Volume 4 The Marcus Garvey and Universal Negro Improvement Association Papers, Vol. IV: September 1921-September 1922 [Reprint 2019 ed.] 9780520342262

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THE

MARCUS GARVEY AND

UNIVERSAL NEGRO IMPROVEMENT ASSOCIATION

PAPERS S U P P O R T E D BY The National Endowment for the Humanities The National Historical Publications and Records Commission The Ford Foundation The Rockefeller Foundation The Atlantic Richfield Foundation The Twenty-First Century Foundation S P O N S O R E D BY The University o f California, Los Angeles

THE

MARCUS GARVEY AND

UNIVERSAL NEGRO IMPROVEMENT ASSOCIATION

PAPERS

Volume TV i September 1921-2 September 1922

Robert A. Hill Editor Emory }. Tolbert Senior Editor Deborah Forczek Assistant Editor

University of California Press Berkeley Los Angeles London

University of California Press Berkeley and Los Angeles, California University of California Press, Ltd. L o n d o n , England This volume has been funded in part by the National Endowment for the Humanities, an independent federal agency. The volume has also been supported by the National Historical Publications and Records Commission, the Ford Foundation, the Rockefeller Foundation, the Atlantic Richfield Foundation, the Twenty-First Century Foundation, and the University of California, Los Angeles. Designed by Linda Robertson and set in Galliard type. Copyright ©1985 by The Regents of the University of California L i b r a r y o f C o n g r e s s C a t a l o g i n g in Publication D a t a Main entry under title: The Marcus Garvey and Universal Negro Improvement Association papers 1. Garvey, Marcus, 1887-19+0. 2. Universal Negro Improvement Association—History—Sources. 3. Black power— United States—History—Sources. 4. Afro-Americans—Race identity—History—Sources. 5. Afro-Americans—Civil rights— History—Sources. 6. Afro-Americans—Correspondence. I. Hill, Robert A., 1943• IL Garvey, Marcus, 1887-1940. III. Universal Negro Improvement Association E185.97C3M36

1985

305.8'96073

ISBN 978-0-520-05446-2

10

9

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6

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4

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82-13379

EDITORIAL ADVISORY BOARD HERBERT APTHEKER M A R Y F R A N C E S BERRY J O H N W . BLASSINGAME J O H N H E N R I K CLARKE E D M U N D DAVID CRONON IAN D U F F I E L D E. U .

ESSIEN-UDOM

VINCENT HARDING RICHARD HART THOMAS L. H o D G K i N t A R T H U R S. L I N K GEORGE A . SHEPPERSON MICHAEL R . WINSTON

Marcus Garvey during the 1922 U N I A convention parade

To J. R. Ralph Casimir

CONTENTS

xxvu

ILLUSTRATIONS ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

XX LX

INTRODUCTION

xxxi

EDITORIAL PRINCIPLES AND PRACTICES

xxxvii xliii

TEXTUAL DEVICES SYMBOLS AND ABBREVIATIONS

Repository Symbols xlv Manuscript Collection Symbols xlvi Descriptive Symbols xlvii Published Works Cited xlviii Other Symbols and Abbreviations xlix CHRONOLOGY

DOCUMENTS IÇ2I i September

Edward J. Brennan to William J. Burns, Director, Bureau o f Investigation i September Article by Madarikan Deniyi j

i September

Report by Bureau Agent F. M. Ames

i September

William J. Burns to W. B. Matthews, Bureau o f Investigation

i September

Frank Burke to A. J. Frey, United States Shipping Board

i September

Henry C. Von Struve, United States Consul, Antilla, Cuba, to the Black Star Line, New York

i September

Marcus Garvey's Declaration o f Intention to Become a United States Citizen

IX

xlv

T H E MARCUS GARVEY AND U N I A PAPERS

2 September 2 September

E. R. Conners, Master, S.S. Kanawha, Henry C. Von Struve

E. R. Conners to Henry C. Von Struve

i March-j September

Kanawha 8

2 September

to

Payrolls of S.S.

7 7

Marcus Garvey to Sir Eric Drummond, Secretary-General, League of Nations

12

L. B. Weeks, Acting Chief of Staff for Military Intelligence, to the Director, Military Intelligence Division

12

3 September

Report by Special Agent P-138

14

3 September

Report by Special Agent J. T. Flournoy

14

3 September

Report by Bureau Agent H. J. Lenon

15

3 September

Henry C. Von Struve to the Black Star Line,

3 September

New York

15

3 September

African Redemption Fund List

16

3 September

Letter by Marcus Garvey for the African Redemption Fund

19

3 September

Report by Special Agent J. G. Tucker

21

4 September

Confidential Informant 800 to George F. Ruch

22

4 September

Speech by Marcus Garvey

23

6 September

J. Harry Philbin Shipping Board to the United States

28

6 September

William L. Hurley to Sheldon Whitehouse, United States Embassy, Paris

29

William J. Burns to Edward J. Brennan

30

Report by Bureau Agent Adrian L. Potter

30

7 September

Report by Special Agent Edward Anderson

31

7 September

Speech by Marcus Garvey

31

7 September

Meeting Announcement

44

7 September

Article in the New York Evening Post

45

8 September

Report by Bureau Agent W. S. Bachman

46

8 September

Editorial Letter by Marcus Garvey

47

Negro Factories Corporation Advertisement

49

6 September 6 - 1 2 September

10 September

X

CONTENTS

xo September

Negro Factories Corporation Stock Certificate

50

II

September

Speech by Marcus Garvey

51

II

September

Emanuel McDonald to the Negro World

55

Promissory Note from Marcus Garvey to Thomas Phillips

57

Report by Bureau Agent Adrian L. Potter

58

12 September 13-19 September 15

September

Bureau of Investigation Report

58

15

September

Marcus Garvey to the Editor, New York Tribune

59

17 September

Report by Bureau Agent H. J. Lenon

60

19 September

Open Letter from Cyril V. Briggs to William H. Ferris, Literary Editor, Negro World

62

Report by Bureau Agent Adrian L. Potter

67

21 September

Albert A. Zink et al. v. Black Star Line, Incorporated

68

22 September

Black Star Line to Henry C. Von Struve

71

22 September

Black Star Line to A. D. Lasker, United States Shipping Board

71

Ralph V. Sollitt, Assistant to the Chairman, United States Shipping Board, to the Black Star Line

72

23 September

George F. Ruch to W. W. Grimes, Bureau of Investigation

72

23 September

Confidential Informant 800 to George F. Ruch ca. 23 September "Mr. Garvey and the A.B.B." 74

73

24 September

Marcus Garvey to Henry C. Von Struve

77

24 September

Report by Special Agent J. G. Tucker

78

24 September

Article by James Weldon Johnson

79

25 September

Speech by Marcus Garvey

81

26 September

William H. Ferris to Cyril V. Briggs

90

27 September

Report by Special Agent 850

91

29 September

Confidential Informant 800 to George F. Ruch

91

20-26 September

23 September

T H E MARCUS GARVEY AND U N I A PAPERS

29 September

Cyril A. Crichlow to Charles Evans Hughes

92

1 October

Editorial by Marcus Garvey

93

1 October

Report by Special Agent J. G. Tucker

96

2 October

Speech by Marcus Garvey

97

3 October

Marcus Garvey to Henry C. Von Struve

101

5 October

Elmer Schlesinger, General Counsel, United States Shipping Board, to Clifford W. Smith

101

5 October

Elmer Schlesinger to J. Harry Philbin

102

5 October

Article in the Freeman

103

6 October

Confidential Informant 800 to George F. Ruch

104

7 October

Confidential Informant 800 to George F. Ruch

104

8 October

Negro World Notices

106

8 October

Report by Special Agent J. G. Tucker

107

9 October

Speech by Marcus Garvey

108

10 October 12 October

George F. Ruch to J. Edgar Hoover Confidential Informant 800 to George F. Ruch October Circular Letter by Marcus Garvey 116

113 114

14 October

Confidential Informant 800 to George F. Ruch

117

ij October

Negro World Notice

118

15 October

William J. Burns to William L. Hurley

119

16 October

Speech by Marcus Garvey

119

18 October

Albert A. Zink et al. v. Black Star Line, Incorporated

122

18 October

Confidential Informant 800 to George F. Ruch

125

22 October

Article in the Crusader

126

25 October

Marcus Garvey to Bishop George Alexander McGuire

128

25 October

Bishop George Alexander McGuire to Marcus Garvey

129

25 October

Confidential Informant 800 to George F. Ruch

130

25 October

Article in the Washington Bee

131

25 October

Article in the California Eagle

132

xii

CONTENTS

26 October 26 October 29 October

The People of the State of New York v. Marcus Garvey

135

Article in the Amsterdam News

137

F. Wilcom Ellegor to Charles Evans Hughes

138

ca. July

Speech by Marcus Garvey 138

29 October

Article in the Washington Bee

139

30 October

Speech by Marcus Garvey

141

31 October

G. T. Charlton and J. T. Crone, United States Local Inspectors, to the United States Supervising Inspector

151

Article by W. A. Domingo

153

Editorial Letter by Marcus Garvey

156

October 1 November 4 November

George B. Christian, Jr., Secretary to President Warren G. Harding, to Marcus Garvey

161

5 November

Marcus Garvey to W. E. B. Du Bois

162

5 November

George F. Ruch to J. Edgar Hoover

163

5 November

W. W. Grimes to J. Edgar Hoover

164

5 November

Article in the California Eagle

164

8 November

J. Bompart, Secretary to the President of France, to Marcus Garvey

166

Franklin Lee Terry to James Weldon Johnson

166

10 November

J. Edgar Hoover to W. W. Grimes

167

12 November

Marcus Garvey to the Secretary, International

9 November

Conference on Disarmament

167

12 November

Report by Special Agent J. G. Tucker

170

12 November

Article in the California Eagle

170

Emanuel McDonald to the Negro World

172

13 November

Speeches by Marcus Garvey

172

15 November

Article in the Amsterdam News

191

16 November

Confidential Informant 800 to George F. Ruch

191

17 November

Marcus Garvey to J. R. Ralph Casimir

193

17 November

T. G. W. Paul to Marcus Garvey

194

ca. 12 November

xiii

T H E M A R C U S GARVEY AND U N I A PAPERS

17 November

Report by Bureau Agent A. A. Hopkins

194

17 November

J. Edgar Hoover to George F. Ruch

196

18 November

Report by Special Agent Mortimer J. Davis

197

18 November

J. Edgar Hoover to William J. Burns 17 November George F. Ruch to J. Edgar Hoover 199 ca. w November African Blood Brotherhood News Release 199

198

18 November

200

19 November

Confidential Informant 800 to George F. Ruch 18 November Marcus Garvey to Pope Benedict XV zoi Report by Special Agent J. G. Tucker

20 November

Speech by Marcus Garvey

204

21 November

Report by Special Agent J. T. Flournoy

214

22 November

Confidential Informant 800 to George F. Ruch

216

ca. 25 November

Confidential Informant 800 to George F. Ruch

217

26 November

Confidential Informant 800 to George F. Ruch

219

26 November

Editorial by William H. Ferris

220

27 November

Speech by Marcus Garvey

221

28 November

Article in the Negro World

228

30 November

R. R . Moton to Marcus Garvey

228

November

Editorial in the Crusader

229

November

Crusader Front Page

230

2 December

A. A. Maney to James Weldon Johnson

231

3 December

Retraction by the Negro World

231

3 December

Article in the New York News

232

3 December

J. J. Hannigan, Commandant, Twelfth Naval District, to the Director, Office of Naval Intelligence

233

4 December

5-6 December 7 December

203

Confidential Informant 800 to George F. Ruch 4 December Article by Herbert J. Seligman in World Magazine 239

237

Meeting Announcement

245

William J. Burns to Rush D. Simmons, Chief Inspector, Post Office Department

246

XIV

CONTENTS

7 December

Court Order to Sell the S.S.

7 December

Editorial Letter by Marcus Garvey

247

8 December

Report by Special Agent Mortimer J. Davis

255

8 December

Confidential Informant 800 to George F. Ruch

25s

8 December

Elmer Schlesinger to Joseph P. Nolan

256

9 December

Joseph P. Nolan to Elmer Schlesinger

256

9 December

Memorandum by W. W. Grimes

257

10 December

Negro World Announcement

257

10 December

Report by Special Agent J. G. Tucker

258

11 December

Speech by Marcus Garvey

259

12 December

William J. Burns to David H. Blair, Commissioner, Internal Revenue Service

270

14 December

Confidential Informant 800 to George F. Ruch

271

16 December

Confidential Informant 800 to George F. Ruch

273

17 December

Negro World Front Page

275

17 December

Articles in the Negro World

276

17 December

Negro World Advertisement

282

ca. 17 December

Christmas Message from Sir Harry H. Johnston to the Negro World

283

ca. 17 December

William Pickens to the Negro World

283

18 December

Speech by Marcus Garvey

285

19 December

Editorial Letter by Marcus Garvey

294

19 December

Confidential Informant 800 to George F. Ruch

298

19 December

20 December

Yarmouth

UNIA News Release 299

Confidential Informant 800 to George F. Ruch 22 December

246

Meeting Announcement

301

303

21 December

Alice Woodby McKane to Herbert J. Seligman

304

21 December

Report by Special Agent Mortimer J. Davis

306

24 December

Confidential Informant 800 to George F. Ruch

307

24 December 25 December

Report by Special Agent J. G. Tucker Christmas Message by Marcus Garvey

308 308

XV

T H E M A R C U S G A R V E Y AND U N I A PAPERS

27 December

J. J. Hannigan to the Director, Office of Naval Intelligence

311

27 December

Herbert J. Seligman to Alice Woodby McKane

312

28 December

Anonymous Letter to Harry Daugherty

313

28 December

Article in the Nation

314

30 December

Confidential Informant 800 to George F. Ruch

316

31 December

Statement by Marcus Garvey

316

Statement by the UNIA

317

1 January

Speech by Marcus Garvey

322

2 January

U N I A Petition to the Speaker and Congress of the United States

328

5 January

J. Harry Philbin to the Treasurer, United

ca. December

1922

States Shipping Board

330

7 January

Confidential Informant 800 to George F. Ruch

330

7 January

Report by Special Agent J. G. Tucker

332

8 January

Speech by Marcus Garvey

332

9 January

J. J. Hannigan to the Director, Office of Naval Intelligence

339

12 January

Complaint Against Marcus Garvey

340

13 January

Prepared Statement and Speech by Marcus Garvey on His Arrest

342

13 January

Article in the New York World

352

14 January

Article in the New York World

353

14 January

Marcus Garvey to Edgar West

354

14 January

Report by Special Agent Mortimer J. Davis

355

15 January

Speech by Marcus Garvey

363

15 January

Open Letter from the New York UNIA Local

371

16 January

J. Edgar Hoover to William J. Burns

372

17 January

Confidential Informant 800 to George F. Ruch

373

17 January

Gloster Armstrong, British Consul General, to the Secretary, United States Shipping Board

375

xvi

CONTENTS

17 January

Editorial Letter by Marcus Garvey

375

18 January

Oliver B. Williamson to Rush D. Simmons

381

Report by Special Agent Mortimer J. Davis

382

18 January

13 January 13 January 13 January 13 January 16 January 16 January 16 January

Statement of Orlando M. Thompson 382 Statement of Elie Garcia 390 Statement ofJames D. Brooks 40s Statement of Capt. J. W. Jones 410 Statement of Frederick A. Toote 4 1 s Statement of George Tobias 422 Statement of Hubert H.Harrison 424

20 January

Report by Special Agent Mortimer J. Davis

427

20 January

James Weldon Johnson to Marcus Garvey

437

21 January

Marcus Garvey to James Weldon Johnson

438

21 January

Anonymous Letter to the Department of

21 January 21 January 22 January 22 January 23-24 January 25 January

Justice

438

Report by Special Agent Mortimer J. Davis

439

Edward J. Brennan to William J. Burns

442

Confidential Informant 800 to George F. Ruch

443

Speech by Marcus Garvey

444

Report of Brooklyn U N I A Meetings Confidential Informant 800 to George F. Ruch

452 460

18 January

18January

T. J. Brown to Marcus Garvey

461

Article in the New York Journal 461

25 January

William J. Burns to Edward J. Brennan

462

29 January

Speech by Marcus Garvey

463

ca. January

Salary List by Marcus Garvey

472

1 February

Report by Special Agent Mortimer J. Davis

473

3 February

Report by Special Agent Mortimer J. Davis

474

4 February

J . J . Hannigan to the Director, Office of Naval Intelligence

477

4 February

Bureau of Investigation Report

478

5 February

Speech by Marcus Garvey

479

8 February

Report by Bureau Agent Harold Nathan

489

Ganesh R a o to the Editor, Negro World

49$

ca. 11 February

xvii

T H E M A R C U S GARVEY AND U N I A PAPERS

13 February

Speech by Marcus Garvey

496

14 February

Editorial Letter by Marcus Garvey

504

14 February

A. W. Bennett to the Crisis

511

15 February

First Indictment of Marcus Garvey, Elie Garcia, George Tobias, and Orlando M. Thompson

512

16 February

John E. Bruce to J. R. Ralph Casimir

519

18 February

Report by Special Agent J. G. Tucker

521

24 February

Report by Bureau Agent W. L. Buchanan

521

25 February

Report by Special Agent Mortimer J. Davis

525

25 February

Associated Negro Press Report

526

February

UNIA Circular Letter

527

4 March

Bureau of Investigation Report

528

6 March 6 March

Report by Bureau Agent Emil A. Solanka E. Powis Jones, Assistant Counsel, to Sanford H. E. Freund, Chief Counsel, United States Shipping Board

529

530

E. Powis Jones to Sanford H. E. Freund

541

Report by Special Agent Mortimer J. Davis

541

ca. January-

7 March 8 March

21 February Statement of Orlando M. Thompson $46 24 February Statement of Anthony Rudolph Silverston SS4

8 March

Report by Special Agent Mortimer J. Davis

557

6 March Report of Statement of Gwendolyn Campbell ssS

9 March

Confidential Informant 800 to George F. Ruch

560

6 March Duse Mohamed Ali to Adegboyega Edun sài ca. 6 March Convention Agenda $63 21 January Kweku Amissah to the Negro World sH 26 January Sgt. Mack C. Nance to Marcus Garvey ¡64

9 March

Sanford H. E. Freund to the Ship Sales Division, United States Shipping Board

xviii

565

CONTENTS

ca. ii March

Editorial in the Christian Recorder

566

12 March

Speech by Marcus Garvey

567

18 March

Article in the Nejjro World

574

18 March

Thomas P. Merrilees to William J. Bums

574

18 March

19 March

Report by Thomas P. Merrilees S7S

Marcus Garvey to David Lloyd George, Prime Minister of Great Britain

576

20 March

Marcus Garvey to Albert D. Lasker

576

20 March

William J. Burns to J. W. H. Crim, Assistant Attorney General 11 March Negro World Editorial S79

579

21 March

Confidential Informant 800 to George F. Ruch

580

2? March

Confidential Informant 800 to George F. Ruch

580

27 March

Duse Mohamed Ali to W. E. B. Du Bois

581

29 March

Wilbur J. Carr, Director, Consular Service, Department of State, to William J. Burns

582

21 March Horace J. Dickinson to Charles Evans Hughes 582 is December 1921 Accounts Paid by Henry C. Von Struve ¡Ss 10 March Accounts Paid by Henry C. Von Struve $86

29 March

Meeting Announcement

588

29 March

Article in the New York Sun

589

31 March

Confidential Informant 800 to George F. Ruch

590

4 April

Duse Mohamed Ali to R. R. Moton

591

5 April

O. M. Thompson to the United States Shipping Board

591

5 April

Editorial Letter by Marcus Garvey

592

11 April

Secretary of W. E. B. Du Bois to Duse Mohamed Ali

597

12 April

Confidential Informant 800 to George F. Ruch

597

13 April

J. Harry Philbin to Sanford H. E. Freund

598

14 April

Frank Burke to J. Edgar Hoover

598

15 April

Bureau of Investigation Report

599

xix

T H E M A R C U S G A R V E Y AND U N I A PAPERS

15 April

Statement by Marcus Garvey

600

16 April

Speech by Marcus Garvey

601

16 April

Confidential Informant 800 to George F. Ruch

606

17 April

Marcus Garvey to Albert Beacon Fall, Secretary of the Interior

607

17 April

Marcus Garvey to Giovanni Amendola, Italian Secretary of State for the Colonies

608

18 April

Editorial Letter by Marcus Garvey

609

19 April

E. Powis Jones to Sanford H. E. Freund

20 April

A. Rudolph Silverston to the United States

613

Shipping Board

615

20 April

Report by Special Agent Mortimer J. Davis

616

22 April

U N I A Convention Fund Announcement

617

24 April

Sanford H. E. Freund to J. Harry Philbin

618

26 April

William J. Burns to Frank Burke

619

28 April

Confidential Informant 800 to George F. Ruch

619

ca. 28 April

Newspaper Article 620

29 April

E. Powis Jones to Sanford H. E. Freund

ca. April

W. E. B. Du Bois to D. J. Steyn-Parve, Consul

622

General for the Netherlands, New York

623

4 May

Confidential Informant 800 to George F. Ruch

624

4 - 1 15 May May 6 May

Report of the Office of Naval Intelligence Marcus Garvey to William Pickens List of Contributors to African Redemption

625 625

Fund

627

8 May

Confidential Informant 800 to George F. Ruch

628

13 May

William H. Beck to Marcus Garvey

629

15 May

Report by Special Agent James E. Amos

629

16 May

Confidential Informant 800 to George F. Ruch

630

16 May

18 May 20 May ca. 20 May

Editorial Letter by Marcus Garvey 631

John E. Bruce to Charles Evans Hughes

634

Article by E. Ethelred Brown

635

Marcus Garvey to President Warren G. Harding

639

XX

CONTENTS

23 May

Marcus Garvey to Sir Eric Drummond

639

24 May

Report by Special Agent James E. Amos

640

27 May

J. J. Hannigan to the Director, Office of Naval Intelligence

641

Confidential Informant 800 to George F. Ruch

642

28 May

27 May

UNIA News Release 643

31 May

J. Harry Philbin to Sanford H. E. Freund

31 May

Marcus Garvey to President Warren G.

644

Harding

645

Marcus Garvey to Nicholas Murray Butler

646

Meeting Announcement

648

ca. 3 June

R. B. Moseley, I A Commissioner for Texas, to MarcusU N Garvey

649

ca. 3 June

Telegram from Marcus Garvey to the

31 May 3 June

Chairman, Liberty Hall

650

Telegram from Marcus Garvey

651

4 June

William Pickens to H. Claude Hudson

651

5 June

Speech by Marcus Garvey

652

5 June

Editorial Letter by Marcus Garvey

660

5 June

J. J. Hannigan to the Director, Office of Naval

ca. 4 June

Intelligence

664

7 June

George B. Christian, Jr., to Marcus Garvey

667

8 June

Nicholas Murray Butler to Marcus Garvey

667

10 June

Article in the Negro World by L. Mann

667

10 June

V. Koreshkov to William H. Ferris, Literary Editor, Negro World

669

12 June

J. J. Hannigan to the Director, Office of Naval Intelligence

669

13 June

Editorial Letter by Marcus Garvey

672

17 June

Royal Italian Ministry of External Affairs to the General Director for Political Affairs, Royal Italian Ministry of the Colonies

677

J. J. Hannigan to the Director, Office of Naval Intelligence

678

19 June

xxi

T H E M A R C U S G A R V E Y AND U N I A PAPERS

20 June

Duse Mohamed Ali to R. R. Moton

678

22 June

Marcus Garvey to the French Minister of the Colonies

679

25 June

Cable by Marcus Garvey to the Chairman, Liberty Hall

679

26 June

Joseph P. Nolan to Sanford H. E. Freund

680

26 June

Report by Bureau Agent J. Tolivar

680

27 June

Editorial Letter by Marcus Garvey

681

27 June

William C. Matthews to Sanford H. E. Freund

686

29 June

Newspaper Article

686

30 June

Marcus Garvey to C. V. Safford

687

3 July

Reports by Special Employee Andrew M. Battle

687

4 July

Speech by Marcus Garvey

690

5 July

Report by Special Employee Andrew M. Battle J. J. Hannigan to the Director, Office of

700

Naval Intelligence

701

6 July

Report by Special Agent James E. Amos

702

8 July

Report by Special Employee Andrew M.

5 July

Battle

703

8 July

Advertisement for the Negro Times

706

9 July

Speech by Marcus Garvey

707

10 July

Marcus Garvey to William Pickens

715

10 July

R. Desmond St. Clair to the New York World

717

14 July

Marcus Garvey to James Weldon Johnson

717

15 July

Negro World Advertisement

719

16 July

Speech by Marcus Garvey

719

21 July

Report by Special Agent James E. Amos

729

22 July

Article by William H. Ferris

730

22 July

Marcus Garvey to Sir Eric Drummond

734

XXU

CONTENTS

22 July

22-29 July

Marcus Garvey to the League of Nations 20 July Petition of the UNLA to the League of Nations 73s

734

Report by Special Employee Andrew M. Battle

740

23 July

Speech by Marcus Garvey

743

24 July

William Pickens to Marcus Garvey

747

25 July

W. E. B. Du Bois to Marcus Garvey

750

26 July

Marcus Garvey to President Warren G. Harding

750

26 July

Marcus Garvey to Charles Evans Hughes

751

26 July

Report of U N I A Luncheon

751

27 July

W. E. B. Du Bois to Albert D. Lasker

753

29 July

Editorial Letter by Marcus Garvey

755

29 July

Negro World Advertisement

756

31 July

Albert D. Lasker to W. E. B. Du Bois

757

July

Editorial in the Messenger

757

July

Messenger's Front Page

759

1 August

Opening Speech by Gabriel M. Johnson, U N I A High Potentate

760

1 August

Speech by Marcus Garvey

766

1 August

Convention Brochure

777

Report by Special Employee Andrew M. Battle

778

2 August

Article in the New Tork World

781

2 August

Report by Special Agent James E. Amos

782

2 August

Convention Report

783

3 August

Convention Report

794

4 August

Convention Report

805

5 August

Royal Italian Ministry of External Affairs, to the General Director for Political Affairs, Royal Italian Ministry of the Colonies

812

1-5 August

xxiii

T H E M A R C U S G A R V E Y A N D U N I A PAPERS

6 August

Meeting Announcement of the Friends of Negro Freedom

814

Report by Special Employee Andrew M. Battle

815

7 August

Article in the New York Times

816

7 August

Walter F. White to A. Philip Randolph

818

7 August

Convention Report

818

8 August

Convention Report

824

9 August

Convention Report

830

Report by Special Employee Andrew M. Battle

838

J. Edgar Hoover to John B. Cunningham, Bureau of Investigation

841

Advertisement for The Blackman

842

Minutes by Various Officials of the League of Nations

843

Speeches by Marcus Garvey and Robert L. Poston

843

6-8 August

9-12 August 10 August 12 August ca. 12 August 13 August 13-16 August

Report by Special Employee Andrew M. Battle

853

14 August

Article in the New York Call

856

14 August

Convention Report

858

15 August

Convention Report

874

16 August

George B. Christian, Jr., to Marcus Garvey

883

16 August

Walter F. White to Arthur B. Spingarn

883

16 August

Convention Report

884

17 August

Convention Report

892

18 August

Convention Report

902

18 August

Report by Special Agent James E. Amos

916

18 August

Article in the New York World

917

18 August

Report by Special Employee Andrew M. Battle

918

XXÌV

CONTENTS

19 August

Report by Special Employee Andrew M. Battie

919

19

August

Convention Report

920

19

August

Notice in the Negro World

921

19

August

Artide in the Negro World.

922

19

August

Editorial in the Negro World

923

20

August

Speech by Marcus Garvey

923

20

August

Report by Special Employee Andrew M. Battle

932

21

August

Article in the New York Times

932

21

August

William Pickens to J. Milton Batson

934

21

August

Convention Report

934

21

August

Report by Special Employee Andrew M. Battle

942

22

August

Convention Report

943

22

August

Report by Special Employee Andrew M. Battle

949 950

22

August

Marcus Garvey to Sir Eric Drummond

22-28

August

Report by Bureau Agent Adrian L. Potter

951

23

August

Report by Special Agent James E. Amos

951

23 August

Convention Report

952

24 August

Convention Report

983

25

August

Convention Report

991

25

August

Article in the Baltimore Afro-American

999

26

August

Convention Report

26

August

Royal Italian Ministry of External Affairs to the General Director for Political Affairs, Royal Italian Ministry of the Colonies

IOOI

Report by Special Employee Andrew M. Battle

IOOI

26-28

August

IOOO

28

August

Convention Report

1003

29

August

Convention Report

1016

XXV

T H E M A R C U S GARVEY AND U N I A PAPERS

29 August

Marcus Garvey to Sir Eric Drummond

1024

29 August

Special Agent R. B. Spencer to William J. Burns

1025

30 August

Convention Report

1026

31 August

Convention Report

1033

31 August

Giovanni Amendola, Royal Italian Ministry of the Colonies, to the Royal Italian Ministry of External Affairs

1040

Report by Special Employee Andrew M. Battle

1042

1 September

Convention Report

1042

2 September

Convention Report

1048

Report by Special Employee Andrew M. Battle

1061

31 August

1-2 September

APPENDIXES APPENDIX

i.

A P P E N D I X II.

APPENDIX

APPENDIX

1063

Delegates to the Convention

1069

1922

UNIA

ill. Delegates to the 1 9 2 2 UNIA Convention Listed by Divisions IV.

A P P E N D I X V.

APPENDIX

Revisions to the Constitution and. Book of Laws

vi.

