What Plato Said [1 ed.] 0226753808, 9780226753805

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WHAT PLATO SAID

ТНЕ UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO PRESS CНICAGO, ILLINOIS ТНЕ BAKER & TAYLOR COMPANY NEW YORK

ТНЕ CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS LONDON

ТНЕ MARUZEN-КABUSHIKl-KAISHA

ТОКУО, ОSАК.А, КУОТО, FUKUOltA) SENDAI TIIE COMMERCIAL PRESS, LIMITED

SHANGHAI

WHAT PLATO SAID PAUL SHOREY

Professor of tl1e Greck Language and Literature, The Uniuersity of Clzicago; Member of the Amcrican Academy of //1·ts and Lellcrs; Associe de /'Academie Royale de Belgique

Т Н Е U N I V E R S I T Y OF C H I C A G O P R E S S C H I C A G O I LL I N OI S ·

COPYRIGHT

1933

ВУ ТНЕ UNIVERSITY OF CНICAGO

ALL RIGHTS RESERVED.

PUBLISHED MARCH

SECOIШ IMPRESSION ОСТОВЕR

1934

1933

COЫPOSED AND PRINTED DY TBI: UNIVLRSITY OF CHICAGO PRl::SS

CHICAGO.

ILLINOIS1 U.S.A.

PREFACE The text of this book is а resuтe of the en tire body of the Platoпic \vritings. The endeavor has been to oтit no significant ideas and to give with every idea enough of the draтatic setting and the over- and undertones of feeling to forestall the misun­ derstandings to which abstract analyses and propagandist quo­ tations of Plato are especially liaЬle. The success of this method others тus t j udge. There are of course sоте oтissions of detail or of repetition of Platonic сот­ тоnрlасе, and the paraphrases are not to Ье treated as con­ strues. But I do not think that I have anywhere appreciaЬly тisrepresen ted Plato's in tended тeanings. In any case the тar­ ginal references таkе verification easy. With this understand­ ing the text is subтitted to the j udgment of pro fession al stu­ dents. I t can Ье read con tinuously, however, Ьу others, апd will Ье found intelligiЫe without the aid of either Greek or foot­ notes. In order not to in terfere with this use of the book, the notes have been relegated to the end of the voluтe. Their ob­ j ect is, first, to relate the dialogues and all the ideas of Plato to one another Ьу cross-references that will exhiЬi t what I have elsewhere called the unity of Plato's thought, and, second, to interpret the thought Ьу typical-of course not exhaustive­ parallels and illustrations ancient and modern . With the aid of the secretaries and research assistants geпer­ ously provided Ьу the Rockefeller Foundation I have read and excerpted nearly all the Platonic li terature that h as appeared since the puЫication of ту Unity of Plato' s Thought sоте thirty years ago. The plan of this work does not require or permit те to refer to all of i t, and enforced economy of space has coт­ pelled те to omit тuch of the тaterial that I expected to use. For notes on the RepuЫic I тust refer readers to ту translation of the RepuЫic in the Loeb Series, and for all but the indis­ pensaЬle тi11imuт of notes on the Timaeus to ту earlier arti­ cles on the Timaeus and to а future study of science in Plato. I have also found it necessary to substitute exact references v

V1

PREFACE

to page and line for quotations of the Greek text, and to omit тost of the passages whicl1 I intended to quote froт тodern Platonists. Specialists will perhaps perceive that they have been presen t to ту тind. I have still qпoted or referred to enoпgh for the purposes of this book, and the ЬiЫiographies thoнgh not exhaustive are, I hope, sufficieпt. For aid in the preparation of these ЬiЬliographies and siтilar work I owe special thanks to ту research assistant, :Мr. Procope Costas, апd for indispensa­ Ьle help in preparing the e11tire volшne for the press, to ту sec­ retary and research assistaпt, Miss Stella Lange. Thoнgh the unity апd consistency of Plato's thought сап Ье appreciated only Ьу those who study his writings as а whole, the synopsis of any dialogнe in this book can Ье understood withoнt reference to tl1e others. Readers who wish to learn at once Pla­ to's real opinions (apart froт тetaphysics) and get sоте notion of the intelligence and practical good sense of this "dreaтer" тight turn first to the otherwise less interesti11g Laws. Hurried reviewers \vlю are willing to treat the book fairly тight read the synopses of the RepuЫic, the Gorgias, the Pliaedo, and two or tl1ree of tl1e тinor dialogues. I presuтe that 110 questioпs of "priority" will arise. If they do, I т ау refer to the dates a11d content of ту previous writings about Plato. Iп reviewiпg them I find little to retract or cl1a11ge, though there are some sen­ tences which, quoted apart froт the qu alifying coпtext, have given rise to misapprehension. Th anks are due to the editors of the Loeb Series for perтis­ sion to use ту tra11slation of the тyth of Er, and to tl1e readers and coтpositors of the University of Chicago Press for their indefatigaЫe co-operation in our Sisyphean endeavor to extir­ pate errors froт sоте twenty thousand references. PAUL SнoREY

TABLE OF CONTENTS ТнЕ L1rE or РLлто РLлто's WR1т1кGs IN

l-57

58-73 74-80 81-83 84-85 86-90 91-95 96-99 100-105 106-12

GENERAL

ЕuтнУРНRО

A POLO G Y CRITO H1PPIAS MINOR H1PPIAS MAJOR ION . CнA R M I DE S •

l.ACHES.

IIJ-18

LYSIS

PROTAGORAS GoRGIAS MENO EuтнYDEмus Рн АЕD О MEN E X ENUS SYM POSIU M PнAEDRUS •

REPUBLIC

•

CRATYLUS ТнЕАЕТЕтus PARMENIDES SоРюsт P o L1т1c u s •

PНILEBUS TIMAEUS CRITIAS LA\VS

EPINOMIS SPuRюus D1ALOGUES ALICIВIADES 1 AND п, CLEIТOPHON, IvI1Nos, H1PPA RC HU� TнEAGEs, R1vлLs, ERvx1лs, Ахюснus, S1sv1 vн u s , DEмooocus, PERI D1кл ю u , PERI ARETЁs, DEFINIТIONs, HALCYON BIBLIOGRAPHY AND NoтES INDEX . DouвтruL AND

,

•

vii

119-32 133-54 15 5-59 160-68 169-84 185-88 189:>7 198-207 208-58 259-68 269-86 287-93 294-307 308-15 3 1 6-28 329-49 35о-54 3 5 5-407 408-1 1 415-44

1

ТНЕ LIFE OF PLATO The few certain facts of the life of Plato and the soнrces of our kпowledge of tl1em have been repeatedly collected. Не was born 429-427 в.с. апd died at th e age of eigl1 ty or eighty-oпe, 10L�W�;? Diog. about 348/7 в.с. The ancieпts celebrated the seventh of Thargelio11 (Мау) as his birthday. His father, Aristoп, traced his lineage to Codrus and the early kings of Attica and so to Poseidon. His motl1er, Perictione, sister of Charmides, collsin of Critias, was descended from Dropides, the fi·iend and kinsman of Solon. Glaucon ai1d Adeimantus, cl1ief speakers witl1 Socra tes in the RepuЫic, were his brothers. Adeimantus was tl1e elder. оп Rep. 327 с The Ап tiрlюп of the Parmenides, son of Pyrilampes, was l1is Ра:��с.А. 12б вс, half-brother. His п ате, Plato, is not an uncommon Greek name. It was variously i11terpreted as referring to the breadth of his slюulders, his brow, his style. Не received the educatioп of young Atheniaпs, of aristocratic a11d well-to-do families. There was а tradition of his successes as ап athlete, and of his experiments in verse. Before, some say after, mceti11g Socrates, he was said to have studied with the Heracli tean Cratylus, whose name is given to one of the dialogues. Не is said to have become а disciple of Socrates at the age of tweпty, some eiglн Infra, р. 18 or nine years before Socrates' death in 399. After the death of Socrates, !1е witl1drew from Atl1ens to Megara and is supposed to have traveled with intermissions for the period of some twelve years. То tl1is period belongs his first Sicilian visit at tl1e coпrt of the elder Dionysius, and the story that he was sold into slavery оп the isl a11d of Aegina Ьу the Spartan ambassador Pollis, Zeller щ at the instigation of Dionysius, and ransomed Ьу 011е Anniceris Ritter 1. 84 of Суrепе. Не may or m ay not have taught at Athens during these twelve years. But with his return from Sicily, about 3 86, is associated h is purchase of an estate near the precinct of the hero Academus, ai1d the estaЬlishment there of the school to Infra, Р· 211 which he gave the nam e Academy. The forty years of resi-

WHAT PLATO SAID

dепсе, teaching, ai1d writing at Athe11s tl1at followed were interrupted Ьу l1is two visits to the court of Dionysius the Younge1· in Syracuse. Otherwise little is known of these forty years of his life, except conj ectures about the dates of his writiпgs and Diog. L. III. 4x-4з а few anecdotes of l1is relations with contemporaries. His will, cьaignet. 7 3 preserved in Diogenes Laertius, provides for his relatives . Не had perl1aps previously endowed the Academy, and appointed his пephew Speusippus as the first head. А ready writer could fill in the framework tlшs suppli ed and constrпct а modern novelized biography in three chief ways : (1) Не could enliven 11is sketch Ьу all the lege11ds and anecdotes that gathered about Plato's n ame in the eight centuries of an­ cien t culture after his death. (2) Н е could expand the life of Plato as Masson expanded that of Miltoп, Ьу narrating i t "in coпnection with the history of his time" and describing at large all tlшt Plato mпst h ave witnessed, experienced, and felt. (з) Infra, р. 5s Оп tl1e supposition that the chronology of Plato's writiпgs is determiпed апd that the mainly spurious letters are genuine, he could attempt to trace tl1e necessary sequence and evolution of Plato's thought from his Socratic discipleship апd tl1e youth­ fнl exuberance of his satires оп Periclean society to the logical aridi ty of the so-called dialectical dialogues and the disillusion­ meпt of the Laws; апd he could exercise the sympathetic his­ torical imaginatioп Ьу divining the occasion and the motive of each one of Plato's pri11cipal works, and the nюod or emotional Ritter, r, 212 crisis which it expresses. The biography of Goetl1e has made the development of the personality Ьу the life and tl1e contribu tion of each i tem of experience to tl1e shaping of the thought and the determinatioп of moods an obsession witl1 scholars. They not only regard this as the first principle of а truly penetrating cri ticism, Ьпt it is the one thi11g that chiefly interests them. And wl1e11 it is plausiЬly done, it undoнbtedly attracts the geпeral readiпg puЫic nюre thaп а sober, obj ective interpretatioп of the work itself. l t is admiraЬly done in Wilamowitz' Platon, whicl1, if we regard i t as а historical novel, is deserviпg of all praise. Внt а historical novel it essen tially remaiпs. How could Professor Wilamowitz or anybody else possiЬly know that the Plzaedrus represents а happy picnic day to celebrate the com­ pletioп of the RepuЫic, that Plato never read tl1e extant work of

367 and 3б х-3бо в.с.

ТНЕ LIFE OF PLATO

з

Thucydides but had read the lost writings of Thrasymachus, that Plato could never have written the Laws if he had ever visited Sparta, that tl1e Theaetetus originally contained no dra- B11t cf. Berlin Кош., · Jюut manuscript, Anon. m at1c t h at Pl ato J ectured w1t . J ntro d uctюn, ' coi. з that Eudoxus was rector of the Academy in Plato's аЬsепсе, that Plato Ъеgап to write а dialogue entitled Tlzmsymachus but thre\v i t aside апd wrote the G01·gias instead and l ater re-wrote the unfi11ished Thrasymaclms as the first book of the RepuЫic, that Plato brought home from his travels the plan to found а school, tl1at the Laches, Charmides, Eutlzyplzro, and an omitted dialogue on justice \Vere written solely to exhibit Socrates as а type of tl1e cardiпal virtues and have no philosophical significance. Divi11atory biographers affirm or suggest scores of propositions more fanciful than these, for whicl1 there is 110 evidence, except tl1e feeliпg of tl1eir authors that they are pl ausiЫe. As Campbell j udicioнsly observes, "The less known caп not throw light on the more known: and Plato's tl10ugl1ts are better known to us tlшn tl1e particular inciden ts of Atl1e11ian life wl1ich gave occasion to theш . " Plato presumaЬly received the normal education of every young Atl1enian of good family-what l1e himself cl1aracterizes as the educatio11 in music and gymnastics estaЬlished and j usti - Rep. 376 в fied Ьу а long experience. There сап Ье �ю better description of this education than the one tl1at Plato puts in the mouth of Protagoras, and \Vhicl1 in Jowett's versioп is copied in all his- Рrоt.з2sС-з2бЕ tories of education. They send the child to teachers and enj oin upon theш to see to his manners even more than to l1is reading and music . . . . and when the Ьоу has lear11ed his letters . . . . they put i11to his hands the works of great poets which he reads sitting on а bench at school ; in these are contained many admonitions and m any tales and laudations and eпcomi a апd praises of famous men which he is required to learn Ьу heart in order ct. Laws sп А that he may desire to Ье like them . Тhеп again, the teachers of the lyre . . . . m ake their h armoпies and rhythms quite familiar to the children's souls in order that they may Ье more gen tle and harnюnious . . . . for the life of m an in every part l1as need of harmony and rl1Ythm . . . . . Then they send them to the master of gymnastics in order that they тау not Ье сот•

4

WHAT PLATO SAID

pelled through bodily Vl'eakness to p lay tl1e coward in war or on any other occasion. \Ve must not forget, however, that the Athens of Pericles and Thucyd. П. 41 Aristopl1anes was itself а liberal education, as Thucydides m akes Pericles say, though in а slightly different sense. The vivid, if somewhat florid апd ferveп t, rhetoric of Macaulay m ay here take tl1e place of а superfluoнs elaboration of the obvious :

Cf. infra,

р, 97

I,

Loeb, Rep. рр. xxxvi-xxxviii

41 5-413 в.с. Thucyd . VI . 32

with

VIII. 1. 1

Books, however, were the least part of t\1e education of an Athenian ci tizen. Let us, for а moment, transport oшselves, i n tlюught, to that glorious ci ty. Let us imagi ne tlшt we are eпtering its gates, in tl1e time of i ts power and glory. А crowd is assemЬled round а portico. All are gazing with delight at the entaЬlature ; for Phidias is putting up the frieze. We turn into another street; а rl1apsodist is reciting there : men, women, children are thronging roнnd him : the tears are running down their cheeks : tl1eir eyes are fixed : their very breath is still ; for he is telling lюw Priam fel l at tl1e feet of Achilles, and kissed those hands,-the terriЬle,-the murderous,-which had slain so m any of his sons. We en ter the puЫic place ; tl1ere is а ring of youths, all leaning forward, with sparkling eyes, and gestures of expectation . Socrates is pi tted agai nst the famous atheist from lonia, and has j ust brougl1 t him to а contradiction in terms. But we are in terrupted. Tl1e herald is crying-"Room for tl1e Prytaпes. " The general assemЫy is to meet. The people are swarmi пg in оп every side. Proclamation is made-"who wisl1es to speak." Tl1ere is а slюut апd а clappi ng of hands ; Pericles is mounting t\1e stand. Then for а play of Soplюcles; and away to sup wi th Aspasia. 1 know of no modern uni­ versity which \1as so excellent а system of education.

А sterner and more disillusionizing edнcation was sнpplied Ьу the experiences of war and revolution. Born in the earlier years of the Peloponпesi an War, the thirty-year life-and-death strug­ gle between the Atl1enian Empire and the Spartan alliance, Plato was а Ьоу of six or seven at the time of the truce of 421, hope­ fully styled the "Реасе of Nicias," and he was old enougl1 to begin to take intelligeпt notice when after six or seven years of intrigu es and tortuous diplomacy the conflict was reopened Ьу the consequences of the disastrous adventure of the Sicilian Ex­ pedition . Не witnessed the dismay of Atl1ens and heard the comments of l1is relatives wl1en in 413 the news arrived of the defeat and destruction of the magnificeпt Armada, whose spec­ tacular embarkation at the Peiraeus he m ay have seen two years before. Не shared tl1e discom forts and distress caused Ьу the virtнal state of siege to which the Spartan occupation of the thirteen miles' distant fortress of Deceleia subjected the city in

ТНЕ LIFE OF PLATO

5

the next few years. I n 410 or 409 he attained the age of military service and m ay have entered as an ephebus the cavalry which guarded the immedi ate environment agai11st Spartan raids. Не m ay have fought in an undetermined battle of Megara, in which, in the RepuЫic, he says that his brothers, Glaucon and Rep. 3б8А Adeimantus, distinguished themselves. Не m ay have served in the fleet at the battle of Arginusae, where the Athenian victory 4обв.с. was marred Ьу the failure to recover the bodies of the dead in the storm that followed. Не probaЬly \vas а wi tness of the scene in the AssemЬly when Socrates as president, as he ironically puts it in the Gorgias, "did not know how to put to vote" Gorg. 473E-474A the unjust motion to condemn the negligent generals Ьу one on Apol . 32 В sweeping decree without allowing them tl1e separate trials that the law p1·escribed. Не shared tl1e alternations of hope and fear in the 11ext few years. Не perhaps heard the wail of despair that хе:: 3нснеn. п, ran up from tl1e Peiraeus tl1rough the long walls to the ci ty when the swift ship of state, sole survivor of tl1e disaster of Aegospotami, arrived with the news that tl1e Spartan fleet m ight Ье expected а11у day. Не e11dured the intole1·aЬle humiliation of the destru ction of the long walls to the music of Lacedaemonian 404 в.с. flutes, and the Spartan occupation . Не l1ad probaЬly overheard, as а Ьоу of sixteen, some of the discussions tl1at prepared the way for the sho1·t-lived conservative revolution of 41 I. And as а youth of twenty-three he was dou btless invited to share the counsels of his uncle, Charmides, and his mother's cousin, Critias, апd of the sincere conservatives or unscrupulous oligarcl1s who were planпiпg with Spartan aid to restore the good old constitution of tl1e fathers апd do away with tl1e " acknowledged folly of democracy" once for all. Не had ample opportunity to Тhucyd. VI. 89. б observe the actual conduct of these refo1·mers, tl1e so-called Tl1irty, wheп tl1ey were овсе estaЬlished in power, and may \vell l1ave felt what the au tlюr of the seveпth epistle makes him say, that tl1eir executions, coпfiscations, and arbitrary decrees made the mistakes and the follies of the democracy seem like (an age of) "gold." He probaЬly had personal knowledge of many Ер. vп. 324 D 7 of tl1e cases of bribery, confiscatioп, and j udicial murder preserved for us in the oratioпs of Lysias. Не must have kпown all about Socrates' refusal to оЬеу the command of the Thirty to take part iп the unjust seizure of Lеоп of S alamis, and what on Apol. 32 с

6

Je"n"�x:5284N Rep. 496 с-Е

Law5iбб� с

e

R p. 496

D

Rep. 473 cn

395-3s7в.с. з94в.с.

тьuсуd. v. ssIIЗ

on

Gorg. 46t с

sьorey, ТАffР. А, XXIV, 66

WHAT PLATO SAI D

would have been its co11sequences if the goverпment of tl1e Thirty had not fallen . Не observed with approval the absten tion from reprisals of the restored democracy and its proverЬial "mildness," though in the RepuЫic he satirizes that democratic catchword. Bu t the restored democracy condemned Socrates to drink the hemlock on а trumped-up charge of atheism and corruption of youth. Plato m ay not at this early date have explicitly said, as he did in the RepuЫic, that all existing states are lюpelessly corrupt, that the good man, unaЬle to combat and пnwilling to share the iniquities of practical poli tics, can only take refuge from the storm in the sl1elter of а wall, a11d that tl1e only hope for the salvation of society is that philosophers slюuld become rulers or rulers philosophers. But these esse11tial con­ victions must have been taking shape in his mind, апd the aпthor of the seve11th epistle, whether the aged Plato or a110ther, not i11aptly puts their formulation into l1is nюuth many years before the р1·оЬаЫе date of the RepuЫic. То complete this conjectш·al record we may add that he is said to lшve served in the Corinthiaп War, and m ay have fougl1t in that earlier battle of Corinth in which i t was formerly sпp­ posed tl1at the m athematician Theaetetus, in whose lюnor tl1e dialogue that bears 11is name was w1·itte11, was dangerously wounded. То returп to the impressions of his youth, he may or may not lшve taken поtе at the time of the cynical argument Ьу which Thнcydides says that the Athenian generals j ustified the shameless imperialism of the uпprovoked attack uроп tl1e little Dorian island of Melos. But the record of their speecl1es in Thucydides, which he doubtless read when i t was puЬlished, wot1ld remain and Ьlend with all his memories of cyпical, war, post-war, and revolutionary ethics ; and the concise, pregnant, defiпitive formulation Ьу the hard-headed historian of the creed of "real poli tics" and ethical nihilism was probaЬly one of the chief causes of Plato's lifelong preoccupation with tl1e proЬlem which the persistent propaganda of this creed preseпted to his age as it has to our own. This feeling was doubtless iпtensified Ьу the career of the brilliant, versatile, fasci11ating, unscrupulous AlciЬiades, wlюm he must have known a11d who, duriпg Plato's most impression-

ТНЕ LI FE OF PLATO

7

аЫе years, was the most conspicuous figure in Athenian poli tics and life, and whose cl1aracter was а topic of debate in the litera­ ture of the first h alf of the fourth cen tury. Plato's personal feeling toward him, as toward Aristophanes, was perhaps di­ vided between moral disapproval and instinctive sympathy for the social equal and tl1e congenial intelligence. In spite of tl1e caricature of Socrates in the Clouds, and the calumnies which the supposed discipleship of AlciЬiades drew down upon him, both AlciЬiades and Aristophanes are portrayed as his familiar friends in the Symposium, and the intoxicated AlciЬiades there pronounces upon him an encomium which is Plato's most mem­ oraЫe expression of his own admiration and love. The mature Plato was obviously, apart from his philosophy and m athematics, а scholar in Emerson's and Pater's sense of the word. Не l1ad read the books of his contemporai·ies and predecessors and had assimilated all the cul ture of his time. We do not know precisely when and how the young Plato sup­ plemeпted Ьу tl1is wider reading the normal educatioп of а Greek Ьоу in gymnastics, music, and the memorizing of Homer and tl1e lyric poets. And we can only conj ecture how much of the knowledge whicl1 l1is riper writi11gs exhiЬit he brought to l1is conferences \Vitl1 Socrates and to his first experimeпts in the writing of dialogues. But we m ay presume tl1at in alertness of mind and kee11ness of curiosity he did not fall short of а Lysis, а Charmides, а Menexenus, а Theaetetus. And it is quite idle to dogmatize that he could not have read this or that book or treatise until l1is atten tion was called to i t Ьу Archytas in South­ ern I taly, or he di scovered it at the court of Dio1чsius in Sicily. Plato's acquaintance with classical Greek literature needs no proof. Не quotes i t more freely and aptly tha11 а11у other Greek autlюr except perhaps such late writers of bookish "reminis­ ceп t" Greek as Plutarch and Lucian. Plato's art of quotatio11 will Ье considered in а subsequent study of l1is style. Here we need only take note of the chief external facts. Tl1ey are 110t quite completely but sufficiently recorded in the indexes of Fabricius, Hermann, Jowett, Apelt, апd in the article of Howes in the sixth volпme of "Harvard Studies. " Plato quotes 01· al­ ludes to Homer, if we i11clude some laten t quotations, about one

Symp. 2 1 5 А222 в

Cf.

infra,

р. 19

8

WНАТ PLATO SAI D

hundred and twenty times. То Hesiod some twelve times. То Theognis twice. То Simonides twice. То Pindar and Aeschylus about eleven times each. То Sophocles once or twice. То Eurip­ ides eleven or twelve times. То Aristopl1anes explicitly t\vice. Of tl1e older Greek lyrists he mentions but does not quote Sappho and Anacreoп. Не quotes I bycus апd Cydias апd like­ wise Tyrtaeus, Solon, and Archilochus. Не does not explicitly name Herodotus and Tlшcydides, whom he had certainly read. The exteпt of his readings in the pre-Socratics and the Sopl1ists will Ъе considered infra and more fully elsewhere. I t is doubtful whether his references to Orphic and Pytha­ gorean literature can Ье traced to particular poems and trea­ tises, апd the entire subj ect must Ъе discussed elsewhere in con­ nection with Plato's alleged mysticism and supersti tion . Cf. on Charm. His reading in the Greek medical writers may also Ъе re­ i56 E Phaedr. 270 С ff. served for а more special discussion of his acquaintance with contemporary and earlier science. Some minor autl10rs are me11tioпed without explicit quotations from their works. Every well-read student of Greek literature will obse1·ve or divine some latent qнotations or allusions, and there must Ье many more which in the loss of so much literatшe we cannot detect. Tl1e number of explicit quotatioпs is no index of tl1e exteпt of а writer's influence upon Plato. Epicharmus and Sophroп, a c­ cording to tradition and in the opinioп of many modern schol­ ars, were Plato's models in mime and satire, and the relations and analogies between Pl:>.to and the iп many respects kindred geпius of Aristoplшпes would fill а monograph. Emerson somewhere says that пехt to the author of а good thing is he who first quotes it. Much of the quotatioп through­ out literature is secondhaпd. Montaigne, Burtoп, and Cud­ worth have been storehouses of quotations for т апу geпerations of French and English writers. Plato's quotations were re­ peated Ьу Aristotle, Cicero, Philo, Plutarch, the later Greek rhetoricians of the so-called new Sopliistik, апd the Cl1ristian Fathers to an extent that only а series of special monograpl1s could verify. Tl1e influence of the wri ters quoted оп Plato's own tlюught and expressio11 may Ье divined, but i t is not easily described or

ТНЕ LIFE OF PLATO

9

formulated in а few sentences. As we have said, i t is not propor­ tion ate to the number of explicit quotations. The most obvious impression that Plato would get from the five hundred years of precedent Greek poetry, and that his reading of Herodotus woнld confirm, would Ь е а feeling of background, а sense of lit­ erary and historic tradition and of the changes and vicissitudes of Iшman life in the long climb out of barbarism into civiliza­ tioп . Н е is well acquainted with the familiar modern topic of tl1e relativity of l aw and the mores and he has several shrewd observa tions that would now Ь е classified under the sciences of antl1ropology and archaeology. Н е remarks on the differences betweeп the Ionian life depicted in Homer and that of the Laws 680 с Doria11s of his own day. There was no fixed Mosaic chronology to cl1eck his imagination from ranging at will in the dark backward and abysm of the unknown pre-Homeric ages. Н е Laws 616 АВ was, i t is true, neither а critical historian nor ап archaeologist nor а geologist. But for the purposes of philosopl1y, ethics, and criticism of life, he had а sufficient conception of the transformations of Greek civilization i n the course of i ts history, of the infinite past of the human race before Greek civilization took sl1ape, of geologic changes that altered the face of Attica, of the crit. 1 1 2 possiЫe contributions of Egypt and the Orient to the culture of the Greeks, of lost and forgotten civilizations, of the endless diversi ty of lшman customs, tastes, opinions, and institutions, of the cataclysms and cycles of change involving corresponding changes in tl1e lot of humanity. These and similar ideas are most explicit in the Timaeus, the Laws, and the Politicus, but there are sufficient indications of them in the myth attributed to Protagoras in the dialogue so Infra, Р · щ named to j ustify the assumption that they were always present to Plato's thougl1t. Не could, as we have said, h ave confi1·med tl1em Ьу his reading of Herodotus, and, it has been conj ectшed, of lost treatises of tl1e Sophists on which Herodotus and Euripides m ay 11ave drawn. I n the second place, the Greek poets and dramatists were а vast storel10use of what Matthew Arnold set the fashion of call­ ing "poetic criticism of life," which includes not only the indirect cri ticism of their portrayal of action and character, but the di­ rect criticism of their "sentences" and their explicit moralizing.

10

WHAT PLATO SAID

The four poetic prophets of the re1igion of the imagin ative rea­ son-Pindar, Simonides, Aeschylus, and Sophocles-l1ad an­ ticipated in some sort the mediation of Matthew Arnold be­ tween superstition or fundamen talism and Ьlatant dogmatic irreligion . Their religious and ethical ideas have been discussed in all histories of G1·eek ethics and religion and in the chapters introductory to Plato in the Histories oj Greek philosophy of Zeller and others. Succeeding these, Euripides a11d Aristophanes, whom Plato knew intimately, liad made footballs of all ideas with the agility of а Shaw and tl1e omniscience of а Wells. As our notes and subseqпeп t studies will show in greater detail, tl1ere are, apart from metapl1ysical epistemology, few ideas in Plato of wl1ich he could not have found at least the suggestion in Herodotпs, Pindar, the Attic drama, Tlшcydides, the Presocratics, a11d the Sophists. Plato is infinitely suggestive ; his writings teem with ideas. But it is not the number of his ideas but his way of deal­ ing with ideas that marks him as the world's first and greatest real philosopher. There was no lack of ideas in the society into which Plato was born. The very air, as Pater says, was sickly with cast-off speculative atoms. Не must have been early ac­ quainted wi th Anaxagoras, who had been а coпspicuous figure 26 D at Athens in the previous geпeration and wlюse doctrines Soc­ rates in the Apology says can Ье bought from the orchestra for а drachm a at the most, and one of whose books, according to а о7 ВС well-known passage of the Phaedo, was read aloud in Socrates' hearing in his youth. lt would Ье а plausiЫe assumption that he went on from Anaxagoras to Empedocles, Parmenides, and Ar. Met. 987 а 3 2 other Presocratics. Не is said to have studied Heraclitus under Lysis 2 1 4 А Cratylus. The Ьоу Lysis admits tl1at 11е has met in writers Zeller-Nestle I. about nature the great principle that like is friendly to like, and 968 it is not рrоЬаЫе that the Ьоу Plato had less intellectual curi­ See Index, s.v. osi ty. Nearly all the Presocratics are discussed, men tioned, or alluded to somewhere in Plato's writings. The conj ectural re­ construction of the systems of these thinkers occupies in recen t literature а space disproportionate to our real knowledge of them. It is enoпgh for our preseпt purpose to note that Plato could find in them more tl1an the germ of many ideas which are supposed to Ье distinctively modern. Не would find in nearly

ТНЕ LIFE OF PLATO

II

all of them the general conception of the reduction of this varied world to unity or to а few interchangeaЬle elements. Не would find not of course his оwп explicit antithesis between material­ ism апd spiritualism, but the provocation and stimulus of it in а steadily progressive teпdency to conceive true science as t!1e mechanistic explanation of all things and the negation of all divine intervention. Не wou]d find also а conception of cycles of change, growth, and decay not di.ffe ring appreciaЬly for any practical purpose from Herbert Spencer's cycles of evolнtion and dissolution, or tl1e fапсу of the most recent popularizer of the new physics that the disintegration and resolution of matter into heat тау save the universe from the death Ьу "en tropy" with which nineteenth-century physics threatened it. And he would find in Aпaximander, whom he does not mention, and others а more or less serious poetic and allegorical interpretation of such pl1ilosophies iп the fапсу that individual existence is an inj ustice for which tl1e individual must рау the penalty Ьу reabsorption into tl1e infini te and indeterminate. An idea w!1ich again for practical purposes does not di.ffe r appreciaЫy from the reflections in Teпnyson's ancient sage : For all that laugh, and all that weep And all tl1at breathe, are опе Sligl1t ripple on the boundless deep That moves, and all is gone.

More specifically he would discover in Aпaximander, Emped­ ocles, and others, поt of course the modern scientific doctrine of biological evolution, but its virtual equivalent for philosophical purposes, the hypothesis t!1at life was somehow а spontaneous growth and that nature tried many experiments of which only the fi tting survived, that the higl1er forms of life may have been outgrowths of the lower, that t!1e prolonged infancy of man was а cause of the co11stitution of the family and so of the develop­ ment of civilization ; that the surface of the earth l1ad been sub­ j ect to vast changes in the long course of time. Empedocles, An­ axagoras, and the atomists, Leucippus, and Plato's own contem­ porary, Democritus, would familiarize his mind with hypotheses about the ultimate constitution of matter which though not based on the matl1ematics that support and complicate similar speculatioпs today produce substaпtially the same impression

Infra, РР· з4s-4б

12

WНАТ PLATO SAID

on the l ay mind even of а philosopher. From Heracli tus and the Eleatics he would derive tl1e antithesis so vividly described Ьу Pater, and that pervades his own philosophy, betweeп the ex­ perience of incessan t change and the intellectual апd moral ne­ cessity of tl1e assumption of stability. l n Heraclitus he would find the suggestion апd the poetical or epigrammatic formula­ tion of such extremely modern ideas as universal mutabili ty, universal relativi ty, and yet � reign of law or reason somehow operating in and con trolling the eternal process. In the Eleatics sьorey, AJP. he would find the beginnings of that dialectic of being and notxx1. рр. 205 II. being, tl1e one and the many, the like and the uпlike, which he himself in j est or in earnest was to push to the limit in anticipa­ Infra Р Р · 289-90 tion of all verbal metaphysics from the neo-Platonists to tl1e Scholastics апd from the Schoolmen to Hegel and his sпccessors. Phaedo 97 с II. In Anaxagoras and Anaximenes he found to him uпsatisfactory but suggestive hints of the possibility that mind in some seпse of the word developed order out of chaos and introduced рш·­ роsе i11to tl1e cosmos. This bare and rapid enumeration is enough for our p1·esent purpose of illustrating possiЫe sources of Plato's tl10нght. His own matured attitude toward these predecessors and the precise relation of his more aпalytic though t to tl1eir conj ectures and fancies will Ье discпssed else­ where in а series of more special studies.

тьеаеt. xs2As

s ee Index

s.v.

нerod. 1v. 9s

The so-called Sophists are prominent in the dialogues of Plato as they were in the Athens of his youth and of the geпeration that immediately preceded his. If the youthful Theaetetus is represeпted as saying that he had "often read" Protagoras' dic­ tum that man is tl1e measure of all things, there is no reasoп fo1· doubtiпg that Plato at twenty had read or h ad heard of and intended to read that апd other puЬlished lectures and essays of the Sophists now lost or known to us only in the overingenious e11deavors of scholars to reconstruct them as the commoп sources of Plato and Euripides. The Sophists, like the pre-Socratics, have been written about to excess. The word "Sopl1ist" in casual Atl1enia11 usage would have included Pythagoras, Soc1·ates, Plato, апd Aristotle. It meant learned man, professor, 11igl1brow, "wise guy," апd was complimentary or disparagiпg ac­ cording to the taste апd cultнre or pнrpose of the speaker. In

ТНЕ LIFE OF PLATO

13

Plato's Мепо, Socrates in speaking to Ъе understood Ьу an uneducated slave calls geometers "Sophists." The youth Hippocrates, who in the Protagoras knocks Socrates up at early dawn to hear the great Sophist Protagoras who h as соте to Athens, thinks that Sophist means, as its etymology implies, one who knows wise things. In the more technical meaning Sophist designa tes а group-they could hardly Ье called а school-of men who from the middle of the fifth century undertook to supply the need of а developing civilization for some form of higher education to supplement the traditional education of Athe11ian youth in gymnastics and music. The chief Sophists directly portrayed in Plato are Protagoras, who first assumed the designation, who is the chief interlocutor of Socrates in the dialogue tl1at bears his name and whose theories are discussed in the Theaetetus; Gorgias, prominent in the dialogue of that n ame, and referred to elsewhere ; Hippias ; and Prodicus. They are represented as humanizers of knowledge, itinerant university extension professors without а university base. Pro­ tagoras taugh t the correct use of language and tl1e art of dealing with practical affairs personal and political. Gorgias taught the art of persuasive speech and polyphonic prose, set off with the orname11ts of а new rhetoric of j ingle and antithesis and the socalled Gorgian figures. Prodicus taught many things, but specialized оп the choice of words and the nice discrimination of synonyms. Hippias, as satirized Ьу Plato, professes omniscience and teaches the elemen ts of the sciences, the art of memory, and other things. То the man in the street Isocrates, who founded а school about 390, was а Sophist who taught the art of rhetoric combined with the discussion of the larger political questions of the day. Plato, who founded his Academy about 386 (?) , was а Sophist who emphasized dialectic or argument ratl1er than rhetoric and who insisted on а preparatory study of geometry. Plato and Isocrates distinguished themselves from the Sophists Ьу their stability as 11eads of estaЬlished schools, Ъу the comparative modesty of their pretensions, Ьу the continuity and systematic character of their teaching, and somewhat unfairly Ьу the fact that they did not take рау so openly and ostentatiously as the itinerant Sophists did. Isocrates boasted that his pupils were recognizaЬly stamped with а common discipline and

Xen. Mem. r. 1 · s/�4

Prot. 310 вс

o n Symp. 185

с

on Laches 1111

н�ь мш. 368

0��;�']; Maj. Antid. 205

D

WHAT PLATO SAID

Passim and Busi­ ris 4g

Soph. El. 165 а 22

Euthyd. 275 Е 272

В

1

Apol. 18 В 8 Ar. Clouds Sgз--114

culture. Не regarded tl1e art of sober discriminating, flнen t, ele­ gant, and adorned but not overornate or fl01·id expressio11 as tl1e chief evidence of true cul ture, and he thougl1t the discussion of large Hellenic proЫems the best theme on which to exe1·cise and practice this art. То tl1is teacblng as а whole he, perhaps i n em­ ul ation of Plato, gave the name "philosophy." Wl1at distin­ guisl1ed Plato was the co11ception of а scien tific educatio11 as opposed to а superficial drill in the arts of success. This dis­ cipline became ide11tified in his mind with the embodime11t of ethical idealism in the personality of Socrates and witl1 ]1is uto­ pian pla11s for reforming the irremediaЫe corruptio11 of fourtl1ce11 tury Greek life a11d politics. То return to the Sophists : Most of our knowledge of tl1em is de1·ived from Plato's dramatic pictures of their co11versatio11s wi tl1 Socrates. Practically everything tl1at is known about them from Plato and other sources is collected in Diels's fragments of the pre-Socratics. Quotations, excerpts, and endless discussions of tl1e material collected in Diels swell out the enorшous a11d repetitious literature of the sнbj ect. The modern u11favoraЬle mea11i11g of the word "Sophist" is derived partly from the li teral acceptance and exaggeration of Plato's satire and partly from A1·istotle's definition of the Sophist as one who earns money Ьу а wisdom that is only appare11t. The leadi11g Sophists in Plato а1·е teachers of rhetoric and humanizers of knowledge. They are not conscious p1·eachers of immorality or contentious practitioп­ ers of captious апd uпfair argument. One Platonic dialogue, however, the Euthydemus, portrays а differeпt and pe1·haps l ate1· fourth-cen tury type of Sophist, who possiЫy i n imitation or parody of Platonic dialectic substitutes eristic for rhetoric and professes to teach the aЬility to refute апу stateme11t whether true or false. From this dialogue, fi·om t11e comedies of Aris­ tophanes, and from the misapprehension of Plato's real attitпde toward the better Sopl1ists \Vas derived tl1e co11ve11tio1шl ac­ count in ninetee11th-century histories of philosophy of the Sopl1ists as tl1e cor1·upters of youth and the conscious teachers of the immoral art of making the worse, or pe1·haps rather the weaker, appear the better reason. Tl1ey were represented as systemati­ cally drawing the last unsettling co11clusions from the skeptical negative and materialistic priпciples of some of the pre-Socrat-

ТНЕ LIFE OF PLATO

ics. There were of course from time to time scholai·s who dis­ sented from this conventional rhetoric of denunciation . ln Grote's History of Greece and his foнr-volume work on Plato, the apology for the Sophists becomes an obsession . Не not only recпrs to their defense witl1 wearisome insistence on every pos:>i­ Ьle occasion, but he systematically defends tl1eir opiпions, the opiпions put in their mouths Ьу Plato, against Plato himsel f or the Plato11ic Socrates. Grote h as no difficulty in s]юwing that Plato J1imself does 11ot regard tl1e Sophists as а school eпgaged in а systematic propaganda of irreligion and imnюrality. In spite of touches of irony, Plato treats the greater SopJ1ists, Gor­ gias and Protagoras, with respect and Prodicus with friendli­ ness. They are no match for Socrates in dialectic. Tl1ey teach the arts of getting on in tl1e world as it is, and lack Plato's con­ ception of рнrе science and his passion for reforming the world. Tl1ey are the mouthpieces, not the corrupters of рнЫiс opinion, but except from tJ1e s tandpoint of uncompromising idealism in scieпce, ethics, and poli tics, they are worthy gentlemen and estimaЬle citizens. As against the ordinary citizen's contempt for all in tellectual pш·suits, Plato, as we shall see, feels а certain sympathy and fellowship with them. Some of Grote's successors have carried 11is a1·gп111en t still furtl1er. There is quite а litera­ ture of tl1e rehabilitation of individпal Sophists and the j ustifi­ cation of their opiпions. Hippias is celebrated as the representa­ tive of i11 tegral education, universality of cul ture, maпual train­ ing, a11d 1 know not wl1at else. Protagoras becomes the hoпored precпrsor of all philosopl1ies of relativi ty апd pragmatism. Pro­ dicus' discrimiпatio11 of syпoпyms is coпfouпded wi th tl1e dia­ lecticians' distinctioп of the meanings of ambiguoнs wo1·ds in argнment. And Plato is rebuked for satiriziпg Prodicнs' impor­ tunate obt1·пsio11 of verbal пiceties tl1at are ir1·elevaпt to the questioп uпder discнssioп. 111 general , all the sophisms attrib­ u ted to tl1e Sopl1ists Ьу Plato or othe1·s ai·e treated as co11sciot1s p1·opou11di11gs of serious proЬlems of logic or metapl1Ysics, апd all reaso11i11gs wJ1ich Plato puts in their moutl1s are rega1·ded as aпticipatioпs of modern liberal and cri tical philosophies, dis­ torted апd misrepresen ted Ьу the "reactionary" Plato. lt is forgotteп that we know very li ttle of tl1e SopJ1ists except what Plato tells, and that whatever may l1ave been the suggestiveness

Rep. 492 АВ ff .

Meno 92 В ff . Phaedr. 275

D

C\ass. Phil" XVII.

(1922), 268-71

On Laches 197

D

16

WНАТ PLATO SAID

of some of their ideas, there is no evidence and no presumption that any one of them could h ave systematized and developed Intra, Р· sб such suggestions as plausiЬly and ingeniously as Plato has done it for tl1em. The resourcefulness of modern philologians, how­ ever, has found а way to meet and evade this obj ection and to reconstruct as well as rehaЬilitate the pl1ilosophy and the lost wri ti11gs of the Sophists. I deas that are common to Pl ato апd Euripides, or to either or both of them, and some later Greek essayist or philosopher are supposed to point to а common source in some lost treatise of one of the Sophists. It cannot Ье denied that this method has given rise to some interesting specu­ lation and recoпstructions eagerly accepted Ьу critics who care more for novelty than for sober weighing of the evidence. The irremediaЬle weakness of all such hypotheses is that Plato's dramatic elaboratioп of such i deas colors all subsequent ac­ coun ts of them and is presumaЬly in most cases their sufficient and only source. Coincidences between Plato and Euripides need no other expla11ation tl1an the fact that Plato could have seen and must have read many of Euripides' plays, which are as full of "ideas" as Ibsen's or Shaw's. It is uncritical to press minor divergences as proof that the common source must J1ave co11tained more than either imitator taken singly. These gener­ alizations, which are all that we at presen t need, will Ье con­ firmed and illustrated Ьу our analyses of the dialogues in which the Sophists appear and Ьу subsequent more critical discussions of Plato's philosophy. I do not intend to dепу the existeпce of lost sophistic treatises which m ay have contained in teresting and tlюught-provoking suggestions for Plato. 1 am only point­ ing out how slight is the real evide11ce for the reconstructio11 of such treatises and how strong is the presumption that none of them developed any idea with the consistency, the continui ty, апd the wealtl1 and ingenuity of illustration that mark Pl ato as unique. Eпough has been said here to indicate what the aпaly­ sis of the Protagoras, G01-gias, Hippias, Euthydemus апd Sophist will coпfirm : the promiпen t place occupied Ьу t]1e Sophists in the cultш·e of the Athens of Plato's youth and the position to Ье assigned to them Ьу the side of Greek poetic literature and the pre-Socratic philosophies among tJ1e sources of the incom­ paraЬle wealth of Plato's though t.

Unity, Р · бВ

ТНЕ LIFE OF PLATO

There is in every man, said an eminen t Frencl1 critic, а poet who dies young. In Plato the poet did not die, but was trans­ lated and transfused into the philosopl1er апd tl1e prose artist. We cannot follow the process, for, paradoxically enough, the earliest works exhibit perl1aps the least of the poetical iшagina­ tion. An exception might Ье made for tl1e images of the Ьее and the magnet Ьу which the poet is described iп the 1011, which а distinguished schol ar faпcies is Plato's farewell to poetry. А passage of "dithyraшbic" prose iп the Phaedrus has Ъееп still more fa11cifully taken as evidence that Pl ato '\vrote dithyrambs. The aпecdote that оп meetiпg Socrates Plato burпed his yoпthful experimeпts in tragedy wi th an apt quotation from Ношеr may symbolize both the revolutioп iп his шind caused Ьу Socrates' conversation апd the lifeloпg conflict of poetry and pl1ilosophy iп his soнl, which will Ье studied elsewhere. This conflict is the tl1eme of а pretty modern story, "Plato's First Play," Ьу Naomi Mitchison, a11d of much sen timen tality in many mode1·11 biographies of Plato. No fragments remain of Plato's tragedies, but there are ex­ tant аЬопt thirty epigrams attributed to Plato in the Greek Anthology. Some of them are obviously of later origiп, but there are some very beautiful опеs which are not unworthy of Plato and '\vl1ich there is no reason for refusiпg to attribute to l1im. lndeed, the rej ection of these epigrams Ьу sclюlars wlю accept the second, sixth, апd thirteenth epistles is discreditaЫe to mod­ ern sclюlarship. The epigraш on his frieпd Dion is qtюted be­ low (р. 45 ) . Two little epigrams are addressed to а youth named Aster, if Aster is а proper name : Tl10u gazest on the stars, my star; al1, would that 1 might Ье Yon starry skies with thousand eyes that 1 might gaze on thee.

The other tпrns on the recent discovery that the morning star and the evening star are one : tl1e morning shinedst tl10u ere life was fled, Star of tl1e evening art thou now among tl1e dead. Star of

Or in Shelley's version : Thou wert the morning star among the living Ere thy fair life l1ad fled. Now h aving died thou art as Hesperus giving New splendour to the dead.

Ion 534 В, s 33 D

238 n 3 Dio g. L. ш . s

18

WHAT PLATO SAID

Very lovely is tl1is iпvitation to а weary wayfarer to rest Ьу а shaded spring, а favori te motive of the anthology :

23 0 n C f. Phaedr. Laws 761 АВ

Here where tl1e breath of the Zepl1yrs is murmuring soft in the tree-tops, Here Ьу tl1is \Vl1ispering pine, stay with thy face to the breeze. Stay till my waters tlшt ЬаЬЬ!е and Ыend with tl1e note of tl1e Pan's-pipe Lul l tl1ee to rest and disti l l drowsiness over thine eyes.

Tl1e followiпg оп Aristopl1anes, wl1ether gе1шiпе or 110t, m ay at least remind нs of tl1e deep affinity bet\veen the two greatest masters of all tl1e resources of the Greek language, апd may symbolize tl1e tшdoub ted iпflueпce of Aristophanes uроп Plato : The Graccs seeking for а sl1rine wl10se charm should never cease Found 011е tlшt ne'er sl1all fall, the soul of Aristopha11es.

меnех. 240 л-с

Laws б9в C D

The exquisite epigram оп the Euboean captives of the Persian wars buried far from the Hellenic seas in tl1e burning sa11ds of Ecbatana may Ье associ ated witl1 the legend of Plato's easter11 travels, or, more critically, with the passages of the Menexenus and the Laws \vhich testify to 11is interest in their fate : Far froш tl1e billows Aegea11 that boom on tl1e sl10re of Euboea Dead we lie i n the wide waste of Ecbataпa's plaiп. Farewell, home of our fathers, Eretria, neigl1boring Athens, Fare tl1ee \vell, farewell, waves of the sea tlшt we loved.

Diog. L. ПI. б See Index, s.v.

Gorg. 447 В ff. Apol. 2 0 Е-2 1 А 1 53 в

1 73 D 38 В 7

II7 D

At the age of twenty Plato is said to !1ave met Socrates. Не is reported to h ave 'Ъeard" him, to have been his disciple for tl1e remaining seven or eigl1 t years of tl1e sage's life. How mucl1 that meaпt, we сап only diviпe. Plato was ап aristocratic youпg Atl1e11ian wi tl1 тапу calls uроп his time. Не was no Boswell. Апd it is not likely that he followed Socrates about like the im­ petuous eпtlшsiast Cl1ae1·epl1011 who appears as his insepa1·aЬle compaпion in the G01-gias, who asked the oracle if any mап was wiser thaп Socrates, апd who rushes to greet him when he cnters the gymпasium in the Charmides; or the "mad" Apollodorus who in the Symposium iп aпticipation of tl1e paracioxes of tl1e Stoics thinks all men шiseraЫe wretches except the one sage, who iп the Apology offers himself wi tl1 Plato апd Crito as j oiпt surety, and wlю in the last scene of the Phaedo Ьу sobbing апd wailiпg breaks down tl1e nerves and tl1e composure of all preseпt except Socrates himself.

ТНЕ LIFE OF PLATO

Athens was Ьу modern staпdards а small апd gossipy ci ty. Plato would lшve had abundan t opporttшity to observe the pi­ quan t coпtrast between the strange uncouth figure, tl1e Sileпus­ mask, the bai·efoot begging chatterbox, the butt of Attic come­ dy, and the magic of the man's words, his power to deal with bls interlocutors as he pleased, and to compel everyoпe who ap­ proached him to render ап accoun t of his soul a11d view his opinio11s in the light of reason ; his ability to iпvеп t Egyptiaп or any other tales ; the lюmely phrase and low im ages Ьу wblc\1 he illustrated hig\1 thoughts ; the quai11t evasive oatl1, "Ву the dog" ; the iroпy that епаЫеd him to mingle with tl1e world yet not Ье of i t, the feigпed defective memory tl1at int1·odпced the demaпd for dialectic in place of the loпg speecl1es of rhetoric, tl1e professed ig110rance tl1at served to provoke j oi11 t iпquiry and that substitпted the plea "I ca1111ot" for the offeпsive moral superiority of "I will 110t," tl1e strange fi ts of abstraction which Plato always represents as abso1·ptio11 in consecutive thougl1t, the sudden bursts of moral eloque11ce that awed his heare1·s to silence and made them feel his words set off Ьу some superior power. "When I liste11 to Pericles or any otl1er orator of the day," says Alcibiades in the Symposium, " 1 say to myself, 'Не is а good speaker,' and tl1at is all. But when I listeп to Socrates, ту soul is stirred, my eyes fill with tears and I Ьlush for the trivialities on which I waste ту days. There is no11e like !1im." How much of this idealized protrai t is Dichtung and how much is Boswellian Walirheit we can n ever k11ow. Plato :шd Socrates, says Emerson, are the douЬle star which no telescope will ever completely distinguisl1 . Tl1at is not quite true. Plato is Plato as Homer is Homer and Sl1akespeare is Shakespea1·e, whatever their sources. B u t the ideal Socrates of the Platoпic dialogues and the l1ypothetical "Socrates of history" do co11sti­ tute а douЬle star whicl1 not even tl1e spectrum analysis of tl1e latest philology can ever resolve. J ust how mпch and what kind of stimulus the genius of Plato required for the embodiment of а11 ideal which is too good to Ъе quite true we can only co11j ec­ ture. Не had doubtless take11 part iп such typical gyшnasium scenes as he describes in the Chш·mides, Lysis, and Euthydemus. Не 11ad seen Socrates "pitted against tl1e famous Sophist from Ionia" a11d had heard him reduce his formidaЬle opponent " to

Symp. 2 1 5 АВ, 216 D Theaet. 143 Е Symp. 1 74 А, 220 В 6 Phaedr. 229 А On Apol. 1 9 ВС Symp. 221 в Symp. 2 1 3 Е 3, 2 1 6 АВ Theaet. 1 69 АВ, l бg С 5 Xen. Mem. I. 2. 14 On Laches 187 Е Phaedr. 275 В On Hipp. Maj . 288 D Lysis 2 п Е , Cratyl. 4 п В Rep. 399 Е, 567 D , etc. Rep. 337 А, Symp. 2 1 6 Е Apol. 38 А, Gorg. 489 DE On Ion 53 9 Е On Hipp. Min. 373 А On Charm. 1 58 D On Phaedo 63 Е On Symp. 1 74 D On M eno 86 В

2 1 5 DE

20

contradiction in terms," and what the besieged and sorely tried Athe11s of 407-401 may h ave lacked 11е could learn from the conversatio11 of" his elders who recalled the glories of the age of Pericles and remembered the visits of Parmenides, Gorgias, Protagoras, Hippias, and Prodicus and their i11tellectual jousts i11 tl1e salon of Callias, the son of the rich Hipponicus, or else­ where. Не had doub tless, like the уош1g lads in the Laches, !1eard mucl1 talk of Socrates and talked much himself. Like Cl1armidcs, he may have seen him and heard him talk in tl1e house of frie11ds or relatives when he was himself а Ьоу, too young to Ье out in society. Like Theaetetus, he may have pнzzled over reports of the questions that Soc1·ates was in the !1аЬi t of asking a11d so learned that wonder is the beginning of philosophy. A11d like the youths to wlюm Socrates refers i11 tl1e Apology, after witnessing the discomfiture of experts and digпitaries Ьу the Socratic dialectic, he may h ave made himself а nuisance Ьу l1is attempt to imitate that uncomfortaЫe practice. But we have 11ow only the finished artistic result; we have 110 notes, memoranda, first drafts, or early letters to tell us how sнch masterpieces as the Symposium and Phaedo took: shape or even how such simpler dramatizations as tl1e Lysis, Laches, a11d Cliarmides were composed. Tl1e conversation of Socrates was open to all wlю cared to listen. Не took no рау for his instruction . Не did not, like the Sophists, нndertake " to educate men . " Не did not teach rheto­ ric like Gorgias or astronomy, mнsic, mathematics, and the art of memory like Hippias or the niceties of la11guage like Prodicus or the management of а house or of the state like Protagoras. Не did 110t profess to know or to teach anything. " 1 , " he says in the Theaetetus, "ат like the midwife, whose function 1 exer­ cise on the mi11ds of others, myself sterile. The comтon re­ proach tl1at 1 ask questio11s but declare 110 opinions of ту own is true. 1 ат 11ot wise or cunni11g and there is no discovery or inve11tio11 that is the offspring of ту soul . " His 011ly knowledge was his ow11 ig110rance. His only art was his aЬili ty to put ques­ tions that searched me11's souls, that stimulated and encouraged the shy tlюнghts of youtl1, that exposed the prete11sions of those who on the strength of some special knack or gift claiтed to possess universal or the supreme knowledge. His function, he а

Parmen. щ fI . Prot. 311 л on Laches 181 А ChВim. 15б А charm. 154 л в тьеа е t. 148 в тьеа еt. 155 D Apot. 23 с �'i;1\�зЬ� Phi Xen. M em. I. цo

Apol. 33 лв Eutliyph. з D en. M X c m . 1. 1. 10 ct. on%' ;j,� fu� оп

;::i.�� D

Hipp. fi;��· :;: � on Laches 197 D Prot. з18 Е-19 л Apol. 2o c ���c�es тьеаеt. 15о вс Cieitop���i>Ш� тьs-;,:; р� 5:0��5 ApoI. 2з АВ

Rep. 598 е-в

WHAT PLATO SAID

ТНЕ LIFE OF PLATO

2. 1

said, was that o f the physician who purged men's minds of their t"alse conceits ; it was that of the midwife who assisted in the de­ livery of their true and more considered thought. Не l1imself had no body of doctrine to impart. The opinions put i11 to his mouth Ьу Xenophon are obviously-except i11 so far as tl1ey reproduce commonplaces of Plato's minor dialoguesfor the most part eitl1er Xenophon's own opinions or those wl1ich Xenopho11 tl10ught would best defend the name and fame of Socrates agai11st the charges which his judges believed and against the calumniators of his memory after his death. The Platonic Socrates is no less obviously the embodimen t of Plato's ideal of the pl1ilosopher апd the mouthpiece of Plato's ideas. If Socrates had possessed а body of doctrines and а system of philosopl1Y with pri11ciples cohere11t and interdependent, he would have set it dow11 in writing. The of late much-advertised speculation that eve1·ything in Plato's writi11gs up to and including tl1e RepuЫic is Socratic involves the monstrous paradox tl1at the world's most affiuent and precise thinker never wrote а line and that tl1e writer who gave consummate expression to all tl1is wealth of thougl1t formulated no ideas of his own till he was past the age of fi fty. So gross а psychological improbability cannot Ъе taken seriously. And in spite of the courtesy of Bri tish and tl1e tiшidi ty of American reviewe1·s, i t has 110t been taken seriously Ьу шаnу competent scholars. In 1·espect of metl10d, both Xenopl10n and Plato seem to соп" firm Aristot 1 e , s statement th at t h ere are two t h шgs t h at may Ь е rigl1 tly atti-ibuted to Socrates, inductive argumen t and the qпest for definitions. The only substan tive pl1ilosopl1ical dogmas that we сап with any assurance attribute to Socrates are tl1e pri11ciples that по ma11 willingly does w1·ong, that virtue is k11owledge, апd that all wrongdoing апd error are ignorance, to V1•11ich we may possiЫy add that it is better to sпffer inj ustice tlщв to inflict it. These Socratic principles the piety of Plato always reaffirmed, Ьпt always as co11sciously edifying paradoxes sпbject to i11terpretatio11 a11d expla11ation . How far such interpretatio11s are covert criticisms of Socrates or mark the stages of Plato's gradual emaпcipation from Socratic limitations are questioпs wl1icl1 i11 tl1e lack of evidence may Ье left to tl1e speculatio11s of overingenious philologists.

Soph. 230 В-D, Gorg. 521 Е2В 313 Е

On Prot. Theaet. 150 В

ff.

Ar. Met. 1 078 Ь 27

Pы1., vr , c1ass. 362

on Laws 860 D хе: · Mem. ш. 9· Gorg. 473 Cf. infra, Р· 640

22

Gorg. 473 D ApoI. 35 вс Crito 4Nб ff. Pi�.:1e0d�0,�6 6D � ApoI. 30 CD, 41 D crito 4б В s

ct.onPhaed oбoA

Apo\. 3S A s

Gorg.471 Е, 475Е Soph. 228 с 1

\iVHAT PLATO SAID

But Socrates did not mean for Plato or for the nine subse­ queпt cen turies of Graeco-Roman civilization а system of phi ­ losopl1y to Ье learпed, elaborated, developed, corrected, and im­ proved. Не was а personality, а method, an inspiration, а moral and 1·eligious ideal. Our moral imagination is пnаЫе to coп­ ceive what more he could h ave been than the Socrates of tl1e A.pology, Crito, G01·gias, Symposium, апd Phaedo, and he may have Ьееп infinitely less. For tlJat Socrates is plaiпly а creatioп of Platoпic pl1ilosophy and idealiziпg Platoпic art of 'vhich we can affirm only tl1at the inspiration at least mпst h ave been autl1e11tic. Iп all things, says Epictetпs (I sшnmarize) , the life of Socrates is proposed to us as а pattern. When tempted or in doubt, ask yourself what Socrates would have done. Death is no evil, or else Socrates would have though t i t so. Не called death апd exile апd poverty hobgoЫins to frigl1ten childreп. Не j ested i п the coпrtroom, scorned to abase himself befo1·e 11is j udges, and refused to renounce his mission on the promise tl1at they woпld spare l1im. Не woпld not permit his wealthy friend to bribe his j aile1· and free him in violation of tl1e laws of 11is city. Не wrote hymns of praise iп prison and had а kind word for his executioпer at the last. For he was stroпg iп the faith that no harm can соте to а good man iп life or deatl1. And he had taпght himself to оЬеу one law only, the oracle of the higher reason in his breast. This kept him trпe to the mission which the gods had assigпed him, despite the threats of tyran ts апd the clamors of tl1e mob. This kept him true to himself while seeшingly all thiпgs to all men iп all the relations of life. This taugl1t l1im how to deal wisely and kindly with а scoldiпg wife like Xaпthippe, а liceпtioнs pupil like Alcibiades, and e11aЬled hiш always to briпg back to his home the couпtenance of un­ ruffied sereпity with which l1e we11t forth into the world. Thinking the ш1tested life 11ot worth living and deemiпg i t his special mission to help otl1ers to test their lives, he was perpetllally dis­ cussing right апd wroпg апd tl1e moral properties and scope of things. B ll t по debate ever agitated his spirit or drew from him ап unkind word. Не 11eeded no witness to the trпth of his words save the soul of the listeпer coпvinced in his оwп despite. For he knew that every soul is unwillingly deprived of truth. Two sayiпgs of his will а1·111 п s for every occasion of life and death :

ТНЕ LП'Е OF PLATO

23

"О Crito, if this Ье God's will so Ье it" ; апd agaiп, "Aпytus апd Crito 43 D 7 Meletus have power to slay me-but they caпnot do me l1arm. " Apol. 30 CD This Epictetan religion o f Socrates could Ъ е reconstructed i п I. 29 almost identical terms from Cicero o r Se11eca o r Plutarch . I t i s Cic.30, Tusc. IП. r 5 . De. or. r. 5 4 all derived from that fourfold Platoпic gospel of Socrates, tl1e G01-gias, the Apology, the Crito, апd the Phaedo. If history meaпs tl1e liviпg past, this Platoпic idealizatioп is the Socrates of 11ist01·y, tl1e only Socrates that \Ve shall ever know.

-

Plato's discipleship wi th Socrates, if we may call it that, lasted some seven years. The sto1·y of Socrates ' conde11111 ation Ьу а popular court of tЬе restored democracy iп 3 99, of his ironical defense before the j ury, of l1is refusal to evade tl1e laws of his couпtry Ьу allowing his friends to bri be his j ailer, of l1is last day in prison spen t in pl1ilosop!1ic discourse, is told опсе for all in the Platonic dialogнes, Apology, Crito, апd Phaedo. As Matthew Arnold says of Reп an's attempt to re-write tl1e story of the Gospels, whoever thiпks to tell it better is self-deluded. And in this case there are, apart from а few easily explaiпed divergeпces iп Xenophon, no coп tradictory versioпs of the story to Ье lшrmonized. That Plato has idealized it is рrоЬаЫе. How much, we can never know. The precise causes of Socrates' condemпatioп Ьу а democratic j ury must also remaiп а matter of opinion and fruitless cont1·oversy. The restored democracy was very sensitive, and he may have incurred suspicion because of his association \Vith Alcibiades, Critias and Cl1armides, mеп1bers of the revolutionary government of the Thirty, his praises of tl1e Spartan discipliпe, his satire, if i t is his and not Plato's, of democra tic license. His ш1settle111e11t of yoнtblul minds Ьу his questioning of estaЬlished institutions and ideas may have irritated some worthy citizens, and genнinely alarmed otЬers. Plato himself deprecates the premature engagement of youth in such debate, though he is careful to give an edifying tone to Socrates' own discussions with young and ingenuous minds. The attacks of Aristopl1anes in l1is Clouds are appareпtly motived Ьу somethiпg more tl1an the desire to raise а laugl1 at а fi gure that lent itself to caricature. Socrates \Vas for him а symbol of the new thought of the radical enlightenment, as

Cf. infra, рр. 46 r62 ff.

em.I.52 • r 2 Xen. MBusir. Isoc. crito 52 в 5 Rep. 5 62 -65 xcn. ме m . r. 2. 9 5 1 7 Е ff. , Rep. 53 В С

9

Lysis 207 D ff. Euthyd. 2 77 D282 D 288 D-2 9 0 D Frogs r 4 9 r

·

WHAT PLATO SAID

Euri p ides of its new literature. In tl1is sense Socrates \vas а corrupter of youth. As Browning p uts i t : Sokrates ? No, but that pernicious seed Of sopliists wl1ereby hopeful youth is taught То j abber argument, chop logic, pore On sun and moon and worship whirligig.

The charge of irreligion would not Ье taken seriously Ьу the majority, but may well have turned tl1e vote of some " fu11da­ mentalist" j urors. But it was рrоЬаЫу, if Plato's account is to Аро!. 36 D, 38 А Ье trusted, tl1e defi an t atti tude of Socrates himself tl1at шаdе the small шaj ority of the j ury feel that he had left them 110 choice but to assess the death p e11alty. Even t}1e11 we шау sur­ mise tl1at they did not expect the se11tence to Ье executed, but Crito 44 ВС ff. , believed that Socrates' influential friends would co11trive his Cf.А-С, 45 Ph.�cdo 98 С--99 А escape. No such refinements of historic doubt can 1·emove Soc­ rates from the pedestal \Vhere Plato's genius has placed him as On Apol. 42 tl1e first great martyr of intellectual liberty, or as шodern radi­ cals na"ively repeat, the victim of the aristocrats. That l1is deatl1 marked а crisis in Plato's li fe a11d in his feeli11gs toward Atheпs and Atl1e11ian politics is in itself рrоЬаЫе a11d is co11firmed Ьу the tone of the dpology, Crito, a11d Phaedo; the temper of the Gorgias; a11d hints in the Мепо and RepuЫic. But the attem pt Infra, р. 146 to determi11e Ьу this general probability the order a11d specific motives of either Plato's wri tings or his travels belo11gs to the domain of co11jectural and se11timental Ьiography. The Phaedo states that Plato was absen t 011 the last day be­ 78 А cause of ill11ess. Socrates l1imself there advises the discouraged disciples to travel in search of wisdom. A11d tl1is, the cessation of the Pelopon11esian War, a11d perhaps а desire to escape from Athe11s sufficie11tly ассош1 t for the assign111e11t of Plato's ff/an­ derjahre to the years immediately following Soc1·ates' death. The story of Plato's travels is а Ыend of the anecdotes of а Diog. L. m. б--7 Zeller 402-14 contradictory Ьiographical tradition and our still more u11cer­ Ritter I. 8 6 ff. 93 tai11 inferences from allusions in his writings. Plato was а schol­ ar like Virgil and an experiencing natш·e like Shakespeare. We know that he assimilated all the poetic and philosophic cнlture of the Hellenic past in "а synthesis without parallel before or

59 В IO

ТНЕ LIFE OF PLATO

since." Athens was the commercial centre as well as the in tel­ lectпal focпs of the Greek world. We may assпme that Plato knew wlшt Athens knew of Greece, greater Greece, and the en­ compassing barbarians, whether he learned it from Herodotпs and other reading, from travelers' tales in the Peiraeus, or from aпtopsy. Впt there is nothing in his wri tings that enaЬles us to say with assuraпce, "Plato must have seen this. " Sl1akespeare рrоЬаЫу never saw the l taly of Romeo and Juliet and the Mer­ chant oj Venice, Taine (Lije and Letters [trans.] , р. 8 5 ) boasts that l1e had accurately described the Landes without 11aving see11 tl1e111, Prescott never saw Mexico, and there is no l ack of examples of modern novelists who lay their sce11es convincingly in laпds that they have never visited, of stay-at-home poets like Wordswortl1 a11d Tennyson, who described tropical scenery пюrе vividly tl1a11 eyewitnesses, of historians who, like Grote, co11st1·uct а sпfficieпt topography of their battles and campaigns f1·om books and maps, of eloquent Ruskins who have never seen Greece but lшve written the most inspiring, if not always tl1e most exact, descriptions of Arcadia and the vale of Sparta be­ neatl1 the mighty bar of Ta ygetus. We kпow that Plato visi ted Southern l taly and Sicily more tha11 опсе. 1 t is possiЫe, perhaps рrоЬаЫе, that he traveled in Egypt, апd it is permissiЫe to fancy that he was acquain ted witl1 some of the Greek ci ties of the coast of Asia Minor. But we сашюt affirm that he "must" have seen swarms of Egyptian childreп learniпg mathematics in their games Ьу the method of pl ay, tl1at l1e must have learned the story of King Thamous and tl1e шos t iпgenioпs iпveпtor of letters Theuth at Aegyptian Thebes, tlшt !1е must have observed on Egyptian soil the hieratic реrшаnепсе of Egyptian art which gave him confideпce to assert iп his Laws that conservative legislation can stem the tides of с!шпgе and fashion and fix once for all the types of а wl10lesome апd beneficent art, or tl1at he could not, unless he !1 ad l1imself gazed with awe 011 the Sphiпx and the pyramids, represeп t !1is Egyptian priest as saying to Solon, "О Solon, Solon, you Greeks are always children ! " Не could well have wгitteп tl1ese 'voгds ut1der the inspi1·ation of Herodotus' malicioнs story of how when Hecataeus boasted of an ancestry of sixtee11 generatioпs, the Egyptiaп priest co11ducted him to an

La ws s19 л ff . Phaedr. 2

74 с ff.

Lабs; � 67�;лв .

Tim . 2 2 в нcrod. п. 143 тьеа еt. 174 Е 6

26

Po!it. 264 с Laws 6з7 В Theaet. 179 Е Laws 625 АВ Rep. 565 D

Diog. L. rn. 6

WHAT PLATO SAID

imposing temple and showed him the array of 345 colossal stat­ ues, the successio11 of his nоЫе aвcestors from father to son. We canпot say that he must have observed with 11is own eyes tl1e shepherding of huge flocks or herds of geese iв Thessaly, that he must have seen the en tire city drunk at Taren tum, that he must have heard with his оwп ears the patte1· апd the con­ tentiousness of the energume11s of the most adva11ced sect of Heraclitea11 flowiпg pl1ilosopl1ers at Ephesus, that !1е must have measнred witl1 his own feet the long summer's day walk from Cnossus iп Crete to the cave of ldaean Zeus, tlшt he must have heard 011 the spot the legend of human sacrifice in the mountai11s of Arcadia. Still less can we infer from far-fetcl1ed a11d faпciful analogies with orieп tal pantheisms a11d mysticisms that he must have inbibed the wisdom of the East at i ts Persian or lndia11 soнrces.

After the death of Socrates the tradition 1·eprese11 ts Plato as retii-ing to Megara, tl1e lюme of tl1e foш1de1·s of tl1e so-called Megaria11 sclюol of pl1ilosophy, Terpsion апd Euclides, who are Phaedo 59 с men tioned as among those preseп t 011 the last da у. The Mega­ Inrra, р. 449 riaп school was especially iюted for the inge1шity of the logical puzzles or fallacies which it p1·opounded if it did not solve. The "Buckle-bewitched" fa11cy of tl1e brilli an t but overin­ genious historiaп of Greek philosophy, Gomperz, attributes this tendency to the climate and situ ation of Megara. Не quaintly says (11, 172-73) : "lt was the 11atural desti11y of Megara . . . . to become the cen tre of the opposition to tl1e systems which came from Athe11s . . . . . Thus the spirit of criticism throve and grew strong i11 the bracing higbland air of the little Dorian set­ tlemen t." cr. inrra, р. 572 The Tlieaetetus which, though its mai11 purpose is psychological, p1·esen ts many specime11s of sнbtle or dramatically sophistic dialectical reaso11ing, is tlюught to Ье dedicated to Euclides Ьу its dramatic l11troduction, i11 wl1ich Euclides, who 11as Ьее11 es­ cortiпg the wounded Theaetetus on his way to Athe11s, explains to Terpsion how he collected апd wrote dowп the 110tes of the Socratic conversation which constitutes tl1e main body of the dialogue. Though the Theaetetus as а whole has much more hu­ man a11d li terary in terest, it is associated with tl1e comparative-

ТНЕ LI FE OF PLATO

'27

ly arid dialectical dialogues, the Sophist, Politicus, and Pш·­ menides, Ьу the passages of similarly hairsplitting reasoвing

which it contains. And so Stallbaum and many ni11eteenth-ce11tury successors assigв tl1is group of dialectical dialogнes to а sнpposed " Megarian period" of Plato's philosophy in which the proЬlems of logic and mere metaphysics engaged his atteв tion before, and not, as now believed, after the composi tioв of tl1e RepuЫic and the otl1er artistic masterpieces of Plato's middle period. This psyclюl ogically improbaЬle fancy is воw, as we shall see, generally rej ected, thoнgh Zeller believed in it with reservations till the end. From the point of view of tl1e uвity of Plato's thought, it makes little differeвce, since the RepuЫic and the Pl1aedrus coвtain more than the germs of the ideas and methods of these di alectical dialogues. I t is рrоЬаЫе e11ougl1 that Plato withdrew to Megara for а time and tliat l1is tl10нgl1t was i11fluenced Ьу his frieвd авd co-disciple Euclides, but tl1e exteвt of tl1e iвflueвce авd the attempt to rel1abilitate the Megariaвs Ьу the discovery of profouвd philosopl1ical mea11i11gs iв the puzzles attribнted to them are pure co11j ecture, нвsнpported Ьу coвvincing evidence. We l1ave во mea11s of knowing how long or contiвuously Plato resided in Mega1·a or how mнch of the next eleven or twelve years was occupied Ьу his travels. I t is of course more than improbaЬle tli at he was contiвuously absen t from Athens so long. A11d his service i11 the Corin thiaв War would Ье explicit evidence of the contrary. If \Ve assшne Plato's !Fanderjahre to l1ave e11ded with his 1·e­ tнr11 to A the11s at the age of forty in 3 87 ( ?) , there remain for him forty years of life, t'veвty of full maturity and tweв ty of app1·oacl1i11g or real ized old age, which m ay Ье thougl1 t of as begi1111ing with his secoпd visit to Syracuse iп 367. Duriпg the first twenty years we m ay suppose him to h ave watched wi th tl1e mixed feelings of а conservative yet ап idealistic reformer the decade11 t politics of decliпing Athens ; to l1ave estaЬlisl1ed and developed his school, the so-called Academy; to liave com­ posed the RepuЫic and many of his artistic masterpieces such as the Phaedo, the Symposium, the Phaedrus, and tl1e Theaete­ tus; to have entered into relations with or formed his opiпioпs of

1n rra , рр.

Infra ,

59o lf.

р. бо4

unity, p. 5 1 , n . 3 7 7

Ritter 1. s 2

J,oeb, Rep. I, р. xxxix

28

WHAT PLATO SAID

his chief literary contemporaries, Democritus, Lysias, Isocrates Xenophon, and Antisthenes. Plato's political philosophy will Ье dedнced from 01· associ­ ated with the RepuЬ!ic, the Politicus, and the Laws iп the notes to those dialogues апd in subseqнeпt technical studies. The Infra, р. 146 passioпate, unsparing condemnatioпs of the G01-gias, whose date is doubtful, express the still unappeased emЬitterment of Plato's soul Ьу the j нdicial mнrder of Socrates, and also the reactioп against fifth-century Periclean imperialism whicl1 Plato sl1a1·ed Infra , р. 146 with most tl10ughtful conservative Athenians of the first half of the fourth century and which even tl1e orators who poiпt with pride to "yon Propylaea" and " that Partl1enon" ackno\vl­ edge Ьу tl1e admissioп of decadeпce. The Menexenus (са. 386) has Ьееп faпcifully iпterp1·eted as an apology f01· the co11dem11atio11 of Atheпian statesmen iп the Gorgias and an attempt to coпciliate puЬlic opiпion Ьу the re­ turned traveler who was about to open а school апd who >vas amЬitious of taking an active part in Athenian poli tics. That Lоеь , � ·0:�Р· philosophical and educational romance, the RepuЬ!ic, has been still more fantastically taken as а program or platform of re­ form and а Ьid fo1· leadership.

c1oud s 1oos

c1ouds 1008

We do not know tl1e precise date of the estaЬ!ishment of the Academy or the stages Ьу which it developed into а more or less formal school of philosophy and science. We сап only di­ vine Plato's motives, and it is idle to conj ecture whicl1, if any, of the dialogнes was intended to prepare рнЫiс opinion for it or to set fortl1 its " program." Tl1e mythical hero, Academus, gave his name to а preciпct and grove where at the date of Aristophanes' Clouds tl1ere seems to have been а gymnasiнm, or at least ап exercisiпg groнnd dedicated according to one tradition Ьу Cimon. Aris­ tophanes' contrast of the wholesome yoнtl1s who raced witl1 their temperate fellows wl1ere the рlапе tree wl1ispe1·s to tl1e elm, instead of wastiпg their time and growiпg pale iп vaiп dis­ pнtatio11s with Socrates, is а siпgнlar coп tradiction of the asso­ ciatioпs whicl1 Plato's п ате has linked for all time with the olive groves of Academe. Plato was said to l1ave taнgh t in the Academy as Antistheпes in the Cynosarges and Aristotle iп the

ТНЕ LIFE OF PLATO

Lyceum. After his return from Sicily he is said to h ave bough t а garden i n the immediate neighborhood and in course of time to h ave equipped i t with а mouseion or shrine of the Muses, a11d walks and seats for open-air lectures and discussions. This is the Academy that has given i ts n ame to tl1e long line of similar institutions derived from it. lt passed Ьу inheritance to Plato's successor in the school, Speusippus, and is reported as still belonging to the school nine centuries later. Ву what legal process, if any, this continuity was maintained or renewed we сап only co11j ecture. The property may h ave been consecrated as а temple of the Muses, and the possession of а thiasos or sa­ cred associ ation for their worship. The traditioп tells of gifts for i ts support iп Plato's lifetime and after, and of endowments апd of lectureships there. Cicero relates tl1at after l1earing а lecture of Antiochus i n the morniпg at the Ptolem aeum, he, wi th l1is brother апd his friend Atticus, walked out in tl1e afternoon to the Academy, which was deserted at that time of day. ln the solitude they could almost fancy that they saw Pl ato himself in his adj oini11g garden. The place, three quarters of а mile northwest of Athens, is in i ts barrenness disappoin ti11g to the modern tourist who brings to it memories of the beat1tiful li11es of Aristophanes and the glorious chorus of Sophocles in praise of the neighboring precinct of Colonus. Modern imagiпation has tried to reconstruct the life of the Academy witl1 the aid of the later tradition, one or two references in the Plato11ic letters, and the idealization of the fellowship of tl1e philosophic life in the Platonic dialogues. We hear of lectures, conversation, banquets, and rules to regulate their conviviality. The tradi tion of the neo-Platonists, the Christiaп Fathers, a11d the preachers of the Middle Ages that Plato intentio11ally chose а11 unhealthy and malarial site for his school in order to subdue the flesh is not appreciaЫy more fantastic tha11 those comЬinations of modern philology which from the fact that the worship of Prometheus was estaЬlishea in the пeighborhood infer tl1at Prometheus in the Protagoras and throughout the dialogues is а symbol of the Academy in its conflicts with the супiс Hercules represented Ьу tl1e Cynosarges. Somewhat less fanciful are the better-fouпded conj ectures of modern scholarship with regard to the n ature of Plato's teach-

D e fin. v. r

oed. со1. 668 ff.

з20 D ff .

30 Infra, рр. 32 ff.

Rep. 52 1 С ff.

Rep. 532 ff.

Оп Phaedr. 27 5 D ff.

ZeUer 439

Infra, р. 587 Infra, р. 3 17

lnfra, рр. 294-g5

Infra, р. 296

WНАТ PLATO SAID

ing in the Academy. Like the "school" of Isocrates, estaЬlished perhaps а year or two earlier, the Academy met in а more serious and systematic way than the i tinerant Sopl1ists the need for а higher education suppleme11 tary to the old Greek education in music and gymnastics. We m ay suppose the method and con­ ten t of Plato's teaching to l1ave bor11e some resemЬlance to tl1e educatio11 which he prescribes for the guardians of his RcpuЬ!ic. Tl1ere would Ье the preparatory discipline of the mathematical sciences to Ье followed up and crowned Ьу serious discussion and debate of ethical, poli tical, social, and metapl1ysical prob­ lems. There were doub tless many modi:fications in practice of the rigidity of such а scl1eme. ln spite of Plato's disparagement of the written word, there was of course much use of books and of contemporary and earlier literature. We hear of occasioпal lectures Ьу Plato himself, and of one especially famous lecture 011 the " Good." We may fancy, if we please, that tl1ere were dis­ pн tations conducted in the manner of the Middle Ages witl1 Pl ato or some elder studen t as presiding arbiter. We may see in the Pш·mcnidcs а lesson in logic devised Ьу Plato to exercise the wit of his students. The Philcbus тау Ье in terpreted as the re­ port of а discussion guided Ьу Plato to determiпe а con troversy tlшt h ad arisen within the school. We m ay coпj ecture tl1at the i11 terest in methods of classi:fication displayed in tl1e Sophist апd the Politicus found i ts reflectio11 i n the exercises of the school . We may presume that mo1·e advanced s tudeпts like Aristotle and visitors like Eudoxus took part in the instruction and were regarded Ьу Plato rather as associates in the common pursuit of trнth than as mere pupils. From this poin t of view the Асаdешу of Plato's later years may Ъе and h as been described as the earli­ est organizatioп of scienti:fic research and anticipatioп of the sclюols of Alexandria. This view of tl1e Academy has in turп been deпied Ьу scholars wlю are hostile to Plato or who desire to m aintaiп а differeп t tl1esis. Plato, they argue, was а dreamer, ап idealist, апd а metaphysician апd never attaiпed to Aris­ totle's serious i11 terest iп scien tific fact and experimeп t. The po­ etic fancies of the Timacus and the applicatioпs of diclюtomy to biological classification in the Sophist апd the anecdotes of his direction of the mathematical s tudies of specialists are too slight а basis, they say, to estaЫish the claim of the Academy

ТНЕ LIFE OF PLATO

31

to rank as а real school of science. Lack of evidence and the uncertainty of the definition of science make this controversy а logomachy. Plato was undoubtedly an artist and а thinker rather than technically а s tude11 t of science. But the educatio11 which he prescribed for his guardians, his in terest in шatheшatics, and tl1e studies which such а work as the Timaeus шust h ave required are, as we shall see, а sufficien t refutation of tl1e prej udice that proclaims Plato the antithesis of tl1e scien tific spirit.

Rep. s 2 1 tf .

As head of the Academy and author of а succession of brillia11 t works Plato must have been known t o and h ave k110\vn tl1e leading writers and thinkers of his day. But our k11owledge of his relations wi tl1 them is limited to what we can i11fer from tl1eir and l1is works. Tl1e allusions to the Academy i11 the fragments of the Middle a11d New Comedy have repeatedly Ьееп collected. Democritus, perhaps the most eminent of Plato's con temporaries, and tl1e a11 ti tl1esis of Plato iп philosopl1y, is пever meпtioпed Ьу Plato, апd is extan t опlу in fragments. TJ1e relation of Plato's thought to his is glanced at in the notes on tl1e Timaeus and will Ье more fully considered elsewl1ere. A t this poiп t а few words on Lysias, Isocrates, Xenophon, and Antistheпes will suffice.

see Ind ex, s

The orator Lysias had few general ideas, апd could interest Plato only as а prominent wri ter апd teacl1er during the years of Plato's early manlюod. Later cri tics commeпded tl1e purity of his Attic prose style, i ts frecdom f1·om overbold metaplюr and unusual or poetical words, апd con trasted unfavoraЫy in these respects the exuberance of the dithyrambic or mimetic passages of Plato who drew on all the resoшces of the Greek language and employed апу word or turn of phrase tl1at sui ted his pur­ pose a11d mood. Tl1ey also took note of Lysias' portrayal of character, his ёthos as they termed i t, his skill in puttiпg into tl1e moutl1 of his clien ts speeches that would seem to an Atl1enian j ury the n atural expression of their personalities and honest sentiments. Quite fanciful is the modern notion that Plato's banishment of mimetic poetry from his ideal s tate would require him in consistency to disapprove of Lysias on this account. But

Infra, р. 6 1 7

32

Infra, рр. 1 9 9 , 204 Infra, рр. 1 85 ff.

Рсасс 4 1 ff., 75 ff. Лrсор. 24 ff., 29 ff., 39-49 Arcop 15 ff. Areop. 46- 5 1 Antid. 285-87 Infra , р. 346 On Gor�. 461 С G org. 5 1 7 В ff., 5IQ А Phi l . 1 4 6 , Реасе 3 7, 94-1 0 1 , 7 9 ff.

Рсасе

1 2 1 -3 1

G org. 503 С ff., 515 D ff. , 517 В

Rep. 496 D On Apol. 3 1 С ff.

Isoc. Phi l . 8 1 - 8 2 Antid . 1 50 - 5 1 Panath. 9 - 1 1 Isoc. pas.:;im and B u s . 1 9 w:th Rep. 495 C D

! з о с . N i c . 30, 4 4 , H e l . 5 4 , So p\1. 1 6 , and passtm Isoc. Soph. passim

WHAT PLATO SAID

he was entirely willing to parody and satirize the Philistine banali ty and poverty of ideas of the successful lawyer and popu­ lar logograph. This he does in the Phaedrus, рrоЬаЫу written soon after Lysias' death, and later than the first book of tl1e RepuЫic of which the scene is laid in the house of Lysias' more philosophic brother, Polemarchlls. How he does this is told i n our analysis of the Phaedrus. PossiЫe references t o epideictic writings of "Lysias" may Ье found in the Menexenus. Isocrates was about ten years Plato's senior a11d survived liim nearly ten years. They lived side Ьу side in foшth-cen tury Atl1ens as rival writers and heads of competing schools for fifty or forty years. They of course knew each other, and of course their writings contai11 many passages which may Ье interpreted as allusions, plagiarisms, or coincidences. They were botl1 mod­ era te conservatives, both idealized the good old times and the constitution of the Fathers. But Plato left their date l1ndefi11ed, while Isocrates assig11ed tl1em to the generation that repelled the Persia11 invasion. Both deplored and satirized the relaxed morals of the younger generatio11. But Plato associated this de­ ge11eracy with far-reaching philosophies of negation. Both dep­ recated an imperialistic policy for Athens, but Isocrates l ate i n life апd perhaps mainly in imitatio11 of Plato. Both were severe critics of the new radical democracy, tl1e "last" democracy of Aristotle, апd i ts politicians. But Isocrates dates it f1·om the post-Periclean demagogties, while Plato traces licentious poli­ tics and imperialisш i11 principle back to Pericles and Themisto­ cles, though he admits that tl1ey were аЫеr men than the politi­ cians of his day. Both while celebrating the superiority of the qпiet intellectual life were perhaps а little envious of the prom­ inence апd power of the practical politician апd the successful teacher of rhetoric and writer for the courts. And botl1 apolo­ gized explicitly or Ьу implication for their own abstinence from practical affairs апd their political incapacity. Botl1 praiscd something that they called "philosophy" above all otl1er pur­ sllits, and deplored i ts low estimate among the m aj ority of mankind. Both had а doctrine of what they called "ideas. " Both coпtrasted unfavoraЬly the methods, the professions, and the teachings of tl1e Sopl1ists with their own, and tried to sl10w that the subj ects taught in their schools tended to develop the

ТНЕ LIFE OF PLATO

33

whole m an, both mind and character. Both were led Ьу their criticism of contemporary life and politics to general reflectio11s on the philosophy and history of Greek civilizatio11 . Both agree in the expression of many commo11places of Greek reflec­ tio11 a11d curren t ideas of their own day. То sum it up in modern and Victorian terms, we m ay conceive Isoc1·ates as а less learned and less robust Macaulay who neglected the paragraph and wrote long sentences ; Plato is а combi11 ation of Arnold, Mill, M artineau, Renan, and Ruskin-plus genius. Tl1ese re­ semЬlances are of course subj ect to mапу qпalificatioпs. V..Ъ еп two say the same thing it is not the same. Plato speaks from а higher intellectual апd, whatever his personal character may l1ave Ьееп, а more ideal moral plane than Isocrates, who eve11 when he tries to edify perpetually slips back i11 to the moral vпl­ garity of а coпsciously utilitaria11 ethics. Plato's genius, his imaginatioп, tl1e iпtensity of his ethical feeling, his philosophic range апd subtlety, impart а distiпctly differe11 t tone and color­ ing even to commo11places. And his philosophy proper is quite beyond Isocrates' reach and comprehension. For this very 1·ea­ son Isocrates pe1·haps appeals to those minds that, from Aristotle dowп, find Plato's idealism overstraiпed апd his metapl1Ysics unmeaning or oversubtle. Isocrates never mentioпs Plato Ьу n ame. There is 011е ex­ plicit mentio11 of Isocrates Ьу Plato, the well-known passage at the e11 d of the Phaedrus. Tl1ere, after recom111 e 11di11g to Lysias tl1e lesson of the dialogпe, that philosophy and dialectics are in­ dispensaЬle to the tl1i11ker and the writer, Socrates is sпmmoned Ьу Phaedrus to give him а message for the fair Isocrates. Socrates, wl10 is here, as Cicero points out, tl1e moпthpiece of Plato's vaticinium ех eventu, declares that Isocrates surpasses Lysias iп natural talerit and in а certain noЬility of temper, a11d that as time goes 011 he will m ake other writers in the field which now occupies him look like cl1ildren and may еvеп Ье led Ьу sоше divine impulse to higher things, for there is а certaiп philosopl1y i11 his nature. At the dramatic date of the dialogue whe11 Socrates could converse with Phaedrus, Isocrates was still yoпng. But if tl1e Phaedrus, as now generally believed, was writteп about 3 80 or somewhat later, Isocrates was fifty-six or fiftyseven years old when Plato condescendingly, or, i t might Ье

orator 13 • (42>

34

orator 13. с42 ) тusc. 1 . 1 7 . (39)

Diog. L. ш . в

Gorg. 463 л 1 Unity, n. s96 Soph. 1 7 Pltaedr. 276 А 7-8 Paneg. 8 Rep. 498 DE

Infra, РР· 1 67-68

WHAT PLATO SAID

argued, ironically, bade him cultivate his philosophic vein, per­ haps in compliment to his recently puЬlished Pamgyricus, per­ haps with а touch of satire on his use of "philosopl1y," perhaps in partial agreement with his "Against tl1e Sophists." However that m ay Ье, Cicero regards the passage as an expressio11 of Plato's sincere and defi11itive opinion. Cicero had learned from lsocrates many of the secrets of the ample, slightly florid, peri­ odic, rhythmic prose which he transmitted to Bossuet and Burke and the modern world. And in reply to those critics of 11is day who, calling themselves Atticists, disparaged tl1is style as Asiatic, Cicero replies in а formula which he elsewhere uses of Plato's faith in immortality, that i f his admiration for Isocrates is an error he prefers to err with Plato. There is in fact no evidence of hostility between Plato and Isocrates, but there is а11 a11ecdote of а f1·iendly conversatio11 on poetry at а villa outside of Athens. But f1·ieпds 01· frieпdly ac­ quain tances who on the whole respect опе aпothe1· тау Ье pro­ voked Ьу rivalry or fundamental differeпces of opiпion and taste to occasional sharp expressions of disseп t. Iп the Gorgias Plato wittily parodies а phrase that occurs iп Isocrates' tract against the Sophists, a11d the Pliaedrus i tself parodies а seп tence of the Panegyricus, and а notaЬle se11 te11ce of the RepuЫic clothes а reply to skeptical critics of the ideal state in tl1e dress of an elaborate parody of tl1e Gorgian and Isocratean figures of parisosis and paromoiosis. Such piпpricks need not imply en­ mity. Matthew Arnold was not an епеmу of Frede1·ick Harrisoп when he parodied witl1 damnaЬle iteration Harrison's demand for а pl1ilosophy with principles coherent апd interdependen t. Не did not hate Herbert Spencer when he wittily j uxtaposed Spencer's ponderous definition of evolution with Homer's little saying, "wide is the range of words," or the Bishop Wilber­ force when he held up to iпcessant ridicule а proposal to do something for the Godhead of the Etern al Son. More serious is the apparen t retort to Isocratean criticism at the end of tl1e Euthydemus. There an anonymous critic whose description and language suggest Isocrates, and who had censured Socrates for deigning to debate with eristic mountebanks, is condescendingly approved as one who does tl1e best he can but is Ьidden to know his place. Не is an ineffective intermediate and compromise Ъе-

ТНЕ LIFE OF PLATO

35

tween the philosopher and the statesman and inferior to both. If tl1ere was ever any Ьitterness of feeling between Isocrates and Plato, it рrоЬаЫу found lodgmen t in the inferior or, at any rate, more commonplace mind of lsocrates, who m ay have felt the condescensions of Plato hard to bear, and may have been envious of tl1e immense prestige won Ьу such masterpieces as the Gorgias and the RepuЫic. At any rate, there are m any passages in Isocrates' writings which m ay Ье used to illustrate his personal feelings about his greater rival, without pressing them in to the service of an у theory of the chronology of the Platonic dialogues. The more obvious of these passages have repeatedly been collected. But there are m any others which bring out the essen tial opposition between two competing ideas of culture and methods of the higher education. There are also many passages in lsocrates that point to imitation or even plagi arism of Plato, and а few passages in Plato that seem to mark l1im as the debtor. Xenophon's lifetime 11early coincided with Plato's. Внt tl1eir experience of life had little in common except Xenoplюn's boy­ hood at1d his brief contact with Socrates. They were con trasted types : Plato the lifelong studen t, teacher, thinker, artist, ideal­ ist ; Xenoplюn the military adventurer in youth and later the exile, the country-gentleman, the hunter, the keeper of dogs and horses, tl1e aшateur author. His voluminous writings contain tl1e suggestioп at least of most ideas, apart from metaphysics апd technical scieпce, tl1at were curreпt iп Socratic circles and tl1e literature of Plato's time. Не was, like lsocrates, а common­ place but receptive mind, and like lsocrates m ay serve to illus­ trate the level of fourth-century thougl1t and the ideas curre11 t among Plato's пюrе intelligent contemporaries. Н е canпot have influeпced Plato much, if any. Не рrоЬаЫу wrote nothing be­ fore the уеа1· 394, at which time Plato had written рrоЬаЫу most of the minor di alogнes апd perhaps the P1·otag01·as, Мепо, and G01-gias. His Symposiшn is obviously later than Plato's and imitates it. Не often repeats, and in his MemoraЬilia and his Oeconomicus !1е puts into tl1e mouth of Socrates his own favori te ideas аЬонt discipliпe, hardihood, indнstry, thrift, temperance, the maпagement of men, knowing how to rule апd Ье ruled, and

36

'!.nw s 694 с

ci. Aic. 1. 1 2 1 А ff.

WНАТ PLATO SAID

other commonplaces of Greek ethics, politics, and the conduct of life. His Cy1·opaedia, or Edпcation and Life of the Perfect King, concluding with а discourse on the immo1·tality of the soul, was written long after the puЬlication of the RepuЫic and the Phaedo. Plato's remark in the Laws that Cyrus had no real edпcation may Ъе а contemptuous allusion to it. Plato may have looked the book over. Не would have found tl1ere little to his purpose except some imitations of himself a11d а co11ve11ient compe11dium of ma11y of Xe11opho11's favori te notions : about the art of ruli11g mеп, tl1e art of winning friends Ьу complai­ sance, gifts, tact, and otl1er devices ; the art of tl1e general, tactics and strategy, how to make war support i tself, how to wiп tl1e favor of the soldiers Ьу tact, good humor, democratic fellow­ ship, timely j ests, sharing their l abors and hardships a11d re­ membering their n ames ; how to enforce discipline and obedi­ ence, how to stimпlate their zeal Ьу praise, rivalry, contests, апd prizes ; the necessity of keeping fi t Ьу exercise, traiпing, hш1ting, worki11g off your food, and remembering that hпnger is the best sauce. As а fellow-disciple of Socrates he mпst have Ьееп kпоwп to Plato. His Socratic writiпgs borrow much from Plato. Не could поt possiЬly h ave remembered after so many years of cam­ paigning the conversations of Socrates that he claims to have heard and to report verbatim. It сап even Ье argued that he was wholly dependent upon the dialogues of Plato and other Socratics for all ideas except а few of his own favorite common­ places that he puts in the mouth of Socrates. The1·e is then 110 evideпce, and there is little probability that Plato was influenced Ьу Xenophon. Не may at the most have got some ideas from Xenoplюn аbou t the Persian Em pire and have looked over Hellenica I in preparation for the wri ting of the Menexenus. The fact that 11either Plato nor Xenophon men­ tions the other led to the surmise in antiquity tl1at they were un­ friendly and modern monographs h ave been wri tten on thei1· supposed enmity. There is no evidence for this unless we accept as suc\1 the rivalry implied in their both having wri tten Socratic discoпrses and apologies for Socrates, and both having described а symposiпm in which Socrates took part. There is an enormous and still growing li terature аЬопt tl1e

ТНЕ LIFE OF PLATO

37

Mem01·aЬilia, the Apology, and the Symposium of Xe110pho11,

ct. infra, р. 462

both in themselves and in their relation to Socrates апd Plato. The geпuineness of the Xenophontic //pology and the au thenti ci ty of its report of Socrates' words have been fruitful themes of coпtroversy. The MemoraЬilia has been analyzed iпto parts supposed to 11ave been writteп at different dates, апd its sources in con temporary or earlier literature l1ave been traced or coпjectured. It has been comЬiпed with arЬitrarily selected passages from the Platonic dialogues to construct а body of doctriпe and а system of philosophy for Socrates. АН the resources of philology l1ave been brought to bear on the question of priority between tl1e two symposia. Some of the parallels between tl1e wri tings of Xenophoп and the minor 01· Socratic dialogнes of Plato will Ье cited in tl1e пotes on the aпalyses of those di alogues. All we need to observe here is the broad probaЬility that Xenophon, not Plato, was the borrower. А fourth notaЬle coп temporary of Plato, Antisthenes, disciple of Socrates and Gorgias, author of many lost works, prominen t character in Xenophon's Symposium, teacher or Guru of Di­ ogenes, and so in а sense founder of tl1e so-called Cynic school, was undoubtedly а significant persoпage in tl1e in tellectual life of fourth-ceпtury Atl1e11s. We know him опlу from а few anec­ dotes and the 1 29 fragments collected in Miillach . Some schol­ ars think of him as tl1e founder of tl1e Cynic school ; others say Diogeпes was the founder ; and still others deny that tl1ere was any Супiс philosophy. In any case i t is uncritical to generalize guesses about Antisthenes' ideas Ьу referring them to the " Cy11ics." Не was of hшnЫе parentage and tl1e antithesis in tem­ peramen t апd education of the aristocratic, cultured, refined, апd polished Plato. Iп spite of his s tнdies with Gorgias, he seems to have Ьееп а somewhat rough, crude, uncultнred per­ soпage of the type that the Greeks characterized as "late learners," and is perhaps so designated Ьу Plato. His philosopl1f seems to have been in the maiп practical ethics with occasional sнbordi11ate or polemical excursions into other fields as logic or Homeric criticisш. Не represen ts one aspect of the Platonic Socrates, the frugality, the simple life, the hardiness, the endurance, the contempt for pleasure as such, the self-control. Не is

on

crat. 433 в

38

WHAT PLATO SAID

220 в the embodiment of the Socrates wlю went b arefoot in the snow, 32 of the Socrates of the anecdote who said at the fair, "How many things there are here tl1at I do not want." Мапу sayings in this sense are attributed to him. And some of the fragments an tici­ Infra, Р· 1з11 pate the later Stoic and Cynic exaggerations of the ethical para­ Diog. L. VI. 3 doxes of the Gorgias. The extreme instance i n this kiпd is "Let me Ъе mad rather than feel pleasure." Iп Xenophoп's Symp o­ xen. Symp34. ш.. 8• sium he divides the role of the J0 ester wi th Pbllippos and p1·oves 11 xen. symp. v himself the most rich because h e l1as the fewest wa11ts as Socrates proves himself most h andsome because his snub nose is more useful than а Grecian 110se. This again is 011ly ан exaggeration апd humorous development of а Platonic thoпght, the p1·ayer of Socrates at the close of the Phaedrus: "Мау I deem the wise man the rich ma11." Later moralists, as Epictetus апd Dio Chrysostomos, quote froш him many edifying seпtiments. There is no evidence of апу systematic ethical philosophy. Epic­ tetus qнotes l1im as approving tl1e stнdy of logic as а protection against fallacy. The statement that the beginning of education infra, р. 1 6 1 is the apprehension of the meanings of words may refer to the preacher's development or "improvement" of all the implica­ tions of moral terms апd not to the synonyms of а Prodicus or the definitions of а Socrates. А пumber of works are att1·ibuted to him whose titles seem to refer to qпestioпs of logic апd dialecAr. Met;:�:t ь tic. These works were apparently negative апd eristic. Aristot­ le explicitly attributes to him the doctrine that defi11i tio11s are 32 . Ar M et. 1024 ь mere verbiage, that contradiction is impossiЫe, and tl1at опlу ideпtical proposi tions are allowaЬle. Everythiпg l1as i ts own proper logos; а speaker either assigns that logos to а thing or he does not. If he does, there can Ье 110 error, if he does not, he is not speaking of the thing. There is 110 meeting of minds and tl1ere can Ье no contradiction. Plato has two or three con tempInfra, р. s10 tuous references to late learners who l1ave grow11 old repeating these and similar doctrines with great satisfaction to tl1em­ selves. Grote, as is his \Vont, assumes that Antisthenes pro­ pounded these paradoxes in order to draw attention to his in­ vestigation of serious pl1ilosophical proЬlems. Не offers no evi­ dence and there is none. There are, as was to Ье expected, а few ideas in the fragments which coincide with tl10ughts of Plato. There are several propositions a11d paradoxes which Plato emSymp.

Cic. тusc. v.

IV.

ct.

ТНЕ LIFE OF PLATO

39

phatically coпtradicts and to whic]1 he may or may not in tend а refe1·e11ce. On this basis ingeпious scholars, beginning \Vi th Scbl eiermacher, have erected а vast fabric of hypotheses about the relations of Plato and Antisthenes. Не is reported to have been angered Ьу Plato's refutation of him in an argument· апd to have retaliated Ьу а scurrilous and obscenely punning pam­ phlet. There are other anecdotes that testify to а distaste which we migl1t have assumed from the natпre of the two men. Plato is supposed to h ave retaliated more subtly Ьу covert disparag­ ing allusioпs. Diimmler and J oel and their emulators discover such allusions and aliases for Antisthenes throughout the dialogнes. A11tisthenes is of course the late learner of the Sophist wlю grows old affirming that predication is impossiЫe. Не is the sopl1istical mou11teba11k of the Euthydemus. Не is the wild etymologist of the Cratylus. Не is the Thracian Abigail of Tlieaet. 1 74 ff. Не is the aнthor of the interpretatioп of the mytl1 of Prometl1eus and Heracles parodied iп the myth of Plato's P1·otagoras. Не is the Protagoras of the Protagoras who, like Antistl1e11es, opposes hedonism . Antisthenes was apparently а 11omi11alist. Не admitted the qualified obj ect but not t]1e quality. Or, as а famous anecdote puts i t, he could see а man but coнld not see hшnanity. Here again Grote apologizes for him, and even compares him wi th Aristotle, since both rej ected the Platonic i deas. But, as I shall repeatedly argue throughout this work, the Platonic theory of ideas is both а metaphysical doctrine апd а practical affirmation of the necessity of acceptiпg and using geпeral апd abstract ideas апd words. The nominalism that rej ects the metapl1ysical doctrine is one thing, and the cruder nominalism of the half-educated in every age tl1at rej ects the indispensaЬle service to thought of abstractioп and generalization is aiюther. Plato is opposed to nominalism in both senses, but he is aware of the distinction . А similar coпsideration disposes of all attempted rehabilitations of Antisthenes' other logical paradoxes. They repudi ate i ndispensaЬle conventions and adj ustments and compromises of laпguage and thought, апd i t caпnot Ь е shown that they were intended to raise serious philosophical issues, though any fallacy or quip may Ье said to do th at. lt is not straпge that Plato grew impatient of them and spoke harshly of those w]ю used them to Ыосk the path of con-

soph. 251 в

rnrra, р . 1 з 1

ze11er 295

Infra, р. 574

Unity, p. 50

WНАТ PLATO SAID

structive tlюught. Antisthenes was also а student of rhetoric. Не is reputed to have said, "If а Ьоу is destined to live with gods, teach him pl1ilosoph y ; if with men, rhetoric." We have not enough evidence to determine the n ature of .tl1e rhet01·ic that he professed or taught. The extant fragments show that he himself was endowed with а homely wit and could point his ideas and his gibes with vivid imagery and caustic epigram.

р. 4s3

At this point the story of Plato's life becomes inextricaЫy in­ volved with tl1e question of the genuineness of the some thirteen epistles attributed to him, which in themselves, or through Plu­ tarch, Cicero, and others who used them as unimpeachaЫe l1is­ torical authorities, are almost the only source of our knowledge of the details of his three visits to Sicily. Antiquity accepted as genuine most of tl1ese letters, a11d the use of them Ьу Cicero and Plutarch left little doubt in the minds of the majority of Renais­ sance scholars, though some were skeptical. In the Platonic lit­ erature of the sixteenth, seventeen th, and eighteenth centuries they are generally quoted as of equal authority with the dia­ logues. The not entirely critical Latin dissertation of Karste11 in the year 1 8 64 discredited them with а maj ority of philologiaпs for а generation or two. J owett takes their spurious11ess for gra11ted. Chaignet writiпg i11 1 87 1 says (р. 99) that tl1e most that can Ье said in their favor is to attribute to Plato's nepl1ew Speusippos those that exhibit an iпtimate knowledge of tl1e pl1ilosopher's life. Zeller to the end rej ected them all. Tl1e his­ torian Grote, however, characteristically accepted them all, and thirty or forty yeai·s later the historian Edward Meyer through his writings and the dissertations of his pupils or followers was chiefly influential in bringing about the present prevailing fasl1io11 which accepts most of them. There is no а priori presump­ tion sufficiently strong to decide the question . In post-Platonic and post-Aristotelian literature there are abundant examples of false attributions and forgeries, both of letters and of trea­ tises or dialogues. Arguments based on slight historical discrep­ aпcies сап always Ье explained away. Plato's memory may have failcd, or again the forger may have been well iпformed. Ap­ parent quotations from the dialogues may Ъе takeп as an old man's repetition of l1imself, or as the remiпiscences of ап imi-

ТНЕ LIFE OF PLATO

tator. The argument that no equal number of pages in the un­ disputed writings contain so few memoraЬle sentences would Ъе challenged. Many critics profess deep admiration for the let­ ters. The differences in style between the longer letters and Plato's later works are not sufficient to carry absolute convic­ tion to most minds. The argument that the general tone of the letters is incompatiЬle with what we infer from Plato's undis­ puted writings was рrоЬаЫу his own moral character, and cer­ tainly his moral tact, seems conclusive to the present writer, as will Ье more fully explained later. But with many critics i t carries no weight whatever. As far Ъасk as 1 427, Leonardo Bruni, in the Preface to his translation of the epistles, finds their chief value in the fact that they presen t to us а more real and at the same time а noЬler Plato than the ironical and sati1·ical author of feigning dialogues. Even Bruni, however, rej ects, as unworthy of Plato, the thirteenth epistle, which deals i n а rather picayunish spirit with the petty details of Plato's business relations with Dionysius. Most recent critics dismiss this obj ection and all arguments based on the moral tone of the epistles, with the remark that it is natural to expect that а man's formal writings will display his character and his ideals in а more favoraЬle light than his personal letters do. The inclination of historians to accept the letters is under­ standaЬle. They need them in their business. The letters help to fill out with picturesque detail the bare outline of Plato's life. Our acceptance or rejection of some of them, however, is not of so great historical importance as i t might seem. The two longer and better letters, if not writte11 Ьу Plato l1imself, must have been composed not later than а generation or two after his death Ъу some Platonist who must have had access to the facts and who was himself so steeped in Plato's later writings that he could plausiЫy imitate their style. The disbeliever, then, in the Platonic authorship of these letters m ay still use them in his account of the Sicilian episode in Plato's life. Не will merely ex­ press himself with а little more doubt about some of the details, and will rej ect all statements, most frequent in the iпferior letters, that attribute to Plato superstition, the affectation of а secret and mysterious doctrine, and expressions of crude vanity

Infra, РР· sз-54

Infra, р. бо7

WНАТ PLATO SAID

or moral pettiness that are incompatiЫe with what we other­ wise know of his character, perhaps, and certainly of his taste. The story of the letters then, witl1 some added toнches or con­ firmations from Pluta1·ch's Life of Dion and other sources, is substantially this : In 3 8 8 , in the course of his travels in South­ ern I taly, Plato visited the court of Dionysius the Elder, tyrant of Syracuse, where he made the acquaintance of Dion, brother­ i11-law of Dionysius, wlю was very quick of apprehension, and who accepted his teachiпg and his ideals more eagerly апd entlшsiastically tha11 any young man whom l1e l1ad ever met. The loпg seventh epistle, osteпsiЫy written in 3 5 3 , after tl1e death of Dion, opens with а plausiЬle description of Plato's з24 с «. state of mind at tl1e time of this visit. Не had been, as was to Ье expected of а young man of his position and family, amЬitious of а political career. But the conduct of his own з24 В rel atives, f1·ie11ds, and acquaintances in the revolutions of 41 1 з2s A s and 404-403 disgusted him with the oligarchical party. And 32s вс the j udicial murder of Socrates Ьу the restored democracy 325 cn ripeпed the conviction tl1at all existing goverпmeпts were irre326 A mediaЬly corrupt and that nothing less than а miracle, or, as he 326 АВ was l ater to рнt i t in his RepuЫic, а regimen of philosophers, :1. Rep. 473 cn could redeem them. Coming to Syracuse with these ideas, he 326 в was displeased with tl1e life of tl1e court and the proverЬially 321 А luxurious Sicilian tаЫе, but laid the foundati011 for all that was 327 в б to соте Ьу his conversioп of Dioп. On the death of Dio11ysius the Elder and the succession of Dionysius the Youпger twe11 ty years later, Plato, theп sixty years old апd widely known as а 327 DE writer and head of the Academy, received an importunate request from Dion urgiпg him to соте to Syracuse and not to let slip а uпiqнe opportнnity of realizi11g some of the social and ро­ ��� � litical ideals which they shared. The epistle supplements this appeal Ьу Plato's own reflections 328 с on the opportuni ty for realizing his ideals Ьу persuading one Rep. ��� � � man only, and of escaping the taпnt that he is а theorist and 328 с б man of words iпсараЫе of action. This s tream of thought issues 328 D 3 «. in а prosopopoeia of Dion, after supposed defeat and exile, Ьit329 в s terly reproaching Plato for having failed him. Plato found the 3 2 9 с court of Syracuse split into factions. At the end of four months Dion was exiled on а charge of treason, and his friends, includ­ ing Plato, tremЬled for tl1eir lives. Dionysius, however, re-

ТНЕ LIFE OF PLATO

43

assured Plato and urged him to remaiп . Не feared the discredit 3 2g D of an оре11 breach with the great philosopher and was genuinely 3 2g D s attracted to l1im though bitterly j ealous of l1is preference for 330 АВ Dion . But he was iюt willing to m ake the sacrifices demanded 3 3 0 В Ьу tl1e philosopl1ic life. At this poiпt the story is iп terrupted Ьу an essay on the principles of sotшd and helpful counsel, and i ts application in the counsels wl1ich Plato has to offer to the friends апd kiп of Dion in tl1e crisis after Dion's death. The narrative, resumed in 337 Е, tells of Plato's departure from Syr- 338 АВ acuse and Dio11ysius' promise to summon him to Syracuse again and restore Dion as soon as а petty war iп whicl1 he was e11gaged should leave him leisure. I n fact, the story 338 В contiпues, Dionysius sen t tl1e i11vi tation to Plato, but requested Dioп to wait another year. Plato pleaded his age and tl1e 338 С 4 non-fulfilmeпt of the agreemen t, but Dioп was insiste11t, re- 338 Е 5 ports of Dio11ysius' devotion to philosophy came pouring in 338 ВD 4-5 3 from Sicily, апd finally he received an urgent letter from Di­ 339 33!1 в 5 339 С 3 onysius himself with further assurances about Dion and con­ 339 А I 338 с 7 firmatory letters from Archytas and other fi·iends of Plato in 340 А 340 В II. Taren tum. So wi th mап у misgivings Pla to em barked on l1is third 3 42-45 с Siciliaп j ourney. But before the letter пarrates it, another digres­ sion explains the manпer of testing а genuine philosophic vocation and goes on to expound the reasons why the deepest truths of philosophy can never Ье set forth in writing as Dionysius pretended to have done. The п arrative is resumed in 345 С, and, whether autl1entic or not, is а good story. Dionysius did not ful:fil l1is agreements, but on various pretexts withheld а large part of Dion's revenues. In his eagerness to de- 34 5 CD tain the reluctant Plato, however, he proposed а compromise. 3 45 DE Dion should receive his revenues on conditioп of contiпuing 3 4 6 B II. to reside in the Pelopon nesus and giving Plato and his frieпds as sureties that he would not plot to overthrow Dionysius. But Plato is to remain in Syracuse а year before the agree- 3 46 с 7 шent is put into effect. А long parole inte1·ieure of Plato b al- 3 4 6 Е ances the alternatives open to him, апd termiпates in а decision 347 с to remain. So he stayed on like а bird ever yearning to fly i:1�:$-ьa edr from its cage, while Dionysius was ever coпtriviпg to shoo 249 D 7 him back. А revolt of tl1e merceпaries against the reduction of 348 АВ

44

348

CD

34в Е

3 49 в

s

349 с

349 c D 350 А

350 АВ

з5о вс

350

D

зso c б ff. з50 D s

WHAT PLATO SAID

their рау was attributed Ьу Dionysius to the machinations of Heraclides, who fl.ed to avoid arrest. Theodotes, his connexion, consulted Plato, wl10m he found walking "in the garden" where Dionysius had assigned to him а residence. In the presence of Plato, Dionysius was persuaded to promise that if Theodotes agreed to produce Heraclides to answer the charges, he should Ье immune in the interim, and that if after his apology it seemed good to banish him from Sicily, he should depart ш1harmed and in possession of his property. But on the next day Theodotes and EuryЬios came to Plato with the news that the soldiers were in pursuit of Heraclides. They hurried to Dionysius ; Pla­ to, speaking for them, tells Dionysius that they are afraid lest harm соте to Heraclides in violation of yesterday's agreements. Dionysius, red with wrath, looks Plato full in the еуе with the uultus insfantis tyranni and replies : "Wi th you I m ade no agree­ men t Ьig or little." "Nay, but you did though," Plato answers, and turns away and departs. Thereafter Heraclides escaped in­ to the Carthaginian dominion, and Dionysius, on the pretext that the w01nen are to celebrate а religious festival in the garden, sends Plato away from the protection of the Acropolis to live with one Archedemus outside. There he is warned Ьу Athenians among Dionysius' petty officers that he is regarded with hostility Ьу the soldiers and is in danger of his life. In these straits Plato sends word to Archytas and his friends in Taren­ tum wlю dispatch а vessel oste11siЫy with an embassy and in­ duce Dionysius to allow Plato to depart with money for the j oпrney, but with 110 further assurance about the property of Dion. Plato arrives at Olympia in the summer of 360, and re­ ports tl1e state of affairs to Dion, whom he finds there in attend­ ance on the festival. То Dion's request that Plato and his friends j oin him in his preparations to avenge himself upon Di­ onysius, Plato replies that the friends are free to do as they please, but that he himself must Ье excused. Не is too old for further strife, but he will o.ffe r his mediation when they are ready to receive i t. Ву Dion's own request he has shared the hearth and tаЫе of Dionysius, who, in spite of apparently good grounds for suspicion, spared his life. So spoke Plato, hating the whole business of his Sicilian wanderings and misfortunes. The letter concludes with а page of patl1etic and almost eloquent

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45

moral reflections on the fate of Dion, quite Platonic in tone, but hopelessly confused in style, i f the text is not corrupt, and perhaps overloaded with Platoni c reminiscences. The beginning of зsо Е all the mischief was the confiscation of Dion's property. Without that Plato could have held him down and prevented all the disasters that followed. Dion's failure and death cannot Ье im­ puted to any fault of his own. The best pilo t may fail to 3 5 1 D s weather а hurricane. Dion was aware of the baseness of many of his associates. But he could not Ье expected to foresee the 3 5 1 DE height of folly, turpitude, and sensuality that they achieved, a11d so he tripped and fell, enveloping Sicily in infinite sorrow. Whether Plato wrote these words or not they irresistiЬly recall the beautiful epigram which we may, if we please, believe that he did write (for who else could have written i t ?) at the age of seventy-five. For Hecuba and Troy tl1e fates had spun The web of tears and sorrow from their Ьirth ; For thee, О Dion, when the prize was won They spilt our cup of hope upon the earth. А people mourns now where thou Iiest low, Dion, whose love once set ту soul aglo\v.

The antitl1esis between Hecuba and Dion may appear strained. But Hecuba a11d the Troj a11 women were for the readers of Eu­ ripides' plays the embodiments of the sharpest pathos, and Pla­ to, whose hopes of а philosophical government of Sicily were Ыighted Ьу Dion's death, feels with Hamlet, What's Hecuba that we should weep for her ? "What would they do had tl1ey tl1e motive a11d the спе for passion that I h ave ?" The love of which the aged Plato speaks is that so eloquently described in the Symposium. And i f l1e meets i n conjunction with loveliness of form а beautiful, generous and gentle soul, he embraces both at once and immediately undertakes to edu­ cate the obj ect of his love, and is inspired with an overflowing persuasion to declare what is virtue and what he ought to Ье \vho would attain to its possession and what are the duties which it exacts.

The story of Dion's ill-starred expedition is related in every history of Greece. The details do not concern the Ьiograpl1er of Plato. The other epistles add only а few doпbtful features to the narrative that we h ave extracted from the seventh. Some

Symp. 209 В Shelley's version

WНАТ PLATO SAID

310 С ff. 311 D 6

312 D 2 314 В 7 314 D

312 D ff.

Or: Of what sort, pray? Rep. 490 В 7 (Loeb)

Cf. on Euthyd. 282 С

Meno 99 Е Meno 98 А Theaet. 144 А 8 Gorg. 482 А 7

slight apparent contradictions with the facts stated in the sev­ entl1 epistle have exercised the ingenuity of historians in the controversy about the genuineness of the epistles. They interest us only i n so far as they afford occasion for divergent j udgments of Plato's mind and character. The second epistle is intended to illustrate the interval Ъe­ tween the second and third, or last, Sicilian j ourneys. I t begins with а sophistic disquisition on the companionships of kings and men of letters, and the need that Plato and Dionysius sl10нld manage tl1eir friendship rightly if they have any concern for their reputation with posterity. I t goes on to speak of а "sphere" and of Plato's secret doctrines which are 110t to Ье committed to writing, and concludes with а few commissions and recommendations. То show the difficulty of arguiпg with апуоnе who believes it to Ье а geпuine composition of the autl10r of the RepuЫic апd Symposium, I will translate partly the pas­ sage about the sphere. The spl1ere is not right. But Archedemus will explain it when l1e arrives. And also he must most certainly expound to you t'1is other matter whic\1 is more precious and divine and concerning which you sent to me, being at а loss. ln Mene Lysis 218689АВА war, but from what we m ay term the grossest igпorance, the On 645 В disharmony between the feelings and the moral j нdgment, the Rep. 431 ВС 442 АВ revolt of the populace of appetites in the soul against i ts natш·al 68,� АВ 689 CD rulers. We will exclude from office the cunпing and the quick if they are ignorant in this way, and admit and couпt wise their б89 Е opposi tes, though they can neither swim nor read. Rulers we m нst h ave, and tl1ere are many claimants and claims of rule : 690 А the claim of parents, the claim of birth, tl1e claim of age, the claim of the master to rule the slave, of the strong to rule the 0n Gorg. 484 в weak, as Pindar is quoted, the claim of wisdom to rule ignorance 690 С -and we may add the claim of the fortunate and favored of Ar . Pol. 1301fi � l1eaven. The conflict of these cl aims is а fountainhead of fac-

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tion. And we m ay well ask light-hearted legislators lюw they propose to treat it. Forgetful of Hesiod's admonition tl1at tl1e half is more than the whole, those kings abandoned theшselves to luxury, broke their oaths, and sought to overreacl1 tl1e laws. [ t is easy now to see what ought to have been done, but if anyone l1ad foreseen i t then, he would have been wiser tl1an we. Tl1e mean is better than the extreme everywhere. No mortal soul can endure in youth unlimited and irresponsiЫe pov.тer. Sparta was saved Ьу the Providence or the historical accideпts tl1at tempered tl1e autocracy of the king, and gave it а шixed government of two kings, а senate of elders, and tl1e cl1eck or brid.le of the ephors. If this had happened in the otl1er t\vo ki11g­ doшs, Hellas would not have been shamed as she was in the Persian invasion ; for our defense, althougl1 we \Von in the с п d, was disgraceful. I t was only the tardy uпion of Atl1e11s апd Sparta that p1·evented the hybridization of the Grceks and otl1er peoples under а Persian conquest. The obj ect of our censures is to determine tl1e principles of statesmanship, and whatever the end we name-temperance, wisdom, or friendship-we always mean 011е and tl1e same tl1i11g. There are two mother-types of polities, of which all others а1·е diversifications, the autocracy of Persia and the liberty-loviпg democracy of Athens. Each has degenerated from its eal"lier and better condition. The Persian monarchy has been co1тupted Ьу luxury and the relaxed womanish and undisciplined educatioп of tl1e heirs to the throne. No such education can produce ехcellence, which is the one thing а state should honor provided i t is accompanied Ьу sophrosyne. Without that puzzling and indefinaЬle quality no cleverness, no other virtue, is of апу асcouпt. First of goods are the goods of the soul, if conj oined with sophrosyne; second, the goods of tl1e body ; third, possessions. We h ave been betrayed into these moral reflections Ьу con­ sideration of the Persian rulers who, through exaggeration of the principle of despotism, governed in thei1· own interest, hating and hated, and bred а population lacking in рнЫiс spiri t, useless for self-defense, and holding nothing in honor but wealth. The excesses of the spirit of liberty in like manner destroyed the good old constitution of Athens that reared the victors of Marathon, when the citizenry was divided into four classes-and awe

Rе&о�Ъ� D

6go E

691 л 691 в 691 с 691 Е

692

n

693 nc 693 с 693 DE 694-g6 Laches 179 cn Aic. 1. ш с ff. �е��492 в on 627 л 696 697 В

�.,7Р?4 �7 в 2 69B B ff.

3 70

WHAT PLATO SAID

698-99 was their master, and all were servants of tl1e law. On this theme the Athenian speaks with the patriotic eloqueпce of the 240-41 Menexenus-and worthily of l1is country, the Spa1·ta11 says. ln 700 А the good old times tl1e people was not master of all things, but 424 вс lf. was, so to speak, the willi11g slave of law. Tl1e cor1·uption of mu­ 701 вс sic and art, as said in the RcpuЬ!ic, led tl1e way in the develop­ ment of а licentious libe1·ty, tl1at bred Titanic пatures who paid no heed to law, to oaths, or to faitl1 01· the gods. Shall we pull up the argument like а bolting lюrse and ask what is the pertinency On 705 D of all tl1is ? It is, as we have said, that the true aims of tl1e states­ 701 D man are moral and may Ье desc1·ibed again as freedom, har­ 701 Е fi. mony, and right reason. l t was to point this moral that we dis­ cussed the two types of government, tl1e Persi an and the Athe­ nian, and the Dorian camp, апd the ci ty of Dardanus on the foot­ hills, and tl1e earliest mеп, survivors of the flood, and before that the question of music апd the use of wine. We sought to discover the best city and tl1e happiest private life. The test of On 681 С our c011clt1sions would Ье their application. And Ьу а fortunate chance we m ay apply theш, or а selection of them, to а new colony which the community of Crete proposes to found in а deserted part of the island. Let us begin. Book704 IV The new city will have the soil of Crete, not too fertile, yet producing all tl1ings so tlшt tl1eгe will Ье little 11eed of iшports. 1 t will fortunately Ье some tеп miles distant from the seeшiпgly 705 А pleasant, but really salt апd bitter neigl1borage of the sea. Ош· 705 D one aim in tl1ese consideratioпs, it \vill Ье remeшbered, is the virtue of our citizens, апd to tl1is sea апd sea-power are adverse. Froш mari time wa1·fare even soldiers acquire bad habits-a 706 CD Laches 191 tl1iпg always to Ье slшnпed. l t was not Salamis that saved 707 с Greece but Marathon апd Plataea. A.nd in any case, the obj ect Gorg. 512 DE of life апd poli tics is not survival, but goodness, whetl1er the time Ъе loпg or short. 707 Е The population of tl1e пеw соlопу will саше from all Crete 7о8 А wi th some admixture of Peloponnesians. The ideal would Ье 708 В rather а homogeneous population swarming like bees from one 709 А ceп tre. The difficulties of dealing witl1 а mixed population tempt us to say that the human legislator is impoten t and chance rules all-or ratl1er God, and with God cl1ance and op­ portunity. Yet something remains for human art, and the ро-

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37 1

litical artist тау declare what he woнld pray for as the best con­ di tio11s for the exercise of his art. Give те а dictatorsl1ip, he would s ay-a city ruled Ьу а young ty1·ant. Не тust have а keen intellect and тетоrу, an enter prising and тagnificent spirit, and with these qualities teтperance or soplirosyne in tl1e ordinary, not the philosophical, sense of the word. And he тust Ье fortunate in having as counselor а true legislator. Our тean­ ing is that the conj unction of such а tyrant and such а11 adviser is the condition of the тost speedy and efficient estaЬlishтe11 t of the good state. W e are n o t pro posing а tyrannical govern­ тent in perpetuity. But no aversion to the nате of "tyrant" can alter our conviction that if our ideal ever has been or ever shall Ье realized it тust Ье Ьу the union of political power with philosophic and divinely inspired love of sobriety and rigl1teousness. То return to the тolding of our city. Wl1at shall Ье its constitution ? Not deтocracy, oliga1·chy, aristocracy, or шonai·chy as uпclerstood in present practice. For these are поt polities but factions. The тixed governтents of Sparta and Crete are tl1e only existing polities that deserve the n ате. А тythical illнs­ tration will briпg out our point. In the age of Cro110s теn were ruled Ьу superior beings because Cronos kпew that no hнтаn soul can endure autocratic power. Внt while we are rнled Ьу тortals our only salvation is the 1·eig11 of law, Ьу which we тust understand the rule and apportionтen t of reason . Such governтent Ьу the higher part of ourselves is tl1e nearest practicaЬle iтitation of the тythical governтeпt Ьу gods. We соте back again to the fundaтental issue. Laws are not to Ье classifiecl Ьу forшs of goverпment, Ьнt Ьу tl1eir refereпce to the lll o t"al end of all law. So long as men believe that j ustice is the advantage of the stronger, that is, of the existing rпlers, so long as they 1·ecognize тight as the chief of those claiтs to rнle of which we spoke, so long as теn fight to gain office and use it for their selfisl1 ends, our governтents will only Ье factions. There can Ье no salvation except where the law governs and officelюlders are servaп ts of the law. Tl1at is а truth wl1ich old eyes discern тоrе clearly than young. When our citizens are asseтЫed, we тнst first exhort them. God is the beginning, the шiddle, and the end, and eternal j ustice is his minister. Нарру the тап who walks

709 Е Cf. 735 710 с D 739 А Rep. 503 с487 А Rep. 430 Е (Loeb) On 690 710 CD С 710 DE 712 с Rep. 577 АВ ff. Rep. 473 CD 499 с 7II D 712 в 712 в 713 А 268 Е ff. 274 В 271 Е

Polit. Polit.

щ в

щ вс on 693 с

715 в 700 А 71s nв symp. 219 А ct.

372

716 с 2 В Rep. 3 5214 Lysis Theaet. 176 ВС 716 Е-717 А Phileb. 23 В 8 Symp. 219 В 4 717 в On Crito so E Eur. Нес. 403 718 А 718 с 718 D 890 D 2, 907 С s Phaedr. 719 245 Ас M eno 99 CD

719 DE 719 Е On 691 С 720 А

Cf. 857 CD X en. Oecon. XV. 9

721 в

WНАТ PLATO SAID

humЬly in their train. But he who exalts himself and abandons God shall destroy himself and his city. God is the measure of all things, not m an. God loves his like, and he is likest God who imitates God's goodness. The worship of God Ьу the wicked is labor lost. We have, as it were, set up the target of our chief end. Among the shafts that we aim at it will Ъе ( 1 ) due service of all gods and minor divinities ; (2) honor and subservience to parents, not only in deed, but in words, for light a11d winged words may draw after them the heaviest penalties, (3) the fulfilmen t of all due oЫigations to others, as the detail of our legislatio11 will pre­ scribe. But tl1ere are some things tl1at 11eed to Ье said Ьу way of persuasion ratl1er than of command. Their obj ect is to prepare the minds of the hearers to receive more favoraЬly what follows. Even а sligl1t result of such exhortations will Ье welcome, for there are none too many who follow after righteousness, апd the multi tude prefer the broad way that leadeth to evil to what Hesiod calls the sweat and the steep path of virtue. The i11spired poet, we have said, imitates contrary types and characters, and, not knowing which is best, often contradicts l1imself. But the lawgiver must not say two thi11gs about one, but always one and the same. For example, there m ay Ье а moderate funeral, or one whose expenditure exceeds or falls short of the mean. The poet will choose the one that suits his personages. The lawgiver will prescribe the j ust mean and we m ay ask him to define it. Shall he command and threaten and pass on to another la\v, 01·, as boys beg of their physicians, shall he treat us in the gentler of two ways ? There are two kinds of physicia11s, the roug\1 and ready empirics who run their rounds from slave to sl ave and deliver their ukases without explanation, апd the cultural who educate themselves and their patients Ьу discussion of their maladies and prescribe only after persuasion . Which is the bet­ ter way for the legislator ? Since marriage and procreation are the starting-points of states, we m ay illustrate the distinction Ьу а specimen law of marriage in the two styles. The first will read : Citizens shall m arry between the ages of thirty and thirty-five on peпalty of, etc. The second will explain that m arriage and children are the only satisfaction of the inborn desire for immortality, and that

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3 73

i t is impious to deprive one's self of this with deliberate intent. Не who heeds shall Ье scatheless. Не who does not shall Ье fined, that he may not seem to win ease and profit Ьу his selfish celibacy. Surely, although the Spartans usually prefer brevity, it would Ье silly to sacrifice our main obj ect in order to spare а few words. And it is gross oversight in legislators to employ only force when they might Ьlend it with the efficacy of persu asion. Our whole conversation from dawn to midday tlшs far l1as been only an introduction to the laws. Generalizing, we may point out that all speeches have proems, all music, all musical nomoi, as they are called, preludes. But no one hitherto has spoken of а prelude or preamЬle to real laws. Good l aws should h ave two parts : the law proper, which is the command, and the preamЬle, the obj ect of which is to win good will a11d attention and so make the law more intelligiЫe. There should Ье sucl1 а preamЬle to the l aws in general and to each particular l aw. Our discourse on duties to the gods and parents and the dead, altl10ugh not delivered as st1ch, was the first part of а general preamЬle. We may complete it Ьу а consideration of the right conduct of life iп serious business and relaxation, in respect of our souls, our bodies, and our possessions, which will educ ate both the speaker and the hearers. The second half of the general proemium with which the fifth book opens is an eloqueпt sermoп and resume of Plato's practical ethics and religion which might Ье instructively compared with the paraenetic discourses of Isocrates. 1 t is full of sound admonition and quotaЬle sayings much quoted or paraphrased in the later classical literature of moral and religious edificatioп . A l l men in youth think they know how to honor their own souls. They Ыаmе others, not themselves, for all evils. They fear death without reason. They dishonor, not honor, the soul Ьу preferring to i t pleasure or wealth or life or beauty, or even health. For all the gold on or under the earth cannot weigh in the scales against virtue. They do not understand the true punisl1ment of wickedness, which is to Ъе cut off from the commuпion of the good and likened to the evil. They do not believe that i t is better to Ье j ustly punished than to evade the peпalties of wrong. And so in respect of their bodies and their possessions they are unaware that the mean is better than the extremes of

��� � � on 718 cn

���t�43 л

on Рош. 286 в

722 cn �Пif�7 л on Phaedr. 247 c on 718 cn щв 724 on 697 в вооk v on Soph. 2зо Ав 727 л 'Ь2J :ьаеdо 90 D 727 D 728 DE �30��591 с 728 л 728 в ��е��1. � 76 E­ 7 72� J A 7а8 Е

374

WНАТ PLATO SAID

бgr С excess or deficiency. А temperate and reverent s pirit is а better inheritance tha11 much gold. And we shall give that to our chil­ dren not Ьу rebuking them or bidding them respect their elders but Ьу reverencing the child ourselves. I t is not our admoni­ tions but our example that is effective. I t does more harm than good to Ье always "shoving our C h ristian feeli11gs down their throats. " Above all, we should teach them to Ье servants of the laws, and to deal j ustly with the stranger and suppliant who are under tl1e protection of heaven. So mнch of our 1·elations to others. 730 С In the conduct of our own lives, trutl1 is the leader of all goods Cf. 630 А for mеп and gods. For the truthful man is the trustworthy. Un­ trustworthy is he who loves volunta1·y falsehood, while he wlю loves tl1e involuntary is the fool. Neither is to Ье envied. Tl1e faithless man is detected in the end and condemned to а solitary Rep. 613 DE and j oyless old age. НопоrаЫе is he who himself does not do 731 А wrong, but thrice honoraЬle is the man who checks the inj ustice On Phaedr. 247 А of others. The rivalries of virtue slюнld Ъе free from envy. 7 But no soul can maintain the fight against inj ustice without 731 в а spirit of righteous indignation. Yet remembering tl1at no man 731 CD On 86o D does w1·ong willingly, we should not abandon ourselves to wom­ anish waspishness but temper our wrath with gentleness and On Prot. 324 АВ wherever possiЫe inflict remedial, not exemplary, punishments. 731 DE The source of most evils is self-love in the bad and not in the Ar. Eth. 1263 Ь 2 731 Е good sense of tl1e word. For love is Ыiпd. Knowing, so to speak, 732 А nothing, we think we know all, and so not trusting to tlюse wlю On Charm.DE171 really know, we iпevitaЬly fall into error. I t is well to remind ot1rselves of even more trifling things. For recollection is the in­ Symp. 208 А flo\v that re pl aces а contiпuous outflow of knowledge. We shoнld abstaiп from violent l aughter апd excessive emotion, and 732 CD remain calm in prosperity and hopeful in adversity. As these 732 Е admonitions are addressed to men, not gods, we must again re­ 733 ff. cur to the topic of pleasure and раiп апd i пsist on the necessity of inculcating the truth that tl1e righteous life is actually the most pleasuraЬle iп the end and when the account is summed. All contrary opinions are due to illusions or ignorance. The life of tem p erate pleasures and moderate pains is happiest because it inevitaЫy yields tl1e more favoraЬle balance of pleasure, not 734 D Ar. Pol. 1323 Ь I I to speak of beauty, right, virtue, a11d hoпor. On

LAWS

3 75

The proemium ends. But Plato has still much to say before discussing tl1e two aspects of а p olity : ( 1 ) the appointment of officials and (2) the determination of the laws which they are to administer. Reverting to ideas and images of the RepuЫic and the Politicus, he points out that every weaver selects his warp and woof. Every good artisan cleanses, purifies, and p urges his m aterial before he is willing to deal with it. Every herdsman purges his flock. The legislator must do the same--more or less drastically accordiпg to his op p ortunities. This is difficult. But since the word is easier thaп the deed, sнppose i t done. We are, like the Heraclidae, fortuпate in that we stai·t with compa1·ative equality. Moderation is best. For that, we believe, is indispensаЫе, and real poverty is not the decrease of wealth but the increase of appetite. No true statesman 'vill legislate un til he has done away with this main cause of dissension-gross iпequalities of wealth. \i\Ъat, then, is the right distribution ? Let us assume for concreteness а population of 5 ,040 landholders and defenders of the distribution. That, because of i ts тапу divisions, is а coпvenient number. No man of sense will disturb the shrines or sanctities of tradition, and in all our territorial divisions, precincts must Ье assigned to some god, daemon, or hero. Such places of assemЬly will serve the sociability and the knowledge of 011е another which the citizens of а well-ordered state must have. The ideal state, or pattern state, if i t exists or ever shall exist, will have all tl1ings i11 common and а spirit of perfect uпity. That is for gods or sons of gods. Ours is а second best. And if it please God, we shall yet finish а third. One son shall inherit the home lot and the number of l1earths shall not Ье changed. There are various devices to secure this result, i пcluding finally the sending-out of colonies. We must try not to hybridize our citi­ zenship Ьу admitting men of bastard training. But with necessity even а god cannot contend. The lots shall Ье accepted on these and other conditions and recorded in the shrines on cy­ pressial memorials. No citizen shall engage in trade or possess gold or silver. The coins indispensaЫe for affairs shall Ье legal tender at home but worthless abroad. Those wl10 must travel shall receive an allowance of pan-Hellenic money to Ье accounted for on their return. There shall Ъе no dowries, no de p osi ts,

734 Е 73S A

735 В 735 CD 736 В Rep. 473 А (LoeьJ ct. 684 D 737 АВ 736 Е Rе&:о�ь�-27 737 Е

Ar3;'��· 1265 а

73В В

�8 g�o 44 в �0i>:t.'�i:�it01 6

1з9 Е 740 Е 741 .&. 141 в 742 л 142 В

;;� �4 с

WНАТ PLATO SAID Ar.Ь 3Eth. Nic.Ьпб2 9 no loans at interest " The law will not enforce such contracts " 0 , II/ig

742 DE Wealth and power and virtue are incompatiЫe aims, puЫic or 515 вс private. The statesman must choose betwee� them ; he cannot 743 лвс have both, and should not attempt impossiЬilities. The right mean in gaining and spending will make men good but never very rich. Our citizens must not, in their quest for wealth, for744 в ff. get the things for the sake of which wealth is sought. We cannot have absolute equality since the citizens will bring unequal sums to the new state. But we will fix as the minimum the value of the lot with its equipment and as the maximum four times its value. On this basis we distinguish four classes of citizens and determine their privileges and duties Ьу the principle of proporequality. There shall Ье records of all property. The on Ш � tionate 745 в city shall Ъе at the centre of the territory. The city and the land shall Ье divided into twelve portions consecrated to the twelve gods, and there shall Ъе twelve corresponding tribes, and every allotment shall have two pieces, one near and one far. 0J��� All this we know is а daydream. But that does not lessen its 746 с value as а pattern. The humЬlest artist should Ье permitted to complete his work consistently and then submit it to j udgment. 14б :Е-747 АВ The number 5 ,040 and its factors will have many uses in the de­ tail of our institutions and business which it may seem petty to 747 в prescribe. But the mathematical studies that the consideration of them will impose on the young will greatly profit the mind if they are not used to foster the huckstering spirit of Phoenicians 141 cD and Egyptians. У et we must not attribute all differences be­ tween races to legislation and institutions. Climate and the lie of the land may determine much, and some countries naturally on 625 D produce better men than others. And we cannot overlook the possiЬility that some regions are divinely favored. B o o k VI 751 Good laws are futi�e and ridiculous if the officials who administer them are bad. But how secure well-born and well.: 751 D trained officials from а rаЬЫе of new settle1·s ? Once we have entered the lists, excuses will not serve. We must finish our fаЫе 752 л and not leave it to wander headless. Sparta and Athens are rе75з л mote and disdainful. Cnossus must take charge of the new col­ ony in no perfunctory manner and appoint nineteen of the ·colo­ nists and eighteen of her own citizens to the most important of all offices, the first board of thirty-seven wardens of the law. Gorg.

LAWS

3 77

Later there sliall Ье а complicated and safeguarded method of election of this board. But some machinery will Ье needed to start and organize the new government. The beginning is more than half, proverbially, of the whole. Cnossus, we say again, must care for the new state and set it on its feet and then leave it to live and prosper as it m ay. The Cnossians must select опе hundred of the settlers and one hundred of themselves as а board of organization. The law-wardens of whom we spoke sl1all hold office not more tl1an twenty years or Ьеуопd the age of seventy. They shall keep the records of the four classes of property-lюlders and pass judgment 011 all citize11s who make false returns, апd exercise other functioпs to Ье specified in connection with other l aws. Complicated provisions follow for the election of generals and other military officers апd of а council of 3 60. The metlюds of election are devised to secure the just mean between а monarchical and а democratic government. Tl1e equali ty that democrats praise is an equivocal term. The geometrical and proportioпal equality at wl1ich we aim is the judgment of Zeнs and poli tical j ustice. Yet to avoid faction we must sometimes concede the use of tl1e arithmetical equality as well as of tl1e socalled equity which is а modification of strict j ustice and also of tl1e principle of the lot. А state like а sl1ip at sea requires uninterrupted watchfulness. А twelftl1 of the guardians must thus Ье on guard during each of the twelve months in rotation to meet all the exigencies of puЬlic affairs. There will Ье many minor officials, supervisors, market stewards, priests and priest­ esses, etc., chosen partly Ьу election and partly Ьу lot, in order to Ыend democratic witl1 other principles of government. Delphi is to Ье consulted on all religious matters, and shall co-operate in the appointment of а board of iп terpreters. Nothing sl1all Ье left un,vatched in the city, and the policing of the territory shall Ье in charge of five l and stewards from each of the twelve divisions. These shall select sixty youпg men from each tribe who during their two years of service shall patrol all divisioпs of the territory in such wise as to become acquaiп ted witl1 every part of i t at every season of the year. They shall fortify and embellish the cou11t1·y, conserve its waters and пatural 1·t·sources, and, in moderп parlance, function as а band of Воу

753 в 753 в-154 АВ

754 с

754 Е 755 л 755-56 1s6 B ff. 756 Е 757 ВС

758 л 758 в-n 758-511 Ь5l :91 Е

759 с 159 n 760 АВ

160 161-62

37 8

WНАТ PLATO SAID

762 Scouts. Under the presidency of the five they shall also exercise j udicial functions in minor cases, and like all officials Ье subj ect 7б2 вс to an audit. They shall eat at а common mess and Ье liaЬle to 762-63 penalties for absenting themselves Ьу day or night. As servan ts of the puЬlic they will themselves have no servants, and througl1 service will learn the first requisite of good citizenship, how to rule and Ье ruled . They will eat plain food, coarse and un7бз В cooked, and harden themselves Ьу hunting. There is no more important branch of learning than the knowledge of their own country that they will thus acquire. 763-64 Provision is next made for the election of market and city 764 с stewards and their duties and limited j udicial authority. There will Ье two kinds of officials for music and gym11astics, officers of 765 В education and those who control competitive games. А cl10ir manager shall Ье elected under supervision of the law-wardens 765 D from experts in the subject. The most important official of all is Cf. 813951С Е1 the general superin teпdent of education. For the first sl10ot of 765 Е every growth is most decisive of its final development. Man, 766 А Polit. 266 А though naturally а tame animal, and if rightly educated the most divine, becomes when wrongly nurtured the most savage Eurip. тJ:.61�9� c1·eature 011 earth. А city that lacks proper courts is no city, and 766 D competent j udges or j urymen ought to h ave more to say in а 767 А trial than the litigants. Every official has some j udicial func­ tions and every j udge or j uryman is in а sense an official, and the 76В В man who is excluded from j ury service does поt feel himself а ct. 95 J �i. citizen. The details will Ъе given later. We must distinguish 767-69 puЫic and private suits, and three grades of courts-the arbi­ ct. 956 в-D tration of neighbors, tribal courts, and courts of appeal-and 76В Е prescribe the personnel and procedure of each. This will suffice Infra, Р Р · зов, 404 as а provisional and perhaps fairly consistent sketch. 769 А Before our old men's game passes 011 to the second branch of legislation, the laws proper, we may remind ourselves that every 769 А ff. artist needs to provide for the future upkeep, revision, and cor­ rection of his work, апd that our structure of the laws omits de772 BCD tails which future experieпce must supply. The experimental period may Ье set down as ten years ; thereafter the constitution 770 А sl1all Ье changed опlу Ьу general conseпt. We who are at the Ar. Eth. Ni� ��80 sunset of life mнst try to educate the younger geпeration to Ье­ соmе legislators. And we exhort them never to forget that the

LAWS

3 79

true aim of legislation is the virtue of the citizens and the good of the whole, and that all l aws must Ье j udged Ьу this test and all lifе directed to this end. We start again with the number 5 ,040, its convenience, and the consecration of its factors Ьу their reference to the division of the territory, the seasonal festivals and the worship of the gods. Beginning, as is natural, with marriage, we may repeat and supplement our former specimen law. The rigl1t m arriage is that which benefits the state. Men should not marry for wealth, but to reduce inequalities and harmonize the oppositio11 of the two temperaments. The quick and lively, tl1e sluggish and staЬle, sl10нld mate not with their likes but with tl1eir opposites. Thus will the maddening wine of life Ье chastened Ьу another temperate deity. Our law of marriage and its hortatory proemium repeat and suppleme11t what has been already said. Marriage feasts should Ье moderate and tl1e guests limited to а few friends a11d kinsfolk. Those who are contemplating so seri­ ous а change of life and the begetting of offspring should not drink much wine. The beginning in all things is (as) God. The married son must leave his parents and, estaЫishing а separate home in one of the two houses of tl1e lot, tl1ere beget a11d rear children and hand on the torch of life. Among our possessions servants or slaves present а vexed proЬlem, as is apparent from the experience of the Spartans wi tl1 their Helots and the Tl1essalians wi th their Penestae and otl1er instances. It is easy to cite examples of good and bad slaves and to quote Homer's saying that then Zeus deprives а man of half 11is virtue when he becomes а slave. When possiЫe slaves should Ье of different races. And there is no surer test of the sincerity of а man's j ustice than fair treatment of his slaves and of all inferiors. We shoпld not spoil them and make life l1a1·d­ er for them and us Ьу j esting with ei ther m ale or female slaves. We should speak to them only in commands and not admonish them like freemen. The next point is the bнilding of houses, which in practice will have to precede marriage. There will Ъе а market-place and civic centre and temples there and on suitaЬle elevations round the city. Walls and fortifications we will Ьу Spartan example leave to sl eep in the earth. Reliance on such defenses breeds

С On 693 770 D-771 А

111 ct. 721 щв

773 D 773-'74 721 77 5 АВ

776 В 776 CD 777 вс 77б DЕ

Ь'l. �vII. 322

777 DE Rep.

554 CD

778 В 778 CD

3 80

779 844 А, 763 CDс On

Cratyl. 425 D

780 с 781 А Cf. 637 В 8о6 АВ 781 в 781 DE 783 В 781 82 Rep. 499- С 676 А fl. Tim. 77 АВ 782 Е

784 с 784 D 784 E- 78S A On

741 С

WHAT PLATO SAID

cowards and sluggards. The walls of the city should Ъе bronze and iron . But we may compromise Ъу buildi11g our houses in such а way tliat their backs will form а continuous wall around the city. Officials and inspectors will supervise these matters a11d regulate the flow of rain water and other details. Before passing to the topics of gestation, infancy, and educa­ tion, Plato again pauses to laugh at himself, and admit that his proposals are utopian . lf puЫic life is to Ье orderly, private life must Ье regulated. The puЬlic mess of the Spartans and Cre­ taпs, to whatever historical accident i t owes its origin, was once а paradox. Now it would seem less so. But the Athenian shrinks from ai1 extensioп of it, which 11е declares necessary if the work of legislative reform is 110t to Ье as vain as the pro­ verbial carding of wool into the fire. Married people, too, must eat at the puЬlic mess, and the stealthy and secretive race of women must Ье forced for all their recalcitra11ce to face the light. Sparta herself is а11 example of the evils that flow from letting tl1e women get out of hand. Women are h alf the state and tl1e hardest half to control. At any rate, we have leisure to examine in the light of first principles the theoretical necessity of our plan. When we h ave considered the procreation, пurture, and educatio11 of childreп, i ts j ustification may Ье m01·e apparent. Let us recall what we said of the infinity of time, the antiquity of man, and the e11dless changes that have taken place in foods and driпks and animal апd plant life and in human i11stitutio11s from tl1e one extreme of cannibalism to the other of Orpl1ic vege­ tarianism. All human actions flow from three needs or appe­ tites, on the right or wrong regulation of wl1ich everything de­ pends-the desire of food and drink and later of sexual satisfac­ tion . These (when undisciplined) morbid appetites we wish to direct Ьу fear, law, and true reason toward the good instead of what men call the pleasuraЬle. On these generalities follow detailed regulations for the sur­ veillance of young brides and bridegrooms for the first ten yeai·s of marriage Ьу women iпspectors and otl1er officials. Tlюse whom the law-wardens pronouпce incorrigiЫe shall Ье "posted" апd suffer various dislюnoring disqualifications. When the legal age limit of procreation is past, sexual coпduct shall Ье left to the individual provided decency and moderation are observed. Birtl1 records shall Ье kept in every phratry.

LAWS

We cannot omit education, and we have already pointed out �88�� that i t is impossiЫe to leave private life unregulated. But much that we have to say belongs to admonition rather than to positive law, and too many and minute regulations would bring law i tself into contempt. The aim of right education is to bring Rер. 41б с about the best condition of mind and body. Tl1e first growth of о п 765 Е every creature is the greatest. And many have contended tl1at 788 n men grow to more than half their height in the first five years of life. This rapid growth and influx, if un accompanied Ьу exercise, is the source of many evils. So true is this that you may see ;�:вis even old men at Athens taking long walks not for their own health but to keep up the fighting edge of the "birds" that they carry under their arms. This trivial illustration shows tl1at agi­ tations and movements which do not fatigue are а healtMul ех- 789 cn ercise which helps the organism to master and digest i ts food. Yet we slюuld only expose ourselves to laughter if we prescribed 790 А long walks for preg11ant mothers and enacted that infants should Ье carried from place to place and not use tl1eir own legs till they were strong enough to bear them without inj ury. The se1·vile and womanish natures of the nurses would not оЬеу. If we me11tion such things, it is from the hope of convincing the thoughtful and so in time influencing practice and law. We may take it as а11 elementary principle that the continued motion is salutary to the bodies and minds of the young and especially of infants. An analogy of experience confirms this. The exci temen t of Cory- 790 DE bantism is cured Ьу other excitements, and it is not quiet but motion and singing that mothers use to lull sleepless children to rest. The reason is plain. These morЬid agitations and alarms 79o-g1 are internal motions which the application of exter11al move­ ments reduces and calms. From these illustrations we m ay infer the unwisdom of sub­ j ecting young souls to fears and other harmful emotio11s. Pee­ vishness is а serious fault of character. Tl1e habits of infa11cy 79 • Е may determine the character for life. I t is а bad thing to accustom babes to signifying their desires Ьу ill-omened weepings авd 792 А clamors. We are not to avert their weeping Ьу giving them as 79 2 ВС much pleasure as possiЬle. We wish to "condition" them to cheerfulness and calm. Не who seeks pleasure cannot escape pain, and the middle or neutral state which we attribute to the 79з А gods is best. All this and much more to соте belongs to unwrit- ��� g

WНАТ PLATO SAID

ten law and custom. I t is not, properly speaking, law, but is no 793 с less important for all that. Unless the foundation is secШ"ely laid in habit and custom, the superstructure will topple down . And thus the discussion of these apparent trivialities may make on Polit. 2Sб В our laws seem prolix. 793 Е-794 л After infancy, from three to six, children will Ъе encoпraged to play games, many of which they spontaneously invent. There will Ье need of supervision and sometimes of punishments, which, as in the case of slaves, should not Ье degradiпg. At the 794 С age of six the boys and girls will Ъе separated, but botl1 will Ье taugl1t physical exercises and the use of arms. They should Ъе 194-g5 accustomed to use tl1e left hand as well as tl1e rigl1t. I t is quite 79s вс feasiЫe, as many examples prove. We want no lame and one795 D sided education. We may distinguish gymnastics for the body and music for the soul, and with the enumeration of different types of dances conclude the postponed topic of gymnastics. 796 Е TШ"ning again to music, which \Ve mistakenly supposed we ct. б73 в had done with, we repeat the paradox that the regulation of chil­ dren's games is all important because it is from them that the Rep. 424 �� :х spirit of innovation spreads to the entire life of the state. Cl1ange 191 n -except of evil things-is always perilous and to Ье deprecated, and there is nothiпg more mischievous thaп the l1abit of dis­ on7g��9� paragiпg antiquity as old-fashioned. Habit is all powerfu] , as the relation of diet to health shows, and the l1abit of inпovation 6s6 n in children 's games is no trifle. One wa у to check i t is the Egyp­ tian device of consecrating the types of song and dance, and prosecuting for impiety all would-Ъe innovators. 799 cn Yet ere \Ve decide so great а question, let us pause and reflect 199 Е as men i11 doubt halt, as it were, at the crossways of thought. Or perhaps our entire exposition if we go on to its conclusion will confirm our assumptions. Assume, then, that our songs are real­ ly laws or nomoi as some kinds of music were named in older воо вс usage, perhaps Ьу а fortunate divination of the trut\1. How shall on 790 л such а decree escape ridicule ? Perhaps Ьу tl1e consideration of three typical examples. We would not allow at а sacгifice а Ъу­ Воо DE stander to Ьlaspheme with ill-omened words. Yet that is pre­ cisely what the tragedians and others do when tl1ey cl1a11t thei1· dolorous strains at sacred festivals. Our first саnоп, then, is tlшt so1 A all song must Ье auspicious ; second, we say that it is to Ье р1·ау-

LAWS

er ; and our third rule is that prayer is petition, and petition is unsafe unless the petitioner knows what is good. The poet clear- f0� WJ Е ly does not kno\v what is good, so his petitions must Ье approved Ьу the j udges appointed Ьу the state and the wardens of 0 tl1e l aws. We are now j ustified in promulgating the law that �е��б� 2 в 7 0 after hymns and the praise of the gods poets may praise good �.,2/б�7 л and law-abiding citizens, men and women, whose course is runit is not safe to praise the living. There is much good aпcient 802 в music and poetry to select from, and our j udges may make use on 957 лв of experts without yielding to their personal tastes. Tl1ey will 802 с not need to serve up the honeyed Muse to the people. We like Rep. бо1 А 5 what we are accustomed to, and so tl1e wlюlesome art which the moderпist tl1i11ks cold gives as much pleasure as the other kind, and its beпefit is so much clear gain . The legislator will distiп- :�: �Е guisl1 tl1e music that is app1·opriate to males апd females, and will not permit апу iпcongruity between the harmonies or the rhythms апd tl1e words. The пехt poiпt is the teaching of these things. 1 am, as it 803 А were, а sl1ipwrigl1t laying down the keels of character for the voyage of life. Tl1ere is notl1ing in the life of man worth taking 803 в seriously, yet serious we must Ье. That is our hard condition. God опlу is \vortl1 our se1·ious concern. The best tliat can Ье 803 с said of man is that he is а plaything and puppet of God, who �0: №44 DE may somctimes win а glimpse of truth. Let us play, then, as nоЫу as we may and sing and dance our way through life to 803 в please tl1e gods. Meп mistakeпl y say that the serious business of Phaedr. щ Е 1 war is for the sake of реасе. There is no true play or education 803 DE iп war. But the 1·igh t conduct of the plays of реасе will help us to gaiп tl1e favor of heaven and win our wars. We h ave out0е�� � lined tl1e right conduct, and for the rest may say to our nurslings �Poht. 52720 DВ б8 wl1at Homer's Atl1ene says to Telemachus : Some things thine own wit sl1all devise and find

And heaven will put others in thy mind.

То return : vVe repeat that puЫic provision must Ье made 804 С and fo1·eign teachers employed for training in all forms of athletics and military exercises, and that this education must Ье compulsory for women as well as men. Mythical and historical Rep. 450-57 examples prove that the training of women in the use of arms is 804 Е

WHAT PLATO SAID

805 А possiЫe. То leave the lives of women unregulated is to neglect

on

��� � half the state. lf our proposal is utopian, let us work it онt and

746 с then j udge it. Since our plan is possiЫe, the obj ector is bound to say which of the present ways of dealing with women he pre­ fers to ours : the Thracian that makes them slaves and tillers of the soil, the Athenian that shuts them up in the gynaeceum , or the Spartan compromise that leaves them still helpless to defend the state in time of need, and while regulating the life of men abandons women to license and disorder. 806 D What now will Ье the way of life of our ci tizens ? Tl1ey are re801 A lieved of all ordinary cares, but are surely not to fatten in idleness like beasts. lf they did, they would fall а prey to hardier beasts. во1 c n The care of their own souls and bodies will occupy their leisure Rep.465 'fi ·��ь1 more fully than the training of an Olympian or Pythian victor. 807 Е Every hour must have its prescribed task, though tl1e legislator on 769 n cannot enter into these details. They must Ье the first to rise вов л and the last to sleep in the household, and transact much busi­ xen. O c con. •�и. ness Ьу night. Не who sleeps is as useless as а corpse, and а little sos в sleep is all that health requires. At dawn the cl1ildren must Ье 8о8 c n off to their teachers. They are creatures that cannot do without on 166 л а herdsman. The child is of all wild things the most unmanage­ aЬle, the most cunning and insolent. For it possesses а fountaiп of intelligence not yet under control, and needs many tutors and 8os Е much discipline to curb it. Any freeman may punish а child 8о9 А who does wrong and his tutor, and the law-warden appointed to have charge of children shall take note of the freeman \vho пеg809 lects this duty. But what is the education of the law-wardeпs апd of good citizeпs geпerally ? We 11ave spokeп of the liter­ ature of choric song. But what of prose li terature, arith810 metic, and the use of the lyre ? The years from tеп to six­ teeп shall Ье devoted to these studies, three years to "letters," апd three years to the lyre and its accompaпiments ; and there shall Ье no forcing of dull students beyond tl1eir natural rate of progress. But again what of prose literature and of verse not set to 8ro E music ? We have agreed not to flinch from paradox. The pres­ Prot. 325 �·� ent practice of memorizing such literature indiscriminately re­ Ion 530 с sults in а dangerous smattering which might Ье described as the polymathy condemned Ьу Heraclitus or the humanization of on

LAWS

culture. If we are to discrimiпate, we пееd а patterп fo1· tl1e sп в thiпgs that childreп may Ье safely taught. Апd what better sп с guide сап we fiпd for our ceпsors thaп the substaпce of our соп- оп 858 с versatioп thus far ? 1 t is hard to dogmatize about matters of ��� �8 Е such momeпt. But we are at least coпsisteпt a11d may leave tl1e fiпal decisioп to the сопсlнsiоп of the whole. Iп tl1e teaching of g� �:� g n the lyre, simplicity should Ье the rule. The youпg have much to learn and should not Ье disconcerted Ьу difficulties and tl1e com­ plication of rhythmical variatioпs and possiЫe coпtradictioп Ъetween tl1e music and the feelings. Everything depeпds 011 edu- 81з D cation. Tl1e director of the children will have expert assistaпts 813 с to aid him iп his supervision of all forms of musical and gym­ 813-14 DE nastic edнcation and in the training of women as well as men 804 814 С]} 399 А ff. for war, especially wrestling. We may (as in the RepuЫic) classi­ 401 D ff. fy and subdivide the motions of athletics, dапсе, апd soпg as peaceful or warlike, and as imitatioп of поЫе or base characters. Some of the names giveп Ьу the ancieпts to dances of these 816 В D differeпt types are very apt and happy. The imitatioп of tl1e 816 Phileb. 49 ВС Ar. Poet. base is comedy. Freemeп must witness this, siпce tl1e knowledge 33 1449 а of opposites is one ; but the practice must Ье left to slaves апd 816 Е оп ciouds 797 D 546-48 foreigпers. Here novelty is поt only permitted but prescribed . AI. But what of the "serious" poets of the tragedies ? Shall we allow them to " fetch and carry" their poesy in our ci ty ? W е oursel ves 817 в are the composers of а noЬler tragedy and сап suffer no rivals. V\7e cannot permit them to set up their stages in our puЬlic places and hire eloqueп t and dulcet voices to teach womeп апd 817 CD children апd the mob the contrary of all tl1at our educatioп iп- Gorg. 502 с culcates. They must submit to our ceпsure if we are to grant Rep. 383 с them а chorus. Arithmetic, geometry, and astronomy remain . We shall speak ��� � in the proper place of а higl1er education in these subj ects. I-Iere ct. 961 ff. we are speakiпg опlу of what is indispensaЫe for all ci tizens, 818 в "necessary" iп the true seпse of the word. Не who has no kno,vl- 818 cn edge of these is hardly а human beiпg at all, still less cat1 l1e Ье competent to take charge of men. ln this sense they are surely necessary. Yet it is difficult to speak discriminatingly of tl1em Ьесапsе of the total ignorance of them in some parts of Greece, ��: � and the still greater mischief of the combiпation of survey courses with bad teachiпg in more sophisticated communities.

3 86

WНАТ PLATO SAID

819 А-С Free-born Greeks ought certainly to learn as much of numbers and their useful application as mobs of Egyptian children learn Rep. 522 Е 4 Ьу i11geniously devised games. Our present ignorance is поt hu­ 819 D Rep. 535 Е 5 man but swinish. We know lines, surfaces, апd solids, but we 819 Е do not know that some of them are commensuraЬle and some 820 А incommensuraЬle witl1 one another. These апd similar matte1·s 820 ВС are little tl1ings to know but Ьig things not to know. vYe do not 820 D believe that the teaching of them can harm the young. But we 820 DE are willing to liste11 to argument. Meanwhile we adopt tl1em 821 А provisio11ally. Tl1e popular пotion that the study of nature апd ast1·onomy is actually impious is the reverse of the trutl1 . We 821 CD slюнld at least learn enough not to Ьlaspheme about tl1ese great divinities, the suп, the 111 0011 , and the stars \vhich we erroпeous­ ly call plaпets because we suppose them to \Vaпder in their 821 Е course. They do not wander, as 1 myself have only recently 822 АВ learпed and could easily explain. We should not please the rac­ ers at Olympia if we called the quickest the slowest апd vice versa. And we should at least learn eпough not to make this absurd mistake about tl1e gods. Tl1ere remains to complete the topic of education the praise and Ьlame of hunting and its right uses, and some details which 824 ВС slюнld Ье rather exhortations thaп positive laws. А brief state­ men t of the law concludes tl1e subject. Book VП I Tl1e eighth book of the Laws begiпs with religious festivals in 828 ff. а state which possesses more leisure thaп апу other and is to 829 А lead the good life like а single тап, neither \vroпging othe1·s nor 830 ВС submittiпg to wrong. Then it discusses the modern topic of pre­ 821JDEB paredness for war iп реасе, and moпthly manoeuvres. All festi­ 830 829-30 Cf. on 832 Е vals and competitions should Ье directed to this end, and par­ ticipants who distiпguish themselves will receive prizes апd Ье praised in poems which are to Ье composed Ьу good men only, even if the gods have not made them poetical. The chief cause of tl1e neglect of such practices in present-day states is the fierce pш·suit of wealtl1 which leaves no leisure for tl1em. The lust for weal th is the cause of тапу evils already described in the Re­ puЫic. And it is this that makes our governments no true poli­ ties but the rule of factions. On this digression follow the details of agonistic as distin­ guished from educational gymnastics. They are to Ье so ordered

LAWS

as to prepare the citizen for the real contests of war. The fш·mer accouпt of education in music is supplemented Ьу provisions for the con tests of rhapsodes and choruses. The association of the young in such festivals and choruses supplies а transition to the di:ffi c ult proЫem of sex and the regulation of the mightiest of human appetites. Plato's final opinions on these questions are identical with what are or until а few years ago were the j udgments of the modern Christian conscience. Не rej ects un11atural lusts, tising the word "natural . " Не has great faith in the re­ straining power of uncontradicted teaching, una11imous puЬlic opinion, and verbal taboos, and in the diversion of the "liЬido" Ьу physical trainiпg as exemplified in the case of some famous athletes ; and he clears up Ьу lucid distinctions many of the арparent contradictions and confusions of the dramatic dialogues. The Cretan interlocutor is represented as provisionally acqtliescing in these views, and they pass on to the food supply and agricultural laws. There will Ье no imports of food. Boundaries shall Ье sacrosanct, under protection of Zeus the boundary god. Thou shalt not remove thy neighbor's laпdmark, the little stone that severs friendship from l1ate. Then follow warnings against many minor inj uries and encroachments, with provision for legal remedies if they are disregarded. For the regulation of the water stipply there are many good old laws which we need поt divert into other channels. Some details, lюwever, are givеп. There must Ье laws also for the first harvest of figs and grapes, and the eating of wayside fruit Ьу the passing traveler, and the transportation of tl1e crop across another's land. No citizen shall practice any craft and no foreigner two crafts. The workman must Ъе one man, not many. Neither expo1·ts nor i mports shall Ье taxed. Imports shall Ъе limited to necessities which the cotlntry does not produce. The entire food stipply shall Ье divided into twelve parts, and each twelfth apportioned to citizens, slaves, foreigners, and craftsmen in three subdivisions. Citizens shall distribute the po1·tion of the slaves. Tl1ere sl1all Ье twelve villages, one in the middle of each district, with civic centres, temples, and regulated construction, апd the craftsmen shall Ъе suitaЬly distributed in the villages and the city. Market stewards shall enforce our rules for business, апd the sale of food to foreigпers. All sales shall Ье for cash. Aliens

834 Е-835 835-3б ff. 835 nв

:�� �в 83в n s3в вс ::� �-34о А 837 л ff. 842 А 842 с ct. 841 вс 842 в Deut. 19:14 843 А 843 в o n 957 АВ ::� ��D 844 n

84б А on cЬarm.

841 АВ ct. 842 с 847 вс 847 Е В48 ВС 848 cn

�1� :i s nв

161

388

WНАТ PLATO SAID

sl1all Ье registered, and their residence normally limited to twen850 B ty years. They shall рау no tax except sobriety and modesty. вook IX ln the ninth book Plato takes up j udicial procedure, to which c� 3� ;� l64 hitherto there have been only incidental references, and espe­ 7 cially crime and punishment, which have not been considered at all. As legislator for а reformed state he shrinks from this repug­ nant topic, but since we are legislating for men, not gods-and 853 с in view of the presence of aliens and tl1e weakness of human na­ ture-he cannot neglect it. The details of Plato's adoption of and variations f1·om Athenian law have been studied in technical monographs. Here we are concerned with ideas and principles. 854 ВС The law against sacrilege and temple-robbing is prefaced Ьу а particularly solemn brief proem or chant, which is much quoted in later antiquity. The complications of the procedure we may omit. Next соте tl1e penalties for treason and attempts to sub­ vert the polity, which resemЬle those for sacrilege. They shall 857 лв in no case work corruption of Ыооd. The incidental remark that the penalties for theft shall Ье the same whether the sum stolen 857 С-864 с Ье large or small introduces а ramЬling digression on underlying ethical principles and on the compatiЬility of necessary legal distinctions wit\1 some of the Socratic paradoxes of the earlier dialogues which Plato still affirms. 857 CD The distinction between the two types of physicians is re­ Cf. 720857А ff.Е called. We are educating rather than actually legislating. There 858 А is no compulsion of haste upon us as on а lawyer in court. We On 781 DE have leisure to elaborate the ideally best if we please instead of 858 В limiting ourselves to the necessary, and, like careful workmen, 859 с to collect our materials before proceeding to build. We are ЬеАr Eth. Nic. II8o о f literature. ь 29 coming, ь ut are not yet } awgivers. Laws are а iorm r : �: � It is more disgraceful for lawgivers to err and mislead than for 859 лв poets. Tl1ey should explain their meanings like а kindl у paren t and not write their decrees on the wall like а tyrant. 859 Е-860 АВ Popular usage would say to punisl1 j ustly is beautiful, but to оп Gorg. 476 CD Ье punisl1ed is disgraceful. But we who affirm the identity of the j ust апd beautiful must in consistency pronounce both beautiful 860 D or fine. Again, we have always maintained that all bad men are 860 в uпwillingly bad, and we do not admit the contentious subtlety that though they а1·е uпwilliпgly unj ust tl1ey commit inj ustice 860 Е-861 willi ngly. How sl1all we recoпcile these ethical principles witl1

LAWS

the indispensaЬle legal distinction between voluntary and involuntary acts of inj ustice ? l f the distinction is 11ot \vhat i t is usually supposed to Ье, what is i t ? Plato meets tl1e difficulty Ьу distinguishing the harm or loss caused Ьу an act from its moral quality. The law must require the doer to make good the loss. The moral quality, the "inj ustice," is а state of mind, and is determined Ьу the purpose and intentio11 of tl1e doer. Inj ustice when curaЬle is а disease to Ье treated Ьу remedi al punishment ; when it is incuraЬle the punishment is exemplary. То m ake the matter still plainer Plato recurs to his psyclюlogy. We may dis­ tinguish in the soul, i t matters not whether we call them parts or functions, three qualities : the contentious and ambitious "spirit," the desire of pleasure, and ignorance, whicl1 is t\vofold according as it is or is not accompanied Ьу conceit of knowledge. The domination of passion and appetite is inj ustice. The control of what the agent believes (rightly or wro11gly that is) to Ье the best is our definition of j ustice. We are not disputing about words. There are some five specific distinctions to which legislation must adj ust its penalties. Misdeeds may Ье due to passion, appetite, or ignorance, which is of two or three kinds. And these five species are further distinguished Ьу two types or generathe violent and the stealthy. These principles settled, we retшn to the detail of legislation. The law of homicide and murder is treated in the solemn style of Aeschylus' Choeplioroi and Eumenides and the orations of Antiphon. Some of the antiquarian procedнres of the Athe11ian courts are retained. And Plato is 11ot unwilli11g to invoke the sanctions of archaic religious feeling or popular superstition. Let the involuntary homicide go into exile for а year, not disdaining the ancient tale that the wrathful spirit of the slain man returns to haunt his home and has for his ally the memory of his slayer quickened Ьу the associations of the seasons as they roll around. Homicides of passion hold an intermediate place between the voluntary and the involuntary. l f done on the spur of the moment, they resemЫe the involuntary and deserve lighter penal­ ties ; if of malice prepense, they are the "likeness" of the voluntary and should Ье pu11ished more severely. Special provisions are made for the slaying of а child Ьу а parent, а husband or

861 CD on Prot. 353 А

862 В 862 Prot. D On Е 324 АВ 862 Оп P haedo I 1 3 Е 863 А 863 вс on Lysis 218 АВ on Meno 87 вс

865 D E Ae��� fi� hoeph.

867 868 C ff.

WНАТ PLATO SAID

869 А wife Ьу the partner. One who kills а p arent may Ье acquitted PhaedoCf.1ц857АВА Ьу the parent before he dies, but otl1erwise receives the ex­ Eur. Hippol. 144!)-50 tremest penalties of the laws. Next соте murders апd other crimes due to the appetite for p leasure and envy ; the chief cause on 831 C ff. of this is the lust for wealth, which Plato again denounces. Other causes are am bi tion and fear. 870 DE Ву way of prelude we may recall our former preamЬle and the on 865 DE teaching of tl1e mysteries wl1ich many believe, that such crimes are punished in Hades or are expiated Ьу similar sufferings in а on Phaedo 81 Е second life on earth. The possibility of the murder of kin is ctJ�� � again deprecated but recognized. Tl1e cowai·dly suicide shall Ье 873 CD buried apart апd wi thout headstone. Animals and lifeless things 873 Е that kill m ay Ье tried-on the old E11glish principle of deodand. 874 АВ о. Т . 236 ff. There shall Ье puЫic outl awing of tl1e unknow11 killer. Soph. 874 Е The preamЬle to the topic of crimes of violence repeats some ct. 866-67 ideas already developed in tl1e Laws or the Po/iticus. The psy­ chological classification of homicides a p plies to them. Laws are on Euthyd, 291 в indispensaЫe. It is hard for man to perceive that the true ро875 А litical art is concerned for the common, not the private, weal. And even if а man grasp this truth, !1е \Vill not aЬide Ьу it whe11 ct. on 691 CD p ossessed of irresponsiЫe power. But human nature senselessly Tim. 69 D 2 pursuing pleasure and fleeing pain will impel him to greed and 8 on м еnо �� � self-seeking. If Ьу grace divine а true king should arise, he would need no laws to control him ; fo1· no law is superior to on ��� � knowledge. As it is, Vl'e must put u p with the second best, laws, the generality of which cannot always do j ustice to particular 875 DE cases. Those considerations apply with special force to tl1e in876 A finite diversity of crimes of violeпce. We must leave the issue of 876 В fact to the courts апd with it in many cases the p enalty. А leg­ on 766 D islator unfortu11ately compelled to legislate for dumb and secre­ tive or tumultuous and democratic courts slюнld leave them as little discretion as possiЬle. Good or ideal courts may Ье trusted 876 Е to determine the penalties themselves. Here, as heretofo1·e, we on 769 n пееd supply only а few guiding examples. There follow tl1e pen877 A alties for assault with intent to kill and for wounds and Ьlows inflicted on kin. The classification of crimes of viole11ce resem879 в Ыеs that of homicides. Solemn empl1asis is laid on the reverence 879 с due to age. А young man should p atiently endure the Ыows of Ar. P013J!:� ь an old man, thus storing up honor for his own old age. То strike

LAWS

39 1

а p arent is h ardly less abhorrent than to slay him. Those whose unyielding spirits cannot Ъе softened Ьу the i11struction and admonition of the preamЬle shall suffer the severest penalties of outlawing, exile, or stripes, and condign punisl1ment shall Ье visited upon any bystander who fails to соте to the aid of а parent thus assaulted. The tenth book of the Laws is the earliest, the most inflt1en­ tial, and, а Platonist would say, still the best extant theodicy or treatise on natural religion. It anticipates everything essential that has been said on this tl1eme Ьу the Stoics, Cicero, Plutarch, Epictetus, Mai:cus Aurelius, Raimond de Sabond, Herbert of Cherbury, Leibnitz, Berkeley, Pope's Essay оп Мап, Joseph de Maistre, Tennyson's In Memoriam, Tayler Lewis' Plato Against the Atheists, Martineau, and their successors down to the present day. lts substa11ce is familiar to many who have never opened а volume of Plato's works. For it has been and still is endlessly imitated, p lagiarized, excerpted, p araphrased, and commented. lt will always remai11 а fundamental text for the study of Plato's philosophy and religion . Here it will Ье enoпg11 to indicate its place in tl1e economy of the Laws, to enumerate some of its domina11t ideas, and to warn against some prevalent misappre­ hensions. I t is obviously а digression, and i t could Ье argued that its dispro p ortionate length, for which Plato apologizes, is evidence of senility or interpolation ; or its artistic j ustification might Ье found in the fact that it relieves the otherwise intoleraЬle aridity of legal detail in Books IX, XI, and ХП. In any case it contains much that i t was in Plato's heart to say, and the Laws is professedly а ramЬling and leisurely composition. l t is introduced as а preamЬle to а more specific l aw against sacrilege and impiety than the previous summary disposal of the m atter, and might Ъе conceived as а belated preamЬle to the entire work. It enumerates three possiЫe heresies : atheism, the belief that tl1e gods are careless of mankind, or that they can Ье bribed. l ts inclusion of impiety in word gives Ьitter offense to modern liberals, and their indignation at а few petulant and perhaps iюt entirely serious pages at the end completely Ыi11ds them to the merits of the composition as а whole-its wealth of

880-81 ����� D Soph. о.т. 316

On 8s1 c 881 в 4

�J1:iit . 286 в

887 В 89 0 Е 885 В 884 799 ВА 87 tf. 854871АВ,D 868 D, 88s B 888 с 88�:S � 7 9o7 E i, Сi�З Na t. deor. 1 ·

3 92

886 АВ 908 В

S85 B

Cic. Nat. deor.23 I.

886 А

886 DE Аро\.96726С D4 886 Е 1-2 890 В 1-2 889 в, 891 с 3 892 с 2

889 Е Gorg. 483-84 4Ql Е 6 ff. Rep. 3 65 D 6385-8,АВ,715690А В 890 А 887 CDE, 870 D 907 с 888 А 7

WHAT PLATO SAID

thought, the beauty of its religious and ЬiЫical eloquence. Grote and Gomperz, for example, summarize it without one word of appreciation of these quali ties ; and many critics of this school take no note of Plato's explicit rej ection of tl1e invidious modern argument that lack of faith in the fundamentals of re­ ligion is always due to corruption of the moral will. Plato does, however, say that no one who (really) holds that faith will Ье impious in word or deed. The paradox, if it Ье one, is of the same character as 11is continued affirmation of the Socratic pri nciple that no one who knows the right will do wrong. It depends upo11 the psychology of our definition of knowing and believing. More than half of tl1e book is devoted to the proof in refutation of all militant and materialistic atheisms that the very natшe of tl1e world is evidence of the primacy of soul. The Athenian does 110t co11side1· the argument from design, or the argument from uпiversal belief, а sufficie11t refutation of pl1ilosophic atl1eists. Their positioп is that of their successors today, wlю affirm that "in the beginning was hydrogen" and tl1at " the kinetic theory of gas is an assertion of ultimate chaos." The sun, the moon, the stars, tl1ey say, are lifeless ea1·th and sto11e. They cook нр tbls mate1·ialism in plausiЫe argпments for the cor1·uption of youth. There are, tl1ey say, three soпrces of tl1i11gs : chance, nature, and art. The elemeп ts-earth, fire, water, апd air-exist Ьу nature and chance. They co11stitute natпre, in fact. In like manner animals, plants, the heavens, and tl1e earth, they say, are the products of nature and chance, but not of art, which is an after-growth superadded to tl1em. Among tl1e late developed arts whicl1 do not exist Ьу nature is the political art of j ustice, \vhose assumptions have no validi ty. Inj ustice and grasping selfishness are the l aws of n ature, they say ; natural right is tl1e right of the stronger ; j ustice, self-re­ straint, and the belief in gods wlю punish are а device of tl1e legislator to hold the mob in awe. It is hard, the Athenian says, to deal patiently with men who scorn fully rej ect all the tales of their childhood and remain uni111p1·essed Ьу all the habits and ceremonies of the religion in wl1ich they h ave Ьееп nшtured. And tl1e sincere theist is furtl1er irritated Ьу their confident dog­ matism about what they cannot possiЫy know or prove. Воу, tlюu art young, tl1e Atheпi an apostrophizes а youth of this

LAWS

3 93

type. Уои and your mates are not the first and will not Ье the last to say in your hearts, "There is 110 God." But this much we m ay affirm, that no man ever did consistently m aintain this absolute atheism from youth to old age and die in it. Nevertheless, since such sayings and the wide dispersion of such literature are а great corruption of youth in our cities and even а little plausiЬility in their refutation m ay serve the lawgiver's end, we must соте to the rescue and refute this heresy as well as the otl1er two Ьу proving that law and art, the products of mind and right reason, exist Ьу nature or something not inferior to nature. The argument employed by tl1eAthe11ian against these oppositions of science is the argшnent of the Phaed1·us that the soul is the self-moving and therefore takes precedence of that which is moved Ьу a110ther. These philosophers have ig110red the soul. Whatever classification of motions we adopt and with whatever s tate of t11ings we begin, а first principle of motion is an indis­ peпsaЫe postulate. I f all things are assumed to Ье i п motion, this motion must proceed from а self-moved. And if we assume that all things were once together and at rest, а self-moved was required to start them. We m ay distinguish in every matter three t11ings : the name, tl1e logos or verbal descriptioп and definition, and the essence . The motion that moves itself is the logos апd esseпce of soul. The soul, tl1erefore, exists Ьу n ature as truly or more so thaп mere lifeless clods and their elementseartl1, water, fire, and air. A11d therefore, concludes the Athe11ia11, tl1e p1·operties of soul take precedeпce of the properties of body. Reason, forethought, care, exist Ьу nature and are prior to l1eavy, ligl1t, moist a11d dry, and all the qualities that reason makes use of for i ts purposes. Furtl1er11101·e, tl1ere must Ье more than one soнl-two, at least, to account for good and evil. Now the visiЫe cosшos, the starry heavens, and tl1eir movements, being 01·derly, are regнlated Ьу the good type of soнl. It woнld Ье impious to affirm the contrary. We see the body of the sнn but cannot see its soul. We dare not look directly at tl1e sнn апd may not hope to contemplate the sнpreme reason directly with mortal eyes. But we m ay infer that t11e beautiful consistent ш ovements of the sнn, for example, must Ье produced Ьу а soul, whether indwelling or acting from withoнt or embodied in some visiЬle Apollo who guides i t as а charioteer his chariot. Unless

gз� : ы о4 Е 5

ввs вс 885 D 6, 886 В I O, 810 ВС 858 D ff., 891 В 2 890 D 5,2 718 907 С 891 А 6 D Rep. 368 В 4-7 в9о D 6 245-46

tti� ;83 CD

893--, ' Н Оlк71 тоv '1:,wкрО.тоv!> (Berlin, 1 9 1 8), рр. 309-14, and Ueberw.-Pr., рр. 56*-59*. Cf. further Zeller, рр. 44-232 ; Zeller-Nestle, рр. п 7-27 ; К. Joёl, Der echte und d. xenopl1ont. Sokrates (2 vols . ; Berlin, 1 893-1 901 ) ; Gesc/1. d. a11tiken Philos., 1 , 730 ff. ; Н. Maier, Sokrates: Sein Werk und sei11e geschicht­ liche Stellung (TiiЬingen, 1 9 1 3) ; А. Busse, Sokrates ("Die grossen Erziel1er," hrsg. v. R. Lehmann, Vol. Vll) (Berlin, 1 9 1 4) ; Е. Meyer, Gesch. d. .dltert., IV, 435-62; J. Stenzel, art. "Sokrates" in Pauly-Wiss., 1 1 1 , А, Sp. 8 I 1-90. For the present wri ter's interpretation of Socrates cf. art. "Socr.ates" in New lnternat. Епсус. ( 1 904) ; "The Question of the Socratic Element in Plato," Proceedings oj the Si.'(/h International Congress of Philosophy ( 1 926), рр. 57683 ; review of А. Е. Taylor's Varia Socratica in Class. Phil., VI ( 1 9 I 1 ) , 3 6 1 ; cf. iЬid., VII ( 1 9 1 2), 8 9 ; review of Е. Horneffer's Der junge Р/а/011 in iЬid. XVl l (1 922), 1 73-75 ; review of E. Dupr�el's La /Cgende socratiq11e е/ les sources de Р/а/011 in iЬid., рр. 268-7 1 . Cf. also infra, notes on the .dpology, Crito, and Phaedo, passim, and on the Gorgias. Moral and religious ideal: Seneca Ер. VI. 5, "Plato et Aristoteles et onшis in diversum itura sapientium turba plus ех moribus qt1am ех verЬis Socratis traxit."

ТНЕ LIFE OF PLATO-NOTES

44 9

Wisdom о/ the East: There is no evidence that Plato had actually read any Oriental or Egyptian book, and the sшmise that definite philosophic idcas may l1ave been traпsmitted Ьу travelers, trade, and i nterpreters remains ап improbaЬle conjecture. The entire erudite and to some readers fasciпatiпg literatшe about oriental influence in Greek philosophy is uncri tical . I t is re­ jccted Ьу the nюst sober-minded historiaпs. An attempt to cri ticizc i t l1ere would involve те in logomachy апd lead to no result. It would Ье necessary to take пр one Ьу one the "parallels" that have been alleged апd demonstrate their insufficiency. Suc\1 а procedure would weary without convincing the uпcritical, апd tl1e critical do not need it. It is enough to repeat that Plato's use of tl1e imagery of шysticism is purely literary, neYer superstitious, and tlJat l1is \vritiпgs пееd по otl1er explaпatioп thaп thcmselYes and the Greek authors tl1at l1e may Ье presumed to haYe read. Furtl1er discussion of tl1is topic, theп, may Ье reserYed for more technical studies. Cf. Hoffmann, Ap­ peпdix to Zeller5, р . 1 1 0 1 ; Burnet, Early G1·eek Philosophy, р. 1 9 ; Friedliinder I , 37 and П, �144, 609, 6 1 7 ; Н. Н. Schaeder, Die Antike, IV ( 1 92 8 ) , �.26-65 ; Zeller, рр. 4 1 2 ff. ; Zeller-Nestle6, I , 2 1 -5 2 ; Ueberw.-Pr., рр. 27-2 8 , 37* ff. ; Joёl, рр. 7 ff. The fancy that Plato Ьorrowed from tl1e Old Testament or from tl1e theosopl1ies of lndia beloпgs to tl1e history of Platonisш . Mcgm·ians: Cf. Zeller, рр. 244 ff. ; Ueberw.-Pr., рр. 1 5 5 ff., 6 2 * ; Gomperz, II, 1 70 ff. ; С . М. Gillespie, "Оп the Megariaпs," Archi�J. Gesch. d. Philos., XXIV ( 1 9 1 1 ) , 2 1 8-4 1 . Cf. also 11is article, "The Logic of Aпtistl1eпes," ibid., XXVI ( 1 9 1 3 ) , 479 ff. ; XXVII ( 1 9 1 4) , 1 7 ff. ; CampЬell, The " Theaetetus" oj Plato, рр. xxxiii ff. ; Р. Janet, Essai sur /а dialectique dc Pfaton, рр. 28 ff. ; Sl10rey, Diss., р. 1 0, n. l апd р. 43, n. 4. Academy: On tl1e site cf. Frazer, Pausanias, П , 3 8 9 ff. ; Bursian, Geographic vo11 Griecl1enfand, 1 , 3 23 ; Wachsmuth, Athen im Aftertlшm, I, 2 5 5 ff., 262 ff. ; W. Judeich, Topographie von Athen ( 1 93 1 ) , рр. 4 1 2 ff. ; Gomperz, П , 270-7 1 апd I I I , 307. Legaf process: Wilamowitz, Pl1ifof. Unters., рр. 263 ff., 279 ff. ; Natorp iп Pauly-Wissowa, 1, н34; Ueberw.-Pr., р . 1 84 ; Р. Foucart, Les associations refigieuses chcz les Grecs. Gomperz (III, 308) denies the "incorporation." Unl1ealthy site: Zeller, р . 4 1 6, n. 2 ; Porpl1fry De abstin. 1 . 3 6 ; Aelian IX. l O. Cf. on Rep. 5 9 1 С (Loeb) . Teacliing i n the Academy: Zeller, р р . 4 1 6 ff. ; Ueberw.-Pr., рр. 1 84-8 5 . On the Academy a s а school cf. Grote, I, 2 5 5 ff. ; Zeller, рр. 420 ff., 9 8 2 ff. ; UeЬerw.-Pr., рр. 341 ff. ; Ritter, рр. 1 87 ff. Plato does not, like Isocrates (XV. 93) , give us а list of 11is students. Tl1e cl1ief names mentioned in tl1e tradition are Aristotle ; Speusippus, Plato's nephew ; Xenocrates, who suc­ ceeded Speusippus as chicf of the Academy; Dion ; Eudoxus the astroпomer; Heracleides Poпticus, а favorite author of Cicero ; Pl1ilippus of Opus, said to lшve edited tl1e Laws; Hermodorus of Syracuse, said to have trafficked i n Plato's writings ; and, very doubtfully, t h e orators Deшostl1enes, Hypereides , and Lycurgus. The tradition also speaks of two women students, one of whom wore men's garments.

:аб

26

28

• !1

зо

WНАТ PLATO SAID 30

32

35

37

40

Mathe m atical sciences: For the inscription M17 are bad. Zeller (р. 604) thiпks that Rep. 505 С refers to tl1e Pbllebus. But tl1e advocates of а late date for the Philebus rightly deny any specific paral lel. So confused: Еvеп after the RcpuЬ!ic апd Politicus, Plato, iп Laws 963 ff" approaches tl1e proЬlem of the "political art" and the uпity of virtue precisely in the mап пеr of the teпtative dialogues. There is по rещ.011 for takiпg seri­ ously Socrates' dramatic bewildermeпt as to tl1e "political art" in Euthyd. 292 DE that would not apply equally to the avowal of ignorance iп Laws 963 ВС, or iп tl1e Polilicus itself, 292 С. Tl1e political art, i.e., ultimate ethi­ cal and social "good," was always а proЬlem to Plato, as it must Ье to апу thoughtful, coпscieпtious man (Rep. 451 А). lп the Laws (964 ff.) as iп the RepuЫic, he finally limits himself to indicatiпg tl1e kind of traiпiпg that wtll prepare the miпd to apprehend it best. But as agaiпst tl1e ideals of Athenian sopl1ists апd poli ticians, his beliefs were defiпed "alread} " iп the Eulhyph. 2 CD, and the Go1-g. 463 D ff" 521 D. Composing the "Protagoras" : "Опе of the finest specimeпs of aпalysis in all his writings" (Johп Stuart Mill, IV, 250) . Ву haЬil and belief: Phaedo 82 АВ, Rep. 522 А, 6 1 9 С ; Laws 966 С. Ерос/1 in Plato'� thought: Not to dwell оп the rese111Ыance of Мепо 99 С апd Apol. 22 С (cf. also the !оп), wl1y, if Plato has по dramatic reserves, is ор(}� 06�а igпored iп the Euthydemus? Or is tl1e Euth,vdcmus, with its mature logic and its assumption that virtue can Ье taught, earlier tl1an tl1e Мспо? Cf. supra, рр. 70 and 1 55 ff.

ТНЕ WRIТINGS OF PLATO-NOTES

455

Dejinitions of the several virtues: Cf. Loeb R ep " Vol. 1, lntrod" р. xv, and R cp . 428 , 429, 43 1 Е , 433, 43 5 CDE, 44 1 -42. Formula of а dcfinition: Cf. Loeb, Rep., Vol. 1, lntrod" рр. xl ff. ; my article, "Sumnшm bonum," in Hastings, and my "Idea of Good," рр. 1 8 82 3 9. Point consistently /о the same conclusion: Cf. now Friedlander, 1, 8; 1 , 1 58 ; 1 1 , 47, 7 1 , 98, 1 90, 292 with Shorey, Class. Phil" XXII I ( 1 92 8 ) , 295 ; XXVI ( 1 93 1 ) , 1 07.

7а

73

EUTHYPHRO VON ARNIM, рр. 1 4 1 -54.

BIВLIOGRAPНY

BuRNF.T, Euthyp/11·0, Apo!ogy, Crito. 1 924. Cf. Slюrey's r1�view, Class. Phi!. , XXI ( 1 926), 287. C R 0 1s E т, М ., Bude Platon, 1 , 1 77 ff. Paris, 1 920. FRI EDLANDER, 1 1 , 8 1 �0. GoмPERZ, 1 1 , 3 58-67. GоттL 1 Е в, Е., Zum РrоЬ!ет des "Euthyphron," "Arcl1iv 1·. Gesch . d. Philos.

und Soziologie," ХХХ, Nos. 3 and 4 ( 1 926) , 270-79. G ROT E , G., 1, 437-57. HEIDEL, W. А., "O n Plato's Euthyphro," Proc. Ате1·. Phi!. Assoc" XXXI ( 1 900), 1 63-8 1 . , Platos "Eutlzyplzro." New York, 1 902. H oттE RMA NN , Е., "Platons Polemik im Euthyphi·on u11d К.ratylos," Sokrates, LXIV ( 1 9 10), 65-89. RAEDER, РР· 1 27-30. RIТТER, 1 , 363-68. TAYLOR, р р . 1 46-56. WAG NER, Е . , Ueber P!atos "Euthyphron," zur Frage seiner Echtheit und z u seiner Erkliirung, "Festscl1rift f. L. Friedliinder," PF · 43 8-55. Leipzig, 1 895. W1LAMO\VlTZ, 1, 204-8 ; 1 1 , 76-8 1 . ---

NOTES 2 А Porch of the King A1·cl1011: Frazer, Pausan" П , 55 ff. ; Polit. 290 Е 6 ; Menex. 23 8 D 2 , with C!ass. Phil., V ( 1 9 1 0), 362. Cf. Thcat/. 2 1 0 D . 2 В Опе Meletus: Cf. 5 А , 1 5 Е ; Аро!. 23 Е ; Tlzeaet. 2 1 0 D. Meletus \vas an i nsignificant tragic poet of tl1e deme of Pitlюs. Some :iclюlars think that the accuser of Socrates was the son of tl1e tragic poet .\1eletus (Zeller, р . 1 92, n . 5 ) . Cf. С. F. Hermann, Disputatio de Soc1·atis accи sMoribus, рр. 4 ff. ; Schanz, Аро!., рр. 1 6-1 9 ; Burnet on Eutlzyplzro 2 В 9. l�or а similar slюrt vivid description cf. Rivals 134 В. Such cl1aracterizations are frequent in Plautus. 2 С D Не is tlze оп/у s/a/esman: Cf. Gorg. 521 D, 527 DE, ethics the end of statesm anship. But cf. Burnet ad !ос. 2 D Like а good gardener: For the figure cf. Tlzeael. 1 67 В; Rep. 589 В 2; Theag. 1 2 1 ВС; Bacon's "georgics of the mind" ; Aescl1 . Eumm. 9 1 1 . Cf. Bur­ net, ad !ос. (defends the figure) . Cf. Elyot, The Goverr:our, 1, 4. Cf. Boe­ thius 1 1 1 . I ; Cic. Тшс. 1 1 . 5; Huxley, Evolution and Etblcs, passim, e.g" р. 33. 3 В А divine voice: There is no evidence that tl1is was iп fact the ground of the accusation. Xenophon (Мет. 1 . I . 3) perhaps gets tl1e idea from this 4 56

EUTHYPHRO-NOTES

457

passage. Cf. Burnet on Apol. 3 1 D. For the Daimonion cf. Euth)·d. 272 Е ; Pl1aedr. 242 В ; Rep . 496 С ; Аро/. 27, 3 1 C D , 40 АВ ; Theael. 1 5 1 А ; А/с. I 103 А ; Tlieag. 1 2 8 D ff. Zeller, рр. 74 ff. witl1 lit. ; Ueberw.-Pr., р. 59*. з С Расе theт (оµоие lEvai) : Cf. Euthyd. 294 D ; Theaet. 1 66 А ; Rep. 6 1 0 С. Cf. Il. XIII. 337, II. 24; Aristoph. Eccl. 8 63, 876; Lysistr. 45 1 ; Thu­ cyd. 1 1 . 62; Xen. А1тЬ. 1 1 1 . iv. 4; Суп. Х. 2 1 ; Sутр. 1 1 . 1 3 ; Eurip. Orest. 921 ; Ar. Met. 1 089 а 3 . З С No great тatter to Ье /aughed at: Cf. Rep. 45 1 А (Loeb) , 452 В ; Laws

830 В.

3 С Does п о t teach otl1ers: For the expression cf. on Мепо 100 А. For tl1e iclea tl1at Socrates is not а teacher but only а seeker cf. Apof. 33 А, "1 was пobody's teacl1er" ; Xen. Мет. 1. 2. 3 ; cf. also Laclш 1 8 6 В С ; Rep. 338 В ; and Cfeitophoп, passiт. 3 D Pom·s out: Cf. for the idea tl1at Socrates was accessiЫe to every­ body, Xen . Мет. 1. 1 . 10. 3 Е Pfeasant hour iп the соиr11·оот: Cf. Cic. D e or. 1 . 57, "ltaque hilari­ tatis plenum iudicium ас laetitiae fuit." The Laws reprobate such practices (876 В, 766 D). 3 Е Оп/у уои prophets: Cf. on Laches 1 95 DE. 4 А The proverbial Ьird: Cf. Euthyd. 291 В ; Aesch. Ag. 394; Ar. Met. 1009 Ь 3 7 ; Нот . Il. XVll . 7 5 ; Clem . Alex. Strom . 3 1 7 В ; Pers. Sat. 1 1 1 . 6 1 . � f. Leutsch and Schneidewin, 1 1 , 677, note on 6 0 В for synonymous expres­ sюпs. 4 ВС For the тю·dеr of а gui!ty slave: On the law and history cf. Burnet, р. 25. The suit, if real, was brouglн before the loss of Naxos in 404. 4 ВС Thefact that the тап is yoU1jather is irre/evant: Plato does not agree with Sl1aw and Butler on the family. Cf. on Crito 50 Е. But cf. Burnet. Ij genuine: Cf. Crito 51 ВС, 50 Е; Laws 7 1 7 D; Ер. Vll . 33 1 D. 5 А Весоте а disciple of Euthyphro: Cf. Hipp. Maj. 286 D. 5 В С More talk of him tlzan of те: Cf. on 3 Е ; Dem . IV. 44 ; Aescl1. Ti­ тarchus 1 7 1 , 1 7 2 ; Lysias Agaiпst Апdос. XLI I. 1 3 ; Sext. Етр. adv. таthет. В 40. 5 Е As Zeus puпished his: Cf. Rep. 318 В . 5 Е f. Censorship of Hoтeric tl1eo!ogy: Rep. 377-78 ff. б В Sudden тodulations: Cf. iпfra, I I В С ; Phaedo r 1 5 А 5 ; Мепо 8 1 А ; Go1-g. 507 Е-508 А, wl1ere tl1 e shift i s marked Ь у efev, Phaedr. 260 С 7. Cf. lvo Bruns, Das /iterai·isch e Portriit der Griechen, р. 2 1 6 ; Karl Vering, Р/аtош Staat, р. 7. 6 В Friend/y eamest11ess: Cf. Charт. 1 57 С ; Phaedr. 264 А ; Gorg. 5 1 9 D, 5 1 3 С; Sу тр . 201 С; Go1·g. 527 Е; Laws 662 В; Hipp. Maj. 284 В; Gorg. 453 В . Ruskiп: Arat1·a Pc11te!ici, § 107. 6 С Peplus: For the 7ГЕ7ГЛоs or robe of Athena carried in tl1e Panathenaic procession cf. also Eurip. НссиЬа 465 ff. with scholia ad /ос.; Aristopl1. K11igl1ts 566 witl1 scholia; Plut. Demetr. 1 2 ; Harpocr., s.v. 7ГЕ7ГЛоs ; Suidas, s . v. 7ГЕ7ГЛоs ; Pollux 7, 50.

WHAT PLATO SAID Cf. also А. Mommsen, Feste der Stadt Athen, рр. 1 07-1 6; Baumeister, Dmk­ miiler, П, н 8 5 ; Frazer, Pausanias, П, 574. Tl1e sclюliast on Rep. 327 А adds tl1at at the lesser Panathenaea the war

of the Athenians with Atlantis was woven in Athene's robe--a misapprehen­ sion рrоЬаЫу of Proclus on Tim. 19 В , 26 Е, 4 1 . 6 С О Euthyphron, right-mi11dedfriend: Ruskin's dev �lopment of the ety­ mology shows tl1at he feels the modulation to friendly earnestness l1ere. 6 С Socrates rep!ies drily: Cf. Dickens, Martin Clшzzlewit, "\Уе air а reading people here, sir, said the general. You will meet with mucl1 informa­ tion among us that will surprise you, sir." "I have not the least doubt of it, sir," returned Martin. 6 С То another time: els aMLs. Cf. on Lysis 205 А В . 6 D Imtances of piety: Cf. on Laches 1 90 Е ; also Phaedo 7 8 D. 6 D Idca,jorm, or aspect: For the apparent identity, even in the "earlier" dialogues of the terminology of the definition and the "Platonic idea" cf. supra, 5 D ; Laches 1 97 Е ff. ; Нiрр. Maj. 28 7 С, 2 8 8 А 9, 2 8 9 D 4 ; Meno 72 С 7-8 ff. , 74 В 1 ; Unity, р. 3 1 ; Friedlander, П, 84. 6 DE That makes them piet;·: Cf. Мепо 72 С ; Shorey , "Origin of the Syl­ logism," Class. Phil., XIX ( 1 924) , 8�. 6 Е We сап look: a:rro{3>.. /:7Г(J)P and {3>.. 1:7ГыР belong ofte tt to the terminology of the ideas. Cf. Cratyl. 3 8 9 А 5 and В 2 ; Gorg. 474 D 5 ; Prot. 354 С 1 ; Gorg. 503 Е 1 ; Rep. 472 С 7, 484 С 9, which illustrates the ori1�ir1 of the expression i n tl1e artist looking to h1s m odel, Alc. П 1 45 А I I ; Т'iт. 2 8 А. It is im­ possiЫe, lюwever, to distinguisl1 this teclшical use from i ts m ore general ap­ plications. Isocrates, e.g., has it, perhaps sometimes in imitation of Plato. Cf. I soc. Реасе 1 8 (cf. Phaedr. 237 D) ; То Nicocles 9; Par•ath. 2 1 7 ; Antid. 1 30, 292. Aristotle uses it several times, e.g., Cat. 5 Ь 1 ; i'Je а п . 404 Ь 7; Pol. 1 296 а 34, and about seven times elsewl1ere, once with ironical reference to Plato (Met. 99 1 а 23) . 6 Е Pattern: 1Гap6.5eL"fµa. Cf. Parmen. 1 3 2 D ; Rep. 592 В ; Alc. l 1 3 2 D ; Tim. 2 8 В , 29 В , 4 8 Е ; Rep. 500 Е ; Theaet. 1 76 Е ; and о п Polit. 277 D. 6 Е -7 А Than Нippias: Cf. Нiрр. Maj. 287 D ff. Cf. Мепо 7 1 Е ff., 77 А В ; Theaet. 1 46 С-47 D, 1 5 1 DE; Laches 1 9 1 Е. Thrasymachus in Rep. 339 А 3 also shows that he understands the nature of а definition. 7 D If they qttarrel: Plato never forgets. Cf. Gorg. 480 Е, which Gomperz (П, 332) misapprehends ; Polit. 270 Е 9 ; Phaedo 7 1 А l o, 1 03 В ; Tim. 49 В 8 , Ы s ВокоvµеР, with 54 В 8 ; Prot. 359 В С with 3 3 6 D ; Мепо 82 А 1 -2 ; Rep. 392 АВ; Cratyl. 3 9 1 Е 2 ; Symp. in fine. Cf. on Нiрр. Min. 3 7 6 В a nd pass i m . 7 С Measurement: Cf. Platonism and the Нistor;1 oj Science, р. 1 76. The conception of an art of measuring and of the scientific importance of m eas­ ure pervades all Plato's writings. Cf. Prol. 356 D ; Phileb. 55 Е ff. ; Rep. 602 DE; Polil. 283-8 5 ; Xen. Мет. I. 1 . 9, apLOµ�u aPтa s � µетР'IJиаРтаs � ит�uаРтаs. 8 D What they dispute is who is t!1e wrongdoer: For the idea that the ques­ tion of justice is the source of all disputes, cf. Alc. I I I 2 А ff. ; Hipp. Maj. 294 D ; cf. also Phaedr. 263 А ff., 250 В ; Polit. 2 8 5 Е-286 А. Cf. Xen. Мет. IV. 4. 7-8, and perhaps Eryx. 396 CD.

EUTHYPHRO-NOTES

459

9 В Take too long: Cf. similar evasiC'ns in Lucian , e.g., Hermotim, 1 1 . 9 В Time to explaill it lo а jury: Cf. Apol. 37 А, 1 9 А ; Gorg. 455 А ; Theaet. 172 Е 1 , 20 1 В 2, Isoc. Antid. 54. Cf. further А/с. I 1 1 4 В . 9 DE As hypothesis: Cf. o n Hipp. Maj. 2 8 8 А 9 ; Pl1aedr. 237 D, oµo"Лo-ylfl. OeµEVOL opov ; cf. 263 DE. Cf. infra, 1 1 с. Cf. Herbert Spencer, Various Frag­ ments, р. 1 1 , "Every generalization is at first an l1ypotl1esis " ; Ogden, Meaning, r · 209, "Thirdly, all defini tions are essentially ad hoc, etc." Cf. Charm. 1 63 А. vVilamowitz ( 1 1 , 1 50) does not distinguish tltis from other uses of 'Ъypotl1e­ sis." But in 1 1 , 349 !1е more nearly follows те on Phaedo 101 D and Rep. 5 1 1 А. Cf. Class. Phif., IX ( 1 9 1 4) , 345, and U11ity, р. 1 3 . 9 C D At liЬerty to modify: Socrates always allows that. Cf. Chai·m. 1 64 D ; Prot. 3 54 Е 8 ; Laches 1 99 D ; Gorg. 46 1 D 3 , 489 CD; Rep . 340 С (Loeb) . 10 А Но/у because they love it: Cf. Apelt, р. 1 04. Cf. Leslie Stepl1en, History of English Tl1011ght in the Eigl1teenth Century, 1, 1 24 (Clarke} : "T!tings are not holy and good because commanded Ьу God, but are com­ manded Ьу God because good апd l10ly." Cf. lnge, Christian Ethics, р. 409 : "А thing is not right because i t is commanded Ьу God-i f we tl1ink tlшt, we shall do many t!tings which are nei ther rigl1t nor comm anded Ьу God ; а tl1ing is commanded Ьу God because it is right." Tl1e question was m ucl1 debated in the Middle Ages and is still unsettled. II А 7 ftluality: Cf. Gorg. 448 Е 5. п С When lюund: Cf. Мепо 97 DE, 98 А. For Daedalus, cf. Novotny, Pfato's Epistles, рр. 8 2-83. For Socrates as sculptor cf. vValter Miller, Daedalш and Tl1espis, I I , 382 ff Thc i11terlocutor who is respomiЫe for tl1e conclusions: Cf. Theaet. п С 1 6 1 А В ; Rep. 339 D (Loeb} . Cf. Laclies 1 93 D, 1 99 С, 192 D ; Symp. 202 С; Rep. 389 А. Something too much: iJ.0 11 11 . Cf. Rep. 341 С, 541 В; Charm. 1 53 D . II Е Take tl1e lead: Cf. Tlieaet. 1 97 А 5, 206 С 8 ; Gorg. 462 D, 489 Е; II Е Hipp. Maj. 293 D f. ; Мепо 77 D ff., 74 В ff. ; Tl1eag. 1 22 Е ; Friedl iinder, 1 1 , 563 on Philebus. 1 2 А InconvertiЬility of tl1e 1mive1·sal ajfirmative: Cf. Prot. 3 5 1 А, and the oYerelaboration of it in А/с. II 139-40. Aristotle calls this false conversion the 7Гара то e1Гoµevov ё"Ле-ухоs (Sopl1. El. 1 67 Ь 1 ) . 12 АВ Tl1e more comprehensive notion: Cf. Milton, Church Govt., "For where shame is there is fear; but wl1ere fear is tl1ere is not presently shame"; Dante, Convivio IV, Canz. 111, 11. 1 0 1 -4. For the special application to al.O�s cf. Laws 67 1 D апd Swiпburne: Не is shame's friend a n d always a s shame saith Fear answcrs him again.

For alBЫs cf. also Charm. 1 60 Е. 1 2 D The holy is а part: Не means but does not say "species." Cf. Unity, р. 52, and on Polit. 263 В . \Ve are more likely to "meet witl1 ideas" j f we Ьisect tl1e universal (µeuoтoµe'iv) and proceed Ьу successive dicl10tomies than if we attempt to separate the ultimate species at 011се. Cf. the insistence on

WНАТ PLATO SAID

та µеиа in Phileb. 1 7 А. Isoc. Antid. 74 seems to have heard of Plato's dis­ tinction . Cf. Friedliinder, П, 543 . 12 D What part: This again "anticipates" the m ethod of defi11itio11 Ьу ge11us a11d specific differe11ce. Cf. Ar. Eth. Nic. 1 1 06 а 1 3 ; Topics, 1 03 Ь 1 5. 12 Е Serv ic e : Cf. Rep. 427 В 7 ; Laws 930 Е 5 ; А/с. 1 1 22 А 2 ; Isoc. An­ tid. 282; То Nic. 20; Areop. 29 ; Не!. 57. Cf. Mayor 011 Cic. Nat. deor. I. 4 1 , "Pietas justitia adversum deos. " Cf. Хе11. Ме т . l . 4 . 1 3 ; Dej. 4 1 2 Е ц. 13 Е Мапу and fine works: 7ГоЛЛа ка.� ка.М. Cf. Apol. 22 С 3, 22 D 2 ; Gorg. 45 1 D ; Нiрр. Maj. 2 8 6 В . Cf. Mill, Theism, р . 256. 14 В As is pleasing /о tl1e gods: Cf. Phacdr. 273 Е. 15 А Do ut des: Cf. Polit. 290 C D ; Alc. 11 1 48 Е ; ancl Horace's votis pa­ cisci (Odes I I I . 29. 59). Cf. Fowler, Rcligious Expe1·ience oj the Romaiz Pcople, р. 202. 1 5 В Morc cunning than Daedalus: For tl1e continued figure cf. 011 !оп 535-36. 1 5 А Pop u la r re/igion: Cf. Eurip. Hipp . 7-8 ; Eurip., passim, e.g., llerc. Fт-. 1 3+5, "God, i f he Ье God, hath 110 neecl of augl1t"; Homer's a11d Yirgil 's gods. Cf. Milto11, "So1111et 011 His Вli11d11ess" : God doth not need Ei ther m an's works or his own gifts.

Gomperz (П, 367) quotes Ka11t: "I11 а u11iversal religio11 tl1ere are no speci al duties towards God ; !1е са11 receive 11othing from us, etc." Somewl1at differ­ e11tly Spi11oza, but to the same general effect, says tl1at we ca1111ot expect God to love us i11 retur11. Cf. Хе11. Мет. I. 4. 1 0, µе-у аЛо7ГрЕ7Геитероv �-you,ц a.i � WS T�S eµ�s 8epa1ГELas 1Гpoo-lie'i:u8a.t ; Lucret. v. 105-6. 1 5 D This efusive Proteus: Tl1is now commonplace metaplюr is found first i11 Plato. Cf. 011 !оп 541 Е. From а single supposed purpose: Cf. ту review of Friedlii11der, Class. Ph if. , XXVI ( 1 93 1 ) , 107. Cf. Cratyl. , р. 267 ; and cliap. ii, supr11. р. 63. Efiminates piety: Cf. Thompso11 011 Мепо 78 D ; Gomperz, П, 363 a11d III, 37· Not limited to thesefour: E.g., l;,Лeu8epioт11s a11d µе-уаЛо7ГрЕ7ГЕLа. (Rep. 402 С), µe-yaЛ07rpe1ma agai11 i 11 536 А.

APOLOGY BI ВLIOGRAPНY ADAM, J., P!atonis "Apo!ogia Soci-atis. " Cambridge, 1 9 10. B u R N ET, J., E11thypl1ro, Apo!ogy, Crito. Oxford, 1 924. Cf. Slюrey's review, Cfass. Phil., XXI ( 1 926) , 287. C R O lS ET , М., Platon: CF.uvres completes, ed. Bude, I , п 7 ff. Paris, 1 920.

CRo N-UH L E, Plalon: f/ertcidigungsrede des von Е . SтRu c к . 1 3 th ed. Leipzig, 1 929.

xxv ( 1 930) , 399-40 1 . D E RE N N E , E uD . , ор. cit., рр. 7 1-175. FRI ED L X N D E R , 1 1 , 1 56-7 1 . G R O T E , 1 , 41 0-24. H o R N E F F E R, Е., Der junge Platon. !:

Sokrates. K1·iton.

NeнbearЬei tet

Cf. Shorey's review, Class. Phif.,

Sokrates und die "Apologie. " Giessen,

1 922. Cf. Shorey's review, C/ass. Phil., XVII ( 1 922) , 1 73-75. LAGUNA, Т н . D E , "Tl1e lnterpretation of tl1e Apology,'' Phi/. Rev., XYIII (1 909), 23-37. Nлто R Р , рр. 4-1 0 ; Ueber Sokra/es, "Philos. Monatshefte," ХХХ (1 894) , 33770. Poн LE NZ, рр. 1 8-23. RIDD E L L , J., The "Apo/ogy" of P/ato. Oxford, 1 877. RIТТER, 1, 363-:JO. Scнл Nz, М., Apologia (Vol. III of tl1e "Sammlung ausgewiihl ter Dialoge Platos"). Leipzig, 1 893 . SнoR EY, Р., "Note on Аро!. 27 Е," Class. Phil., XX I I I ( 1 928), 68-70. SтA L L n лu м-Woн L R A n , "Apologia" et "Crito." Lipsiae, 1 877. TAY LO R , рр. 1 56-67. WILAJ\10,VIТZ, I , 1 65-69 ; II, 50-55 . Z E L L E R , РР· 1 9 1 -232. NOTES

The "historicity" of SoLтates' speech is still under debate: Tl1e majority of modern scholars consider tl1e Apology as а more or less faithful reproduction of Socrates' words (cf. Zeller, рр. 1 95-97, n. I on р. 1 96) . Grote (Plato [ed. 1 8 8 8], I, 4 1 0) agrees with both Schleiermacher and Zeller tlщt the Apofogy is "in

sнbstance the real defense pronounced Ьу Socrates. " Others are more re­ served in their opinions. Cf. J . Adams, Plat. "Apol. Socratis" (Cambridge, 1 9 10) , р. xxxi, and Riddell , р. xxviii. Similarly, М. Croiset, Bude Plato, 1 , 1 3 8 . Cf. Taylor, Pfato, р. 1 56 ; Wilamowi tz, П, 5 0 ; Friedl iinder, 1 1 , 1 56-57, who nюre skeptically considers it Socratic in spiri t rather than in word. Cf. fнrtl1er Sclщnz, Apology, р. 70; Bнrnet, Pfato: "Euth)•phro," "Apology" and " C1·i10," рр. 63 ff. Cf. Shorey, review of Derenne, Class. Phif., XXVI ( 1 93 1 ), 228 : "Tl1e exhaustive review of tl1e case of Socrates in l 1 4 pages seems to go 461

WHAT PLATO SAID over the wlюle ground again, citing the immense m ass of the modern li tera­ ture and even restating the plot of Aristophanes' Clouds for readers who m ay not have read i t and yet are prepared to read this book. " On t h e genuineness of the Xenoplюntic Apology cf. Burпet, Apology, р. 6 6 ; cf. Н. v o n Arnim i n Milf. der diin. Akad. d. Wiss. (Kopenliagen, 1 923) , VIII, 1. Не defends the authenticity of Xenoplюn's Apology (according to l, 847 А. Cf. Хеп. Мет . 1 . 2. 4, I . 2. 8 , IV. 8 . н ; lsoc. П . 1 2 ; Demon. 52; Sophists 8; Antid. 2 1 0- н , 2 1 4, 250, 2 90 , 304; Epict. I I I . 1 . 1 9. 30 Е Gadjiy: Apel t (р. 69) says is spur, поt "Bremse. " Burпet holds the otl1er view, апd so Adam, Stock, Croiset, and almost all otl1er commentators. Cf. Friedliiпder, 1 1 , 1 65, п. 1 . 3 1 С ff. Perhaps Plato's o w11 apology: Cf. о п Rep. 4 9 6 D (Loeb.). Cf. Хеп. Мет . 1. 6. 1 5 ; Theaet. 1 73 С ff. 32 А 8 форпкО. µEv ка.l oiкa.viкa : Cf. Go1-g. 4 8 2 Е. Jowett m istraпslates. 32 D 2 Ap � �ogies for the b �as;: 0.-у Р_..оt �отЕр ? "· Cf оп G��X· 509 А. Cf. also ; , Charm. 1 5 8 D, е а.11 eµa.vтov E1Тa.ivw, iuws с1Та.х0еs фа.vЕ �та� ; Phaedo 87 А ; Laws 6 8 8 D ; Isoc. То Philip 8 2 ; Norli п о п lsoc. Antid. 1 7 7 (Loeb). Cf. also on Gorg. 4 8 6 С. 32 В The generals о/ A1y;inusae: Cf. Gorg. 474 А; Axiochus 3 6 8 D ; Xen. Мет . I . 1 . 18 and IV. 4. 2 ; Hell. I . 7. 9 ff. for references to this event. Cf. B urnet ad !ос.; Paul Cloche, "L'affaire des Arginllses," Rev. hist. , СХХХ ( 1 9 1 9 ) , 5 68 ; Grote, History о/ Greece ( 1 869), VI I , 42 1 ff. ; М. Friinkel, Die attischen Geschworenengericllle ( 1 877), рр. 79-85 ; Ricldell's note on Apol. 32 В ; Apelt, р. 6 9 ; lsoc. Antid. 1 9 . 32 С Leon о/ Salaтis: Cf. Ер. VI I . 3 2 4 Е 2-3 ; Xen. Hell. 1 1 . 3 . 3 9 ; Мет . I V . 4. 3 ; Kirchner, Prosop. Allica, П , No. 9 1 00; Swoboda, i n Pauly-Wiss., s.v. "Leon," No. 1 3 (end) ; Burnet on 3 2 С 6 ; Horace, "vultus i пstantis ty­ ranni" (Odes III. 3. 3 ) . 3 4 С Appeals t o the pity о/ the ju1·ors: Cf. Laws 9+9 В ; Xen. Мет . IV. 4. 4 ; Aristoph. Wasps 9 7 5 ff. ; lsoc. Antid. 32 1 . Cf. Burnet a d !ос. 34 D 5 Вот о/ а п oak or а 1·ock: Cf. Homer Od. XIX. 1 63 . Cf. Il. ХХП. 1 2 6 aliter; Rep . 544 D 7 ; Phaedr. 275 В 8 . •

-

•

.

•

APOLOGY-NOTES 36 D ln the Prytaneum: Cf. lsoc. Antid. 9 5 ; Aristoph. Knights 5 7 4 (with schol. ad !ос.) , F1·ogs 764, Репсе 1084; Dem. 4 1 4, 9; Cic. De or. 1. 54; Suidas, s.v. Оп tl1e origin of the Prytaneum cf. J . G. Frazer, ]our. Phil., XIV ( 1 8 8 5) , 1 45 ff. Cf. Liddell a n d Scott, s . v . , a n d Burnet's note a d !ос. Cf. R. Schёll, "Die Speisung im Prytaneion zu Atl1en, " Hermes, VI ( 1 8т2), 1 4-5438 А Like Arislo/le' s grea/-souled тап: Ar. Eth. 1 1 23 Ь 2 ff. 39 CD Silcnce tl1c voices oj crilicism Ьу pulting теп /о dcath: l t lшs been argued that this forЬids dialogues before Socrates' death. Some say the propl1ecy \Vas never fulfilled, but Plato m ay have tl10ugl1 t the Gorgias fпlfill ed i t. Cf. perhaps Phaedo 78 А. Cf. Lo,vcll, Вiglow Papers: 1 t's the las' time that I shall c 'er address

уе

B u t ye'll soon find some new tormcntcr, Ыcss уе.

40 CD If il is а п eternal sleep: No inconsistency with the Phaedo, as some think. Cf. Friedl iincler, 1 , 209 ; Frutiger, Mythes de Platon, р . 1 39. 40 С Departure /о а be//er world: lиroo71µ�11ai (40 Е ) . Cf. Phaedo 1 1 7 С, µeт0Lк7111is. Cf. Cic. Tusc. I . 1 2, "Sed quandam quasi migrationem commuta­ tionemqt1e vi tae. " 40 Е Tl1ere: еке'i. Cf. 41 С ; Phaedo 67 В, ol екЕ'i ; Crito 54 В ; Rep. 330 D 8, 498 С, 6 1 4 D. 4 1 А-С The great spirils toho have gone before: Cf. Francis Ledwidge, "Shall 1 meet Keats ?" Cf. Т. S. Eliot : 1 shall not want I-Ionour in Heaven

For I shall mee t Sir Philip Sidney And havc talk with Coriolanus And others of that kidney.

42 God: Cf. Xen. Мет. IV. 8. 6. Saintsbury (Englis/1 Prose Rhythm, р. 456) pronounces ti1is the most beautifпl prose sentence ever written . Cf. the disastrous flippancy of Jowett's "God only knows. " Gospel oj all rebellious souls: Cf. Giovanitti to tl1e j ury (reported) : "lt may Ье that we are fanatics, Mr. District Attorney. But so was а fanatic Socrates, \Vho, instead of acknowledging the philosophy of the aristocrats of Athens, preferred to drink tl1e poison. " Similarly Count Keyserling and many others. The dictum of an eminent scholar that there is no philosophic conten t in the Apology is refuted Ьу the footnotes to ti1is abbreviated rcsume and the Unity oj Plato's Thought. Friedl iinder (1 1 , 1 6 1 and 1 64) finds the unity of the virtues in this dialogue. Cf. in further illustration of this fact: 19 А 2 and 24 А 3, е11 обтws o°XL'Y4J xpo114J, with Eutl1yp. 9 В . 2 0 А 2 Cf. Rep. 1 . 338 В, money and thanks. Cf. on Cratyl. 3 9 1 В. 20 в 4 арет�s т�s a11fJpw1ГL1171s ТЕ ка� 1ГOhLTLK�s : Cf. Ar. Eth. Nic. 1 094 ь I I . 20 Е o u -уар еµо11 ер& TOll М-уо11 : Cf. o n Symp. 1 77 А 4· Eurip., frag. 484 (Nauck) . Cf. Р. Decl1 arme, Euripide et l'esprit de son th!at1·e, р. 32. 21 А Character oj Chaerephon: Cf. (of AlciЬiades) Prot. 336 Е. 22 С фuuei п11l каl 1:11fJou11iato11тes : Cf. Мепо 99; Phaedr. 245 А 5. 23 С Prot. 326 С: Sons of ricl1 men most leisure for education.

WHAT PLATO SAID 23 С 8 Вlате те, not theтse/ves: Cf. o n Phaedo 90 D. 23 D µtар(иатоs : Cf. Rep . 562 D . 24 Е Evet")•body teaclzes virtue: Мепо 92 Е ; Prot. 3 17 Е . 25 В f. Analogy о/ the special arts: Cf. Rep. 341 D (Loe b ) , 349-50; Нiрр. Mi n . 373 -74; Laws 639 В, 709 В ; Rep. 332 CD (Loeb) ; Gorg. 45 1 А ; Prot. 3 п В, 3 1 8 В ; Thompson on Мепо, р. 74 28 В C f. Gorg. 509 В . 29 В The special Platonic sense of aµa.Ola : Cf. on Lysis 2 1 8 А В . 29 D ОЬеу God rathe1· thm1 уои: Cf. Carlyle, Нisto1-y о/ Mcdiaeval Political Thcory in the West, V, 7-8 : "The words attri buted to the Apostles, \v hether

i t Ъе righ t i n the sigl1t of God to l1carkeп u п to you ra tl1er thaп tш to God , ' j udge ус, represeп ted ап immeпse ch aпge in the rel a tioп of tl1e i пdividtial persoпality to society. "

29 Е

Thc cxaltatio11 о/ фpo1ф1ECrJS and aX7]0Elas аЬоие ОЬ�7]S a nd TLµЯs : Cf.

Phaedo 68 А, 69 А ff. 30 В \Vith Мепех. ч о Е.

I.

30 А 6 те/) Оес/) V1Г7JpeuLav : Cf. Euthyph. 1 3 D. 30 CD Nothing сап harm а good тап: Cf. Go1-g. 5'27 D. 31 D Cf. Rcp. 496 D. 33 А Disclaims teacblng: Cf. Мепо 7 1 В . Cf. оп E11tl1yph. 3 С ; Xen. Мет. 2. 3· 33 А та l:µavтou 1Гр а ттоvтоs : Cf. on Clzarт. 1 6 1 В . 33 С Oela µo'ipa : Cf. on Меп о 99 Е. 33 Е otaтpt{Зfi : Cf. оп Laclщ 1 80 ВС ; Lysis 204 А . 35 А 5-'7 Fear о/ dcath: C f. 29 А В . Cf. also on Laws 727 D. 36 С Selj and things о/ selj: Cf. А!с. I 1 2 8 CD, 1 3 1 А, r33 D ; Isoc. Antid.

290.

37 А oXL'Yov xpovov : Cf. supra, 19 А ; оп Euthyph. 9В. Cf. Go1-g. 455 А. 37 D Cannot endure ту pursuits and ту ways (otaтpt{Зas) : Cf. Мто 8 0 в 5-6. 37 D l'd look jine (ка.Мs . . . . µoL о {3Los) : Cf. Crito 53 Е-54 А for the though t. For the colloqui alism c f. Eurip. Orcstes 1 602. 38 А Socratic irony : C f. Symp. 2 1 6 Е 4, whicl1 \Vi l amowi tz (Platon, I ,

572) m istakenly says i s i ntended a s а reproach. 38 А 5 Untested life: Cf. Laches r 87 Е ff. ; Symp. 2 1 5 Е ff. ; Gorg. 4 5 8 А ; and perhaps Theaet. r 69 D. 38 D 6 a7ropLa : Gorg. 522 D. 39 А Safety notfirsl: C f. Gorg. 5 1 2 D ; Isoc. Archidamus 9 1 . 3 9 Е 5 OiaµvOoXo'YЯиa.L : C f. Рhaedo 7 0 В 6 . 40 Е о 7ГО.s xpovos : Cf. R ep . 486 А ; Piпdar Pytlz. l . 46. 40 Е Ыs ара : C f. on Lau;s 8 6 5 D.

CRITO BIВLJOGRAPНY A D AM, J., Platonis "Crito. " Cambridge, 1 896.

BuRNET, Euthyphro, Apology, Crito. 1 924. М., Platon: CF.uvres completes, ed. Bude (Paris, 1 920) , I , 209 ff. FRI EDLANDER, 1 1 , 1 7 2-77. Goм PERZ, Н . , "Ueber die AЬfassungszeit des Platon. Kriton," Zeitsch. j. Philos.," CIX ( 1 896), 1 76-79. G R OT E , 1 , 425-36. Мвwвs, К., Ist Platons "Kriton" auch in philosophischer Hinsicht ein wichtiger Dialog? Magdeburg, 1 8 90. RAEDER, Entw., рр. 99-1 0 1 . R1ттвR, 1 , 384-go. SнoREY Р., "Note on Plato, Crito 49 Е-50 А," Class. Jour., П ( 1 906) , 80. SтALLBAUм-\VoнLRAB, "Apologia" et " Crito. " Lipsiae, 1 877. TAYLOR, рр. 1 67-73. WILAllIOWITZ, 1, 1 70--7 2.

С R 0 1 sвт,

NOTES 44 АВ White-robed woman: Symbolic dreams often take that form. Cf. Aeschyl. Persae 1 8 1 ff. ; Boethius 1 . 1 of philosophy. I t is quite fan tastic to say that the beautiful wom an is the ship. 44 АВ In his dream: СЕ. the dream i n Phaedo 60 Е ; Apol. 33 С; Diog. L. П. 3 5 ; Cic. De div. 1. 25. 44 В Words of Achilles in Homer: Il. IX. 363 . Perhaps led up to Ьу the phrase els aбpiov. Cf. ibld. VIII. 53 8 . Cf. Rabelais, III, 10. So "on the ti1ird day 1 shall Ье perfected" (Luke 1 3 : 32) is said to Ье а reminiscence of the prophet Hosea (Hos. 6 : 2) . 44 В G o home: Cf. Pease o n Cic. D e div. 1 . 2 5 . 5 2 . Cf. Phaedo 6 3 С , 84 В , I I 5 А , 6 1 Е , 6 7 Е ; Emped., frag. I I 5, 1 3 (Diels) . Modern and Christian parallels are endless. Cf Ficino's In troduction to the Crilo. 44 В Plato ' s superstition: There is no superstition in Plato. Cf. Clmrm. 1 5 6 D , 1 57 А, 1 5 8 В ; Euthyph. 3 Е; Crito 54 D ; Laches 1 95 Е ; Мспо 8 1 ; !оп 534 АВ ; Alc. 1 1 22 А ; Gorg. 5 1 3 А ; Phaedo 6 1 АВ, 8 1 D ; Symp. 1 7 5 D ; Phaedr. 250 С, 244 В , 276 Е ; Theael. 1 50 D ; Rep. 427 В, 499 В С, 6 1 3 А ; Tim . 4 0 D, 7 1 А-Е ; Phileb. 1 6 С ; Laws 642 D, 649 А , 73 8 В , 747 Е , 8 6 5 D , 8 9 8 Е , 899 В, 909 В , 9 1 3 С , 927 А , 933 А ; Friedliinder, 1 , 5 8 n. 44 В SomcwhaJ breathless protest: His style is confused. Cf. the more dras­ tic case of Polus in the Gorgias (46 1 ВС). 44 Е Tliese sycophants: l n the Greek sense. Burnet (ad !ос.) explains that there is no equivalent English word. 467

WНАТ PLATO SAID 45 А Are cheap: For the gibe at Socrates' accusers cf. Gorg. 4 8 6 В, 521 С ; Мто l oo В С . 4 5 Е Rescue their master: l t сап Ь е plausiЬ!y argued tl1at Athens didп't expect that Socrates would Ье execu ted. Cf. supra, р. 24 . 46 В Else tlian tlze rule of 1·eason: Cf. Gorg. 527 Е. J ustin Martyr (1. 46) couпts Socrates as а Cl1ristia11 because he lived witl1 the logos. Burne-t (ad !ос.) is overinsistent tl1at М'Уо� never means "reason" iп Plato. 46 В Conclusions offormer discussions: Cf. 53 Е, 53 С. Cf. Un ity , р. 3 5 , n. 236, о п the Phaedo. Tl1e simple tru th is that Plato m ay at a n y time refer to any part of l1is permanent beliefs as familiar doctrine. Cf. also Laches

1 94 D ;

Rcp.

505 А. Cf. Friedl iinder, 1 1 , 378, n. 1 .

46 В HobgoЬ!ins: Cf. Pltaedo 77 Е ; Gorg. 473 D 3. 46 С Th e power of the пюЬ: Cf. 44 С 6, 4 8 А 9, оп the opinion of tl1e many, in apparent contradiction with Laws 950 ВС. But cf. ibld. 646 Е647 А. 46 С Idle talk: Cf. Lachcs 1 96 С ; Euthyd. 286 D l I ; Tim. 5 1 С. 46 Е Ни тап probability: Ер . V I I . 3 50 Е 2 ; Laws 8 3 6 А 6, 959 А 3. 47 DE Tlzat pa1·t of us, whatcvcr it is: The pl1rase is merely а literary eva­

sion of pedantic dogmatic, scien tific explicitness. l t is uncri tical to press i t as many, e.g., Burnet ad /ос . , l1ave done. Cf. Tlzeact. 1 84 D 3, 1 87 А ; Symp. 2 1 8 А ; cf. Epict. 1 1 1 . 22. 3 1 , EKEtvo iJ т' 7rоте ; James, Psyclzology, 1, 1 80: "Why оп eartl1 doesn't tl1e poor man say tl1e soul and l1ave done \Vith i t ? " Cf. i n а modern novel : " B u t 1 am n o t quick enough in t h e cerebellum or whatever it is. " 4 8 В Виt to live well: Cf. о п Rep. 369 D (Loeb) . Cf. о п Laws 8 2 9 А . For а simi1ar idea cf. G01-g. 5 1 2 D. 49 А Nerm· 1·equitc wrong with wrong: Cf. Rep. 1 . 3 3 5 В, Е. For the con­ ventional Greek morality which was to benefit friends and harm enemies cf. Xen. Мет. 11. 6. 3 5, 1 1 . 3. 14, П. 2. 2; Soph. A11tig. 643-44 ; and оп Rcp. 332 D (Loeb). 49 D Соттоп ground oj debate: арх� . Cf. Craty l. 43 6 D; Pl1aedr. 237 D ; Rcp . 527 Е, the idea without tl1e word арх� . Cf. Oliver Wendell Holmes, dutocrat: "As а written consti tution is essential to the best social order, so а code of fi nalities is а necessary condition of profitaЬ!e talk between two persons" ; Harold D. Lasswell, Psychopathology and Politics, р. 1 9 1 . Cf. tl1e mewaeval "contra principia negantem disputari nequit" (Ar. Soph. El. 1 83 в 22). 49 D Despise опе another's counsels: Cf. Lincol n : "These principles can­ not stand together, . . . . whoever holds to tl1e one must despise tl1e otl1er." 50 Е f. Wrong his father: Cf. Laws 7 1 7 D; Prot. 346 А. Cf. оп Euthyph. 4 ВС. Cf. Xen. Мет. П . 2. 3 ff. оп debt to pareпts; Eurip. Нес. 403 . 51 АВ Нis fatherland: Cf. Sallust Jugю·tha 3 : "nam vi quidem regere patriam au t parentes quamquam et possis et delicta corrigas tamen impor­ tunum est." Cf. Ер . VII. 33 1 C D ; Novotny, Plato's Epistles, р. 1 7 8 ; Cic. Fatn . 1. 9 . 1 8 ; Mon taigne, 1 1 1 , 1 2 ; Emil Wolff, Fran c is Bacon's Verhiiltnis z u Platon, рр. 1 28 ff. There is по real contradiction here with dpol. 29 D.

CRITO-NOTES 51 С ff. If they couldfind а voice: Cf. Edi tl1 М. Tl10mas, The Poice of the Laws. For tl1e prosopopoeia cf. Мепех. 246 С ff. ; Dio in Ер. VII. 328 D ff. ; Lucret. 1 1 1 . 93 1 , Natura; Boetl1ius 1 1 . l , Fortuna. 52 Е l Lifelong acquiescence: His acceptance of tl1e contract was not ob­ tained Ьу force, decei t, or surprise. Cf. Laws 920 D. Cf. Ar. Eth. Nic.

1 13 5 а 24.

5 1 -52 Pirtual social contract: Plato suggests all forms of the social con­ trac t : tlшt between tl1e individual and s ;ci ety here, tl1at in \vhich society originated (Rousseau ; Rep. П. 358 Е [Loeb]), that between the monarch and the people (Laws 683 DE) . Cf. Lucret. V. 1 1 45 ff. witl1 sources and com­ mentators. Cf. Xen. Ages. I. 4. Cf. Sl10rey on Cron-Uhle1з, Class. Phil., XXV ( 1 930) , 400. 52 Е Even to Spa11a which he praises: Cf. Norlin on Isoc. Nicocles 24 (Loeb). 52 D Will he now run away: Tl1e invidious word is artfully repeated. Cf. 50 А 7, 53 D 7; Phaedo 99 А 3 . 5 3 В Whellш· in tl1e well-governcd states of Thebes and Megara: I t i s press­ ing tl1ese words too hard to argue tlщt Plato could not have used tl1em after 395· Cf. Аро!. 37 D. 54 ВС In tlze world to соте: Cf. Soph. Antig. 898. It is uncri tical to make no allowance for tl1e situation and say that immortality is treated differently l1ere and i n tl1e Apology and Phaedo. 54 D Corybants: Cf. Edith М. Thom as, ор. cit.: "Dost remember tl1e wild Corybantes, etc. ?" Cf. Euthyd. 277 D; !оп 533 Е; Laws 790 D; Aris­ toph. Wasps п9. 5 4 Е Ву God: Burnet's remark that the words are definitely monotheistic is an exaggeration. Cf. Shorey i n А]Р, IX, 4 1 7-1 8 . Cf. Karl Mewes, р. 29. The references to other dialogues i n these notes i l lustrate the unity of Plato's thought and sufficiently refute the affirm ation of an eminent scholar that tl1ere is по pl1ilosophy in the Crito. Cf. Friedl iinder, II, 1 73, parallels of Crito with otl1er dialogues.

HIPPIAS MINOR BIВLIOGRAPHY A PE LT , О. Plat. Aujsatze, рр. 203-37 (Hippias 1 and 1 1 ) . CROIS ET, М., Platon: .. 0 11. Cf. Skinner, Readi11gs in Education­ al Psychology, р. 260. А Chicago paper, September, 1 930, reports tl1at the French government is trying to persuade the people to train childreп to use the left hand as well as the right and says that it is no new idea as Benj amin Franklin had it. 795 D Musicjor the soul: Cf. 673 А. There is no contradiction between this and Rep . 4 1 6, nor is there between Rep . 376 Е, 521 Е, and 4 1 0 С . 795--gб Conclude: Provisionally-it seems to Ъе taken up again i11jra, 804 С, 8 1 3 АВ ff., 832-33. 797 D Change-except of e'IJil things: Cf. Rep. 3 80 Е, Polit. 270 С 7. 8 1 6 Е is irrelevant. 799 CD Crossways of thought: An apparent anticipation of some modern psychologies. 799 Е Laws or "nomoi" : Cf. supra, 700 В, 722 DE, 734 Е; Rep. 53 1 D. Cf. 7Гара11оµlа, 700 D, 701 А; Rep 424 D. 800 А Di'IJination oj the truth: Cf. on 8 1 6 В, 960 С, and perhaps on Polit. 268 Е, and infra on 957 АВ. 800 В Typical examples: For iкµa-yt:l.011 cf. Theaet. 1 94 D, 1 96 А, 191 С ; Tim. 50 С , 72 С. Cf. Rep. 3 7 9 А ff. on three canons of theology. 802 CD We like what we are accustomed to: Cf. Ar. Eth. Nic. н 79 Ъ 3 5 ; Rhet. 1 369 Ъ 1 8-19. S o Rousseau, Emilc 1 . Cf. "Optimum elige, suave e t fa­ cile illud faciet consuetudo." So Bacon, Of Parc11ts and Childrm, in fine, trans­ lating Plutarch De exilio, с. 8 , р . 602 С. Cf. De tuenda sanit. praecepta 3 , р . 1 23 С ; De tranquillitate animi 4, рр. 466 f. ; Stobaeus also attributes this saying to Pythagoras. Cf. 1 . 29 (Meineke, 1, р. I I , 23) ; XXIX, 99 (Meineke, П , р . 2 1 , 1 1 ) ; cf. Apostolius V I I . 9 е (Paroemiographi Graeci, ed. Leutsch, 1 1 , 397, 24) ; Gataker on Marcus Aure­ lius 111. 6, р. 79 · For the idea cf. Epict" frag. 1 4-4 (Schweighiiuser). .

WHAT PLATO SAID 802 D So much clear gain: Often mistranslated. 803 АВ The voyage oj Цfе: Cf. Phaedo 8 5 C D ; А!с. 11 1 46 Е. For тpo7rL­ c5e'La (В 1 ) cf. the pun in Aristoph. Wasps 30. 803 В Worth taking seriously: Cf. Rep. 604 В С, 5 1 9 D 6; Caird, Evolution of Tl1eology in Greek Philos., р. 1 60. Bruns (Platos Gesetzc) says Laws 803 А804 В is due to tl1e pessimism of the edi tor Philippus. But cf. Shorey, Laws, Р · 3 53, n. 3 · 803 DE Dance o u r way through life: Cf. Epin. 9 8 0 ВС. Cf. Sir William Temple : "Now when all is done, human life is at the greatest and best but like а froward child that must Ье played wi th and humoшed а li ttle to keep it quiet till it falls asleep, and then the care is over. " Cf. Havelock F.llis, Tl1e Dance of Lijc, passim. Is this passage perhaps the suggestion for i t ? For t h e feeling of this entire page in connection with 8 1 7 В, 700 А , 6 5 3 АВ, 664-65, 667, 7 1 6, 644 D, 797, 729, 959, 829 D, 904-5, cf. · G. М . Sargeaunt, "An Aspect of Education i n Plato's Laws," Class. Studics, 1 929, рр. 1 29-63 . 803 DE For thc sakc oj реасе: Cf. 628 DE. Cf. Ar. Eth. Nic. 1 1 76 Ь 28 ff. contra. 806 А-С The Spartan compromisc: Cf. 637 В С for Spartan women . Cf. Ar. Pol. 1 269 Ь 3 . Women were useless at the Theban invasion . Cf. Xen . Hell. VI . v. 28 ; Plut. Ages. 3 1 . 807 А In idleness like beasts: Cf. Polit. 272 С ; Rcp . 420 Е , 372 CD, Ar. Pol. 1 334 а 2 1 -22. 807 АВ А prey to hardier bcasts: Cf. Мепех. 246 Е 4; Rep . 422 D 6 ; Ba­ con, Essays, xxi, "All tl1is is but sl1eep in а lion's skin except the breed and disposition of the people Ье stout and warlike." 808 В А// that health requi1·es: Cf. Il. П . 24; Od. XV. 394. So Schopen­ hauer when an old man ! 8о8 DE Much discipli11e to curb it: Cf. Мепо 89 В ; Theaet. 1 74 D 6 of man in general. 809 С /./ritl1metic: Cf. supra, 747 В; infra, 8 1 9 АС; Rep. VII . 522 С ff. 810 ВС Prose literature and of verse not set to music: Cf. Isoc. П. 7 on poetry and prose; injra, 957 CD. 8п В Po�vmatl1y: Cf. infra, 8 1 9 А 5 ; Phaedr. 275 А 7 ; Prot. оп educa­ tion, 325 D ff., infra, рр. 65 6 and 663. 812 DE Between the music a11d thefeelings: There is no contradiction wi th 8 1 6 D 9, as some suppose, nor with Rep . 524 D 3 . 813 D Ever.ything depends о п education: Cf. supra, 6 4 1 В , 644 А В ; Rep. 4 1 6 ВС, 423 Е, 541 А. 816 В f/ery apt and happy: Cf. supra on 800 А ; i1ifra, 960 С. With 8 1 6 В 5 c f Aescl1. Ag. 68 1 . 816 DE Knowledgc of opposites is опе: Cf. on !оп 532 А . There is no con­ tradiction with 8 1 2 Е. 817 А }'etch and carr;•: Cf. Phaedr. 279 С 2. Cf the pun on the beggar Iros in the Od. XVI I I . 73 . Cf. Роре, Satires, "То fetch and carry sing-song up and down" (I, 220) ; and Sandy's Ghost, "То fetch and carry in his mouth tl1e works of all the Muses." Cf. "Her name was Carrie and the boys called her ' Fetch-and-carry.' " For the idiom cf. also 8 8 4 А 3. .

LAWS-NOTES 817 В Coтpo.rers о/ а поЬ/еr tragedy: Cf. Miltoп's "Не who would write well hereafter i п laudaЫe thiпgs ought himsel f to Ье а true роет . " 8 1 8 АВ Necessary: Cf. Ерiп. 982 В 5 . Cf. Emersoп 's scorп for t h e old who "accept the actual for tl1e пecessary" (Circles) . 818 С 2 Take charge о/ теп: А hiпt of the higher educatioп. 818 Е-819 А Iп тоrе sophisticated coттuпities: Cf. Mill, I , 1 20. 819 А-С Eg)'p tiaп children !еаrп: Lowie, дrе We Civilized? р . 267 : "As Whitehead has said, 'РrоЬаЫу пothiпg in the пюdеrп world would have пюrе astoпisl1ed а Greek m athematiciaп thaп to learп that, uпdet the iпflu­ eпce of compulsory educatioп, the whole populatioп of Westerп Europe, from the l1ighest to the lowest, could perform the operatioп of divisioп for tl1e largest пumbers.' " 820 А IпсоттепsиrаЬ/е with опе aпother: Cf. Theaet. 1 48 В ; Раrтеп. 1 40 ВС. For Plato апd matl1ematics cf. трrа, р . 501 . 820 В Вig things поt to kпow: Cf. Ar. Ро/. 1 33 8 а 9 ; Quiпtil. I . 1 . 2 1 ; Мах. Tyr. VII . 8. C f. 8 1 8 А. 820 D 10 дdopt theт: Ё'YKpivouµE11. Cf. iпfra, 936 А, 952 А, 946 В, 755 D, 802 В ; Rep. 486 D, 377 С, 4 1 3 D, 537 А . 8 2 1 А дctually iтpious: Not Plato's view a s Moпtaigпe (Raimond Seboml) апd тапу others iп terpret. Cf. Erich Fraпk (Plato и. die . . . . Pythag" р. 20 1 ). Cf. Epi11. 988 А ; Хеп. Мет. IV. 7 . 6 coпtra. Cf. the misappreheпsioп of the Epicureaп i п Cic. De па/. deor. I. 1 2. Cf. Lucaп Х. 1 95-200. For оМ ' 5и�о11 cf. 8 9 1 А, 898 С; Rep . 368 В, 3 9 1 А, 4 1 6 Е; Tim. 29 А ; Ерiп. 9 8 6 В 7 , оМ� OEµis El'IГEtJI. 821 CD Waпder iп their course: No superstitioп оп suп апd moon . Uпc­ tioп опlу. Cf. Cic. De div. I . н ; De паt. deor. П . 20, "Falso vocaпtur er­ taпtes " ; Tusc. I . 25, "Ша поп re sed vocabulo erraпtia." Cf. also 899 В . 822 АВ The quickest the slowest: Cf. Rep. 6 1 7 А В ; Epi11. 985-87; Tim. 39 А ff. 822 D ff. Huпtiпg: Cf. Хеп . оп huпting. For 823 В, a118p&J7Гwv О�ра11, cf. Хеп . Мет. П. 6. 29. Cf. Soph. 23 1 D 3 . 822 D ff. Rathe1· exhortations thaп positive laws: Cf. the idea of the proem, 788 А, 793, etc. 829 А The good life like а single тап: Cf. Miltoп, О/ Rcf. iп Eпglaпd, Book I I , "А commonwealth ought to Ье but as опе lшge Christiaп persoпage, опе migl1ty growth апd stature of ап hoпest mап." For the distiпctioп be­ tweeп S�" апd EU S�" ' cf. оп Rep. 369 D (Loeb) апd Crito 48 В. Cf. Ar. Ро/. v п . 1 3 26 ь 2 8 . 830 С For war i п реасе: Cf. 803 D, 8 1 4 D . For uкiaµaxE't11 (С 3) cf. дроl. 1 8 D 6. 829 DE Not таdе theт poetical: Cf. 656 С. For other 'Ъoutades" cf. 742 С, 769 В, 886 ВС, 908-9, 929 D, 937-38, 9 1 9 АВ, 704 D ff" 8 8 1 А, 952 D, 8 1 1 В, 8 1 9 А . Cf. Pliaedr. 275 В. 83 1 С ff. Iп the "RepuЬ/ic" : Cf. Rep. 5 50 D ff" 373 D, 434 В, 591 D. Cf. iпfra, 870 ВС. 832 С But the rule ojfactions: Cf. supra, 7 1 2 Е, 7 1 5 В . For ov 1ГO'XtтElar, 832 В 1 0, cf. Ar. Pol. 1 292 а 3 1 . . • • •

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\VHAT PLATO SAID 832 Е For lhe real con/esls oj war: Cf. 8 1 3 DE, 829-30, 942 D. Cf. on Rep. 404 В . 835 С Mighties/ of human appetites: Cf. 8 3 9 В. Cf. Shakes., Measure jor Measure, П, 1 : "Does your worship mean to gcld and splay all the you th in the ci ty ?" 836 ff. Modern Christian conscience: Cf. ту review of John J ау Chapman, Plato a11d Lucian, Satm·day Rev. of Literature, Al!gust 1, 1 93 1 , р. 24. 838 ВС Verbal taboos: Cf. Arnold, God and the В iЫе , р. I 33 ; McDougal in Sex and Civilization, рр. 82-83, 93 ff. Of the dramatic dialogues: Cf. Unity, рр. I 9 f. 844 А Water supply: Cf. supra, 779 С ; Rabelais, I I I , 5 . 844 А Dive1·t into other clza1111els: For the figure cf. Rep. 48 5 D 8 . Cf. su­ p ra , 736 в 3 ; E urip Suppl. 1 1 1 1 ; Emped. (Diels) 1 95 · Cf. on Laches 1 93 Е. 853 С For теп, not gods: Cf. 7 1 3 В ff. So it has been said that modern u topias are a pp a ren tly inhaЬited Ьу gods. 853 С Weakness of lmman nature: Cf. infra on 875 В 8; Ar. Ро!. I332 а 1 4, ка.t то ка.Лw� ava.-yкa.iw� ЁXOllULV. 854 А Proem or cl1ant: Cf. Cic. De leg. П . 59; Livy 1. 26. 6, "lex horrendi c a 1· m 1 ш s . 857 С-864 Е А ramЬ/ing digression: Cf. for other digressions 864 С, о7Го8еv еЩ311µеv ; Tl1eaet. 172-77 ; Phileb. 28 С-30 Е ; Polit. 263 С, 287 АВ, 302 В; Rep. 466 DE, 47 1 С, 572 В, 568 D. Cf. supra, 697 С, 753 D-754 D, 642 А, 682 Е, 701 D; Cratyl. 43 8 А. Cf. Ar. Eth. Nic. 1 095 Ь ц. 860 D lf"hich Plato still affirms: Cf. Unity ( 1 904) , р. 9; Taylor ( 1 925), р . 64. Plato always fo rmally maintained that all wrongdoing is involuntary. Cf. Аро!. 26 А ; Prot. 345 D, 358 C D ; Мепо 77, 7 8 ; Gorg. 466 Е, 467 B = Rep . 577 E = Laws 688 В ; Rep. 382 А ( ?) , 4 1 3 А ( ?), 492 Е( ?), 589 С ; Phileb. 22 В ; Soph. 228 С , 230 А ; Tim . 8 6 D ; Laws 73 1 С, 734 В ; Нiрр. Min. 376 В . Cf. Xen. Мет . 1 1 1 . ix. 4; IV. vi. 6. Cf. Milton's "which also the Peripatetics do rather distinguish than deny." 857 CD Tl1e two types of physicians: Cf. supra, 720 А ff. 858 АВ No compulsion of has/e: Cf. supra on 78 l DE. 858 А Limiting ourselves to the necessary: Cf. Shorey, l a ws , р. 353, n. 1, on good versus necessary. C f. sup1·a, р. 6 1 6. 859 В Bejore proceeding /о build: Cf. Ar. Ро!. 1 326 а 4; Tim. 69 А 6. 858 С Laws are а form oj literature: Cf. 8 I I С, 957 D ; Phaedr. 257-5 8, 278 С-Е ; Friedliinder, 1 , 1 34. 859 Е То punish just�v is beautiful: Cf. on Gorg. 476 CD. 860 Е Commit injustice willingly: Cf. Ar. Eth. Nic. н34 а 1 7, I I 1 4 а I I, I I ц Ь 30. Teichmuller attri bt1 tes the distinction to Aristotle. 860-61 lndispensaЫe legal distinction: Cf. Ar. Eth. Nic. on free will, 1 1 1 . п о9 Ь 3 ff. ; Unil)', р . 10. 862 В l11tentio11 of tl1e doer: The intention determines the moral quality of an act. Arnold, Romm1 Stoicism, р . 87, overlooks this. Brook Adams says "reum non facit nisi mens rea" in the m iddle of the Leges Hmrici (са. н 1 8 ) is taken bodily ou t of а sermon of S t . Augustine. Cf. Horace Ер. J . 1 6 . 56, "damnum est non facinus m i l1i facto lenit1s isto " ; Huxley, Evolution and .

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LAWS-NOTES Etblcs, р. 57 ; Norvin, Ofympiodo1-us, р. �що. Cf. Ar. Eth. Nic. 1 1 05 а 30, Ь 6, I I 44 а 1 3 ff" Rliel. 1 374 а ; Seneca De bene.fic. VI . I I , "Voluntas est, quae apud

nos pon i t officium."

863 ВС Parts or functions: Cf. supra, 633 А 8-9 ; Unity, р. 42. 865 ff. Eumenides and the orations о/ /lntiphon: Cf. 865 Е, таратт6µЕ110� 7ra8E'i11 ; 873 А, � Ораиаиа. аvто� таратТЕ� ; 87 1 А, vµllE�ll ; 872 Е, Ораиа11т� iftux� . Cf. J еЬЬ, Attic Ora/ors, on Antiphon. 865 DE Popular superstition: Cf. 870 DE, 9 1 3 С, 93 1 ВС, 926 E;J27 А, and on Phaedo 61 D and 62 В . 865 D Tale: ы � ара is often а warning that Plato does n o t affirm the liter­ al trнth of the statement. Cf. 8 7 1 В, 872 Е; Phaedr. 245 А ; Rep. 364 В, 3 64 Е, 3 8 1 Е, 3 9 1 Е, 392 А, 4 1 4 D, 438 Е, 468 Е, 568 А, Apol. 40 Е. 865 Е /ls they roll around: This is not superstition but the hшnan psy­ .

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chology of moods determined Ьу the associations of the recurrent seasons and anniversaries. Cf. Teпnyson, !11 Мет " lxxviii, cvii, cxv, and paSJim. An thro­ pology corrнpts tl1e j udgmeпt even of Andrew Lang, World oi l/omer, р. 1 34, "Plato says that tl1e ghost of the victim communicates its own uneasy emo­ tions to tl1e slayer telepathically." Plato does not. Cf. the two apa's and µ11�µ1711 uvµµaxo11 ёхw11. 867 /ln intermediatc place between the voluntary and the involuntary: Ar. Eth. Nic. I J I . I I lo a 1 1 . 867 АВ Tlicy resemЫe: Cf. injra, 933 DE. Plato often evades in ti1is way or Ьу s о п: е syпonym for in termediate the difficulties of а too rigid or precise classificatioп . Cf. Euthyd. 305 С ; Laws 878 В 6. Cf. Ar. Eth. 1 1 1 0 а 1 1 . Cf. J. Souil11C, La notion platonicienne de l'interm!diai1·e dans la phil. (Paris, 1 9 1 9) . 870 C D /lmЬitio11 a11dfear: Cf. A r . Rhet. 1 3 8 2 Ь. 873 С 8 Cowardly suicide: Оп suicide in Plato cf. оп Phaedo 6 1 С. Cf. l nge, Ch1·i.rtian Ethics, р. 394· 875 А The соттоп, not the private weal: Cf. infra, 923 А В ; Rep . 341-42, 420-2 1 , 466 А, 5 1 9 Е. Cf. also 757 D . 875 В 8 Нитап nature: Cf. 6 9 1 С, 7 1 3 С, 8 54 А ; Symp. 207 D ; inj1·a, 947 Е ; Rep. 3 9 5 В ; Theaet. 1 49 С ; Tim. 90 С . Doring (рр. 1 4-1 5) finds con­ tradiction with 7 1 3 С, Е and 832 С. 875 В 7 G1·eed and self-seeking: Cf. 906 С; Gorg. 508 А; Rep. 359 С ; and оп

Go1-g. 483 С . 875 С Supe1·ior /о knowledge: Cf. Polit. 293 С 7 ff" 295 D 7, 295 В 4, 297 А ; Ar. Pol. 1 1 34 а 3 5 . Р1·0/. 3 5 2 В is irrelevant. 875 D 'Just icc to pт·ticulm· cases: Cf. Polit. 295 А В ; Ar. on equity, Eth. Nic. 1 1 37 Ь 1 3 , 1 282 Ь 4, 1 269 а 1 0, 1 286 а 1 0 . 876 В Tumultuous: Cf. /lpol. 30 С 2 ; Eutlzyph. 5 ВС, 3 Е. Cf. De Quin­

cey's tirade on A tl1enia11 courts.

876 ВС /ls little diю·etio11 as possiЫe: Cf. Ar. Rhet. 1354 а 33-34, Pol. 1 282 Ь 3-4 ; Zeller, /11·., 1 1 , 24-1- (tng.), strangely says that Aristotle, нnlike Plato, believes in the rнle of law. 880 Е ff. St1·ike а parent: Cf. Aristoph. Clouds 1376 ff" 1 421 ff. ; Rep. 574 с . Pгesent day: Cf. С . С . J. \Vebb, Studies in the llistor,v of Natural Tl1eology;

WНАТ PLATO SAID Shorey i n Hastings, IX , 8 6 1 and on Adam, The Religious Teachers of Greece, Phil. Rev., 1 909, РР · 59-63 . 885 В РrеатЬ/е: Cf. 7 1 8 ff., 8 54, 8 45 D, with 890 В 5, 887 А, 887 С, 907 D. 885 В Three possiЬ/e heresies: Cf. Epict. Diss. I . 1 2. I. Cf. Sir Thomas B rowne, Pulgar Errors, chap. х , "The Endeavours of Satan," who is eviden tly paraphrasing Plato : "То instil а belief in the mind of man, there is no God at all . . . . . When he succeeds not thus high, !1е labours to introduce а second­ ary and deductive atl1eism ; that althougl1 men concede there is а God, yet slюнld tl1ey deny his providence. " lmpiety in word: Cf" e.g., anюng many others John М . Robertson, А Short Нislory of Free Thoug/11, р. I 1 6, "The Laws classes Plato finally on the side of the fanatics." For "fanatics" cf. on Phaedo 97-98 and оп Аро!. 26 DE. 886 АВ Moraf wifl: But his rhetoric seems to coun ten ance i t in 888 В 35 . Cf. F. Brunetiere, Discours de combat (2d ser.) , р . 1 98, "Les temps ne sont plus, ou I'on pouvai t i mputer l'incrMulite des esprits а !а corruption des creurs." Cf. Cic. De па/. deor. I. 23. Knowing and believing: Cf. Unity, р. 9, no m an wlю knows the right will do tl1e wrong if we refuse the name of knowledge to any cogn itio11 tlщt is not strong enough to con trol tl1e will. Cf. on 860 D. Cf. P1·ot. 352 В. Plato con­ scioнsly employs words in а special sense for edification . Cf. Lacl1es 1 9 1 Е, 1 96 Е; Laws 633 DE; Rep. 429 С, 443 Е ff. : Polil. 306 В; Laws 6891 696 С 8-g, 7 1 0 А ; Theaet. 1 76 С. Primacy of soul: Cf. 892 ВС, Class. Phil. , IX, 3 1 6-1 7 ; Pl1ileb. 29-30; Epin. 980 D 6 ff., 982 В 5 ff., 984 В 7, 988 D ; Tim . 14 В 10. 891 С The stars: Tenn., In Мет . , iii, "The stars, she whispers, Ыindly run." 886 Е I Cook ир: Lucian Anaclmrsis 19; Arnold, Essays i11 Crit. , р . 2 1 6, "The fictitious quarrel which Christianity has cooked up between tl1em . " Jowett's "And that a l l religion is а cooking u p of \\'ords" is wrong. 889 С 7 Afler-growlh: Cf. Ar. Met. 1091 а 33 ; Alciphron Ер. П I . 40; Edu­ cation of Henry Adams, р . 45 1 , "Cl1aos was the order of nature, 01·der was the dream of m en, etc." ; НоЫюusе, Development and Purpose, 1, 9, "Mind and the world of mind, society, government, tl1e clшrches, religion, Ja,v, are prod­ ucts which have grown up under the pressure of the constant and supreme Ьiological need, and exist only to meet tl1at need." 88g Е Art of juslice: Cf. Shorey, Class. Phil., XVI ( 1 92 1 ) , 1 64-68. Cf. further Epin. 983 В С ; George Fox apud Huxley, Chrislianity and Agnosticism, р. 1 92 ; Voltaire, "C'est qu'on m 'a donne un nom qui ne т е convient pas ; on m 'appelle nature et j e suis tout art" ; and also contra, Sopl1. 265 Е 3 and Тiт . 3 3 D 1 , Е К тех1171s. 890 А МоЬ in awe: Plato does not quite say this but means it. Cf. Rep. 3 63 ; Eurip. Elec/ra 743-44 ; Critias frag. Sisyphus 1. 17 ff. (Nauck, р . 77 1 ) ; Lucret. 1 1 . 622, "Ingratos animos atcJue impia pectora volgi." 887 DE HaЬits and ceremonies: Cf. Glover, Conjlict of Religions, р. п ; Pater, Marius, "Daily from the time when his childish footsteps were still .

LAWS-NOTES uncertain, had Marius taken them [the gods] their portion of the family m eal at the second course amid tl1e silence of the company" ; Emerson, Mcthod of Natшe, "What а debt is ours to that old religion which in the childhood of most of us still dwelt l ike а Sabbath morning i n the country of New England"; Mill, Utilil)' of Rcligion, "Any system of social duty which mankind m ight adopt even thoug\1 divorced from religion would have tl1e same advantage from being inculcated from childhood, etc. " ; Shelley, !Z,ucen МаЬ, "specious names/ Taught in soft childhood's unsuspecting hour." Coitfident dogmatism: Cf. supra, р . 345. 888 А 7 Thou art young: Cf. Arnold, Pref., God and thc ВiЫс, "Only when опе is young and headstrong сап опе stand Ьу the sea of time, and instead of listening to the solemn and rhythmical beat of i ts waves, choose to fill tl1e air with one's own whoopiпgs to start the echoes." 885 D 6 Dispcrsion of such litcraturc: Plato is careful to distinguish tl1e obj ectionaЫe anthropomorphism of tl1e older m ythological poets wltich he is поt here cri ticizing (886 С 5-6) from tl1e new philosophical atl1eism . 890 D 6 Not infcrior to Naturc: Cf. Shorey, Tim. 1 , р. 405 ; supra, р. 46. Oppositions of sciencc: 1 Tim . 6 : 20 is а п i llustration of Plato's feeling i f not а parallel. 892 А 2 Ignorcd thc soul: 1 t is idle to speculate or dugrпatize as to precise­ ly which Presocratics are in Plato's mind. Cf. Shorey, "Greek Pltil.," in Hast­ ings. Е11су с. ; 011 Soph. 242 С. 893--g4 C/assijication: Plato amuses himself wi tl1 а classification of ten kinds of motion . In Tim. 43 В there are six. Cf. 896 А-С, 897 Е-898 В, and the classifications in the Pofiticus. 895 D Thrcc things: Cf. 964 А 6-7 ; Thcaet. 1 77 Е 1 ; Soph. 2 1 8 С; Polil. 267 А 5. Ер. VII . 342 А is not absolutely un-Platonic in tlюught but is an intoleraЬly crude and pedantic elaboration of the idea. 896 Е Two at leas t : Polit. 270 А 1 coпtra. 897 ВС Good l,vpc of soul: Tl1e revolution of the heaveпs is that of �he same and hence pertains to the good soul. Cf. Tim. 40 АВ. Cf. Tim . 29-30;

Phileb. 28-29. Сап Ье bought: 8 8 5 В, 8 8 8 С , 905 D-907 В, 948 С 4-5 . Cf. 7 1 6 Е; Rcp. 364 В ff., 365 Е ; А/с. П 1 49 Е ; Homer Il. IX. 497 ff. Рорс: Cf., e.g., Pope's epigrammatic formulation of ltis own or Bolingbroke's notes from Malebraпche, Leibnitz, Wollaston, etc" Essay 0 11 Мап: "Гis but а part we sce and not the whole (1, 60].

The first almiglнy cause Acts not Ьу partial but Ьу gen'ral laws ( 1 , 1 4 5 ]. •

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Shall gravitation cease i f you go Ьу? [IV, 1 28.] Respecting man, whatever wrong wc call Мау, must Ье right as relative to all (1, р]. God sends not ill i f rightl y understood Or partial ill is u nivcrsal good [IV, I 14].

WHAT PLATO SAID All nature is but art u nknown to thee ; All chance direction which thou canst not see [1, 289]. The good must merit God's peculiar care, But who but God can tell us who they are [IV, 13 5].

Cf. Boethius IV. 6. 1 00

•

. And in thy scalc of sense Weigh thy opinion against Providence. Call imperfection what thou fanciest such [I, .

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1 9].

Presumptuous man, the reason thou wouldst find [ I 35]. ,

899 D 7 д/finity to the divine: Cf. Prol. 322 А 4 ; Мепех. 237 D 7 ; Soph. 265 D; and perhaps Phileb. 28 D; Arnold, God and the ВiЫе, р . 78, "Both Ьу the operation of the l aw itsel f and Ьу man's inward sense of affinity and re­ sponse to it"; Bacon, Essays, "Of Atheism," "And i f he Ье not akin to God Ьу his spirit he is а base and ignoЫe creature." 902-3 Neglecls details: Cf. 900 С, 90 1 CD; Cic. Nat. deor. П . 66, "Magna di curant, parva negligunt" ; Herod. VII . 1 08 ; Eurip., frag. 964, witl1 Plu­ tarcl1's comments ; Mor. 464 А, 8 1 1 D; Nemesius Nat. hom . 354; and on the whole question Sext. Empir. (Bekker) 1 2 1 ; Tucker, Lig/Jt о/ Nature (London, 1 848), 1 1 , 348, "\Ve do not say tl1is of an earthly politici an." But cf. Ar. Eth. Nic. 1 1 7 8 Ь on tl1e difficulty of attri buting the moral virtucs to God. О/ the whole: Cf. Роре supra ; Ovid's "Summa tamen omnia constan t" : Emerson's "The infinite l ies stretcl1ed in smiling repose" ; Descartes's "God might have made me more perfect if I alone existed, but it is а greater perfec­ tion in the universe tlшt some of its parts are not exempt froш defect"; the arguments of the deity in Milton and the complacen t sen tcпces of Leibnitz in acceptance of individual suffering so bitterly satirized Ьу James. But if the youth apostrophized were to answer with Tenпyson 's What is that to him that reaps not harvest of his you thful j oys, Tho' the deep heart of cxistence beat forever like а boy's ?

Teпnyson's mouthpiece can only reaffirm his faith in the moral government of the universe and appeal to our ignorance of the design tl1at may inform tl1e w hole. Vast arcs of the celestial sphere Subtend such li ttle angles here.

903 D Draughts-pla;•er: Cf. Heraclit., frag. 52 (Diels), and Omar Khay­ yam : Impotent pieces of the game he plays Upon this checkcr-board of nights and days.

904 С Left /о our own wills: Cf. Rep. 6 1 7 Е 3 ; Тiт. R7 В. Laws 8 6 1 -64 С is only an apparent contradiction. The freedom of the will i n Plato is an etl1ical, not а scientific, doctriпe. Не feels with Mill that it is desiraЫe that all men slюuld believe i t of themselves and disbelieve it of otl1ers. Zeller,

LAWS-NOTES рр. 8 5 1 -5 5 ; Jowett, 1 1 1 , 408 and 4251 do not quite understand this. Cf. Uпity, рр. 9-1 0; Zeller, Ar. (Eng.), 1 1, 1 1 3 . 904 D Gravitates: O n this law of spiritual gravitation cf. Tim . 4 2 С ; Gard­ ner, Daпte апd the Mystics, рр. 59-60 ; Dante, Paradiso, 1, 1 09-26, 136-41 ; Emerson, Worship: "That tl1e police and sincerity of the universe are se­

cured Ьу God's delegating his divinity to every particle." 905 А Boasl: Cf. Aesch. Ag. 533 ; Еитеп. 5 8 ; Emerson, Compensation, "But the brag is on his lips ; the conditions are in his soul." 905 В Iп whose lives thou tl1i11kesl to see: Cf. Job 2 1 : 7 ff. Isoc. Paп­ ath. 1 86-87 ; Thrasymachus (Diels), frag. 8 ; Schmidt, Ethik d. Griecheп, р. 93 ; Cic. Nat. deor. I I I . 3 2 and Ennius there ; also Rep. 6 1 3 А ; Boetl1ius J . с. 5 . Hortatory preamЬ/es: Cf. 9 1 6 D-;] 1 7 В , 930 Е-932 А , 934 D-93 5 В, 9 42 А­ Е, 949 Е-950 D , 959 A-D. Cf. also 9 1 3 ВС, 920 DE, 923 АВ, 928 Е, 936 В, 943 D-944 С, 948 B-D. 913 А I that of others: Jowett fancifully reads the Golden Rule into these words, but tl1at1 curiously enough, was an ticipated ratl1er Ьу the rl1etoric of lsocrates. Cf. Dетоп. ц ; То Nic. 24 ; Nic. 49-50, 6 1 1 62; Paпeg;·r. 8 1 . Cf. Diels Thales 7 and 1 3 ; Benn, Greek Plzilosophers, р. 5 5 . 9 1 3 D What у о и did поt deposit: Cf. Diog. L . 1 . 57, Solon, а µ� Ш ' оv µ� aveXv . Cf. 941 CD. 913 В Move the immovaЬ!e: А more conservative and religioнs proverЬial equivalent of "quieta non movere" and "let sleeping dogs Iie." Cf. 684 Е, 843 А. It is playfully varied in Phileb. 1 5 С; Theael. 1 8 1 АВ. Cf. commenta­ tors on Virgil деп. I I I . 700. 914 А Give injormatioп: Cf. 730 D, 843 В, 93 2 D . 916 D Uпadulterated: Cf. Theognis 1 1 7 and 965. 917 В With lig/11 lips: This is often misunderstood. Plato reinforces the p rinciple that we are not to take the nam es of the gods in vain, Ьу the iшpli­ cation that the i mpurity and нnhol iness of the majority of mankind makes it unfit tlщt their lips should sully the divine name. 919 В Pove1·ty and rvealth: Cf. supra, 679 ВС, 728 Е-729 А, 744 D; Rep. 421 D-422 А, 5 5 1 D ff. Cf. Newman, р. 1 3 6 . 926-28 Care oj orphaпs: Cf. supra, 7 6 6 С , 8 7 7 С, 909 CD; Rep. 554 С. 928 С For malversation: Cf. the case of Demosthenes. 928 DE Disiпherilance о/ а sоп Ьу ап angry father: А favorite theme of the later Greek and Roman rhetoric . Cf. the elder Seneca Controversiae I X, XII, XVIJI, XXXI ; Excerpta 1, IV, VIII, etc. 93 1 А VisiЫe gods: On visiЫe and invisiЬ!e gods cf. Tim. 40 D, 41 А ; Phaedr. 246 С ; Ерiп. 985 В С . 93 1 А Iп the images that represeпl them: An anticipation of the whole later literature about image worship and idolatry. Cf. Epin . 983 Е 6. Cf. Dio Chrys. X I I . 399 R ff" Мах. of Tyre VIII. Cf. Ruskin on idolatry. 931 А AI Jhe hearth: Cf. Menand er, Seпtent" vbµt!;'E uavтc;J тоv� -yovE'i� ELVaL Oeov� ; Shakes., Midsummer-Night's Dream, I, i, 47, "То you your fatl1er should Ье as а god." 93 1 ВС Ta!es о/ Oedipus: Appeals to popular supersti tion again . Cf. su­ pra on 865 DE . Cf. B audrillart, Jеап Bodin el son temps, р. 247. •

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WHAT PLATO SAID 932 Е fi. Iпjuries Ьу potions: 865 В ff. deals with death Ьу poisoning. 933 В 6 Wheп we ourselves have по dejinire proof /о give: 1 think this is the meaning. Cf. supra, р. 394, on the impossiЬility of freeing the multitude from superstition. 933 DE His likencss /о the injurer: Cf. supra on 867 А. Westermarck (Origin апd Developmeп/ of Moral Ideas, 1 1 , 652) wrongly translates : "Не who seems to Ье the sort of man who inj ures others Ьу m agic knots or en­ chan tments." Cf. Hobbes, Leviatlzaп, 1 , 2 : "For as for witches, 1 think not their wi tchcraft is any real power ; but yet that tl1ey are j ustly punished, for the false belief they have that they сап do such mischief, joined with their purpose to do i t if they сап." Cf. Selden, ТаЬ/е Talk, CXLIX : "Law against witches does not prove that there Ье any ; but it punishes the m alice of these people, etc." ; Farnell, Higher Aspects of Greek Religioп, р. 7 : "Spells and in­ vocations concerning which the philosopher i n his mental decay ( !) is not аЬ!е to make up his mind" ; Lecky, Ratioпalism, 1, 1 1 2 : "Не [Montaigne] was по doubt perfectly aware that the Laws of Plato, of the twelve taЬ!es, of the con­ suls, of the emperors, and of al\ nations and legislators . . . . had decreed capital penalties against sorcerers." All books that quote any passage of the Laws as proof tl1at Plato was personally superstitious are uncri tical. 936 А Not iп passioпate earпes/: Cf. 829 CD. Cf. 8 1 6 Е оп comedy. 936 ВС No beggars: lt is said that there were few or попе in China in the great age. 937 D 7 Its natural caпker or Ыight: кТ,ре�. Cf. Phaed1-. 240 АВ. Cf. De­ moc., frag. 1 9 1 (Die\s', р. 441 ) , кТ,ра� ev т4/ f3l'1J. Cf. Democ., frag. 285. Cf. lsoc. 1 1 . 3 5 where ииµфораv = кТ,ре� here. 938 С Оп а secoпd convictioп: This is obviously one of what 1 have called Plato's Ruskinian boutades, about as serious as Ruskin's desire to burn the city of New York. Cf. оп 829 DE. 942 D 5 Uпfastidiousness: This is usually mistranslated. Cf. Class. Phil., ХП ( 1 9 1 7) , 308-10. Cf. А/с . 1 1 22 С 5 . 944 В fi. Shield-fliпger: Cf. Aristoph. Clouds 3 53 ; Birds 1 48 1 ; Реасе I I 86. Cf. Hug оп Symp. 1 79 А. 947 Е Frailty of hитап пature: Cf. оп 853 С and on 875 В 8 . 948 В Judicial oa/hs: Cf. Wilamowitz, 1, 652. 948 D А chaпge iп their laws: Cf. perhaps 853 С. This is the thesis of Fustel de Coulanges's La ci/C antique. 948 С-Е Rather of Athens thaп of his оwп utopiaп cil)'.' Cf. 876 ВС, 744 D. Cf. Rep. VIll. For the speaker's falling out of l1is rble and becoming the mouthpiece of Plato, cf. оп Symp. 179 D and Раrт еп. 1 3 5 ВС. 948 А Are pcrjurers: Cf. Gomperz, 111, 255. Cf. Isoc. То Demoпicus 23 ; Eurip. Medea 438, {3е{3аке о' opкwv xapL�. 949 А 5 Gaiп is at stake: On кероо� cf. the Hipparchus. 950 В We саппо/ disregard tlze opinions of others: Cf. lsoc. Paпath. 261 ; То Philip 79; Dетоп. 1 7 ; Democr., frag. 1 53 . This is no contradiction of Crito 44 С 6; Gorg. 47 1 -72, 474 В I ; Polit. 260 В I 1 .

LAWS-NOTES 950 С Best way to Ье thought is to Ье good: Cf. Heracli tus, frag. 1 3 5 (Dielsз, I, 1 04) ; Xen . Мет. I. 7. 1 -2 ; 1 1 . 6. 3 9 ; Ar. Soph. El. 1 65 а 30; Isoc. I. 17 ( ?) ; Anon. I amЬI. (Diels, р . 577) ; Cic. De ojfic. П . 1 2. So Guicciardini apud Croce, Phi/os. of Practical, р. 109. 955 D Bribes u11der whatsoever prete.>:t: Cf. tl1e case of Bacon. 956 А ProhiЬitio11 of gold a11d ivory: Much quoted. Cf. Cic. De leg. 11. 1 8 , and the Christian Fathers. 957 А Repeat twice and thrice the right: Cf. Gorg. 498 Е; Phileb. 60 А. Cf. Em ped . (Diels) 1 92. 957 АВ То guide them: For the idea that there is nшch good i n the ex­ perience of the past cf. supra, 802 В, 844 А, 9 6 0 С ; Polit. 299 С 8-9, 300 В : and on Prot. 326. Cf. also o n 800 А. Cf. Novotny, Plato's Epist/es, р . 1 92. Cf. also perhaps on Polit. 268 Е. 957 D Oj debate: Note О�й. U1J'YX1JJP �UE1JJ P . Dialectic proceeds through the tl1ings conceded Ьу the interloctitor. Cf. the criticism of tl1e reasoning of the mathematici ans iп Rep. 533 С, wl1ere oµo'Л.o'YLav carries the same stiggestion. 957 D "Nomos" with " nous" : Cf. 7 1 4 А, POV oiavoµ� . 959 В Soul is the real selj: Cf. on .dlc. / 1 30 С. On the stiperiori ty of soul over body cf. 870 В, 697 В, 967 В, D. 959 CD Make the besl of it: то ое 1Гароv OE'iv EU 7ГotEtP. Often mistrans­ Jated. Cf. Gorg. 499 С and Thucyd. I, 82. 6, EV7ГpE7ГWS 81:.uOai. 960 С /п the 11ате of lhe lhird Fate: Atropos. Cf. Rep. 620 Е. For tl1e idea cf. supra, 8 1 6 В. Cf. also on 957 А В ; Epin. 982 С. 961 А Of а special synod: 95 1 D ff. Cf. also 908 А 4, 909 А 3 . 962 D 4 О11е and оп/у aim of lrue statesmanship: For the figure cf. 934 В 4 and Symp. 2 1 9 В. For the idea cf. on 705 D. Cf. also Shorey, Laws, рр. 36263. Cf. Ar. Eth. Nic., i11it. Cf. supra, 632 С 5 . W1·ote i n z903: U11i�y, р р . 86-8 8 . 1 add only а few references and footnotes. Or of the ruled: Disser/alions and Discussions, IV, 289. With mathematics and astronomy: Greek Thinkers (trans.), р . 466. То like effect Zeller, рр. 955, 956. Even in thefirsl book: 632 С. Tl1e parallelism with the RepuЬ!ic is obvious. There, too (4 1 2 CD, 4 1 4 В), there is а similar an ticipation of tl1e neecl of guardians who know as distinguished from the assistants. In Lat11s 8 1 8 А, there is another anticipation of the higher education. Mathematics only is mentioned because Plato is explaining tl1at i t is not needful for the mtiltitude to study it profoundly. There is по occasion for mentioning any other element of the higher education. The possessors of фpbPТ/Uts will surely Ье аЫе кат ' ЕtОТ/ SТ/TEtP (630 .Щ and will practice the dialectical methods of the "recent" Sopblst, Philebus, and Politicus. Zeller's attempt to disti nguish between фp6PТ/Uts and the vovs of tl1e RepuЬ!ic is а false point. фpbPТ/Uts is used in Pliaedo 69 В . Of the early dia/ogues: Pro/. 3 r r В ; Gorg. 447, 448, 449 Е ; Euthyd. 2 9 1 С ; Rep . 333· 963 D То e.,·lziЬit their unity is harder: Cf. Philcb. 18 Е, 1ГWS �ипv iv ка� 7ГО'Л.'Лй. avтwv ЕкатЕрОР. Cf. iЬid. 24 Е.

WHAT PLATO SAID 963--64 Виt the "logos" о/ things: For ovoµa, 7rpo:yµa, and Myos cf. Soph. 2 1 8 ВС. Cf. supra, 895 D; Ер. VII. 342 В. Cf. Ogden, Meaning of Meaning, р. 1 3 . Soph. 234 С is not quite relevan t. Cf. Polit . 267 А 5, тоv "Л.lryov тоu 0110µатоs. For tl1e idea that l1e wlю knows can tell cf. on Charm. 1 59 А. 965 С Look to о п е idea: Cf. Phaedr. 265 D; and with тa(m/s о{ж �О"тt иа­ феитера µEeooos cf. Phileb. 1 6 В ; Plzaedr. 266 В ; Rep . 533 В . The thing: Friedl iinder ( I J , 680) quotes Taylor ( 1 925) : "Though the name

'dialectic' is not used the demand for the thing remains unabated." 966 С As wc have donc: I n Book Х. Tlze "RepuЫic" and earlier dialogues: Gomperz supports his view of the antidialectical tendency of Plato's mind in the Laws Ьу the hostility of the Sophist to every kind of antilogy. But surely eristic is one thing and dialectic anotl1er. Tl1e tru e Socratic elenchus is described and tl1e difficulty of dis­ tinguisl1ing it from eristic indicatcd in а locus classicus in the Sophist (230 В ff.) ; and both the Sophist and the Politicus employ the keenest dialectic in order to meet and defeat eristic on its own ground (Soph. 259 CD) . l n the Philebш, wl1icl1 Gomperz thinks late, dialectic is still the highest science of truth (Phileb. 58). But Plato had other interests than dialectic, and i t is un­ reasonaЫe to expect him to fill the Laws and Timaeus wi th repetitions of what l1ad been said once for а\1 in the Sophist, Politicus, and PM!ebus.

EPINOMIS ВIBLIOGRAPНY Cf. the literature on the Laws. GROTE, IV, 420-30. HAR\VARD, J., The "Epinomis" oj Plato. Translated with l ntroduction and notes. Oxford, 1 928. HEID EL, W. А., Pseudo-Platonica, рр. 72-78. Baltimore, 1 896. M u L L E R , F., Stilistische Untersuchungen der "Epinomis" des Philippos von Opus. 1 927. Rл ED ER, рр. 4 1 3-1 9. REUTH ER, н " De "Epinomide" Platonica. Diss" Leipzig, 1907. TAY L OR , РР· 497-502. Z E L L l:R, РР· 1 040 ff. The Epinomis is rejected Ьу: Zeller (Ph. d. G., 1 1 , 1 4, 1 040, n . 3), Croiset, \\'indelband-Goedeckemeyer, Ri tter (who, however, in his Unters. йЬе1· Plato, рр. 9 1 ff" finds that stylistically the Epinomis agrees perfectly with the Laws), Alline (Hist. du texte de P/aton, р. 35), lmmisch (Phi/o/ogш, LXXII ( 1 9 1 3], 1 7), Wilamowitz (Р!., II•, 654), F. Miiller, i n his dissertation on the Epinomis (Stilistische Untersuchung der "Epinomis" des Philippos von Opus [ 1 927]), and W. Jaeger, review of Taylor's Plato, Gnomon, 1 928, р. 8 . l t is accepted Ьу: Н . Reuther, Raeder (рр. 4 1 3 ff.) , who discusses the question in detail, Ueberw.-Pr. (Phi/os. d. Altert. ( 1 926), р. 3 27), and J. Stenzel (Zahl und Gestalt bei Pl. und Ar. [1 924), рр. 1 03 f.) , who are not yet convinced of its spuriousness; Harward, Taylor (р. 498), Gomperz (111, 3 1 1 ) . NOTES The summ ary and the excellent translation of Mr. J. Harward do not bring out the faults of style and arrangement which 1 believe prove that Plato could not have wri tten this dialogue. Professor Wilamowitz says that the style is an unsuccessful imitation of the Laws. But as it is accepted Ьу Professor Taylor (р. 1 4) and Ьу Raeder (4 13), and Mr. Harward affirms that those who have any feeling for Greek scholarship must recognize that i ts style "is an exact replica of the Laws," it is perhaps safest not to dogmatize. Prolixity of the style: The first sentence alone, like the first sentence of the Theages, is an indication of spuriousness, unless we assume that senility had set in after the Laws. Transition to Aristotle: J aeger (Aristoteles, р. I 54) refers to а "vollkommen­ sten \Villensiiberlegung [ арlит17 /ЗоuЛЕuи��] der Gestirnseele" in 982 С. The Greek words quoted are not there, and the idea is there only Ьу inference. Не goes on to argue that Aristotle at first held this doctrine of the "freiwillig Sternbewegung," but in Etli. I I 12 а 21 'Ъestreitet ausdriicklich dass •

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WHAT PLATO SAI D es

eine fJo{iЛEUUt� 7ГЕрl т@v aL8Шv geben kann." Не apparently misconstrues 7ГЕрl and converts Aristotle's simple common-sense statement that no one (no man) deli berates about eternal things (which are necessarily true and fixed) into the meaning that there is no deliberation or will in tl1e stars. Aristotle's "Metaphysics " : 98 1 а 27 ff" 982 Ь 24 with Rep. 429 А 2. 975 В Productive arts: Poiesis is generalized in Sутр. 205 В, but wi thout the disparaging connotation of the word here. But cf. Rep. 533 В for tl1e idea. Cl1arm. 1 63 В and D are hardly relevant. 976 А 6 Navigators: Cf. Gorg. 5 1 1 DE. Cf. the classification in Polit. 279 с ff. 978 ВС For learning it: Cf. Shorey on "Phileb. 1 1 ВС," Class. Phil., 1 1 1 (1908), 343-45. 978 D Learns /о coun/: Cf. Laws 8 1 8 С 5-6 and Tim. 47 А with 39, supra, р. 6 1 6. 981 С The aether: Cf. Zeller apud Harward, р. 1 23 ; Jaeger, рр. 3 1 5 and 146, where Ьу а slip of the pen he speaks of the "Vier Elementargotterklas­ sen [sic!] des Timaios" (39 Е) . 982 CD Fickle and in·esolule: Cf. perhaps on Gorg. 482 А В ; Т. L. Heath, Arislarchus of Samos, р . 1 8 5 ; Laws 966-67 ; Cic. Nat. deor. 11. 1 6, "Sensum autem astrorum atque intelligentiam m axime declarat ordo eorum atque constantia. Nihil est enim quod ratione et numero moveri possi t sine con­ silio." Aristotle and Ruskin likewise affirm that order and regularity are cl1ar­ acteristics of the higher organism. J aeger speaks of the "tollste Missverstiind­ nis der Quelle durch Cicero." 982 Choric dance: Cf. on Tim. 40 С; Lucret. 1 1 . 1097 ; Job 3 8 : 3 1-33 ; Minucius Felix XVI I. 4. 983 С With such precision: Cf. Laws 967 DE; Cic. Nat. deor. 11. 1 6, "ln­ telligen tiam in sideribus." Cf. Jean, "The universe seems to Ье nearer to а great thought than to а great m acl1ine" ; Lesli e Stephen, Science of Etlzics, р. 34, "The planets, it has been said, are constantly engaged in working out differential equations." 985 С VisiЬ!e heavenly gods: Cf. Laws 93 1 А; Tim. 40 D, 41 А ; Phaedr. 2 46 с. Unlike the gods: Cf. P/1ileb. 33 В 8 and Ер. 1 1 1 . 3 1 5 С 8, which has been supposed to Ье an Epicurean touch. Cf. on Laws 792 D. 987 В Equally with the sun: For Е7Гl �ф6., 987 В 5, cf. Laws 760 D 2 ; Shorey on Tim. 36 С, А]Р, Х, 55. For the "later" astronomy of Plato and the question whether it recognized the movement of the earth, cf. on Tim. 40 ВС, and Heath, Arislarchus of Samos, рр. 1 74 ff. Breeds the bes/ т еп: Cf. Rep. 43 5 Е (Loeb) ; Laws 747 D, 704-5, 625 D ; Мепех. 237 C D ; Tim. 2 4 С 6. 991 D Full of gods: Cf. Laws 899 В . Attributed to Tl1ales, Diog. L. 1. 1 . 27, Ar. De ап. 4 1 1 а 8 ; Cic. De leg. П . I I . Benn (Greek Plzilosophers, р . 6) calls i t the ironical fetishism of Thales ; Burnet (Early Greek Philos" р. 5 1 ) says that w e must not make too much o f the saying. B u t it has been endlessly commented on with contradictory interpretations.

EPINOMIS-NOTES 991 D Neglect us: Cf. Laws 885 В 8, 888 С 5, 899 D 5, 900 С�о5 В, 948 С ; Rep. 365 DE. 988 А Impious: Cf. on Laws 821 АВ, 967 D; Ar. Met. 982 Ъ 28 ff. ; Eth. Nic. 1 1 77 Ъ 3 1 ff" cited Ьу Jaeger, р. 1 68, is irrelevant. 992 Unity with himselj: А neo-Platonic but also а Platonic conception. Cf. оп Gorg. 482 ВС. 992 ВС Continents of the Ь/essed: Cf. Gorg. 523 В, 524 А, 526 С ; Phaedo I 1 I А 6 ; Pindar О/. 1 1 .

ALCIBIADES

I

BIВLIOGRAPНY A R n s, Н., De "Alcibiade !" quijerlur Platonis. Diss., Кiе\, 1 906.

CR01s Eт, М., Platon: fEuures completes (Bude), J, 49 ff. Paris, 1 920. D1 ттмА R , Н., "Aischiпes vоп Sphettos," Philol. Unters. (hrsg. vоп K1ESSLlNG uпd W1 LA MO WIТz) , XXI ( 1 9 1 2) , 65-177. FRIEDLANDER, Platon, П, 233-45. , Der grosse "Alkiblades." Вопп, 1 92 1 . Teil П, " Kritische Eror­ teruпg." 1 923 . HEIDEL, W. А., Pseudo-Platonica, рр. 6 1 -72. B altimore, 1 896. PAv1.u, J., "AlciЬiades prior" quo jure 'IJu!go tribuatur Platoni, VIII, Part 1, 1-109. Diss. Philol. Viпdoboпeпses. ---, Nachtriige zum pseud. "Alkib. I," "Mi tteil. d. Ver. kl. Philologeп i п Wieп" ( 1 929), рр. 2 1 -26. TAYLOR, Plalo, рр. 522-26.

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NOTES Best inlroduction /о the Plato11ic philosophy: Cf. Proclus iп Plat. Alcib. 1, р. 297 (Cousiп) ; O\ympiod. iп Alcib., р. 1 0 (Creuzer) ; Fabric., BiЬ!ioth. gr., 1114, 83.

Its thoughts in another mind: Cf. Sутр. 209 В 7, апd perhaps Prot. 348 D . Expressed in other dialogues: Cf. the пotes infra, passim; 1 04 В w i t h Gorg. 466 С; 1 04 D, 1Гро:уµа, with Аро!. 20 С ; 1 04 Е with Rep. 5 1 6 А ; 109 В 9 with Laches 1 84 DE; 108 В 6 with Мепо 74 А 9, В 6-7, Gorg. 504 D 6; 1 09 А 5, 1Гроs тL тe[vet , with Laches 1 90 D, Prot. 345 С, Cratyl. 4 1 9 В, Symp. 1 8 8 D, Rep. 454 АВ апd 464 D; 109 С, wouldп't admit uпj ust iпtentioпs if he had them, with Prot. 329 В; 1 10 А, answer what you believe, witl1 Rep. 346 А (Loeb), Gorg. 495 А ; I I 1 В and 1 1 1 Е, those who kпow agree, with Laches 1 84 D, 1 86 D ; 1 ц А, трuф�s, cf. оп Laches 179 D ; l Ц D, v{ЗpLUT�S (cf. 1 09 D икw1Гтш), cf. Мепо 76 А 9 ; 1 1 4 Е, no witness needed but his оwп mouth, cf. Gorg. 47 1 Е, 475 Е ; 1 1 9 в, Е7ГL та T�S 7ГОЛЕws, etc., cf. Rep. 347 с, Gorg. 5 1 4 С ; and for the eпtire theme Symp . 2 1 6 А 5-6; 1 22 с 5, EVXEPELall ка/. еvкоЛ[аv, cf. Laws 942 D; 1 23 Е, E:�apкe"iv ка/. ws �XEL, cf. оп Rep. 426 D (Loeb) ; 1 25 В 9, the good those аЫе to rule, cf. Gorg. 488 D, 489 D, 49 1 В, Мепо 7 1 Е ; 1 25 Е , ev{ЗouЛLav, cf. Prot. 3 1 8 Е ; 1 2 1 lf., the cardiпal virtues in the educatioп of tl1e Persiaп kiпgs, as in the RepuЬ!ic 485 lf. апd the Symp. 1 96 D; 1 30 А 9, иu11аµфЬтеро11, cf. Sутр. 209 В; 134 Е, ey')'u�uauOaL, etc., Phaedo 1 1 5 D. Expressions which jar оп lhc ear: 1 I I Е, кp�')'uoi, seems impossiЫe; 1 24 С 1 0, Е1ГLфа11е1а, is straпgely used. But cf. lsoc. Не!епа 1 7. п 8 В 7, {iттets 1Гроs, is uпusual, as are иuµ{3аЛМ11тw11 �avтo"is ( 1 25 С 4) апd 1itxb1101a11 ( 1 26 С) . 1 1 4 А, 1Гро/;роµаs тоu M')'ov, does поt recur in Pl ato, but is perhaps uпobjec­

tioпaЫe. The alterпative "disco\1er or learn" is tl1rice repeated ( 1 06 D, I 1 2 D, 652

ALCIВIADES I-NOTES п3 Е). Cf. on Lachcs 1 86 В. The idea "would not learn if you thougl1t you knew" occurs twice ( 1 06 D, 109 Е) . 1 1 2 D 8, 7ГЛа11Q. ; the word апd tl1e idea are repeated seven times within а page. Cf. оп Phaedo 79 С. The dialogue iп 1 04-5 is crude. lп 108 С 12 Socrates employs the spurious Socratic mctlюd of eliciting the desired answer Ьу а merely verbal association. The induction in 1 1 4 В is overelaborated. The traпsitions are awkward or abrupt in 1 25 Е,

1 26, 1 29 В . The opinioпs of moderп scholars are divided: The di alogue is rejected Ьу:

Zeller (doubtful), Raeder, Ueberweg-Praechter, Wilamowitz, Taylor, 'v\'. J ae­ ger (Aristotelcs, р. 1 69), Е. Hoffmann ( Vortr. d. Biblioth. Warb. [ 1 9 23-::ц], р. 56), lvo Bruпs (рр. 340-4 1 ) . l t has Ьееп defeпded as authcпtic Ьу Stall­ baum, С. Herm ann, Grote, R. Adam, М. Croiset, and especially Ьу Р. F1·ied­ liinder (Der grosse "AlkiЬiades" : Еiп Weg zu Plato) . Cf. also his Platon, 11, 233 ff., and tl1e Schlussbemerkung, рр. 243-45, wl1ere he coпsiders some re­ cent attacks on the geпuineпess of the dialogue. Lesser lzaпd: Cf. in addi tion to 1 29-30 and 1 32-33 tl1e description of the Spartan and Persian kiпgs in 1 2 1 ff., п3 Е, 132 А 5 . 103 А Bejore approachiпg him: Cf. iпfra, 1 3 1 С ff. ; Symp. 1 83 D ff. ; Ргоt. 309 А В ; Xen. Symp. Vlll. 9 ff. For love of soul cf. оп Symp. 1 8 1 В . 106 В Abrupl traпsitioп: Cf. iпfra, 1 28 А. Cf. Rep. 349 D ; Theact. 1 45 D ; Cratyl. 391 CD; Laches 1 93 Е ; Prot. 3 3 2 А , 3 5 1 В ; Charm. 1 64 А ; Plm cdr. 259 Е ; Friedliiпder, 1 1 , 436. Cf. Mrs. Grace Hadley Billiпgs' Chicago Diss.

( 1 9 1 5) , Р · 5 · 106 С As ап adviser to the Atheniam: Cf. Persius "rem populi tractas"; Sat. IV. iпit. Cf. Symp. 216 А 5-6 ; Мепех. 234 А В ; Хеп. Мет. 111. 6. 1 ; Ar. Rl1el. 1 . iv. 106 Е Не scorпed the flute: Cf. Piпdar Pyt/1. ХП. 22; \Vil., 1, 50, n . 1 . 109 Е Did по/ kпow il a!ready: Cf. 106 Е ; Мепо 82 Е , 8 4 В ; S oph. 230 вс. по В Ajfirmed thal he kпew: Cf. Shaw, Major B arbara, Act 1 1 1 : "ls there

anytl1ing you know or care for ?" "1 know the differeпce betweeп rigl1t апd wrong." "You don' t say so . . . . . Why m an, you 're а gcnius . . . . at 24 too." п 1 В Betweeп а slick апd а stoпc: For the idea cf. Polit. 2 8 6 А ; Phaedr. 26 1 Е ff. For Лf1Jos and �uЛа cf. Рагтеп. 1 29 D ; G01-g. 468 А ; Т/1еае1. 1 56 Е. п3 D The useful, по/ the just: Cf. Ar. Rhel. 1 3 5 8 Ь. п3 Е Argumeпls wear out: Cf. О. W. Holmes, Autocral: "Tl1e trutl1s а mап carries about with him are his tools; and do you think а carpeпter is bound to use the same рlапе but опсе ?" п4 В АЬ!е /о teach Socrates: Cf. Euthyph. 5 А, 9 В 6 ; I!ipp. Maj. 286 D, 291 В; апd the jest in Goг,r;. 489 D 7 апd Euthyd. 302 С 3 . I I4 D ff . }ormulas: Cf. :и. п 5 с 6, I I 5 Е 1 6, I I 6 А 3 ; I I 5 с 3, ката таU­ 1Тpii�Lll j I I 6 А 1 0, ка6 ' 00'011. For the Е� 1Грат­ тЬv ; 1 1 5 Е 10 and 13, ката ТЕL11 fallacy, н 6 В 2 ff., cf. on Charm. 1 73 D. For 1 1 4 Е, coпvince out of his own mouth, cf. Gorg. 47 1 Е ff., 474 А. п7 А Waпderiпgs: Cf. on Phacdo 79 С. п8 с Не who kпows сап teщh: Cf. on Меп о 99 в 7· For а1ТО TOV аuтоµатоv •

•

•

•

WHAT PLATO SAID (н 8 С 3) cf. P1·ot. 323 С ; Rep. 498 Е ; Cratyl. 397 А ; .llpol. 3 8 С, 41 D : Мепо 90 А. 1 19 С Real rivals: Cf. lsoc. Репсе 60; Lucian Rheto1·. о�оаик. 2 1 . 121 ff. Most often quoted passages in Platonic literature: Almost too good

to Ье Ьу anyone except Plato. Suggested Ьу Xenophon, it l1as been conj ec­ tured. Xen. Cyropaedia I . 2-3 ; Н. Arbs, De ".lllcib. Г' quife1·tur Platonis, рр. 29-30. Joёl (Der echte und der Xenoph. Sokrates, 1, 499-500) fiпds here а stroпg influeпce of the Cyrus of Aпtisthenes. Pavlu (Diss. phi/ol. Vindob., VIII, 1 , 29) is of the орiпiоп tlшt t'1is part shows по extraпeous iпflueпce. 125 В ff. Re111i11iscences: 1 26 С ff. is а developmeпt of Rcp. 602 D 5-6 апd Euthypl1. 7 в 10. 1 25 Е ff., eu{Зoubla, recalls Prot. 3 1 8 Е ff. ; Gorg. 5 I I D ; Rep. 428 В. 1 26 Е perhaps suggests Lysis 208 D, 1 26 В 2 ; Laches 1 90 А. Cf. 133 в 4 · 129 Е Not identical wit/1 it: Cf. Lactaпtius De orig. erroris П. 3 (Migпe, VI [i], 264) , "Нос eпim quod oculis subjectum est поп homo sed homiпis

receptaculum est." Оп tl1e soul usiпg the body cf. Nemesius De па/. h o m . 1 . Cf. Stёckl, Gesch. d. Pbl!os. d. Mittclalters, П, 607-8, "Ad hoc evitaпdum Plato posuit, quod hопю поп sit aliquid composi tttm ех aпima et corpore, et qttod ipsa aпima uteпs corpore sit homo" ; Harris, Duns Scotus, 11, 25 1 , "De rerum priпcipio q. ix, art. 2, п. 1 2 : 'Plato eпim posuit quod homo est ipse iпtellectus per se subsisteпs, поп corpus . . . . sed uteпs corpore, sicut пavita паvе.' The actual simile of tl1e boatmaп апd the boat 1 am uпаЫе to discover iп Plato. Waddiпg givcs а margjпal refereпce to the .lllciЬiades, where ( 1 30 sq.) the soul is said to ttse the body as ап iпstrumeпt, but the boat is поt specifically meпtioпed." The boat is from Ar. De ап. 4 1 3 а 8-10. 130 С 3 The true self is the soul: Cf. Laws 959 А ; Phacdo 1 1 5 С ; ..llxiochus 365 Е; Ar. Eth. Nic. п 78 а 2. Apelt also meпtioпs Rep. 469 D ; Laws 791 В, 870 В ; апd drags iп Ar. Met. 1 043 Ь 2. Cf. Epict. Diss. 1. 1 . 25. 131 А .11 thing of the lrue self: Cf. 1 28 CD, 1 33 D. Cf. Laws 732 А 2 ; Gorg. in fi пe. (Self vs. thiпgs of self.) Cf. lsoc . .llntid. 290; Tim. 90 В ; .llpol. 36 С 6 ; Aug. D e civ. dei V I . 9 . 131 C D Lovcr of his soul: Cf. supra оп 1 03 А ; Symp. 1 8 1 В ; Rep. Ьу im­ plicatioп, 402 D 10; Хеп. Symp. VIII. 9. Freq. iп Greek comedy. Cf. оп Sy111p. 1 8 1 В. 132 D !11 m1othe1" еуе: Cf. Sir Jolш Davies ( 1 592) , "Апd yet the lights

which iп ту tower do shiпe / Мiпе eyes, which view all objects пigh апd far / Look поt iпto this little world of miпe / Nor see ту face iп wl1icl1 they fixed а1·е." Cf. Cic. Tusc. 1. 27 ; Shakes., Т1·0. and Cress., I I I , 31 "Nor dotl1 tl1e еуе itself,-/ Tlшt most pure spirit of seпse,-belюld itself.''

ALCI B IADES

11

BIВLIOGRAPHY В1скЕL, L, "Ein Dialog aus der Akademie des Arkesilas," .Archivj. Ge.rch. d. Pl1i!o.r., XVII ( 1 904) , 460-79. B R U N N ECKE, Н., De ".A!cibiade 11' ' quifer/ur Pla/011i.r. Diss., Gottingen, 1 9 1 2. G RoтE , рр. 1 -32 (.AlciЬiadc.r I and ll) . H E ID E L, ор . cil., рр. 56-59. SoшLнf, J., Bude Platon, XIII, Part 11, "Dialogues suspects," 3 ff. TAYLOR, Plalo, рр. 526-29. NOTES Pray /оо .rpccijically: Cf. Law.r 687-8 8 ; Xen. Мет. 1 . 3. 2; Eurip. Hippol. 8 87-90, l 1 66-70; Arnold, Roman Stoici.rm, р. 23 5 ; Pomponazzi , А. Н . Dot1gl as, р . 206, "Unde Plato in 2. /llcibladc docet nos quomodo debemus orare . . . . . Quod et concordat dicto Salvatoris nostri : Scilicet nesci tis quid petatis." (Cf. Rom . 8 : 26 and Matt. 20 : 22.) Cf. Montaigne, 1 . 56. Cf. the subdivisions of Emerson's Sermon оп Prayer: ( 1 ) Men are always praying. (2) All tl1eir prayers are granted. (3) We must beware then what we ask. Cf. further Soc­ rates' prayer at tl1e end of tl1e Phaedru.r, and on the general subj ect of prayer in Plato cf. also on Lau1.r 687 Е. Generally rejccted: Cf. Ueberweg-Praechter, Philo.r. d. .All. ( 1 926) , р . 1 99· Cerlain nzam1eri.rm.r and defcct.r of .rtyle: 141 D, xfJLta тЕ ка� 1ГPCJJ L t6. ; 1 44 А, E17ГELJI El; 1 47 Е, 7Г6.ALll av µoL OOKE'i: ; 1 48 А-В, а.лла µ6.р-уо11 т[ µщ OOKEL ElllaL; 1 5 l с, кaAALllLKO� 'YEllEUfJaL тl:J11 ui:J11 l:раит&11. Con.rciou.r remini.rcences of Р/а/о: The dissertation of B ickel perl1aps exag­ gerates tl1e number of these parallels. But cf. 139 В l l , one tl1ing сап lшve only one opposite; cf. on Prol. 332 С; 1 40 А , over-elaboration of tl1e idea tl1at one cannot convert а universal affirmative; cf. on Euthyph. 12 А ; ц о А 1 , UUll ТЕ ouo ; 1 4 1 А 4 , &и7ГЕр оМ ' . . . . ovo ' , cf. /lpol. 2 1 D 5 ; Цl с, use m akes а thing good or evi l ; cf. on Euth;•d. 280 Е ; 1 4 1 D 7 , Archelaus, cf. Gorg. 470 D ff. ; 1 4 1 , wisl1 to Ье tyran t ; 143 С l , Elкfi фi:.-уо11та�, cf. on Hipp. Maj. 286 С ; 1 44 D l , то µЕтО. тоuто ; 1 44 D, not\1ing good wi thout the good ; cf. ц5 в , 1 46 Е, and Gorg. 45 1 , 5 1 1 -1 2 ; 1 45 С 6, то11 ое µ� т0Lоuто11 ; 1 46 А with Gorg. 484 Е; 1 47 А , 1ГOAvµafJ[a, cf. infra, оп 1 47 А ; 1 47 В 1 , Oi:.CJJ 11 , with Rcp. 4 1 7 В 5. Puslzed to 1!1е Stoic cx/reme: The implication ( 1 3 8-39) that all error and folly is madness, which, ho,vever, is refuted with distinctions Ьу Socrates i n цо ВС. Cf. von Arnim, Stoics, 1 1 1 , 1 64 ff. Doubtful phra.rcs: E.g., 1 30 С 1 0, 1 40 D 6, 1 42 С 5, 1 43 В 2, 1 44 А 1 , 144 А 5, 1 44 D 9 (cf. 1 46 В 7), 1 45 Е 7, 1 47 А 2, 148 А l o, 1 4 8 С 5, 1 4 9 С 3 , 1 50 В 6, 1 50 С 1 , 1 50 С 3 ( cf. 1 4 1 С 9, 1 44 С 9) , 1 5 1 А 6. То have wrillen lhcm: E.g., 1 42 DE. Cf. /llc. I 1 23 А; Hipparch. 228 В ; Minos 3 1 8 Е-3 1 9 А.

WHAT PLATO SAID 140 С Highest degree offolly: Cf. Laws 837 А оп �P"'S· 142 А Generals etc: Cf. Euthyd. 2 8 1 ВС ; Rep. 553 В ; Laws 661 В ; lsoc. xv. 1 60. 142 ВС Clzi/dren: Cf. Juv. Sat. Х; Апtiрlюп, frag. 49 (Diels, 11, 8оЬ ) ; Eurip. Medea 1094 ff. 142 D Ow11 folly is the cause: Od. 1. 32 ff. Cf. also Rep. 6 1 7 Е 5, 6 1 9 С, апd оп Phacdo 90 D. 143 CD lg11orance тау Ье а Ыessing: А/с. I 1 1 7 D is поt really pertinent. 144 D K11owledge о/ thc good: Cf. Charm. 1 74 ВС; Rep. 505 АВ ; and supra, р. 7 1 . Tlzink that lhcy k11ow: Cf. А/с. I 1 1 7 D апd o n Lysis 2 1 8 АВ. 147 А Polymathy: Cf. Heraclit., frag. 40 (Diels, Jз, 86) ; Laws 8 1 9 А 5; Erast. 133 С апd Е, 139 А. 147 В Poelry is e11igmatic: Cf. on Rep. 332 В (Loeb). Cf. Moпtaigne, П, 1 2, and for а1ГОКр(пrте11(}аL, Ruskin, Enigmas о/ life. 147 С J/omcr: The author attri butes the Margites to Homer. 148 АВ Spartans: Cf. Plut. lnsl. !ас. 27, р. 258 F. 149 А 5 Wealth: Cf. А!с. I 1 22 С ff. and Rep. 548 . 148 Е ff. Costly ojferings: The idea of Horace's Rustica Phidyle. Cf. Slюrey оп Odes 1 1 1 . 23 . 1 7-20. Cf. infra, 1 49 Е ; Laws 7 1 7 А, 885 D, 906 В ; Porph. D e abst. П. 1 5 . From llomer: Cf. \Vil., Homer und die "llias," рр. 30-3 1 . 150 С 8 Great-souled: Cf. Ar. Eth. 1 1 23 а 3 4 ff. and Ап . post. 97 Ь 1 8 . 150 D Cloud: Cf. Нот. Il. V ; Juv. Sat. Х. 4 , "Remota erroris nebul a," with commen tators tl1ere.

CLEITOPHON BIВLIOGRAPHY BRUNNECKE, н" "Kleitophon wider Sokrates," Archiv /. Gesch. d. Philos" XXVI ( 1 9 1 3), 449-78. GROTE, G., Plato, III ( 1 888), 41 3-26. GRuвв, G. Н. А., "The Cleitophon of Plato," Class. Phil., XXVI ( 1 93 1 ) , 302-8 . Н вшЕL, ор. cit., рр. 46-48. PлvLu, J., Der pseudoplatonische "Kleitophon." Progr. Znaim, 1 909. Sou1LHE, J., Bude Platon, XIII, Part П, "Dialogues suspects," 1 63 ff. ТA Y L O R, Plato, рр. 536-3 8 . NOTES а lead­ ing Athenian politician, was active in the estaЫishment of the 400 and is mentioned Ъу Ar. Const. о/ Athcns XXIX. 3 and XXXIV. 3 as а warm sup­ porter of the constitution of Cleisthenes (the 1Гo:rpLos 1ГОЛLтеiа) . In Aristoph. Ft·ogs 967 he is introduced as а follower of the sophistical teaching of Euripi­ des. Cf. Stenzel, Paнly-Wiss., XI, 660-6 1 ; Fritzsche, Aristoph. Ranae, рр. 3 1 8 ff. Never subтits his own opinions to criticisт: Rep. 337 А, 338 В ; Xen. Мет. IV. 4· 9· 408 D, 410 В InvaluaЫe in protreptic: Cf. on Euthyd. 275 А. Cf. Xen. Мет . I. 4. r , 1Гротрефаи8аL µev av8pclJ1Гoиs. Cic. Dcjin. I. 1, "Plura suscepi veri­ tus ne movere hominum studia viderer, reti nere non posse." Exhortation: Cf. 407 А ff. and the sнmmary of Socrates' moral teaching there and tl1roughout, e.g., inj ustice involuntary (407 D ) ; afortiori argument from Ъоdу to soul (407 Е, 408 Е, 4 1 0 D), cf. Charm. 1 54 Е and Rep. 445 А В ; virtue a n d the arts or t h e political a r t a11d otl1er arts (407 С, 409 В ff.) , cf. on Apol. 25 В ; the dependence of all values on right use (407 Е ff.) , cf. on Euthyd. 280 Е ; oµbvoia (409 Е) cf. Rep . 3 5 1 D 5, 432 А 7, Alc. 1 1 26-27, Po­ lit. 3 1 1 В 91 Xen. Мет . IV. 4. 1 6. oµo5o�ia (409 Е), cf. Rep. 433 С, Polit. 3 1 0 Е. The literat11re of discussion: It is cited Ъу Souilhe, XIII, Part II, 1 69 ff. Не argues that the dialogue wl1icl1 may well Ъе Ьу Plato is а clever pastiche and delicate parody of the style of con temporary sophists and rl1etoricians. Не thinks Ritter's obj ection that the thought is tlшt of the earlier dialogues, tl1e style tlшt of the later, rests on insufficient evidence. Cf. further Fried­ liinder (II, 50) who thinks tl1at since the Cleitophon ignores the positive teach­ ing of Rep. П-Х i t confirms the separate puЫication of the Thrasyтachus. Cf. Raeder on Pavlu (Berlin. Phil. Woch., November 26, 1 9 1 0, р. 1 503), who argues that tl1e avoidance of hiatus proves i t later than Rep. I, and thinks it

In thefirs/ book о/ the "RepuЫic" : Rep . 328 В, 340 В. Cleitophon,

6 57

WHAT PLATO SAID а school exercise. One of the theses which I maintained in taking my Doctor's degree at Munich in I 884 was "Der Platonische Kleitophon ist echt." I doubt i t now. First Ьоо!с о/ the "RepuЫic" : То the references already given add 409 С with Rep. 336 D. Lilcely to say: Cf. the slight inurbanity of 406 А. Plato would hardly have made Socrates say that it was j ust to harm enemies and benefit friends (41 0 А) . Тоо тапу reminiscmces: Cf. in addition t o those already given 408 В 5 , &каитLкf/v каl БLкaLoиvV'l]V, with Rivals 1 3 7 D and Gorg. 464 В 8 ; 408 В with Rep. 48 8 ; 408 С 4, ?Гpoue'Lxov Б�} тоv vovv, etc., with Euthyd. 283 А 2 ; 410 А 2, cf. on Charm. 1 74 В, and for то'L� 7Гр6'тоL� cf. Rep. 487 В 7.

MINOS NOTES The Minos is generally rejected Ьу modern scholars, except Grote, П, 9Z-f)7. The fullest discussion is that of Jos. Pavlu, Die Pseudo-Platonischen Zwillingsdialoge, "Minos und Hipparch" (Progr. Wien, 1 9 10). Cf. further Taylor, рр. 538-41 ; J. Souilhe, Platon (Paris, 1 930), XIII, Part II, "Dia­ logues suspects," 75 ff. ; Heidel, рр. 39-43 ; Grote, II, 7 1 --r;7. 3 13 А What is law: Cf. Xen . Мет. 1 . l . 1 6 ; I . '2 . 4z-46 ; IV. 4. 1 3 ; Anaxim­ enes, Spengel, Rhet. Graeci, I, 1 7 1 ; Hermogenes, iЬid., П, z89. 3 14 ВС Just ordinary: This idiomatic use of таvта is missed Ьу some in­ terpreters. 314 ВС Opinion of а state: The later definition of l aw as М-уµа 7Г6Xews­ cf. ''OpoL 4 1 5 В 8, Laws 644 D 3-is derived from the idea of Theaet. 1 67 С 4. Cf. also Rep. 607 В 1 with 493 С z, 493 А 6; [Demosth.] XXV. 16. Herodotus: III. 38, with Dialexeis, Die\sз, II, 335 ; Н. Gomperz, Sophistik und Rhetorik, р. 1 63. Altering our laws: А hint of Aristophanic (cf. Acharn. 630-3z) and Dan­ tesque (cf. Purg. VI in fine) satire on tl1e legislation of democracy. 317 DE Worlh: Perhaps an anticipation of the Stoic a�La, but Souilhe, р . 83, rejects Pavlu's general thesis of Stoic influence. 320 С Talos: Cf. Frazer on Apollodorus I. 9. z6 (Loeb) ; Cook, Zeus, I, 7 1 8 ff. ; Apollonius Argon. IV. 1 639-93 ; Spenser, F.9 399 Demiourgos, 349 Democracy, 6, 32, 240 ff., 494 ; i пgrati tude of, 1 s r . 667 Demons, 1 94, 546-47 ; highcr doctrine of, 344, 536 Details, omitted, 22 1 , 404, 63 5 Deus ех macbl11a, 263, 569 Di alectics, 204, 206, 233, 236-37, 26 1 , 303 , 305, 325, 479, 5 1 2, 5Н. 568, 586, 6 1 1 , 648 ; and discussion, 56; docs not cavil on words, 5 1 6, 520 ; i n terlocu tor baffled Ьу, 546 ; and law, 76, 497, 502, 520 ; premature dangerous, 23, 237, 463 ; method of, 1 3 5, 459, 48 1 , 498, 499, 502 ; obscuritics always explained 503 ; " onc l i ttle difficulty" 470 ; in the Laws, 405 ff. ; in the Parmenidcs 584 Dialogues, 452 ; dialcctical, 590; i n dra­ matic form, 572 ; fo1·m of, 63, 64 ; minor, ideas common to, 6 9 ff. ; purpose of, 63, 460 ; Socratic, 64 /f. ; titles of, 453 д•а.тр�{За�, 483 Dichotomy, 59 1 , 599; see also Division Digпity of object no mattcr, 5 8 5 Digressions, 640 Discase, 3 4 1 -42 д�ииоР, 498 Divided line, 232 /f. Divine (Oe'io�) , 99 Division (diairesis), 6 1 , 204, 294 /f., 308 , 554, 604 ; of labor, 86, 1 02, 2 1 7, 480, 623 Dreams, 84, 467, 524 ; dream that wc dream, 575 Earth, 335, 533, 6 1 5 Economics, 433-36, 664-65 Edification, 328 Education, 1 3 , 1 06 ff., 206, 2 1 8 /f. , 234-3 5 , 237, 269, 362, 363, 364, 3 7 8 , 3 8 1 , 3 8 4 , 3 8 5, 637, 667 ; i n the Academy, 30 . Ьу beauty, 2 1 9 ; early, 560; the highcr, 230 /f., 235 /f., in the Laws, 405 lf., 4 1 1 ; importance of, 625, 638 Elections, 377, 402

INDEXES Elcments: the four, 337, 338, 494, 530; construction of, 6 1 7-1 8 Envy, 20 1 , 552 ' E7Гlli•Фs, 501 -2 'Е7Г•µЕХЕtа., 464 Epistles, 7, 40-50, 1 90, 450-5 1 , 537, 556 Equali ty, 241 -42 ; geometrical, 148, 377, 634 ; before the law, 539 ; of property, 368, 375 "Ер-уо11 (function), 2 1 0, 2 1 4, 477, 521 Eristic, I 1 6, 1 76, 290, 489, 5 1 3, 587; evasion of, 3 59, 624 "Epµa.to11 (godsend), 662 Eros, 488 Error: must explain cause of, 97, 49�500; proЫem of, 279 lf., •29 7, 5 80-8 1 Ethical nihilism, 6, 1 37, 1 4 1 -42, 1 45, 2 1 5 lf., 392, 503, 5 1 9 Ethics, 373 ; autonomy of, 459; Plato's philosophy of, 3 1 7 ; popular, 209 ; sci­ e ncc of, 246 ; sovereignty of, 364, 626 Etymology, 1 99, 259, 26 1 , 565 lf., Craty/us, passim Е� 7Гр6.ттЕL11, 482 Eugenics, 3 1 4 Evil, 276, 3 1 2, 409, 578 Evolution, logic of, 494 ' Е� 6.pxi/s (first principles), 483 ' E�a.lФll'l/s, the, 293 Exegetes, 635 Exercise, 3 8 1 Experience, value of, 647 Expert, 84, 1 04, 108, 277, 302, 48+; he who claims to Ье must name his teach­ er, 484 Еуе, sees not i tself, 654 Eyes, 336 Faculty (Mva.µts or l�•s) , 8 8-90 Faith, 632 Fallacies: alleged in Plato, 90, 136, 1 40, 1 44, 148, 1 54, 1 60 /f., 1 72, 178, 2 1 1 , 264, 27 2 , 273, 289, 463, 47 1 , 482, 487, 498, 50+, 532, 576, 579, 608 ; of An­ tisthenes, 3 9 ; in the Euthydenms, 5 1 8 lf. ; of being and not being, 520 Falsehood, wl1en j ustified, 626 Fame, 1 95, 548 Flute girls, 543 Flux, 259, 263, 266, 374, 569, 5 70, 579 Freud, ideas of, 244

68 1

Friendly earnestness, 75, 4 57 Fricnds of ideas, 301 , 588, 594 Friendship, Lysis, passim; only between the good, 489 Future, uncertainty of, 668 Gain (кEplios) , 660 Game of question and answer, 2 1 3, 228 Generalization, 2 1 2, 3+1 , 359, 36 1 , 399 ; of philosophical doctrines, 593 ; of words, 204, 52 1 , 544 bis, 630; see also I ndt1ction God, 289, 3 п , 371-'72, 383, 4 1 8 ; alone can tell, 62 5 ; author of good only, 56 1 ; become like to, 578, 63 1 ; Ыamelcss, 254; careful of the whole, 64-1- ; cx­ tended use of the word, 606 ; kno\vl­ edge of particulars, 5 8 6 ; the measure, 63 1 ; never deceives or changes, 5 6 1 Gods: all things ft1ll of, 6 5 0 ; cannot Ье bribed, 643 ; do not ncglect details, 644 ; favorites of, die young, 667 ; the twelve, 5 5 2 ; visiЫe and i nvisiЫe, 64 5 , 650 Gold and silvcr, forЬidden, 62 1 , 633 Golden Age, 601 ; see a/so Simple life Golden Rule, 645 Good, the, 1 39, 1 47, 274, 3 1 7, 3 1 8, 32 6 , 420 ; all men dcsire, 5 1 3 Good, the idea of, 7 1 , 72, 230 lf., 23 8, 534 ; not God, 23 1 ; a n d t h e s u n , 23 1 Goods, 1 3 5 , 2 1 1 , 3 59, 369, 502, 5 1 9, 629 Gorgian figures, 13, 86, 9 1 , 472, 5++ Governmc n t : aim of, 1 50, 4 1 8, 562, 630; Ьу consen t, 624 ; mixed, 37 1 , 629, 630 Governments, classification of, 3 1 4, 369, 602, 629 Grace divine, 72, 235, 5 1 7 Grammar, 307 Gymnastics, 36 1 , 366; see a/so Athletics HaЬit, makes things pleasant, 637 Happiness, 408, 4 1 1 , 433, 507, 665 Harmony, 1 92, 563 ; with one's self, 505 ; the soul а, 1 76 lf. ; o f words and deeds, I I O, 4 8 5 Health, 373 History, 1 87, 533 ; lessons of, 368 ; Plato's use of, но Homoscxuali ty, 54+ Норе, 6 1 9

682

WHAT PLATO SAID

Human n ature, 641 H umor, 94, 108, 1 3 5, 1 37, 1 56, 1 73, 1 93, 220, z6o, 262, 273, 3 1 0, 343, 3 52, 367, 372, 3 8 1 , 3 9 9, 508 , 5 1 3, 591 , 603 ; laughs at himself, 295, 53 5, 569 Н'y pothesis, 76, 1 57, 1 79, 266, 459, 515

1 92, 351, 560, 3 80, 473,

ldeals, 202 ; value of, 226 ldeas: and concepts, 226, 584-8 5; doc­ trine of, 32, 75-76, 92, 1 47, 1 66, 1 79, 1 9 5-96, 249, 26 1 , 266, 267, 268, 288, 292, 335, 338, 406, 458, 473, 534, 535, 560, 570, 599, 60 1 , 6 1 1 , 6 1 3 ; innate, 1 72, 5 1 5 ; and mathe matics, 528 ; not in space and timc, 4 8 6 ; and n.umbers, 604- 5 ; and parts, 459, 600; vision of, 201 ; wealth of, in Plato, 1 0 Idolatry, 645 lgnorancc, worst form of, 1 1 7, 1 94, 296, 368, 490, 547 lmitation, 2 1 9, 561 lmmortality, 82, 1 77, 1 80, 1 95-96, 229, 250, 372, 469, 535, 541 , 547, 5 5 1 , and Phaedo, passim; subjective, 548 lmperialism, 28, 32, 1 46, 1 5 1 lmportance of subj ect, 484 IncommensuraЬility, 270, 386, 639 Induction, 88, 89, 1 02, 1 04, 2 1 2, 425, 470 l nfini te series, 490 Infinity of past time, 627 I nspiration of poets, 98, 475 ; see also Poetry Intention determines moral quality of act, 640-41 I n terest, on loans, forЬidden, 633 Interpretation, of poets, 1 03, 1 1 6, 421 , 47 1 , 488, 49 9 I n trust to another what one doesn't understand, 482 lroпy : Plato, 1 38, 1 44, I 58, 1 8 5, 209, 260, 268 , 291 , 335, 343, 486, 489, 5 1 6, 5 1 9, 526, 529, 5 5 1 ' 5 52, 5 54, 570, 57 4, 592, 601 ; Socra tic, 87, 89, 92, 94, 1 5 5, 1 60, 1 6 1 , 1 96, 2 1 0, 466, 473 , 4 80, 482 Is, denoti11g existcnce, 48 8 Jack of all trades, 86, 470 Jest and earпest, 1 60, 1 8 5, 202, 204, 238, 2 59, 3 6 8 , 3 80, 4 1 1 ' 5 5 3 , 60 1

Justice, 209 fF" 274; question of, the source of all dispu tes, 458 KaЛE'Ls т� , 567 Ka/laprm, 636

Know thyself, 1 99, 4 1 7 , 4 8 1 Kпowledge, 96 ; a n d belief, 642 ; c a n ren­ der an account, 52 8 ; and opinion, 1 59, 227, 284-8 5, 5 1 7 ; teaching а proof of, 517 KpelттovEs, 5 2 1 Language, 2 5 9 fF., 5 6 5 fF. ; а tool, 261 , 56768 Late learners, 265, 302, 570, 595 Laughter, 374, 633 Law, 2 1 0, 247, 630, 63 1 ; courts of, 641 ; definition of, 425, 6 5 9 ; governmcnt of, 371 ; pream Ы e to, 372-73, 63 1 ; u n­ written, 3 8 1-82, 637 Laws, а form of l i tcrature, 640 Leisurc, 636 Life, а soj ourп, 666 Logic, 77 -78, 223 -ч , 298, 306, 498, 546, 563 ; both and each, 474 ; conversion, 459, 573 Logomachy, 569 Logos, 284-8 5 fF., 468 Longer way, 230, 563 Lot, 634 Love, 1 90 fF. ; is Ьlind, 632 ; as cosmic force, 1 9 1 ; earthly and heavenly, 1 9 1 , 543 ; i s the lover, 1 94; power of, 546 ; of soul, 543-44, 654 Lovers, perj uries of, 543 M acrocosm and microcosm, 607 Madncss, 5 5 1 ; four kinds, 200 ; of the poet, 5 5 1 Magnet, t h e poet а, 475 M an, 378 ; an animal, 509 ; divine, 494 ; hard to rule, 3 1 3 ; the measure of all things, 260, 27 1 , 573 ; most savagc creaturc, 63 5 ; only aniшal tha t be­ lieves in gods, 495; p\aything and pos­ session of God, 362, 383, 620, 625 ; а political or social animal, 529 M arriage, 372, 379 Materialism, 175, 1 77, 178, 272, 282-83, 30 1 , 345, 392, 4 10, 594, 6 1 5 ; in psy­ chology, 297-98

INDEXES Mathematics, 1 57, 23 5, 270, 334, 338-39, 376, 3 8 5-86, 450, 501 , 508, 5 1 4, 5 1 5, 528, 57 1 , 6 1 4, 6 1 7- 1 8, 634, 639 Mean, tl1e, 352, 369, 629 Measurement, 309, 324 ; importance of, 458 Medicine, Plato's i n terest in, 1 3 5, 205, 220, 372, 479, 5 5 5 Memory, 98-99, 205, 5 5 5 ; a r t of, 8 6 , 92 ; of childhood, 332 ; of Socrates, 476, 498 Metaphysics, 289; the background of, 233-34, 290, 298, 3 1 6 Metaphor: o f hydra's heads, 563 ; ship of state, 52 1 , 634 ; torch of life, 636 ; hunting, 563 ; currency, 527 ; body vest­ ment of soul, 530 ; aviary, 5 8 1 ; Ыосk of wax, 580; wasp's ncst, 665 ; fire added to fire, 626 ; shepherd of people, 6о2 Metaphors : commonplace, first uscd Ьу Plato, 460, 477 ; continued, 476, 573 Metempsychosis, 1 74, 529 Method : exhaustive, 58 1 ; extreme case, 26о ; follow where argument leads, 627 ; pretends acciden t, 628 ; unity of, 604 ; see Dialectic Mind and body, 100, 1 3 8 , 247, 270, 342 Misinterpretation, 289, 3 1 6, 394, 405 ff" 508, 5 1 6 bis, 522 Ыs, р 8 , 532, 534, 542, 546, 548, 5 5 1 , 553, 556, 567, 570, 6 1 5 Misology, 1 7 5 , 531 Monotheism, 469 Motion, 393, 5 5 1 Music, 220, 222, 363, 3 6 5 , 370, 560, 562, 563, 627 ; of man's life, 1 70, 524 Mysteries, Plato's use of, 5 1 3, 575 Mysticism, 537, 592 Myths, 1 21 -22, 1 24 (Prot.), 1 52-53 (Gorg.) , 1 80-82 (Phaedo), 200-202 (Phaedrus), 2 5 1 ff. (Rep.), 3 I I ff. (Polit.) Names, no m atter, 579 Nature, 533 ; and art, 346 ; and conven­ tion, 86, 1 42, 499 ; meaning of, 489 ; study of, not impious, 386, 4 1 1 Necessity, 6 1 2, 6 1 6, 6 1 9 Negation, 303, 306 Neither-good-nor-bad, 490 Neo-platonismJ.. 289, 328, 536, 547, 553 , 60 1 , 602, 6 1 5, 6 1 6

68 3

Nominalism, 39, 574 Nothing too mucl1, 540 Number, 324, 409 ; of lots in the Laws, 379 ; the nuptial, 23 8 Numbers, abstract and concrete, 6 п Oaths, 399, 402, 645 Old age, 208 /JµoioµEpf;, 497--