e e n above , thi s s e g reg a t ion wa s not tot a l a n d t here we re a fe w a r e a s w h e r e m a l e a n d fe m a le p a rticipa tion wa s e q u a l ly import a n t , such a s r e t a i l i n g a n d I n m a ny w a y s , howe v e r , t h e a s soc i a t ion food product ion . o f women wi th p a rt i c u l a r occ u p a t ion s , and the n a t u r e of 17

I ntroduction

t h o s e occ u p a t ion s for e s h a dow p a t t e r n s o f fe m a le l abour in the l a st two c e n t u r i e s . I n volvement i n the p rov i s ion of p� r s o n a l s e rvice s , in c e rt a i n a s pect s o f t e x t i l e m a n u f a c t­ u r e a n d i n r e t a i l i ng s e e m s to b e a c o n t i nu i ng t ra d i t ion of fe m a le e m p l oy m e n t . Nor , it seems , is there s t rong e v i de nc e t o suppose t h a t p r e c e d i n g c a p i t a l i s t org a n izat ion in e a rl ie r c e n t u r i e s wa s r e spon s i b l e for t h e s e c h a r a c t e r i s­ tics . T h e p a p e r s h e r e r e a c h b a ck b eyond w h a t i s oft e n s e e n a s t h e a p p e a r a nc e o f c a p i t a l i s t org a n i z a t ion on a w i de scale in sixteenth and s e v e n t ee n t h century E n g l a n d , 38 a n d s im i l a r c h a racteri s t i c s c a n b e di s c e r n e d t hrou g h out . 39 C a p i t a l i s t i n d u s t r i a l iz a t ion m a y h a v e m a d e s e x u a l d i v i sion s of l ab our m o r e a p p a re n t , more w i de spre a d a n d more acute due to i nc r e a s i ng s p e c i a l i z a t ion a n d j ob de m a rc a t ion . B u t t h e que s t ion of how s u c h d i v i s ions arose a n d why t h e s exe s became a s soc i a t e d w i t h p a rticul a r oc c u p a t ion s rem a i n s . T h e r e i s no s i m p l e o r s i n g l e a n swe r . I t i s fr e q u e n t ly a rg u e d ( s e e above ) t h a t wom e n ' s t a sk s a re de fined by t h e i r household ' d u t i e s ' , e i t h e r i n t h a t t h e i r remu n e r a t ive wo rk wa s o f a s i m i l a r ty p e , o r t h a t i t could f i t i n wi th t h e i r dome stic l abour s . So this e x p l a n a t ion c a n e a s i ly b e s h own t o b e i n a d e q u a t e . As noted e a r l i e r , some fe m a le a c t iv i t i e s , s u c h a s r e g r a t i n g a n d h u ck s t ering , d o n o t a p p e a r to h a v e b e e n c l o s e l y r e l a t ed to hou sehol d t a sk s . Ot h e r s , such as the product ion o f foo d , d r i nk a n d c lot h i n g p a l p a b l y we re , b u t w h e n c a rried on com m e rc i a l ly w e r e n ot fe m a l e monopol ie s . B r e w i n g a p p e a r s to h a v e b e e n c a r r i e d out l a r g e l y b y wome n b efore t h e e i g h t ee n t h century , b u t b ak i ng wa s a s much , i f n o t more , a m a le occ u p a t ion . Com m e rc i a l ly , weaving wa s a l m o s t exc l u s i v e l y a m a l e t r a de , w h i le s p i n n i n g wa s p a r ex c e l lence a wom a n ' s t a sk . It is fr e q u e n t l y a rg u e d t h a t s p i n n i n g w a s a wom a n ' s t a sk b e c a u s e i t wa s e a s i ly f itted a round t h e needs o f h o u s e h o l d a n d fami ly . C l a rk claims that ' t h e con v e n i e n c e of spinning as a n emp loy me n t for odd minutes a n d the m e c h a n i c a l c h a r a c t e r o f its mov e m e n t s w h i c h m a d e no g r e a t t ax o n e y e o r b r a i n , rendered i t t h e m o s t a d a p t a b l e o f a l l dom e s t ic a r t s t o t h e nece s s it i e s o f t h e mother . ' Yet s h e imm e d i ately g o e s on t o c om m e n t t h a t i n t h e s e v e n t e e n t h c e n t u r y s p i n n i n g ' b e c a m e t h e c h i e f r e source for the m a rried women w h o w e r e l os i n g t h e i r h o l d on other W e re t h e s e ot h e r i n d u s t r i e s e q u a l ly i n d u s t ri e s ... ' 40 f le x i b l e ? ivi ore import a n t ly , a s Ch r i s M i ddleton p oi n t s out , t h e a rg u m e n t t h a t c e r t a i n typ e s o f work we r e u n d e r t ak e n by women b e c a u s e they co u l d be fitted i n w i t h t h e c a r e of ho u s ehol d a n d c h i l d r e n i s b a s e d on a n u m b e r o f q u e s t i on a b l e a s s u m p t i on s . Low p ay a l so a p p e a r s to b e a p e r e n n i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c o f women ' s work . I n mode rn i nd u s t r i a l society , t h i s 18