1072

Finances of the Black Star Line, Incorporated

1077

Report of the UNIA Treasurer, 1 August 1921-31 July 1922

1086

Marcus Garvey on the Ku Klux Klan

1088

INDEX

1091

xxvi

ILLUSTRATIONS

Marcus Garvey during the 1922 UNIA convention parade (frontispiece) Philosophy and Opinions Jean Joseph Adam NW, 2s August 1923 Duse Mohamed Ali The African Abroad (New Haven, 1913) Thomas W. Anderson NW, 29 December 1923 Grace Campbell Messenger, November 1920 Lt. Herbert Julian NW, 12 August 1922 Blaise Diagne Crisis, February 1919 William L. Sherrill NW, is September 1923 Noah D. Thompson WWCA Mary Sharpison Young AW, 24 February 1923 Meeting of the Cincinnati, Ohio UNIA NW, 17 December 1921 Meeting of the Gary, Indiana UNIA AW, 2s March 1922 Marcus Garvey after his indictment New York World, 13 January 1922 Liberty Hall Crusader, October 1921 Marcus Garvey and Amy Jacques Garvey Courtesy of the Jamaica Broadcasting Company

xxvii

T H E M A R C U S GARVEY A N D U N I A PAPERS

Richard Hilton Tobitt Courtesy ofJ. R. Ralph Casimir Reviewing stand for UNIA convention parade Philosophy and Opinions Black Cross Nurses Philosophy and Opinions

xxviii

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

The editors wish to thank the institutions and individuals whose generous assistance advanced the research and editorial preparation of the present volume. Important documents were provided by the National Archives and Records Service, Washington, D.C.; Washington National Records Center, Suitland, Maryland; Manuscript Division of the Library of Congress, Washington, D.C.; Federal Bureau of Investigation, Washington, D.C.; Federal Archives and Records Service, Bayonne, New Jersey; League of Nations Archives, Geneva; New York County Clerk's Office, New York; Division of Old Records of the Hall of Records, New York; Columbia University, New York; University of Massachusetts Library, Amherst; Schomburg Center for Research in Black Culture of the New York Public Library, New York; Hollis Burke Frissell Library; Tuskegee Institute, Tuskegee, Alabama; Archives of the Belgian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Brussels; Public Record Office, Kew, England; Archives of the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Paris; and the Archives of the Italian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Rome. We are deeply indebted to the archivists of these institutions for their responses to our many requests and for their continued interest in the project. Information used to prepare annotations was provided by the staffs of the following libraries: The Detroit Public Library; Special Collections of the Fisk University Library, Nashville; National Library of Jamaica, Kingston; Barbados Public Library; Springfield City Library, Springfield, Massachusetts; Howard-Tilton Memorial Library of Tulane University, New Orleans; University of British Columbia Library, Vancouver; Women's Club of Logan Library, Logan, West Virginia; Buffalo and Erie County Historical Society, Buffalo, New York; Chicago Historical Society; Dallas Historical Society; Doctors Hospital, Bronx, New York; Louisiana State Museum, New Orleans; Massachusetts Historical Society, Boston; Historic New Orleans Collection, New Orleans; Registrar of the University of Durham, Durham, England; County of Baltimore Department of Vital Records, Baltimore; State of Mississippi Department of Archives and History, Jackson; Jackson County Department of Vital Records, Independence, Missouri; Supreme Court Appellate Division of the First Judicial Department, New York; United States Department of Justice, Washington, D.C.; Los Angeles

xxix

T H E MARCUS GARVEY AND U N I A PAPERS

Times, Los Angeles; and the American Medical Association, Chicago. We should also like to thank the staff of the University Research Library at the University of California, Los Angeles, for their assistance. As always, the archival staff of the National Historical Publications and Records Commission, Washington, D.C., has given indispensable sustenance to the project, and we gratefully acknowledge their help. Helpful data for use in annotations also came to us from Dr. Giovanni Bossi, Rome; Prof. Randall K. Burkett, College of the Holy Cross, Worcester, Massachusetts; Louis Elias, Spewack-Dramatist Guild, New York; W. F. Elkins, London; Yuji Ichioka, Asian-American Studies Center of the University of California, Los Angeles; and Arthur M. Zipser, New York. For assistance in translating some of the documents, we would like to acknowledge Christina Marcuso, Annalisa Roselli, David Salgarolo, and Joao Costa. Permission to publish was gratefully received from the Universal Negro Improvement Association Collection of the Schomburg Center for Research in Black Culture, the New York Public Library, Astor, Lenox, and Tilden Foundations; J. R. Ralph Casimir of Roseau, Dominica; the Nicholas M. Butler Collection at Columbia University; and the R. R. Moton Papers at the Tuskegee Institute. Marcus Garvey, Jr., graciously allowed us to publish letters written by his father. David Graham Du Bois, Cairo, Egypt, kindly granted permission to publish letters by W. E. B. Du Bois. The staff of the Marcus Garvey and Universal Negro Improvement Association Papers project has contributed their usual skill and dedication to the preparation of the present volume. The editors wish to express appreciation for the work of Diane Lisa Hill, Robin Dorman, Margaret Brumfield, and Alison Drew. We also extend our appreciation to Emory J. Tolbert, the project's former Senior Editor, who contributed to the work of research and annotation writing for the present volume. We acknowledge the assistance of Gregory A. Pirio, Assistant Editor of the African series of the edition, for his help with the African annotations in this volume. The National Historical Publications and Records Commission, the National Endowment for the Humanities, and the University of California, Los Angeles, have sustained the project with their support, and we are deeply grateful for their continuing commitment. In addition, support from the Ford Foundation, the Rockefeller Foundation, Twenty-First Century Foundation and the Atlantic Richfield Foundation has assisted the project.

XXX

INTRODUCTION

The period between the second and third UNIA conventions marks the beginning of the UNIA's political decline and the corresponding erosion of its economic base. By the end of the 1922 convention, the morale of the membership would plummet from the notable height it had achieved just one year earlier. Likewise, the movement's spectacular advance over the previous two years was now slowed: at the 1921 convention, 480 divisions were chartered, whereas at the 1922 convention there were 230 divisions added. During 1921 Garvey continued to base his strategy for African redemption on the prospect of imminent revolutionary upheaval in Europe; but he, like many others of the day, did not realize that the bourgeois political order in Europe had become restabilized. At the end of 1921, therefore, Garvey was still predicting Africa's emancipation on the basis of a political collapse in Europe. He also found renewed hope in the growth of India's noncooperation movement, which reached its height in 1921, as well as in the establishment of the Irish Free State in early 1922. By October 1921, however, Garvey's own movement was beset by a deepening crisis. Circulation of the Negro World had fallen off, a reflection of the gradual loss of UNIA membership. After September 1921, UNIA officers received little, if any, salary, and in January 1922, the entire executive council met and unanimously agreed to a 40 percent to 50 percent retrenchment of their salaries. Moreover, by December, a series of open revolts erupted within major divisions in Philadelphia, Chicago, and Los Angeles. The winter of 1921-1922 found the UNIA confronting these crises with no prospect for relief. By then the $144,000 raised through the sale of bonds in the Liberian Construction Loan scheme had been expended. Underlying this decline, however, was the failure of the Black Star Line. Its demise was assured when negotiations with the United States Shipping Board for purchase of the BSL's long-proposed African ship collapsed in March 1922. There were numerous delays in these negotiations while the USSB pondered the sale of the S.S. Orion to the BSL, and they may have been partly the result of pressure from the Department of Justice. During the interval, embarrassing attacks against Garvey appeared in the press. When

xxxi

T H E M A R C U S G A R V E Y A N D U N I A PAPERS

negotiations finally failed, the B S L sought to recover its $22,500 deposit from the USSB, and a welter of claims arose over the legal ownership of the deposit. On the political front, Garvey found that his African program had to compete for official recognition and press coverage with W. E. B. Du Bois's Second Pan-African Congress, which opened during the final week of the UNIA's August 1921 convention. In Garvey's view, the Pan-African Congress was the creation of "an admixture of white and colored people," and his attacks against it consequently stressed the theme of racial purity. Garvey's speeches during this period also reflected a desire to placate the United States government while simultaneously assailing his black critics and denouncing European colonizers of Africa. He went to great lengths to praise President Harding's controversial speech on black-white relations delivered in Birmingham, Alabama, in October 1921. Since his return to America from his Caribbean tour in July 1921, Garvey had been anxious to disavow his association with radicalism, a fact that his black critics on the left, particularly the leader of the African Blood Brotherhood, Cyril V. Briggs, delighted in denouncing. By a strange irony, considering his communist leanings, Briggs became the first person to supply federal investigators with evidence that led to Garvey's eventual indictment on charges of mail fraud. By January 1922 the government was ready to act, and on 15 February 1922 Garvey was indicted on twelve counts of mail fraud along with Elie Garcia, George Tobias, and Orlando Thompson, all officials of the insolvent BSL, which shortly afterward suspended all business. Garvey's arrest and indictment destroyed any remaining hope that the B S L would raise the performance bond that the USSB had made a condition for the sale of the Orion. At the very moment that the BSL was about to reach an agreement for the necessary bond, news of Garvey's arrest appeared in the newspapers, and the prospective bondholders immediately withdrew from all further negotiations. By prosecuting Garvey, however, the Department of Justice made him the object of even greater international attention. In fact, Garvey observed that the government's prosecution had made "the cause more saintly to the people." Nevertheless, Garvey viewed the United States government as the unwitting instrument of a conspiracy organized by his black opponents and European governments. Immediately following his arrest, Garvey launched a legal defense fund that drew strong support from UNIA members worldwide. His faith in the loyalty of the membership was further reinforced by the results of his membership drive in February 1922 through Michigan, Illinois, Indiana, Missouri, and Kansas. The federal indictment, therefore, did not discredit Garvey in the eyes of his followers; rather, it temporarily strengthened his hold over the movement by arousing its members to new heights of devotion and bringing in a new infusion of contributions.

xxxtt

INTRODUCTION

Garvey lost favor among many of his followers, however, when he disclosed that he had met secretly in Atlanta with the acting imperial wizard of the K u Klux Klan, Edward Young Clarke, on 25 June 1922. What Garvey thought was a diplomatic triumph proved instead to be anathema to most blacks. This act was curiously reminiscent of the "Southernizing" strategy that conservative black politicians advocated after Reconstruction, in the late 1870s, when confronted with the problem of political violence and disfranchisement. The advocates of this strategy called for an alliance to placate their former enemies, namely, conservative southern Democrats, rather than continuing to depend on the Republican party for protection. Yet whereas this earlier policy had been presented as a tactic adopted for expediency, Garvey in 1922 was propounding something more than a tactical retreat: he presented a perspective based on the notion of a national separation of the races ("the development of the two races in their own way to a common standard"). Indeed, Garveys capitulation to the doctrine of white supremacy ("this is going to be a 'white man's country,' sooner or later, and the best thing possibly we could do is to find a black man's country") occurred well before his Atlanta meeting with the K K K chieftain. There were to be other major strategic shifts in Garvey's political line during this period. In May 1922 he reversed his position on the Liberian loan that had been provisionally negotiated with the American government: in 1920 and 1921 he had opposed the loan as an unacceptable constraint upon the independence of Liberia, but he now took the view that America was coming to the rescue of Liberia "to put her house in order, thereby making a new start toward the goal of national security." Another shift was his invitation to the American authorities and European colonial governments to send representatives to the 1922 U N I A convention. Then, in his petition to the League of Nations of July 1922, Garvey also modified his previous stand in announcing that the U N I A was not seeking to establish a government over the whole of Africa; instead, he asked only that "certain sections of Africa" be turned over. In a similar vein, he offered the League of Nations his assistance "in enforcing its civilized program for the good of the entire human family," a stance that contrasted with his earlier view of the league as the enforcer of the European partition of Africa, a role he had condemned in 1919 and 1920. The third convention was dominated at the outset by debates over the selection of delegates to be sent to the League of Nations. It became clear as the convention proceeded that bitter factional disputes had been brewing. In his speech opening the convention, the potentate, Gabriel M. Johnson, found it necessary to call for "better understanding" between Garvey and the members of the U N I A Executive Council, pointing to its absence as "one of the greatest drawbacks to the movement." But this advice failed to prevent Garvey from using his official convention report to repudiate the entire executive council, save two members, as disloyal and dishonest. He also initiated impeachment proceedings against J. D. Gibson, the U N I A surgeon

xxxiii

T H E M A R C U S G A R V E Y AND U N I A PAPERS

general, and Adrian Johnson, the speaker in convention, with the result that both men were removed from office. Garvey, who had expressed his anger over "plots" against him from within the leadership of the organization, even startled delegates by tendering his resignation, although on the following day they returned him to office with a unanimous vote of confidence, one of the three such votes that he received during the convention. Among the disputes that arose during the sessions of the convention, the most dramatic was the confrontation that pitted Garvey against the organization's "leader of American Negroes," the prominent black American clergyman Rev. James W. H. Eason. Hints of the impending showdown appeared early in the convention, when Eason demanded the opportunity to deliver a report of his activities directly to the convention rather than to Garvey and the U N I A Executive Council. One significant consequence of the clash between Garvey and Eason was the rift that developed between AfroAmerican and West Indian delegates, though Negro World reports of the convention only hinted at it. Eason, who was determined to salvage his reputation in the face of accusations of malfeasance, reacted violently to Garvey's implications about the behavior of U N I A leaders, taking several of Garvey's general remarks personally. Some American delegates also chafed under harsh remarks by fellow delegates about the voting habits of black Americans. As the convention proceeded, some suggested that the "American leader" be chosen only by the American delegates and that the "West Indian leaders" be chosen only by West Indian delegates. Despite the loyal support that Garvey received from Dr. Leroy Bundy, Rev. J. C. Austin, and Rev. J. R. L. Diggs, prominent American-born converts to the U N I A , the dimensions of the rift cannot be overestimated. With Eason's impeachment and conviction, Garvey was finally rid of an important rival for the movement's allegiance. Loyalty to Garvey became a more important issue than ever before. Now Garvey requested and obtained approval to form a privy council of his appointees to replace most of the previously elected members of the U N I A Executive Council; thereafter, all the council members below the rank of fourth assistant president general, by far the majority, were to be appointees of the president general. If once again Garvey had silenced his critics within the UNIA's leadership, the price was a badly fractured and demoralized movement. At the same time, his political adversaries outside the U N I A were gaining ground. A. Philip Randolph and Chandler Owen, the black Socialist editors of the Messenger, with the help of Robert Bagnall and William Pickens of the N A A C P , felt confident enough to challenge Garvey publicly in August 1922 with a blistering series of speeches delivered to well-attended "Marcus Garvey Must G o ! " meetings, which they held at a nearby hotel during the U N I A convention. A sign of the exhaustion within the ranks of the U N I A during the convention's final days was the noticeable decrease in attendance. Apart from the fact that the month-long convention proved a financial strain for out-of-

xxxiv

INTRODUCTION

town delegates, the constant discord and lengthy trials, discussions, and reports had by then begun to wear the interest of the delegates thin. When Garvey delivered his closing speech, calling for a loyal opposition within the U N I A , it was clear that most of those who dissented from his policies had long since left the convention. One important group at the convention chose the occasion to express its grievances. Female delegates led a challenge to male dominance of the proceedings and also to the U N I A overall as a male-run organization. Their challenge raised the question of the role of women within the movement in a bold and original manner. The convention also featured discussions of various economic and commercial proposals for nation building in Africa, which clearly reveal an early appreciation by U N I A members of the issues that many years later were to inform the North-South dialogue and the New International Economic Order. The convention also mooted the novel idea of an international political party for blacks. Finally, the present volume provides the first extended record of Garvey's emergent social philosophy, particularly as it related to his conception of the metaphysical and racial bases of the human condition: as Garvey stated on 5 June 1922, "The Universal Negro Improvement Association is engaged in the development of a new education, a new culture."

XXXV

EDITORIAL PRINCIPLES PRACTICES

AND

I. Arrangement of Documents Documents are presented in chronological order according to the date of authorship of the original text. Enclosures and attachments to documents, however, do not appear in strict chronological sequence but are printed with their original covering documents. Enclosures have been set in italic type in the table of contents for identification. The publication date of news reports, speeches, and periodical articles is given on the place and date line within square brackets. In the case of news reports, speeches, and periodical articles containing the date of original composition, that date chronologically supersedes the date of eventual publication and is printed within double square brackets on the place and date line of the document. Bureau of Investigation reports that give both the date of composition and the period covered by the report are arranged according to the date of composition. Documents that lack dates and thus require editorial assignment of dates are placed in normal chronological sequence. When no day within a month appears on a document, it is placed after the documents specifically dated on the latest date within that month. Documents that carry only the date of a year are placed according to the same principle. Documents that cover substantial periods, such as diaries, journals, and accounts, will appear according to the date of their earliest entries. When two or more documents possess the same date, they are arranged with regard to affinity to the subject of the document that immediately precedes them or that which immediately follows them.

II. Form of Presentation Each document is presented in the following manner: A. A caption introduces the document and is printed in a type size larger than the text. Letters between individuals are captioned with the names

xxxvii

T H E M A R C U S G A R V E Y AND U N I A PAPERS

of the individuals and their titles; captions, however, include a person's office only upon that person's first appearance. The original titles of published materials are retained with the documents; however, the headlines of some news reports are abbreviated or omitted, in which case this is indicated in the descriptive source note to the document. B. The text of a document follows the caption. The copy text of letters or reports is taken from recipients' copies whenever possible, but in the absence of a recipient's copy, a file copy of the letter or report is used. If the file copy is not available, however, and a retained draft copy of the letter is found, the retained draft copy is used as the basic text. C. Following the body of the text, an unnumbered descriptive source note describes editorially the physical character of the document by means of appropriate abbreviations. Moreover, a repository symbol gives the provenance of the original manuscript or, if it is rare, printed work. Printed sources are identified in the following manner: 1. A contemporary pamphlet is identified by its full title, place and date of publication, and the location of the copy used. 2. A contemporary essay, letter, or other kind of statement that appeared originally in a contemporary publication is preceded by the words "Printed in . . .," followed by the title, date, and, in the case of essays, inclusive page numbers of the source of publication. 3. A contemporary printed source reprinted at a later date, the original publication of which has not been found, is identified with the words "Reprinted from . . .," followed by the identification of the work from which the text has been reproduced. The same applies to any originally unpublished manuscript printed at a later date. D. Numbered textual annotations that explicate the document follow the descriptive source note. The following principles of textual annotation have been applied: 1. Individuals are identified upon their first appearance, with additional information about them sometimes furnished upon their later appearance in a document where such data provide maximum clarification. Pseudonyms are identified, wherever possible, by a textual annotation. 2. Reasons for the assignment of dates to documents or the correction of dates of documents are explained in those instances where important historical information is involved. 3. Obscure allusions in the text are annotated whenever such references can be clarified. 4. Printed works and manuscript materials consulted during the preparation of textual annotations appear in parentheses at the end of each annotation. Frequently used reference works are cited in an abbreviated form, and the complete table may be found in the list of abbreviations of Published Works Cited.

xxxviii

EDITORIAL PRINCIPLES AND PRACTICES

5. Garvey's appeal case (Marcus Garvey v. United States of America, no. 8317, Ct. App., 2d Cir., 2 February 1925) contains the complete transcript of his original mail fraud trial (United States ofAmerica v. Marcus Garvey et al., C31-37 and C33-688, U.S. District Court, Southern District of New York, May 1923). Trial documents reprinted in the volume and references to the trial in annotations to documents are taken from the transcript used in the appeal case.

III. Transcription of Text Manuscripts and printed material have been transcribed from the original text and printed as documents according to the following principles and procedures: A. Manuscript Material 1. The place and date of composition are placed at the head of the document, regardless of their location in the original, but exceptions are made in the cases of certificates of vital registration and documents in which original letterhead stationery is reproduced. If the place or date of a letter (or both) does not appear in the original text, the information is supplied and printed in italics at the head within square brackets. Likewise, if either the place or date is incomplete, the necessary additional information is supplied in italics within square brackets. Superscript letters are brought down to the line of type, and terminal punctuation is deleted. In the case of Bureau of Investigation reports that were submitted on printed forms, the place and date are abstracted and placed at the head of each document, while the name of the reporting agent is placed at the end of the document on the signature line. The formal salutation of letters is placed on the line below the place and date line, with the body of the text following the salutation. The complimentary close of letters is set continuously with the text in run-in style, regardless of how it was written in the original. The signature, which is set in capitals and small capitals, is placed at the right-hand margin on the line beneath the text or complimentary close, with titles, where they appear, set in uppercase and lowercase. Terminal punctuation is deleted. When a file copy of a document bearing no signature is used to establish the text but the signatory is known, the signature is printed in roman type within square brackets. The inside address, if significant and not repetitive, is printed immediately below the text.

xxxix

T H E MARCUS GARVEY AND U N I A PAPERS

2.

3.

4.

5.

6.

Endorsements, docketings, and other markings appearing on official correspondence, when intelligible, are reproduced in small type following the address, with appropriate identification. In the case of other types of documents, such as private correspondence, endorsements and dockets are reprinted only when they are significant. Minutes, enclosures, and attachments are printed in roman type following their covering documents and placed after the annotation material of their covering documents. Whenever minutes, enclosures, or attachments are not printed, this fact is always recorded and explained. Whenever a transmission letter originally accompanying an enclosure or attachment is not printed, the omission is noted and the transmission document identified and recorded in the descriptive source note. Printed letterheads and other official stationery are not reproduced, unless they contain significant information, in which case they are reprinted above the date line. In cases where they are not reprinted, they are sometimes abstracted, and the information is placed in the descriptive source note. Printed addresses are reproduced only upon the first appearance. In general, the spelling of all words, including proper names, is preserved as written in the manuscript and printed sources. Thus, personal and place names that are spelled erratically in the original texts are regularized or corrected only in the index. However, we have corrected serious distortion in the spelling of a word, to such an extent as to obscure its true meaning, by printing the correct word in italics within square brackets after the incorrect spelling. Mere "slips of the pen" or typographical errors are corrected within the word and printed in roman type within square brackets; however, some typographical errors that contribute to the overall character of the document are retained. Capitalization is retained as in the original. Words underlined once in a manuscript are printed in italics. Words that are underlined twice or spelled out in large letters or full capitals are printed in small capitals. Punctuation, grammar, and syntax are retained as found in the original texts. In the case of punctuation, corrections that are essential to the accurate reading of the text are provided within square brackets. If, however, a punctuation mark appears in a document as a result of typographical error, it is corrected in square brackets or, in some instances, silently deleted. All contractions and abbreviations in the text are retained. Abbreviations of titles or organizations are identified in a list of abbreviations that appears at the front of the volume. Persons represented by initials only will have their full names spelled out in square brackets after each initial on their first appearance.

xl

EDITORIAL PRINCIPLES AND PRACTICES

7. Superscript letters in the text are lowered and aligned on the line of print. 8. Omissions, mutilations, and illegible words or letters have been rendered through the use of the following textual devices: a) Blank spaces in a manuscript are shown as [ ]. If the blank space is of significance or of substantial length, this fact is elaborated upon in a textual annotation. b) When a word or words in the original text must be omitted from the printed document because of mutilation, illegibility, or omission, the omission is shown by the use of ellipses followed by a word or phrase placed in square brackets in italics, such as: . . . [torn], . . . [illegible], . . . [remainder missing], c) Missing or illegible letters of words are represented by suspension points within square brackets, the number of points corresponding to the estimated number of letters omitted. The same holds true for missing or illegible digits of numbers. d) All attempts have been made to supply conjecturally missing items in the printed document, according to the following rules: (1) if there is no question as to the word, the missing letter is supplied silently; (2) if the missing letter(s) can only be conjectured, the omission is supplied within square brackets and printed in roman type. Uncertainty of the conjecture, however, is indicated by a question mark within the square brackets in the document; (3) if the conjectured word(s) is highly uncertain, it has been rendered in italics within the square brackets. 9. Additions and corrections made by the author in the original text have been rendered as follows: a) Additions between the lines are brought onto the line of type and incorporated into the body of the text within diagonal lines / /. b) Marginal additions or corrections by the author are also incorporated into the printed document and identified by the words [in the margin] italicized in square brackets. Marginal notes made by someone other than the author are treated as an endorsement and are printed following the text of the document. c) Words or groups of words deleted in the original, as in a draft, are restored in the printed document. The canceled word or phrase is indicated by canceled type at the place where the deletion occurs in the original text. If a lengthy deletion is illegible, this is indicated by the words [deletion illegible], B. Printed Material Contemporary printed material has been treated in the same manner as were original texts and has been transcribed according to the same editorial principles as was manuscript material. xli

T H E M A R C U S G A R V E Y AND U N I A PAPERS

1. In the case of originally published letters, the place and date of composition are uniformly printed on the place and date line of the document, regardless of where they appear in the original, and placed within double square brackets. Those elements that have been editorially supplied are italicized. 2. Newspaper headlines and subheads are printed in small capitals. Headlines are punctuated as they are in the original; however, they are reproduced in the printed document in as few lines as possible. 3. Words originally printed in full capitals for emphasis or for other reasons are usually printed in small capitals. Boldfaced type that appears within the text is retained. 4. The signature accompanying a published letter is printed in capitals and small capitals. 5. Obvious typographical errors and errors of punctuation, such as the omission of a single parenthesis or quotation mark, are corrected and printed within square brackets in roman type. 6. In the case of a printed form with spaces to be filled in, the printed words are designated in small capitals, while the handwritten or typewritten insertions are designated in italics with spaces left before and after the small capitals to suggest the blank spaces in the original form.

xlii

TEXTUAL DEVICES

Blank spaces in the text. Suspension points indicate approximate number of letters or digits missing in words or numerals (not to exceed four) and not conjecturable. Double square brackets are used to give the composition date of a published letter or news report if the publication date differs. Incorporation into the text of addition or correction made above or below the line by author. Conjectural reading for missing, mutilated, or illegible matter, with a question mark inside the square bracket when the conjectural reading is doubtful. Also used in editorial correction of typographical errors in original manuscript or printed document. Also used to indicate the publication date of a news report or periodical article. Assigned date of any undated document; editorial comment inserted in the text, such as [endorsement], [illegible], [remainder missing], [sentence unfinished], [torn], [enclosure], [attachment], [in the margin]. Textual matter deleted in the original but restored in the text.

xliii

SYMBOLS AND ABBREVIATIONS

Repository Symbols The original locations of documents that appear in the text are described by symbols. The guide used for American repositories has been Symbols of American Libraries, eleventh edition (Washington, D.C.: Library of Congress, 1976). Foreign repositories and collections have been assigned symbols that conform to the institutions' own usage. In some cases, however, it has been necessary to formulate acronyms. Acronyms have been created for private manuscript collections as well. Repositories AFRC

Federal Records Center, East Point, Georgia RG 163 Records of the Selective Service System

AMAE

Archives du Ministère des affaires étrangères, Paris

ASMAE

Archivio storico del Ministero degli affari esteri, Rome MC Ministero delle Colonie, Archivio del Ministero dell'Africa Italiana Hollis Burke Frissell Library, Tuskegee Institute, Tuskegee, Alabama Federal Bureau of Investigation, United States Department of Justice, Washington, D.C. Library of Congress, Washington, D.C. National Archives, Washington, D.C. RG 16 Records of the Office of the Secretary of Agriculture RG 28 Records of the Post Office Department RG 32 Records of the United States Shipping Board RG 38 Records of the Office of the Chief of Naval Operations RG 41 Records of the Bureau of Marine Inspection and Navigation

ATT DJ-FBI DLC DNA

xlv

T H E M A R C U S G A R V E Y AND U N I A PAPERS

R G +3 RG 48 RG RG RG RG

59 60 65 84

RG 85 R G 165

Records of International Conferences, Gammissions, and Expositions Records of the Office of the Secretary of the Interior General Records of the Department of State General Records of the Department of Justice Records of the Federal Bureau of Investigation Records of the Foreign Service Posts of the Department of State Records of the Immigration and Naturalization Service Records of the War Department, General and Special Staffs; Records of the Office of the Chief of Staff

IRO

Island Record Office, Spanish Town, Jamaica

LNA

League of Nations Archives, Geneva

MU

University of Massachusetts Library, Amherst

N

New York State Library, Albany

N-SS

Office of the Secretary of State of New York, Albany

NFRC

Federal Record Center, Bayonne, New Jersey

NN NN-Sc

New York Public Library, New York The Schomburg Center for Research in Black Culture, New York Public Library, New York

NNC

Butler Library, Columbia University

NNDC

United States District Court for the Southern District of New York New York Supreme Court, Hall of Records, New York Public Record Office, London CAB Cabinet Office CO Colonial Office FO Foreign Office Service des Archives du Ministère des affaires etrangères, Brussels Washington National Records Center, Suitland, Maryland R G 185 Records of the Panama Canal R G 204 Records of the Pardon Attorney

NNHR PRO

SAMAE WNRC

Manuscript Collection Symbols AAG

Amy Ashwood Garvey Papers, Lionel Yard Collection, New York

JEB

John E. Bruce Papers, ifN-Sc

xhn

SYMBOLS A N D ABBREVIATIONS

JRRC NAACP NCF NMB RRM WEBDB WP

J. R. Ralph Casimir Papers, Roseau, Dominica National Association for the Advancement of Colored People Papers, DLC National Civic Federation Papers, NN Nicholas Murray Butler Papers, NNC Robert R. Moton Papers, ATT W. E. B. Du Bois Papers, MU William Pickens Papers, NN-Sc

Descriptive Symbols The following symbols are used to describe the character of the original documents: ADS AL ALS AMS AMSS AN ANI D DS L LS MS N PD TD TDS TG TL TLI TLR TLS TMS

Autograph document signed Autograph letter Autograph letter signed Autograph manuscript Autograph manuscript signed Autograph note Autograph note initialed Document Document signed Letter Letter signed Manuscript Note Printed document Typed document Typed document signed Telegram Typed letter Typed letter initialed Typed letter representation Typed letter signed Typed manuscript xlvii

T H E M A R C U S GARVEY A N D U N I A PAPERS

TN

Typed note

TNI

Typed note initialed

TNS

Typed note signed

Published Works Cited ATOR BFQ BM CD DAB DAHB DANB DG DNB EA EB EWH HJ JNH NCAB NW NTB NTT P&O PP WBD WWCA WWCR WWJ WWW WWWA

African Times and Orient Review Bartlett's Familiar Quotations, fifteenth edition Black Man Chicago Defender Dictionary of American Biography Dictionary of African Historical Biography Dictionary of American Negro Biography Daily Gleaner Dictionary of National Biography Encyclopedia Americana Encyclopaedia Britannica Encyclopedia of World History Handbook of Jamaica Journal of Negro History National Cyclopedia of American Biography Negro World Negro Tear Book New Tork Times Philosophy and Opinions of Marcus Garvey Parliamentary Papers Webster's Biographical Dictionary Who's Who of Colored America Who's Who of the Colored Race Who's Who in Jamaica Who Was Who Who Was Who in America

xlviii

SYMBOLS AND ABBREVIATIONS

Other Symbols and Abbreviations Included are abbreviations that are used generally throughout annotations of the text. Standard abbreviations, such as those for titles and scholastic degrees, are omitted. Abbreviations that are specific to a single annotation appear in parentheses after the initial citation and are used thereafter in the rest of the annotation. ABB ACL AFL AME AMEZ BSL BWI CSO GPO IWW MID MP NAACP NFC OBE RG UNIA USSB

African Blood Brotherhood African Communities' League American Federation of Labor African Methodist Episcopal Church African Methodist Episcopal Zion Church Black Star Line, Incorporated British West Indies Colonial Secretary's Office Government Printing Office Industrial Workers of the World Military Intelligence Division Minute Paper National Association for the Advancement of Colored People Negro Factories Corporation Order of the British Empire Record Group Universal Negro Improvement Association United States Shipping Board Monetary Symbols

d. s.,/£

English pence English shilling English pound

xlix

CHRONOLOGY

September 1921-August 1922 2 September

1921 African Orthodox Church is organized by Bishop George Alexander McGuire.

3 September

U.S. consul at Antilla, Cuba, ships Kanawha's passengers back to New York.

6 September

United States Shipping Board recommends cancellation of sale of Orion to Black Star Line.

6 September

Garvey rumored to seek European visit.

7 September

Garvey attacks Du Bois and Pan-African Congress.

11 September

UNIA announces formation of its civil service system.

18 September

Black Star Line files twenty-eight lawsuits in New York State Supreme Court against crew of S.S. Kanawha, charging them with conspiracy to wreck vessel.

21 September

S.S. Kanawha crew sues Black Star Line for back wages.

28 September

McGuire consecrated bishop of African Orthodox Church.

30 September

Special meeting of UNIA votes to amend certificate of incorporation.

30 September

Black Star Line increases its directors from six to twenty-one.

September

Pan-African Congress meets in Paris.

5 October

United States Shipping Board agrees to give Black Star Line another chance to comply with contract to buy Orion. It

T H E M A R C U S G A R V E Y AND U N I A PAPERS

ii October

Duse Mohamed Ali, editor of ATOR, arrives in New York; later meets with Garvey

25 October

McGuire resigns as honorary chaplain of UNIA.

25 October

President Warren G. Harding delivers address in Birmingham, Alabama, on the race question.

31 October

Garvey begins trial for libel against Cyril V. Briggs, whom he had accused of being a "Negro for convenience."

October

U N I A expands offices by acquiring property at 52 West 135th Street, New York.

15 November

Garvey ordered to retract statement suggesting Briggs posed as black man.

ca. 17 November

McGuire joins African Blood Brotherhood.

18 November

Garvey cables Pope Benedict XV asking for human rights considerations.

18 November

Garvey sues Briggs for criminal libel over October Crusader article.

20-22 November

Garvey speaks in Washington, D.C., area to coincide with International Conference on the Limitation of Armaments.

25 November

Briggs held on $500 bail over Garvey's libel suit.

25 November

J. D. Brooks, former U N I A official, arrested for grand larceny.

November

Series of problems in Los Angeles branch of U N I A ; one group splits to form Pacific Coast Negro Improvement Association.

November

International Conference on the Limitation of Armaments held in Washington, D.C.

3 December

S.S. Yarmouth sold by U.S. marshal to satisfy libel of National Dry Dock and Repair Company.

3 December

Negro World prints Garvey"s retraction about Briggs's racial background.

5-10 December

Garvey on speaking tour in Washington, D.C., area.

11 December

Garvey endorses Anglo-Irish Treaty; telegraphs David Lloyd George and Arthur Griffith.

lii

CHRONOLOGY

12 December

Bureau of Investigation requests Internal Revenue Service to investigate Garvey and UNIA.

21 December

United States Shipping Board agrees on form of contract for Black Star Line to gain possession of S.S. Orion.

22 December

Black Star Line pays $10,000 to United States Shipping Board for S.S. Orion down payment.

24 December

In India, Gandhi begins civil disobedience campaign.

7 January

1922 Ratification of Anglo-Irish Treaty by Irish parliament.

io January

Court orders Garvey to appear for alleged violation of United States Criminal Code Section 215.

12 January

Garvey arrested for fraudulent use of mails; held on $2,500 bond pending presentation of case to federal grand jury.

26 January

Assistant United States Attorney Mattuck presents indictment of Garvey et al. to grand jury; jury returns true bill.

1-3 February 13 February

Garvey speaks in Baltimore. Garvey praises Mississippi State Sen. T. S. McCallum's bill for establishing a black nation in Africa to solve American race problem.

14 February

Garvey explains S.S. Phyllis Wheatley negotiations in NW article.

15 February

Federal grand jury indicts Garvey et al. for violation of United States Criminal Code Section 21$.

17 February

Garcia and Tobias arraigned; plead not guilty; held on $2,500 bail each.

17-21 February

Garvey and Henrietta Vinton Davis speak at western New York UNIA meetings (Buffalo, Rochester).

20 February

Elie Garcia, BSL treasurer, orders sale of BSL stock to cease.

20 February

Mississippi State Senate passes Senator McCallum's resolution urging United States Congress to acquire

liii

T H E M A R C U S G A R V E Y AND U N I A PAPERS

African territory for "the founding of a national home for the American Negro." 22-24 February

Garvey speaks in Detroit.

ca. 23 February

Black Star Line requests that it be relieved by United States Shipping Board from purchasing S.S. Orion.

1-3 March

Garvey speaks in St. Louis.

4 March

Garvey on nationwide speaking tour to raise funds.

7 March

United States Shipping Board recommends that Black Star Line receive its deposit on Orion sale, less board's expenses.

9 March

Confidential Informant 800 predicts Dusé Mohamed Ali will take over UNIA.

i2 March

Garvey cables UNIA support to Gandhi.

19 March

Garvey cables UNIA protest to Lloyd George concerning British action in Kenya.

20 March

Negro Factories Corporation stockholders' meeting announced.

28 March

Garvey ordered to pay $8,508 for nondelivery of liquor to Pan-Union Company.

5 April

O. M. Thompson requests cancellation of sale of S.S. Orion.

iz April

Garvey and BSL board revoke O. M. Thompson's power of attorney.

21 April

J. D. Brooks obtains judgment of $750 for back salary from UNIA.

21 April

Edward Orr, BSL stockholder, sues company for $350, claiming stock was sold under fraudulent representations.

28 April

Garvey purchases printing plant.

30 April-7 May

Garvey speaks eight nights at Liberty Hall.

8 May

Garvey to leave for two-month speaking tour to West Coast.

2 June

Garvey speaks in San Francisco.

5 June

Garvey speaks in Los Angeles.

liv

CHRONOLOGY

IS June

Garvey obtains divorce from Amy Ash wood in Jackson County, Missouri.

23 June

Garvey speaks in New Orleans after judge grants injunction against police interference.

25 June

Garvey meets with Ku Klux Klan leader Edward Young Clarke, acting imperial wizard, in Atlanta.

28 June

Garvey speaks in Norfolk, Virginia.

4 July

Garvey speaks at Liberty Hall.

ca. 8 July

Garvey announces at Liberty Hail meeting that he intends to ask for resignation o f all UNIA and B S L officers at convention.

9 July

Garvey explains his meeting with Ku Klux Klan leaders.

10 July

Garvey invites William Pickens to receive award at U N I A court reception.

22 July

Garvey sends UNIA petition to League o f Nations.

27 July

Garvey marries Amy Jacques, his personal secretary, in Baltimore.

1 August

Opening o f Convention.

2 August

Garvey asks convention to impeach J. D. Gibson and A. F. Johnson for dishonesty.

2 August

Convention elects delegates to represent UNIA at League o f Nations.

6 August

Pickens attacks Garvey at a Friends o f Negro Freedom meeting.

7 August

Impeachment trial of Adrian F. Johnson.

11 August

Bureau o f Investigation reports that G. E. Stewart and Fred A. Toote will resign.

14 August

Garvey suggests formation of international political party, the African party.

15 August

At business meeting o f Black Star Line, line is revealed as insolvent; plans for subsidiary company passed.

23 August

J. J. Adam, secretary and interpreter o f UNIA delegation, departs for Europe.

23 August

Third

Annual

UNIA

U N I A trial against Eason begins.

Iv

International

THE PAPERS VOLUME IV i September 1921-2 September 1922

SEPTEMBER 192 I

Edward J. Brennan to William J. Burns, Director, Bureau of Investigation NEW Y O R K , N.Y.

September ist, 1921

Dear Sir: I am attaching herewith an article said to have been written by M A D [ A R ] I K A N D E N I Y I , the author of which is opposed to the movement of Marcus Garvey as well as the Universal Negro Improvement Association. This information was furnished Agent Scully by Mr. Worthington of the New York Tribune. Very truly yours, EDWARD J. BRENNAN

Division Superintendent CJS-WED

Enclos. [Endorsements] Memo JEH 9/7/21 GFR DNA, R G 65, file BS 198940-257. TLS, recipient's copy. Handwritten endorsements.

Enclosure New York City, N.Y. September 1, 1921 A F R I C A N R E D E M P T I O N F U N D IS F R A U D N E G R O E S IN A M E R I C A A R E W A R N E D TO B E W A R E OF FAKERS B Y M A D A R I K A N D E N I Y I , N A T I V E OF L A G O S , N I G E R I A , WEST AFRICA

Because the Universal Negro Improvement Association is only an organization in the United States of America, and has no power to perform the functions of a Government, therefore I am writing this article to warn all the Negroes in America against the bogus "African Redemption Fund," that was invented recently by Marcus Garvey in New York City, during the Negro Convention at Liberty Hall, West 138th St. The black Kings, Chiefs, Princes and Presidents in Africa, did not send any special invitation to a black slave or descendant of slave like Marcus Garvey to use such fraudulent schemes of defrauding poor and needy Negroes in America, by inducing and preaching to them to contribute five dollars ($5.00) each for the redemption of Africa. But through my investigation about this "African Redemption Fund," I discovered that the contribution is for the purpose of paying the salaries of the President (Marcus

I

T H E MARCUS GARVEY AND U N I A PAPERS

Garvey) and officials of the Universal Negro Improvement Association in America, instead of using the money for the purpose of educating and Christianizing the African natives. Therefore I will advise the white and black Missionaries of various denomination^] in the United States to investigate thoroughly under what condition Marcus Garvey is inducing Negroes to contribute five dollars ($j.oo) each to such fraudulent fund. A few months ago in this greater city of New York, Marcus Garvey issued and sold the bogus "Liberian Liberty Bonds" to these Negroes for the purpose of redeeming Africa, without the proper seal of the Liberian Government on the bonds; but the Universal Negro Improvement Association did not make any improvement with the money in Liberia or any part of Africa. The Secretary General (Rev. J. D. Brooks) of the organization disappeared with [a] few thousand dollars of the Negroes' money, and did not return to make the report of the money, that he collected from various branches in the United States. If there is any law in the United States, that protects a person, whether white or black from the pickpockets and highway robbers, I think the policemen and detectives ought to use the law, and exercise their Federal authorities to protect poor and needy Negroes from being robbed by the so-called Negro "Moses," who is using his fraudulent schemes to catch suckers easily as molasses always catch[es] the flies without any molestation. There are lots of Negroes to-day in the United States, who are out of work on account of the propaganda of Marcus Garvey and the Universal Improvement Association. Some of them have to depend on various white and black charity societies to feed and clothe them. This is the kind of conditions we are facing in America, but still, the Universal Negro Improvement Association hasn't ma[d]e any preparation to help solve the problem of hard time[s], instead of imposing on these unfortunate Negroes to contribute five dollars ($j.oo) each for the redemption of Africa, when some of the people in this country are almost starve[d] to death. In some part of Africa, a person can buy the whole chicken for fifteen cents, and hog for three or four dollars each, whereas you have to pay fifty cents for a leg of fried chicken in the American restaurants, and few pig ta[i]ls with lima beans for thirty-five cents a plate. Therefore I will advise the Negroes all over the world not to contribute to this bogus "African Redemption Fund," because the African natives will not receive a penny out of the fake invention. If the black rulers in Africa need money for the redemption of Africa, they will send the native educators and lawyers to negotiate with the United States Government in America. MADARIKAN DENIYI

African Prince DNA, RG 65, file BS 198940-257. TD.

2

SEPTEMBER 1921

Report by Bureau Agent F. M. Ames Pittsburgh, Pa. Sept. 1, 1921 U N I V E R S A L N E G R O I M P R O V E M E N T A S S O C I A T I O N , W O O D LAWN, P A .

From a confidential source the following report was received of a meeting of the above named Association held at Woodlawn, Pa., Sunday, August 14th, 1921:— S U B J E C T : U N I V E R S A L N E G R O IMPROVEMENT ASSOCIATION.

I attended the Negro meeting at three P.M. this date [in] the hall at the corner of Wykes and Davis Sts., Plan 11 exten[s]ion. The President, Walter Greaves presided. He was ably assisted by the Vice President, Irv Franklin. The charter members were present and were sitting up front. The principal speaker was S. A. Franklin from 1604 Wylie Ave., Pittsburgh, Pa. Accompanying him was Mr. Wider, Capt. of the Military Dept. of the Association. S. A. Franklin made a very spirited address on the subject of equal rights for the negroes throughout the entire world. He spoke for an hour and one half. He called the attention of the members to the fact of my presence there and explained that I was conducting an investigation of the association; that I had been informed that the Association was radical and should not be permitted to exist. He remarked that some one was a traitor and had been carrying lies to the whites and that he had information as to who was the guilty one. He then said that if he was sure he would kill him. Repeating it he said, " I will kill him m y s e l f " (at this time he pounded himself on the chest) and no government in the land would question it because it would only be another negro out of the way. He explained in very emphatic language that the negro was just as good as any white man and that they would ask for their rights first and if they did not get them they would fight to the death for them. He called the negroes cowards for standing indignities forced upon them by whites. He told them that if they had any backbone they would lynch a white man every time a negro was lynched. Franklin than mentioned the Klu Klux Klan, saying that it was being organized all over the country for the purpose of suppressing the negroes. He said that a large Klan was now being organized in Pittsburgh. He then added that when their organization was complete they would have an organization "far more terrible than the Klu Klux Klan ever was." A book of the By-Laws of this organization is attached to the Washington copies of this report. F. M . AMES

[.Endorsement] Filed General Intelligence Library 9/8/21 DNA, RG 65, file BS 202600-824-7- TD. Handwritten endorsement.

3

T H E M A R C U S GARVEY AND U N I A PAPERS

William J. Burns to W. B. Matthews, Bureau of Investigation [Washington, D.C.\ September i, 1921 Dear Sir: Confirming conversation with your office on the 31st ultimo, this will advise you that M A R C U S G A R V E Y will speak Friday, September 2nd at Cadet Armory, 8th and O Streets. The Bureau is particularly anxious that you have Garvey covered after he leaves the hall, in order to ascertain where he is stopping for the night, also if possible, if his secretary Amy Jenks [Jacques] is accompanying him. It is alleged that Garvey has violated the Mann White Slave Act on previous occasions and we are particularly desirous of securing some evidence along that line during his stay in Washington. Very truly yours, W . J. B U R N S

Director D N A , RG 65, file BS 198940-255. TLS, carbon copy.

Frank Burke to A. J. Frey, United States Shipping Board [Washington, D.C.] September 1, 1921 From: Division of Investigation. To: A. J. Frey, Vice-President, In Charge of Operation. Subject: M A R C U S G A R V E Y O F T H E B L A C K S T A R L I N E . I am enclosing herewith for your information, copy of a letter written in Washington, D.C., under date of August 31, 1921, signed by W. J. Burns, Director, Bureau of Investigation, Department of Justice. The subject is President of the Universal Negro Improvement Association, the communist party which is affiliated with the Russian Soviet Government and had been for several years a ra[d]ical agitator in the organizations of which he is a member. He advocates and teaches the over-throw of the United States Government by force and violence. The Department of Justice has a record of this man covering a long period of time which shows his activities and that his associates are anarchists and agitators. FRANK BURKE

Manager, Division of Investigation

4

SEPTEMBER 1921 FB.HS

Enc. [Endorsement] Recommended sale to this party be cancelled DNA, RG }2, file 605-1-653. TLS, recipient's copy. Handwritten endorsement.

Henry C. Von Struvc, U.S. Consul, Antilla, Cuba, to the Black Star Line, New York Antilla [Cuba] 1 September 1921 1

Shipping passengers steamer [M]unamar [S]aturday charge piracy destruction appears absolutely unfounded unquestionably crew entitled wages and transportation strongly advise you send money urged by Debourg 2 to avoid serious trouble [ H E N R Y C . ] V O N STRUVE

DNA, RG 84, file 885. TG, carbon copy. 1. The destitute crew of the S.S. Kanawha, stranded at Antilla, Cuba. 2. John Sydney de Bourg.

s

T H E MARCUS GARVEYAND U N I A PAPERS

Marcus Garvey's Declaration of Intention to Become a United States Citizen

126

S. DEPARTMENT OF LABOR

NATURALIZATION «»VICI

101706

DECLARATION

OF

INTENTION

Invalid for all purposes seven years after the date hereof State of New York.

In the District Court of the United States.

Southern District of New York, g,

Marcus Up»lfth..ftoyejrt

occupation

Journalist'»

description is: Color weight

19Q

bltwk

on the

complexion

black

pounds, color of hair ....black.

other visible distinctive marks I was born in

aged

S

years,

, do declare on oath that my personal , height

5 feet .7. inches,

color of eyes . . h l S i X . .

none»

¿«Mi8.*«_Bi!?.l.t.

ITtt

day of

Aug»

, anno Domini i.887-~! I now reside

at

133 West 1 2 9 t h S t j u*I -i«naiuAl ¿«cUradty^ Subscribed and sworn to before me in the office of the Clerk of said C(nirt £ S E A L -j

at New York City, N. Y., this ..1.

day of

Sejt»

anno Domini 191, 2 1 » ALEX GILCHRIST. JR.. CltrkJ tlu District Court of the UnitlJ Statu. By

Deputy Clerk.

6

S E P T E M B E R 1921

E. R. Conners, Master, S.S. Kanawha, to Henry C. Von Struve Antilla, Cuba, September 2, 1921 Sir: The S.S. "Kanawha" of the Black Star Line, of which steamer I am Master, had to put into the port of Antilla on August 2$th, 1921, because its boilers were in such condition that not enough steam could be made to continue the journey to New York, where the ship was bound. The owners of the Kanawha have repeatedly refused to furnish me with funds to pay the crew or buy food for the crew and passengers aboard the steamer, and I have been unable to obtain funds for that purpose from any source. I therefore request that you assist the crew in whatever manner you may find it possible, as there is no food aboard the ship to feed them nor do I know of any means of obtaining such food. Respectfully yours, E. R.

CONNERS

Master S.S. Kanawha DNA, R G 84, file 885. TLS, recipient's copy.

E. R. Conners to Henry C. Von Struve Antilla, Cuba, September 2, 1921 Sir: Enclosed I am sending you two copies of the pay roll of the S.S. Kanawha, showing the amount of wages due each member of the crew. I certify that the amounts shown to be due on said pay roll are correct, the amounts shown to be due being the wages due the crew up to and including September 3,1921. Each member of the crew has been furnished by me with a statement of the amount due him up to and including September 3, 1921. Respectfully, E. R.

CONNERS

Master S.S. Kanawha DNA, R G 84, file 88j. TLS, recipient's copy.

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JJ

T H E M A R C U S GARVEY AND U N I A PAPERS

Marcus Garvey to Sir Eric Drummond,1 Secretary-General, League of Nations Tork]

2-9-21

The following Resolution was adopted at the Second International Convention of Negroes in New York on 31st day of August and ordered forwarded to you to lay before the League— Be it resolved we the duly elected representatives of the Negro peoples of the world assembled in this Second Annual International Convention do protest against the distribution of the lands of Africa by the Supreme Council and the League of Nations among the White Nations of the world. Africa by right of heritage is the property of the African Races and those at home and those abroad are now sufficiently civilised to conduct the affairs of their own homeland. This Convention believes in the right of Europe for the Europeans, Asia for the Asiatics and Africa for the Africans those at home and those abroad. We believe further that only a close and unselfish application of this principle will prevent threatening race wars that may cast another gloom over civilisation and humanity. At this time humanity everywhere is determined to reach a common standard of nationhood hence four hundred million Negroes demand a place in the political sun of the world. SECOND

INTL. CONVENTION

OF

NEGROES/U.N.I.A.

Marcus Garvey, President LNA

1/15345/15345

R-

41.

TG, transcript.

1. Sir Eric Drummond (1876-1951) was the first secretary-general of the League of Nations.

L. B. Weeks, Acting Chief of Staff for Military Intelligence, to the Director, Military Intelligence Division GOVERNOR'S ISLAND, NEW YORK CITY

September 3, 1921 Subject: Negro Situation in New York and Jersey City . . . It is stated among various leaders in Harlem, who are opposed to Garvey, that his regime will come to a sudden and sad end within two weeks. Garvey[']s books [are] said to have been confiscated by District Attorney Hayward to be examined for violations of the Federal Statutes.1 The Pan 12

SEPTEMBER 1921

Union Company of New York has a suit against Garvey for some eight thousand dollars, the Black Star Line is sup[p]osed to have taken a shipment of wine and liquor to the West Indies before the Volstead Act went into effect. This cargo was never delivered to the consignees, only empty barrels and cases were delivered. Garvey claims that the Captain of the ship and the crew disposed of the cargo. This suit and various other activities of Garvey are being used by his enemies to discredit him with the masses. Another sign of trouble within the ranks of Garveys various societies is the fact that some of the prominent office holders have severed their connections with the U.N.I.A. The Chapl[a]in General Dr. G. A. McGuire, Dr. F. W. Ellegor, Rev. R. H. Tobitt, The Assistant President-General Dr. J. [D.] Gordon and others were compelled to sever their connections with the U.N.I.A. as they had been engaged in other activities while holding offices in the above association contrary to its constitution and prefer[r]ed to continue in their private endeavors. This is also being made capital of by Garvey's enemies, as a sign of disintegration in the U.N.I.A. Garvey is also now being asked for an accounting of the money collected for stock in the U.N.I.A. and the Black Star Line, something never before attempted by his admirers. The A.B.B. has pointed out that Garvey's whole attitude is one of compromise, he advised all negroes to be loyal to the various countries and flags under which they lived, and the A.B.B. ask how this can be reconciled with the idea of independence for the Negro and the establishment of an African Republic. Negroes cannot be loyal to the flags of France, Portugal, Spain, England and other countries and at the same time establish a Republic in Africa for Africans only.2 It is claimed that Garvey has made promises to the U.S. Government to refrain from any and all agitation in order to come back to the U.S. and to remain here, hence his compromising attitude and the consequent betrayal of his race. Hubert H. Harrison is still conducting meetings nightly and attacking the great leader, Garvey, without using his name.3 Harrison still receives his pay from Garvey as an editorial writer on the Negro World, although he does not send anything in for the paper. It is stated that Garvey is afraid to dismiss him. . . . L. B. WEEKS

Acting A.C. of S. for M.I. DNA, RG 165, file 10218-261-76. TL, recipient's copy. 1. William Hayward (1877-19+4) was a white lawyer born in Nebraska City, Nebr. He is credited with recruiting, organizing, and training the all-black New York Fifteenth Regiment. He was chairman of the N.Y. State Republican Convention in 1920, and he was U.S. attorney for the Southern District of New York from 1921 to 1925 (WWW). There is no record of any confiscation of U N I A records at this time. 2. In its October 1921 issue, the Crusader published the following editorial on the African Blood Brotherhood's stand on national loyalties: What does Mr. Garvey mean by pledging Negro loyalty to the United States Government and giving that government a blanket endorsement for all its future wars, whether those wars be against friendly Soviet Russia, racial Japan, China or Haiti; and whether the U.S. Government take steps to protect Negroes in their constitutional rights or

13

T H E M A R C U S GARVEY AND U N I A PAPERS refuse, as in the past, to take such steps? What does he mean by advising Negroes to "be loyal to all flags under which they live"? H o w can Negroes liberate Africa if they remain loyal to Great Britain, France, Belgium and other European plunderers? (Crusader 5, no. 2 [October 1921]: 23) 3. During Garvey's Caribbean tour in 1921, Harrison held mass meetings in Harlem, condemning violence against blacks and selling his book When Africa Awakes (New York: Porro Press, 1920). Friction between himself and Garvey had already resulted in Harrison's demotion from associate editor of the Negro World to contributing editor. Harrison, therefore, made little effort to hide his differences with Garvey in subsequent speeches. His lectures were apparently well attended, especially by Garveyites, who flocked to hear him during Garvey's absence ( D N A , R G 65, file BS 202600-667).

Report by Special Agent P-138 NEW Y O R K , N.Y. 9/3/2I

I again visited [31 August] the offices of the Black Star Line in an effort to ascertain whether there is any foundation to the rumors that M A R C U S G A R V E Y was trying to leave for Africa. One of the employees told me that the Shipping Board had sold the Black Star Line the Steamer Orion, which would be used in the African route. This would lead me to think that if Garvey was contemplating going to Africa, he would travel on his own ship. At any rate I am fully in touch with the situation and can give the necessary information whenever the facts warrant it. P-138

D N A , RG 65, file BS 198940-260. TD.

Report by Special Agent J. T. Flournoy [ Washington, D.C.] Sept. 3, 1921 NEGRO

ACTIVITIES:

Marcus G[ar]vey, variously characterized by the negro press of Washington as like "Gand[h]i in India" and "[de] V[a]lera in Ireland", paid a visit to this city on Friday, September 2, and delivered an address at the Cadets O. Street Armory. He was accompanied by Amy Jenks [Jacques], traveling with him as his stenographer. After delivering a speech eulogizing the work of the Universal Negro Improvement Association augmented by his latest arguments, " A Plea for racial purity," he left on the midnight train for New York. J. T .

D N A , RG 65, file BS 202600-9-39. TD.

14

FLOURNOY

SEPTEMBER 1921

Report by Bureau Agent H. J. Lenon [Pittsburgh] Sept. 3rd, 1921 N E G R O ACTIVITIES

Information was received at this office to the effect that a colored organization in Pittsburgh had solicited the membership for money promising certain returns and that those who invested their money had no assurance that the investment was safe. Investigation revealed the fact that the UNIVERSAL NEGRO IMPROVEMENT ASSOCIATION and commonly called the " B L A C K STAR L I N E , " which is headed by one MARCUS GARVEY, self styled President King of the colored race[,] is the organization referred to. It appears that a colored cook employed by a citizen of Pittsburgh, who does not wish to have his name mentioned, informed her employer that she had invested $250.00 in the " B A C K TO A F R I C A " scheme. For this money she was to receive free transportation to Liberia and an equity in land and a colonization scheme of the IMPROVEMENT ASSOCIATION. The above mentioned colored woman is described as an ignorant negro woman, who with mouth wide open drinks in every word that is told to her by the Agents and accepts it as Gospel truth. This woman is now in New York as a delegate to a convention held by the ASSOCIATION. Her employer said "as a delegate she is a fine cook." Arrangements will be made to interview the colored woman upon her return to Pittsburgh. H . J. LENON

DNA, RG

6J,

file BS

202600-1768-21.

TD.

Henry C. Von Struve to the Black Star Line, New York Antilla, Cuba September 3, 1921 Sirs:

In pursuance of your request I have to-day shipped nine of the passengers of the S.S. Kanawha to New York on the S.S. Munamar of the Munson Line. One of the passengers still remains here as the Munson Line would not take him, due to his physical condition. The money you sent to pay the expenses was not all used up and an accounting will be made for it as soon as the last passenger is disposed of. I am awaiting further advices from you in regard to him.

IS

T H E MARCUS GARVEY AND U N I A PAPERS

I have also shipped to New York to-day on the S.S. Munamar thirtynine o f the crew o f the Kanawha, as your refusal to furnish money to provide them with food, pay their wages or their transportation left them destitute. From the evidence I could gather here there seems no legal justification o f any kind for your refusal to provide for the crew or for your action in abandoning them in a foreign port, and I have reported the facts to the shipping commissioner in New York, who will no doubt take steps in the matter. I trust that before the receipt o f this letter you will have paid the Munson Line the cost o f transporting the crew from here to New York, so that this expense will not fall on the government which would no doubt make an investigation o f the whole matter. There are remaining on the Kanawha its captain, its chief engineer, a stowaway and one o f the passengers. It is questionable whether the Cuban Government will permit the disembar[k]ation o f the stowaway unless he is provided with means to leave the country. It would seem to be advisable for you to immediately send to Antilla some one fully authorized to settle up all matters pertaining to the S.S. Kanawha, and to take charge of the vessel. My understanding is that the steamer is in good shape with the exception of the boilers, which seem to be in entirely unservic[e]able condition. If the ship is permitted to remain here without being well looked after it is liable to be stripped o f all articles o f value that can be removed, as it is understood to have happened to other vessels in similar conditions. Furthermore, it would probably be merely a question o f time until the steamer would become entirely worthless. Yours truly, H . C . V O N STRUVE,

American Consul D N A , RG 84, file 88$. TLS, carbon copy.

African Redemption Fund List [Negro World, 3 September 1921] The Universal Negro Improvement Association, charged with the responsibility o f freeing the four hundred million oppressed Negroes o f the world and with the redemption o f Africa, is now raising a universal fund to capitalize its work for the freedom o f Africa. The Second Annual International Convention o f the Negro peoples of the world legislated that a capitalization fund for the propagation o f the work be raised from among all Negroes under the caption o f "The African Redemption Fund"; that each member o f the Negro race be asked to donate five dollars ($5[.]oo) or more to the fund for the cause o f world-wide race adjustment, and the freedom o f Africa. Each and every Negro contributing 16

S E P T E M B E R 1921

to this fund will receive a certificate of race loyalty given by the Universal Negro Improvement Association with the autographed signatures of the Provisional President of Africa, the Secretary General and High Chancellor of the Universal Negro Improvement Association. If you are a race patriot, if you are desirous of seeing your race liberated, if you are desirous of seeing Africa free from oppression, if you are desirous of building up a great Negro race, you will send in your five dollars or more immediately to the "African Redemption Fund." Send postal money order, money mail order, check or American currency in registered cover, made out to the Universal Negro Improvement Association. All remittances must be made out to the association and not to individuals. Address your communication to Secretary General, Universal Negro Improvement Association j6 West 135th street, New York City, N.Y., U. S. A. All donations to this fund will be acknowledged in the Negro World, week by week, and a book of donors will be printed and circulated all over the world as a record for succeeding generations of Negroes to see and know those who contributed to the liberation of the race and the freedom of Africa. Send in your five dollars or more now.

THE

FUND

Fred A. Toote

$

George A. McGuire

5 00 5.00

Marcus Garvey

50.00

Lady Henrietta V. Davis

10.00

George O'Brien

5.00

E. V. Morales

5.00

C. A. Reid (Panama) P. L. Burrows Geo. H. Walls Lucille C. Walls Carriebelle Walls Ruth Walls Ada Walls

5.00 5.00 5-oo 5.00 5.00 5-00 5.00

Geo. H. Walls, Jr

5.00

Bertha Johnson

5.00

John O'Loughlin

5.00

Geo. N. Taitt

5 00

S. V. Robinson Noah T. Thompson

5.00 5 00 T7

T H E M A R C U S G A R V E Y A N D U N I A PAPERS

W. S. Powell

5.00

Mrs. M. M. J. Duvall

5.00

Susie Bell Anderson

5.00

Alveritta L. Thomas

j.oo

Emily C. Kinch

5.00

Mary A. Johnson

j.oo

Zilla Thompson

10.00

G. E. M. Carter

5.00

William Isles

5.00

Effie Willis

5.00

Arnold Cunnings

10.00

John C. Simons

5.00

Waldron Pitt

5.00

W. Lionel Patterson

5.00

Wilcolm Ellegor

5.00

E. L. Gaines and Wife

10.00

G. E. Stewart (Chancellor)

10.00

J. O'Meally

5.00

C. H. Bryant

5.00

Mrs. Josephine Bryant

5.00

Allen Hobbs

5.00

Florida Lee Jenkins

5.00

Mrs. Geraldine Johnson

5.00

Wm. Duncan

5.00

Atheron Miller

5.00

Wilford H. Smith

10.00

Total

$

Printed in NW, 3 September 1921. Original headlines omitted.

18

305.00

S E P T E M B E R 1921

Letter by Marcus Garvey for the African Redemption Fund

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r t j t f ^ ^ t Harkrn 11

One God I

One Aim!

One Destiny !

P A R E N T BOOY Huinrrnal M.HCOt C.HVIV

N r g r u

J m p r m i r m r u t

AdHuriatinn FHIO « TOOTl

ANO

CihiiI

»1« w r u , « » n « « , s « c o n

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(SommunttirR

l e a g u e

'

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U N I V E R S A L BUILDING. 3 « W E S T I3STM S T R E E T - M . t r i t M ti

NEW

YORK.

U. S

A.

Mm4 «11 MliMM «J M . t . 4w«ll mm Hm I m . «1 Mm Mttk "

A F R I C A N R E D E M P T I O N FUND H E L P T H E C A U S E OF H U M A N I T Y ! H E L P THE NEGRO R A C E TO E S T A B L I S H I T S E L F . H E L P T H E NEGRO TO R E D E E M HIS M O T H E R L A N D

AFRICA!

F I V E D O L L A R S OR MORF. C A N RK GIVEN TO H E L P T H I S C A U S E .

Dm

New

Friend:

I a p p r o a c h y o u w i t h ( h i » letter-liMt in l h « m m « of (ion. a s k i n g y o u f o r • con t h b a t ion of live M i a n * or F U N D . " Our o r g a n i s a t i o n i» m d n v o r l n i t o rain« work for l h « r e d e m p t i o n of our M o t h e r l a n d . A f r i c a .

York

192

t h « I ' n i v e n « ! N e g r o I m p r o v e m e n t A—aria» o r « t o w a r d o a r " A f f i K AN REDEMPTION a h r | f f u n d f o r I k « purpone of f w t o t l i i t » i M t o help t h « N e g r o R a c « g e n e r a l l y .

For t h r e e h u n d r e d a n d flfty y e a n , t h « N e g r o h a * I h m a p p r e w t d . a n d in mMB m i f f « r i n g . W « d»» i r e to h«(p oura«lv«it to political F r e e d o m In A f r i c a , a n d i n d u s t r i a l , e d u c a t i o n a l , a a d * £ c t a l f r t o dom e v e r y w h e r e . W e a r e w o r k i n g f o r t h « F r e e d « « of A f r i c a , e v e n a » t h e Irtnh w o r k f a r t h « Kreedom of I r « l a n d , t h « J e w * for t h « F r c c d o a i of P a l e n t l a « . a n d t h « l a d i a n » f o r t h « F r o o d n a of India. E v e r y perwon in a x k e d to c o n t r i b u t e Ave d o l h n t or more t o thin f u n d , to help a * w i n I J tort y . hence I h e r e a n d now a * k you for >our c o n t r i b u t i o n . If y o u l a v « h u a u l i b e r t y : if you tottevc t h a t all R a c e * »hould be f r e e , if you b e l i « v e t h a t t h e N « g r o » h o u l d h a v « a c o u n t r y of h b o w n : if you h e l i « v « the N e g r o should h a v « j u * t i c « ; if you b«IWv« t h e N « g r o n k « a U to g i v e n t h e c h a n c e to develop h i m * * l f . then p l e a « « w r i t e y o u r n a m e , addrewt, a n d a a * u a t of y o u i ntntiibution on attached lint. T h e C o n t r i b u t i o n t h a t you » r i t e on a t t a c h e d lint i* to be *ent im m e d i a tei> l o t h e H e a d q u a r t e r » «1 ( h e U n i v e r s a l N e g r o I m p r o v e m e n t A » » o c i a l i o n . a n d a c e r t i f i c a t e of loyalt> a n d d w o t t o a l o t h e C a u s r of H u m a n L i b e r t y , will he ' T o u l un ibis flioei. FROM TO -J ^olph Sawiffiir loz tl karonr-G^rray ôowiniitt Send by mail immediately original latter with envelope in which «noiose fust a» ypv rsoeivei it f f u brings reorganization and star line

He* York ]«th.

For Conditons od whcih Messages are Transmited see b°ok.

m

T H E M A R C U S G A R V E Y AND U N I A PAPERS

T. G. W. Paul to Marcus Garvey [Washington, D.C.] November 17, 1921 C O N F E R E N C E O N T H E LIMITATION O F ARMAMENT SECRETARIAT G E N E R A L

Sir— I am directed by the Secretary of State, the Chairman of the Conference, to acknowledge the receipt of your communication, which has been read with attention. I am charged to express to you his appreciation of the interest and support which you have been so good as to evince. Yours very truly, T . G . W . PAUL

For the Secretary-General Printed in W , 17 December 1921. Original headlines abbreviated.

Report by Bureau Agent A. A. Hopkins Los Angeles, Cal. Nov. 17, 1921 U N I V E R S A L N E G R O IMPROVEMENT ASSOCIATION N E G R O ACTIVITIES

Reference is made to previous reports by Agent under above title. NOAH D. THOMPSON a n d w . L. KIMBROUGH, r e s p e c t i v e l y P r e s i d e n t a n d

Secretary o f the L o s Angeles Branch o f the UNIVERSAL NEGRO IMPROVE-

MENT ASSOCIATION, were the delegates to the convention at New York, during the months of August and September, 1921. NOAH THOMPSON, on the floor of the Convention, questioned the financial dealings of MARCUS GARVEY, both in connection with the BLACK STAR LINE and THE U.N.I.A., forced the publishing of a financial report and

attacked the accuracy of same,—thereby incurring the hostility of GARVEY. Upon his return to Los Angeles, the latter part of September, he made a report to the Los Angeles Branch U.N.I.A., which was distinctly unfavorable t o MARCUS GARVEY and his financial methods.

The Los Angeles Branch of the Universal Negro Improvement Association has always been of considerable importance to GARVEY, as the Southern California membership is large. Most of the members are prosperous and monetary contributions and the sale of bonds in the various GARVEY ventures have been very successful. MARCUS GARVEY and the National Officers telegraphed to the local negro papers and even inserted paid advertisements, attacking THOMPSON and advising the local U.N.I.A., to throw him out. This was followed up by the sending from New York to Los Angeles of "Captain" E. L. GAINES,

194

N O V E M B E R 1921

Minister of Legions, for the avowed purpose of ousting THOMPSON and his followers from the U.N.I.A. There had already, as previously reported, been a split and secession movement in the Local U.N.I.A., composed principally of West Indian negroes and the radical element, who objected to the conservative and patriotic stand of THOMPSON. The better element of the negro population, including church people, Federal, County and City employees, and those who are seeking to avoid any racial trouble or clashes, have always and d o yet support THOMPSON.

E. L. GAINES, backed by the radical element, attempted to call a meeting of the U.N.I.A. in one of the churches, as the U.N.I.A. has always met in the negro churches of Los Angeles; this meeting was to be held for the purpose of ousting THOMPSON and the regular officers of the U.N.I.A. However, none of the churches would permit GAINES the use of their church for his meeting and he held a meeting on a vacant lot, read an order from GARVEY, dissolving the Los Angeles U.N.I.A., and organized a new branch. JAMES A. SMITH was elected President and WM. A. CORBIN, executive Secre-

tary. CORBIN is a New York negro and was sent by GARVEY to take over the job of secretary. Probably a hundred of the former members of THOMPSON'S organization went over into the new branch, including the entire membership o f THE BLACK LEGION under the leadership of one MORGAN; all the

West Indian negroes and the radicals are included in this membership. NOAH THOMPSON refused to surrender the Charter and has renamed his O r g a n i z a t i o n THE PACIFIC COAST UNIVERSAL NEGRO IMPROVEMENT ASSN.,

retaining the old officers,—and announces that their object will be for the betterment of the race on the Pacific Coast. The conservative, patriotic negro population is backing him. The principal Los Angeles negro paper says: The Black, Red and Green (by agent—the U.N.I.A. Flag)—flag will hereafter officially float over the Headquarters of President Jas. A. Smith,—while Mr. Noah Thompson must find refuge under the Stars and Stripes. But there are millions of people, who like the Stars and Stripes, and maybe Mr. Thompson won't feel lonely after all. In fact, there was with him at Tabernacle Church, Thursday night, a large number of "Brave men and women" who like to be called Americans and Americans Only. The fight is still on; GARVEY is sending "His Excellency" j. w. H. EASON, "American Leader"—to Los Angeles, and he is billed to speak November 27th, 1921, at the Headquarters of the new U.N.I.A., in Los Angeles, according to confidential informant, j. w. H. EASON is the successor of REV. J. D. GORDON, former U.N.I.A. Chief, who was forced out of the U.N.I.A., at the New York Convention. A . A . HOPKINS

DJ-FBI, file 61. TD. I9S

T H E MARCUS GARVEY AND U N I A PAPERS

J. Edgar Hoover to George F. Ruch WASHINGTON, D.C. N o v e m b e r 17, 1921 MEMORANDUM FOR M R .

RUCH:

Mr. William C. Matthews, a colored attorney, of Boston and New York, called yesterday morning in the interests of Marcus Garvey. He stated that Special Agent Anderson, of the New York office, had communicated with some party in New York, stating that the government was in possession of information that a bribe of $5,000 had been passed in Washington in connection with the obtaining of Garvey's visa. Mr. Matthews was desirous of giving us such information which we might be seeking in this matter. I assured him that there are no questions at the present time which we desire to ask him, but if at any time in the future we had occasion to seek any information concerning Garvey's activities, or that of his organization[,] that we would call upon him for such information as he might care to give us. During the course of the interview he showed me a letter which Garvey had received from Cyril Briggs, inviting Garvey to join the African Blood Brotherhood. From this letter both Garvey and Matthews drew the conclusion that Briggs through innuendo claimed the responsibility for the Tulsa riots. 1 I have read the same over, and must confess that his language left that impression. Matthews stated that he would send to us any information which might come to Garvey or himself relating to Briggs' pernicious activities, which he considered to be a menace to this country. Respectfully, J. E. H[OOVER] D J - F B I , file 61. T L I , recipient's copy. 1. In this letter, written on 15 August 1921, Briggs allowed, "The statement sent broadcast over the United States by the Associated Press to the effect that the A.B.B. 'fomented and directed the Tulsa riot'; e.g.[,] agitated, supplied leaders, ammunition, etc., while not literally true[,] can still give you an idea of the nature of our organization" (Crusader 5, no. 3 [November 1921]: 1). In a letter to the New Tork World dated 18 June 1921, a white Tulsa minister named Rolfe Crum stated, "some of the Negroes have been planning a racial revolution for some time and . . . there is a secret order of revolutionists with its agents all over the country called the African Blood Brotherhood." In his response to the letter, Briggs described the ABB as a " N e g r o protective organization," concluding with the slogan "BETTER A THOUSAND RACE R I O T S T H A N A S I N G L E L Y N C H I N G " (Crusader 4 , no. 6 [August 1 9 2 1 ] : 1 7 - 1 8 ) . Briggs never revealed the details of the ABB's role in preparing Tulsa blacks for self-defense; the Tulsa ABB had announced weeks before the riot, however, that it would meet any attempt at lynching in Tulsa with force (Theodore G. Vincent, Black Power and the Garvey Movement [Berkeley, Calif.: Ramparts Press, 1 9 7 1 ] , pp. 7 5 - 7 6 ; Scott Ellsworth, Death in a Promised Land [Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1982], pp. 136-137).

196

N O V E M B E R 1921

Report by Special Agent Mortimer J. Davis New York City 11/18/21 IN RE:

B L A C K S T A R L I N E — V I O L A T I O N S E C T I O N 215, U.S.C.C.—USING

MAILS TO

DEFRAUD.

Acknowledgment is made of the Director's letter of Nov. 9, initialed as below, which advises that Cyril Briggs, Editor of "The Crusader," has been endeavoring to get the Post Office Department to take action against Marcus Garvey and the Black Star Line for having used the United States mails to defraud its shareholders. I interviewed Briggs at 2299 Seventh Avenue, New York City, on the 15th inst. and he appeared very willing to give his assistance in this matter. His charge against the subjects is based upon copy of a circular issued by the Black Star Line, the outer page of which carries a photograph of a large freighter with the name "Phyllis Wheatley" on the bow. The purpose of this circular is to solicit stock subscriptions and while it is not stated in this circular that the "Phyllis Wheatley" is owned by the Black Star Line, the entire effect is to lead one falsely to that impression. Briggs advised me that on October 29th he addressed a letter to the Department of Commerce, Bureau of Navigation, Washington, asking whether or not such a ship as the "Phyllis Wheatley" actually existed. He showed me copy of the reply which he received and which reads as follows: Department of Commerce Bureau of Navigation Washington The Crusader, 2299 Seventh Ave., New York, N.Y. Gentlemen: Complying with your request of the 29th inst. this office advises you that it has been unable to find in its record or maritime reports the steamships "Antonio Maceo" and "Phyllis Wheatley". Respectfully, A.

FIGRER,

Acting Commissioner The above letter is reproduced in the November issue of "The Crusader" and an editorial accompanying it makes a direct charge against the Black Star Line that it does not own any such ship as the "Phyllis Wheatley." Briggs states he is positive that the circular mentioned above has been widely circulated through the mails. Upon my solicitation he promised to obtain the name and address of at least one person who received same and

197

T H E M A R C U S GARVEY AND U N I A PAPERS

will be willing to give a statement. H e also has offered to secure the names of persons w h o , having received this circular and believing that the steamship "Phyllis Wheatley" was the property of the Black Star Line, purchased stock therein. In Briggs' office at the time I interviewed him was one Rev. McGuire (colored), former Chaplain General of the Universal Negro Improvement Association. McGuire advised me that he was formerly very active in Marcus Garvey's behalf, but having come to the conclusion that he was a swindler, left the organization, losing his investment of some $300. in various stock enterprises which Garvey engineered. McGuire is now associated with Briggs. Both informed me, and I verified their statements by copies of the " N e g r o W o r l d , " that the Black Star Line has been advertising passenger and freight sailings from the port o f New York on the Steamship "Phyllis W h e a t l e y . " Briggs states that many families have sold out their belongings in various cities, booked passage on the ship through Garvey and have come to N e w York where they are now destitute. H e states that he is able to obtain the names and addresses o f several such families for the Government. There is nothing in our files indicating that the Black Star Line has ever o w n e d such a ship as the "Phyllis Wheatley." There have been, on the other [h]and, many statements made by officials of the Line, and in the " N e g r o W o r l d " which would lead to the belief that they did own a ship by that name. Advertisements have even appeared in this publication offering to take freight and passengers on the "Phyllis Wheatley"' to Africa. MORTIMER J.

DAVIS

DJ-FBI, file 61. TD.

J. Edgar Hoover to William J. Burns [Washington, D.C.] MEMORANDUM FOR MR.

November 18, 1921

BURNS:

I am attaching hereto a copy of a memorandum which Mr. Ruch addressed to me summarizing the latest information received from our confidential informant located in N e w York. H e is the informant w h o is engaged in investigating the negro activities. I thought you would be interested in the facts set forth in the attached memorandum. Respectfully, J. E.

[Handwritten endorsement] Here is another case of just giving conversation— he states he is trying to find out who is putting up the money—we want a closer alliance with the subjects—please see me [Stamped endorsement] READ BY W[illiam] J. B[urns] DJ-FBI, file 61-826-X6. TLI, recipient's copy.

198

H[OOVER]

NOVEMBER 1921

Enclosure WASHINGTON, D.C.

November 17, 1921

MEMORANDUM FOR M R . HOOVER

Confidential According to information from confidential informant 800 on November 13th, 1921, Briggs is continuing his attack upon Garvey. 800 calls our special attention to pages 13 and 25 of the November issue of the "Crusader," which is distributed by Briggs. One Bishop McGuire, who was formerly Chaplain General of Garvey's organization, recently deserted and has become an ardent follower of Briggs. Garvey is now of the opinion that McGuire i[s] the one who stole from his office the mailing list of the "Negro World" and also the membership in the Universal Negro Improvement Association, as Briggs has sent some of his propaganda to everyone of the afore-referred to individuals. Attached hereto is a press release from Briggs announcing McGuire's affiliation with the American [African] Blood Brotherhood. Garvey continues to be very much worried over the case which Briggs has brought against him for libel. At the present time Garvey's attorneys are making every possible effort to fasten some illegal transaction upon Briggs A copy of this memorandum is being forwarded to Mr. Grimes for his information. Respectfully, G[EORGE] F. R[UCH] [Endorsement] NOTED J. E. H.

DJ-FBI, file 61-826-X6. TLI, recipient's copy. Stamped endorsement.

Enclosure NEW YORK, N.Y. U.S.A.

[ca. 17 November 1921] FOR IMMEDIATE

RELEASE

BISHOP M C G U I R E JOINS A . B . B . F O R M E R L Y C H A P L A I N - G E N E R A L OF U . N . I . A .

Bishop George Alexander McGuire, organizer of the African Orthodox Church, a movement begun two years ago by Negro Episcopalians who believe in Negro leadership, is the latest addition to the rapidly increasing membership of the African Blood Brotherhood. For about 25 years the Rev. Dr. McGuire occupied a prominent rank among the clergy of the Protestant Episcopal Church, but in November, 1919, he withdrew from that body, 199

T H E MARCUS GARVEY AND U N I A PAPERS

started an Independent Episcopal Church, which has since developed into a denomination known as the African Orthodox Church, and for which he was consecrated the first bishop on September 2[8] last. Soon after beginning this movement Dr. McGuire became a disciple of the Garvey Movement, and in 1920, at the first convention, was elected chaplain-general; rendering most valuable service until August 1921. Owing to the demand made upon him to relinquish either his denominational work or his position as chaplaingeneral, Bishop McGuire unhesitatingly chose to resign his office in the U.N.I.A., rather than submit to any infringement of his religious freedom and obligations. The Convention elected no successor, but in appreciation of the Bishop's services, unanimously conferred upon him the title of Honorary Chaplain-General. Since the close of the Convention, Dr. McGuire has been communicating with his fellow members in the U.N.I.A. in the interest of the African Orthodox Church, and especially in the erection of a suitable monument to the unknown Negro heroes who paid the supreme sacrifice in the recent World War. President-General Garvey requested Bishop McGuire to desist from circularizing members of his organization and the latter refusing to surrender his individual right to correspond with whomsoever he desired, severed all connections with the U.N.I.A. and Mr. Garvey. In the A.B.B. the Bishop will find an organization, which while working intelligently and strenuously for a Free Africa and the protection and liberation everywhere of persons of African descent, does not interfere with his religious ideals and ecclesiastic efforts, nor limit his rights in the matter of personal correspondence. Judging from the advertisements in "The Negro World", and the official instructions and communications sent from headquarters of the U.N.I.A. to officers and members throughout the world in reference to the African Orthodox Church, it is evident that Dr. McGuire's resignation has aroused a spirit of vindictiveness among the powers that be with the purpose of hampering the progress of the Church. It would appear however that the intended persecution is acting as a veritable fertilizer for the African Orthodox Church. In Bishop McGuire the A.B.B. has made a most valuable acquisition, and the full force of the rushing current is near at hand! D J - F B I , file 61-826-X. T D on African Blood Brotherhood letterhead.

Confidential Informant 800 to George F. Ruch New York, Nov. 18, 1921 Sir: Enclosed you will find a press release that Garvey sent to every daily paper in the city. The object is publicity for Garvey. He is contemplating sending a sim[i]lar release to all the heads of the different denominations all over the world. 200

NOVEMBER 1921

Garvey served Briggs with a summons today for criminal libel over the article in Briggs['] magazine of the last issue. I left one of these magazines with you. Crichlow has entered suit against Garvey and the case comes up Monday the 21st of November. I was talking to Crichlow this afternoon and he was telling me that he had forwarded his report to the State Department covering his dealings with Garvey. Briggs told me last night that he had sent over 4000 free copies of his magazine to Africa and the West Indies. The stamps on these magazines would amount to quite a sum not including the cost of the magazines. It only goes to show that Briggs must have some outside financial help, but I don't think that any one knows just where this help is coming from but Briggs. I believe if any one could get this out of Briggs I could but I can never lead him into talking about this and I have tried a dozen times. Garvey will leave here some time Saturday night for Washington where he will speak Sunday. Respectfully, "800" [.Endorsement]

FILE

w. w.

G.

D J - F B I , file 61-826. T L S , recipient's copy. Stamped endorsement.

Enclosure NEW YORK CITY NOVEMBER 18, 1921 IMMEDIATE RELEASE.

Marcus Garvey, President General of the Universal Negro Improvement Association representing Negroes throughout the world sent the following cable to His Holiness, Pope Benedict XV, 1 at the Vatican, Rome, today: November 18, 1921. HIS HOLINESS POPE BENEDICT XV.

The Vatican, Rome. MOST HOLY FATHER:

On behalf of the scattered and most abused children of Africa numbering four hundred million I send you Greeting. Just at this time when the powerful nations of the world, through their Statesmen, are assembled at Washington, through the good services for humanity, of America's most Democratic and Liberal-minded President, the Negroes of the world desire to draw to your attention the many injustices practised against them. 201

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Four hundred millions of us are being continuously outraged in the lands of our domicile; and in Africa our Motherland, we are being exploited and robbed of our country. As human beings, we cry universally to Heaven for help and protection. Being men we ourselves feel that what others have done to win liberty we may also do; but the Negro does not believe in blood-shed, hence, we look upon the Disarmament Conference now assembled in the United States of America with great hope; nevertheless, we realize that there is an absence among a large number of the human Race of that larger humanity which should be the guiding principle of Nations and Races and which will prevent the stronger groups in the great human family granting to the weaker ones their rights. We believe the time has come for a true settlement of our human problems; that the white, yellow and black Races of the world should get together and adjust their racial differences. N o one Race should transgress the bounds of the other. The principle of Asia for Asiatics, Europe for the Europeans, Africa for the Africans should be respected and practised by all Races and Nations. For the bringing together therefore of the Righteous who believe in the Eternal principle of Justice to all mankind, we ask that as an assistance to the effort now being made at Washington by the Nations, that your Holiness[,] in conjunction with all the religious and racial leaders of the world, call a Conference of the "Bigger Brotherhood of Humanity", to include all Races, Creeds and Religions, and there and then lay out a program by which we shall have a lasting peace. This appeal is made to your Holiness as the greatest Religious leader of our time, and as Vicar of Our Lord and Saviour, Jesus Christ, on earth. We feel that your Holiness shall consider all humanity, Christian, Moslem, Bud[d]hist, Brahman, and Pagan. Feeling sure that your Holiness will act immediately for the salvation of the World and of Humanity, I have the honor to be Your Holiness' Obedient servant, MARCUS

GARVEY

President General UNIVERSAL N E G R O IMPROVEMENT ASSOCIATION,

and ist Provisional President of Africa 2

DJ-FBI, file 61-826-X7. Printed form letter. The text of Garvey's letter also appeared in NW, 26 November 1921. 1. Benedict X V (1854.-1922) was pope from 1914 to 1922. He was born Giacomo della Chiesa at Pegli near Genoa, Italy (WBD). 2. The British consul general in New York sent a copy of this press release to the British ambassador in Washington, D . C . , on 21 November 1921 (Gloster Armstrong to Henry Getty Chilton, 21 November 1921, P R O , C O 2690, X/M02249).

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Report by Special Agent J. G. Tucker [New York] Nov. 19, 1921 It is understood that a Negro named Major York, who has recently been operating in Philadelphia, has arrived in New York during the last few days with a new Liberian scheme. His idea, however, is different from that of Garvey's as it is his intention to g[a]ther together as many business men as possible and proceed by steamship to Liberia and there point out to the party the advantages to be had in that country by business men who will establish enterprises there. Duse Mohammed Ali, who resides at 230 West 136th St., New York, has recently been having conferences with Marcus Garvey, the subject of which, however, being at this time unknown. This man is described as being very highly cultured and about fifty-two years of age, and is said to have been in this country several weeks, arriving here from London. He is Director of the Inter-colonial Corporation, Ltd., of 180 Fleet St., London, and publisher in that city of the "African-Oriental Review." The publication of the Review is said to have been forbidden by the British Government during the war owing to the periodical's extreme radicalism. The American correspondent for the Review is John E. Bruce who is associated on the "Negro World" with Marcus Garvey and writes under the nom-de-plume "Bruce Grit." It is understood that Bruce has been friendly with Mohammed Ali for upwards of twenty years and that it is quite possible he has been responsible for Ali and Garvey getting together at this time, as it was known Garvey and Ali had been enemies for several years. The person who furnished the above information stated, that he had been told Garvey was once employed by Mohammed Ali in London as a porter and general worker around the former's office and that the "back to Africa scheme" was at that time engaging all of Ali's attention. Garvey is said to have gathered all information possible and suddenly left Ali's employ and came to this country where he immediately started the first of his many schemes which was based on the idea which he stole from Ali. The affairs of the Black Star Line are still in very bad financial condition, a number of suits having been brought against the Line by the creditors. The Universal Negro Improvement Association is also said to be in bad financial condition. J. G .

DJ-FBI, file 61. TD.

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Speech by Marcus Garvey [[Washington, D.C., November 20, 1921]] T H E N E G R O FACES THE W O R L D

"Mr. President, Officers, Members and Friends of the Washington Division o f the Universal Negro Improvement Association: I am with you this afternoon because of the invitation extended me by a committee o f your division as well as a request from our representative in the field, the Rev. George Riley. U p to now the people of New York do not know I am not in N e w York. I have had to steal out of New York so as to be here. I do not believe they will know I am not there until 8 o'clock tonight, when they are looking for me in Liberty Hall. It is very hard and difficult for me to leave New York, especially at this time, and I have been to Washington so often that I am somewhat tired o f Washington now. (Laughter.) Nevertheless, I am here to speak to you on the subject, 'The Negro Faces the World.' "Just at this time the eyes of the world are centered on the national capital o f this great country because a great conference is being held here. Through this conference the statesmen of the great nations of the world hope to bring about an everlasting peace, peace among the nations, peace among the races of the world. Every race in some way or other, excepting the Negro race, is represented at this conference. They are representing their national freedom, national independence, through the[ir] national voice—excepting the Negro. Nevertheless, the statesmen so assembled expect that they will be able to settle the future peace o f the world, and to do so, probably, without taking into consideration that there are four hundred million Negroes in the world who are not truly represented at that conference. T H E N E G R O M U S T REPRESENT HIMSELF

"The Negro has reached the stage of civilization when no race can represent him but himself. (Applause.) Any race or any nation that attempts to represent the Negro without first consulting the Negro and getting a mandate from the Negro is making a gross mistake. (Applause.) Once upon a time it was very e[a]sy to interpret the spirit of the Negro, the desire, the wants of the Negro, because he was satisfied with any and everything; he was satisfied with slavery; he was satisfied with peonage; he was satisfied with serfdom; he was satisfied with industrial limitation; he was satisfied with social ostracism; he was satisfied with political negation. But that was the old Negro whom we buried in 1914. (Applause.) The new Negro faces the world with a desire for political equality. (Applause.) And equality in every branch o f human endeavor. (Applause.) And because we desire political equality with the other races and nations of the world, we refuse to allow the Anglo-Saxon to represent us; we refuse to allow the Anglo-American to

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represent us; we refuse to allow the Frenchman to represent us; we refuse to allow the Italian to represent us. Four hundred million Negroes shall represent themselves, and through the national voice of Africa. (Loud applause.) N O T H I N G TO H I D E

" I am here in Washington this afternoon. I will be here tonight and tomorrow, to let those who are taking part in that conference on the limitation of armaments know that the new Negro must be heard; that, as he fought in France and Flanders for the salvation of the world, and for the preservation of democracy, he intends to fight for the liberation of Africa. (Applause.) We are not hiding it. We are not camouflaging about it. We mean it. And the declaration we give to the world we intend to back up with the last drop of our blood. (Applause.) We expect China shall be heard at this conference. We expect Japan shall be heard at this conference. We expect all the nations assembled there to be heard, and if we are not heard at the conference we will be heard from somewhere else. (Applause.) PRESIDENT HARDING'S

SPEECH

"There can be no abiding peace, there can be no lasting peace until four hundred million Negroes are truly, truly, truly emancipated. (Applause.) I am here to give my endorsement and my whole-hearted support to the speech of one of America's greatest Presidents as delivered in Birmingham. I endorse without any reserve the speech of President Harding as delivered in Birmingham a couple of weeks ago. Why? Because I believe President Harding has sacrificed much to have made such a speech. President Harding had all to lose and nothing to gain from his colleagues, from his fellow Anglo-Americans when he made such a speech, and some of us criticize President Harding because we are not good statesmen. All true statesmen of the Negro race should compliment President Harding for making such a speech. (Applause.) He went farther in his speech than any President of the United States of America ever went; any white man anywhere in the world has gone for the last fifty years. And he is not a Negro, although they tried to make him so during [the] election. He is a white man and, therefore, has the interests of white people to conserve. And he was so honest in his conviction as a man that he left out the consideration he should have given to his own and considered us. President Harding should not have made that speech. (Laughter.) That is not his business. It is the Negro to speak for himself. (Applause.) We have been expecting others to do too much for us, and that is why everybody passes us by. The time has come for the Negro to speak for himself. Do not wait on President Harding to speak for you. Do not wait on any Senator, any Congressman to speak for you. Speak for yourselves. That is, if you believe yourselves to be men. If you still think with Darwin, then you can allow someone else to speak for you. If you believe you are the

20S

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missing link, then let someone else speak for you, but if you believe you are men, speak for yourselves as men. T H E U . N . I . A . ' S PART

"And the new Negro, through the Universal Negro Improvement Association, is speaking for himself. (Applause.) The new Negro is saying to the world: 'There can be no abiding peace until we are fully emancipated.' (Applause.) T o some of us this task seems very big. We are not accustomed, some o f us, to big talk as coming from ourselves. I am not here to satisfy the Negro who believes that he should still beg—I am here to satisfy the Negro who feels that the time has come for [h]im to demand. (Applause.) If I am the owner o f a bit of property, and someone has it in his possession without my selling it to him, without my giving it to him, without my loaning it to him, renting it to him—I am not going to beg for it when I want it—I am going to take it. Somebody has my liberty which man cannot give, which God the Creator gave me. And since he is depriving me of that liberty, I am going to reach out with all the power God Almighty gave me and take my liberty. (Applause.) We have been too cowardly as a race for too long. Cowardly about what? About dying? When it comes to dying, no one dies quicker under the leadership of the white man than the Negro. Let it be to die in France, Flanders, in Mesopotamia or anywhere under the leadership of the white man, and the Negro is ready and willing to die at any time. Now, you brave Negroes, we want you for a minute to think about your own leadership and die under that leadership, if you must die.1 (Applause.) If I must die, for whom must I die? For those who look like me, who are dearest to me—because charity begins at home. (Applause.) E Q U A L I T Y AND J U S T I C E F O R A L L

["]Something must happen before we can see a change. Man has become so corrupt, man is such a villain, man is such a vagabond, man is such a highway robber, such a thief that some dying has to be done before the weak can enjoy the rights belonging to them and of which they are deprived now by the strong. The strong have enslaved the weak, and now we hear the strong talking about peace. How can there be peace when you have robbed someone and you have not returned that which you have robbed? Human nature is not made that way. The peace that is talked of today is the peace that suits heaven and not this wicked world. For us to have peace we must have more of the practice of the Sermon on the Mount. For us to have peace we must have equality, justice to all mankind. And that includes whom? It includes white, yellow and black. (Applause.) Equality and justice to whites alone will mean war from yellow and black. Equality and justice to whites and yellow will mean war from the blacks. I want the world to understand that. There is not only an Eastern problem, an Asiatic problem—there is also an African problem. (Applause.) After you are through settling the problem

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of Europe, after you are through settling the problem of Asia, please remember that you are not through. There is a problem of Africa to be settled. (Applause.) And not until then will we have peace. A WRONG

CONCEPTION

["]Let me talk to you men and women of Washington plainly for two minutes. You live next door to the government. You see the almighty power of the government. You see the great machinery of government from close quarters. Every day you come in contact with it. You live so near to it that you are somewhat dazzled—you are somewhat afraid to think in other terms than those that are dictated to you by the government or by those who form a part of the government. Some of us have a wrong conception of government. Government is not a thing that is absolute. Government is not a thing infallible. Government is only an executive control, a centralized control, for the purpose of expression of the will of the people. Before you have a government you must have a people. Without the people there can be no government. The government must be an expression of the will of the people. Therefore, you being the people, you must not be afraid of government, because government is only a part of you giving expression to itself on your behalf. When government does not suit you you must change government. That is the higher intelligence that the white world gets out of government. And that is why we have political changes, overnight sometimes, in Europe, in France, in England, as in America. Whenever the people who make up the government feel that the government is not giving expression to their will they change the government. In America we change it from Republican to Democratic, from Democratic to Republican, and so we change it year by year. Whenever a group of people feel the pressure of government it is for them to get together and throw off that pressure. Now, what of us? We are four hundred million people in the world. We feel the pressure of government, we feel the pressure of injustice everywhere—not only in America, in Great Britain, in France, but universally. Four hundred million of us who feel the pressure of injustice. Now, what is our duty? To be afraid of that injustice? To be afraid of that system of government that practices that injustice? If you become afraid of it you shall be slaves to injustice; you shall be slaves to that government that oppresses you. But if you suffer as a whole, if you suffer in common, your duty is to get together in common, to come together as a whole (applause), and bring about the change that you desire. And that is the work of the Universal Negro Improvement Association. (Applause.). T H E W O R L D IS W A I T I N G F O R T H E N E G R O [ E ] S

["]Throughout the world we feel that we are oppressed, we feel that the other races that have become strong are taking a mean advantage of us, and because they show no indication of relieving the sufferings that we have

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undergone for these hundreds o f years [we are] organizing to relieve the suffering ourselves. (Applause.) The organization has been carrying on its propaganda for about four years. What has happened? In the four years we have linked up four million men and women, and four years ago the organization, when it started, was so insignificant that nobody, not even the ordinary policeman, would pay any attention to the Universal Negro Improvement Association. Today the organization has grown so strong that governments are shaking in their shoes. (Applause.) "And let me tell you that you have made an impression not on a statesman here and there, but on statesmen the world over—you have made an impression on this very Disarmament Conference now being held in Washington. (Applause.) And all liberal minded statesmen and world leaders are expecting something o f you—not through what others will do for you, but what you will do for yourselves. The world is still waiting, the world is still listening for the expression o f the Negro, which must be original. What is your desire? The desire o f the new Negro is to have complete liberty. Liberty where? Liberty throughout the world, but, more than anywhere else, on the great continent o f Africa that God Almighty originally gave us as a heritage. And why Africa? Africa in the way Europe is for the white man, in the way Asia is for the Asiatics. That is our desire: Africa. CONTENTMENT N o

GAIN

"Now, let me tell you. Some o f you do not pay any attention to national freedom and national independence as coming to a race. You believe: Well, we are here in Washington today—and that begins and ends your life. Let me tell you. It is all right to be complacent today, but look down the ages and I bet you, except we are organized, in another fifty or one hundred years you will not find one-tenth o f the population o f Washington as you have it here today. Some o f us seem to believe that every day the sun will shine. Ah, my friends, that has been the way o f many races before this race o f ours, and they have all gone into oblivion because they made no preparation for themselves. The race that makes no preparation for itself is the race that is doomed. All this talk at the Disarmament Conference, all this talk at Versailles—what was the cause o f it? Present conditions? No! Why, Japan is feeding herself now, England is feeding herself, and so are the other nations o f the world. But are they thinking only o f today? I f Japan were thinking only o f today, then Japan would never have accepted the invitation to come to the Disarmament Conference, because she would have been satisfied with her condition in Japan. But Japan is looking into the future—what will be the future o f Japan? And Great Britain is looking out for the future o f Great Britain— what will be the future o f Great Britain? What will be the future o f succeeding generations o f Anglo-Saxons? What will be the future o f suc[c]eeding generations o f Japanese? The statesmen o f today are preparing for the generations o f tomorrow.

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"Let me tell you, men and women of Washington, tomorrow threatens gloom and darkness for the Negro peoples of the world, except they get together with a program, a policy well announced to the world. Why am I fighting so strongly, so uncompromisingly for a free and independent Africa? It is because I realize that without a free and independent nation of our own, controlled and dominated by ourselves, we will be lost in the future. If you think America is always going to afford the protection she is offering now, if you believe America is always going to find employment, as she is finding now for Negroes, you are making a big mistake. America will, perforce, become more selfish as the years roll by. I mean white America. As with America, so with the white world. The white world will become more selfish as the years roll by. Why? Because the white race is multiplying itself, is increasing itself in numbers everywhere, whilst the world is not growing larger. The human population is growing larger and larger every year, every decade and every century. This America that had but a couple of million white men eighty years ago has how many today? Ninety million. This same America that holds ninety million white men today in another hundred years will have three hundred million white people living here. If our condition economically is so hard today, what will happen then? That is the rub. That is the proposition you have to solve. Except you organize now in your own defense and for the protection of your own future, you will be doomed in America in another one hundred years. (Applause.) As a race grows more numerous, grows larger—I speak now of the white race—so it becomes the desire of that race for more land, for more territory. A few years ago America had no thought of annexing colonies here and there. America did not want to go into the East and into the West because America had not developed fully and thoroughly the land in her own domains. Years ago, when England started out, after the fall of the Roman Empire, they did not want empire immediately. They started only after the Anglo-Saxon race in Great Britain had outgrown itself. Now, the world is not growing larger, but the race is growing more numerous. If there is space here but for two men (let us take the world as the space) and six men come along; and, although only two men can live by occupying that space, the six men desire the space so that they may live, who will live? The two strongest men will live. Is it not so? They will kill the other four men so as to occupy the only space available for life. This en[c]roachment upon territory, upon lands everywhere, is but a desire o f the human race, that is growing larger and more numerous, to find comfort for itself. T H E W E A K STARVE

" U p to now the world is not producing sufficient wheat, is not producing sufficient food to feed all the men and women and children in the world.

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The strong are fed and the weak have to starve. And that is why you have famine in certain countries. Even though those countries are rich in virgin soil, even though they produce certain things for human life, the strong go there, as Great Britain goes into India, takes the food and sends it home. Great Britain goes into Africa, takes out the product of Africa and ships it away to Great Britain to feed Anglo-Saxons and leave[s] Africans to starve, as she leaves Hindus to starve. The strong will always live at the expense of the weak. And I am saying to you that [the] mad rush for territory is only a desire of the strong races, the white races, to get hold of those portions and bits of land necessary for human habitation, knowing well that in another two hundred years there will not be enough supplies in the world for all the people of the world. And the weaker people must die. At the present time we are the weaker people. If you Negroes do not get free and strong, you are going to die. (Applause.) When the strong realize that their future, their destiny depend upon their belly, the strong will kill anybody or anything they come in contact with, so that they may live. And I am saying to you four hundred million Negroes the world over—it is time for you to get together and become strong. Do not waste any time about armaments and disarmaments; get together in organization. Get together, because it is only through organization you will be able to save yourselves ultimately. As far as armament and disarmament go I know, so long as we are human beings, we have to keep armed. We must keep armed, because, if we do not the other fellow is going to take away what we have. It is human nature. You have to keep armed somehow or other. W H A T " B A C K TO A F R I C A "

MEANS

"Nevertheless, I wish the Washington Conference great success. But there is only one way I see success can come about—when you deal fairly and squarely with all mankind. Let us start now. The future forebodes evil for those of us who are disorganized. "And why I am fighting, why I am giving all my life to this question of Africa, I repeat, is because I realize that whether we live in the West Indies, in Central and South America, or in the United States of America, our future will depend upon a great black, a great Negro Empire, a great Negro Republic in Africa. (Applause.) The propaganda of the Universal Negro Improvement Association does not mean that all of us must go back to Africa. Understand me well. I am not preaching the doctrine that all of us must go back. There are some Negroes whom we do not want in Africa, anyhow. (Laughter.) If they are no use in Washington or anywhere they will be of no use in Africa. We want thrifty, industrious, hard-working Negroes to go back to Africa, and, as the Pilgrim Fathers who came here hundreds of years ago did, take off their coats and, if need be, their shoes, and clear the forests, cut down the willow trees and make cities; make townships and let a great nation rise in Africa. (Applause.)

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NOVEMBER 1921 O P P O R T U N I T I E S FOR THE STUDENT CLASS

" Y o u men who arc belonging to the student class, I am making a special appeal to you. What are you studying in the universities for? What are you studying in the colleges for? To become porters, elevator men and spittoon cleaners? Boys and girls who belong to the student class, the Universal Negro Improvement Association is so working that you can take your stand against the statesmen of the world in the next ten or fifteen years. (Applause.) We of the Universal Negro Improvement Association are so working that you college men and you college women shall step out from your universities and from your colleges—you men, not to clean spittoons; you girls, not to go into white women's kitchens to wash and scrub—but that you shall go to Africa to be the statesmen of that great Republic, the greatest, I believe, the world will ever see. (Loud applause.) G O D M A D E N O " H E W E R S OF W O O D "

["]I have come to this determination that whatsoever is good in this world for another race is good for this Negro race of ours. I believe in my God. I have a never-dying faith and confidence in my Creator. And I know He created me not to be a hewer of wood and drawer of water. It is a lie. It is ad lie. He created me to be a man, and a man I shall live and a man I shall die. (Loud applause.) Tell me that I must go down before another man and bow before him as a superior being, and I say no. The God who created you could have made no such mistake. (Laughter.) It would be a great mistake, a grave mistake, because Marcus Garvey then would be a misfit in the world today. Any man who thinks he is going to get me to hew wood and draw water, according to his concocted Biblical injunction, makes a big mistake. (Laughter.) Whether he be Pope of Rome o[r] Archbishop of Canterbury, I respect his theology, but when it comes to that, sir, I refuse to take off my hat. And if the Pope comes here now, if the Archbishop comes here now and tries to argue with me that God Almighty created me to be a hewer of wood and drawer of water, I will not be responsible for him after two minutes. God Almighty created me to be a man, and he created each and every one of you in here to be men and women, and you have no right accepting an inferior place in the world. A W R O N G C O N C E P T OF G O D

["]And then you say, 'It is God's fault'; 'Providence is unkind.' We blame God for too many things. The Negro has a wrong conception of God to a great measure. Now understand me. Some of us believe that God is to do everything for us. Now, that is a wrong concept of God. Some of us believe that all we must do is to pray, and everything will come to us. That is a wrong concept of God. God says, 'I will help those who help themselves.' And to prove to you that God means what He said—God created all of us equal. He

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gave all of us two hands, two feet, the same number of senses and a physical body, endowed us with faculties, whether we were white, yellow or black. All of us are made up the same way. The only difference is complexion. God has nothing to do with that. There seems to have been some mix-up somewhere, somehow, and God never had anything to do with that. After God created man He was through with him. He said to man, 'You are the lord of creation.' What more do you want? 'Lord' means mastery, ownership, possession. God Almighty created you lords. The only man He created above you was the Lord Jesus Christ. But after the Lord Jesus Christ He created all of us lords, and in the classification all of us are lords, whether we be black, yellow or white. He said, 'You shall worship Me in spirit and in truth.'2 He gave you the whole world, apportioned you according to your place, and you happen to have found yourselves in Africa, and the white man in Europe, and the yellow and brown in Asia. That you are over here, God has nothing to do with it. D o you think God could be such a bad God as to have gone to Africa and shackled your hands and feet and taken you here? That you are here God has nothing to do with it, and that you will go where you want, God has nothing to do with it. He gave you a trust, a physical body. That you have been robbed, God has nothing to do with it. But the Negro, as soon as anybody does him anything, he says, 'I leave you to God.' As if God has anything to do with it! Suppose a man comes up here and draws his big Jeremiah hammer and looks at me and gives me a great clout in the face and knocks me down, and I get up and say, 'I leave you to God!' (Laughter.) What is my duty? My duty, my spiritual and my physical duty is to get up and say, 'Man, what do you mean? Here goes!' (Laughter and applause.) NAPOLEON'S FAMOUS

ANSWER

"Some crazy individual once asked Napoleon, the great soldier and statesman, this question: 'On whose side is God?' Napoleon turned, and answered, 'God is on the side of the strongest battalions.' And I agree with Napoleon. God is on the side of the man who can use the things He gave him to the best advantage. (Applause.) And for hundreds of years we have been down here folding our hands and praying, 'Lord, please deliver us; Lord, please save us; Lord, please emancipate us.' Do you think He hears you? He is too busy attending to other business. God thinks us a lazy, good-fornothing race—a race of cowards. When God Almighty gave us physical strength to liberate ourselves, to protect ourselves, instead of exercising that physical ability we begged and prayed to God to help us. God does not build battleships; God does not build dreadnoughts and cruisers and submarines. He placed men here, and they, with the intelligence and faculties God gave them, have invented these things. If white men can do these things, why cannot the Negro race? I say, if we are to die a race of slaves, blame not the white man, blame not the yellow man, blame not God—blame yourselves. (Applause.) You are not going to redeem Africa only by prayer—you have to redeem Africa by working for Africa, fighting for Africa and dying for Africa. 212

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Because God says, 'There shall be no redemption excepting through the shedding of blood.' 3 Negroes are afraid of blood when it concerns themselves. But when a white man bids them they are willing to give up everything. Here is one Negro who is prepared to die any day[,] who is ready to die for the emancipation of his race. " N o w , listen. If the world believes you are cowards, the world will treat you as cowards. You let Japan back down and say, 'I am too weak; I really can't stand,' and see how they will treat Japan. But why they respect Japan is because she has dreadnoughts, submarines, cruisers, and Japanese are not afraid to die to protect Japan. (Applause.) Do not expect President Harding can do everything for you. He has a great deal to do. Help yourselves. There are some of us around Washington expecting the President to do everything. He is a man just like you; only the people have more confidence in his ability and placed him in the chief executive position. Why can't you do for yourselves? ACHIEVE AND ACCOMPLISH

" A n d this is the proposition of the Universal Negro Improvement Association. We are going to start out to do for ourselves, and we are so working that in the next twenty years we shall build up a great republic in Africa upon which the sun will never set, and through the might of that republic we shall protect ourselves everywhere and anywhere, whether in Washington or Chicago or St. Louis or New York or in the West Indies. If the Negro shall succeed in building up a government and a nation sufficiently strong, it means that the Negro will be respected universally. Why don't they respect the Negro? Because he does not dress? The Negro in Washington can dress as any other man in Washington. But they do not respect men in the world for the clothes they wear; they respect men for what they have contributed to the world. And what have we contributed? Analyze ourselves. What have we contributed in the last 200 years? Absolutely nothing. Nothing more than our labor. That is all. Labor under the leadership, under the guidance of someone else. Show me the great cities you have built, the great government you have built on your own initiative, and I shall still be looking. It is nowhere to be seen. And yet we wonder why we are not appreciated. They appreciate men for what they have done. And I am appealing to you [o]f Washington, as I have appealed throughout the world, to let us start now achieving and accomplishing, so that the other races may see we have raised ourselves to the common standard of humanity." (Loud applause.) Printed in NW, 3 December 1921. Original headlines omitted. 1. Claude McKay's poem "If We Must Die" was published in the July 1919 issue of Liberator, a journal edited by Max Eastman. The poem, widely reprinted in the black press, was considered an eloquent expression of black defiance against mob violence. In his autobiography, McKay recounted the views of his crew of dining car waiters when they heard the poem: "One, who was a believer in the Marcus Garvey Back-to-Africa Movement, suggested that I go to

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T H E MARCUS GARVEY AND U N I A PAPERS Liberty Hall, the headquarters of the organization, and read the poem. As I was not uplifted with his enthusiasm for the Garvey Movement, yet did not like to say so, I told him truthfully that I had no ambition to harangue a crowd" (Claude McKay, A Long Way from Home [1937; reprint ed., N e w York: Harcourt, Brace and World, 1970], p. 32; Wayne F. Cooper, The Passion of Claude McKay [New York: Schocken Books, 1973], p. 12). 2. John 4:23. 3. Heb. 9:22.

Report by Special Agent J. T. Flournoy Washington, D.C. 11/21/21 MARCUS GARVEY

Acting under instructions of Agent in Charge Matthews, and accompanied by Agent Maurice Joyce of this office, I attended a meeting at the Pythian Temple, nth & U Sts., N.W., at 8 o'clock P.M. on Sunday, November 20th, 1921, at which M A R C U S G A R V E Y made the principal address of the evening. The meeting opened at 8:30 P.M. with the singing of a hymn, after which there was a short prayer. After this there was a recitation by a negro by the name of DR. R I L E Y . A song was then sung, after which a collection was taken up, the amount of which was not announced. The meeting was presided over by REV. THOMAS HALL (colored) of the Mt. Nebo Church, corner of Kalorama Road and Champlain Sts. After the preliminary exercises, the Chairman introduced DR. R I L E Y , who was described as "the able champion of the Marcus Garvey principles["] and who would during the coming week visit all members in Washington of the Universal Negro Improvement Association for the purpose of taking subscriptions to the capital stock of the Black Star Line Steamship Company. DR. R I L E Y then addressed the meeting, saying that he had left the ministry to take up the work in behalf of Garvey and intended to devote the remainder of his life to deporting negroes from this country into Africa. He then introduced as the principal speaker of the evening HON. M A R C U S G A R V E Y , whose appearance was a signal for great applause. G A R V E Y then addressed the meeting about two hours, confining himself to the objects and principles of the Universal Negro Improvement Association. His subject was "Africa, A Nation for the Negro Peoples of the World." During his remarks he said: "We have come to the time to assert our nationality." "Negroes are ashamed of their nationality." "Africa to me is the sweetest name in all the world." 214

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"An Englishman is proud of England; a German of Germany; an Irishman of Ireland, but the negro is the only race on earth that is ashamed of himself." "Negroes in Africa outnumber the white man twenty to one." "Look at the Japanese. They are strong and proud of themselves. He is strong no matter wherever he is, and if you don't believe it touch him and see." "That is why he is recognized at the [Disarmament] Conference and likely to get what he asks." "Although we respect the flag of America, we are still more loyal to the flag of black, green and red." " I never come to Washington but [t]hat I go to Mt. Vernon to pay homage at the shrine of America's greatest character." "If your father and my father had taught the doctrines of the Universal Negro Improvement Association fifty years ago as I am doing now we would be the strongest nation at the Conference table and get what we ask." "Look at the thousands of petitions we send in to which there may or may not be a reply. If you had machine guns behind your petitions they would have been answered at once." " I say if they (meaning the white people) disarm, you disarm; if they arm, you arm." "Negroes, get what the other fellow has no matter how you get it." " I don't care who says Peace, there can be no peace until 400,000,000 negroes are satisfied." "For 250 years the whites have been killing us in the West Indies and in the United States. How long do you think they can keep that up?" "Look at the Belgian Congo where recently they murdered negroes because they did not produce rubber enough, cutting off their heads and their arms." " I can tell you now they better not try that stuff on Garvey." He then gave an amusing illustration of a negro's standing among the races of the world. "Three babies are born; one yellow; one white and one black. Soon the yellow baby gets guns and ammunition and puts on a 2IS

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uniform. The white baby does the same thing; grows up to manhood. All that time what do you think the negro baby is doing? Why standing looking on. Bye and bye a time comes for action. What occurs? They shoot that negro, and, friends, that has been going on ever since America has been discovered." Garvey announced that tomorrow night (Nov. 21st) he would address the members of the John Wesley A . M . E . church, 14th and Corcoran Sts., and said that this possibly would be the last time his hearers would ever hear him in Washington again, as he had to go all over the world organizing and that he had been coming to Washington too often already, and expected possibly he would not appear here again. After the meeting he requested all to come up who were not already members and join the Universal Negro Improvement Association, dues to which were $1.00. Copies of the Negro World were sold at the meeting, a copy of which is attached to the original of this report. The meeting closed about 10:45 P M. NO disorder noted. About 200 persons attended the meeting. J. T .

FLOURNOY

DJ-FBI, file 61. TD.

Confidential Informant 800 to George F. Ruch [New York, 22 November 1921] Sir: . . . I did not learn that Garvey was to speak in Baltimore until it was to[o] late to report the fact to you. He will return to city tomorrow the 23rd. You will notice in this week[']s issue of the paper that the African Redemption Fund has a gain of about $800 (eight hundred dollars) an increase of about $200 (two hundred dollars) [this] week. 1 I was talking to the Secretary of the Philadelphia Di [vision] yesterday w h o had come to New York to see Garvey not knowing Garvey was out of town. He was telling me that the Philadelphia] Division was about to break up unless Garvey did something [about] the President of the Division. He seems to think that Lionel Frances the President is a British agent that was sent over for that purpose. I know this fellow Frances and he hasn't [been] in this country very long from London, England. This fellow is a very well educated man having been educated in England, from Trinidad, B.W.I.[,] formally. I don't put much stock [in his] story about Frances being a British Agent.

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I am to see Briggs tomorrow night and will learn from [him] about his case with Garvey. Duse Mohamed is to speak at Liberty Hall for Garvey [in] New York, [Mo]nday night Nov. [2]8. Just a money making [thing] as $.50 (fifty cents) admission will be charged and [Garvey and?] Mohamed will split fifty, fifty. Other than what I have reported nothing seems to [be going on?] hereabouts. Respectfully, "800" DJ-FBI, file 61. TLS, recipient's copy. 1. The amounts collected for the African Redemption Fund were recorded in the Negro World as follows:

Date

Total to Date

Increase

October 30

$3,490.45

November 5

$4,255-45

$765.00

November 12

$5,325.40

$1,069.95

N o v e m b e r 19

$5,992.75

$667.35

[New York, ca. 2s November 1921] Sir: In re. Garvey, I will report that today Garvey had Briggs held for Special Sessions in $500 (five hundred dollars) bonds. I was in court as a witness for Garvey but did not testify as it wasn't necessary. I was there to testify as to what inference I drew from Briggs' article on Garvey. Of course I was to testify that I infer[r]ed that Briggs me[a]nt Garvey when he said that he (Briggs) had not been driven out of London for rape on a young girl and that he (Briggs) did not live with a woman that was not his wife. If you will remember the article didn't say that Garvey did things but said that I (meaning Briggs) did not do them. Of [course] the inference was that Garvey did do them. As a result Briggs was held for Special Sessions. Now sir this morning Garvey said to [me] that when Briggs had him in court the Judge had been influenced against him but that there was a different Judge on the bench and he had seen that the Judge had been influenced against Briggs. Garvey said that the Jews here in Harlem were against him because he was organizing the negroes and advising them to buy only tfhrough] negroes and because of this they had influenced the Judge against him with his case against Briggs. He infer[r]ed that he had had the Judge "fixed". Well sir, from the way the Judge handled the [case] it certainly seemed so. There was a young white lawyer that handled the case for Briggs but it seemed that everything had been "fi[xed"] as the Judge paid very little attention to him. After the ca[se had] been tried and Briggs held, the District Attorney was willing [th]at Briggs be parol[led to] the custody of his att[orney], [But] the

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Judge would not stand for [i]t and Briggs was forced t[o] furnish bond. As a result Garvey was very much elated and Briggs very much dejected over the outcome of the case. At the time o f f ] my writing I have no[t] had a chance to see Briggs and discuss the case with him. I knew what Garvey's line of prosecution would be and saw that Briggs got this information so that he would be prepared with his defense but it didn't do any good because I really bel[ie]ve that Garvey had "fixed" things. Garvey told me that he is going to keep after Briggs until he breaks him. He says that next week he is going to enter three suits against Briggs, one for the Black Star Line, one for the U.N.I.A., and one for himself. He says that Briggs has done him thousands of dollars worth of harm. Garvey testified in court that he had received letters from all over the world about the articles that Briggs had written about him. I know this to be true. Of course the harm has been done and Briggs can do lots more but if this case goes against Briggs in Special Sessions it will stop Briggs and I would suggest that your office see that this doesn't happen. At present Briggs is the biggest thorn in Garvey's side and if I may I would suggest further that this case be called as soon as possible so there will be no let up in Briggs' propaganda, as Garvey seems to keep just enough within the law to keep out of prison. You will notice in this issue of the Negro World on page five an advertis[e]ment saying that there will be 200,000 (two hundred thousand) copies of the Negro World printed for the Xmas number, this is not true as there will only be about 30,000 (thirty thousand) copies. The number of course is boosted in order to get advertisements. The biggest blow that Garvey could receive would be to stop his newspaper and it seems that this false advertis[e]ment and the one on page eight about "Booking your passage on the Phyllis Wheatley" would be something to help things along this line. The Xmas number will be off the press on 15th of Dec. I will let you know the exact number printed as soon as we go to press. You will notice that the African Redemption Fund collected about $800 (eight hundred dollars) this week. These figures are correct, but even with this money there is not enough to keep up expenses, the laundry had overdrawn their account $341.00 (three hundred forty one dollars) this week and there was no money to pay the Executive Council this week, whose salaries are due the 1st and the 15th of the month. Things are slowly going from bad to worse but with this fund collecting nearly a thousand dollars each week he can run for some time to come. You will notice in this week[']s issue of the paper he is advertising the meetings that I reported in my last report. If he is closely watched on this trip it seems to me that he could be gotten for violation of the Mann Act. Respectfully,

"800" DJ-FBI, file 61. TLS, recipient's copy.

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[Nftf York, 26 November 1921] Sir: In re. Garvey I will report that he will be in Washington on Dec. 5th and 6th, Baltimore, Dec. 7th, Wilmington, Del.[,] Dec. 9th and 10th. He will hold large meetings in each of the above named cities. He is laying the foundation for a membership drive to begin about the first of the year that he says will bring 25,oo[o,ooo] (twenty five million) members all over the world. He will flood this country, the West Indies and Africa with all kinds of propaganda, and no doubt will increase his field agents to a great extent. The manner in which these field agents will be paid has been described in a previous report. The printing of the propaganda will be paid for out of the African Redemption Fund. Through this method he will be able to carry on an endless series of operations, that if it does no harm it will certainly do no good. If there was a method that could be used /and checked/ you would find that the greater part of the unrest among negroes in this country has been caused by the propaganda that has been put out by Garvey. In the next issue of the Negro World you will read of Garvey's trip to Washington in which he says that there can be no world peace unless the 400,000,000 (four hundred million) negroes of the world are taken into consideration, and while Garvey is making such statements there are people here in New York that believe that Garvey went to Washington to attend the Disarmament Conference. He would never tell these people better because he would have them believe that he is greater than he really is. In the Xmas number of the Negro World that comes off the press the 15th of Dec. there will be copies of letters from several big men of England, Central, and South America that Garvey has written to for a statement so as to publish; all this is done to make his following believe him to be a great man and that he has correspondence with the diplomats of Europe, Central, and South America. It no doubt will have the desired effect. You can rest assure [d] that anything that Garvey does along this line has some ultimate motive in it. Garvey was very much elated today over the fact that his case against Briggs came up yesterday and Briggs was held in $500 (five hundred dollars) bond for further hearing. Briggs furnished the bond and is out and I was talking to him this evening and he doesn't seem to be worried over the case. Briggs said that he hadn't any doubt that the case would be thrown out of court when it came to trial. Garvey will publish Briggs' case in this week[']s issue of the paper but he will have to publish in the same issue his retraction about Briggs being a white man. Garvey's apparent victory over Briggs will only help matters as Briggs is more hostile towards Garvey now than ever. In the next issue of Briggs' magazine the series of articles by Crichlow on Garvey will start, they will certainly do Garvey no good as they expose Garvey and his African plan. The only objection to this is that the whole thing is so long that Crichlow told me that it would take several months to publish the whole thing and I am afraid that the public will lose the connecting thoughts. Crichlow also told me that

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Garvey had sent for his attorney to see if they couldn't come to some agreement by which they could settle Crichlow's suit out of court. Crichlow said that he would settle for $1000 (one thousand dollars)[.] This is salary that Crichlow is suing for that Garvey promised to pay him for his services in Monrovia, Liberia. I learned today the J. D. Brooks[,] who was Secretary General and [who] disappeared several months ago with several hundred dollars, was arrested last night by the bonding company that was on his bond. Brooks is now in the Tombs here in New York and no doubt could give some very interesting information about Garvey and his finance. Brook[s] is an American negro and has never been very much in sympathy with Garvey and his schemes. I think it would be well to have Brooks interviewed by an agent. Brooks has already tried to get in touch with Garvey knowing that Garvey would do anything to keep the case out of court but it seems that Garvey is powerless as the case is in the hands of the bonding company. You will find enclose [d] a letter from San Pedro de Macoris, 1 from this letter you can see how the Dominican Gover[n]ment looks upon the U.N.I.A. Garvey would not publish this letter because he said the psychological effect would be bad for the organization in this country[.] He described it by saying that if negroes knew that a negro gover[n]ment was against the organization it would be bad for the organization. Will report any new developments to you at once. Respectfully, "800" D J - F B I , file 61. T L S , recipient's copy. 1. This letter will appear in the Caribbean Series of the Garvey Papers.

Editorial by William H . Ferris [Negro World, 26 November 1921] M R . BRIGGS' GRIEVANCE M R . C Y R I L v. B R I G G S , editor of the Crusader, railed like a howling dervish and called names in the October-November number issues of his magazine, because we did not publish his wild and hysterical reply to our editorial. We did not publish his attempt at a reply, because it lacked intellectual substance and reminded us of a wagon that was rattling along with a lot of empty cans in it, making a noise and that was all. Mr. Briggs has impressed us as a man who lacked the intellectual equipment, the intellectual resourcefulness and the intellectual ability to publish a magazine that would sell through sheer force of literary brilliancy and power, and hence was compelled to feature Marcus Garvey, the U.N.I.A, and the Black Star Line in glaring headlines in order to get sales for his journal.

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Mr. Briggs has impressed us as lacking the constructive and creative ability to formulate a constructive and practical program, and hence swell the numbers of his organization, and so was forced to resort to the expedient of trading upon the real and imaginary defects of Marcus Garvey, the U.N.I. A., and the Black Star Line in order to get adherents to his own organization. No man can ever hope to build up a business by exaggerating the real and imaginary mistakes of a larger and more successful business across the street; but by standing on his own feet and advertising his own wares. The world admires a manly man who will make progress and build up an enterprise on his own merits instead of attempting to build himself up by exaggerating and capitalizing the real or imaginary mist[a]kes of a more prominent and more progressive man who has a real capacity for doing big things. Mr. Briggs has lots to learn about books and human nature, and we trust that he will live long enough to overcome the deficiencies of his early education. Three years ago we taught English in a Philadelphia night school and we would be glad to give Mr. Briggs a free course in rhetoric, logic, history and the ethics of journalism in order that he can learn how to give a literary rather than a mud-slinging flavor to his magazine and in order that his mental state might not be that of a horse running away, of a pistol going off half cocked and a man going off on a tangent. We will not say that Mr. Briggs lacks poise and is unbalanced, but we believe he is simply ignorant and does not know, possessing ten times more ambition and energy than mental capacity. W[ILLIAM] H.

F[ERRIS]

Printed in NW, 26 November 1921.

Speech by Marcus Garvey [[NEW YORK, N o v . 27, GARVEY QUOTES HEARST AND OTHER WHITE WRITERS B E L I E V E N E G R O IS SLOWLY, INEVITABLY D I M I N I S H I N G N U M B E R S U N T I L ULTIMATELY H E W I L L BE LESS THAN P E R CENT. O F POPULATION IN

1921]]

WHO IN ONE

AMERICA

. . . Taking for his subject "The Future as It Looks to the Negro," Mr. Garvey said: I like that word used by the Right Hon. Minister of Industry and Labor [U. S. Poston] in his speech a few moments ago, "exterminate"—that we will be exterminated unless we rise above the environments that surround us, because my speech tonight will really hinge upon our ability to rise above our environments. 221

T H E M A R C U S G A R V E Y AND U N I A PAPERS QUOTES EDITORIAL FROM HEARST'S

PAPER

Before I enter into the fullness of my subject I desire to read to you an editorial from the Evening Journal (one of Hearst's papers) of Nov. 25 (this month). You have all heard me say that Hearst is the greatest white intellect in this country. Hearst to me is like what Bismarck was to Germany, and what Horatio Bottomley 1 and Lord Northcliffe are to Great Britain. All white men ought to love Hearst, because he is narrow to the limit of being only a white man. I don't blame him for it, because nature made him what he is, I blame others who are created differently from Hearst, yet who try to be like Hearst. Hearst leads public opinion in the United States of America. I don't care what you say. Nothing political can be properly decided without giving due consideration to the voice of Hearst—William Randolph Hearst; he sways the nation, one way or the other. He makes governments, and he breaks governments. Probably Woodrow Wilson would have been better thought of today if Hearst had not pointed out to the world his defects. Hearst is a man who has made Woodrow Wilson weep; and when you come to think of it, Hearst is a great American, a true white American, and I admire him for it. If I were a white man, Hearst would be my best friend; but since I am a black man, Hearst is my bitter enemy. (Applause.) Immediately when I arrived in this country, about four and a half to five years ago, I was traveling in the South, and I came across one of the Hearst papers, the same Evening Journal. At once when I landed in New York I got in touch with all the daily papers and magazines here, and I tried to conclude for myself which of them was worthwhile, and I decided right away that the Hearst papers, to get a true idea of American public opinion, were the papers to keep in touch with; and I traveled through the country for eighteen months; wheresoever I went I made it my duty to read the Evening Journal and the New York American every day. While traveling in the South I came across one of the editions of the Evening Journal, and I saw in it an advice to the Southern people. It was: "It is time to get rid of the Negro in the South; to displace the Negro laborer with the white laborer." And the thought struck me. S A W T H E T R E N D OF A M E R I C A N W H I T E

THOUGHT

I saw immediately the trend of American white thought; that the white ra[ce] was using the Negro only for convenience, as an industrial worker, a[nd] as an economic slave, and I saw immediately through the expressions of that editorial that it was only a question of time when the Negro would not be needed in the South; that- the Negro laborer would no longer be required, and that the white man would take his place. But, fortunately for the Negro, it was just about the time of the war, and the encouragement that was being given by Hearst and the other newspapermen to emigrants to come to this country from Europe, whom they would ultimately scatter all over the country after they had satisfactorily scattered them in the North-

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western States and sufficiently supplied the labor market of the North—the program was that if there were no war, to shift the new emigrant to the Southern States, and in the process of a few more years the Italian, the Pole, the Russian, and the Austrian would take the place of the Southern Negro laborer—fortunately for the Negro, I say, the war came, and nipped the plan in the bud. The result was, they were unable to prosecute the program, the plan they had in view. It was only suspended, to await the nation's return to normal, and Hearst has been fighting ever since the armistice for a return of this country to normal—to its senses. And that's why Hearst is so bitter against President Harding, 2 unless he immediately brings this country back to normal, to enable Hearst and those of his coterie to carry out their plan of making this country "a white man's country." L O O K I N G FACTS A N D F I G U R E S IN THE F A C E

N o w , let us come to facts and figures. You will say that he is "up in the air"; that he is only assuming; that he is talking of something that will never come to pass, because Dr. Du Bois says to the contrary; because Moton says to the contrary. Well, let us see. I will read you what Hearst writes in the Evening Journal of November 25: T H I S M A Y DISCOURAGE LYNCHING T H E P E R C E N T A G E OF C O L O R E D P E O P L E I N T H E P O P U L A T I O N Is CONSTANTLY

DROPPING

It is important that the white race, especially the viler part of it that lynches and burns, should note that the colored race is constantly becoming smaller in comparison with the total population. Thirty years ago colored people made up more than 13 per cent, of the total population; now their percentage is something over 9 per cent. Even in the South, within twenty years the percentage of colored people has dropped from 33 to 28. From 1910 to 1920 the population of the United States increased by almost 14,000,000, and only 625,250 of the number were Negroes. This means that the Negro is steadily diminishing as a factor in population, and, consequently, as a possible compe[t]itor with white labor. If the whites that lynch would realize that, they might be willing to forego their lynchings. L Y N C H I N G C A R R I E D ON TO D E C R E A S E P O P U L A T I O N OF N E G R O E S

So, he admits, in a way, that lynching is carried on by those who lynch so as to decrease the population of Negroes! But he is advising them that there is a better way than lynching. Continuing in his editorial, he says: Slowly and inevitably, the percentage of the colored population of the United States will decrease. There will be only 7 per cent.;

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then 3 per cent.; then i per cent, (laughter), and finally less than i per cent, of the population colored. Now, you have it in a nutshell: When that time comes—and it is coming steadily and surely— there will be no Negro problem in this country; nothing in the way of competition o f concentrated colored people to arouse ignorant hatred. Eventually, and before long, the colored man in the United States will be, as in England, an object of curiosity, and in no way a cause o f antagonism. For the sake of the colored race, may that time come soon. They were brought here against their will, as slaves, by brutal white men trafficking in human life, and the least they have a right to expect from the descendants of those who stole and brought them here, is decent treatment and justice. A N A L Y Z E HEARST'S V I E W S

Now, let us see how far Hearst is right. Hearst is an honest man. Hearst hates the Japanese, and he tells them so.3 Hearst has no love for the Negro. He doesn't want to see him; but his hatred does not go as far, probably, as to kill him, because he sympathizes with his presence here, in that he (the Negro) was brought here against his will; so he appeals for some quality o f mercy toward him. But Hearst, being honest, gives a hint, and if the Negro is intelligent he will appreciate the hint and profit thereby. (Applause.) No sensible statesman gives out his plans—all his plans; but there are some statesmen whose souls are somewhat touched at times, who wouldn't like to see complete disaster overtake those whom they are against; so, sometimes they give you a hint. If you are wise you will profit by the hint; if you don't take the hint, they will be satisfied that they did the best they could, under the circumstances, to notify you. (Laughter.) That is what Hearst has done; Hearst has given us something to think about, so that we may prepare for it ourselves. But he cannot give you the plan; he cannot tell you what plan they are going to work out to reduce you to "less than i per cent." He cannot tell you that; because if he tells you that, he will be a traitor to the coterie, to the concert o f men of whom he is a part, and who are working for that result. It is for you to find it out yourselves, and that is what the Universal Negro Improvement Association found out four and a half years ago by organizing itself with a program of "Africa for the Africans." W H A T THE U . N . I . A . SAID IN THE B E G I N N I N G

We of the Universal Negro Improvement Association don't want Hearst to tell us that; we knew it. But I'm glad that Hearst has written it, so that Du Bois and Moton can see it. (Laughter and applause.) We o f the Universal

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Negro Improvement Association have been telling you for four years that this is going to be a "white man's country," sooner or later, and that the best thing possibly we could do is to find a black man's country as quickly as possible. (Applause.) PREDICTION PREVIOUSLY MADE

Now, let us reason it out. Some of you, probably, will remember that I have been telling you that in another hundred years there will be in this country, not 95,000,000 whites, but in another hundred years, in the year 2020, there will be in America between 350,000,000 and 400,000,000 white people. I have been telling you that for the last three years; I have preached it in New York; I have preached it in Philadelphia, in Washington, in Chicago—all over this country, in fact, trying to awaken the sleeping consciousness of Negroes to the fact that, in the future, we are going to have a hard time if we don't prepare ourselves, because the country will be overpopulated with white peoples, and at that time they will be unable even to find employment for themselves. T o O R G A N I Z E AND REMAIN ORGANIZED O U R ONLY HOPE

Therefore, the best thing for Negroes to do now, is to organize, industrially, politically and commercially, all over the country, for the carrying on of their own industrial enterprises. Hence the Black Star Line has been organized and the Negro Factories Corporation, and the propaganda begun by the Universal Negro Improvement Association for the acquisition of "Africa for the Africans!" But you will say, perhaps, that "that is only a vain assertion; you are still 'up in the air,' " because Dr. Du Bois says to the contrary. W H A T THE N E W Y O R K T I M E S SAYS

N o w , let us see what the other papers written by white men say. I will read to you an extract from "Current History," published by the New York Times, which shows the growth of the population of the United States of America from the time it was part of the British Empire up to the present. "In 1820 America had 9,638,453 people—white people." 4 A hundred years ago they had less than one-tenth of the present population, and that nine million people of a hundred years ago have multiplied into how many now? They have multiplied into 105 million. Now, if in a hundred years nine million of them multiplied into 105 million, how many will 105 million multiply into in another hundred years? (Laughter.) Then you will have the problem. That we of the Universal Negro Improvement Association discovered four years ago—and, thank God! some white man has stated it too, because some Negroes will pay no attention to what other Negroes say; you cannot get the ear, you cannot get the attention of certain Negroes on any propositi

T H E MARCUS GARVEY AND U N I A PAPERS

tion, even if Judgment were coming, and the black man said, "Yes, it is coming, because I met Gabriel across the street." Other black folks will doubt it, and they would never believe it until they heard a white man say it—and this white man gives these facts and figures and says that "in the year 2000 we will have in this country 500,000,000 people." Poor Negro! W H A T W I L L THE N E G R O ' S C O N D I T I O N B E IN THE Y E A R 2 0 0 0 ?

If he is getting all he is looking for now, when there are only 100,000,000 people, how much more will he not get when there are 500,000,000 of the same kind or class of people? And we are getting ail we are looking for when all white folks are not hungry, when we have millionaires, billionaires and thousandaires, and all sorts of "aires" around. (Laughter.) N o w , what will happen when we have a large percentage of hungry white folks with us? Why, they will make "goo-goo" soup of some of us. (Great laughter.) A SERIOUS PROBLEM FACES

US

This is a serious proposition, and, fellow men, I am appealing to you in all earnestness to be serious. As the Right Honorable Minister of Industry and Labor said a while ago, the white man prepares in one generation for the coming generation. The white man thinks down the ages. You see how cooly and calmly and dispassionately Hearst discusses this question, and you see how cooly and calmly the writer in the New York Times computes his figures. He says that in the year 2000—that is, a hundred years, eighty years from now—he is satisfied to think now for them. The Negro has absolutely no patience with tomorrow. Tell the Negro about the future, and he will say you are crazy. But here is the white man who is looking ahead for his race on[e] hundred years, calmly, dispassionately. Oh, when will we ever evolve to that sober state to see things as others do? A D A N G E R TO O U R S E L V E S I F W E C O N T I N U E

INDIFFERENT

If we continue this indifference; if we continue this pulling against each other, it will mean nothing else but disaster. God Almighty save me from it; save me from it, because there will be "weeping and gnashing of teeth"; we will be homeless, shelterless, foodless. That is the future that stares the Negro in the face in America, except he prepare against it now. T H E PROBLEMS FACING THE

U.N.I.A.

The program of the Universal Negro Improvement Association is not that all of us will leave here. The program of the Universal Negro Improvement Association is not to satisfy the hope that the time will come when Negroes will be scarce in America and will be looked upon as curiosities just as they are looked upon as curiosities in England. The program of the

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Universal Negro Improvement Association is to have the Negro live anywhere he wants to live. The program of the Universal Negro Improvement Association is that the Negro can live securely wherever he finds himself if he has behind him a big government, a big nation controlled and dominated by himself on the great continent of Africa. (Applause.) Hence the Universal Negro Improvement Association through its propaganda is endeavoring to convert all Negroes to this sober question of the future. It must be sober because except we take it in a soberly manner we will be defeated because the other man has a sober outlook. A P P E A L S FOR B E T T E R L E A D E R S H I P

I am appealing to the intellectual Negroes of America; I am appealing to the intellectual Negroes of the West Indies to give us a better leadership. Your college degrees, whether they are B.A., M.A., Ph.D., or any other, do not count for one snap of the finger, except you have vision enough to lead the people into a greater and brighter future. I do not care how scholarly you are, or whether you are from Yale, or Harvard, or Berlin, except you can use your education and ability to point the people to a way whereby they can be secure, you count as little to me as the man who never went to school. I am again making a solemn plea to the so-called intellectuals of our race in this country and in the West Indies—men of the Du Bois type; men of the Moton type—go out, and for God's sake lead the people into a future that will make them secure! What are we getting from Du Bois' going to a Pan-African Congress and telling us that we must be satisfied to live in the communities with white people and work out our destiny there? The white people tell you that your destiny shall be that "we shall reduce your population year by year from nine per cent, to 7 per cent., and from 7 per cent, to 3 per cent., until the time comes when you will be so scarce that you will be regarded as a curiosity." Don't you see something is faulty with our leadership? Men and women of America, men and women of the West Indies, again I say the hour is come for us to perform a higher statesmanship, and I pray God, just at this time, when a universal change is taking place, a change among the races and nation [s] of the world, that He shall touch the hearts of the so-called intellectual members of our race and inspire them to the true vision of leadership. (Applause.) Printed in NW,

3 December 1921. Original headlines abbreviated.

1. Horatio William Bottomley (1860-1933) was an English newspaper editor and publisher who established the weekly John Bull, a journal that took an avidly patriotic stand during World War I. He was a member of Parliament from 1906 to 1912 and from 1918 to 1922 (WBD). 2. Among the American press, only the Hearst newspapers opposed the Washington treaty. The treaty, for which President Harding received much of the credit, was a step toward the recognition of Japan as a major power. Hearst's anti-Japanese and anti-British stand became particularly evident in the editorials and cartoons of the San Francisco Examiner during this period (Thomas H. Buckley, The United States and the Washington Conference [Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1970], p. 173). 3. William Randolph Hearst took an anti-Japanese position in 1905, when his San Francisco

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T H E M A R C U S GARVEY AND U N I A PAPERS newspaper, the Examiner, published articles warning of the "Japanese menace" in California. During the crisis that pitted the Japanese-American community against the San Francisco School Board in 1906 and 1907, Hearst once again expressed his concern, predicting a thirtyfive-year war between the United States and Japan. When the San Francisco Chronicle, the rival newspaper to the Examiner, moderated its virulent anti-Japanese stand in 1907, Hearst took over the campaign for Japanese exclusion, increasing the number of anti-Japanese articles published in his newspapers (Roger Daniels, The Politics of Prejudice [Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1962], pp. 25, 75-77). During the First World War, Hearst accelerated his anti-Japanese propaganda, instituting a "yellow peril" campaign. 4. Garvey is referring to J. Ellis Baker's article in the November 1921 issue of Current History (15, no. 2: 256-262) entitled "The British Empire and the United States." The article showed the total population of the United States in 1820 to be 9,638,4.53. The Negro Tear Book of 1918-1919 noted that the U . S . census of 1820 recorded a white population of 7,866,797 and a black population of 1,771,656.

Article in the Nejjro World [[New York, Nov. 28, 1921]] E D I T O R C Y R I L B R I G G S H E L D FOR C R I M I N A L L I B E L

Cyril Briggs, of this city, a native of St. Kitts, British West Indies, who has been conducting a campaign of hostility for over a year against the Black Star [L]ine Steamship Corporation, the Universal Negro Improvement Association, and the Hon. Marcus Garvey, was arrested in the Heights Court here to-day on a complaint against him for criminal libel. Briggs published in his "Crusader Magazine" for November several criminal and other libellous statements against Mr. Garvey and the organization he represents. Among the many things he stated were, that Mr. Garvey, while in London, raped a young white girl, and that Mr. Garvey has left his wife and turned he[r] out. Briggs for over a year has been conducting a relentless propaganda against Mr. Garvey and the allied organizations of which he is head. Several civil suits will be brought against him, his newspaper, "The Crusader," and his "African Blood Brotherhood. ["] He is held in bail of $500. P r i n t e d in NW,

3 D e c e m b e r 1921.

R. R. Moton to Marcus Garvey T U S K E G E E I N S T I T U T E , ALA.

November 30th, 1921

Dear Mr. Garvey: Your letter of November 5th requesting me to address a Christmas message to your readers in the Christmas number of The Negro World has been in my hands for some time, but during my absence from the Institute,

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through an oversight, the date set for placing this article in your hands has passed, and my office was unaware of the expiration of the time set. With the thought that there may still be time enough for its use in the Christmas number, I am sending it herewith in the hope that such delay will not seriously interfere with your plans. Please accept my thanks for this opportunity to speak through the organ of the Universal Negro Improvement Association to the large number of men and women of our race in different parts of the world who will be reached through this channel. It is my sincere hope that this article will be of some slight service in promoting the good will which all of us desire to obtain among the races of men in all the world. Sincerely yours, [ R . R . MOTON]

Principal ATT, R R M , box 67, folder 460A. TL on Tuskegee Institute letterhead, carbon copy.

Editorial in the

Crusader [November 1921]

GARVEY T U R N S INFORMER

Marcus Garvey's methods of "liberating" Africa by upholding her oppressors are P E C U L I A R , to say the least. Not satisfied with advising Negroes to be loyal to all flags under which they live, regardless of the fact that it is manifestly impossible for Negroes to be loyal to Great Britain, France, Belgium, etc., and still free Africa from the cruel rule of those nations, Marcus Garvey attempted on October 20 to turn State Witness for the white oppressors of the Negro Race, presenting in the 12th District Magistrates' Court, New York City, a letter from the Paramount Chief of the African Blood Brotherhood which Marcus Garvey claimed was an invitation to him " t o join Briggs in the overthrow of white governments," as a means of liberating Africa from those said governments. This latest Judas-act of Marcus Garvey's is the climax in a long list of traitorous acts enumerated at length in the October Crusader and unrefuted by Garvey because irrefutable since based upon Garvey's own statements in his paper, "The Negro World," or over his signature in the white press. Marcus Garvey's attempt to "inform" on one of the boldest leaders in the Liberation Struggle should convince even the most rabid Garveyite of the insincerity of the man. It is high time for every follower of his to take mental stock of himself and try to honestly answer the question if he is not too pro-Garvey to be really pro-Negro. Certainly there can be not the slightest doubt of blackest treason on the part of Marcus Garvey to the Negro Race.

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Let him that hath eyes read! Let him that hath ears heed! [L]est it be said of him by embattled Ethiopia in the day of her triumph over her enemies: Eyes hath ye and saw not, ears hath ye and heard not, depart from my sight for ye are not worthy to be my son. C.

VALENTINE

Printed in the Crusader 5, no. 3 (November 1921): 8.

Crusader Front Page

CRUSADER NOVEMBER,

1921

EXTRA! "S. S. Phyllis Wheatley" A Garvey Myth See Article in This Number

15 Cents a Copy

$1.50 a Year

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A. A. Maney to James Weldon Johnson Howard Univ. Box 42, Washington, D.C. Dcc. 2 , 1 9 2 1 Dear Sir, By request of the Sophomore Debating Team of Howard University I am writing you for whatever information you can give me on the attitude of the N . A . A . C . P . regarding the "Marcus Garvey Movement." What they wish to know is whether the N.A.A.C.P. approves or not of the movement and what steps they have taken for or against propaganda for the movement, if any. A personal statement from you would also be appreciated. The annual Freshman-Sophomore Debate takes place next Friday night, December 9, 1921, so an immediate reply would be essential. The captain of the Sophomore Team wishes me to thank you for whatever information you might give. I remain, Sincerely yours[,] A. A.

MANEY

Cor.-Secy. Howard University Branch, N.A.A.C.P. DLC, NAACP, administrative file, box C-304. ALS, recipient's copy.

Retraction by the Negro World [3 December 1921] C A S E OF B R I G G S VS. G A R V E Y

In three issues this paper published a news release that one "Cyril Briggs, a white man, was passing for a Negro in New York." The Managing Editor, Marcus Garvey, was summoned to court for the publication of said release. Briggs' mother, who attended the hearing, is a colored woman, therefore this paper is now convinced that Mr. Briggs is not a white man in race, but a Negro. We gladly make this retraction. THE NEGRO WORLD

Printed in NW, 3 December 1921. Original headlines abbreviated. Reprinted in the Crusader, vol. 6, no. 1 (January-February 1922): 1.

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Article in the New Tork News [3 December 1921] G A R V E Y A R R E S T S B R O O K S , C H A R G I N G T H E F T OF B L A C K S T A R L I N E F U N D S , A N D C Y R I L B R I G G S FOR C R I M I N A L

LIBEL

That the troubles of Marcus Garvey from within and without are about to encompass him is the statement of Cyril V. Briggs and that Briggs is a libeler is the retort of Garvey. Amidst charges and countercharges the following statements of some of the Black Star leader's troubles speak for themselves: " F O R M E R SECRETARY GENERAL ARRESTED

" R e v . James D. Brooks, former Secretary General of the Universal N e g r o Improvement Association, who has had detectives on his trail since A u g u s t last and wanted by both the association and the National Surety C o m p a n y , with which firm he was bonded by the association, has been apprehended and locked up awaiting bail. " R e v . Brooks, in his official capacity as Secretary General of the great organization, collected, it is alleged, money from several divisions of the organization and no accounting for the same has been made." T h e association also sent out the following statement: " B R I G G S A R R E S T E D FOR A L L E G E D

LIBEL

" C y r i l Briggs, of this city, a native of St. Kitts, British West Indies, who has been conducting a campaign of hostility for over a year against the Black Star Line Steamship Corporation, the Universal Negro Improvement Association and the Honorable Marcus Garvey, was arrested in the Heights Court here today (Tuesday) [2$ November] on a complaint against him by Marcus Garvey for criminal libel. Briggs published in his 'Crusader Magazine' for N o v e m b e r several alleged criminally libellous statements against Mr. Garvey and the organization he represents. Among the many things he stated were that Mr. Garvey while in London raped a young girl, and that Mr. Garvey has left his wife and turned her out. Briggs for over a year has been conducting a relentless propaganda against Mr. Garvey and the allied organizations o f which he is head. Several civil suits will be brought against him, his newspaper, 'The Crusader,' and his 'African Blood Brotherhood.' He is held in bail of $500. He was unable to furnish bail up to a late hour. He may obtain same later." Printed in the New Tork News, 3 December 1921. Original headlines abbreviated.

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J. J. Hannigan, Commandant, Twelfth Naval District, to the Director, Office of Naval Intelligence [S«w Francisco] 3 December 1921 S U B J E C T : W E E K L Y R E P O R T OF J A P A N E S E A C T I V I T I E S U N I V E R S A L N E G R O IMPROVEMENT ASSOCIATION

The Universal Negro Improvement Association is presumably known to most men informed of public affairs. Its headquarters is in New York; its scope is supposed to cover or include all the Negro race not only in the United States but all negroes all over the world; its purpose is to improve the conditions, political, economical and religious all over the world. The organization was started in 1919. It has its agents and co-workers in every city of the United States and in various places in Africa and elsewhere, wherever the colored race is located. The plan of the association is to educate the negroes and then take them or lead them to Africa, the center of the black race and build there economical and political systems and institutions according to the Euro-American life. But secretly, its mission, according to special instructions given to and the special duty performed by its special agents,—is rousing racial and political hatred against the Whites and against the existing American government. As to its racial element,—the fact that the organization started in 1919, the year in which the uprising of the colored races in many cities in America took place, indicates, though it is hard to determine whether this organization was the origin or root of the race riots or if it is from a similar root only in a less radical form than the race riots. And it was true that the colored people, encouraged by the praise of loyal service during the world war and the disappointment from their expectation of better treatment after the war, were the sources of both the mob movement and the organized form of agitation. The racial hatred of the black race against the white is rather universal even though it does get very little chance to express itself; and probably the depression strengthens in a way the tension and scope of the hatred, although presumably only under cover. Furthermore, it communicates with "colored races" other than the black. The Japanese agents are playing an important part of the role, and evidently there are Hindus who are busily engaged in aiding the novel and disastrous propaganda. And, too, the ultra-socialistic doctrine enters into the actual work of the propaganda. The Informant met a certain Mr. Farr in a lunch place run by a Korean in San Francisco on Pacific Street near Kearney. This Farr person was evidently a rather well-educated negro; he wore a yellow flannel shirt, which seems to suggest that he was in the U.S. Army (many of them now wearing them by mere habit). Though he claimed to be a negro, his manner of talk,

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which had a little accent—not the Southern accent that is common to all Negroes, but the accent similar to that of an American-educated Hindu. He is rather small but stout. His facial color and the shape and structure of his face is also more like a Hindu than an American Negro. At that meeting the Informant had a brief conversation with him; and it is as follows: Informant: What is the badge or button you wear on your coat? I have seen many fellows wearing it but I never had the chance to inquire about it. (The badge was a round button with three colors, red, black and green). Farr: That is the badge for the Universal Negro Improvement Association. The organization includes all Negro races not only in this country but all over the world. By the organization we plan to educate the negroes in this country and lead them back to Africa and away from the white man's yoke. We have several independent countries of negroes in Africa already, such as Liberia, Congo Free States, etc. Now we want to make more of these free states for the colored people and by the colored people. We want to lead them out of the white man's greed and ambition and selfishness and their yoke. You know the white man's selfishness and greed will run over you and keep you under foot unless you look out and fight against it. Now, too, the white race has to go down; it has already in a sense. It will go farther as we will witness before long. Informant: It is said in the Bible that the first will be the last. What you just said reminds me of that passage. (The Informant said it because the letterhead of the Universal Negro Improvement Association, which Farr showed to Informant, had on its top the following motto: "One Hope, One Aim, One God," and he thought that there might be some biblical quotation which they might use as justification of some of their doings to the more or less suspicious American Negroes). Farr: Exactly that is it. All the prophesies in the Bible come true sooner or later. Many of them have already become facts and others will. As you said just now: The first will be the last. That is one of the many things from the Bible we tell to the Negroes. They have to awaken to these possibilities. Informant: Is the Universal Negro Improvement Association strong enough to include all the Negroes in this country and elsewhere? If it is there must be some material inducement which makes all Negroes loyal to the cause. Farr: It is strong enough—yes strong enough—to include all and it does include all. There is one inducement as well as thrift scheme. That inducement is in a way a mutual aid plan like life insurance. When a negro joins this organization he pays a dollar for membership which entitles him to a badge, a membership card and the constitution and by-laws of the Association. Then after that he pays thirty-five cents a month as membership dues. After he dies he gets funeral expenses—Seventy-five dollars. That is a good deal like an insurance plan. Another thing about the plan is that it enables the

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Negroes to help themselves without giving their money and its profit to the white man's insurance grafts. And there are other beneficiary schemes. All Negroes—indeed all other colored peoples as well—should wake up to the wrongs done to them, planned against them, by the white race and should rise and stand up in a solid body against the whites. You know there are more colored peoples than whites, but all these colored people are under the white man's foot. Why, the colored people all taken together, which numbers about four times as many as the whites, will not forever remain under the slavery of the whites. The only thing for the colored people to do is to wake up and learn the tricks of the whites in politics, in warfare and in industry and meet them with their own methods. Just look at Japan and what she has done and will do. The Japanese are only one of the many colored races; she has done wonders in her own political and industrial improvements. Why, any other colored race can do what Japan has done if they only try. Informant: No doubt the colored people are capable of being civilized. I do wonder if there is any need of rousing racial hatred. The whites may have mistreated the colored people, but I wonder what people on earth have not done some wrong some time to some other races. Even in the very heart of the savage Africa, as some writers seem to be inclined to call it, there were and still are tribal wars—one against another. But should these wrongs be taken to be the necessary . . . [words missing] of their continued hatred? Should that hatred be roused and intensified? If it be encouraged certainly there will be no end to the trouble. Hatred is the source of the vengeance, and vengeance is very wasteful and immoral. What the world needs is justice and not vengeance—these two things often seem to be mixed up in our common usage of the terms. At any rate, I see the points of your contention which are without justification. Fair: You bet there is justification. In certain sections of this country most work on farms and in factories is done by the negro—but what does the negro get in return? They get very little and hardly enough to maintain existence. In those sections there are in some cases ten negroes to one white. But those negroes who are supposed to be free and citizens of the United States cannot participate in politics. We negroes are tired of these things; we must get out and get away so that we can develop ourselves freely somewhere by ourselves. And think what the whites promised the negroes during the world war and what they really gave them after the war was over. They promised everything and then gave nothing. That was the real reason for the race riots which were reported everywhere during the last three years. We know of only the bigger cases such as the ones in Washington, Chicago, Texas, etc., but really there were numerous other smaller ones. If the white people were put under similar conditions they would have done ten times, a hundred times, worse. Negroes from now on will serve themselves but nobody else. Why should we work to death in peace times and kill ourselves in the trenches in time of war just for the white man's benefit?

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Their promises are no good; they are made to break. No more service for them if we can help. Informant: I understand. Now tell me in precise terms whether you will or will not serve the American flag in case of war—for example, if some such war with Japan as is predicted by many would come. Farr: We must not. But of course in such a case most of us would be forced into service whether we liked it or not. Another thing too: a great majority of the negroes, especially those in the South who are still for a good part under slavery in reality though not in name do not know what they are doing most of the time. So those fellows will do almost anything at almost any time. Informant: I heard some time ago there was a convention of the Universal Negro Improvement Association—in New York, wasn't it—and there were several Japanese delegates present at the convention. And I heard that there are several Japanese, such as Fujii1 and Toneyama of the Japanese Central Association in Los Angeles2 who are very friendly toward the Negroes and the Hindus and the Mexicans and planning to organize what they call the "Colored Peoples' Union", which will include all people on earth except the whites or except the Teutonic races. I know there is no appreciable result of this novel scheme, but I know the movement exists. I know of one or two Japanese in Seattle who do the same thing whose names I cannot recall at this moment. I think there must be someone among the Japanese in San Francisco who does the same thing—maybe there are more than one. Farr: There are I know. They—I mean the Japanese—are very smart people. They know what they are doing and they know too what they should or should not do according to the time and place. Japan is a mighty nation to-day and is the pride of all the colored races. In our convention in New York a couple of years ago there were two Japanese delegates and a few Japanese visitors. I know the Japanese in Los Angeles whom you just mentioned. I know quite a number of the Japanese who are sympathizers of our cause—even in this town there are quite a number. I think most of them are. You know how the Japanese, Chinese and Koreans are treated in California and in other states of the Union. How can they help themselves from being against the whites? As the Japanese are trying to do, as our Association will do when it expands, as I said—all the colored races should unite together against the white man's rule or their attempt to rule. You know at the present our Association seems to have something to do only with the Negroes, but it means to and will in time have something to do and something to say about all the colored races. "Down with the whites!" is our aim. Of course at present we cannot and must not say that. Before the last convention of our Association we [sent] invitations to China, Japan, India and all other colored races, but the Japanese were the only ones who accepted the invitation and participated in the convention if I remember rightly. But I hope we will do better next time.

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Informant: Please do not mistake what I say. I often wonder if we are quite right in our praise or blame of others. Often it is the case that we remember only the wrongs inflicted upon us by others and forget what good others have done for us. And it is very often the case that the supposed wrongs are done by a few and the blame is placed upon the whole race or people. These mistakes are quite common in our private life, and so are they in our public life. Of course I sympathize with the noble cause of the Universal Negro Improvement, but I would rather think it would be better to advocate: "Up with the Negroes" o[r] " U p with all colored races" than "Down with the Whites." At the outset the two things may sound the same but they are not really; and there is all the difference of day and night between the two forms of formulae, especially when the possible methods and results are considered. Farr: I think the two things are about the same. You cannot sit down and let the whites run over you forever. So up with the one and down with the other should be worked out simultaneously. (Farr showed the Informant a number of letters from the New York headquarters, which seemed to indicate that he is the special agent for the organization.) [J. J. HANNIGAN] D N A , R G 38, file no. 20964-2194G. T D . 1. Sei Fujii (b. 1882) was a native of Yamaguchi Prefecture, Japan, arriving in the United States as a student in 1903. He was educated at Compton High School in Compton, Calif., and at the University of Southern California, Los Angeles. He published a Japanese daily in Los Angeles, called Kashu Mainichi, from 1931 to 1941, and he was active in the Central Japanese Association of Southern California (Yuji Ichioka to Robert A. Hill, 4 April 1983). 2. The Central Japanese Association of Southern California was founded in Los Angeles in 1915 under the jurisdiction of the Japanese Consulate of Los Angeles. Japanese associations aided Japanese immigrants to the United States, promoted social and educational programs, and organized the battle against the exclusion laws. Central associations provided a link between the Japanese consulates and local Japanese associations, and all of the local groups were affiliated with the central association. Critics of the associations looked on them with suspicion, claiming that they were a "government within a government" with close ties to Japan (Yuji Ichioka, "Japanese Associations and the Japanese Government: A Special Relationship, 1909-1926," Pacific Historical Review 66, no. 3 [August 1977]: 409-437)-

Confidential Informant 800 to George F. Ruch [New York] Dec. 4, 1921 Sir: In re. Briggs, I have just had a long talk with him and he says that Garvey's suits against him will not stop his propaganda against Garvey. He says that his next issue of his magazine will [be] full of propaganda against Garvey. Crichlow articles start in his next issue and Briggs expects them to be the hardest blow tha[t] he has struck. He also says that now that he has started the destruction of Garvey's organization it is now time that he starts

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the construction of his own, as a result he says that his organization will start to have mass meetings all over the country, you will no doubt get reports of these meetings from different parts of the country. One of Briggs' ideas is to get as many of Garvey's members and former members as possible. He now has enrolled Rev. Gordon[,] who at one time was Asst. President General for Garvey, Rev. McGuire[,] who at one time was Chapl[a]in General for Garvey, and Capt. Coc[k]burn[,] who was Garvey's captain of his ship Ya[rm]outh. Briggs says that with these men speaking at mass meetings in New York [he] will get many more of Garvey's members. He is no doubt true in this respect as each of these men had their followers when they were with Garvey. Coc[k]burn went on Briggs' bond when he was held for Special Sessions at the court one day last week. Briggs told me that he had sworn statements from several people in Philadelphia, Boston and Norfolk that had purchased passage to Africa on the Black Star Line and who had not been furnished the passage and had not received their money in return. He said he would see that this information got into the hands of [the] Gover[n]ment. I saw that Briggs got the names of the people [here] in New York that had purchased tickets but he told me that these people had been paid back all or part of their fare. He said that Garvey knew that he would get hold of these people so their fare was returned to them, but he said that Garvey had no idea that [he] could reach the peo[pl]e out of town but he had done so through his organization the A.B.B. You will find enclosed a very interesting article on Garvey in today's Globe Magazine. 1 You will notice that Mr. Seligman t[he] writer closes the article with "The bill has not yet been presented to Marcus Garvey. It may be a heavy one the day of payment[.]" This writer has no doubt made a close study of Garvey and his schemes and he sees but the same end that I do. There will be very little to report on Garvey next week as he will be out of the city the entire week. Respectfully,

"800"

[Endorsement]

F I L E w . W. G.

D J - F B I , file 61-826-X9. T L S , recipient's copy. Stamped endorsement. 1. Actually World magazine, + December 1921.

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Enclosure [World Magazine, 4 December 1921] N E G R O CONQUEST M A R C U S G A R V E Y , THE

GREEN-AND-PURPLE-ROBED

P R O V I S I O N A L P R E S I D E N T OF A F R I C A , S U R R O U N D E D B Y H I S " K N I G H T C O M M A N D E R S OF T H E S U B L I M E O R D E R OF T H E N I L E , " W I T H A N A V Y OF T H R E E R I C K E T Y O L D S H I P S , H E A D Q U A R T E R S N E A R S P U Y T E N D U Y V I L AND A H U G E PROPAGANDA-ORGANIZATION, I S I N F L A M I N G T H E H E A R T OF T H E O P P R E S S E D B L A C K M A N W I T H V I S I O N S OF T H E C O M I N G W O R L D - L E A D E R S H I P OF AN AFRICAN

REPUBLIC.

By Herbert J. Seligman, Author of "The Negro Faces America."1 Three dingy old dwelling places have ben converted to new uses in an uptown street of New York—just a short distance south of Spuyten Duyvil Creek that joins the waters surrounding Manhattan Island. Opposite these buildings is the Whale Centre Restaurant[,] which announces, among other delicacies, fried fish. Round these former dwelling houses for acres in every direction, chiefly west and northwest, lies the largest negro population in any city of the world. The dingy buildings are the offices of the Black Star Steamship Line; of the Negro World, a weekly publication, and, finally, of the President General o f the Universal Negro Improvement Association, who styles himself in addition, Provisional President of Africa. Not content with the provisional presidency of Africa and of the Black Star Steamship Company, Marcus Garvey enjoys the presidency of the Negro Factories Corporation which, he says, owns a laundry in i42d Street, and the African Communities League, or in Marcus Garvey's own words, "the business side of the Universal Negro Improvement Association." There in 135th Street, New York City, is the centre of it all, of such dreams of African hegemony, of share vending, of idealist talk as it would be difficult to imagine, l[e]t alone to duplicate. At the centre of those dreams, spinning them like so many webs, writing, travelling across the city to Liberty Hall to exhort huge crowds, and centring in himself the uncertain complexities of the business ventures, is Marcus Garvey, West Indian negro. T o walk into those offices is to enter a fantastic realm in which cash sales of shares and the imminence of destiny strangely commingle. Not that there is anything bizarre about Marcus Garvey despite the green and purple robes

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he sometimes affects. H e might, to judge by his appearance, be a politician or a professional man. Of medium height, his head set close down upon broad shoulders, his slender, longish arms terminating in narrow hands, he presents a sedentary, almost a studious type—except that one feels the orator if not the actor not far beneath the surface. His manner is easy and his voice agreeable, with a slightly English intonation that falls strangely upon the ears o f Americans unaccustomed to natives of the British West Indies. Nor is there anything bizarre in Marcus Garveys talk. It is fluent, even compelling if one does not stop to check him up. And this one is tempted sometimes not to do. For Marcus Garvey knows something of what is going on in the world. He tells of printeries he worked in, of publications he edited in Jamaica, Costa Rica, Panama, of studies in London. He can discourse o[n] the things that are worrying the British Premier. He has no illusions about the commonplaces that pass for realities in our civilization. In fact, he is quite calmly waiting for the present white civilization to go to pieces; and in fifty years he believes the native population of Africa will have seized their continent because the white governments—England, France, Italy—that now hold African territory, will have been overthrown. " I may never be President of Africa," said Mr. Garvey, speaking of his provisional title; "but I don't care to be, for that matter." Some President, a black President, there will be, however, he believes, in the next fifty years. It is, for a white man, a diverting glimpse over the precipice that is to be had in the office of the Provisional President of Africa—such as an ancient mariner might have had when he approached what he believed to be the edge of the flat earth—with white governments about to topple to destruction and four hundred millions of negroes at Marcus Garvey's finger tips ready to raise the African flag over a powerful navy and an invincible standing army. Then—with an African Government ready to enforce its demands and to protect the rights of its citizens—then only will the lot of the negro become a tolerable one in the world. Then only will the lyncher pause in Georgia, and the insulter of the dark-skinned hesitate before he draws down upon himself the vengeance of the African state. Mr. Garvey sees the problem in the large. Nothing less than continents and hundreds of millions of people will stead him. His imagination is capacious, active. There is something of the poet in this ability to think in terms of the crassest Realpolitik, of power and of "might makes right"—such morality as white Christian civilization has taught the black man—and out of these elements to conjure the destruction of Europe and the rise of invincible and eternal Ethiopia. Marcus Garvey is something of a poet and much of an artistic juggler. For what are his means—aside from the robes and ceremonies, the knighthoods and titles with which he captures the popular imagination? Three more or less seaworthy vessels, not one of which a cautious mariner would likely select to cross the seas to Africa. A laundry. A huge hall. An 240

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enormous organization for disposing of "shares." And chiefest of all, a weekly newspaper in which proclamations can be spread broadcast, promises made, the appetite for power and dignity, the hope for freedom and riches whetted. So far as means for effecting his ends are concerned, Marcus Garvey is frank—was frank with me—in admitting they were chiefly words, words written and spoken. He di[d] contend that his organization had sent "six technical men" to Liberia; that sawmill machinery destined for that country was awaiting transport, possibly in one of the Black Star steamships. But not Marcus Garvey nor any of the business ventures or negro organizations with which he has surrounded himself are being relied upon to usher in the day on which the African Government's fleet will patrol the seas and enforce respect the world over for its nationals. That day is to come on the wings of Evolution, that new deity of civilized man, which Marcus Garvey has adopted lock, stock and barrel. Evolution is to do the work: on it Marcus Garvey, despite shares and companies and world-wide membership, throws the burden. And Garvey3s "Evolution" becomes strangely akin to that mystical something which has been known for ages as destiny. It is on destiny that Marcus Garvey relies; in destiny he has faith: not unlike that military despot who, believing in his stars, laid Europe waste in the opening years of the nineteenth century. And, in fact, in the Negro World of Oct. 8, 1921, Marcus Garvey inquires why the negro cannot give to the world a Napoleon, a Duke of Wellington—these among a motley list including Garibaldi, Mirabeau, Pitt, Gladstone, Bismarck and Washington. But of plans for ousting European Governments from Africa Mr. Garvey is innocent. That is where destiny is to step in. It is at the juncture of mysticism and share-selling that one is apt to find the artistic juggling. In the case of Garvey such a juncture occurs in the establishment known as the "African Redemption Fund." To this fund colored people, in the name of African liberty, are invited to give. It is frankly what we in America know as a "money-getting proposition," clothedf,] however, in the language of hope that speaks of linking up the four hundred million negroes of the world "into one solid body, moving toward the glorious objective of a free and redeemed Africa." In the same breath, if not in the same sentence, appeal is made to colored people to support the Universal Negro Improvement Association by investing in shares of the Black Star Line Corporation whose desire it is "to float ships on the seven seas, to carry the commerce of the negro from country to country and make him one of the great industrial captains of the age." This is the verbiage in which the appeal for funds is made. Reduced to prosaic and dusty fact, the Black Star Line's potentialities are largely imaginary. It is not likely that the Yarmouth, a steamship laid up for reconditioning, so Mr. Garvey says, on Staten Island; the Antonio Maceo, a steamship he asserts is plying between Jamaica and Cuba; or the Shadyside, an old excursion boat now resting, by Mr. Garvey's account, somewhere up the Hudson River, will carry any considerable commerce, negro or other, to the seven seas.

24-1

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As for the "African Redemption Fund," to which by Oct. 8 or thereabout some $1,954 had been donated in sums of $5 or more, it is frankly and entirely propaganda, Mr. Garvey told me, for which this money was to be used. In fact, the Universal Negro Improvement Association and its associated ventures are to be devoted in great part to propaganda and future promise. Therein lies the danger for Mr. Garvey and his movement. For the Black Star Line Corporation sells shares. Whatever the explanation or absence of explanation accompanying the sale of those shares, the purchasers may some day inquire what the value may be of their shares, may ask about possible dividends. Some such question was put to Mr. Garvey—concerning the commercial soundness of these ventures which were being placed before the people in commercial terms. His reply to me was that there were results which could not be measured in dollars and cents; that the steamship Yarmouth, by carrying the flag of the Black Star Line to the West Indies and rousing the enthusiasm of the negroes, had afforded ocular evidence of negro enterprise—that the good old ship had done her work even if she never again put to sea. Stock selling, such as the Universal Negro Improvement Association and its associated enterprises indulged in, added Mr. Garvey, was not a "mere cold business proposition." The people who bought stock were really advancing the propaganda of the association, assisting in the great work of linking together the negroes of the world and freeing Africa. Their idealism, rather than financial return, was to be their reward. The question that suggests itself is whether the people who buy [the stock] understand the situation as well and as thoroughly as the people who sell it. I venture to say that there may be some who do not. In Marcus Garvey's financial, then, as well as in his educational and his propaganda work, there are fringes of vagueness so extensive that it is permissible to wonder if the entire fabric of the movement may not eventually resolve itself into fringe. He proposes to free Africa. By the right which is might European Governments have acquired and now hold African territory. Marcus Garvey has no plan that he will avow for proceeding against those Governments. His commercial ventures resolve themselves for the most part into propaganda, and his propaganda is directed at a sort of African patriotism which depends upon destiny for the attainment of its objects. A glance at his financial statements, published in the Negro World of Aug. 13, 1921, is instructive, even startling. That statement discloses a "Construction Loan" against which notes for $144,450.58 were then outstanding. T o what had these funds been applied? Almost $27,000 was spent, in "various sales campaigns" on salaried officers and employees, and another $17,000 went to travelling expenses and advertising—in all some $44,000 spent in merchandising the loan. Another extraordinary item is $46,555.20, spent in purchasing the "good will" of the weekly newspaper, the Negro World. Wall Street at its palmiest could hardly do better than this. Furthermore, $34,440

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was invested in Black Star Line stock. If the holders of Marcus Garvey's shares are all idealists intent on turning over their money to him, this sort of financing may be all very well. Otherwise there may come a time of intense financial stringency in Mr. Garvey's ventures. Withal, it is not difficult to understand why masses of people have gone enthusiastic over Garveyism. Have not the white people their Billy Sunday? T o a degree Marcus Garvey undoubtedly believes in himself. He deals and thinks in issues far more realistic than drink and the devil. The mind of the multitude is always susceptible to empires, continents and millions. Negroes especially, oppressed, insulted, injured, could be expected to reach out to a dream that is made to seem so near at hand as Marcus Garvey makes the redemption of Africa. His phrases, too, are telling: "This is the headline," he said, "written about my country—about your country: 'Negroes a Problem in South Africa.' The impertinence, the insolence of the thing! [N]egroes may be a problem in America; negroes may be a problem in Europe; negroes may be a problem in Asia, but the white man is a problem in Africa, and not the negro." There is bite, bitterness, fire in the belly of Marcus Garvey, as there is in many a negro, for reasons easily understood. They will grasp at the idea of power which he presents to them even if it has no immediate counterpart in fact; and as the accompaniment of this idea is the opportunity to join, to organize, even to pay for the privilege, they will seize that opportunity and drink deep drafts of the enthusiasm that so freely flows about any such movement. In some respects, Marcus Garvey's vision is not inaccurate. He has hit too upon distinctions that are inexpensive and yield satisfaction to the recipients—frankly in the manner of the governments which have gone out of style in Europe. There is the order of Knight Commander of the Sublime Order of the Nile, and the Order of Knight Commander of the Distinguished Service Order of Ethiopia—so Marcus Garvey named them to me. Awards of these distinctions are made for distinguished service—to the Universal Negro Improvement Association. I asked Mr. Garvey whether any one had been "knighted" who was not a member of his organization and he could name no one. So that these distinctions fit into this huge scheme of commercialized idealism. Two members of the staff of the Negro World bear these honorary titles: the literary editor, "Sir William H. Ferris, M.A.K.C.O.N." and "Sir John E. Bruce, K.C.O.N.[,]" a contributing editor. Despite all of Marcus Garvey's protestations, however, despite even the faith which he may have in himself, the ventures about him are found to impress many as neither realistic nor sound. They are not commerce undiluted. They are not competent politics. Nor are they passionately devoted to the idea undefiled. They are a dangerous mixture of all of these elements, most dangerous of all for Mr. Garvey and for the individuals who are moved to give him their confidence and their funds. He has, for the moment, dramatized the conflict of races, of black man against white, as it has been precipitated by the white man; and has given voice to the aspirations of many of the oppressed of the world. But the bill

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has not yet been presented to Mr. Marcus Garvey. It may be a heavy one on the day of payment. Printed in World magazine, 4 December 1921. 1. Herbert J. Seligman (1891-1984), a white author and journalist, was born in New York City. After graduating from Harvard, he served on the staffs of the New Republic and the New York Evening Post, which was published by Oswald Garrison Villard. At the time of his interview with Garvey, Seligman was director of publicity for the N A A C P , a position that he held for a total of thirteen years. The Negro Faces America, published in 1920, was his first book, and his interest in the race issue continued for a number of years (Herbert J. Seligman to R o b e r t A. Hill, 23 September 1978). Seligman's activities in 1920 were observed by the Bureau o f Investigation's Special Employee P-138 (Herbert S. Boulin), who referred to him as "a great f a v o r i t e " among Socialists " o w i n g to his writings on Negro Topics" ( D N A , R G 65, file BS 202600-667-3; NTT, 7 March 1984).

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1921

Meeting Announcement

Meetings E x t r a o r d i n a r y TO BE ADDRESSED BY

PMARCUSGARVEY The

Greatest

Negro

Orator

D .

S .

o f the T w i e n t i e t h

O .

Century

E .

Provisional President of Africa

and

President General Universal N e g r o I m p r o v e m e n t Association

At 0. Street Armory Hall BIG

MUSICAL

US

Washington, D. C.

PROGRAMME

T H E M A R C U S GARVEY AND U N I A PAPERS

William J. Burns to Rush D. Simmons, Chief Inspector, Post Office Department [ Washington, D.C.] December 7, 1921 My dear Chief: As you are probably aware, this Bureau for many months past has been investigating M A R C U S G A R V E Y , an alien Negro who, for more than two years has been living lavishly off the meagre savings of poor Negroes throughout the United States. The investigation so far discloses violations of several federal statutes, not the least in importance being the violation of the Postal laws. I respectfully request that you have assigned a competent post office inspector, who can go over the information procured by us and work with our agents here in the pre[pa]ration of the case against Garvey, which will include the postal angles. We are ready to go into the matter with your inspector immediately and should have his name and the [tim]e when he can begin operations here with our men. This will involve of course, going over a great mass of information and the outlining of a further course with a view to cl[os]ing up some of the angles which have not been thoroughly developed. Very truly yours, W[ILLIAM] J. BURNS

Director DJ-FBI, file 61. TL, carbon copy.

Court Order to Sell the S.S. Yarmouth Brooklyn, New York 7th day of December 1921 At a Stated Term of the District Court of the United States, for the Eastern District of New York, held at the United States Court Room in the Borough of Brooklyn, on the 7th day of December, 1921. Present: Hon. Edwin L. Garvin, District Judge. NATIONAL DRY DOCK & REPAIR C o . , Inc.,

Libellant, against S.S. " Y A R M O U T H , "

her engines, boilers, etc.

It appearing to the court that a final decree, dated the 25th day of November, 1921, has been entered herein for the libellant for the sum of $2,320.90, and that the steamship "Yarmouth" has been sold by the Marshal

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of this Court pursuant thereto for the sum of $1,625.00, and that there are no other claims pending in this court against said vessel or its proceeds; N o w , on motion of Purrington & McConnell, Proctors for libellant, it is Ordered, that the Clerk of the Court pay out of the proceeds of the sale of the steamship "Yarmouth," now in the Registry of the Court, the fees of the Marshal, amounting to the sum of $360.96, as taxed, and the fees of the Clerk of the Court, amounting to $i7.6s[,] and pay to the libellant, or its proctors, the balance then remaining and amounting to the sum of $1,246.39. EDWIN L. GARVIN

U.S.D.J. Marcus Garvey v. United States, no. 8317, Ct. App., 2d Cir., 2 February 1925, government exhibit no. 33.

Editorial Letter by Marcus Garvey [[Washington, D.C., December 7, 1921]] Fellow Men of the Negro Race, Greeting: I am disposed this week to have a talk with you on the subject of "Malicious Propaganda." Propaganda means "to disseminate, to diffuse, to scatter information, be it correct or otherwise." During the war Germany used propaganda to expose English and French diplomacy and, the Allies in turn, invented a propaganda which they scattered around the world holding up the Germans as Huns, calling them demons, savages, cannibals and all kinds of names, even though the Allies were associated with and were close companions of the Germans prior to 1914Whenever you want to destroy anybody or anything in the confidence of others, you start a propaganda and represent the individual or the thing to your auditors to be just the opposite of what is good and complimentary. Governments, institutions, organizations and individuals have had, all down the ages, to fight propaganda with counter propaganda, hence the Allies during the war adopted a merciless system of counter propaganda against the central powers, through which they successfully won the war. I have related this to you so as to bring to your notice the propaganda that is being waged and, most mercilessly, against the Universal Negro Improvement Association, the Black Star Line Steamship Corporation and other allied corporations represented by me through the good will of the people. Since emancipation in the West Indies, and in the United States of America, there has never been a real attempt made by Negroes to politically, educationally, industrially, socially and religiously free themselves. Our fathers as well as our leaders have been satisfied to allow their old time slave

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masters to lead them in every branch o f human endeavor. Our slave masters, after the emancipation, thought for us, acted for us and practically did everything for us, hence we were hemmed in not only as chattel slaves, but as industrial, political, social and educational slaves. In all the time o f our freedom no organization ever stepped out from among the masses and interpreted the true spirit o f liberty until the Universal Negro Improvement Association came forward in America four years ago with a program o f its own, demanding for Negroes everywhere their political, industrial, social, educational and religious liberty. When this organization was started, having had no philanthropic backers such as have always patronized Negro schools, colleges, churches and organizations, no one thought that anything good would have come out o f it until recently when the world awoke to find that this same Universal Negro Improvement Association, organized four years ago, has successfully brought together in one fold four million members scattered throughout the world. Realizing this, the whole world became startled, and attention was immediately arrested as to the importance o f this great movement. Some o f those who became attracted by this sudden growth were forced to take notice o f it because it had made an inroad into their conservative livelihood. That is to say, a large number o f Negro leaders have in the past lived off Negro institutions and organizations through presenting to philanthropists the child-like simplicity o f the Negro, his inability to do for himself, and his crudeness, sympathy for which philanthropists bestowed gifts o f charity upon such institutions and organizations through those leaders, which gifts were generally pocketed by them, and on which they were able to maintain a conservative livelihood. Others were attracted to this organization through jealousy. " T o imagine that a black man should have organized so many people into one organization, and I am not at the head o f it, it is impossible; it must be crushed." Such has been the feeling and attitude o f a large number o f Negroes. Things that they are not in, things that they are not the heads of, must not exist, and every means must be adopted for their destruction. Others, not o f the Negro race, were attracted to this organization by the independent attitude o f the Negro in endeavoring to do for himself. Such people o f the other race have never yet given the Negro credit for being able to do anything on his own account, but the Negro must always be a servant, must always be a follower, he must never lead. Now, within the last three years, all these forces as above mentioned, the professional Negro leader, the jealous Negro and the prejudiced white man, have all gotten together in one great propaganda effort to discredit the Universal Negro Improvement Association, the Black Star Line Steamship Corporation and Marcus Garvey. All kinds o f methods have been adopted to promulgate and foster this propaganda. Some have used the daily press in its weekly and Sunday editions; others have used their weekly and monthly magazines, and among Negroes they have used their weekly papers and their

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monthly magazines and pamphlets of all kinds and descriptions to hold up the Universal Negro Improvement Association and its founder to ridicule, so as to confuse the minds o f the Negro masses and to ultimately, in their opinion, cause the downfall of this great organization. These facts are stated so that each and every one o f you can understand what propaganda means, and what it aims at doing for the destruction of the Negro race. The people who have a cause must expect to meet opposition in carrying it through. If they are seeking for liberty, they must expect to meet the propaganda o f those who have withheld their liberty, because such persons are going to move heaven and earth so as to make it impossible for the enslaved to be free. The enslavers of humanity, during the days o f slavery, justified it by even using the propaganda of the church. Bishops and divines preached during slave days eloquent sermons justifying slavery as a curse upon the Negro. Publications were scattered all over the world upholding slavery as a righteous and just institution; and so down the ages we have come to this very hour when the same class of people are using every means at their disposal to convince the world that the Negro has absolutely no right to do anything on his account—to strike out on his own initiative. And they have even succeeded, to a great extent, in getting Negroes themselves to subscribe to such a propaganda, and be the agents and mediums through which this propaganda can be easily scattered. We have in our midst an organization like the National Association for the Advancement o f Colored People, at the head of which are white men and women, 1 who stand out to convince the world that Negroes are incapable of handling their own affairs, and thus they direct the destiny, to their own way o f thinking, of fifteen million Negroes who are incapable of thinking for themselves. In this organization we have a man by the name of Herbert J. Seligman, who is its director of publicity and propaganda. This white gentleman is supposed to have written a book entitled "The Negro Faces America." T o be fair with him, I must say I have never paid him the compliment to read his book, because I am o f the opinion that very few white men, if any, can write decently of the Negro, and I do not believe that Mr. Seligman is an exception. In mentioning the name of the National Association for the Advancement o f Colored People, I want to state emphatically that I am not against the organization; I am for the organization, but I believe that there are enough educated and prepared Negroes in the United States of America capable o f being head o f an organization that seeks to advance their own cause, and that I am very suspicious of any Negro organization that has at its head men o f other races who claim to be working in the interest of the Negro as against the interest o f themselves. That they should so work seems unreasonable and illogical, nevertheless, they are working according to their own statement. And among such men, as I have mentionedf,] is Mr. Herbert Seligman. This gentleman, in his propaganda to discredit the Universal Negro Improvement Association and its founder, has written an article in the 249

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Sunday edition /of/ the "New York World" of the 4th inst., in which he has said many uncomplimentary things about our movement and about me. As I have said before very few white men are honest enough to write the truth about the Negro. If a Negro woman is a prepossessing and beautiful creature, and they want to portray her as typical of the race, they make her a monster. If a Negro unfortunately does something wrong, or commits a crime, and he is just a lad, slim in body, probably not more than sixteen years old, they make him a "burly Negro." If it is something in art or science done by the Negro, that would meet comment and appreciation, they would make him a Hindu, an Egyptian, a Cuban, or some other nationality that would take away from him his true race of being a Negro. When it comes to painting the Negro black and making him monstrous, hideous, objectionable in any way, then we can count upon such "philanthropists" as Mr. Herbert J. Seligman to portray him to the world. In his article he starts off with these words: "Three dingy old dwelling places have been converted to new uses in an uptown street of New York— just a short distance south of Spuyten Duyvil Creek, that joins the waters surrounding Manhattan Island. Opposite these buildings is the Whale Centre Restaurant, which announces among other delicacies fried fish. Round these former dwelling houses for acres in every direction, chiefly west and northwest, lies the largest Negro population in any city of the world. "The dingy buildings are the offices of the Black Star Steamship Line; of The Negro World, a weekly publication, and finally of the President General of the Universal Negro Improvement Association, who styles himself in addition, Provisional President of Africa. Not content with the provisional presidency of Africa and of the Black Star Line Steamship Company, Marcus Garvey enjoys the presidency of the Negro Factories Corporation, which, he says, owns a laundry in i42d street, and the African Communities League— or, in Marcus Garvey's own words, 'the business side of the Universal Negro Improvement Association.' "There in 135th street, New York City, is the centre of it all, of such dreams of African hegemony, of share vending, of idealist talk as it would be difficult to imagine let alone to duplicate. At the centre of these dreams, spinning them like so many webs, writing, traveling across the city to Liberty Hall to exhort huge crowds, and centring in himself the uncertain complexities of the business ventures, is Marcus Garvey, West Indian Negro." Mr. Seligman tries to make out that the offices of the Universal Negro Improvement Association and the Black Star Line are "dingy old dwelling places." What he means by that only God in heaven can tell, because no honest investigator who desires to portray the truth would call the offices of the Black Star Line and the Universal Negro Improvement Association dingy old dwelling places, as if they were writing about the early homes of the ancient Britons or the homes of the Pilgrim Fathers who settled at Plymouth. But this Mr. Seligman loves the Negro, he says, because he is the director of publicity for the National Association for the Advancement of Colored

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People; yet in the effort of the Negro to help himself he has no better appreciation than to refer to his humble effort as being confined to "dingy old dwelling places." Then, so as to portray the locality in which these dingy old dwelling places are situated he says: ". . . in the neighborhood we have the Whale Centre Restaurant, which announces among other delicacies fried fish." The philanthropy of Mr. Seligman and his love for Negroes go very far when he tries to ridicule an original movement of their own in mentioning the above in his portraiture of the organization's activities. Mr. Seligman desires the world to understand that I am "styling" myself Provisional President of Africa, when Mr. Seligman knows, because he has been reading the newspapers, and if he did not get the information otherwise his colleague and associate and "social equal," Dr. Du Bois, could have told him that Marcus Garvey was elected in 1920 at an international convention held in Liberty Hall, New York city, by the representatives of the Negro peoples of the world as Provisional President of Africa. But the Negro(?)loving Mr. Seligman, who is director of publicity and propaganda of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, desires to ridicule the Negro trying to do good for his people to such an extent as to infer that he is "styling" himself Provisional President of Africa. Does Mr. Seligman believe that there should be a Provisional President of Africa? I trust the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People will answer this for him. But he continues: " H e is not content (meaning Marcus Garvey) with the Provisional Presidency of Africa and of the Black Star Line Steamsh[i]p Company. Marcus Garvey enjoys the presidency of the Negro Factories Corporation, which he says own[s] a laundry in i42d street, and the African Communities League, or, in Marcus Garvey's own words, 'the business side of the Universal Negro Improvem[en]t Association.' " It is for me to suggest that I am not satisfied with being only Provisional President of Africa, just as Mr. Seligman is not satisfied only in doing any one thing to advance himself. The difference is that I am not president of the many organizations mentioned by Mr. Seligman for my own advancement, because personally I could have done better otherwise, believing much in my own ability and having enough confidence in myself to labor for the truth and live by the truth, while Mr. Seligman has to "sell highly colored articles," far from the truth, to augment no doubt the salary he gets from the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People as its director of publicity. There seems to be something quite "native" in the mind of Mr. Seligman, in that he tries to emphasize, as Dr. Du Bois has been doing for some time, that I am a West Indian. What in the name of heaven this has to do with a man, God alone can tell. If a man is able to help his race that is suffering, and he seeks to do it, I do not see why his nationality should be emphasized as being a part of his ability or inability to put [togeth]er the program. When the white race was imperilled President Wilson did not ask Lloyd George of what nationality he was, but he "pitched in" with the

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strength o f the American nation in alliance with France and Great Britain and Italy against Germany, and nobody said that Mr. Wilson was an American because he tried to help the white race, but because Marcus Garvey tries to help the black race he is a West Indian. But there seems to be something strange about Mr. Seligman, for he says, speaking o f the effort of our organization to start the "African Redemption Fund," "It is at this juncture of mysticism and share-selling that one is apt to find the artistic juggling. In the case of Marcus Garvey such a juncture comes in the establishment of the 'African Redemption Fund.' To this fund colored people in the name of African Liberty are invited to give. It is frankly what we in America know as a 'money-getting proposition.' " And now we have Mr. Seligman in his true colors, and probably he is representing the spirit of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People. He cannot see anything else but "money getting" in any attempt made by Negroes to help themselves. Mr. Seligman is very undiplomatic to have so revealed himself, his soul, his conscience, and to give away the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, which through Dr. Du Bois has been hitting at Marcus Garvey, the Universal Negro Improvement Association and the Black Star Line for over two years, and raising the same question o f money, money, money, and what accounts have been given. There is an old saying, "Evil to him who evil thinks" and "there is no one more criminal than he who thinks criminally of others. ["] Therefore it does not surprise me sometimes when certain men try to impute impro[p]er things against Marcus Garvey, the Universal Negro Improvement Association and the Black Star Line, because they reflect only what they would do if positioned as is Marcus Garvey. Mr. Seligman discusses the financial statement of the Universal Negro Improvement Association, etc., an organization he knows nothing about. Wouldn't it be better for him to discuss the financial statement of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People that has been collecting money from the American public for over eight years, and to tell us what good the organization has done up to now rather than asking Mr. Garvey questions about his balance sheet and suggesting that no good has been done when even a blind man can see that within the last four years, through the existence o f the Universal Negro Improvement Association, a great change has come over the world, which change has brought about all this hatred, malice and animosity for and against Marcus Garvey and the Universal Negro Improvement Association? Mr. Seligman bewails the fact that Mr. Garvey has no program by which he is to redeem Africa, and therefore is innocent in his political control o f Africa. Mr. Seligman believes that Marcus Garvey is his associate in the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People. Mr. Garvey has taken his statesmanship from Jethro, and therefore is not disposed, as ignorant and stupid Negroes would do, to tell Mr. Seligman what he is going

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to do. What right has Mr. Seligman to know, anyhow? It is not your business; attend to your own business and leave other people's business alone. Mr. Garvey does not want to know what Mr. Seligman is going to do; therefore why should Mr. Seligman want to know what Marcus Garvey is going to do? If some of us will leave other people's business alone, especially when that business does not concern us, I firmly believe the world will get on much better than it is now, but, to be charitable to Mr. Seligman, I would advise him to start his investigation right now about the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, and since he is supposed to know more about their activities than the Universal Negro Improvement Association, we shall be pleased to publish in The Negro World his findings, and if Mr. Seligman wants to know about the Universal Negro Improvement Association, if he asks one of its officers or one who knows about it to write his or her impression, we shall be pleased to send a copy to the Crisis to be published. In writing and mentioning further the National Association for the Advancement of Colored [P]eople, it must be understood again that I am not against the association, that I believe the association has in it some honest and honorable men, among them Dean William Pickens.2 I have much appreciation for Mr. Pickens because I believe he is really in earnest in trying to help the fifteen millions of his people to overcome the hardships and difficulties that they are suffering. Mr. Pickens came to our office some time ago, asked us some questions. We answered them, we gave him the information he requested, and I believe Mr. Pickens did write an article about the Universal Negro Improvement Association and handed same over to the Nation, the weekly paper of Oswald Garrison Villard, and probably because in the article there was nothing derogatory about the Universal Negro Improvement Association and Marcus Garvey, it has never seen the light of day. 3 But anything that tends to hold up Marcus Garvey, the Universal Negro Improvement Association and the Black Star Line, to ridicule, sees immediate publication. I have not much more time to waste on Mr. Seligman and his association, but I may return to him some day. Nevertheless, I trust Negroes everywhere will understand the kind of propaganda that is being used to hold up to ridicule a movement that stands 100 per cent in the interest of the race. Not alone does Mr. Seligman and the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, through Dr. W. E. B. Du Bois, seek to destroy the good work of the Universal Negro Improvement Association in every part of the country, and especially in New York, but there are other groups of men who are being paid for no other purpose than to hold up the Universal Negro Improvement Association to ridicule. Some are paid by merchants in the neighborhood in which we operate to write scurrilous articles month by month against the organization, so that we may not succeed in our business ventures, so as to change the

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commercial aspect of the community in which we live, and these Negroes who publish these things month by month have no greater love of patriotism than the dollar that they can get for writing such scurrilous articles. Let the sober-minded Negro sit down week after week, month after month, and read very critically all the Negro publications that are published against the Universal Negro Improvement Association, the Black Star Line and Marcus Garvey, and investigate the source from which they come, and you will find out just how far-fetched and far-flung is the propaganda that is being used to defeat this grand and noble movement. Nevertheless, Truth will get a hearing one of these fine days, and so long as God is God, and He is God, when Truth gets a hearing, great changes will come about. And why should we be discouraged because even now such changes are taking place? The old psychologists understood the psychology of the Negro, that he would not support any movement, especially that led by his own, so these all wise authors, editors and newspaper men have made it their duty to publish all kinds of suspicious articles, feeling that if they are read by the Negro public it would take away their support from the Black Star Line and the Universal Negro Improvement Association, and then they would see the fall of the greatest Negro movement in the world; but let them wait until Judgement, because so long as God is God and man is man, and I personally (and I believe millions of others) have within me the breath of life, the work of the Universal Negro Improvement Association will go on until the wreck of matter and the crash of worlds. And again I appeal to the Negro peoples of the world, let no propaganda or counter propaganda influence you against the truth, know ye always that your cause is righteous and fight to the bitter end. Feeling sure that you will stand now as ever solidly behind the Universal Negro Improvement Association and give it your support financially, morally and physically, I have the honor to be Your obedient servant, MARCUS GARVEY

President-General U N I V E R S A L N E G R O IMPROVEMENT ASSOCIATION P r i n t e d in NW,

10 December 1921. Original headlines omitted.

1. In 1921 the leadership of the N A A C P was divided into "national officers" and "executive officers." Most of the national officers were white, including the NAACP president, Moorfield Storey, and five of the six vice-presidents. Among the executive officers were Mary White Ovington, chairman of the board, and Joel E. Spingarn, treasurer, both of whom were white. The remainder of the executive officers, W. E. B. Du Bois, Robert Bagnall, William Pickens, and Addie W. Hunton, were black. The organization's secretary, James Weldon Johnson, and his assistant, Walter White, were both black (DLC, NAACP). 2. Pickens was a field secretary for the N A A C P in December 1921. He had resigned his post in September, but his resignation was not accepted, and further negotiations led him to agree to retain the position. 3. The editors of the Nation apparently suspected Pickens of writing the favorable article to secure a position in the UNIA.

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Report by Special Agent Mortimer J. Davis New York City 12/8/21 I N R E : B L A C K STAR L I N E — A L L E G E D V I O L A T I O N OF SECTION 2 1 5 — U S I N G M A I L S TO D E F R A U D .

C o n t i n u i n g o n this matter; by appointment, I called up Cyril Briggs to obtain f r o m him any information in his possession with regard to the alleged misrepresentation by the Black Star Line in its sale of stock. M y previous reports 1 will show that Briggs promised to obtain the names o f persons w h o c o u l d be used by this Department as witnesses in such action. Briggs inf o r m e d me at this time that while he had located several such persons, none o f them w o u l d care to make any statements against Garvey, principally t h r o u g h fear o f consequences or embarrassment among their friends. H o w ever, Briggs promised to continue his efforts and keep me informed. M O R T I M E R J. D A V I S

DJ-FBI, file 61. T D . 1. See the report by Special A g e n t Mortimer J. Davis, 18 November 1921, printed on pp. 197-198.

Confidential Informant 800 to George F. Ruch New York, Dec. 8, 1921 Sir: . . . In re. Garv[e]y, they took from each bank account until they got $700 (seven hundred dollars) and paid the printer so the paper will come out this week, but each time they draw on one corporation[']s fund for another f u n d they violate the corporation laws o f the state in that they never do so u p o n the direction o f the Board o f Directors. This is done every day and the Board o f Directors is never consulted. When Garvey directs it[,] it is done, he makes himself the Board o f Directors. Will be at your office Sunday at 4:00 P.M. as per instructions. Respectfully, "800"

P.S. Received checks, many thanks. [Endorsement]

NOTED w . w . G.

DJ-FBI, file 61-826-Xn. T L S , recipient's copy. Stamped endorsement.

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Elmer Schlesinger to Joseph P. Nolan [Washington,

D.C.] December 8, 1921

Dear Sir: This is to advise you that the Legal Division is at present preparing the papers necessary to consummate the sale of the Steamship "Orion" to the Black Star Line and that I expect to submit these papers to you within a few days. The delay in the preparation of these papers has been caused by the fact that we expect to adopt forms of papers in connection with the sale of vessels differ[i]ng in some respects from those which have heretofor been used by the Board. Very truly yours, ELMER

SCHLESINGER

General Counsel [Address] J. P. Nolan, Esq., Counsel, Black Star Line, 25 Broad St., New York City. D N A , RG 32, file 605-1-653. TL, carbon copy.

Joseph P. Nolan to Elmer Schlesinger NEW YORK CITY ATTENTION M R .

December 9th, 1921

LLOYD

Dear Sir: — I beg to acknowledge receipt of your favor of the 8th inst., delivered to me in your office yesterday, and beg to advise you that this letter has helped to relieve the situation of my client the Black Star Line. As I explained to you yesterday, it is not our desire to be too persistent, but the unusual delay which has occurred in connection with this matter has caused my client most serious embarrassment, as well as financial loss. As I explained to you, there have been unwarranted and unfair attacks upon the credit of the Company, as well as upon the motives and good faith of the officers and directors of the Company, and the publication of these attacks in the newspapers in the last few weeks has been a most serious matter. The only thing which can possibly straighten the situation out is that the Company be put in possession of the contracts speedily, so that they may arrange the bond issue. On this score alone the Company has been seriously embarrassed because of its arrangements with the guarantors, and further extended delay will in all probability seriously impair the whole transaction. I can readily perceive that with your manifold duties you have had great difficulty in applying yourself to this particular contract, but I trust that, in 2S6

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view of the urgent need of my client, and the serious delay that has already occurred, you will be able to have the matter speedily determined. Very truly yours, JOSEPH P. NOLAN

DNA, RG 32, file 605-1-653. TLS, recipient's copy.

Memorandum by W. W. Grimes WASHINGTON, D.C. December 9, 1921 M E M O R A N D U M FOR THE FILES

With regard to the case of MARCUS GARVEY, arrangements have been made with the Chief Post Office Inspector for the assignment of Inspector C. H . Saffell to work with me in the review of the evidence submitted on this case, in order that the Post Office angles may be incorporated when the case is framed for prosecution. Mr. Saffell can be reached by calling Main 7272, Branch 192. W. W.

G[RIMES]

DJ-FBI, file 61. TLI, recipient's copy.

Negro World Announcement [10 December 1921] C O U N S E L L O R V A N N 1 JOINS U . N . I . A . Robert L. Vann, assistant corporation counsel of the city of Pittsburgh, and editor of the Pittsburgh Courier, has joined the Liberty Division of the Universal Negro Improvement Association. Editor Vann, who is one of the leading barristers in the State of Pennsylvania, is taking an active personal interest in the work of the association. Welcome, Brother Vann! Printed in NW, 10 December 1921. 1. Robert Lee Vann (1887-1940) was born in Ahoskie, N.C., and educated at the Waters Normal School in Winton, N . C . , and the University of Pittsburgh. Vann was one of the early financial backers of the Pittsburgh Courier, a black newspaper that he eventually acquired in 1910. Under Vann's direction it attained the highest circulation among black newspapers in the United States. Vann became an important black political figure in the 1920s, and he was a publicity director for the presidential campaigns of Warren G. Harding, Calvin Coolidge, and Herbert Hoover. In 1932 Vann changed his party affiliation to the Democratic party and supported Franklin D. Roosevelt for president. He is credited with being the most important single factor in changing black voting patterns from Republican to Democratic in the 1932

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election. He was rewarded with a post in the Roosevelt administration as assistant United States attorney general; he resigned the position in 1937. He returned to the Republican party in 1940, supporting Wendell L. Wilkie for president ("Robert Lee Vann," JNH 26 [January 1941]: 135-136; Andrew Buni, Robert L. Vann of the Pittsburgh Courier: Politics and Black Journalism [Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1974])-

Report by Special Agent J. G. Tucker [Nnr

York]

DEC. 1 0 , 1921

. . . MARCUS GARVEY'S affairs and those of his various enterprises are said to be getting into worse financial condition each day. It is reported that he is finding it harder to obtain contributions owing to the lack of employment amongst the Negroes and the falling off in membership of the U.N.I.A. It is understood that several branches of the latter organization are in open revolt against Garvey and his methods and that recently about 700 members left the Philadelphia organization and more than twice that number left branches in Chicago and other cities. The Sunday magazine section of the New York World for the 3rd instant has an article on Garvey and his methods by HERBERT SEUG[MAN] in which Garvey practically admits that the Black Star Line[,] shares of which he has been selling the members of the U.N.I.A. and who ever else would buy them, was never expected to become a profitable business venture but was to be used for propaganda purposes. Copy of the article referred to has been forwarded to the Washington office of the Bureau. The unemployment situation has no doubt affected both the Garvey and Briggs organizations as there are a considerable number of Negroes at present unemployed and the usual contributions are of course lacking. ). G . T U C K E R

DJ-FBI, file 61. TD.

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Speech by Marcus Garvey [[New York, Dcc. 11, 1921]] H O N . M A R C U S GARVEY, A S SPOKESMAN FOR 4 0 0 , 0 0 0 , 0 0 0 N E G R O E S , TELEGRAPHS A R T H U R G R I F F I T H AND PREMIER LLOYD G E O R G E ON THE SETTLEMENT OF THE IRISH Q U E S T I O N AND C R E A T I O N OF A S E L F - G O V E R N I N G IRISH FREE STATE

. . . I have a dual subject for tonight—Ireland and Africa. I will say a few words touching on the new Irish Free State.1 For 700 years the Irish race has been waging a relentless campaign for the purpose of freeing their country from the domination of an alien race. The time seems long—700 years. But very few races would have stuck to one program—to one cause for such a lengthened period of time. Nevertheless the Irish stuck, and for 700 years they fought. Hundreds and thousands of Irishmen have died as martyrs to the cause of Irish freedom. Coming down the centuries we have had Irish patriots as Robert Emmett, O'Connell, Roger Casement and McSweeney. At a certain time the world laughed at them, the world mocked them, the world jeered them for their cause; nevertheless they continued their agitation until within recent years they forced the world's recognition. They compelled the attention of the world and I believe the death of McSweeney did more for the freedom of Ireland today than probably anything they did for 600 years prior to his death. N E G R O E S ' C A U S E S I M I L A R TO IRISH

We have a cause similar to the cause of Ireland. We have just started out three years ago. I wonder if we will keep it up for 700 years? Those of us who understand what liberty means; those of us who understand what the freedom o f a people mean will keep it up for eternity. (Cries of Yes! Yes!) In the struggle upward many an Irishman fell by the wayside—fell out of line. In the struggle upward to a free and redeemed Africa many a Negro will fall out on the wayside, but nevertheless the mighty contingent, the great everlasting battalion will march on even to eternity. (Applause.) G L A D IRELAND HAS W O N

SELF-GOVERNMENT

I am glad that Ireland has won some modicum of self-government. I am not thoroughly pleased with the sort of freedom that is given to them, but nevertheless I believe that they have received enough upon which they can improve, because I hardly believe that it will take too long a period from the time that the Free State is given to them for a collaps[e] in Europe that will bring about a compulsory freeing of all oppressed peoples by those who have held them in bondage for hundreds of yea[rs]. So I am not with my friend De

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Valera at this minute 2 ; I am with my friend Arthur Griffith. 3 1 believe he is a wise statesman in signing the pact4 and accepting a sort of Irish Free State, and I trust the Irish Parliament when called on Wednesday will ratify the understanding and agreement he has come to and made with David Lloyd George (the bulldog of Europe).5 (Laughter.) S E N D S C A B L E O F C O N G R A T U L A T I O N S TO A R T H U R

GRIFFITH

I am about to send this cable to Arthur Griffith. He is the Vice-President of the Irish Republic. He has fought continuously; he has fought long; he has made great sacrifices for the cause of Ireland, and I think all oppressed peoples, all well-thinking peoples, all liberal-minded people should encourage such a man at this hour; and on behalf of four hundred million Negroes of the world who are looking toward freedom, but outside of that, who are always liberal-minded enough to appreciate the rights of all men, I am about to send this cable to Arthur Griffith in Dublin, Ireland: Arthur Griffith, Dublin, Ireland. Six thousand of us assembled in Liberty Hall, New York, representing the four hundred million Negroes of the world, send you congratulations on your masterly achievement of partial independence for Ireland. The stage is set for a greater day for Ireland. Long live the new Irish Free State. M A R C U S GARVEY,

Provisional President of Africa. CABLEGRAM TO LLOYD G E O R G E

And this cable goes to David Lloyd George: David Lloyd George, London—The Negro peoples of the world congratulate you for the splendid statesmanship you have demonstrated in granting to Ireland her internal freedom. The step is a laudable one and we hope you will continue to listen to the cry of the oppressed multitude of your great empire and thus save humanity from the conflicts of war. M A R C U S GARVEY,

Provisional President of Africa. FLAYS W E L L S ' A F R I C A N A R T I C L E IN N E W Y O R X W O R L D

I have another telegram to send to someone else, but before I read that telegram to you I want to read an article that appeared today in the New York World over the signature of England's greatest novelist and writer— greater even, I believe, than Bernard Shaw; greater even than Lord Northcliffe—H. G. Wells.6 Wells, as you know, is in this country on the invitation

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of the New York World to write his impressions [in] a series of articles on the Limitation of Armaments Conference now being held in Washington.7 He has been writing for several weeks, and today he writes on Africa.8 I am very much interested in what I see and hear and observe about Africa. Now, I am going to read extracts from the article before I make my comments, because the burden of my speech will be on Mr. Wells. He writes as follows, under the caption "Africa Growing in Importance as Possible Cause of War Unless Powers Adopt Certain Principles to Govern in Development": Washington, Dec. 9 In a previous paper I wrote of certain 'stifled voices' at Washington. There is yet another stifled voice here that I have heard, and to speak of it opens another great group of questions that stand in the way of any effectual organization of world peace through an Association of Nations. Until we get some provisional decision about this set of issues the Association of Nations remains a project in the air. This stifled voice of which I am now writing is the voice of the colored people. As a novelist—a novelist in my spare time— and as a man very curious by nature about human reactions, the peculiar situations created by 'color5 in America have always appealed to me. I do not understand why American fiction does not treat of them more frequently. It is the educated, highly intelligent colored people who get my interest and sympathy. I cannot get up any race feeling about them. I am particularly proud to have known Booker T. Washington and to-know Mr. Du Bois, and this time, in spite of a great pressure of engagements, I was able to spend two hours last Sunday listening to the proceedings of the [WJashington Correspondence Club, an organization which battles by letter and interview and appeal against the harsh exclusions from theatres, schools, meetings, restaurants, libraries and the like that prevail here.

Commenting on Mr. Well's reference to the Washington Correspondence Club, Mr. Garvey said: "Mr. Wells says that this colored club in Washington which he visited believes in carrying on their battles by letter writing and interviews and appeals—the kind of battles we have been waging for over fifty years without any results, and which we are about to change for a new kind of battle through the Universal Negro Improvement Association."

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Continuing the quotation from Mr. Wells' article, Mr. Garvey read as follows: I will not discuss here the rights and wrongs o f a bar that cuts off most o f the intellectual necessities and conveniences o f life from many people who would pass as refined and cultivated whites in any European country. I mention this gathering merely to note a very interesting topic upon which I was called to account thereat. SEN[E]GALESE REFERENCE

CRITICIZED

Once or twice in these papers—I do not know if the reader has noted it—I have mentioned the French training o f Senegalese troops and the objection felt by other European peoples to their extensive employment in Europe. I was asked at the Correspondence Club whether the objections I had made to this were not "fostering race prejudice," and some interesting exchanges followed. I was inclined to argue that the importation o f African Negroes into Europe for military purposes was as objectionable as their importation to America for economic services, but some, my hosts, some o f the younger men, did not see it in that light. They are warmed toward the French by the notable absence o f racial exclusiveness in France, and they see the ideals o f that epochmaking book, 'La France Negre,' from an entirely different angle. Why not a black France as big or bigger than white France, and a new people who have learned military discipline, military service and united action from Europe? "Why not an African Napoleon presently?" said the young man, a little wanting, I thought, in that abject meekness which is the American ideal o f colored behavior. He was imagining, I suppose, something happening in Africa rather after the fashion o f the emancipation o f Hayti and o f great African armies pushing their former rulers back to the sea. But Col. Taylor has recently suggested another possibility, namely, that o f France finding herself in the grip o f a black Pretorian Guard. 9 It is a just, conceivable fancy—a Pretorian Guard, French-speaking and ultra-patriotic, keeping French Socialists and pacifists and Bolsheviks in their pr[o]per place. M U S T SOLVE A F R I C A N PROBLEMS

I do not believe very much in either o f these possibilities, nor even in the third possibility o f European powers fighting each other with black armies in Africa, but I do perceive that dreams o f a world peace will remain very insubstantial dreams, indeed, until

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we can work out a scheme or at least general principles of action for the treatment of Africa between the Sahara and the Zambesi River, a scheme that will give some sort of a quie[tu]s to the jealousies and hostilities evoked by the economic and political exploitations of annexed and mandatory territories upon nationalist and competitive lines in this region of the earth. For it seems to be the fact that tropical and sub-tropical Africa has another function in the world than to be the home of the great family of Negro peoples. Africa is economically necessary to European civilization as the chief source of vegetable oils and fats and various other products of no great value to the native population. European civilization can scarcely get along without these natural resources of Africa. 10 S E N D S T E L E G R A M TO H . G .

WELLS

Continuing his remarks, Mr. Garvey said: I trust all of you have the sense of the article. I am going to speak on it. So as not to waste time, I am going to send Mr. Wells this telegram: H . G. Wells, Care The World, New York: Yes, "Africa may be economically(?) necessary to European(?) civilization," [a]s you have stated in your Sunday article to The World, but Africa shall always be the "Home of the great family of Negro peoples," and the continuous exploitation of Africa by aliens shall only end in bloody war which will mean the extermination in Africa of the one race or the other. You may justify theft, greed, graft and injustice, but you cannot suppress human liberty. Europe is for the Europeans, Asia for the Asiatics, and four hundred million Negroes shall die even as they did in France and Flanders to make Africa for the Africans. We have no battleships; we have no visible armaments, but we have brains, and we know science. This hint to the wise is enough. Leave Africa alone. MARCUS

GARVEY

Provisional President of Africa. C O N D E M N S E N G L A N D ' S P O L I C Y OF O P P R E S S I N G WEAKER

PEOPLES

It is the old story over again—the strong taking advantage of the weak. Mr. Wells is no different in character, is no different in mind to other Englishmen. For centuries it has been the purpose of Englishmen to go throughout the world robbing and exploiting other peoples. Some of them in the past and even now have adopted the guise of religion. I take it for granted that Mr. Wells is as great a Christian as the Archbishop of Canter263

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bury, because when it comes to Christianity all Englishmen are in the same tub. (Laughter.) I would not change one fo[r] the other. Whether he wears a clerical garb of an archbishop or a bishop or whether he wears the garb of a statesman like David Lloyd George or Arthur J. Balfour, they are belonging to the same religious crew—"as much as I can get I will take, and let the Lord take care of the other fellow." This has been the policy of Englishmen for hundreds of years. That is why Ireland is in subjection; that is why Egypt is in subjection; that is why India is in subjection in the same way as America was in subjection 140-odd years ago. But as America discovered a George Washington so do I feel that Africa will discover a Napoleon of its own. (Applause.) I N V I T E S W E L L S TO L I B E R T Y

HALL

Mr. Wells and all Englishmen seem to forget that they are now dealing with a New Negro and with a new world. I for one believe that the things necessary for human life that are good for white people and good for the people of Europe are good for the native Africans and for all black folks. Since when has this change come about that Negroes cannot use oil and fat and gold and silver and diamonds? Mr. Wells seems to be living (even though he is such a lettered man) in a strange atmosphere. I hope before he goes back to England he will pay a visit to Liberty Hall and then he will be able to advise his countrymen to go easy in Africa, because we will, I feel sure, convince him that Liberty Hall, New York, stands not by itself, but there are 800 such Liberty Halls scattered over the United States. (Applause.) And the historian and student that Mr. Wells is, if he had made a recent careful study he would have found that on Sunday nights in certain parts of South Africa, West Africa and East Africa, Negroes hold meetings there just as they are held in Liberty Hall, New York, for the liberation of Africa. (Applause.) As scholarly as Mr. Wells is he needs information, and I trust Dr. Du Bois will give it to him (laughter), because he seems to be in company with Dr. D u Bois, 1 1 and Dr. Du Bois naturally must have given him the old-time "Uncle T o m " information. W O U L D L I K E TO C O R R E C T M R .

WELLS

N o w , I would like to have this great English writer properly corrected, so that in a paper like the "World" he can convey to the people of this country and the people of the world the correct information and impression about Negroes. We are living in a new age and the new Negro is here, and when it comes to Africa, he is not going to take off his hat to any man. (Applause mingled with cries of No! No!) N E W NEGRO WANTS LIBERTY

The new Negro is made up of the spirit of Patrick Henry. It is "Liberty or death." (Applause.) If Mr. Wells and his sixty million countrymen are

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preparing to carry on a fight with four hundred million determined black men, women and children, who are prepared to die, then he can continue his desire to control Africa and stand the cost of it. We realize that we make up a part of this world; we make up a part of humanity, and we feel that we are entitled to a certain position and to a certain location in this world, and that position and that location we have designated as Africa; therefore, we are going to live for Africa, and we are going to die for Africa. (Great applause.) N o

P E A C E W I T H O U T R I G H T S A C C O R D E D TO N E G R O E S

There can be no settlement of this human question; there can be no settlement about peace without giving four hundred million Negroes of the world their rights, and it is no use scholars like Mr. Wells trying to deceive his countrymen and deceive the world. As well as Negroes died in France and Flanders for the purpose of helping others to be free to enjoy liberty and democracy, we are going to die, each and every one, in Africa for our own freedom. (Applause.) And the world ought to know that. It is no use of their sitting in Washington and skylarking, and talking about parceling out other people's country. This thing must stop some way or the other; and if they will not, in their sober senses, stop it then let the bloody mix-up come and we are ready for it at any time. These political grafters, these capitalist fiends must be told the truth. If they are prepared for the bloody carnage in Africa and in Asia, let them come out, because four hundred million Negroes realize that it is better to die than to live slaves. (Applause.) And I trust that the master mind of President Harding—that the master mind of Hon. Charles Evans Hughes will direct this peace conference, so that all men will get their portion—their share of justice and equity; but without that we may expect wars and rumors of wars, because the new manhood of this race is not going to yield up its rights. I repeat that, as well as we died in France, Flanders and Mesopotamia, we can die in South Africa, in West Africa, in North Africa and in Central Africa. Talking about Africa's oil and rubber must go for the benefit of Europe when there are 400,000,000 Africans living in the world. The audacity, the impertinence of it! It is like a man telling you that you have a beautiful mahogany or wicker chair in your house and you cannot use it, therefore he will come in and take it away. It is like a man telling you that you have a beautiful clock in your house and you cannot appreciate it, and he will come and take it and put it in his house. What would you do to anyone who dares attempt such a thing? Well, it is the same thing logically that Europe is attempting to do—the oil is too good for the African and, therefore, Europe must go down and take it, as if Europe owns this world. God Almighty, God the Creator, God the Divine Architect, owns this world wheresoever He is. I have never seen Him, but I feel Him and know He is somewhere, and wheresoever He is I know that He owns this world and no one race owns it, and all of the human race have a right to this world, and no man, whether he

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be white, yellow or red, is going to take my portion of this world so long as I have the breath of life. N E G R O E S D E T E R M I N E D TO S U F F E R N O M O R E

I speak the sentiment and give expression to the feeling of the New Negro who is to be found all over the world. We have suffered long for 300 years, and we are tired of suffering any longer. It is better death than this continuous suffering; and if they are expecting they are going to deprive us of Africa and later on tell us Africa is a white man's country, I repeat, they have a second thought coming. It is going to be a surprising reaction when they expect that they will make Africa a white man's country as they have tried to make Australia a white man's country. The game is to depopulate the world of the weaker peoples and the stronger ones occupy the land; but they will have some time in this new age, when the eyes of all men are open, whether they be Irish, Egyptian, Hindu, or Negro. NATIONS SHOULD KEEP WITHIN THEIR

BOUNDS

We believe in justice-—human justice; we believe that Europe has a right to confine itself in Europe and be protected there. We believe Asia has a right to confine itself to Asia and be protected there. If Europe wants anything in Asia there is a proper way to go about it—by exchange. Commercial relationship will take to Europe the things that are in Asia, and will take to Asia the things that are in Europe; and if they want the things in Africa they must carry on the same commercial and human relationship. If they think they are going to conserve their relationship and destroy ours they make a big mistake, because we are no longer monkeys; we are now men. (Applause.) And we are men with a vengeance, because we know our ability; we know our worth; we know that when the supreme sacrifice is to be made no man can make a better sacrifice than the Negro soldier. (Applause.) And if we could make such a sacrifice in the last bloody war for France, for Italy, for Great Britain, for America, for Belgium, we can make it for ourselves in Africa. (Applause.) A SERIOUS QUESTION

I want you people of Liberty Hall to understand that this is a serious question. It is not an insignificant Englishman speaking to you in the person of Mr. Wells; it is not an irresponsible journalist writing. This is a master mind of the British Empire, a man whose words are weighed by the statesmen of his country and the statesmen of the world. Wells and men of that ilk give their thought and leading to the nation and to the race to which they belong. Don't pay much attention to what the individual of the mass of the people says at any time, but listen rather to what the leaders of the people say, because the leaders can change the mind of the masses of the people over

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night. The masses of the people can be friendly to you, because they are innocent of what is happening; but you must judge and weigh the expression of the words and the action of those who lead the people. Wells is a leader of English opinion; he is a distributor of English thought, and the leaders of the Negro race must pay keen attention to what Wells says on this question. W E L L S R E V E A L S E N G L I S H ATTITUDE

He reveals the English attitude. I knew it long ago, but he now reveals it openly for us all to see and to understand, and all we have to do is to prepare and meet it. Negroes of the world, I say: Get ready for the final conflict! It is coming; it is coming, and will soon be here, and when that conflict comes your duty will be to take the banner of the Red, the Black and the Green up the battle heights of Africa and plant it there victoriously. (Applause.) N E W STATESMANSHIP OF THE N E G R O

Wells pays no regard to the Negro race because he does not take us seriously; like many a writer, like many a statesman of the present day, still believing that Negroes are infants and children. They come in contact with the Negro who comes "hat in hand" to beg a dime or a dollar to lay the corner stone of a church; they come in contact with the Negro who begs for money to start some newspaper to carry out a friendly policy. They don't come in contact with the new statesmanship of the Negro, because that statesmanship is an independent one. That statesmanship does not beg. That statesmanship makes a demand, and failing to give and to yield when the demand is made, you stand the consequences. That is the new statesmanship of the Negro race, and it is confined to no one country; it is universal. It has come upon us through the bloody war of 1914-1918; it has come upon us through the readjustment of human affairs; it has come upon us through the readjustment of political boundaries, and in this readjustment of political boundaries we say: "Let Ireland be free; let Egypt be free; let India be free; let Palestine be free, and, above all, let Africa be free from coast to coast." (Great Applause.) N E G R O ' S SYMPATHY FOR O T H E R O P P R E S S E D PEOPLES

Our sympathy at this time goes out to the 4,000,000 Irish men, women and children of Ireland; to the 380,000,000 people of India; to the 7,000,000 or 8,000,000 men, women and children of Egypt; and since charity begins at home, since love begins at home, our sympathy goes out to the 400,000,000 men, women and children of our race throughout the universe. We say that for one thing, and if need be, we shall die for one thing—the freedom of our common motherland, Africa, irrespective of what Wells, Bal[fou]r, Bryan, 12 Kato, 1 3 Hughes, or any of the statesmen now meeting in Washington may think on the matter. We welcome peace; we ardently hope for peace, and I do

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hope peace will come to the world before Christmas (laughter); but peace for Negroes can only be accepted when they have dealt fairly with all peoples; and let it be understood that this means that we demand for ourselves a place in this world. H E A R T L E S S N E S S OF O T H E R S

H o w heartless, how inhuman, how wicked, how sinful, that men of such intelligence should sit down and plan the destruction of other people! It amounts to nothing less. When Wells, a great master mind, writes that Africa is for something more important than to have within her borders the native Africans, he well knows he is simply telling the English people that they should go there and rob the people and exterminate them and ultimately take away their country. Wells knows that Africa legally and morally, and in every way, justly belongs to the black man. Then why should he, with all his intellect and his intelligence, be inspiring his countryman and men of his race to be unfair with other people's territory? If we have no right in America, as they do say, if we have no right in Asia, as they do say, where, then, do we have a right to exist but in Africa? And if Africa is your last resort, and Wells is advising his people—urging them to go to Africa and take the oil and everything there, don't you see that that man is planning the destruction of the Negro and is an enemy to the race? And however intellectual he is, I shall regard him as such and shall meet him on the common battlefield. (Applause.) Men who are so sinful as that, and who have that conception of things, as regards Africa and our race, are men whom you have to watch carefully. He may be a patriot of his race; being so selfish to see only through the spectacles of his own race; but if he thinks he is going to have an easy time getting oil and other things in Africa, as in the past, he makes a big mistake. He and his people may go on for a year, or longer, maybe for five years or more; but, Mr. Wells, a reaction is coming.

A RETRIBUTION

COMING

There is a thing called retribution. It takes us some time late in our work, in our operations, and I feel the reaction is coming, the retribution is coming. I admire the wise statesmanship of David Lloyd George: he knows what's coming. That's why he is trying to get rid of the Irish trouble. He has some sense all right. I hope he will get hold of Wells and put some sense in his head. For 700 years England has had Ireland, with her 4,000,000 people, on her hands. Look out! We will give you 400,000,000 Negroes to handle! And the Negro is good and kind and peaceful and loving and charitable; but when you provoke the Negro, then the Negro gets bad. (Laughter and applause.)

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T h i s is my message tonight, to my friend, M r . H . G. Wells, and when he does write again about Africa, I hope he will be better informed. I ask you people to remember that your one duty, your supreme duty, is to think of A f r i c a , always; to w o r k for it every hour, every minute, every second, every m o m e n t o f the day, for the redemption of Africa, our motherland. (Thunderous applause, followed, upon request by the speaker, [by] the singing of the National Anthem, "Ethiopia, T h o u Land of Our Fathers.") Printed in N W , 17 December 1921. Original headlines abbreviated. 1. The Irish Free State Act was not passed by the British Parliament until 31 March 1922. 2. De Valera was not present when the final negotiations between the Irish representatives and Lloyd George ended in agreement that southern Ireland would be granted dominion status but would not be recognized as a republic. De Valera subsequently refused to recommend passage of the treaty to Dáil Éireann, standing by his demand for an Irish republic (F. S. L. Lyons, Ireland Since the Famine [London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1971], pp. 438-468). 3. Arthur Griffith (1871-1922) was an Irish nationalist and newspaper editor. His journals, the United Irishman (1898-1906) and Sinn Fein (established in 1906), advocated Irish independence, first through passive resistance to British rule and later through armed resistance. Although he took no part in the Easter Rising of 1916, he was jailed along with other members of the resistance movement. When the Sinn Féin party swept the Irish elections of 1918, it declared Ireland a republic and formed an independent parliament, Dáil Éireann. Griffith was elected vice-president of the republic and led the resistance to British rule during the eighteenmonth visit to the United States of Eamon de Valera, the republic's provisional president. Griffith led the Irish delegation that negotiated the Anglo-Irish treaty of December 1921; he defended its provisions, although they did not grant Ireland fall independence. The controversy over this issue split the Irish independence forces, and a civil war began before Griffith died suddenly in August 1922 (Calton Younger,.A State ofDisunion [London: Frederick Muller, 1972], pp. 25-98; Padraic Collum, Arthur Griffith [Dublin: Browne and Nolan, 1959], pp. 332352; Henry Boylan, A Dictionary of Irish Biography [Dublin: Gill & Macmillan, 1978], pp. 128129). 4. Griffith signed the treaty on 6 December 1921. 5. Dáil Eireann ratified the treaty by a vote of 64 to 57 on 7 January 1922. Eamon de Valera, a staunch opponent of the treaty, resigned as president of the Irish republic after the treaty was ratified, and Arthur Griffith was elected president (Maurice Moynihan, Speeches and Statements by Eamon de Valera, 1917-1973 [Dublin: Gill & Macmillan, 1980], pp. 51-64; Dorothy Macardle, The Irish Republic [New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 1965], pp. 638-649). 6. Herbert George Wells (1866-1946), the English novelist, historian, and writer of social commentary, sometimes wrote under the pseudonym Reginald Bliss. By 1921 Wells had earned a reputation as one of England's most prolific writers and an advocate for a variety of social causes. His emphasis had been on futuristic novels before World War I. He later began an encyclopedic phase with the writing of Outline of History in 1920 (DNB\ Norman Mackenzie and Jeanne Mackenzie, H. G. Wells: A Biography [New York: Simon & Schuster, 1973]; Patrick Parrinder, ed., H. G. Wells: The Critical Heritage [Boston: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1972]). 7. Wells's series was entitled "Peace or War? Studies at the Washington Conference." It was published in the New York World and the Chicago Tribune (New York World, n December 1921). 8. The New York World of n December 1921 published this article, which Wells entitled "Africa and the Association of Nations." 9. