Western Monastic Spirituality: Cassian, Caesarius of Arles, and Benedict 9781531502188

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WESTERN MONASTIC SPIRITUALITY

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Past Light on Present Life: Theology, Ethics, and Spirituality Roger Haight, SJ, Alfred Pach III, and Amanda Avila Kaminski, series editors These volumes are offered to the academic community of teachers and learners in the fields of Christian history, theology, ethics, and spirituality. They introduce classic texts by authors whose contributions have markedly affected the development of Christianity, especially in the West. The texts are accompanied by an introductory essay on context and key themes and followed by an interpretation that dialogically engages the original message with the issues of ethics, theology, and spirituality in the present.

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Western Monastic Spirituality CASSIAN, CAESARIUS OF ARLES, AND BENEDICT

Edited and with Commentary by Roger Haight, SJ, Alfred Pach III, and Amanda Avila Kaminski

Fordham University Press  New york 2022

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This series has been generously supported by a theological education grant from the E. Rhodes and Leona B. Carpenter Foundation. John Cassian on “The Monk’s Goal” is reprinted from Owen Chadwick, ed., Western Asceticism (Philadelphia: Westminster John Knox Press, 1958), 195–214. Used with permission. Selection from Benedict’s The Rule of St. Benedict is reprinted from Hugh Feiss, OSB, Ronald E. Pepin, and Maureen M. O’Brien, eds., A Benedictine Reader: 530–1530 (Collegeville, Liturgical Press, 2019), 2–19. © 2019 by Order of Saint Benedict, Collegeville, Minnesota. Used with permission. Selection from Caesarius of Arles’s The Rule for Nuns is reprinted from Maria Caritas McCarthy, ed., The Rule for Nuns of St. Caesarius of Arles (Washington: Catholic University Press, 1960), 170–204. Reprinted with permission from The Catholic University of America Press. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means—electronic, mechanical, photocopy, recording, or any other—except for brief quotations in printed reviews, without the prior permission of the publisher. Fordham University Press has no responsibility for the persistence or accuracy of URLs for external or third-­party Internet websites referred to in this publication and does not guarantee that any content on such websites is, or will remain, accurate or appropriate. Fordham University Press also publishes its books in a variety of electronic formats. Some content that appears in print may not be available in electronic books. Visit us online at www.fordhampress.com. Library of Congress Control Number: 2022905132 Printed in the United States of America 24 23 22   5 4 3 2 1 First edition

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Contents

I – Introduction to Western Monasticism

1 21

II – The Texts

John Cassian: Conference 1.   First Conference on Abba Moses 23 Caesarius of Arles: The Rule for Nuns 47 Saint Benedict: Selected Chapters  from The Rule of Saint Benedict 91 III – Retrieving Values from Monastic Spirituality for Active Life in Secular Society Today

107

Further Reading 125 About the Series 127 About the Editors 133

v

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WESTERN MONASTIC SPIRITUALITY

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I Introduction to Western Monasticism

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The Origins of Monasticism Looking back from the twenty-­first century, the origins of monasticism all but disappear in the shadows of asceticism and solitary quests for holiness in the third century. With the new peace established by Constantine, overt experiments in monastic living began to appear in the fourth century. One can draw a line connecting the texts of this volume with monasticism in northern Egypt where Cassian was a monk for fifteen years. But William Harmless explicitly affirms that “Egypt was not the birthplace, but a birthplace. Syria has at least an equal claim, and Palestine and Cappadocia may as well.”1 Several well-­known figures occupy positions of prominence on the landscape of Eastern monasticism in the early years of the fourth century. Pachomius (292–348) began founding monasteries in southern Egypt in the 320s and over the years forged an alliance of several monasteries around a rule. The equivalent of a monk in Syria was a single-­minded unmarried imitator of Christ, indicating that “the origins of Syriac 3

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monasticism lay not in desert dwelling, but in consecrated celibacy.”2 Basil of Caesarea (330–379) and his older sister, Macrina, both established monastic communities. Basil put together an anthology of texts from Origen and others and developed a set of principles that articulate a coherent monastic spirituality. He oriented the community toward service of society and the poor. He did not discourage asceticism or a solitary life but kept it close to the monastic community. The monastic community for women founded by Macrina flourished for decades.3 Evidence also indicates early monastic beginnings around Jerusalem. Monastic spirituality flourished in Palestine before Cassian’s arrival there in the later part of the century. The composition of the Life of Antony by Athanasius of Alexandria, shortly after the death of this famous figure in 356, inspired people widely and focused new attention on an ascetic life. Antony lived both a hermit’s solitary life in the desert and in community in northern Egypt. He represented conversion to an absolutely committed Christian spirituality. The transition from life in an external world to an inner journey of becoming closer to God through stages reflects ideas found in Origen and Clement of Alexandria before him. Antony’s story moved Augustine among many others and helped bestow a new exemplary importance to ascetic and monastic spirituality. Boniface Ramsey describes some of the qualities of this Egyptian monastic life. He ranks poverty as a distinguishing mark. Antony dramatized dispossession. “It was the call to poverty, as it had been practiced in the apostolic Church, that had transformed Anthony himself from a pious young man into a monk.”4 Poverty translated the idea of dependence on God into actuality. Antony’s life also emphasized asceticism as part of a monastic way of life. The point of asceticism was not pain but self-­discipline and control of the emotional side of human response. Evagrius had developed this aspect of ascetic and monastic life; apatheia, or loosening the bonds of

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“passion,” meant strengthening rational control of the self in this monastic theologian.5 Discipline did not aim at eliminating the passions but rather “ordering and directing them by an intellect that was guided by Christian principles.”6 Another quality of ascetic and also monastic life appeared in the phrase “struggle with demons.” The existence of evil spirits was taken for granted in this period. Combat against them included discerning the effects of good and evil spirits, and this required the help of wise counsel. Egyptian monastic traditions contained a wealth of psychological and spiritual wisdom and occasionally some antiintellectualism. Monasticism did not confuse holiness and education, but a deep wisdom tradition of self-­knowledge could occasion a spiritual elitism that ignored intellectual reflection.

John Cassian John Cassian was almost an exact contemporary of Augustine. He was born in the East, probably around the Black Sea. He was obviously educated and he traveled. As a young man he and the companion of the first half of his life, Germanus, joined a monastery in Bethlehem in Palestine around 380. After some time, when he learned of the monks in Egypt, he moved there and dedicated his life to the monasticism west of Alexandria in Scetis. During the years 399–400, Egyptian monks influenced by Origen were forced to flee Egypt. Cassian and Germanus probably were among them, for, after Egypt, Cassian turned up in Constantinople where he was befriended by Archbishop John Chrysostom and ordained a deacon. Documents show that in the year 404 Cassian was in Rome as part of a delegation advocating for Chrysostom who, as a victim of controversy, was exiled from his see. The period of his life immediately after this remains unaccounted for until 415, when documents place him in Marseille. There is no word about Germanus after Constantinople. Cassian founded

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two monasteries in Marseille, one for men, St. Victor, where presumably he lived the rest of his life, and the other for women, St. Sauveur. Sometime after 415, he wrote a work called Institutes that described the externals of monastic life, such as monastic dress and the order of the day, and explained the struggle against the human vices that infect a spiritual life. Cassian compared the monk to an athlete. “Just as Olympic athletes train and subject their bodies to fierce discipline to achieve mastery and freedom of action, so monks discipline their bodies to cease being ‘slaves of fleshly desires.’”7 After the Institutes, Cassian wrote the first set of his Conferences, which was followed by two more sets for a total of twenty-­four essays on monastic life. The Conferences wedded theological grounding and long-­lived practical common sense in a psychologically sophisticated body of wisdom.8 Although it may not be called a systematic work, it contained basic principles and maxims that enjoyed wide authority in Western monasticism. Around 430 Cassian was invited by Leo, Archdeacon of Rome, who would become pope in 440, to write the treatise entitled On the Incarnation, against Nestorius, which scholars do not consider a major work. Two years later, Prosper of Aquitaine attacked Cassian in the name of Augustine on the theme of grace and free will, and for some it damaged his reputation. But the conflict between Cassian and Augustine may be overemphasized. Cassian died around 435. The Conferences. Cassian’s Conferences each followed a certain pattern. Cassian and his companion Germanus would interview a certain noted monk in Scetis or one of the surrounding ascetic centers. The basic literary structure took the form of a dialogue in which Cassian set the scene and Germanus asked the questions. The monk, in turn, responded in the voice of monastic wisdom, “usually at length and with considerable homiletic skill.”9 The responses are reconstructed by Cassian rather than being conversations committed to

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memory. Cassian was perfectly bilingual; he had internalized much during his fifteen years in Egypt, and he was writing for a Western audience. He was also writing in his own voice, interpreting his sources. For example, at a basic level the witnesses are more hermits than communitarian monks, but Cassian adapts their ideas to inspire the interior life of Western monasteries. As Harmless puts it: “Although the Conferences speak of Egypt, the intended audience lived in southern Gaul.”10 Some fundamental ideas. Cassian formulated some of the basic concepts of the Western monastic imagination. They find their home in a large biblical and Christian framework of eschatology. As Columba Stewart notes: “The significance of Cassian’s eschatological orientation, a perspective he and his mentors simply took for granted, cannot be overemphasized. His belief in heaven and his attendant conviction that monastic life is entirely oriented toward preparing for heaven shape everything he writes.”11 The idea is that the monk lives on earth and is preparing for life in heaven. Closely entwined with eschatology lies the teleology that characterized the thought of Clement of Alexandria and that the monks learned from Origen. Cassian keeps going back to the distinction between means and ends in order to shift the monks’ outlook from things of this world to those of heaven and to see meanings with a broader and deeper perspective. “Cassian’s great contribution to monastic theology . . . is a relentless insistence on the long view. He finds the reason for every action and aspect of the monastic life in the striving to reach its goal and end.”12 If one had to choose a single idea that defined the center of gravity of the whole of a monk’s life, for Cassian it would surely come down to “purity of heart.” Cassian found in this phrase a coming together of all monastic virtues. Stewart suggests that purity of heart combines three essential aspects of monastic life: ascetical purification, an equation of purity

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of heart with love, and the experience of liberation from sin that creates in turn a tranquil spirit. In Romans 6:22, Paul wrote that in committing the self to God “the return you get is sanctification and its end, eternal life.” For Cassian: “Sanctification is purity of heart, eternal life is the reign of God.”13 Contemplation is purity of heart in action. Prayer and contemplation translate purity of heart into actions that are quiet, calm, unfettered by the passions, and exercised in love. This raises the constant discussion of the balance between contemplation and action, especially the moral action of response to neighbor that permeates the gospels. Cassian maintains a practical balance between contemplation and action, but contemplation possesses higher value because it is continuous in the eschatological state. Beatitude consists of fulfilling contemplation; the need for action will end. But in practice Cassian appreciates the necessity of both and the mutual need and support of each for the other. The virtues in Cassian’s Conferences commingle and reinforce each other. A major virtue is discretion. It gives a monk balance, especially against extreme asceticism or indulgence. It involves suspicion of one’s own immediate judgments and an impulse to consult others. Above all, it requires humility and a desire to consult others, especially the elders who have experience.14 Finally, obedience dominates the purpose of life in community, the destruction of self-­will and pride through submission to the rule, to the superior of the community, and through them to God.15 One has to mention the celibacy and chastity of monastic life. As external stipulations of community life, these provisions define the social distinctiveness of this spiritual way of life. But the external form of life aims at supporting an interior disposition. The point of celibacy lies in the relationship with God marked by purity of heart and single-­minded love.

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Caesarius of Arles Caesarius of Arles provides an example of a carefully crafted and revised rule of monastic life from the early sixth century that translates Cassian’s theory into a practical communitarian life. He wrote the rule for a monastery of women religious in southern France twenty years before Benedict wrote his rule. Caesarius reaches back to three sources that connect his rule with a tradition. First, Caesarius experienced monastic life for some years before becoming a bishop. Second, he appealed to Augustine who had constructed a rule intended for religious women. A third relation connects him to Cassian whose Conferences greatly influenced discussion of the logic of monastic life. An outline of the extraordinary career of Caesarius of Arles will help situate this monastic rule for women in a sixth-­century Roman city. The life of Caesarius. Caesarius was born in 470 in Burgundy. At the age of twenty he entered the monastery at Lérins. After some time, while still in his twenties, “he adopted the semi-­solitary and more penitential life that was permitted at Lérins to individual monks.”16 While living this life he became sick and was sent to Arles for recuperation. The Bishop of Arles was his uncle, who convinced him to stay and ordained him a priest of the church of the diocese. When the bishop died in 502, the people accepted Caesarius as Bishop of Arles, and he began his forty-­year leadership of the church there. Arles was a small but prestigious city at the beginning of the sixth century. It had been under Roman control since the second century BCE and was a center of commerce. Positioned on the Rhone northwest of Marseille, it had been a favorite city of Constantine, who used it as the site for the council that tried to resolve the Donatist controversy in 314. Having served as the Prefecture of Gaul for a time, Arles was truly Roman with its great arena, an amphitheater, forum, and public baths. It was also a center of Christianity where Honoratus,

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formerly an abbot of the monastery at Lérins, was bishop in the fifth century. The context of Caesarius’s episcopacy transcended the tension between Christianity and the Empire. The northern and eastern people who moved into the Roman cities during this time were Arian, and they suspected Caesarius of undermining their power.17 During his early years as bishop, he was exiled for a year and then brought to Ravenna for examination. But during this same early period, he founded two monasteries, one for men and the other for women, and gradually assumed a role of leadership of the church across southern France. McCarthy notes how Caesarius’s church and the two monasteries stood as silent stone witnesses in contrast to the temples, theaters, and busy commerce of the Roman city. In the course of his ministry Caesarius convened a number of regional synods, among them the Council of Orange (529), which made an important statement on grace and free will. He was remembered more for his sermons than as a theologian; his sermons were copied and used by many after his death. Caesarius began his project of a monastery for religious women early in his episcopate. He first began building it in 508 as a convent outside the walls of the city, but that cloister was destroyed by armies fighting for possession of the city. When he finally completed the monastery inside the city walls, he had the first version of the Rule for Nuns ready for it. He placed his sister, Caesaria, in the position of Abbess. Along the way he secured the monastery financially and established it legally as autonomous, even in relation to the bishop of Arles, through a direct dependence on Rome. In 534, he revised the original rule on the basis of two decades of experience. The monastery had a significant history through the sixth into the early seventh century. By the time of the death of Caesarius in 442, there were two hundred nuns in the monastery. In the year 600, monasteries for women could be found in many of the urban centers in central

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France,18 and many of these adopted the rule that Caesarius had composed. The monastic rule as a way of life for women. In order to appreciate the monastic rule as a way of life, one needs to imagine the monastery as a “total institution”; it was a self-­ enclosed world.19 A physical enclosure defines the environment of one’s behavior. Its size and the proportions of its open areas and rooms take on significance. The centering chapel, refectory, kitchen, dormitory, infirmary, work-­places for weaving or copying or other occupations, outside grounds, and gardens made up the space of a lifetime. The environment was controlled and controlling: one did not regularly go out or be out of the monastery overnight. The décor was simple rather than ornate. Normally there was a standard monastic garb. Prayer was at the center of life. The nuns assembled regularly for prayer in common, but caring for the monastery itself involved many tasks: planting, cooking, cleaning, washing, weaving, and sewing. Monasteries accepted children as well as mature women; but all who were full members promised a lifetime in the monastery. A priest was assigned as chaplain and presided at the Eucharistic liturgies. In regard to governance, Caesarius’s rule provided a constitution, elections for various offices, administrative procedures in running the monastery, and the choice of the priest chaplain. One should picture an inside separated from an outside world. As a typical monastic rule, Caesarius outlines an almost complete program of life that includes the details of a typical day. The rule allows one to imagine the external behavior of the nuns. Moreover, from a tradition that Cassian helped to hand on, an underlying spirituality lies latent in the prescriptions. McCarthy presents a description of the spirituality to form an apperceptive background for reading the rule. “The core of the Rule seems to be the Patristic concept of the consecrated virgin.”20 The point is union with God. This defines the whole intent of the monastic idea: “adaptation of cenobitic life to women chiefly through a strict cloister, economic

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self-­sufficiency for the convent, a complete system of government under an absolutely binding rule, and a detailed program for the celebration of the divine office.”21 The rule intends a life that corresponds with God’s will for a person, and it maps that out in detail. The whole program can be summarized around a set of provisions among which five are essential: cloister, common life, poverty, obedience, and common prayer. The first, cloister, lays down the self-­contained character of the community in physical and conceptual terms. The monastery becomes a world apart, self-­contained and self-­sufficient. Several rules that interrupt the back and forth between the worlds inside and outside the walls drive the point home: no outside distractions from a fully prayerful and dedicated life. Common life means that all the members of the community participate in this life in the same way. The habit, or common dress, and the rule seek to tap down individuality and foster “being a member” without privilege in a unified body. Jobs are rotated; work is communal; each shares a responsibility for smooth living together; cooperative relationships are encouraged. Everything correlates with a total institution in close quarters. Poverty thus becomes an essential feature because it helps to level class distinctions. The institution appeals to the description of early Christians in Acts: sharing possessions in common (Acts 4:32–37). The nuns renounce property; gifts for individuals are given to the Abbess and redistributed; the externals of life are rendered simple and unostentatious. Basic ascetic principles of self-­denial from the desert fathers and mothers have been internalized. Poverty and common life reinforce each other. Obedience as a disposition and an act further characterizes the way of life. It responds to the abbess, the rule, and the people in charge of certain activities of the monastery, such as kitchen, weaving room, and so on. Obedience responds theologically to an authority descending from God through

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the system to the individual; obedient action thus seals the relationship with God. The rule does not state that the nuns took a vow of virginity, but it seems to be presupposed in some of the rules. The three-­ fold vows of poverty, chastity, and obedience were not yet standardized.22 The point of virginity and chastity is consecration to the service of God. Finally, and most importantly, common prayer holds the whole life together on a spiritual level. Chanting the divine office was “the predominant occupation of the nuns.”23 This is the heart of monastic life, and it organizes the whole of each day. “Caesarius gave his nuns their Ordo—to make prayer the immediate end of their cloistered community life.”24 Singing the Psalms was the “Work of God,” a “gift of God and a means to direct union with God.”25

Benedict of Nursia Benedict of Nursia is probably the most famous monk in Western Christianity. He founded a monastery at Montecassino around the year 530 that flourishes to this day. The rule he wrote has guided the lives of monks for almost fifteen hundred years. It has provided a basic spirituality for many religious orders besides Benedictines. His formula combines the theoretical spiritual depth of Cassian with a practical aptness to rural and urban monasteries. Its consistent relevance makes it a classic, and as such, it yields insight for all, whether or not they be monks. The life of Benedict. Like Cassian, Benedict left an enormous legacy without much information about the details of his life. His first biographer, Pope Gregory I, filled the story with wondrous anecdotes and left only approximate dates and fuzzy facts. Benedict was born around 480, ten years after Caesarius. His sister Scholastica was consecrated to God in her infancy and as a child was given into the care of

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nuns. Benedict was sent to Rome for school around the year 500 when he would have been twenty. Rome had been invaded by the Ostrogoths at the end of the fifth century, and in “491 Rome herself acknowledged Theodoric as her lord.”26 Theodoric became the master of all Italy in 493, but, as an Arian, he accommodated Catholic or Nicene Christians. It is not known when Benedict left Rome, but he did not finish his studies there. Monasticism was well established in the West at the beginning of the sixth century. Rome was home to several monasteries. These urban monasteries were attached to churches where they provided religious services; the situation gave monks many and various connections to the world around them. In any case, Benedict left Rome in search of a spiritual life that was more isolated.27 The next phase of Benedict’s life unfolded in the region of Subiaco, east of Rome. In the craggy environment of Nero’s ancient village, Benedict took to living a hermit’s life in a cave. He was supported by a nearby monastery that supplied him with food and other spiritual and material needs. He maintained this eremitic life for some years before it was interrupted by a new proposal. A group of hermits lived in a loose association in the area of Subiaco somewhat in the mode that Cassian experienced in Egypt. The ascetics lived alone, each in his own separate cell, but they formed a kind of community under an abbot. When their abbot died, Benedict was invited to assume his position. Benedict accepted and then tried to put some order into the hermits’ lives through a more common or regular pattern. But it did not work out. In short, Benedict’s first attempt to “found a monastery with former hermits had proved a failure.”28 But Benedict remained in the region of Subiaco. He abandoned the hermit’s life and founded his own monastery with those who would follow him, among them persons whom he attracted from Rome where his work in Subiaco was known.