In trodu c t i o n

i s o ft en a r g ue d to b e c a u se d by t h e a s sumpt ion that the great m a j o r i ty of fe m a le paid work suppleme n t s m a l e i ncome , which i n i t se l f i s e nough t o s u p p ort a f a m i ly!tl T h e not ion of a fa m i ly w a g e i n i t self a p p e a r s to h a v e developed d u r i n g t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t ury p a rtly d u e t o t rade u n i on act ion t o imp rove m a l e p a y a n d condition s , p a rtly due t o Victor i a n ' dome s t ic i deolog y ' w h i c h sought to confine wom e n to h e a rt h a n d home .4 2 But t he same a r g um e n t has a l so been advanced about wome n ' s wages in e a rl ier p e r iods when con tempor a r y supposition s were app a rently quite di ffe rent a n d women were expected to con t r i b u t e sub st a n t i a l l y to a household ' s upkeep . A d m i ttedly , t hi s contribut ion wa s on t h e whole expected to be not i n t h e form of money wa g e s but of product ion for household or for s a le . T h e s ame , howe ver , wa s t ru e of m u c h m a le wa g e l abour , a l so a s s u m e d t o h a v e u s u a l ly been supplemental . A more com p l e x web of pow e r r e l a t i on s h i p s lies behind t hi s , e sp e c i a l l y g iv e n the d i stance -o etwe en t he i d e a of t h e fe m a le ' s upplementary ' a n d t h e male ' fa m i ly ' w a g e , a n d r e a l ity . T h e r e a l ity , a s de mon strated for both t h e seventeenth a n d tw e n t ieth c e n t u r i e s is that many women supported , a n d s up p ort , de p e n d a nt s , w h i le m a ny s ingle men d i d , a n d do not . 4 3 Th e exploration of wom e n ' s work in p r e-i n d u s t r i a l society , then , t h rows u p a host of que st ion s a b o u t i t s general n a ture a n d p a ttern a n d i n d i c a t e s how long­ s t a n d i n g and o b s c u r e i n o r i g in m a ny of its c h a racteristics a re . Any approach to solut ion s to such que s t ion s w i l l o n l y c ome fr om a n i ncre a s i ng vol ume o f c a reful r e s e a rc h into t h e c ircum s t a n c e s o f fe m a le l a bour b efore mode rn industrial de ve lopm e n t . The p a p e r s g a thered i n thi s volume i n d i c a t e some of the direct ion s s u c h r e s e a rch should t ak e . I t s e e m s clear t h a t much has a l r e ady b e e n don e on t h e level o f g e n e r a l t heory a n d t h e n e e d i s now for more work on a l oc a l l e v e l w h i ch w i l l t e s t s u c h g e n e r a l i z a t i on s . T h i s i s not s im p ly b e c a u s e o f l ocal v a r i a t ion both i n h i story a n d i n t h e survival o f e v i de n c e , but a l so because studies within n a r row geog r a p h i c a l b ou n d a r i e s a l low m o r e comp r e h e n s i v e a n a ly s i s which c a n t ak e i n t h e interplay of s e v e r a l factors - de mog r a p h i c , econom i c , g eog r a p h i c a l a n d s o on . T h e a ctua l de t er:m i n a n t s of l abour p a t t er n s , male and fe m a le , c a n b e more e f fe ct ively t raced i n such mi crocos m s , where t h e e f fe c t ive­ n e s s of i n d i v i d u a l sourc e s of e v i de nc e can b e i n c rea s e d by t h e i r comb i n a t ion . I n a d d i t ion , e v i de n c e needs t o b e p r e s s e d , pummelled a n d v i e w e d from d i ffe rent a n g l e s to m a k e i t yield a s much as pos sible . F i n a l ly t h e t h eoret i c a l fr a mework adopted con sciously or uncon sciously by t h e r e s e a rchers conce rned n e e d s c on t i n u a l c r i t ical scrut iny t o g u a rd a g a i n s t t h e i n t ru s i on of p r e s e n t-day a s s um p t ion s or i n a d e q u a tely formu l ated concept s . On ly t h e n w i l l an 19

In trad u c tion

a rood ' s Provin c ia l e . ( L ondon , 1 9 29 ) , p . 66 . R . Bu rn , E c c l e s i a s t i c a l L a w , ( L ondon 1 7 9 7 ) , 6th e d n . , vol . I V , p . SO . C i t i n g Lyn d t>rood p . l 73 . He rea ft e r c i ted a s Bu rn . G . J . Tu rn e r e d . Yea r Book s of Edwa rd II, vol . X ( S elden Soc i e t y , vol . 63 , London 1 9 47 ) , p . 24l 0 31 1 ) . C a s e of T h y k e v F r a u n c e y s , con c e rn i n g t h e wife of a p l a i n t iff who wHh h i s a s s e n t m a d e a t e s t a m en t . R ou b e ry , J . a rg u e d t h a t M a g n a C a rt a a l lowed a wom a n to h a v e a ri g h tfu l s h a re of h e r hu sb a n d ' s g ood s a n d t h e r e fore s h e could c l a i m p rope rty . B u t H e rl e s a id t h a t a v i l l a in cou ld c l a i m p rop e rty a g a i n s t e v e ryone e x c e p t h i s own lord ; but a woman could c l a i m a g a i n s t nobody in t h e lifetime of h e r h u sb a n d . q e a u t r e p e r s o n e p u i s s e f e r e t e s t a m e n t qe cely qe p rop rete p o r ra c l a m e r ; mes femme n e p e u t p rop r e t e c l a m e r , n e e p e r c o n s e qu e n s t e s t a ­ mentum facere . E d ' a u t rep a rt s i f e m m e d e v i e in t e s t a t l ' o rd in a rie s ' en t re m e t t e r a poin t ; e l a r e son p u r ce q ' e l e n ' a ' d n u l e c h a t e l l qe s eon seyt v i v a n t son b a rou n . Gla n v i l l book V I I , s . 5 , p . 80 . F u l l c a p a c i t y - u n m a rried . Po tes ta te - m a rried ( ' in t h e po we r of ' ) . Swin b u rn e , p p . 79-80 . 61

Fou r teen th

39 .

40 . 41 . 42 .

43 . 44 . 45 . 411 . 47 . 48 . 49 .

50 .

62

a n d Fifteen th Ce n t u ry L on don

T . E . Tom l i n s a n d W . E . T a u n ton , e d s . Th e Sta tu tes ( L ondon 1 8 1 7 ) , vol . I I I ( 3 4 a n d 3 5 H . V I I I ) , ch . S p . 90 3 ( 1 542 ) , n . ( 3 2 H . V I I I ) c h . l p . 745 ( 1 540 ) . H e r e a ft e r c i t e d a s Sta t . Rea lm . Swin b u rn e , p . 80 . i b id . p . SO . S i r R . B rook e , L a Gra n de A b ridgem en t ( L ondon 1 5 86 ) , fol . 256 , n . 2l . Hereafter cited a s of th e Rea lm

Brook e . & S.

D.

d i a lo g u e I , c h . V l l , p . Sl . the hu sbonde s h a l l have a l l the chatellys p a r s on e l l y s t h a t h i s w y f e h a d a t t h e t y m e o f t h e spou s e ll y s o r a ft e r f o r h i s o w n rig h t : ( a n d a l s o c h a t e l l y s r e a l l yf h e ov e r l y v e h i s w i f e /b u t yf h e s e l l o r g y v e a w a y t h e c h a t e l l y s rea lly s a n d d y e b y y t s a l e o r g y fte t h e i n t e r e s t e of t h e w i fe i s d e t e r m y n e d / a n d e l s t h e y s h a l l r e m a y n e t o t h e wyfe yf s h e ov e r l y v e h e r h u s b on d e ) . ( 1 523 ) . s._r in b u rn e , p .. SO a n d s e e Lyn d..,r o o d , book 3 , c h . V , p . 66 . Swin b u rn e , p . 80 . B u rn , p . 52 . Swin b u rn e , p . 8l . Bro o k e , D e v i s e , fol . 2 30 . n . 34 ( 24 H . V I I I ) . Swin b u rn e , p . 8. i b id . p . 82 . i b id . a n d s e e a l s o B u rn , p p . SS-6 . C . J . i s con v e n t ion a l l e g a l t e rm i n olog y for C h i e f J u s t i c e , ] . f o r J u s t i c e . Ho l d s worth , op . c i t . vol . I l l , p . 5 44 a n d s e e R . T o t t i l e d . , Yea r Books E . V . H . VIII . ( L on d on 1 5 6 7 ) . 1 2 . H . V I I Fo . 24 . d . i l n e p o i t a l l e z b i en s a [ n] s a s s e n t son b a ron en c a s e ou e s t e x e c [ u t o r ] a un a u t e r home a v a n t , ou d e t i e l s c h o s ou d u t i e s d o n t i l ne u n q u e s a v e c p o s s e s s ion c o m e e n les c a s e s a v a n t d i t . E t p a r e sp i ritu a l l e y i l p o i t fa i re e x e c [ u t o r ] d e s a s cu n s c h o s e z do [ n ] t l e p rop e rt i e , e t l e p o s s e s sion e n le b a ron . S . d e s o n ap a ra d e d e s on corp s i s s i n t p a r l e c o m e n l e y , e t p a r a s s e n t d e s o n b a ron , m e s s a u n s a s s e n t d e son b a ron l e p o s s e s s ion , e t l e p [ro J p e rt e e s t t ou t e n l e b a ron , m e s i c y l e b a ron a d p ro v e l e t e s t a m e n t s o n f e m e l e q u e l e s t p ro v e son a s s e n t . For e x a m p l e B r a c ton s a y s t h a t , A wom a n w h o i s s u i j u r i s c a n m a k e a w i l l , ju s t a s a n y oth e r p e r s on m a y , a n d d i sp o s e of her p rop e rt y and the e x t a n t f ru i t s o f h e r dow e r , w h e t h e r t h e y h a v e b e e n s e p a r a t e d from the soil or n ot , a t h i n g she fo rmerl y cou ld not But do but now m a y as a m a t t e r of f a v ou r . if she i s under h e r husband ' s au thority she

Fou rteen th

51 . 52 . 53 . 54 . 55 . 56 . 57 .

58 . 59 . 60 . 61 . 62 .

63 . 64 . 65 . 66 .

67 . 68 . 69 .

a n d Fifteen th

Ce n t u ry L on don

w i l l not be a b l e to m a k e a will withou t h i s con s e n t . Neve rth e l e s s , b e c a u s e it i s only p rop e r , s h e is som e t i m e s p e rm itted to d i s p o s e by w i l l of t h a t rea son a b l e p a rt s h e wou ld h a v e had i f s h e h a d su rvived h e r h u s b a n d , e s p e c i a l l y t h i n g s _g iven a n d g ra n t ed h e r for p e rson a l adornmen t , as rob e s a n d j ewe l s , which m a y b e s a i d to b e h e r own . S . E . Thorn e , Bra c ton on th e L a ws a n d Cu s tom s of Engla n d ( S e l d e n Soc iety , Ma s s a c h u s e t t s , 1968 ) , pp . l 7 8-l 79 . G l a n v i l l , book V I I , S . 5 , p . SO . Ca n on L a w , p . lll . ib id . , p . l l 2 . ib id . , p . l l 3 . i b id . , p . l l 4 . P . & M . I I . p p . 432- 33 . Holdsworth , I I I . pp . 525-8 . P. & M. vol . 2 , p . 3 5l , c i t i n g Yea r Book 4 0 . E . III . f . 38 . ( M ich . p l . l 2 ) . S e e Mowb ra y ' s com m en t s on t h e L o rd s . He only r e fe r s to w r i t s of p a rticu l a r cou n t i e s . F i t zh e rb e rt , L a Gra u n d e A b ridgem en t ( R i c h a rd Totte l , London , 1 5 7 7 ) , d e t i n u e p l . 60 , 34 E . l . not iE . I I ] : ' U sage del p a i s ' . G . E . Woodb i n e , e d . G l a n vill D e L egih u s e t c on s u e t u d in i b u s Regn i A n glia e , ( L ondon , 1 9 32 ) , b ook V I I , C . 5 . p p . l 0 4-5 . i b i d . , a n d s e e Sh eeh a n , p . 294 . Bra c ton , vol . I I , p . l 7 8 . Fleta , vol . I I , p . l93 . Sh eeh a n , p p . 294 a n d 288 n P . & M . vol . l l , p p . 3 5l - 2 . P . & M . vol . I I , p . 3 50 ( M a g n a · C a rt a 1 21 5 , c . 26 ) , c i t i n g c a s e s r e l a t i n g to t h e u s e of M a g n a C a rta , Yea r Book 13 , 7 E . l l , f . 2l 5 a n d Yea r Book 1 7 E . l l , f . 53 . b . P . & M. vo l . I I , p . 3 50 . Bra c ton , vol . I I , p . l 78 . Bra c ton , vol . I I , p . l 7 8 . Bra c ton , vol . I I , p . l 80 . i b i d . , p . l 8l : v i x e n i m i n v e n i retu r a l i q u i s c i v i s q u i in vita magnum q u a e s t a m f a c e re t , s i i n morte sua cog e re t u r i n v i tu s b o n a s u a r e l i n q u e re p u e ri s i n d oc t i s e t luxu ri o s i s m a l e m e r iti s . On t h e cu stom of London s e e a l s o p . 267 , a n d vol . 3 , p p . 389- 400 . Ba teson , vo l . I I , p . l 2l ( L ib e r de Antiqu i s L e g i b u s ) a n d s e e Sh eeh a n , p . 294 . Sh eeh a n , p . 294 . F . L i e b e rm a n n e d . , D ie G e s e t z e der A n ge l s a ch sen . (H a l l e . 1 90 3 ) , vol . I , p . l 73 : D e c r e t u m e p i scop o r u m et a l iorum S a p i e n t u m 63

Fou r teen th

70 .

71 .

a n d Fifteen th Ce n t u ry L on don

L o n d o n . " ( V I . Aeth e l s t a n ) . Et e x c ip i a t u r i n p ri m i s c a p t a l e re p e n t e n t i s d e p e cu n i a i p s a , e t d i v i d a t u r p o s t e a s u p e rp l u s i n t re s p a rt e s : u n a m p a t em h a b e a t u x o r e iu s , s i i n e o m u n d a s i t e t ip siu s fa c i n o r i s c o n s c i a n o n fu e ri t ; r e l i q u u m d i v i d a t u r i n d u a s p a r t e s : dimidium h a b e a t rex , dimidium societa s . Sh eeh a n , p p . 294-5 . L i m i t a tion on t h e t e s t a t o r : a C a m b ri d g e c u s tom o f 1 299 m e n t ion s t h e r e s e rv a t i o n of one h a l f o f t h e c h a t t e l s to t h e wife - M . B a t e son , E d . , Borough Cu s tom s . ( Se l d e n Soc i e t y , L o n d on 1 90 4 ) , vo l . I I , p . xc v i i i . H e r e a ft e r c i t e d a s B a t e s on . For o t h e r v a ri a n t s of local c u stom s e e B a teson , vol . I I , p p . xcv i-xcix a n d p p . ll9-20 ( B ri s tol ) . R . R . Sh a rp e ed . , Ca len da r o f Wi l l s p roved a n d enrolled i n th e ( L o n d o n 1889 ) . C o u r t of Hu s ti n g , L on don 125R- 1688 . P a rt I . p p . x x x i i i - x x x i v . Hereafter cited a s Hu s ting Wi ll s . Ch ich e l e , vcl . 2 , p p . x x x v i , x l i i i , a n d p . 393 . T h e E a r l o f S a l i s b u ry , a f t e r d e b t s a n d l e g a c i e s p a id , l e ft h a l f h i s mov e a b l e a n d immov e a b l e g ood s to h i s wife . S i r H . C a lth rop , Rep or t s of Sp e c ia l C a s e s tou ch ing s evera l Cu s tom s a n d L ib erties of t h e C i ty of L on don

( L o n d on 1 6 70 ) , pp . l09-10 .

Hereafter cited a s

Ca l th rop .

72 .

73 . 74 .

A . P u l l i n g , A pra c tica l tre a t i s e on th e l a ws , c u s tom s , a n d regu l a tion s of th e C i ty a n d p or t of L on don ( L o n d o n 186 2 ) , p . l 80 . H e r e a f t e r c i te d a s Pu l l in g . i b i d . p . l 8l a n d s e e Gla n v i l l book 1 2 , c . 20 .

p p . l 45-6 . For t h e l a w s of W a l e s s e e D . J e n k i n s a n d M . Owen e d s . , Th e Wel s h l a w of Wom en ( C a rd i ff 1980 ) . For York , s e e P . & M . vo l . l i , p . 3 48 . The t ri­ p a r t i t e d i v i s i o n i n York l a s t e d u n t i l 1 69 2 . Pu l l in g , p . l 8l , P . & M . p p . 3 1 4-56 , Sh eeh a n , p . l 86 . T h e cu s tom of t h i rd s t o t h e wife a n d c h i l d ren rem­ a i n e d i n u s e u n t i l the e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u ry , i n L o n d o n a n d Y o rk : Bra c ton , vol . I I I , p . 388 . i n a c c o rd a n c e w i t h t h e cu s tom of ou r c i t y o f London ( or 'York ' ) r e n d e r t o B , who w a s t h e w i f e o f C h e r r e a son a b l e dow e r . . . . F rom the free t e n e m e n t which b e lon g e d to . . . . h e r l a t e h u s b a n d , in L o n don ( o r i n a n oth e r c i t y , s u c h a on e , o r i n a su b u rb of L o n d o n ) , . . . . l e t t h e p l e a p ro c e e d i n t h e cou rt of t h e c i t i z e n s accord i n g to t h e i r c u stom . . . a n d t h e c u s tom i n t h o s e p a rt s i s t h a t w i v e s o f d e c e a s e d hu sb a n d s h a v e t h e i r f r e e b e n c h i n t h e l a n d s o f s o k e m e n a n d hold f o r l i fe i n t h e •

64

.

.

.

Fou rteen th

75 . 76 .

77 . 78 .

79 . 80 . 81 .

a n d Fifteen th

Ce n t u ry L on don

n a m e of dow e r , b u t if t h e y rema rry a ft e r t h e d e a th of t h e i r h u s b a n d s , t h e cu stom i n t h a t c ou n ty i s th a t t h e y l o s e t h e dowe r s t h e y h a v e in the n ame of the first husband . S e e Hu s t ings Wi l l s , vo l . l , p . xx x i x . The 1 391 r e v i s e d v e r sion of t h e S t a t u t e of W a l e s s t a t e s t h a t i f W e l s h women a n d m e n hold l a n d b y E n g l i s h t e n u re , t h e n dow e r w a s to follow E n g l i s h l a w . Welsh widows were a l so e n t i t l e d t o a t h i rd of t h e g ood s a n d· c h a t t e l s o f t h e i r h u s b a n d s , a n d h i s mov e a b l e good s i f t h e r e wa s a c h i l d . I f t h e re w a s n o c h i l d t h e widow wa s t o r e c e i v e h a l f t h e mov e a b l e good s , s o long a s s h e h a d n o t coh a b ited with a n oth e r m a n d u r i n g h e r hu sb a n d ' s l i f e t i m e . The l a st clause is simil a r to c h a p t e r 3 4 , S t a t u t e o f W e s tm i n s t e r l l ( 1 285 ) . T h e c l a u s e r e l a t i n g to h a l f t h e g ood s i s s i m i l a r to t h e W e l s h l a w c on c e r n i n g sep a r a t i on b y d e a t h , where t h e g ood s o f hu s b a n d a n d w i fe ou g h t to b e e q u a l l y s h a red . R . R . D a v i e s , ' T h e s t a tu s of women a n d t h e P ra c t ic e of m a r r i a g e i n l a t e m e d i e v a l W a l e s ' . i n D . J e n k i n s a n d M . Owen e d s . , op . c i t . p . l0 2 c i t ing B . L . Add . M s . 10 , 0 13 , f . Sv . i b i d . , p . l0 2 , n . c i t i n g P . & M . 1 1 , p . 405 . B l e g . 61 . 5-6 . L a t . A . 51/4 ; C v f n 7 3/9a . Hu s t ings 1 Wi l l s , vol . l , p . xx x i i i . ibid. p . xxxix . B r i t ton i n t im a t e s t h a t b y h i s t i m e widows c e a sed to l o s e t h e i r dow e r ob t a i n e d from their first hu sband , when they remarried . But B r a c to n s a id t h a t such a cu s tom w a s i n f o r c e i n h i s d a y ; a n d a c cord i n g to Sh a rp e t h i s i s corrob o r a t e d b y t h e ev i d e n c e of w i l l s . See Hu s t ings 1 Wil l s , vol . l , p . xx x i i i . P . & M . vol . l l , p . 3 49 . i b i d . , vo l . l l , p . 35l , c i t i n g Reg . Brev . orig . 1 4 26 , Yea r Book 40 E . l l l f . 3 8 . ( M ich . p l . l 2 ) a n d s e e Fitzh erb ert, D e t i n u e . p l . 6 0 & Yea r Book 7 E . l l f . 21 5 ; Yea r Book 1 7 E . l l f . 536 . P . & M. , p . 3 52 . For a l e g a l d e b a t e o n t h e cu stom o f borou g h s touch i n g ' th e rea son a b l e p a r t ' of a h u s b a n d ' s g ood s , s e e L a �