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He gradually established a dozen monasteries in the valley of Subiaco united by his leadership as director or abbot. Rather than a single large monastery, his idea was to have a group of smaller communities, each with a dean who “directed them in accordance with a rule of the monastery and was accountable to the abbot.”29 We have no exact date for this initiative, and thus the age of Benedict at this time is not sure. Eventually the establishment was disrupted by a priest in the neighborhood so that Benedict felt he had to abandon the project. A new abbot was appointed or elected, and, once again, Benedict set forth on a new project. Sometime between the years 525 and 529, Benedict and some of the monks of the monastery left Subiaco for Cassino, to the south about halfway between Rome and Naples. His goal was to build and establish a new monastery at Monte Cassino, the promontory overlooking the town. The project was carefully planned. Benedict supervised the building of an adequately sized monastery, and for it he composed his famous rule. It was both informed by the tradition and a culmination of his experience. Benedict would have been almost fifty years old when the monastery was established. Benedict died in 547. When the monastery was overrun in 580 by invaders, the monks had to flee to Rome. But over the centuries the monastery of Montecassino was consistently restored. Benedict’s rule had made it the virtual motherhouse of Western monasticism. Benedict’s Rule as a way of life for men. The monastery defines a way of life. “The relationships of accountability established by the Rule and tended by the abbot create cenobitic life, distinguishing it from other ways to follow the Gospel.”30 Beyond sleeping and eating, the monk’s day consisted of prayer, work, and lectio divina. Other factors differentiated these standardized features into specific monastic experiences: ethnic cultures varied; urban and rural monasteries were different; climate and season changed things; and the particular works of a monastery helped determine its

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character. Everyday monastic life had a practical hue. Benedict designed it for laity rather than clerics, and they came as youngsters and adults with more or very little education. The common desire was for a way of life that united one with God: a spirituality. One seeking admission was tested, and not everyone was admitted. “One must note carefully whether he really seeks God, and whether he is eager for the Work of God, obedience, and hardships.”31 The following description of this way of life sets a framework for reading the rule; it portrays the life in terms of the rule itself: prayer, work, and spiritual reading. While the analogy with life under Caesarius’s rule seems close, everything changes in the context of what culture and society allowed women and men to do. One has to be impressed by the regularity of this way of life, the way obedience to the abbot and the rule structures and fills each day. All things being equal, the consistent arrangement of duties determines behavior far more than the abbot, who also obeys the rule. The schedule shapes the whole day and even guides the way a monk should meet the interstices of free time and random events. The commitment to remain in this monastery for the rest of one’s life locks together one’s personal behavior and the rule in a most dramatic and far-­reaching fundamental life-­decision. The external or material side of this permanent pledge would make little sense to persons who cherished their freedom but lacked a spiritual depth that matched the radical character of the commitment. This consists of nothing less than a stable and comprehensive union of one’s desires with the will of God. From the outside this could look like a search for safety in a precarious world. But on the conscious level of the monk, the commitment consisted of a full response to God’s love and calling. Humility and obedience are twins in Benedict. Humility is like a ladder by which one ascends to God. In rule seven, Benedict outlined twelve steps for attaining humility, and they describe the life-­long project of the monk. A condensation of the steps begins with being aware of God’s Presence and being

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present to God. One should mold one’s own will to that of God; one acts for love of God through obedience and remains patient when this leads to frustration. The humble monk is open with the Abbot and content with whatever comes his way; he is self-­aware, guided by the rule and the more experienced in the community. Reticent, serious, and discrete, he bears in his external comportment these inner virtues. This expansive rule synthesizes the full effects of the obedient life in the personal spirituality of the monk. The external substance of this way of life lies in prayer, specifically in the form of assembly for corporate reciting and singing the Psalms. This “Work of God” gathers the monks in the chapel five times each day. It structures the day; other activities revolve around it and are filled by it. Looking at it empirically, singing the Psalms and reciting prescribed prayers actualize the group as a community in an event, so to speak. Because such repetitive behavior invites a dulling routine, the rule constantly invites an experiential attention to the immediacy of singing that can be carried into the hours that follow. The corporate rhythms of chant are meant to retain their resonance during times of work. As in the case of Caesarius’s rule, much of the physical work maintains the monastery. But work also took the form of projects useful in society, as in extensive farming or education. Copying texts is often associated with monasticism. The rule says: “Idleness is the enemy of the soul. Therefore, the brothers ought to be occupied at certain hours in manual labor, and at other specific hours in lectio divina” (48). It then adds: “For if they live by the work of their hands, as did our fathers and the apostles, then they are true monks” (48). But work fills more than time; the intricacy of some monastic works may require talent, expertise, and dedication, and these blend nicely with a commitment to God’s will that is found in the fit between talent and occupation. Spiritual reading or lectio divina can take different forms. Reading scripture would be archetypal; it introduces the monk into the sphere of sacred history and revelation. But reading

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other spiritual or edifying works or other forms of personal activity that keeps the monk personally connected with the direction of his interior life could be accommodated to this aspect of the rule. Rule seventy-­two provides words that express the ideal of this way of life for the individual monk and the community as a whole. It says the monks “should support each other’s weaknesses of body or character with the greatest patience. They should compete in being obedient to one another. No one should pursue what he judges helpful to himself, but rather what is helpful to others.” This expression of the intended spirit of the monastic community will help show how the details of the rule bring the monks together in an integrated spiritual life. The texts that follow represent the emergence of a monastic spiritual tradition in the fourth century in the East and show how it passed into southern Europe extending through and beyond the sixth century into our own time.

Notes

1. William Harmless, Desert Christians: An Introduction to the Literature of Early Monasticism (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004), 434. Accessed from Oxford Scholarship Online, 2020, but page references refer back to the published book. 2. Harmless, Desert Christians, 427. 3. Harmless, Desert Christians, 429–31. 4. Boniface Ramsey, “Monasticism,” in Beginning to Read the Fathers (New York: Paulist Press, 2012), 149–63. 5. Born in Turkey in 345, Evagrius found his way to northern Egypt where he became well known as a monk and theologian. He died in 399. 6. Ramsey, “Monasticism.” 7. Harmless, Desert Christians, 385. 8. Owen Chadwick, ed., The Conferences of Cassian, in Western Asceticism: Library of Christian Classics, XII (Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 1958), 190–289. The Conferences are cited in the text by conference and paragraph.

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See also Owen Chadwick, John Cassian (Cambridge: University Press, 1968). 9. Harmless, Desert Christians, 386. 10. Harmless, Desert Christians, 388. Cassian dedicated the second batch of conferences to Honoratus who had founded the monastery in Lérins around 410 and was the superior there at the time that Cassian wrote these conferences. 11. Columba Stewart, Cassian the Monk (New York, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998), 40. 12. Stewart, Cassian, 44–45. 13. Stewart, Cassian, 44. 14. Cassian, Conference II, #10. https://stjohncassian.com/ wp-­content/uploads/2020/05/conferences2.pdf 15. Cassian, Conference XVIII, #8. 16. Maria Caritas McCarthy, The Rule for Nuns of St. Caesarius of Arles: A Translation with a Critical Introduction (Washington, DC: Catholic University of America Press, 1960), 3. 17. Arianism, originating with Arius, a priest in Alexandria, held that the Word of God incarnate in Jesus was less than strictly divine. The belief was judged heretical and condemned at the council in Nicaea in 325. 18. Suzanne Fonay Wemple, Women in Frankish Society: Marriage and the Cloister, 500 to 900 (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1981), 156. 19. The term “total institution” refers to forms of institutional life that are relatively closed so that all the basic needs are found within its physical or ideological “walls,” for example, in a boarding school or army base. 20. McCarthy, Rule for Nuns, 49. 21. McCarthy, 49. 22. McCarthy, 55. 23. McCarthy, 25. 24. McCarthy, 79. 25. McCarthy, 79. 26. Leonard von Matt and Stephan Hilpisch, Saint Benedict (Chicago: Henry Regnery, 1961), 45. 27. von Matt and Hilpisch, Saint Benedict, 57–58. 28. von Matt and Hilpische, 76. 29. von Matt and Hilpisch, 81.

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30 Columba Stewart, “Living the Rule in Community,” The Benedictine Handbook (Collegeville, MN: Liturgical Press, 2003), 280. 31 “The Rule of Saint Benedict: Selected Chapters,” A Benedictine Reader: 530–1530, ed. Hugh Feiss, Ronald E. Pepin, and Maureen M. O’Brien (Collegeville, MN: Liturgical Press and Cistercian Publications, 2019), 58. References in the text are to the number of the rule.

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II The Texts

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John Cassian: Conference 1. First Conference of Abba Moses

On the Monk’s Goal 1. I was staying in the desert of Scete, where are the hermits of highest repute and spiritual perfection. I had as my companion the holy Abba Germanus, who had been my fellow-­ warrior since the earliest days of my ascetic life, first in the community at Bethlehem and afterwards in the desert; a friend so close, sharing so intimately the same aims, that people might say there was a single mind and a single spirit in our two bodies. Together we sought out Abba Moses: to find him among the other hermits it was like looking along a bed full of fragrant flowers until we found the flower which smelt the sweetest. As he was so eminent in the practice of virtue and in the art of contemplative prayer, we asked him—with a deep compunction of heart—to give us words which would help us in our spiritual progress. We had heard of his inflexible rule never to give instruction in the spiritual life except to persons who sought it in faith and heartfelt contrition. For he was afraid that if he poured out the water of life indiscriminately to people who had no use for it or were hardly even 23

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thirsty, he would cast his pearls before swine and would be liable to the charge either of boasting about his prowess or of betraying his trust. In the end he consented to our importunities. And this is what he said: 2. “All arts and sciences have some immediate goal or destination (scopos); and also an ultimate aim, a telos. The earnest student of each art willingly endures the hard work and peril and expense by looking towards the goal which he will ultimately achieve. The farmer in his ploughing suffers heat, or frost and ice, or rocklike soil, and turns the ground again and again to clear it of brambles and weeds and make it as soft and fine as grains of sand—that is his immediate purpose, his scopos. His ultimate purpose is to gather a bumper harvest and so live without fear of starvation and grow wealthy. When his barn is fulfilled he uses some of the crop as manure and is prepared to lessen his present stock in the expectation of future harvest. Merchants are not afraid of storm and tempest because they are carried onward by the hope of gain. Ambitious soldiers think nothing of far journeys, hardships and risk of life in battle, because they have their eyes set upon the goal of power and place, and will endure anything to obtain it. The hermit, in the same way, has his immediate goal and his ultimate goal: and for this he endures every kind of labour tirelessly, even gratefully. For this he grows not weary of fasting, enjoys the fatigue of watching in the night, is not tired by the continual reading of the Scriptures and meditation upon them, bears even the naked and grinding poverty and loneliness of life in this desert. I have no doubt that this was the goal which has led you on to turn from your family and homeland and scorn the pleasures of this world, and to travel so far to find us, ordinary and ignorant men, living squalidly in this desert.” “Tell me,” he said, “what is the purpose which has brought you to bear all this cheerfully?”

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3. I tried not to answer. But when he persisted, I said that we bore all this for the sake of the kingdom of heaven. 4. “Yes,” said Moses, “that is indeed the ultimate goal. But first you ought to know the immediate goal for which we strive in order to make the ultimate goal possible.” I said simply that I did not know. “I compared the aims of every art or science,” said Moses, “and how each must have its immediate goal on which the mind may concentrate: and unless it does concentrate with care and perseverance, it cannot attain its ultimate goal. The farmer’s ultimate goal is to live well with fertile crops, his immediate goal is to eradicate brambles and weeds from the soil, and he knows that this is the only way to be sure of his ultimate end. The trader has to amass goods for sale before he can amass riches: it is vain to yearn for wealth without choosing the path which leads to it. Ambitious men have first to decide what profession they will follow so as to have some reasonable prospect of attaining the honours they desire. In the same way, the ultimate goal of our life is the kingdom of heaven. But we have to ask what the immediate goal is: for if we do not find it we shall exhaust ourselves in futile efforts. Travellers who miss their way are still tiring themselves though they are walking no nearer to their destination.” At this remark we stood and gaped. The old man went on: “The ultimate goal of our way of life is, as I said, the kingdom of God, or kingdom of heaven. The immediate aim is purity of heart. For without purity of heart none can enter into that kingdom. We should fix our gaze on this target, and walk towards it in as straight a line as possible. If our thoughts wander away from it even a little, we should bring back our gaze towards it, and use it as a kind of test, which at once brings all our efforts back onto the one path. 5. When expert archers want to display their prowess before a king, they try to shoot their arrows into little targets which have the prizes painted on them: they know they can only win the prize which is their real goal by shooting straight into

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the mark which is their immediate goal. But suppose that the target were carried out of sight. They would then have no means of knowing how unskilfully and crookedly they were shooting, but would be shooting their arrows at random into the air without any guide to accurate or inaccurate aim and without the possibility of estimating what correction was needed. St Paul tells us that the end which we have set before us is eternal life: “having your fruit unto holiness, and the end everlasting life.”1 The scopos is purity of heart, which he rightly terms “holiness,” without which eternal life cannot be won. It is as though he said, having your scopos in purity of heart, and your telos eternal life. And significantly he uses the very word scopos to describe it—“forgetting those things which are behind, and reaching forth unto those things which are before, I press forward toward the mark for the prize of the high calling of God.”2 In Greek the words for “press forward to the mark” are kata scopon dioko and really mean “press forward according to the mark.” It is as if he said: “With this aim, whereby I forget what is behind—the sins of the old man—I strive to attain to the prize of heaven.” Then whatever can guide us towards purity of heart is to be followed with all our power: whatever draws us away from it is to be avoided as hurtful and worse. It is for this end—to keep our hearts continually pure—that we do and endure everything, that we spurn parents and home and position and wealth and comfort and every earthly pleasure. If we do not keep this mark continually before the eyes, all our travail will be futile waste that wins nothing, and will stir up in us a chaos of ideas instead of singlemindedness. Unless the mind has some fixed point to which it can keep coming back and to which it tries to fasten itself, it will flutter hither and thither according to the whim of the passing moment and follow whatever immediate and external impression is presented to it. 6. This is the reason why some people, who have given away worldly wealth in gold or silver or lands, are afterwards agitated

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about a knife, a pencil, a pin or a pen. If they steadily contemplated purity of heart, they would never suffer, over these trivialities, the state of mind which they sought to avoid by giving away their property. Some people guard their books so closely that they refuse to let anyone else touch them or read them for a moment: and so they minister to themselves the irritation which is the death of the prayerful life, in those very times which ought to give them an opportunity for patience and charity. They have given up all their property for the love of Christ; and yet keep their old acquisitive attitude over little things and quickly become upset over them. Then they are as barren of fruit as those who, as St Paul said, lack charity. Prophesying in the spirit, he said: ‘Though I give all my goods to feed the poor and though I give my body to be burned, and have not charity, it profiteth me nothing.’3 It is clear that you do not attain the perfect life simply by self-­denial or simply by throwing away your money or your rank. There must go with it the charity which the apostle described, and which consists in purity of heart alone. For not to be envious, not to be puffed up, not to be angry, not to do wrong, not to seek one’s own, not to rejoice in iniquity, not to think evil, and the rest—what is this except the continual offering of a perfect and pure heart to God, a heart which is kept free from every earthly distraction? 7. To this end everything is to be done. Solitude, watches in the night, manual labour, nakedness, reading and the other disciplines—we know that their purpose is to free the heart from injury by bodily passions and to keep it free; they are to be the rungs of a ladder up which it may climb to perfect charity. If by accident some right and needful occupation prevents us from keeping these acts of discipline, we should not be guilty of gloom or annoyance—for the aim of these acts is to drive away these faults. The loss you incur by being irritated outweighs the gain of fasting; dislike of your brother cannot be counterbalanced by reading the Bible. These practices of fasting, watching, withdrawal to the hermitage, meditation on the

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Scriptures, are all subordinate means to your chief aim which is purity of heart, or charity, and we ought never to allow them to take precedence over charity. Charity will not suffer hurt if some necessary reason prevents us fulfilling our disciplinary rule. None of these practices are of any profit at all if the purpose for which they are undertaken is lost. A man diligently collects all the tools of his trade. He does not expect to sit in idleness and enjoy possession of the tools but to use them skilfully for the purpose for which they were designed. In the same way fasting, watching, meditation on Scripture, nakedness and poverty are not perfection but the means towards it; not the end of our discipline but the means to that end. The man who is content with these practices as the summum bonum and not as means, will use them in vain. He possesses the tools of the trade but has no idea what they are for. Whatever can trouble our purity and peace of mind, however useful and necessary it seems to be, should be avoided as hurtful. This is the general rule by which we can avoid wandering off the right path and keep in a straight line towards our end. 8. It should be our main effort, the immovable and steadfast purpose of the heart, to cleave with our mind to the things of God and to God himself. Whatever is not this, however important, should be put second, or last, and judged to be hurtful. There is a lovely type of this mental attitude in the Gospel story of Martha and Mary. When Martha was performing her act of holy ministry in serving the Lord and his disciples, Mary was sitting at Jesus’ feet, which in faith she had kissed and anointed, and was hanging upon his words as he taught the things of the spirit. The Lord praised Mary above Martha, because she had chosen the better part and that which should not be taken away from her. For when Martha was working away, in a truly religious spirit, and was busy about much serving, she saw that, unaided, she could not serve so many people, and asked the Lord that her sister

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might help her, saying: “Carest thou not that my sister has left me to serve alone? bid her therefore that she help me.” She was calling Mary to no lowly task, but to an excellent work of ministry. Yet the Lord replied: “Martha, Martha, thou art anxious and troubled about many things: we need few things, or even one thing. Mary has chosen the good part, which shall not be taken away from her.”4 The Lord, you see, placed the chief good in divine contemplation. All the other virtues, however necessary and useful and good we deem them, must be placed on a lower plane because they are sought for the sake of this one thing. When the Lord said: “Thou art anxious and troubled about many things, but we need few things or even one thing,” he was putting the supreme good, not in the pursuit of virtue, however excellent and fruitful, but in the pure and simple and singleminded contemplation of himself. When he said that few things were needful, he means, that contemplation which begins with meditation upon a few holy subjects. From the contemplation of these few subjects, the soul in its progress mounts with God’s help to one thing, the gazing upon God: the soul passes beyond saintly acts and ministries and attains the true knowledge of God and feeds upon his beauty. “Mary therefore has chosen the good part, which shall not be taken away from her.” Mark the text. When he says: “Mary has chosen the good part,” he is silent about Martha and seems in no way to blame her. Yet in praising Mary, he declares the work of Martha to be lower. Again, when he says: “which shall not be taken away from her,” he shows that Martha’s part could be taken away from her. To minister to the body is a transitory work: to listen to his word is the work of eternity.” 9. Germanus and I were deeply disturbed at these words. “What,” I said, “shall fasts and reading and works of mercy, of righteousness, and of kindness be taken away from us? Surely the Lord promises to these works the reward of the kingdom of heaven, when he says: ‘Come ye blessed of my Father, inherit the kingdom prepared for you from the beginning of the world.

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For I was an hungered, and ye gave me to eat: I was thirsty and ye gave me to drink,’5 and the rest? How shall we lose these things which open to the doers of them the gates of the kingdom of heaven?” 10. “I did not say,” answered Moses, “that the reward for good deeds should be taken away. The Lord said: ‘Whosoever shall give to one of the least of these a cup of cold water only, in the name of a disciple, verily I say unto you, he shall not lose his reward.’6 I say that the deed itself, which has to be done because of the needs or temptations of the body or the injustice of the world, will be taken away. The earnest practice of reading or of fasting is only useful to purify the heart and chastise the flesh, so long as ‘the flesh lusteth against the spirit.’7 Sometimes we see that, even in this life, these works are ‘taken away’—men, exhausted with austerities or old age, are no longer able to perform them. All the more shall they cease in that future life, when ‘this corruptible shall have put on incorruption,’ and the body which is now ‘a natural body’ shall have risen ‘a spiritual body,’8 and the flesh has begun to be transformed so that it no longer lusts against the spirit.” St Paul is plainly referring to this when he says: ‘bodily exercise is profitable for a little: but godliness’ (by which he surely means charity) ‘is profitable for all things, having the promise of the life which now is and of the life to come.’9 What is said to be profitable for a little, cannot be profitable for ever, and cannot (of itself) bring a man to the perfect life. The phrase ‘for a little’ might mean one of two things. It might mean ‘for a short time,’ since these bodily exercises are not going to last as long as the man who practises them. Or it might mean ‘only of little profit’: corporal austerity brings the first beginnings of progress, but it does not beget that perfect charity which has the promise of this life and the life to come. We deem these works necessary because without them we cannot climb to charity. For what you call works of godliness

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and mercy are necessary for this life where inequality prevails among men. But we should not expect to do them unless we found the world full of the needy and destitute and infirm— thanks to the wickedness of greedy men who have seized and kept for their use (though they do not use them) the goods which God created for all in common. So long as injustice prevails in the world, works of mercy are needed and will be useful to the man who practises them, and his godliness and good intention will make him an heir of eternal life. But in the world to come, when all men are equal, these works will not be needed. There everyone will pass from the multiplicity of different good works to the love of God and the contemplation of the things of God in an unceasing purity of heart. This is the goal which the hermits direct all their efforts to win, even in this world. This is why they study to win the true knowledge of God and to purify their minds. Though still in this corruptible flesh, they seek that state which they will find when they lay aside their corruption, and attain to the promise of our Lord and Saviour: ‘Blessed are the pure in heart: for they shall see God.’10 11. It is no wonder that these works shall pass away, when St Paul asserts that even the loftier gifts of the spirit will pass away, and declares that charity alone will abide for ever. ‘Whether there be prophecies they shall fail: whether there be tongues, they shall cease: whether there be knowledge, it shall vanish away’—but ‘charity never faileth.’11 Every other gift is granted for our temporal needs and use and in the future kingdom will disappear; charity will continue uninterrupted. For charity is not only useful to us in this life: it will abide, yet more excellently, when we have put aside the burden of this flesh, and cleave in spotless purity to God.” 12. Germanus: “Is there any frail mortal who can be immovable in contemplation, and never think about a guest arriving, or visiting the sick, or manual labour, or the need to show kindness to pilgrims and travellers? Must he not be interrupted by the need to eat?

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We should like to know how the mind is capable of clinging to God, whom men can neither see nor understand.” 13. Moses: “You are right. A frail mortal cannot contemplate God in such a way that his mind is never drawn aside. What is important is knowing where we ought to concentrate our mental attention and how to direct the eyes of the soul. When the mind succeeds in this, it can be glad. When it fails—and it fails as often as the mental attention is withdrawn from God—it can be sorry and feel that this is a fall from the supreme good, and think that even a passing lapse in contemplating Christ is a sin like adultery. Whenever the gaze strays even a little, we should turn back the eyes of the heart into the straight line towards him. Everything depends upon the soul’s detachment. If the devil has been driven out and sin no longer reigns, then the kingdom of God is founded in us. As it is written in the Gospel: ‘The kingdom of God cometh not with observation, nor shall they say, Lo here, or Lo there: verily I say unto you, that the kingdom of God is within you.’12 The only thing which can be ‘within us’ is knowledge of the truth or ignorance of it, and affection for righteousness or affection for sin, whereby we prepare our hearts to be a kingdom either of Christ or the devil. St Paul described the nature of this kingdom thus: ‘For the kingdom of God is not meat and drink, but righteousness and peace and joy in the Holy Spirit.’13 If the kingdom of God is within us and the kingdom of God is righteousness and peace and joy, then the man who abides in these is surely within the kingdom of God; and the man who abides in unrighteousness, and conflict, and the melancholy that kills the life of the spirit, is already a citizen of the devil’s kingdom, of hell and of death. These are the signs whether it is God’s kingdom or the devil’s. If we lift up our mind’s eye to the condition of heavenly and supernatural virtues which are truly in the kingdom of God, how shall we imagine it to be anything but a state of continual joy? What is so natural in true blessedness as unshakable peace

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of mind and happiness? This is not a mere guess. You have the sure authority of the Lord when he disclosed the nature of that heavenly kingdom. ‘Behold I make a new heaven and a new earth: and the former things shall not be remembered nor come into the heart. But ye shall be glad and rejoice for ever in my creation.’ And again: ‘Joy and gladness shall be found therein: thanksgiving and the voice of praise, and there shall be month after month, and sabbath after sabbath.’ And again: ‘They shall have joy and gladness, sorrow and sighing shall flee away.’ And, still more clearly, listen to what the Lord himself says of Jerusalem: ‘I will make thine officers peace, and thine overseers righteousness. Violence shall no more be heard in thy land, nor desolation nor destruction within thy borders. Salvation shall possess thy walls, and praise shall possess thy gates. The sun shall be no more thy light by day, neither shall the brightness of the moon give light to thee: but the Lord shall be thine everlasting light, and thy God thy glory. Thy sun shall no more go down, neither shall thy moon withdraw itself: but the Lord shall be thine everlasting light, and the days of thy mourning shall be ended.’14 St Paul does not say simply and without qualification that all joy is the kingdom of God, but selectively and specially, joy in the Holy Spirit. He knew that there was another kind of joy, a joy to be detested. The Scripture refers to this kind of joy in texts like ‘The world shall rejoice’ or ‘Woe unto you that laugh, for you shall mourn.’ The kingdom of heaven, then, may be understood in three ways. First, the heavens shall reign, which means the rule of the saints (as in texts like ‘Be thou over five cities, and thou over ten’: or the word to the disciples ‘Ye shall sit upon twelve thrones judging the twelve tribes of Israel’): Second, that Christ begins to reign over the heavens when all creation is subject to God and he becomes all in all: or third, that the saints shall reign in heaven with the Lord.”15 14. Everyone knows that on earth he shares the ministry which the Lord shared during his earthly life. And he doubts

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not that in the life to come, he will be a companion of the Lord whose servant and friend he has in this life chosen to be. The Lord himself said: ‘If anyone serve me, let him follow me: and where I am, there shall my servant also be.’16 A man gains the kingdom of the devil by consenting to sin, the kingdom of God by practising goodness in purity of heart and in knowledge of the things of the spirit. Wherever the kingdom of God is, is life eternal: wherever the kingdom of the devil is, is death and hell. If a man is in death and hell, he cannot praise the Lord: the prophet spake thus: ‘The dead shall not praise thee, O Lord: nor shall those who go down into hell’ (he means, the hell of sin). ‘But we are alive’ (he means, alive not to sin nor this world, but to God) ‘and shall bless the Lord from this time forth for evermore. For in death no man remembereth God: and who shall confess the Lord in hell?’17 (again he means the hell of sin). No one—not even though he call himself a Christian or a monk a thousand times over, confesses God while he is sinning, no one remembers God while he allows what the Lord hates: it is like pretending he is a faithful servant while he takes no notice of his master’s commands. St Paul says of a widow: ‘She that giveth herself to pleasure is dead while she liveth’:18 and this is the kind of death he means. Many men whose bodies are alive are dead and in hell and cannot praise God. And many whose bodies are dead, bless and praise God together in the spirit—‘O ye spirits and souls of the righteous, bless ye the Lord,’ and ‘let every spirit praise the Lord.’19 In the Apocalypse the souls of the martyrs are described as praying to God as well as praising him. In the Gospel the Lord said plainly to the Sadducees: ‘Have you not read the word which God had spoken to you, “I am the God of Abraham and the God of Isaac and the God of Jacob? He is the God not of the dead but of the living.” All men live to him. And St Paul says: ‘God is not ashamed to be called their God: for he hath prepared for them a city.’ After they have parted from their body they can still act and feel, as is evident

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from the parable of Dives and Lazarus, where the poor man went to Abraham’s bosom, the place of bliss, and the other was consumed with the agonizing heat of everlasting fire. Remember what he said to the thief on the cross: ‘Today shalt thou be with me in Paradise.’20 Surely this means, not only that the original understandings remain in souls, but also that they enjoy a state proportionate to the goodness or otherwise of their deeds? The Lord would never have promised him this if he had known that his soul would after its separation from the body lose all power of perception or be annihilated. It was not his flesh, but his soul, which was to enter Paradise with Christ. The heretics have suggested an ungodly punctuation of the sentence which we should at all costs disallow and detest. Because they do not believe that Christ could be in Paradise on the same day on which he descended into hell, they put the comma after the word ‘today,’ and read ‘Verily I say unto thee today, Thou shalt be with me in Paradise.’ The aim of this punctuation is to suggest that the promise was not fulfilled at once, but that it will be fulfilled in the general resurrection. These heretics have appealed to a text which they have misunderstood—the word which he spoke to the Jews who believed that he was tied and bound like themselves in the coils of human frailty, ‘No one hath ascended into heaven, but he who came down from heaven, even the Son of man who is in heaven.’21 By this text to the penitent thief he shows that the souls of the dead do not lose their senses or their affections like hope and melancholy, joy and fear, and that they begin to experience a foretaste of what they will receive in the Last Judgement: that they are not annihilated as some infidels think, but they enjoy a fuller life and praise God more ardently. Put aside Scriptural evidence for a moment, and consider the matter a little by the light, admittedly dim, of human reason. Must not the mind be worse than silly—nay, worse than deranged—which can even think it possible for the most precious part of human nature, that part which, St Paul tells

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us, is formed in the image of God, to lose consciousness in the moment when it puts aside the burden of mortal flesh? This is the part of the human being which contains the whole power of the reasoning faculty, the part which enables the dumb and unperceptive material flesh to perceive and perceive reasonably. It follows logically that when the mind has put off the flesh which blunts its faculties, it will recreate into fresh strength the intellectual faculties and, so far from losing them, will find them purer and more acute. St Paul was so vividly aware of this truth that he wished to depart from the flesh and thereby come into closer unity with his Lord: ‘I have a desire to be dissolved and to be with Christ, which is far better; for while we are in the body we are absent from the Lord.’ And therefore ‘We are bold and have our desire always to be absent from the body, and present with the Lord. Wherefore also we strive, whether absent or present, to be pleasing to him.’ He believed with an absolute and confident faith that being in the body meant absence from Christ and departure from the body brought presence with Christ. He spoke again, still more openly, about this fuller life of souls in the text: ‘But ye are come to Mount Sion, and the city of the living God, the heavenly Jerusalem, and to an innumerable company of angels, and the church of the first born, who are written in heaven, and the spirits of just men made perfect.’ And again: ‘We have had our earthly fathers and masters, and we revered them; shall we not much more be subject to the Father of spirits and live?’22 15. In many ways we come to contemplate God. We know him in worshipping his very being which we cannot fathom, the vision which is yet hidden, though it is promised, and for which we may hope. We know him in the majesty of his creation, in regarding his justice, in apprehending the help we receive for our daily lives. We contemplate him when we see what he has wrought with his saints in every generation: when we feel awe at the mighty power which rules creation, the unmeasurable knowledge of his eye which sees into the secrets

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of every heart; when we remember that he has counted the grains of sand upon the shore and the waves upon the sea and the raindrops, that he sees every day and hour through all the centuries past and future: when we remember his mercy unimaginable—seeing countless sins committed every moment and yet bearing them with inexhaustible long-­suffering; when we contemplate that he has called us by reason of no merit which he found in us but simply of his free grace: when we see so many opportunities of salvation offered to those whom he is going to adopt as his sons: how he caused us to be born in circumstances where we might from our cradles receive his grace and the knowledge of his law: how he is working to overcome the enemy in us, simply for the pleasure of his goodness, and is rewarding us with everlasting blessedness: and, finally, how for our salvation he was incarnate and made man, and has spread his wonderful mysteries among all nations. There are countless other contemplations of this kind, which arise in our perceptions in proportion to our holiness of life and our purity of heart and through which, if our eyes are clean, we see and grasp God. No man in whom anything of earthly passion remains can keep the vision continually. ‘Thou canst not see my face’ said the Lord ‘for no man shall see me and live’23—live to this world and its desires.” 16. Germanus: “How is it that idle thoughts creep into our minds when we do not want them or are unaware of them, so that it is quite difficult even to understand them, let alone drive them away? Is it possible for a mind to avoid delusions like this?” 17. Moses: “Thoughts inevitably besiege the mind. But any earnest person has the power to accept or reject them. Their origin is in some ways outside ourselves, but whether to choose them or not lies within us.24 But because I said it was impossible for thoughts not to come to the mind, you must not put all the blame upon the spirits who assault our integrity. Otherwise the will of man would not be free, and we could make no effort for our own improvement. To a great extent

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we have the capacity to better the sort of thoughts we receive, to let holy thoughts or secular thoughts grow into our minds. This is the purpose of reading the Bible often and meditating upon it always, to attain a higher state of recollectedness: this is the purpose of singing psalms often, so that feelings of repentance may be continually elicited: this is the purpose of constancy in watchings or fasts or prayer, so that the mind, in its weakened body, may care nothing for the world but may contemplate the things of heaven. If we neglect these, the mind will surely creep back towards squalid sin and fall. 18. This movement of the heart may suitably be compared to a mill wheel spinning round under power from a waterfall. The wheel must revolve so long as the water flows. But the mill owner can decide whether to grind wheat or barley or darnel and the wheel will crush whatever he chooses. So the mind cannot but move hither and thither under the impetus of external circumstances and the thoughts which pour in upon it like a torrent. But which thoughts to reject or accept, an earnest and careful mind will determine. If we are continually meditating upon Holy Scripture and lifting up the mind to desire a perfect life and to hope for a future blessedness, the mind cannot help receiving, and dwelling upon, the thoughts of the spiritual which thereby arise. If sloth and carelessness dominate us, and we spend our time in sinful and idle gossip or are busied unnecessarily with the cares of the world, a variety of tares will infallibly spring up and minister temptations harmful to the heart. As our Lord and Saviour said, where our treasure is—of effort and intention—there will our heart abide.25 19. It is important to distinguish three sources of our thoughts: God, the devil, ourselves. Thoughts are of God when he illuminates our minds with his Holy Spirit, helping us upon our road: or when for our salvation he chastens us, and casts us into a mood of repentance that we have failed and been idle: or when he opens to

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us the mysteries of heaven, and turns us to choose decisively to amend our lives.26 Thoughts are of the devil, when he tries to make us fall by holding before us the pleasure of sin; by making bad appear good, or transforming himself into an angel of light.27 Thoughts are of ourselves when, as normally, we remember what we are doing, or have done, or have been told.28 20. We ought always to remember that thoughts may arise in these three different ways, and try to determine discreetly the source and the author of the thoughts we find. This judgement upon their author enables us to consider how we ought to behave towards them, and so become, what the Lord commanded us to be, ‘good money-­changers.’29 The highest skill of a money-­changer consists partly in testing when the gold coin is unadulterated and, as they commonly say, ‘of true alloy,’ and when it is not sufficiently purified by the fire; and partly in not being deceived by a cheap brass penny if it is fabricated to glitter like gold. They have to recognize coins stamped with the heads of usurpers; and in spite of the greater difficulty, to determine which coins bear the head of the legal emperor and yet have been illegally minted: and finally, they have to use scales to discover whether the legal coins have lost anything of their proper weight. The Gospel text, by using this simile, tells us what we ought to do in the life of the spirit. First, whatever doctrine enters the heart, we have to examine it to see whether it is of God and purified in the Holy Spirit’s fire, or whether it belongs to the false religion of the Jews or arises from the intellectual pride of a secular philosophy and is making a mere outward show of piety. We must fulfil the precept of the apostle: ‘Believe not every spirit, but prove the spirits whether they are of God.’30 This first test is failed by men who become monks and then are drawn by the grace of style, or by philosophical teachings which have an apparent meaning consonant with religion and

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attractive to religious men, like cheap brass coins manufactured to resemble gold and so impoverishing their cheated owners for ever: they entice them away again to the world’s clangour or to the bombast of heretical thought. We read in the book of Joshua that this happened to Achor, who coveted and stole a golden weight from the camp of the Philistines, and was smitten with a curse and condemned to suffer an eternal death. Secondly, we should take care that no faulty interpretation, mixed with the pure gold of Scripture, should delude us about the value of the money. Wily Satan tried to impose thus upon our Lord and Saviour like any ordinary man. With an evil motive, he interpreted a text about the guardian angels, which applies generally to all men, as though it possessed a special application to him who needed no guardian angels: ‘For he shall give his angels charge concerning thee, to keep thee in all thy ways: and in their hands they shall bear thee up, lest at any time thou dash thy foot against a stone.’31 By some skilful assumption he twists and turns the precious text of Scripture into a meaning harmful and contrary to the true meaning, like a coin which seems to be gold but is stamped with the usurper’s head. Sometimes he tries to cheat us with counterfeits, by suggesting that we ought to undertake some good work—a work which apparently leads towards virtue, but which would not be approved by our elders and in fact leads to sin. Sometimes he suggests excessive or impossible fasts, too long vigils, too many prayers, unsuitable reading, and so brings us to a bad end. Sometimes he persuades us to go visiting for good and religious purposes, and so extracts us from our spirit-­filled cloisters and our quiet and friendly retirement. Or he persuades us to undertake the charge of nuns or of pauper women, and so entangles us in the anxieties which destroy a spiritual life. Sometimes on a plea of building the faith of many and winning souls for religion, he incites us to want to be ordained, and so snatches us from the humility and the discipline of our way of life.

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All these courses of action deceive the unwary by appearing to be merciful and pious; they are contrary to our salvation and our profession. They are like coins which imitate the coins of the true emperor, but have not been coined by the legal mint. Though at first they seem full of piety, they have not been coined by approved and Catholic Fathers, but have been manufactured in secret and bring loss to the ignoramuses who accept them unawares. However useful and needful they seem to be at the moment, later they begin to undermine the solidity of our religious profession and to weaken (so to say) the whole body of our purpose. Then it is best that they be amputated like a right hand or foot, which we need, yet which causes us to stumble. Better it is to leave behind one limb if by so doing we may keep the other parts of the body healthy and active, and so be able to limp into the kingdom of heaven, than to try to take the whole body with us and stumble on the way. To be parted from our strict rule may lead to a loss which can never be compensated by future results and which would cause all the best fruits of our labour to be destroyed in hell-­fire.32 21. Not long ago we heard that Abba John, who lives at Lycopolis, was deluded in this way. He had put off taking food for two days and had exhausted his body. And when at last he sat down to eat, the devil came to him in the shape of a hideous negro, and fell at his feet saying: ‘Forgive me for making you undertake this labour.’ John, who possessed a perfect judgement, understood that on the pretext of an abstinence unsuitably practised, the devil had cheated him and forced him into a useless fatigue of body, and worse, a fatigue which would harm the spirit. Here he was cheated by a forged coin: he respected the face of the true emperor imprinted upon it, but failed to examine carefully enough whether it was legally struck. The final duty of a good money-­changer is to check the weight. Whenever we find a particular course of action suggested, we weigh it, with a judgement as careful and as balanced as possible, to determine whether it is a course of

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common honesty, whether it can be done soberly and in the fear of God, whether it is the course of integrity; or whether it is short weight like a dud coin, a trivial piece of ostentation or conceit or love of novelty. We weigh it in the public scales, that is, test it by the acts and teachings of the apostles and prophets: and then either keep it as true and genuine and authorized by those authorities, or else carefully throw it away as debased and of an inadequate and unauthorized weight. 22. We need, then, the power of discrimination for four purposes: First, to know whether the metal is genuine or painted. Secondly, to reject as forgeries (because bearing the illegally stamped head of the legal emperor) ideas which falsely suggest works of piety. Thirdly, to detect the coins which are stamped with the usurper’s head, the perversion of the precious gold of Scripture by untrue and heretical interpretations. Fourthly, to reject the coins which are light-­weight, corroded by vanity, coins which cannot pass the test when weighed in the scales of the fathers. Without this discrimination we might lose the reward of all our labour, by disobeying the command which our Lord warned us to do all we could to observe—‘Lay not up for yourselves treasure on the earth, where rust and moth corrupt, and where thieves break through and steal.’33 To do anything with the aim of increasing our reputation is to lay up treasure on earth; to hide it, and bury it where demons will eat it, vanity will corrode it like rust, pride will ruin it like moths: and the man who hid it will gain nothing from it. We should ever examine the inner sanctuary of the heart, and track down whatever comes into it—perhaps a snake or lion has crept into the mental fastness through the undergrowth and has left a spoor which other beasts could follow, if we were heedless. It is as though we were always to be ploughing up the ground of the heart. The plough is the constant recollection of the Lord’s cross: and by its means we

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shall exterminate the rats and vipers which have made their habitations in our field.” 23. Seeing our surprise and earnestness at his words, he stopped his discourse out of respect and was silent for a little. Then he added: “Your eagerness has provoked me to talk at length, my sons; it struck a spark which kindled me into flame. I see that you thirst for the teaching which leads to a perfect life. I still want to say a little more about the virtue of a balanced judgement, ‘discretion,’ a grace which guards the keep in the Castle of All Virtues, and to give you practical examples of its value and the opinions of the old fathers about it. I remember how often people have importuned me, even to tears, to talk on this subject, and how although I longed to satisfy them, I could not—I felt nothing, had nothing to say, and could not even send them away with a little word of comfort. This is a clear sign that the Lord gives a man grace of speech in proportion to the sincerity with which his audience wishes to hear him. Only a little of the night remains, not enough to finish the subject. Let us therefore go to rest. If we do not take a little rest now we shall later have to sleep all night long. Let us keep the remainder of our talk for another day or night. The best counsellors on the subject of ‘discretion,’ ought to start by displaying the virtue in their own conduct and not fall into its opposite by talking too long, and so contradicting what they preach by their practice. Though I still mean to talk about the virtue of ‘discretion,’ so far as the Lord gives me power, it will be a fundamental advantage if I am not so busy praising the excellence of moderation that I go on talking immoderately.” * * * * So Moses put an end to the Conference, though we were still greedy for more. He encouraged us to sleep for a short time, suggesting that we should lie down on the mats on which we

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were sitting and use our bundles for pillows. These bundles are made of thick papyrus leaves evenly tied together into long, slender bales six feet in length. Sometimes the brothers use them at the daily service instead of a low stool, sometimes as pillows, for they are quite soft and comfortable. They are thought particularly suitable for use by the monks because, though they are reasonably soft, they are cheap and easy to make: papyrus grows everywhere on the banks of the Nile, and the material is flexible and easily utilized. We obeyed the old man’s command to go to sleep though we thought it tiresome, for we were still excited and delighted by his conference, and were looking forward to continue the talk. **** [The next morning Moses resumed his talk. He described “discretion” as the greatest gift of God’s grace. St Antony had taught that it was the mistress of virtues because without it the virtues could end in ruin. Discretion teaches the monk to avoid excess on either hand and ever to walk the king’s highway. Herein lies the wisdom without which the inward house cannot be built. Discretion is the mother of virtues, as well as their guardian and regulator. Moses gave examples of destruction through lack of discretion—too rigorous solitude, too rigorous abstinence, too much faith in visions. Germanus asked how to gain discretion, and so become good “money-­changers.” Moses replied that true discretion is gained by true humility. And the first proof of humility is to reserve everything (even the thoughts) to the judgement of the elders. A wrong thought is enfeebled the moment it is confessed. There is nothing so liable to cause a fall as leaving the advice of the elders and experimenting with untried methods. Discretion is to be found, not in all old men, but in those old men known to have lived a religious life when young.

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Practically, Moses insisted upon (1) the importance of disclosing thoughts to the Elders and receiving discretion from them, and (2) the need for moderation in fasting and vigils, excessive abstinence being as weakening to the soul as no abstinence.] Notes

1. Rom. 6:22. 2. Phil. 3:13–14. 3. I Cor. 13:3. 4. Luke 10:40–2; a text with no mean manuscript authority to support it. 5. Matt. 25:34–5. 6. Matt. 10:42. 7. Gal. 5:17. 8. I Cor. 15:53 and 44. 9. I Tim. 4:8. 10. Matt. 5:8. 11. I Cor. 13:8 and 10. 12. Luke 17:20–1. 13. Rom. 14:17. 14. Isa. 65:17–18; 51:3; 66:23; 35:10; 60:17–20. 15. John 16:20; Luke 6:25; Luke 19:17 and 19; Matt. 19:28. 16. John 12:26. 17. Ps. 115:17–18; 6:5. 18. I Tim. 5:6. 19. Dan. 3:86 LXX; Ps. 150:6. 20. Matt. 22:31–2; Heb. 11:16; Luke 23:43. 21. John 3:13. 22. Phil. 1:23; II Cor. 5:6; Heb. 12:22–3 and 9. 23. Ex. 33:20. 24. Reprobatio vel electio lies in our power—possibly a sentence glancing at St Augustine’s theology of grace. 25. Cf. Matt. 6:21. 26. “Examples from the Bible: When King Ahasuerus was chastened by the Lord, he was stirred to ask for the books of the annals, and so remembered the services of Mordecai, rewarded him with the highest rank, and revoked his bloody order to kill the Jews. The prophet says: ‘I will hearken what the Lord God

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shall speak within me’ (Ps. 85:8); another prophet says: ‘An angel uttered, speaking within me’ (Zech. 1:14); the Son of God promised that he will come with his Father and dwell among us, (cf. John 14:23): ‘It is not you that speak, but the spirit of your Father who speaks within you’ (Matt. 10:20); and St Paul: ‘You seek a proof of Christ, who speaks in me’ (II Cor. 13:3).” 27. “The Evangelist notices it: ‘And after supper was ended, when the devil had already put it into the heart of Judas Iscariot, Simon’s son, to betray the Lord’; and ‘after the sop, Satan entered with him’ (John 13:2 and 27). Peter said to Ananias: ‘Satan has tempted thee in thy heart, to lie to the Holy Spirit’ (Acts 5:3). Compare what we read much earlier in the Gospel, in Eccl. (10:4): ‘If the spirit ascend upon thee with power, leave not thy place.’ (This description of Ecclesiastes as in evangelio caused much perturbation to the copyists.) In the third book of Kings, it is said to God against Ahab in the character of an unclean spirit—‘I will go forth and will be a lying spirit in the mouth of all his prophets’ (I Kings 22:22).” 28. “Examples: David said: ‘I thought upon the ancient days, and had in mind the years of old, and I meditated, by night I exercised myself with my heart, and searched out my spirit’ (Ps. 77:6–7, LXX). Again, ‘The Lord knoweth the thoughts of man, that they are but vain.’ (Ps. 94:11): and ‘the thoughts of the righteous are judgements’ (Prov. 12:5). In the Gospel the Lord said to the Pharisees: ‘Why do you think evil in your hearts?’ (Matt. 9:4).” 29. A saying found nowhere in the Gospels, but commonly reported among the early Fathers. 30. I John 4:1. 31. Matt. 4:6. 32. “Proverbs expresses this sort of illusion powerfully: ‘There are ways which seem to be right to a man, but their latter end will come into the depths of hell,’ and ‘An evil man is harmful when he attaches himself to a good man‘—which means that the devil deceives when he puts on a cloak of sanctity. ‘But he hates the sound of the watchman,’ which means the power of discretion which comes from the advice of the Elders. (Prov. 16:25, LXX: 11:15, LXX.)” 33. Matt. 6:19.

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Caesarius of Arles: The Rule for Nuns

Here Begin the Rules for Holy Virgins [Caesarius]1

Caesarius bishop, to our holy and highly venerated sisters in Christ, established in the monastery which by the inspiration and help of God we have founded. Because the Lord in His mercy has deigned to inspire and aid us to found a monastery for you, we have set down spiritual and holy counsels for you as to how you shall live in the monastery according to the prescriptions of the ancient Fathers. That, with the help of God, you may be able to keep them, as you abide unceasingly in your monastery cell, implore by assiduous prayer the visitation of the Son of God, so that afterwards you can say with confidence: “We have found Him Whom our soul has sought.” [Cant. 3:1, 4]2 Hence I ask you, consecrated virgins and souls dedicated to God, who, with your lamps burning, await with secure consciences the coming of the Lord, that, as you know I have labored in the constructing of a monastery for you, you beg by your holy prayers to 47

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have me made a companion of your journey; so that when you happily enter the kingdom with the holy and wise virgins, you may, by your suffrages, obtain for me that I remain not outside with the foolish. As you in your holiness pray for me and shine forth among the most precious gems of the Church, may the divine favor both fill you with present good things and render you worthy of the eternal. 2. And, because many things in monasteries of women seem to differ from the customs of monks, we have chosen a few things from among many, according to which the elder religious can live under rule with the younger, and strive to carry out spiritually what they see to be especially adapted for their sex.

[Lerins Tradition: Caesarius’ Rule for Monks]

These things first befit your holy souls: If a girl, leaving her parents, desires to renounce the world and enter the holy fold to escape the jaws of the spiritual wolves by the help of God, she must never, up to the time of her death, go out of the monastery, nor into the basilica, where there is a door.3 3. They shall strive to shun and avoid swearing and cursing as the poison of the devil.

[Lerins Tradition: Cassian] 4. She, therefore, who, by the inspiration of God undertakes religious life shall not be allowed immediately to assume the religious garb, until beforehand her will has been proved by many trials; but let her, in charge of one of the elder sisters, remain for a whole year in the garb in which she came. Moreover, concerning the matter of changing of garb, and of having a bed in the community dormitory,4 she shall be in the charge of this sister; and as the latter sees her character

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and her compunction, let her accordingly endeavor to mold her either rapidly or slowly.

[Lerins Tradition: Rule for Monks]

5. Those who come to the monastery as widows, or those who have left their husbands, or those who have changed their garb, cannot be received, unless beforehand they deed over, or give, or sell, to whomsoever they wish, all their possessions, so that they reserve nothing in their own control which they govern or possess as private property, on account of the saying of the Lord: “If thou wilt be perfect, go sell what thou hast”; [Matt. 19:21] and “If any one does not renounce all things and follow me, he cannot be my disciple.” [Lk. 14:26, 27, 33]. This therefore I say to you, venerable daughters, because nuns who have possessions cannot have perfection.5 As to this matter, if they will not fulfill it, even those who have adopted religious life as virgins shall not be received, and certainly shall not be allowed to take the religious habit, until they rid themselves of all impediments of this world. 6. Those, who, since their parents are still alive, cannot have their patrimony in their power, or those who are still minors, must deed over their property when they obtain possession of the goods of their parents, or when they arrive at legal age. Therefore, we ordain this for your holy souls, in fear of the example of Ananias and Saphira,6 who, though they said they had offered all to the Apostles, gave part and perfidiously kept a part for themselves, which is neither becoming, permissible, nor proper.

[Caesarius]

7. No one, not even the abbess,7 may be permitted to have her own maid for her service; but if they have need, let them

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receive help from the younger religious. And, if possible, never, or at best with difficulty, let little girls be received into the monastery, unless they are six or seven years old, so that they are able to learn their letters and to submit to obedience. The daughters either of nobility or of common folk are never to be received so that they may be reared or taught.

[Lerins Tradition: Rule for Monks and Cassian]

8. No one shall choose to perform for herself any work or manual occupation for her own pleasure; but it shall rest in the judgment of an elder religious to command what she shall see to be useful. 9. No one may be permitted to choose a separate room, nor to have a cell or a chest, or anything of this nature, which can be locked for private use, but all shall occupy one room with separate beds. In the case of the aged and the sick, special arrangements are proper, but each shall not have an individual cell, and all shall be placed in one room, and shall remain there. They should never speak in a loud voice, according to that saying of the Apostle: “Let . . . all clamor be removed from you”; [Eph. 4:31] because this is not at all becoming or proper. 10. Likewise, while the psalms are being chanted, it is not permissible to do any talking or to work. 11. No one should presume to sponsor in baptism a child of anyone at all, either rich or poor;8 for she who for the love of God has disdained the freedom to have children of her own ought not wish for nor possess this freedom belonging to others, so that without any hindrance she may give her time unceasingly to God. 12. She who comes late, after the signal has been given, to Office or to work, will be subject to rebuke as is fitting. If, after a second or a third admonition, she does not correct the fault, she should be withdrawn from community life and from the common meal.

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13. She who is admonished, chastised, corrected for any fault whatever shall not answer in any way to the one accusing; she who will not fulfill some point of the things which are commanded shall be withdrawn from the common prayer and from the common table according to the nature of the fault.

[Lerins Tradition: Cassian]

14. Let those who cook be given a measure of wine for each according to their labor.9 As in the kitchen, so in every ministration to bodily needs, in whatever the daily need requires, they shall take turns with one another, except the mother and the prioress. 15. During Vigils, in order that no one may become drowsy through inactivity, those works shall be done which do not distract attention from listening to the reading. If anyone should become drowsy, she shall be ordered to stand while the others are seated, so that she can banish the heaviness of sleep lest she be found tepid or negligent in the recitation of Office.

[Caesarius]

16. Let them receive with humility their daily task to be done in the wool work, and let them strive to fulfill it with great industry.

[Rule of St. Augustine: Reg. Sec.]

17. No one should appropriate anything to herself, either in the way of clothing or of any other thing whatever. No one should do anything with murmuring, lest she perish by a judgment like that for murmurers, according to that saying

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of the Apostles: “Do all things without murmuring.” [Philipp. 2:14]. 18. All shall obey the mother after God; all should defer to the prioress. They shall be silent while sitting at the table and they shall direct their attention to the reading. Moreover, when the reading has ceased, holy meditation of the heart shall not cease. If there be some need, she who presides at table shall be solicitous and shall seek what is necessary by nod rather than by speech.

[Reg. Aug.] Not only should the mouth take nourishment for you, but also let the ears hear the word of God.

[Caesarius]

All shall learn to read.

[Reg. Sec.]

19. At all times they shall give two hours, that is, from early morning until the second hour, to reading. For the remainder of the day they shall do their work, and they should not busy themselves with idle talk according to that saying of the Apostle: “. . . that they work quietly . . .” [II Thess. 3:12]; and another saying: “In much speaking you do not fly sin” [Prov. 10, 19]. And therefore you must speak entirely of that which pertains to the edification and usefulness of the soul. 20. When, however the necessity of the work requires it, then they may speak. While the rest are working together, one of the sisters shall read until Terce; moreover let not meditation on the word of God and the prayer of the heart cease.

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[Reg. Aug.]

Let there be “. . . one soul and one heart in the Lord,” among you; let all things be held in common by you; for thus we read in the Acts of the Apostles, that: “. . . they had all things in common”; and “. . . distribution was made to each, according as anyone had need” [Acts 4:32]. 21. Those who had something in the world shall, when they enter the monastery, humbly offer it to the mother to be of use for the common needs. However, those who had nothing ought not to seek in the monastery what they could not have outside. Those indeed who seemed to have something in the world should not look down upon their sisters who come in poverty to this holy fellowship; nor should they display the same pride over their riches which they have presented to the monastery as if they were enjoying them in the world. What does it profit to distribute all, and to become poor by giving to the poor if the wretched soul be inflated with diabolical pride? All therefore, pass your lives in unanimity and concord, and honor God in one another, Whose temples it has been given you to be. Persist without ceasing in prayer, according to that saying of the Evangelist: “. . . praying at all times that you may be accounted worthy . . .” [Luke 21:36] and that of the Apostle: “Pray without ceasing” [I Thess. 5:17]. 22. While indeed you are praying to God in psalms and hymns, let that be meditated upon in the heart which is uttered by the voice. Whatever work you may be doing at a time when there is no reading, always ruminate on something from divine Scriptures.10 The sick must be treated in such a way that they may speedily convalesce; however, when they have recovered let them return to the happier custom of abstinence. Your garb should not be such as to attract notice, nor should you try to please by your clothing but by your conduct, for that becomes the aim you have set before yourself. 23. Let no concupiscence of the eyes for any man whatever arise in you at the instigation of the devil; nor should you say

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that you have chaste spirits if you have unchaste eyes, for the unchaste eye is the forerunner of the unchaste heart. Nor ought she to think, who surreptitiously casts a glance upon a man, that she is not seen by others when she does this; she is seen especially by those by whom she does not think herself seen. But even should it be concealed so that it is seen by no man, what shall she do in regard to that Overseer, from Whom it cannot be hidden at all? Therefore, let her fear lest she displease God; let her reflect lest she be pleasing to man in an evil way. When you are together, if the provisor11 of the monastery, or anyone of the men with him should come up unexpectedly, keep a mutual guard over your modesty; for God Who dwells in you guards you in this way. 24. If you should see a sister behave in a more unrestrained manner than is proper, rebuke privately as a sister; if she should refuse to listen, bring it to the attention of the mother. Nor should you consider yourselves malevolent when you reveal this in a holy spirit; for rather you are not guiltless, and you make yourselves sharers in her sin, if by remaining silent you permit your sister to perish whom you could have corrected by reproving. For if she had a wound on her body, or if she had been bitten by a serpent, and she wished to hide this because she feared to be cut, would it not be cruel to remain silent, and merciful to reveal it? How much more therefore ought you to expose the plans of the devil and the wiles of that infamous one, lest the wound of sin be deepened in the heart, lest the evil of concupiscence be nourished for a long time in the breast. Do this, then, from love of your sister and hatred of vice. 25. Any sister, who has so far advanced in wrong-­doing (may God not allow it!) that she should receive secretly from anyone letters or any kind of messages or gifts, provided that she confess this of her own accord, shall obtain pardon and shall be prayed for; if, however, she is discovered hiding this, and she is convicted, she should be corrected severely according to the rules of the monastery. She should also be subjected

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to like severity if she should presume with impious boldness to send letters or gifts to anyone. Nevertheless, if anyone, out of love for her relatives, or because of an acquaintance with someone, should wish to send blessed bread, she may suggest it to the mother; and if the latter permits it, she shall give it through the portresses who shall send it in her name to whomever she should wish. She should not take it upon herself to give nor to receive anything without its passing through the hands of the prioress or the portress.

[Caesarius]

26. Even though it ought never to be thought of nor to be believed at all, that holy virgins would assail one another with harsh speech and reproaches, if perchance human frailty so behaves that some of the sisters should dare, at the instigation of the devil, to break forth into such impiety as to steal, or to strike one another, those who have violated the precepts of the Rule should receive chastisement as is just and lawful. For it is necessary that there be fulfilled in them that which the Holy Spirit spoke through Solomon concerning undisciplined children: “He that loveth his son frequently chastiseth him” [Eccli. 30:1]; and again: “Thou shalt beat him with the rod and deliver his soul from Hell” [Prov. 32:14]. Let them, however, receive that chastisement in the presence of the congregation according to that saying of the Apostle: “Correct sinners in the presence of all” [I Tim. 5:20].

[Lerins Tradition: Rule for Monks]

27. Because the mother of the monastery has to be solicitous for the salvation of souls, and, concerning the temporalities of the monastery, has to think continually of the need for bodily nourishment, and also to entertain visitors and to reply

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to letters from the faithful, all care of the wool work, by which clothing is provided for the holy sisters, shall be the concern of the prioress or the sister in charge of the weaving. By their industry, whatever garments are necessary shall be provided faithfully, with zeal and love of God, so that whenever the holy sisters should have need, she shall give to them with holy discretion.

[Rule of St. Augustine: Reg. Aug.]

28. The clothing should be made in the monastery with such great diligence that it will never be necessary for the abbess to provide from outside the monastery. It should be of no concern to you whether the clothing offered you is suitable for the weather. If at this time murmurings and contentions arise among you because some of you have received something perchance of less worth than you had formerly, examine yourselves here on the great lack that is in you of that interior holy vesture of the heart, when you murmur about the clothing of the body. Nevertheless, if your weakness is borne with, so that you have more than daily need requires, put what you have in one place under common custody, and let the treasurer12 hold the keys of the clothes-­chests and cupboards. 29. No one shall busy herself with anything of her own, save what the abbess should order or permit; but let all your works be done in common with as much holy zeal and fervent alacrity as if you were working on your own things.

[Lerins Tradition: Rule for Monks]

30. For the office of cellarer and of portress and the sister in charge of the wool work such sisters should be chosen by the elders among the religious who, with fear of God, will not consider the wishes of some but the necessities of all. None of

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the sisters shall presume to store or to have around her bed anything that can be eaten or drunk. Whosoever does this shall receive very severe punishment. Above all I pray before God and His angels that no sister may secretly purchase or receive wine from any source whatever. If it should be sent, the portresses shall receive it in the presence of the abbess or the prioress and hand it over to the cellarer of the wines; and through her dispensation according to the spirit of the rule it shall be given to the one to whom it was sent in the manner which is proper for her infirmity. Because it often happens that the cellar of a monastery does not contain good wine, it will be the concern of the abbess to provide the kind of wine out of which the sick and those of more delicate upbringing may be ministered to.

[Rule of St. Augustine: Reg. Aug.]

31. By no means let baths be denied those whose infirmity demands it, and let them be taken without murmuring on the advice of the doctor, so that even if she who is ill does not wish to bathe, at the command of an elder religious that is to be done which is necessary for her health. If, however, bathing is not required because of some infirmity, assent should not be given to an eager desire. 32. The care of the sick or of those suffering from some disability ought to be enjoined on one quite faithful and full of compunction, who will seek from the cellarer whatever she should see to be necessary. Such a one should be chosen who will preserve monastic austerity and serve the sick with devoted love. If the needs of the sick should demand it, and it should seem right to the mother of the monastery, the sick shall also have their own storeroom and kitchen in common. Those who are put in charge of the storerooms, either of the wine-­cellar or of clothing and books, and those in charge of the entrance and of the wool work, shall receive the keys upon

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a copy of the Gospels, and they shall serve the others without murmuring. If any of the sisters think that the clothing, shoes, or household goods can be used or treated negligently, they should be severely corrected as defrauders of the goods of the monastery. 33. Engage in no quarrels, according to that saying of the Apostle: “. . . the servant of the Lord must not quarrel . . .” [II Tim. 2:24] and according to another saying: “Refrain from strife and thou shalt diminish thy sin”; [Eccli. 2:10]. If they should arise, let them be speedily ended, lest wrath swell to hatred and the mote be turned into a beam, and the soul become a murderer. For thus you read: “Everyone who hates his brother is a murderer” [I Jn. 3:15]; and: “. . . lifting up pure hands without wrath and contention” [I Tim. 2:8]. Whosoever injures her sister by reproach or reviling or accusation of wrong-­doing, should be mindful to expiate the fault by satisfaction. If she should repeat the fault, she should be subjected to the greatest severity, until she merits through satisfaction to be received back. The younger religious especially should defer to the elder religious. 34. If for any reason whatever a sister is punished by withdrawal from community life, she shall be removed from the congregation and dwell in the place which the abbess shall appoint with one of the spiritual sisters, until by humbly repenting, she may receive pardon. If, moreover, as is wont to happen, at the prompting of the devil they injure one another, they ought to seek pardon of each other and to forgive offenses on account of the prayers which because they are more frequent, ought to be purer. If the one whose pardon is sought should be unwilling to forgive her sister, she shall be withdrawn from community life, and let her fear that if she does not forgive she will not be forgiven. Moreover, she who will never seek pardon, or does not seek it from the heart, or who when it is sought does not forgive, is in the monastery in vain. Therefore refrain from harsh words; if they should have

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escaped anyone let her not be ashamed to utter healing words from the mouth whence wounds were made. 35. When you who are the prioresses are compelled by the necessity of discipline to speak harshly to correct evil ways, even if you perchance feel that you have exceeded the mean in these things, it is not required of you to seek pardon, lest if humility is guarded too much, governing authority should be destroyed among those who should be subject. Nevertheless pardon must be sought from the Lord Who already knows with how much benevolence you love those whom you correct more than is just. The mother who bears the care of all of you, and the prioress, should be obeyed without murmuring lest in their persons charity be sinned against. Those who are above you should be zealous to preserve discretion and discipline with charity and true affection. Toward all they should show themselves as an example of good works; they should correct the troublesome, console the fainthearted, sustain the weak [Cf. I Thess. 5:14], reflecting always that they will have to render an account for you to God. Have mercy, then, more especially by holy obedience, not only on yourselves but also on those who, as they are superior in rank among you, are in that much greater danger. For this reason, with reverence humbly obey not only the mother but also the prioress and the choir mistress and novice mistress.

[Lerins Tradition: Rule for Monks (in Part)]

36. Above all, in order to guard your reputation, let no man enter the cloistered part of the monastery and the oratories except bishops, the provisor and priest,13 the deacon and the subdeacon, and one of two lectors whose age and life commends them, and who are needed to offer Mass sometimes.14 When the roofs have to be mended, or the doors and windows

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have to be replaced, or something of this sort has to be repaired, skilled workmen and slaves to do any such work may come in with the provisor if necessity requires it; but not without the knowledge and permission of the mother. The provisor himself should never enter the inner part of the monastery except for those necessities which we have included above, and never, or at best with difficulty, without the abbess or some reliable witness, in order that the holy sisters may have their cloister as is fitting and proper.

[Caesarius]

37. Secular matrons and girls and any other women still in lay attire should likewise be prohibited from entering. 38. The abbess must take care that she does not go to guests in the reception room without the honor due her, that is, without two or three sisters. Bishops, abbots, or other religious whose position in life recommends them, ought to be allowed to go into the oratory to pray if they should ask. Care must also be taken that the door of the monastery be open to visitors at convenient hours. 39. You shall never provide meals either in the monastery or out of it for these persons, that is: bishops, abbots, monks, clerics, laymen, women in lay attire, nor the relatives of the abbess or of any of the nuns; nor let a repast be made for the bishop of this city, nor even for the provisor himself of the monastery; nor for women religious of the city unless perchance they are of great holiness of life and such as will maintain sufficiently the reputation of the monastery; but let this be done very rarely. 40. If a woman from another city should come to the monastery to see her daughter or to visit the monastery, if she is a religious and it seems proper to the abbess, she ought to be invited to dinner, but others never at all; because holy virgins dedicated to God ought rather to pray for all people, leaving

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all for Christ, than to provide feasts for the body. If a man should wish to see his sister, or daughter, or any relative or a sister-­in-­law, the visit shall not be denied him, provided the novice mistress or one of the elder religious is present. 41. The abbess shall never eat outside the congregation unless some unusual occurrence or illness or business demands it. 42. Of this especially I admonish you, and with this I charge you, holy mother, and esteemed prioress whoever you may be, and also you to whom the care of the sick is committed, choir mistress, and also novice mistress, that you see to it with utmost vigilance that, in the case of any of the sisters who, by reason of the fact that they were brought up with more delicate care, or that they perhaps suffer from some stomach trouble, and cannot abstain as the others, and certainly fast with great effort, if on account of diffidence they do not presume to ask, do you order them to be supplied by the cellarers, and do you order that they take what is given them. Let them most surely trust that whatever they should receive by the dispensation and command of an elder religious at any hour whatever, they receive Christ in that refreshment. The cellarer and she who is to serve the sick shall be called to witness, before God and His angels, about their zeal in care and solicitude for the sick.15 I warn you of this also, that because of too much disturbance at the entrance to the monastery, there should not be daily and assiduous begging; but what God should give, as it can be set aside from the needs of the monastery, the abbess shall order to be given to the poor through the provisor.

[Rule of St. Augustine: Reg. Aug.]

43. Above all, care must be taken, if anyone should send anything to her daughter, either some clothing necessary for her or anything else, that it be not received secretly; on account of this, before God and His angels, I charge all who might serve in the office of portress to allow nothing to be given out from

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the monastery, nor to agree that anything be received into the monastery without the knowledge and approval of the abbess. However, if the abbess, as often happens, should be occupied with visitors, the portress should show the prioress whatever may have been presented. If they should fail to conform in this matter, those portresses who allow, and the persons who receive, shall not only undergo the greatest severity of the monastery but on account of the transgression of the holy rule, should know that they shall have to defend themselves with me before God. If a sister should be wanting some necessity she may have what has been sent; if she needs nothing, it shall be put into the common store and given to her who needs it, on account of that command of the Lord: “Let him who has two tunics, share with him who has none” [Luke 3:10]. When they receive new garments, if they have no need of the old ones, the abbess shall give them out to be distributed to the poor or to the beginners and the young religious.

[Caesarius]

44. All clothing should be very simple and of a good color, never of black nor of a bright color, but only of a plain color or milk-­white.16 They shall be made in the monastery through the diligence of the prioress and the careful attention of the sister in charge of wool work and distributed by the mother of the monastery to each according to her reasonable necessities. There should be no dyeing done in the monastery, except, as is stated above, of a plain or milk-­white, because the other colors do not befit the humility of a virgin. The sleeping apartments should be simple, for it is utterly improper that worldly bed coverings and decorated tapestries should adorn the bed of a religious.17 You should never use silver except in the service of the oratory. 45. Quilted or embroidered and all intricately woven coverings or furnishings should never be made in the monastery. Even the furnishings in the oratories ought to be simple, never

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of pure silk,18 never bombycine;19 and nothing should be put on them except black or white crosses, of simple workmanship only on ordinary cloth or linen. Waxed curtains ought never to be hung, nor painted pictures affixed, nor ought any paintings be made on the walls and in the rooms, because that ought not to be in the monastery which does not please the spiritual but only the human eye. If some ornaments should be brought to the monastery either by you or some of the faithful, they can be sold and be of profit for the needs of the monastery; or, if it should be necessary, they can be put aside for the basilica of St. Mary. Embroidery should never be done except on handkerchiefs and towels on which the abbess should order it done. 46. None of you, without the order of the abbess, should presume to receive the clothing of clerics or of lay persons, either relatives or any men or women whatever outside the monastery, to wash or to sew or to store or to dye, without the command of the abbess, lest through that familiarity, imprudent and inimical to one’s good name, the reputation of the monastery should be harmed. Whosoever will not observe this should be subject to the severity of the monastery just as if she should have committed a fault. 47. I admonish and I charge you before God and the angels, holy and highly venerated mother of the monastery, and you, the prioress of the holy congregation, let no one’s threats or persuasions or flattery ever relax your spirit, and do not yourselves take away anything from the established form of the holy and spiritual rule. I trust moreover, by the mercy of God, that you will not incur guilt for any negligence, but through your obedience, holy and pleasing to God will be able happily to attain eternal beatitude.

Recapitulation of the Rule 48. Although, with God’s favor, at the beginning of the foundation of the monastery we framed a rule for you, nevertheless

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afterwards through many changes in it we added and deleted things. After examining and testing what you can carry out, we have now settled upon what is in harmony with reason and possibility and sanctity. In so far as we have been able to determine by diligent experiment, the rule has been so moderated under God’s inspiration that with the help of God you can keep it in entirety. I beseech you then that nothing in it be subjected to further change nor be taken away. 49. For this reason we wish that whatever we wrote previously be void; this rule, in which I have written the recapitulation with my own hand, I beg and counsel you to fulfill, with the help of God, faithfully and fruitfully without any relaxation, incessantly imploring the help of God, lest the old enemy, who is wont to drag his followers down to himself from the heights of heaven to the depths of hell, ensnare you with his poisonous wiles. Hence I warn you, holy and venerated daughters, to strive zealously to drive away his suggestions with all your strength and with most vigilant attention. And, with the help of God, so run as to obtain,20 because, not he who begins, but “. . . he that perseveres unto the end, he shall be saved” [Matt. 10:22; 24:13]. Although I trust that you in your holy piety will always remember those things which have been written above and that with Christ supporting you, you will strive not only faithfully but fruitfully to fulfill them, nevertheless, in order that those things which we have established may be imprinted in your hearts more firmly,21 we have wished to make this little recapitulation, which I have written with my own hand. I ask that, with God inspiring you, you receive it gladly, and that you strive constantly with the help of God to keep it. 50. This is what we especially wish to be observed by you without any relaxation, that no one of you up to the time of her death, be permitted to go forth from the monastery or into that basilica in which you have a door, or presume on her own to go out.22 51. No one shall have a private cell.

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No one shall have a secret intimacy or companionship of any kind with religious or lay persons, either men or women, nor should a woman and a man be allowed to speak together alone for more than a moment. Neither should anyone receive clothing from them to wash or to dye or to take care of or to sew; as we have established in the rule, no one shall dare to send out secretly anything from within, nor to receive within anything from the outside. 52. No one should possess anything of her own outside the monastery nor have anything within, nor set aside anything for her own convenience but, as we have said above, having deeded over her property to whomever she has desired, let her be free from every impediment, by reason of that which the Lord has said: “Everyone of you that doth not renounce all that he possesseth, cannot be my disciple” [Lk. 14:35]; and that saying: “If any man will come after me, let him deny himself” [Matt. 16:24]. If a person has been commanded to deny himself, with what boldness does he presume to keep for himself anything of the impediments of the world, and should he not tremble over and fear more what is written: “. . . hindrances of the world make them miserable”;23 and does he attend diligently to that saying of the Apostle: “I would” he says, “have you free from care?” [I Cor. 7:32]. Faithfully observing these things she may say with secure conscience: “. . . the world is crucified to me and I to the world” [Gal. 6:14]; and “I count all things as dung that I may gain Christ” [Philipp. 3:8]. 53. A repast should not be provided for the bishop of this city nor of any other, nor for any man as we have legislated in the Rule. 54. Letters should be received secretly from no one, not even from relatives, nor should letters of any kind whatever be sent without the permission of the abbess. 55. I admonish especially, as I have already said, that neither bright-­colored nor black clothing ever be used, nor with purple trim or beaver, but only of some sober color or milk-­white.

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56. The hair should never be tied up higher than the measure which we have made in this place with ink.24 57. All works shall be done in common. 58. The rule shall be read over often in the parlor to whomever should come to take up religious life, and if she should declare with resoluteness and entirely of her own accord that she will fulfill all the precepts of the rule, she shall stay in the monastery as long as shall seem suitable and reasonable to the abbess. But if she should say she cannot live by the rule, she may not be received at all. 59. The door of the monastery leading outside the basilica should never be open without your will and your permission;25 and at Vespers and the Nocturns and the noonday hours it should never be open. During these hours and when they are at meals, the abbess shall have the keys in her possession. The abbess of the holy congregation, who is allowed to possess nothing, nor permitted to have anything for her own private use, I charge in the presence of God, to strive to provide as far as is possible whatever is necessary. 60. Neither quilted nor ornamented, nor purple-­dyed or intricately-­woven garments should ever be made in the monastery, on account of that saying of the Apostle: “No one, serving as God’s soldier, entangles himself in worldly affairs; that he may please him whose approval he has secured” [II Tim. 3:4]. 61. At the time that the holy abbess dies none of you should wish because of a carnal affection or because of circumstances of birth, or because of wealth or because of kinship that someone incapable should be chosen; but all, under the inspiration of Christ, with one mind, elect a holy and spiritual nun, who can effectively guard the rule of the monastery, and who shall be able to converse wisely with those who come to her, and with edification and humility and with holy affection; in order that all persons who seek you with great faith and reverence, for their own edification, may bless God more abundantly, and may give thanks in a spiritual way for

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your choice, and for the holiness of life of her whom you have chosen. 62. Although, holy and highly esteemed daughters, mine especially by charity in Christ, I have no fears concerning the obedience springing from your filial love, nevertheless, by reason of that paternal solicitude by which I desire you to be like unto the angels, I beg again and again, and I charge you by Almighty God, that you permit nothing of the essential form of the holy rule to be diminished, but that with all your strength you labor with the help of God to keep it, knowing that “. . . every man shall receive his own reward according to his labor” [I Cor., 3:8]. 63. This I ask above all, that you in your holiness will not receive our admonition in a light and transitory fashion, because we do not speak out of our own presumption, but according to that which is read in the canonical Scriptures and that which abounds in the books of the ancient Fathers, we counsel you in the way of salvation with deep feeling and with true charity. And because you read that, “He . . . that shall break one of these least commandments . . . shall be called the least in the kingdom of heaven” [Matt., 5:19], do not choose to despise our words uttered in our humility, as if of no worth, on account of that which is written: “. . . he that despiseth you, despiseth Me” [Luke, 10:16] and that other saying: “. . . he that contemneth small things shall fall by little and little” [Eccli., 19:1]. For just as in any physical strife anyone would be routed to the extent to which he should be overcome by a younger and weaker person, so in the spiritual contest, in the one who will be neglectful in small things, will be fulfilled what is written; “And whosoever shall keep the whole law but offend in one point, is become guilty of all” [James, 2:10]. Reflecting in great fear and even in trembling, while my soul grows fearful lest some petty sins steal upon you, I not only counsel these things but I even likewise supplicate and admonish you, and with a deep feeling of love I solemnly warn you, so that you may come without shame

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in the eternal beatitude to the fellowship of the angels and of all the saints, and so that I may happily come to see you receive crowns of glory together with holy Mary26 and with all the other virgins, and to see you follow the Heavenly Lamb; I admonish you that with your whole heart and with your whole soul you strive earnestly to fulfill the precepts included above, through which you may happily attain to your eternal reward. 64. Even though I trust that this will not be done, nor that God on account of his mercy will allow it, if at any time any abbess should try to change or to relax something of the essence of this rule, and, either because of kinship, or for any kind of circumstance, should desire to be subject to and to be within the household of the bishop of this city, under the inspiration of God, with our permission, resist on this occasion with reverence and with dignity, and on no account permit it to be done; rather, according to the letter of the most holy Pope of the city of Rome, with God assisting you, strive to make yourselves secure in all things. I admonish especially concerning the recapitulation written below27 which I have written and signed with my own hand, that you remove nothing at all from it. Any abbess and prioress who might try to do anything contrary to the spirit of the rule should know that they will have to plead their guilt in my presence before the tribunal of Christ. 65. If by chance (may God forbid!) any one of our daughters should be so obstinate in spirit, that she out of contempt would refuse to carry out the recapitulation of this rule, written for her salvation and according to the prescriptions of the holy Fathers, do you, inflamed with the zeal of the Holy Spirit remove her from the assembly of your holy congregation; and let her remain apart in the guest quarters until she shall humbly seek pardon, and perform a fit penance; nor should she come back until she conforms herself to the precepts of the rule. I say this because it is to be feared that if the remissness of one is indulged, and if she is not corrected according to rule, others who could profit will be weakened

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to commit faults. But we are confident, by the mercy of God that if you conduct yourselves in a holy and spiritual manner, and correct with true charity those who are remiss you will happily attain to your eternal reward together, through the help of Our Lord Jesus Christ to Whom is honor and power for ever and ever. Amen.

[Ordo]28

66. With the help of God, “sing ye wisely” [Ps. 46:8]. We have decided to insert in this book the ordo according to which you should chant the psalms, for the most part according to the rule of the monastery of Lerins.

[The Pasch and Its Octave] [Terce]29

On the first day of the Pasch at Terce, twelve psalms with their alleluias and antiphons;30 three lessons are recited, the first from the Acts of the Apostles, the second from the Apocalypse, and the third from the Gospel; the hymn, “lam surgit Hora Tertia.”31

[Sext]32

At Sext, six psalms with antiphon; the hymn, “Iam Sexta sensim volvitur”;33 and lessons.

[None]

At None likewise, six psalms ought to be recited, with an antiphon, the hymn, “Ter Hora trina volvitur,”34 a lesson and a capitellum35

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[Vespers]36

At Lucernarium a short directaneus,37 three antiphons,38 and the hymn “Hic est dies verus dei”;39 you should chant this entire hymn both at Lauds40 and at Vespers during the whole of the Octave of the Pasch. [Duodecima]41

At Duodecima, on the first day, “Sol cognovit occasum suum,”42 and ten and eight psalms are recited,43 three antiphons, and the hymn, “Christe precamur annue.”44 On the alternate day, at Duodecima, the hymn, “Christe qui lux es et dies”45 should be said. And thus, at all times, these two hymns should be said in turn. Two lessons should be recited at the Paschal Duodecima, one from the Apostle and the other from the Gospels, concerning the Resurrection. [The Nocturns]

At the Nocturns ten and eight psalms46 should be chanted, the minor antiphons47 with their alleluias, and two lessons, a hymn, and a capitellum. This should be the order for celebrating on all seven days. [Pasch to October] [The Nocturns]

After the Pasch those Nocturns should be said until the first of October, [Vigils]

and, until the first of August, Vigils are only to be held on Fridays and Sundays.

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[Procedure for Fasting]

After the Pasch until Pentecost, on Friday there shall be a repast once a day.

[Vigils]

After Duodecima there should be six readings,48 that is, ten and eight lessons should be recited from memory;49

[The Nocturns]

next, ten and eight psalms, three antiphons.

[Vigils]

After the Nocturns, three readings ought to be made from the book until dawn.

[Procedure for Fasting] [Pentecost to September] [Similar Passage Found in Caesarius’ Rule for Monks]

67. Fasting. From Pentecost until the first of September—in this period choose how you ought to fast; that is, as the mother of the monastery sees the strength or possibility, she shall endeavor to make regulations.

[September to November]

From the first of September to the first of November there should be fasting on Monday, Wednesday, and Friday;

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[November to Christmas]

From the first of November to Christmas, except on feast days and Saturdays,50 there should be fasting every day. [Before Epiphany]

Before Epiphany there should be fasting for seven days. [Epiphany to Lent]

From Epiphany to the week before Lent there should be fasting on Monday, Wednesday, and Friday. [Directions for Office Continued: Christmas and Epiphany] [Vigils]

68. For Christmas and Epiphany the vigil should be held from the third hour of the night until dawn, so that before the Nocturns six readings from the Prophet Isaias are said, and after the Nocturns, six readings from the Gospel. For Epiphany, before the Nocturns, six readings from Daniel are to be said, after the Nocturns, six readings from the Gospel. [Weekdays] [Terce, Sext, None]

On weekdays at Terce, Sext, None, six psalms with antiphons, hymns, lessons, and capitella are to be said. [Saturdays and Sundays] [Terce] [Rule for Monks]

On Sundays and Saturdays at Terce, six psalms; after which, three lessons: one from the Prophets, the next from the Apostle,

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and the third from the Gospels; and after these lessons, six psalms, one antiphon, a hymn, and a capitellum.

[All Feast Days] [Terce]

On all feast days, to the twelve psalms51 which are said at Terce three antiphons are to be joined; the pertinent lessons, that is belonging to that feast, are to be said.

[October to the Pasch] [The Nocturns] [Rule for Monks]

69. From the first of October to Easter, add the Second Nocturns, that is, eighteen psalms, two lessons, and a hymn. At the first Nocturns, in the beginning say “Miserere mei deus secundum magnam misericordiam tuam”;52 At the end, “Rex aeterne domine.”53 At the second Nocturns: “Magna et mirabilia.”54 On the alternate night at the First Nocturns “Mediae noctis tempus est”55 is to be said; at the Second Nocturns, “Aeterne rerum conditor.”56 At the Second Nocturns, on the first day begin with “Miserere mei deus miserere mei.”57 After the Nocturns three collects are to be read; an antiphon is to be chanted, a response, and another antiphon.58

[Vigils]

After this, until dawn, four readings59 are to be completed. If it is at all possible, they are never to be diminished; they are never to be begun before the proper time nor after time.

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[Lauds]

After this the canonical morning prayers should be said, on ordinary days, with antiphons, on feast days they should be chanted with alleluia. [Vigils]

Every Sunday, six readings are to be made; afterwards, Lauds. [Lauds]

At the beginning say a short directaneus;60 “Confitemini”61 with an antiphon,62 “Cantemus domino”63 and all the psalms of Lauds64 with alleluias are to be said. [Vigils]

Vigils should be celebrated on Saturdays and on all feast days. [Lauds]

On these solemnities, when performing Lauds, they should say the hymn “Te deum laudamus.”65 They are to go to the outer oratory and say a short directaneus;66 after this, the canticle “Cantemus domino,” then the blessing of the three youths;67 after the blessing, the hymn “Gloria in excelsis deo.”68 [Prime]69 [Caesarius]

Then Prime is said with six psalms, and the hymn “Fulgentius auctor aetheris”;70 two lessons, one from the Old, the other from the New Testament, and a capitellum. In this manner, Sunday, Saturday, and major feasts ought to be observed.

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[Vespers]

At Vespers, in a similar manner in the outer oratory a short directaneus is said, and three antiphons; the hymn on the one day, “Deus qui certibus legibus,”71 on the alternate day, “Deus creator omnium.”72 [Vigils] [Sundays]

On all Sundays the Gospels should be read at Vigils; always one Gospel of the Resurrection should be read at the first reading; on the next Sunday, the next Gospel of the Resurrection; and thus on the third, and on the fourth. And while that first reading on the Resurrection is read, and always at the first reading one Gospel of the Resurrection is read, no one may be seated; afterwards at the five readings which follow, all, according to custom, may be seated. [Feasts of Martyrs]

When the feasts of Martyrs are celebrated, the first reading should be read from the Gospels, the remaining ones from the Passions of the martyrs.73 [Ordinary days]

On ordinary days at Vigils the books of the New and Old Testament should be read in their order. [General Regulations]

In winter, every day after the Nocturns three readings should be completed. Above all, the reading at Vigils should be so regulated that it could both be looked forward to and always increased . . .74 and thus during the individual lessons, two,

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and certainly not more than three pages are to be read aloud. However, if it should happen that they rise later for Vigils, let them read single pages or as much as shall seem best to the abbess; and it shall be in her power that when she has made a sign, the one who reads should rise without delay in order that the canonical number of readings may be completed. For this reason, the Vigils are to be so moderated, that those who are well are not oppressed with sleepiness after Vigils.75

[Spiritual Reading]

At all times after Lauds until the second hour they should read; afterwards they should do their work.

[Vigils for the Dead] [Before Midnight]

70. When anyone dies, a few sisters should keep watch until the middle of the night, and the Apostle should be read;

[After Midnight: For an Elder sister]

after midnight those who have kept the Vigil may rest until Matins, and the remaining sisters keeping the Vigil should read one reading from the Gospels, the rest of them from the Apostle. This, if anyone of the elder sisters should have died;

[For a Younger Sister]

if it should be a younger sister, the reading should be read from the Apostle until Matins.

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[Services for the Dead in the Basilica]

Above all, great care is to be taken to notify the holy bishop, when anyone of the sisters dies, that he may bring her into the basilica where she is to be buried, with chanting with holy devotion and the clerks of St. Mary’s.

[Procedure for Fasting] [Similar Passage Found in Caesarius’ Rule for Monks]

71. It has seemed necessary to us to include even the procedure for meals in this rule. On all days of fasting, three dishes are to be provided, but on days when lunch is taken, only two.76 On major feasts, at lunch and dinner dishes may be added, and iced wine mixed with must should be added for dessert.77 On ordinary days, at lunch in summer they are to receive two measures of hot drinks;78 in winter at lunch, two measures of hot drink; at the repast on fast days, three measures of hot drink; at dinner two measures of hot drink suffice. The younger sisters are to receive two at lunch, at dinner, and at the repast on fast days. Fowls are to be brought forth only for the sick; they are never to be served in community. No flesh meat is ever to be taken at all for nourishment; if, by chance, someone should be gravely ill, she may take it by the order and permission of the abbess.

[Conclusion to the Entire Rule]

72. I beseech and supplicate you before our Lord God, O most dutiful sisters, in order for you to be perpetually grateful in this wise to my humble self and your holy mothers, that is, the founders of the monastery and the authors of the Rule; that you, by your charitable intercession keep watch for us day and night; and in public prayer through your holy

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supplication, obtain, in solemnities by day or vigils by night, that your petition, ascending in the sight of the Lord may make and grant me to be a worthy bishop over his Church, and them to be worthy superiors in the service of holy virgins; and when before His tribunal we begin to render an account of the talents entrusted to us, if there are faults and negligences, either concerning the care of my church, or of the mothers in regard to those committed to them, that the Lord will deign to pardon us, and to heal the wounds of sin with the medicine of forgiveness. For faults are not amended unless He remits them through the prayers of the saints, nor does He remit them unless they have been amended. 73. And because for the sake of guarding the monastery, I have closed and forbidden the use of some doors, in the old baptistery, in the scola and in the weaving room, and in the tower next to the pomerium, let no one ever presume under any pretext of utility whatsoever to open them: but it shall be allowed to the holy congregation to offer resistance, and they are not to permit that to be done which they know to be against their good reputation or peace. I, Caesarius, a sinner, have read and signed this rule for nuns. I have dated it under June 22, in the consulship of Paulinus.79 I, Simplicius, a sinner, have approved and signed. I, Severus, a bishop, have approved and signed. I, Lupercianus, a bishop, have approved and signed. I, John, have approved and signed. I, Cyprianos, a bishop, have approved and signed. I, Montanus, have approved and signed. I, Firminus, a sinner, have approved and signed. Notes

1. Headings within brackets are to indicate whether the passages below them are original to this Rule [Caesarius]; or are taken from the [Lerins Tradition: Cassian or the Rule for Monks

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of Caesarius]; or from the [Rule of St. Augustine: Reg. sec. or Reg. Aug.]. 2. Morin notes “Cf. Cant. 3, 4 ‘. . . I found him whom my soul loveth.’ ” Cant. 3: 1 reads ‘. . . I sought him whom my soul loveth.’ ” Caesarius would seem to have contracted the two sentences. 3. [[See pages 21–25 of original . . .—Eds.]] for the problem of this text and others related to the basilica. As chap. 59 of the Rule suggests that the nuns did go into the basilica, an alternative translation for this passage would read “. . . never, up to the time of her death, go out of the monastery, nor [when] in the basilica, where there is seen to be a door.” C. de Clereq (op. cit., p. 83), notes that the Regula ad Virgines of Bishop Aurelian of Arles, made up of excerpts from Caesarius’ Rules for monks and nuns, contains one original regulation— chap. 38: the nuns are to recite Office in the basilica of Our Lady adjoining their monastery. In winter, Terce, Sext, and None are to be recited in the oratory in the cloister. The public were admitted to this basilica. 4. Caesarius’ term here is scola. Morin suggests “novitiatu” (Index verborum et looutionum, Opera II, 390); he notes however that in Caesarius’ Regula monachorum, Opera II, 11. 13–14, p. 150 (see p. 133 supra), scola can be taken as “camera communi.” Lambot thinks that scola designates a room for community use: (“Césaire,” col. 269; and “Le prototype,” p. 172). Blaise, op. cit., pp. 724–43, gives: “schola (scola), -­ae f. . . . [7th meaning],” dortoir: Con.Turon.an.567, c. 15 (Merou. p. 126, 3).” Caesarius uses the term again in chap. 73 of the Reg. virg. in speaking of the rooms where he has closed off doors. Benoit, “Le premier baptisère d’Arles,” op. cit., p. 47, speaks of the scola in Reg. virg. 73 as “l’école”; Lambot’s meaning “a room for community use” seems more probable than Benoit’s “school room.” 5. One of Caesarius’ letters to the nuns makes even more precise his teaching given here on poverty. In chap. 21 infra of the Rule, he implies that the nuns should deed over their property to the poor. In his letter he states emphatically that this should be their course of action: There are some who even wish to give the greater part of their posessions to their parents and, by chance, to the rich,

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and they do not reflect that while they give their substance to them to live luxuriously, they destroy themselves by everlasting poverty. But someone says: “Therefore, should I despise my parents?” Be it far from us to say that you should not honor your parents; how could it be that we should preach that parents are not to be loved, who say that enemies must be loved? Love your parents as much as you can, and if they are good and honorable, always pay them honor, and leave them some gift from your possessions in memory of you. But give all, whatever is the greater and more useful part, to the poor, to be of profit at the end of the world; that your alms, by aiding the poor, may transport you to the kingdom of heaven on the day of judgment. (Vereor, Opera II, 141). 6. Cassian seems to have been deeply impressed by the story of Ananias and Saphira and to have passed on to Caesarius his “fear of the example.” Caesarius’ Sermo LXXI (Opera I, part i) reflects even more fully the teachings of Cassian on the lesson of the fate of these two Scriptural characters. In Conlationes XVIII, 5, 7, and XXI, 30, Cassian discusses the fervor of the whole of the first Christian community of Jerusalem in their common possession of property, and laments the fact that now only a portion of the flock of Christ—the monks—practice total renunciation, while the remaining Christians follow the example of Ananias. Cassian classifies his false monks as new Ananiases. In Inst. VII, Cassian recalls three times the fate and lesson of Ananias and Saphira. 7. The Rule for Nuns would seem to contain one of the earliest uses of the term “abbatissa.” Schmitz (op. cit., VII, 6) supplies the note that the earliest use recorded would seem to have been in a convent in Rome in the fourth century where the superior was referred to both as “abbatissa” nd “mater,” as in Caesarius’ rule (see chaps. 18, 21, etc. infra). Schmitz records an epitaph of the “Sacra Virgo Serena abbatissa” dating from 514. 8. Rev. Rich. J. Kearney, Sponsors at Baptism according to the Code of Canon Law. (Washington: Catholic University of America, 1925), says that “it was not before the 6th c. that religious were forbidden to function as sponsors.”—Council of

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Auxerre, 578. Caesarius seems to have laid down such a rule before it became part of general canon law. 9. The Latin text appears to be corrupt. It reads: “Quae coquent, singuli illis meri pro labore addantur.” 10. In Sermo LXIX, Opera I, 281–82, Caesarius describes in some detail how animals “chew the cud” and how Christians should do this spiritually: I exhort you, brethren, to listen to this with profit. Hold on to it, chew it over in your mind and feed upon it; let not what is just now entrusted to your memory depart from your mouth. . . . Ruminating applies to those who later think over what they have heard or remembered. Indeed, we eat and transmit the thought into our memory, as though into the stomach. What do cattle do when they chew their cud? What was thrown into the manger and is stored up in its stomach is brought back to the mouth and the cattle rests in its sweet taste . . . what is stored away does not benefit you unless its savor returns to your mouth. Caesarius’ use of “ruminare” is like that of Cassian in Conlationes XI, 15; and XIV, 13; and Augustine in Sermo CCXXVIII, 2; and Contra Faustum VI, 7; and Gallican Eusebius in Homilia ad monachos II (PL, L, 835). The two usages of “ruminare” in Scripture are Cant. 7:9, and Osee 7:14. 11. Chap. 36, and note, contain a fuller explanation of the purveyor and his duties. Alexander Souter, in A Glossary of Later Latin to 600 A.D. (Oxford: 1949, gives “caterer, purveyor (for a nunnery),” for provisor and cites Reg. virg. For use of the term. 12. Blaise, op. cit., and Malnory, op. oit., p. 268, give “treasurer” for regestoraria. Souter, op. cit., gives “storekeeper.” 13. Morin (“Le prêtre arlésien Teridius, propagateur des règles de S. Césaire d’Arles,” op. cit., p. 259), apparently thought that the two offices, provisor or caretaker, and priest or curate, were here at one time by Teridius, nephew of St. Caesarius. In his will (Opera II, 285) Caesarius especially requested that his successor appoint no other as the provisor of the monastery or the priest of St. Mary’s than one chosen by himself. Morin (n. for line 14) noted that St. Mary’s was the basilica for the convent. The provisor is referred to in chaps. 23, 39, 42 of the Rule for Nuns.

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Lambot, “Le prototype,” op. cit., pp. 171–72, describes the provisor as the priest who performed the functions of procurator and almoner, and supervisor of the workmen who might be called in. 14. Schmitz, op. cit., VII, 280, notes that this rule may indicate something like the Benedictine weekly Mass and Communion. 15. Cassian, Inst. V, 2, notes that those who are sick and weak cannot observe the same fast laws as those who are well. 16. As Blaise (op. cit., p. 484) indicates, Caesarius uses the terms “laia vel lactina” (plain or milk-­white) to designate a plain white as opposed to a shiny, or brilliant or transparent white fabric. 17. Caesarius shows how necessary and important he considered this rule by his warning in one of his letters to the nuns against the luxuries the Rule prohibits: For there are those (which is worse) who strive rather to work for their earthly desires for that vain ostentation of the world, than to pursue divine reading, while they desire to provide for the concupiscence of their eyes, at enormous cost and with superfluous expenditure, beautiful bed coverings and decorated tapestries and even pillows and the rest of things like that. (Vereor, Opera II, 140). 18. Caesarius’ use of the word for pure silk—holoserica—in Sermo CXCVII (Opera I, pars ii, 754), throws light on its meaning. It is used figuratively in the Sermon—“niveam baptismi tunicam et speciosam virginitatis holosericam”—to denote something very pure, fine and rare: “the beautiful silk garment of virginity.” The text of the Rule gives the form: oloserica. 19. Bombycina: TLL and Blaise, op. cit., designate this as a type of silk. Webster’s New International Dictionary (Second Edition, 1957), gives for the adjective “bombycine:” “of silk”; for the noun: “yarn or fabric of silk (obsolete).” Also given are “Bombazine or bombasire: (noun) 1. Raw cotton (obsolete). 2. A twilled dress fabric having a silk warp and a worsted filling; also, such a fabric of cotton or worsted.” By “bombycina,” Caesarius seems to designate a heavier fabric of mixed yarns, in contrast to pure silk, “oloserica.” 20. This clause is obviously based on 1 Cor., 9:24. 21. Caesarius sermons often exhort his hearers to remember and practice what he has just said. See Sermones VI and XV for typical injunctions.

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22. [[See page 171 of original . . .—Eds.]], and [[See pages 21–25 of original . . .—Eds.]]. An alternative translation for the last part of this chapter which would allow for the nuns going into the basilica is: . . . be permitted to go forth from the monastery or [when] in the basilica in which you have a door, or presume on her own to go out 23. This text has been identified by Fischer, op. cit., [[See pages 84–87 of original . . .—Eds.]], as coming from the apocryphal Visio Pauli. [[See page 97 of original . . .—Eds.]], for more details on the text and Caesarius’ frequent use of it as Scripture. 24. Cf. Arnold, op. cit., p. 415. 25. This clause has been translated as if the Latin text read: “Ianua monasterii numquam extra basilicam sine vestra voluntate aut sine vestro permisso fiat aperta”; the text actually reads: “Ianua monasterii numquam extra basilicam cum vestra voluntate aut cum vestro permisso flat”; but the first form would seem to be the more likely meaning. The actual text can be translated as: “Never let a door of the monastery outside the basilica be made by your wish or permission; . . .” but this translation contradicts the rest of the passage. 26. Caesarius speaks only twice in his sermons of the Blessed Virgin Mary (Sermones VI and X, Opera I, part i, 37 and 51). The passage from Sermo VI is given on [[See page 59 of original . . .—Eds.]]. 27. Morin (Problèmes, p. 14 above and n. 1) noted that this phrase indicates that chap. 64 has been misplaced by a copyist of the rule. Morin would place it with chap. 65 also, between the end of chap. 47 and the beginning of chap. 48. 28. The headings in brackets throughout chaps. 66–71 are not contained within the Latin text but have been added to give the reader an outline of the Divine Office and of the liturgical year as the nuns of St. John knew them. The order and the sentence structure of the Latin text have been followed exactly, but the paragraph form of the text has been changed into outline form to enable the reader to see the content of each Hour more easily. The predominant characteristics and the general significance of the Ordo are discussed, [[See pages 70–80 of original . . .—Eds.]].

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29. Terce on Sat., Sun., and feast days has 12 psalms, as here for the Pasch; on weekdays it has 6 psalms: [[See page 197 of original . . .—Eds.]]. 30. [[See pages 79–79 of original . . .—Eds.]], for a general summary of the views of Lambot and Gindele on the different meanings of antiphona. Lambot (“Césaire,” col. 275) considers antiphona to mean here a verse of the type that is repeated at intervals by a congregation, while one or more chanters executes the psalm itself—in the manner in which the Invitatory of Matins is chanted in the Roman Office today. Gindele (“Die Struktur der Nokturnen,” op. cit., p. 16), on the other hand, apparently believes that antiphona here is a responsory, since he cites a parallel passage from the ordo of Aurelian to illustrate this usage of antiphona as a responsory. Further notes will be given of the opinions of these two scholars on antiphona throughout the ordo. 31. U. Chevalier, Repert. Hymnolog., n. 9400. (Hereafter cited as “Chevalier.”) All of the citations for hymns are from Morin’s notes. Bulst, op. cit., prints the hymns of Caesarius Ordo. He includes (p. 41) this hymn under those assigned to Ambrose. 32. Sext and None have the same structure on all days and seasons: cf. p. 197 infra. 33. Chevalier, 3383; Buist, op. cit., pp. 94–95. 34. Ibid., 20340; Bulst, op. cit., p. 96. 35. There seems to be general agreement with Lambot’s definition of the capitellum (“Césaire,” col. 276) as “a series of versets and responses excerpted from the psalms, analagous to our preces.” 36. It seems evident from the use of the term Vespers in this set of directions for Lucernarium, and from its use in chap. 69, lines 28–30 of the Latin text, that the terms Lucernarium and vespera are synonymous for Caesarius. Lucernarium here in chap. 66 and vespera in chap. 69 have the same set of directions. 37. A psalm, usually short, in which the verses are chanted one after another by all without interruption, as distinct the psalms with antiphons and alleluias; see Lambot, “Césaire,” col. 275. 38. It would seem from Lambot’s discussion of antiphona (“Césaire,” col. 275) that he regards these antiphons as psalms recited by alternate sides of the choir; Gindele regards them as responsories (“Die Struktur der Nokturnen,” p. 16). The same

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note holds for the “three antiphons” under Duodecima in the passage immediately ff. 39. Chevalier, 7793; Bulst (op. cit., p. 47), includes this among the hymns assigned to Ambrose. 40. Matutinos: also in Reg. virg., chap. 69, p. 24, 21; and matutinales canonici, chap. 69, p. 24, 1. 15. Lambot (“Césaire,” col. 275), and Beck (op. cit., p. 111), note that the term designates the Hour analagous to Lauds in the Divine Office today. 41. [[See pages 74–75 of original . . .—Eds.]] for discussion of Duodecima. 42. Ps. 103:19. In Sermo CXXXV (Opera I, part i, 536), Caesarius referred to Ps. 103 as “qui per omnem mundum dicitur et in ecclesiis et in monasteriis ad duodecimam horam.” 43. Lambot, “Césaire,” col. 275 believes that the term “psalmus” without any qualification refers to a directaneus. 44. Chevalier, 2923; Bulst, op. cit., pp. 97–98. 45. Ibid., 2933, 2934; Bulst, op. cit., p. 98. 46. Cassian (Inst. II, 2), tells of the use of 12 psalms for the Nocturns among the Egyptians, but notes that monks in other countries, not knowing the customs of the desert Fathers, used different numbers, some “decem et octo.” 47. Gindele (“Die Struktur der Nokturnen,” p. 16) believes that this passage clearly shows “antiphona” to be a responsory as it here refers to a minor or short responsory; Gindele maintains that one does not refer to “minor” and “major” psalms. 48. [[See page 76f. of original . . .—Eds.]], for the discussion of the readings (missae). Beck’s translation “readings” (op. cit., p. 110) seems to be best, as “lessons” would be confused with lectiones (Reg. virg., p. 23, l. 34; p. 24, ll. 1, 3). As will be seen, the readings were drawn from various books of Scripture and from the Acts of the Martyrs. Rev. J. A. Jungmann, S. J., in The Mass of the Roman Rite (trans. Rev. F. A. Brunner, C. SS.R., New York, 1950), also refers to the missae as “readings” or “lessons” (pp. 261–262). He also notes that “. . . a custom grew up of calling every divine service as a unit a missa” (p. 174). 49. Lambot (“Césaire,” col. 275) notes that it is evident from this text that each missa consisted of three readings. Caesarius’ Rule for Monks (p. 153, 11. 5–8) indicates the probability that the Reg. virg., also had prayers between the readings.

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50. Lambot (“Césaire,” col. 271) notes that this is contrary to Roman usage where there was fasting on Saturday. Cassian (Inst. III, 9) notes that in Palestine and Mesopotamia there was a dispensation from fasting on Saturday as well as Sunday. Caesarius apparently does not consider it necessary to note that there is no fasting on Sunday. In his Rule for Monks (p. 153, ll. 24) however, he notes “. . . usque pascha omni die ieiunandum absque die dominice. Qui dominica ieiunat, peccat.” There is a brief mention here of Lent, whereas in the Rule for Nuns, there is no mention at all of the Lenten fast. 51. The Latin text actually reads: “Cunctis diebus festis ad duodecimam psalmi, qui ad tertiam dicendi sunt, antiphonae tres iungantur.” It has been translated as if it read “Cunctis diebus festis ad duodecim psal-­mos. . . .” It is impossible to translate the first reading without making some kind of change. The reading suggested here follows and develops the line of thought in the previous passage. It is also confirmed by the parallel passage in Caesarius’ Rule for Monks (Opera II, 154, 1. 7): “Omni sabbato et omni dominica vel diebus festis duodecim psalmos. . . .” 52. Ps. 50:3. 53. Chevalier, 17393; Bulst. Op. cit., p. 92. 54. Ibid., 10922. See Morin, “Un texte préhiéronymien du cantique de l’Apocalypse, XV, 3–4: l’hymne Magna et mirabilia,” Rev. bén., XXVI (1909), 464–67. Morin shows that this is not a hymn properly speaking, but “a simple extract from Apoc. XV, 3 sq.” It is not from the Vulgate version, however, the hymn was in the Mozarabic Office, and in certain Benedictine breviaries to the end of the Middle Ages. 55. Ibid., 11420; Bulst, op. cit., p. 91. 56. Ibid., 447; Bulst, op. cit., p. 39. 57. Ps. 56:2. 58. For Gindele (“Die Struktur der Nokturnen,” op. cit., p. 15) this is another passage which shows clearly that antiphona means responsory. He believes that the three elements here describe responsory as it exists in the modern office. 59. Near the end of the same long chap. 69, Caesarius rules that in winter after the Nocturns “three readings should be

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completed”; (Reg. virg., 1.5, p. 25; under [General Regulations] in this trans.). This would seem to contradict the above “four readings” as it comes under the heading [Oct. to the Pasch]. 60. Caesarius’ Rule for Monks (11. 8–9, p. 153) shows this to be Ps. 144. 61. Ps. 117:1. 62. This is the one instance in which Gindele designates antiphona as other than responsory. He seems to designate it here as a psalms recited invitatory style (“Die Struktur der Nokturnen,” op. cit., pp. 15–17). Lambot also designates this as psalms said as invitatory (“Césaire,” col. 277). 63. Ex. 15:1. 64. Lambot (“Césaire,” col. 275) identifies “omnes matutinarii” as the “psalms of Lauds.” 65. Lambot (“Césaire,” col. 277) notes that there is an unexplained repetition here of the procedure for Lauds. 66. Chevalier, 20086. 67. Dan. 3:57 ff. 68. Chevalier, 7280. 69. See discussion of Prime, [[See pages 75f. of original . . . —Eds.]]. 70. Chevalier, 6608; Bulst, op. cit., p. 94. 71. Chevalier, 4489; Bulst, op. cit., p. 97. 72. Chevalier, 4426; Bulst, op. cit., p. 42, lists this hymn among those assigned to Ambrose. 73. For a brief discussion of the readings from the “Acts” of the martyrs see “B. de Gaiffier, “La lecture des actes des martyrs dans la prière liturgique en occident. A propos du passionnaire hispanique,” Analecta bollandiana, LXXII (1954), 134–66. For Caesarius’ ordo, [[See pages 74ff. of original . . .—Eds.]]. Also of interest is de Gaiffier’s “Reflexions sur les origines du culte des martyr,” La Maison-­Dieu, No. 52 (1957), 19–43. 74. Morin notes (Reg. virg., p. 25) a lacuna in the ms. here. 75. Chap. 15 of the rule provides that the nuns may do some work which does not distract them during Vigils in order not to become drowsy. It also rules that those who become drowsy should stand during Vigils. In Inst. II, 11–12, Cassian discusses the moderating of the length of prayers so as not to over-­weary the

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monks, the giving of a sign by the senior who presides at Office, and the performing of manual work during Office by the monks. 76. Passages from Caesarius’ sermons and from St. Benedict’s rule help to clarify the meaning of this chapter. Sermo CXLVIII (Opera I, part ii, 758) contains the information that fast days were days on which one did not break one’s fast by a meal in the middle of the day—“prandium”: lunch or dinner—but fasted until the evening meal—“caena”: dinner or supper. Ante omnia in diebus ieiuniorum quod prandere solebamus pauperibus erogemus, ne forte aliquis sibi sumptuosas caenas et exquisitis saporibus epulas studeat praeparare, et corpori suo magis commutasse quam subtraxisse ciborum abundantiam videatur. Nihil est tota die longum duxisse ieiunium, si postea ciborum suavitate vel nimietate anima obruatur. The Rule uses a special term for the one meal on fast days— “refectio.” It is used in the verb form in chap. 66: “reficiendum est.” St. Benedict uses the same three terms for meals in his rule, chap. 39: “Panis libra una propensa sufficiat in die, sive una sit refectio, sive prandii et cenae.” In Sermo CXCIX Opera I, part ii, 760, Caesarius made clear again that it was the meal known as “prandium” which might not be taken on fast days. He also repeated his admonition not to increase greatly the one meal on fast days. It will be noted that in this chapter of the Rule he ruled that the younger sisters should receive no increase for their refectio. 77. “recentes ad dulciamina addendae sunt.” This passage might also be translated as “sweetened, iced wine,” or “new” or “fresh iced wine.” Quite varied translations have been given: Blaise, op. cit., gave for this use of “recentes” “une nouvelle venue”; Souter, op. cit., gave “a newcomer”; Lambot, “Cesaire,” col. 271, gave for the phrase “recentes ad dulciamina” “douceurs aromatisées”; and Malnory, op. cit., p. 266, simply gave “desserts.” Malnory noted that, according to chap. 30 of the Rule, wine sent to the convent was only to be given to the sick. However, he failed to note that chap. 14 ruled that wine was to be given to the sister taking her weekly turn at cooking; it would

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not seem that chap. 30 ruled out all possible use of wine as a delicacy for feast days. The translation given here is based on Morin’s note comparing the use of “recentes” here to its usage in two letters of Avitus of Vienne (ed. R. Peiper, MGH, auc. ant., VI, part ii [Berlin, 1883], 91, 96. H. Goelzer, Le Latin de saint Avit, evêque de Vienne, 450–526 (Paris, 1909), p. 559 translated “recentes” “rasades de vin à la glace.” Aviti Epistula LXXIII (65), p. 91. Vellem nunc scire, quid prosit, gulae peculiaris famuli si studetis, cui ne datas a deo vobisque epulas de ore vel animus raperet, optabilis absentandi causa me rapit. Ceterum de recentibus quia praecipitis, et meas partes cedo et multiplico suas. Utatur paterarum capacitate pro cupis; atterat labris fialas, quas circumdet pittaciorum densitate pro circulis. Nam curabo ego quoque, quod eum velle cognosco, quo, cum simile aliquid de vestra benedictione eruero, ad multiplicandas recentes gulae calenti si non excogitatur modus in calicibus, ponatur in piscibus. Aviti Epistula LXXXVI (77), p. 96. Iam de cibis taceo; in accipiendis recentibus maior est poena; musta deposcens aut medicina patior aut aliquid rapuisse confingor. Summa inopportunitate perago, ut tres recentes aliis plus praesumam. Under “recentatum vinum” Du Cange, Glossarium ad scriptores mediae et infimae latinatis (10 vols., Niort, 1883–87) cited these two passages from Avitus, giving the same meaning, “iced wine,” as Goelzer, and adding “. . . vinum antiquum musto, vel lixivio, vel tortivo commisceretur, vel quasi renovaretur.” Under “recentarius” Forcellini-­Corradini-­Perin, Lexicon totius latinitatis (4 vols. Padua, 1864–87) gave “qui vendit vinum recentatum, h. e. nive refrigeratum. . . . Huiusmodi vinum esse videtur . . . quod recens mustum Romani appellabant . . . recens, recentis, . . . Recens vinum est novum, et veteri opponitur apud Scribon. Compos. 271. Hine novum opponit veteri etiam Cic.

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Brut. 83.287. Recens mustum appellatur, quod ita servatur, ut dulce semper tamquam recens permaneat. Colum. 12 R. R. 29.1. Blaise also gave for “recentarium” “recipient a refraichir le vin”; and for “recentairus” “marchand de vin frais.” His meaning of “nouvelles venues” for “recentes” could not be used grammatically in the sentence in which it appears in the Rule. 78. “caldellos.” See Thesaurus linguae latinae: “calaellus, i, m. a calidus vel calida deminutive. i. q. vasculum certam cetidae potionis mensuram continens. Caes. Arel. reg. virg. 16. 79. Morin, ed. Reg. virg., p. 26, gives 534 for this date.

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Saint Benedict: Selected Chapters from The Rule of Saint Benedict

Prologue 1–3, 8–13, 45–50 Listen, my son, to the instructions of your master, and bend the ear of your heart to them. Willingly accept the advice of a devoted father and put it into practice. 2In this way you will return by the labor of obedience to the one from whom you became estranged through the sloth of disobedience. 3Now then I am talking to you: Are you willing to put aside self-­will, and take up the powerful, shining weapons of obedience to fight for the Lord Christ, the true king? 8 Therefore, let us arise at long last, for the Scripture stirs us with the words: “It is high time we rose from sleep.”1 9Let us open our eyes to the deifying light, and let us listen with thunderstruck ears to the warning of the divine voice, which daily cries out to us: 10“If you hear his voice today, do not harden your hearts.”2 11And again: “Whoever has ears for hearing should listen to what the Spirit says to the churches.”3 12 And what does the Spirit say? “Come, sons, and hear me; I will teach you the fear of the Lord”4 13“Run while you have the light of life, that the darkness of death not overtake you.”5 1

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Therefore we must establish a school for the Lord’s service. 46In its organization, we have tried not to create anything harsh or oppressive. 47Sometimes we have arranged things a bit strictly to correct vice or preserve charity. 48When you experience that, do not immediately become afraid and flee the path of salvation, which must be narrow at the beginning. 49 But as we make progress in the monastic life and in faith, our hearts will expand with the unspeakable sweetness of love. And that will enable us to run along the way of God’s commandments. 50Then we will never depart from his teaching, and we will persevere in his doctrine in the monastery until death. Likewise, we will participate in the passion of Christ through patience so as to deserve to be companions with him in his kingdom. Amen. 45

Chapter 1: The Different Kinds of Monks It is clear that there are four kinds of monks. 2The first kind are the cenobites, who live in monasteries and serve under a rule and an abbot. 3Then the second kind are the anchorites, that is, the hermits. Their observance is no mere novice-­fervor, but the result of long testing in a monastery. 4They have learned how to fight the devil through the example and support of the community. 5This excellent training in the fraternal battle line equips them to venture out to the desert for solo combat. There they are able to fight with God’s help against vices of body and mind, relying on their own strength rather than on the support of others. 6 The third, and wretched, kind of monks are the sarabaites. They have been trained under no rule based on the criterion of experience. Unlike gold tested in a furnace, they are soft as lead. 7Although they are known by their tonsure, it is actually a lie to God. For they are still faithful to the world by their deeds. 8They live in twos and threes, or even alone, without a shepherd and in their own corrals, not to the Lord’s. The law for them is the craving of their appetites. 9Their own 1

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opinions and desires they call holy, but what displeases them they say is not permissible. 10 The fourth kind of monks are called gyrovagues. They spend their whole lives wandering from place to place, staying as guests in the cells of various monks for three or four days at a time. 11They are ever on the move and never stable. Addicted to their own wills and the delights of the palate, they are altogether worse than the sarabaites. 12 It is better to be silent than to speak of the pitiful lifestyle of these monks. 13So, putting them aside, let us with God’s help set out to arrange things for that most vigorous type of monk, the cenobite.

Chapter 3: On Calling the Brothers for Counsel As often as important questions have to be dealt with in the monastery, the abbot should convene the whole community and tell them what is involved. 2When he has listened to the advice of the brothers, let him ponder the matter and then do what he thinks best. 3We said that all are to be summoned to counsel because the Lord often reveals what is best to the younger. 4The brothers, however, should offer their advice with all deference and humility, and not presume to assert their views in a bold manner. 5But the decision should depend on the abbot’s judgment, and everyone should go along with what he decides. 6Yet just as it is the disciples’ job to obey the master, his role is to arrange things with foresight and justice. 7 So then let all follow the guidance of the Rule, and no one should be so rash as to deviate from it in the slightest way. 8 Let no one in the monastery pursue a personal agenda. 9Nor should anyone presume to argue shamelessly with his abbot (or outside the monastery). 10If he presumes to do so, he should undergo the discipline of the Rule. 11But the abbot himself must do all things according to the fear of God and in observance of the Rule, and he should know for sure that he will 1

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have to render an account for all his decisions to God, the most impartial of all judges. 12 Now if there are less important decisions to be made concerning the affairs of the monastery, the abbot should consult only the seniors. 13For it is written: “Do everything with counsel, and afterward you will have nothing to regret.”6

Chapter 5.1–10: Obedience The primary road to progress for the humble person is prompt obedience. 2It is characteristic of those who hold Christ more precious than all else. 3Because of the holy service they have professed, and because of the fear of hell and the glory of eternal life, 4as soon as something is commanded by the superior, they waste no time in executing it as if it were divinely commanded. 5The Lord says of them, “As soon as he heard me, he obeyed me.”7 6Likewise, he says to teachers, “Whoever listens to you, listens to me.”8 7Therefore, these people quickly abandon their own affairs and put aside self-­ will. 8They immediately empty their hands, dropping whatever they are doing to carry out with the quick step of obedience the order of the one who commands it. 9It is as if the order were given by the master and carried out by the disciple at the same instant. Command and response occur almost simultaneously with an alacrity caused by the fear of the Lord. 10It is love that drives these people to progress toward eternal life. 1

Chapter 7.10–25: On Humility Thus the first stop of humility is to utterly flee forgetfulness by keeping the fear of God always before one’s eyes. 11We must constantly recall the commandments of God, continually mulling over how hell burns sinners who despise God, but for those who fear God there will be eternal life. 12At all times 10

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we should guard ourselves from sins and vices, namely, of thoughts, tongue, hands, feet, or self-­will, but also desires of the flesh. 13 We can be sure that we are constantly observed by God from heaven, and that our deeds everywhere lie open to the divine gaze and are reported by the angels at every hour. 14The prophet shows us that God knows our thoughts when he says, “God examines hearts and minds.”9 15Likewise, “The Lord knows human thoughts.”10 16And again, “You have known my thoughts from afar.”11 17”Human thoughts will be made plain to you.”12 18So then, to keep alert to his bad thoughts, the virtuous brother should always repeat to himself this saying: “I will be blameless before him if I restrain myself from evil.”13 19 As for self-­will, we are forbidden to carry it out, for Scripture says to us: “Beware of your own desires.”14 20And so we ask God in prayer that his “will be done” in us.15 21So with good reason we learn to steer clear of pursuing our own will, for we dread the warning of Holy Scripture: “There are paths that seem straight to us, but ultimately they plunge into the depths of hell.”16 22We also find frightening what is said about the careless ones: “They are corrupt and have become abominable through following their own desires.”17 23 We should be convinced that our carnal drives are well known to God, for the prophet says to the Lord, “All my desire is before you.”18 24So it is absolutely necessary that we watch out for evil desire, for death lurks near the gateway to pleasure. 25That is why Scripture commands, “Do not pursue your lusts.”19 [On the Divine Office: Chapters 8–20]

Chapter 13.12–14: How Matins Are to Be Done on Ordinary Days The celebration of Matins and Vespers must certainly never take place without the superior reciting the whole of the 12

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Lord’s Prayer as the rest all listen. This is done because of the thorns of quarreling that often arise. 13When the brothers respond to the prayer, “Forgive as we forgive,” they solemnly promise to purge themselves of this vice. 14At the other Offices, however, only the last part of the Lord’s Prayer should be said aloud so that all may respond, “But deliver us from evil.”

Chapter 19: The Proper Manner of Singing the Psalms We believe that God is present everywhere and that “the eyes of the Lord gaze everywhere on the good and the bad.”20 2We should, then, be totally convinced that this is so when we are present at the Divine Office. 3 Therefore let us remember the sayings of the prophet: “Serve the Lord with fear,”21 4and again, “Sing wisely,”22 and 5 “I will sing to you in the presence of the angels.”23 6So let us consider carefully how we should behave in the sight of God and all his angels. 7When we stand singing psalms, let our mind be in harmony with our voice. 1

Chapter 20: Reverence in Prayer When we wish to ask something of powerful people, we do not presume to do so except with humility and reverence. 2 How much more should we petition our God, the Lord of the universe, with great humility and total devotion. 3 Let us also know that we shall make ourselves heard not with many words, but with purity of heart and tearful compunction. 4Therefore prayer should be short and pure, unless it be prolonged by the inspiration of divine grace. 5But in community, prayer should be very brief indeed, and when the superior gives the sign, all should rise up together. 1

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Chapter 21: The Deans of the Monastery If the community is large, there should be chosen from them brothers whose reputation is good and whose way of life is holy, and let them be made deans. 2They should take care of their deaneries in all matters in accord with God’s commandments and the abbot’s orders. 3The kind of people with whom the abbot can confidently share his burden should be chosen deans. 4They should not be chosen for their rank, but for the merit of their lives and the wisdom of their teaching. 5 But if one of the deans is found to be puffed up with pride and needs to be corrected, he should be warned once and again and a third time. If he refuses to change, he should be expelled from his deanship 6and replaced by another who is worthy. 7We lay down the same regulations for the prior. 1

Chapter 22: Sleeping Arrangements for Monks They should sleep in separate beds. 2The abbot should arrange that they receive bedding appropriate to their monastic lifestyle. 3 If possible, let them all sleep in one room, but if their number does not permit it, they should sleep in tens and twenties with the seniors responsible for them. 4A candle should be kept burning continually in that room until morning. 5 They ought to sleep clothed and girded with belts or cords. For they should not wear their knives during sleep for fear they might wound the sleeper in his dreams. 6And so the monks will always be ready to rise without delay when the signal is given. Each one should try to arrive at the Work of God before the others—of course with dignity and modesty. 7 The younger brothers should not have their beds next to one another, but intermixed with the elders. 8When they rise for 1

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the Work of God, they should gently encourage one another to counter the excuses of the sleepyheads.

Chapter 27: The Abbot’s Preoccupation with the Excommunicated The abbot should focus all his attention on the care of wayward brothers, for “it is not the healthy but the sick who need a physician.”24 2Therefore, he should use all the methods known to a wise physician. For example, he can send in senpectae, that is, wise, elderly brothers 3who know how to console the wavering brother, as if in secret. They can urge him to make humble satisfaction and also “comfort him so that he will not be overwhelmed with too much sorrow.”25 4 But as the apostle also says, “Let love toward him be intensified,”26 and everyone should pray for him. 5 The abbot certainly must exercise very great care, and hasten with all keenness and energy to prevent the loss of any of the sheep in his charge. 6Let him understand that he has undertaken the care of the weak, not the domination of the strong. 7He should fear the warning of the prophet in which God says, “What you saw was plump you claimed for yourself, but the feeble you tossed aside.”27 8Let him imitate the loving example of the good shepherd: he left ninety-­nine sheep in the hills to go looking for one sheep that had gone astray. 9He was so filled by sympathy at its weakness that he mercifully placed it on his sacred shoulders and carried it back to the flock.28 1

Chapter 36: The Sick Brothers The sick are to be cared for before and above all else, for Christ is truly served in them. 2He himself said, “I was sick and you visited me”29 and 3”Whatever you did to these little ones, you did to me.”30 4For their part, the sick should remember 1

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that they are being served out of respect for God. Therefore they must not annoy the brothers serving them with trivial demands. 5Still, they should be patiently borne with, for by such things we merit a generous reward. 6The abbot must be very careful they suffer no neglect. 7 The sick brothers should be given a separate room and an attendant who is God-­fearing, devoted, and careful. 8The use of baths should be offered to the sick as often as it is useful, but less readily to the healthy and especially to the young. 9The very weak should be allowed to eat meat to build up their strength, but when they have recuperated, they should abstain from meat in the usual manner. 10 Let the abbot exercise great care that neither the cellarers nor the servers neglect the sick. He is responsible for whatever faults his disciples commit.

Chapter 37: The Aged and Children Although human nature itself is inclined to be indulgent to these two age groups, namely, the aged and children, the authority of the Rule should also look out for them. 2Their weakness should always be kept in mind, and so the strictness of the Rule in regard to food should not be imposed on them. 3 Rather, they should be treated with loving consideration: let them eat before the regular time. 1

Chapter 48.1–9, 22–25: The Daily Manual Labor Idleness is the enemy of the soul. Therefore, the brothers ought to be occupied at certain hours in manual labor, and at other specific hours in lectio divina. 2We think these periods should be scheduled in the following way: 3 From Easter until the first of October, they should go out and work at what is necessary in the morning from the first to 1

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almost the fourth hour. 4From the fourth hour to the time they recite Sext, they should be free for lectio divina. 5After the Office of Sext has been completed and they have risen from table, let them rest on their beds in complete silence. If someone wishes to read to himself, he should do so in such a way that he does not disturb the others. 6The Hour of None should be recited early, about the middle of the eighth hour. Then again they should do the necessary work until Vespers. 7If the local circumstances or their poverty require that they gather the harvest themselves, they should not be sad. 8For if they live by the work of their hands, as did our fathers and the apostles, then they are true monks. 9Yet everything should be moderately arranged, with an eye to the less hardy ones. 22 On Sunday, likewise, all should be free for lectio, except those who are assigned to various tasks. 23But if someone is so restless or indolent that he will not or cannot meditate or read, he should be given some work to keep him busy. 24As for the sickly or delicate brothers, they should be assigned a work or craft that will engage them but not crush them. Otherwise they might flee. 25The abbot must remain aware of their weakness.

Chapter 49.1–9: The Observance of Lent The life of a monk should have a Lenten quality about it at all times. 2But since few have that much strength, we urge them during these days of Lent to preserve the purity of their lives. 3All should work together at effacing the negligence of other times during this holy season. 4 The proper way to do this is to refrain from all vices and to devote ourselves to tearful prayer, reading, compunction of heart, and asceticism. 5In these days we should increase the level of our service by special prayers and abstinence from food and drink. 6In that way, each one, of his own will with the joy of the Holy Spirit, can offer God something beyond 1

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what is imposed on him. 7He should deny his body some food, some drink, some chatter, some joking, and let him await Holy Easter with joyful spiritual desire. 8 But each one should tell his abbot what he wishes to do, so it will be done with his blessing and approval. 9For whatever is done without the permission of the spiritual father will be counted as presumption and vainglory, not deserving a reward.

Chapter 52: The Oratory of the Monastery Let the oratory be in fact what it is called, and let nothing else be done or stored there. 2When the Work of God has been completed, they should leave in the deepest silence and show reverence for God. 3That is so that the brother who may wish to pray there by himself may not be hindered by the boorishness of another. 4If someone wishes to pray privately at some other time, he should simply go in and pray. Let him do so not in a loud voice, but with tears and full attention of heart. 5 Thus, whoever is not busy with this kind of work after the Work of God is not permitted to remain in the oratory, as the place is called. Otherwise, he could be a nuisance to others. 1

Chapter 53.1–15: The Reception of Guests All guests who happen to arrive should be received as Christ, for he himself will surely say, “I was a stranger and you took me in.”31 2Proper respect must be shown to “everyone, especially those of the household of the faith”32 and pilgrims. 3 As soon as guests are announced, the superior or the brothers should hurry to meet them with every mark of love. 4First they should pray together and then be united in peace. 5The kiss of peace should not be offered unless prayer has come first, because the devil may create illusions. 1

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The greeting itself ought to manifest complete humility toward guests on arrival or departure: 7by a nod of the head or a complete prostration on the ground, Christ should be adored in them. For he is in fact the one who is received. 8 After they have been received, the guests should be led to prayer, and afterward the superior or his delegate should visit with them. 9Let the Divine Law be read to the guests for their edification, and then they should be shown every sort of kindness. 10 The superior should break his fast on behalf of the guests, unless it be a major fast day that may not be violated. 11The brothers, however, should keep the customary fasts. 12The abbot should pour water on the hands of the guests. 13The abbot, as well as the whole community, should wash the feet of all guests. 14 After they have washed the feet of the guests, the monks should say this verse: “We have received, O God, your mercy in the midst of your temple.”33 15 Let the greatest care be taken when receiving the poor and pilgrims, for in them is Christ especially received. For the very fear of the rich guarantees them respect. 6

Chapter 58.1–11: The Reception of New Brothers When someone first comes to the monastic life, he should not be allowed entrance too easily, 2but as the apostle says, “Test whether the spirits belong to God.”34 3 Now if the newcomer continues knocking and shows that he bears patiently for four or five days the rebuffs offered him and the difficulty of entrance, and if he persists in his request, 4 then let him come in and stay in the guestroom for a few days. 5 After that he should live in the novice quarters, where they learn the Scriptures, eat, and sleep. 6A senior should be assigned to them who is gifted in spiritual guidance and will look after them with careful attention. 1

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One must note carefully whether he really seeks God, and whether he is eager for the Work of God, obedience, and hardships. 8He should be told all the hard and harsh things that lead to God. 9If he promises to persevere in his stability, after about two months this Rule should be read to him straight through. 10Then tell him, “Look, here is the law you propose to serve under. If you can keep it, come right in. But if you cannot, you are free to leave.” 11If he still holds his ground, he should be taken back to the same novice quarters and again tested in all patience. 7

Chapter 64.7–22: The Qualities of the Abbot Once he has been installed, the abbot should think carefully about the burden he has assumed and to whom he will have to “give an account of his stewardship.”35 8He must realize that his duty is to profit others rather than precede them. 9 Therefore, he must be learned in the Divine Law so that he will know how to “bring forth both old things and new.”36 He should be chaste, moderate, and merciful. 10He should always put “mercy before strict justice”37 so he himself may receive the same treatment. 11He should hate vices but love the brothers. 12When he corrects someone, he should act prudently and not overreact. If he scours the rust too hard, he may break the vessel. 13Let him always be wary of his own fragility and remember not “to break the bent reed.”38 14 In saying this, we do not mean he should let vices flourish, but that he should prune them with prudence and charity. As we noted previously, he should use the method best suited to the individual. 15He should strive more to be loved than to be feared. 16He should “not be restless”39 and troubled, not extreme and bullheaded, not jealous and suspicious; for then he will not find a moment’s peace. 17His commands should be far-­sighted and thoughtful. And whether it is a question 7

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of spiritual or material issues, he should give prudent and moderate orders. 18He should ponder on the discretion of holy Jacob, who said, “If I make my flock walk too far, they will all die in one day.”40 19Paying attention to these and other passages that praise discretion, the mother of virtues, he should arrange everything to challenge the bold, not to overwhelm the timid. 20 Most of all, he should follow this Rule in all matters. 21 Then, when he has managed his office well, he will hear from the Lord what that good servant heard who distributed grain to his fellow servants promptly: 22 “Yes, I tell you, he will set him over his whole estate.”41

Chapter 68: If a Brother Is Assigned Impossible Tasks If it should happen that a brother is assigned burdensome or impossible tasks, let him accept the order of the superior with all gentleness and obedience. 2But if he thinks that the weight of the task altogether exceeds his strength, he should patiently point out to the superior why he cannot do it. He should do so at an appropriate time, 3without pride, resistance, or refusal. 4But if the superior does not change his mind or his order, even after his suggestion, the junior should realize that it is best for him. 5Then, trusting in the help of God, he should obey out of love. 1

Chapter 72: The Good Zeal That Monks Should Have Just as there is a bad and bitter zeal that separates us from God and leads to hell, 2there is also a good zeal that separates us from vice and leads to God and eternal life. 3The monks should practice this zeal with the warmest love. 4That is, “They should outdo one another in showing respect.” 5They should support each other’s weaknesses of body or character with 1

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the greatest patience. 6They should compete in being obedient to one another. 7No one should pursue what he judges helpful to himself, but rather what is helpful to others. 8They should offer selfless love to the brothers. 9They should fear God out of love. 10They should love their abbot with sincere and humble charity. 11They should prefer absolutely nothing to Christ, 12 and may he lead us all together to eternal life. Notes

1. Rom 13:11 2. Ps 94:8 [95:7–8] 3. Rev 2:7 4. Ps 33:12 [34:11] 5. John 12:35 6. Sir 32:24 [32:19] 7. Ps 17:45 [18:44] 8. Luke 10:16 9. Ps 7:10 [7:9] 10. Ps 93:11 [94:11] 11. Ps 138:3 [139:2] 12. Ps 75:11 [76:10] 13. Ps 17:22 [18:23] 14. Sir 18:30 15. Matt 6:10 16. Prov 16:25 17. Ps 13:1 [14:1] 18. Ps 37:10 [38:9] 19. Sir 18:30 20. Prov 15:3 21. Ps 2:11 22. Ps 46:8 [47:7] 23. Ps 137:1 [138:1] 24. Matt 9:12 25. 2 Cor 2:7 26. 2 Cor 2:8 27. Ezek 34:3–4 28. Luke 15:5

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29. Matt 25:36 30. Matt 25:40 31. Matt 25:35 32. Gal 6:10 33. Ps 47:10 [48:9] 34. 1 John 4:1 35. Luke 16:2 36. Matt 13:52 37. Jas 2:13 38. Isa 42:3 39. Isa 42:4 40. Gen 33:13 41. Matt 24:47

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III Retrieving Values from Monastic Spirituality for Active Life in Secular Society Today

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People will approach these witnesses to early Western monasticism in different ways. The three authors give clear testimony to a well-­reasoned and highly intentional Christian way of life. To see the roots of asceticism in the East and how the tradition was translated into community life for men and women in the West helps explain a language and a way of life that persists in our time. But this reflection on early monastic spirituality responds to a question that moves beyond historical curiosity and even monasticism today. Does the community life of monks and nuns offer insights and values that relate to the developed, secular, and activist contours of present-­day life in the twenty-­first century? Several suppositions have to be recognized for this proposal to make sense. The first goes to the meaning of the term “spirituality” that is operative in this series. It refers to the way people as individuals and groups lead their lives in relation to the transcendent reality that guides the direction of their actions. A second parameter of the discussion presupposes that one shares a common human identity and a tradition of faith that together create a matrix for sharing meaning 109

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and value from the past.1 The process of being internally affected across such radical differences of culture is complicated, but it can be accomplished analogously; one can appreciate the past positively while recognizing differences and then appropriate ideas, values, and virtues that bear relevance to changed circumstances. Two considerations help to explain in experiential terms how this interpretation unfolds. The first is taken from the structure of William James’s thought experiment as he probed the differences among religious experiences. He chose graphic witnesses to religious experience because he believed that “extreme examples” better reveal the “secret” and profound logic of what is going on in the distinctively religious sphere.2 This does not exactly imply that monasticism was or is extreme behavior. Monasticism was a fairly common way of life by the end of the sixth century, and Benedict expressly considered his rule as anything but harsh and extreme.3 But the reflective and concentrated form of monastic spiritual life allows one clearly to identify the particular virtues that it exemplifies. The second consideration revolves around the notion and place of “community” in human life generally and more pointedly in spirituality. Monasticism consists of a highly intentional way of life with others. But all human beings live in some kind of community. Therefore, one should be able to allow features that appear in a closed “total institution” to open up by analogy characteristics, commitments, and practices of common life in more unrestricted communities and societies, virtues that may lie hidden in the plain sight of everyday life. In short, the reflections that follow are not meant to interpret present-­day monasticism and how it has been adapted to new historical situations. The question here amounts to something quite different: does the monasticism of late Christian antiquity, as it was thought through and implemented by Cassian, Caesarius of Arles, and Benedict, teach us anything today about how to live in a very different

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cultural context? Five virtues enshrined in early European Christian monasticism, but surely not exhaustive of this complex mode of life, structure a resounding yes to that question. They range from the personal and existential level of life, across communitarian relationships, to an increasingly explicit character of the sacred, that is, that which unites one to God.

Purity of Heart Purity of heart lies near the center of the rationale of monastic life for Cassian. Other virtues have a place in that center, and different perspectives easily shift the way things appear. But positioning purity of heart at the center helps to clarify relationships and highlights the different levels at which values function. Purity of heart operates psychologically, existentially, and in strategic behavioral ways. Psychologically, purity of heart refers to the way one consciously directs one’s life. Single-­mindedness states it bluntly. The gospel phrase that only one thing is necessary (Luke 10:42) captures the idea that some things are more important than others, and one is supremely so. This can be correlated with the human psyche: does the center of gravity of our personal lives correspond with a Christian scale of values? The physics of a center of gravity provides a neat metaphor. Where is the center of the distribution of weight in a complex structure like a loaded moving van? We may not know for sure where our psychological center of gravity lies; we have to discern our spirits and evaluate our actions to approach it. Monastic life is compressed but not simple; at every turn in the silent reflective life of the monastery, nuns and monks were being asked to check back into their purity of heart. Existentially, purity of heart penetrates deeply into a properly spiritual life. Purity of heart applies to the fundamental virtues of hope or openness to reality as it is and will be, of

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faith in the sense of a basic trust in life itself grounded in God, and of love in the sense of self-­transcending desire to be united with God and in harmony with other human beings. Purity of heart refers to the fundamental orientation that allows a person to nest comfortably in existence itself. The phrase points to the essence of one’s life as it manifests itself in the relationship to the object of one’s deepest love or desire, the one that actually defines one’s life and one’s being. Monastic life clears away all less important things and continually holds up the goal of one’s existence. Purity of heart thus automatically summons a need for asceticism, some reflection on and disciplining of one’s affections. If life were considered phenomenologically as a string of occasions of experience, as a constant exchange of stimuli and response, the need for personal self-­oversight becomes obvious. Cassian’s simple comparison of the monk with the athlete renders positive the seeming dour eccentricity of self-­ control to a libertarian imagination. Monastic spirituality cannot fairly be associated with punishment; it has to be seen as reflective control over spontaneous impulse and thus as genuinely human in its self-­consciousness. Deep down, authentic human life is meant to be reasonable and rendered so by means of the exercise of reflection. These associations drawn from a relatively restricted sphere of life have formal bearing on human life anywhere. Cassian’s portrayal of the wisdom of the desert fathers is astonishing. Who is not looking for peace of mind, inner tranquility, integrity, some interior steadiness, stability, and self-­possession, especially when life seems frenetic and responsive to constant external demands? Many Christians, having forgotten this tradition, look for these very things in Buddhism and in other religious paths. Cassian has brought forward themes from Clement of Alexandria, Origen, and Evagrius when he posits purity of heart as a navigational system for the twists and turns of emotions. Harmless describes it this way: “psychic integrity and deep calm achieved after long years of ascetic

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practice, a state that both makes possible selfless love and opens the door to mystical knowledge.”4

Obedience If one were to rely exclusively on the monastic rules and attended to the roles that the abbot and abbess played in monastic life, obedience would command attention as the central defining characteristic of this spirituality. It defines monasticism: “The first kind [of monks] are the cenobites, who live in monasteries and serve under a rule and an abbot.”5 Obedience to the rule and the abbot or abbess seem to underlie the way of life as a whole. It describes a basic orientation of the monk or nun: “So then let all follow the guidance of the Rule, and no one should be so rash as to deviate from it in the slightest way. Let no one in the monastery pursue a personal agenda. Nor should anyone presume to argue shamelessly with his abbot.”6 “The primary road to progress for the humble person is prompt obedience. It is characteristic of those who hold Christ more precious than all else . . . as soon as something is commanded by the superior, they waste no time in executing it as if it were divinely commanded.”7 It seems clear from the rules themselves that obedience distinguishes monastic life from other gospel spiritualities.8 It is only on the basis of Cassian’s wider theology of the monastic life that one can situate obedience itself in a larger context. But something has to be said about the nature of obedience in community in order to make plausible applications to life in the societies of developed nations today. Obedience is usually understood by reference to the will of the superior and the rules just cited. It refers to a dependence of one’s will on the direction of the rule or the superior or some director within the community. Obedience obviously implies a form of submission and dependence, a “willingness to open the

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tightly-­closed fist of self-­will to the guidance of Gospel, Rule, abbot, and the members of the community.”9 In Benedict’s mind these are the instruments of God’s will. An exact proportion governs the monk’s and nun’s relationship to God and their relationship to the media of God’s will. If this were the end of the story, it would define a specific difference between monastic life and contemporary life in society that is effectively unbridgeable. But there is more. On one hand, religious authority cannot be coercive relative to human freedom. This would be a denial of all Jesus stood for. God appeals to freedom and only a response of freedom to God can be spiritual. On the other hand, today one must recognize the free and intelligent self-­direction in an obedience that responds to God and assumes responsibility for life in a community or in society. One has to think in terms of something larger than the self in order to understand monastic obedience. A commitment to obedience is an active rather than a passive virtue, one that plays itself out by recognizing and making oneself accountable to these vehicles that unite one with God and others in the community. This existential account of obedience is as much a critique of religious and secular authority as it is an appeal to personal commitment. In this view, obedience consists in more than humility and passivity in relation to an external agent. It also possesses an active dimension of responsibility for the communities of which monks and nuns are members. “Benedict’s forms of accountability reflected his own age and culture, but the values are important ones today [in any community].”10 In any membership in a community or partnership in a common endeavor, this truth seems to apply: “Individuals need to know that they do not operate in isolation, and that their behavior affects everyone else in the group.”11 Membership defines one as a member and entails loyalty, fidelity, and commitment to the community; it places one in a group that is larger than the self. It imparts on each person a partial responsibility for the common goal; it invests each member with some measure

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of corporate obligation, a positive charge. In short, obedience entails an active virtue and a positive constructive responsibility for the monastic community. The reward here matches the investment. Membership and individuality are not hostile terms; reciprocally they enhance each other. On different levels and in varying degrees the community also provides elements of an identity to the individual. And one identifies with the groups to which one belongs. Partnership in a medical clinic today exhibits a rough analogy with these dynamics, and they can be expanded to include most of the many constructive communities in which we participate. In the end, this responsibility extends to the commonweal. The next point expands on the notion of membership.

An Individual’s Participation in Community In his existential ontology, Paul Tillich describes the tension that exists between individuals and their participation in their environment or world. Each person is a completely centered self; humans are self-­possessed and look out upon the world as other than themselves. But at the same time, the same consciousness knows that it is part of the world over against which it stands. We both have an environment and belong to it. “Self and environment determine each other.”12 Tillich goes on to describe the individual self as structured by a polar tension between being an individual and participation in the world of nonself. Being an individualized self and participation in the world represent vectors that pull against each other: one can be cut off from the world to which one belongs; one can be absorbed as a self into the surrounding world and lose one’s agency.13 Disruption of a balanced tension causes self-­ estrangement. “In the state of estrangement man is shut within himself and cut off from participation. At the same time, he falls under the power of objects which tend to make him into a mere object without a self.”14

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This ontological analysis of being an individual person can also be transposed into psychological and social idioms. In social terms, the individual is poised between being merely an individual in community and being a member who also has a centered self-­consciousness. Being an individual with a centered self-­consciousness defines a human person; but so does participation in a community, or many communities, the experience of which feeds back into the loop of being a self. Life consists of the consistent process of self-­integration while being in the world, several communities, and the constant new experiences of the sustained interaction. Being an integrated and centered human person involves “a process of outgoing and returning.”15 Integrated social human existence entails being a centered individual and a member. Columba Stewart analyzes the monastic community as playing out the polarity of the individual and the community. His perspective, however, is rooted not in ontology but in community and participation, and he writes as a Benedictine using the category of “stakeholder.” He wants to show that each monk has a deep personal interest in the well-­being of the community. As a member of the community, he does not define himself first as an individual but as a member. The health of the community is his own. This should not be understood in a way that in effect surrenders individuality or self-­identity. On an ontological level this would attack a person’s humanity as a reflectively conscious being. But at the same time, if individuality so acts out that it subverts the community, the person becomes disruptive and does himself or herself harm. It resembles destroying one’s habitat. In other words, the intricate detail of the rule intends a balanced state between personally centered consciousness and being a member. It aims at conscious recognition of corporate responsibility and active participation in the community as an individual member. An example of this in the rules of Caesarius of Arles and Benedict may be found in the regulations of personal property

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as having a propensity for undermining the nun’s or the monk’s communitarian status as a member. Caesarius knew that the nuns could not have their own personal benefactors. Benedict “knew that having access to one’s own financial resources inhibits and even precludes wholehearted embrace of the community’s fortunes. If the members of the community do not depend on one another for their material needs, then any kind of dependence is equally undermined.”16 The transfer of values to a larger commonweal is not difficult. From working for a company to being a citizen, contemporary forms of membership entail this social dimension of identity and thus concrete, imaginable collective responsibility. Other aspects of the monastic rule guarded the value and integrity of each person within the dynamics of membership. Both rules gave all members a voice in important issues that engage the whole community and established an order to monastic life that was not classist. Community thus means respect for others in the group, some measure of pluralism, and confidence that the group’s integrity as a community is in the best interest of all its members.17 These examples show that monasticism holds out values for society at large. They are not quite James’s extreme examples, but they are plainly visible and add up to a condensed form of witness to what may be equated with the common good of various communities and of society as a whole. If the monastery is a microcosm of society at large, analysis of it and the effect of the rule would help clarify the positive role of law in society and help diffuse a general libertarian and antinomian distrust of social norms. Monasticism reflects a mature sense of obedience; it shifts the meaning and direction of authority from top down to freedom responding to value. One does not follow commands by rote; one exercises responsibility for the values of the community encoded in external laws. This view of the authority of social norms is the formula by which one should criticize those who ignore the community on the basis of self-­interest.

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Work as Sacred Service This consideration of work anticipates reflection on community prayer.18 One could reverse the order of the discussion of how they relate to each other. Work has its own place in the monastic order of life, but the monk or nun interrupts work and brings it to prayer. After prayer, whether immediately or not, they return to their work. The back and forth between work and prayer seems interruptive at both ends. But monastics do not think of either work or prayer in purely pragmatic terms. They are part of a pattern of a larger life. Each of these spheres has its own autonomous logic. Thus, from the outside, the back and forth has to appear disruptive. But when the back and forth constitutes the very rhythm of the day, the disruptive quality subsides and each relates more naturally to the other. Here we are not speaking of a deadening routine but a habitual pattern that, having become a spontaneous reflex, enables the freedom of each person to appropriate the terms of the alternation in his or her own way. A theological consideration lays the groundwork for a spiritual appropriation of the pattern of alternating prayer and work. In the Christian view of things, creation itself constitutes the human person in a dual relationship, to the world and to God. Excepting for the moment the person’s relationship to the self, the double relationship sets the stage for many different conceptions about how the relationship between being and behaving works out. The duality points to a fundamental framework that elicits equally basic themes that are continually in play in the history of Christian spirituality. At the ground level, it seems that human life consists of dual sets of responsibilities that have been imagined to unfold on horizontal and vertical planes. This duality, for example, generates the Christian idea that each person lives within a spiritual imperative of love of neighbor and love of God. This is not of course exclusive to the Abrahamic religions. This fundamental duality in its turn spawns several others. But how

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exactly do these two dimensions of one life relate to each other? A given spirituality may operate on the implicit premise that these loyalties and responsibilities compete with each other. Each is allotted its proper portion of time. What is the proper proportion? How, for example, do the monastic customs and the particular monk or nun apportion their time, their psychic energy, their dedication? Or on the sounder premise of reciprocity and mutual reinforcement between these activities, where does the rule, the ethos of the monastic community, and the individual within the community place the accent? Monasticism explicitly raises a question that never goes away in the history of Christian spirituality, the relation between prayer and work, and the place of work in a spiritual life.19 These examples of monastic rules propose a certain ideal of the mutual influence of these two spheres of life. The monk and the nun establish a rhythm in which they explicitly interrupt their actual work, bring its living resonance in their bodies to a sphere of prayer, only to return again to their work.20 The question of the integration of these two facets of human existence begins here in an explicit way. Christian history contains a wide spectrum of types of spirituality that consider and integrate the “vertical” and the “horizontal” relationships of the human person in several guises: the love of God and of neighbor; theoretical reflection versus practice; contemplation and action; the relation between the spiritual and the ethical; issues of integration and opposition, distinction and separation. The monastic formula balances a back and forth between work and prayer that unify the two in harmony and mutual enrichment, moving beyond duality to reciprocity. It shows clearly that one life has multiple dimensions. It engages a physical back and forth that nourishes a mental and spiritual back and forth that infuses the acts of the mundane, social, religious, and physical with prayerfulness. It is important to see that both spheres have their own integrity and elicit an appropriate interest and dedication. In

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the monastery, the issues of the attractions, engagements, and tensions between each sphere are resolved on the ground and in practice. But monastic spirituality more generally shows how the “back and forth” provides mutual reinforcement of these distinct spheres of activity within one single community and in individual lives.

Public Prayer Chapters eight to twenty of Benedict’s Rule describe how the monks should assemble and sing the psalms in the presence and sight of God. This takes place five times during the day in a place of silence reserved for it. “Let the oratory be in fact what it is called, and let nothing else be done or stored there. When the Work of God has been completed, they should leave in the deepest silence and show reverence for God” (52). “The Rule leaves us in no doubt about the vital role of prayer in monastic life. St. Benedict calls it Opus Dei or the Work of God.”21 The term “public” in this case means that it is performed audibly as a community as distinct from one’s individual or isolated prayer. The community’s assembly to recite and chant the public prayer of the church, in particular the psalms, identifies what amounts to a physical center and core of monastic life. In order to see how this works, one has to understand the practice in the light of the theory of spiritual life. We saw that Cassian’s ideal for monastic spirituality was purity of heart, a single-­ mindedness in service of God. Short of some kind of contemplative ideal of constant actual prayer, the question was how to make the whole way of life become fixed on and oriented toward God. The first step toward this, or perhaps its foundation, consisted in the actual communal gathering to pray God’s prayers as they were drawn from scripture with significant emphasis on the psalms. The common praying of the psalms then became dramatized in singing. The chant, in its

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turn, then carried the dialogue with God right to each individual in the direct way that music can. The psalms in common prayer became the address of God to each monastic’s inner experience, and it elicited a response. The Work of God, when performed well, has the potential of eliciting an active experience of being united with God and others. This potential can be realized differently at any given time for any particular nun or monk. The monastics did not go through each day on a “high.” Not only could they be out of sorts at any given time, the routine of monastic life also carried the dangers of distraction, lack of attention, or even numbness. This contrast helps to illustrate one of the functions of the common prayer, namely, the work of the community to carry each member along at any given time or in a period of distraction or frustration. In the tension of being an individual and a member, the distinctive note of common life, lies in the potentiality of the community to support the individual and help to make each person an individual within it. For example, prayer in common, either in monastery or parish church today, draws people together and also empowers them for their individual responsibilities. Moving outward imaginatively from the chapel or oratory, Cassian’s ideal was that the nun and the monk might make their work into a prayerful activity by bringing the public prayer with them. They might recite phrases as a mantra; a melodious verse might resonate in their imagination. Cassian was explicit in various techniques of actually extending the activity of prayer into the conscious routine of working. This could work more easily in a sixth century monastery than a twenty-­first century business office or construction site. One of the main differences of current life in a developed world from the past lies in the sheer freneticism of the pace of daily life and the passage of time. But there is another way in which common worship can spill over into everyday life. Robert Wilken makes the point by quoting Cassian: “The unceasing recitation of the Holy

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Words should bring the soul into a climate, into a disposition, from which its own prayer can arise spontaneously.”22 This refers less to this or that day when the monastics assembled or to particular times or periods. Rather the string of the pattern and the larger rhythm of life that the constant practice of choir sets up gradually constructs the world in which one lives. This spiritual context would in turn reconstruct each nun or monk differently and at the same time be a constant reference point that orients the life itself. It enables a sense of the nearness of God and, ideally, along with the lectio divina, enables a kind of symbiosis of the prayer with the work. Can all this possibly work in the current context of life in the developed world? Monasticism is an extremely intentional way of life; it would be absurd to try to compare contemporary life with a sixth century “total community” on the basis of any kind of one-­to-­one correspondence. But there is a clear analogy between the monastic rhythm of work and prayer and the pattern of Sunday worship among Christians of every denomination. A later volume will show how Karl Rahner brings this pattern forward in an explicit response to secular life today. Monasticism makes clear and explicit a deeper potential for absorbing work and other daily routines on the surface of today’s life into a deeper spiritual place and allowing it to be filled with a larger intention, goal, and commitment. Notes

1. The question of hermeneutics was developed in the first volume of this series. It may be noted too that in many ways the values expressed in monasticism transcend Christianity. 2. William James, The Varieties of Religious Experience: A Study in Human Nature (London/Glasgow: Collins, 1960), 57–62, 465. 3. Benedict, The Rule of St. Benedict in Latin and English with Notes (Collegeville, MN: Liturgical Press, 1981), Benedict’s Rule, prologue.

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4. William Harmless, “John Cassian,” in Desert Christians: An Introduction to the Literature of Early Monasticism (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004), 391. 5. Benedict’s Rule, 1. 6. Benedict’s Rule, 3. “But each one should tell his abbot what he wishes to do, so it will be done with his blessing and approval. For whatever is done without the permission of the spiritual father will be counted as presumption and vainglory, not deserving a reward” (49). This rule is telling: what is done solely on the basis of one’s own initiative does not correspond to the will of God for the monk, because for him the will of God must be tested, measured, and mediated by means of obedience to rule or abbot. In effect, personal initiative is hollowed out to become something greater, a responsive agency. This, of course, requires great will power. 7. Benedict’s Rule, 5. The overlap of the authority of the rule and of God is just as plain in Caesarius’s rule. 8. Columba Stewart, “Living the Rule in Community,” The Benedictine Handbook (Collegeville, MN: Liturgical Press, 2003), 280. 9. Benedict’s Rule, 281. 10. Benedict’s Rule, 282. 11. Benedict’s Rule, 283. 12. Paul Tillich, Systematic Theology, I–III (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1957–1963), I, 170. 13. Tillich, Systematic, I, 174–78. 14. Tillich, II, 65. 15. Tillich, III, 33. 16. Stewart, The Benedictine Handbook, 283. 17. Stewart, 284. 18. A later volume in this series also considers work from the perspectives of process and evolution. 19. This is not the place for a theology of work, especially since a nineteenth-­century historical consciousness will transform the notion of human freedom and introduce a new idea of the value of work into Western spirituality. 20. Islam has a practice that is broadly analogous to the monastic rhythm, the five-­time daily practice of Salat, or publicly praying at certain specific times.

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21. Patrick Barry, “Introduction to the Rule of St. Benedict,” Saint Benedict’s Rule (Mahwah, NJ: Paulist Press, 2004), 29. In chapter 66, McCarthy adds notes on the seasonal structure of choir that is not part of the rule. 22. Robert Louis Wilken, “Cassian the Monk and John Cassian: The Conferences” (2000): https://www.firstthings.com/article/2000/ 11/cassian-­the-­monk-­andjohn-­cassian-­the-­conferences.

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Further Reading

Benedict. The Rule of St. Benedict in Latin and English with Notes. Collegeville, MN: Liturgical Press, 1981. (A presentation of the Rule of St. Benedict with explanatory notes.) Cassian, John. John Cassian: The Conferences. Edited by Boniface Ramsey. New York: Paulist Press, 1997. (A major contribution that gathers and comments on the range of John Cassian’s conferences.) Chadwick, Owen. John Cassian: A Study in Primitive Monasticism. London: Cambridge University Press, 1968. (A classic study of early monasticism and John Cassian by a major historian of early Christianity.) Harmless, William. Desert Christians: An Introduction to the Literature of Early Monasticism. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004. (Provides historical background for the emergence of monasticism in Europe at the beginning of the fifth century and earlier.) Kelly, Christopher J. Cassian’s Conferences. London: Routledge, 2012. (A series of essays showing how Cassian interprets scripture on major themes of spiritual life.) Klingshirn, William E. Caesarius of Arles: Life, Testament, Letters. Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 1994. (Contains an account of Caesarius’s life and situates him as a bishop in southern France in the early sixth century.) Posa, Carmel. A Not-­So-­Unexciting Life. Essays on Benedictine History and Spirituality in Honor of Michael Casey OCSO. Collegeville, MN: Cistercian Publications, Liturgical Press,

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2017. (A collection of essays by Benedictines and Cistercians that describe the history and dynamics of Benedictine spirituality from the inside.) Stewart, Columba. Cassian the Monk. New York, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998. (A leading Benedictine’s explanation of the contribution and importance of Cassian for monastic spirituality.) Stewart, Columba. Prayer and Community: The Benedictine Tradition. Maryknoll, NY: Orbis Books, 1998. (An insightful commentary of Benedictine spirituality as it is lived today.)

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About the Series

The volumes of this series provide readers direct access to important voices in the history of the faith. Each of the writings has been selected, first, for its value as a historical document that captures the cultural and theological expression of a figure’s encounter with God. Second, as “classics,” the primary materials witness to the “transcendent” in a way that has proved potent for the formation of Christian life and meaning beyond the particularities of the setting of its authorship. Recent renewed interest in mysticism and spirituality have encouraged new movements, contributed to a growing body of therapeutic-­moral literature, and inspired the recovery of ancient practices from Church tradition. However, the meaning of the notoriously slippery term “spirituality” remains contested. The many authors who write on the topic have different frameworks of reference, divergent criteria of evaluation, and competing senses of the principal sources or witnesses. This situation makes it important to state the operative definition used in this series. Spirituality is the way people live in relation to what they consider to be ultimate. So defined, spirituality is a universal phenomenon: everyone has one, whether they can fully articulate it or not. Spirituality emphasizes lived experience and concrete expression of one’s principles, attitudes, and convictions, whether rooted

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in a defined tradition or not. It includes not only interiority and devotional practices but also the real outworkings of people’s ideas and values. Students of spirituality examine the way that a person or group conceives of a meaningful existence through the practices that orient them toward their horizon of deepest meaning. What animates their life? What motivates their truest desires? What sustains them and instructs them? What provides for them a vision of the good life? How do they define and pursue truth? And how do they imagine and work to realize their shared vision of a good society? The “classic” texts and authors presented in these volumes, though they represent the diversity of Christian traditions, define their ultimate value in God through Christ by the Spirit. They share a conviction that the Divine has revealed God’s self in history through Jesus Christ. God’s self-­communication, in turn, invites a response through faith to participate in an intentional life of self-­transcendence and to co-­labor with the Spirit in manifesting the reign of God. Thus, Christian spirituality refers to the way that individuals or social entities live out their encounter with God in Jesus Christ by a life in the Spirit. Christian spirituality necessarily involves a hermeneutical task. Followers of Christ set about the work of integrating knowledge and determining meaning through an interpretative process that refracts through different lenses: the life of Jesus, the witness of the scripture, the norms of the faith community, the traditions and social structures of one’s heritage, the questions of direct experience, the criteria of the academy and other institutions that mediate truthfulness and viability, and personal conscience. These seemingly competing authorities can leave contemporary students of theology with more quandaries than clarity. Thus, this series has anticipated this challenge with an intentional structure that will guide students through their encounter with classic texts. Rather than providing commentary on the writings themselves, this series invites the audience to engage the texts with

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an informed sense of the context of their authorship and a dialog with the text that begins a conversation about how to make the text meaningful for theology, spirituality, and ethics in the present. Most of the readers of these texts will be familiar with critical historical methods which enable an understanding of scripture in the context within which it was written. However, many people read scripture according to the common sense understanding of their ordinary language. This almost inevitably leads to some degree of misinterpretation. The Bible’s content lies embedded in its cultural context, which is foreign to the experience of contemporary believers. Critical historical study enables a reader to get closer to an authentic past meaning by explicitly attending to the historical period, the situation of the author, and other particularities of the composition of the text. For example, one would miss the point of the story of the “Good Samaritan” if one did not recognize that the first-­century Palestinian conflict between Jews and Samaritans makes the hero of the Jewish parable an enemy and an unlikely model of virtue! Something deeper than a simple offer of neighborly love is going on in this text. However, the more exacting the critical historical method becomes, the greater it increases the distance between the text and the present-­day reader. Thus, a second obstacle to interpreting classics for contemporary theology, ethics, and spirituality lies in a bias that texts embedded in a world so different from today cannot carry an inner authority for present life. How can we find something both true and relevant for faith today in a witness that a critical historical method determines to be in some measure alien? The basic problem has two dimensions: how do we appreciate the past witnesses of our tradition on their own terms, and, once we have, how can we learn from something so dissimilar? Most Christians have some experience navigating this dilemma through biblical interpretation. Through Church membership, Christians have gained familiarity with scriptural

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language, and preaching consistently applies its content to daily life. But beyond the Bible, a long history of cultural understanding, linguistic innovation, doctrinal negotiations, and shifting patterns of practices has added layer upon layer of meaning to Christian spirituality. Veiled in unfamiliar grammar, images, and politics, these texts may appear as cultural artifacts suitable only for scholarly treatments. How can a modern student of theology understand a text cloaked in an unknown history and still encounter in it a transcendent faith that animates life in the present? Many historical and theological aspects of Christian spirituality that are still operative in communities of faith are losing traction among swathes of the population, especially younger generations. Their premises have been called into question; the metaphors are dead; the symbols appear unable to mediate grace; and the ideas appear untenable. For example, is the human species really saved by the blood of Jesus on the cross? What does it mean to be resurrected from the dead? How does the Spirit unify if the church is so divided? On the other hand, the positive experiences and insights that accrued over time and added depth to Christian spirituality are being lost because they lack critical appropriation for our time. For example, has asceticism been completely lost in present-­day spirituality or can we find meaning for it today? Do the mystics live in another universe, or can we find mystical dimensions in religious consciousness today? Does monasticism bear meaning for those who live outside the walls? This series addresses these questions with a three-­fold strategy. The historical first step introduces the reader to individuals who represent key ideas, themes, movements, doctrinal developments, or remarkable distinctions in theology, ethics, or spirituality. This first section will equip readers with a sense of the context of the authorship and a grammar for understanding the text. Second, the reader will encounter the witnesses in their own words. The selected excerpts from the authors’ works

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have exercised great influence in the history of Christianity. Letting these texts speak for themselves will enable readers to encounter the wisdom and insight of these classics anew. Equipped with the necessary background and language from the introduction, students of theology will bring the questions and concerns of their world into contact with the world of the authors. This move personalizes the objective historical context and allows the existential character of the classic witness to appear. The goal is not the study of the exact meaning of ancient texts, as important as that is. That would require a task outside the scope of this series. Recommended readings will be provided for those who wish to continue digging into this important part of interpretation. These classic texts are not presented as comprehensive representations of their authors but as statements of basic characteristic ideas that still have bearing on lived experience of faith in the twenty-­first century. The emphasis lies on existential depth of meaning rather than adequate representation of an historical period which can be supplemented by other sources. Finally, each volume also offers a preliminary interpretation of the relevance of the author and text for the present. The methodical interpretations seek to preserve the past historical meanings while also bringing them forward in a way that is relevant to life in a technologically developed and pluralistic secular culture. Each retrieval looks for those aspects that can open realistic possibilities for viable spiritual meaning in current lived experience. In the unfolding wisdom of the many volumes, many distinct aspects of the Christian history of spirituality converge into a fuller, deeper, more far-­reaching, and resonant language that shows what in our time has been taken for granted, needs adjustment, or has been lost (or should be). The series begins with fifteen volumes but, like Cassian’s Conferences, the list may grow.

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About the Editors

Roger Haight is a visiting professor at Union Theological Seminary in New York. He has written several books in the area of fundamental theology. A graduate of the University of Chicago, he is a past president of the Catholic Theological Society of America. Alfred Pach III is an Associate Professor of Medical Sciences and Global Health at the Hackensack Meridian School of Medicine. He has a PhD from the University of Wisconsin in Madison and an MDiv in Psychology and Religion from Union Theological Seminary. Amanda Avila Kaminski is an Assistant Professor of Theology at Texas Lutheran University, where she also leads the faith, diversity, and culture track in Social Innovation and Social Entrepreneurship. She has written extensively in this area of Christian spirituality.

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Past Light on Present Life: Theology, Ethics, and Spirituality Roger Haight, SJ, Alfred Pach III, and Amanda Avila Kaminski, series editors Available titles: Western Monastic Spirituality: John Cassian, Caesarius of Arles, and Benedict On the Medieval Structure of Spirituality: Thomas Aquinas Grace and Gratitude: Spirituality in Martin Luther

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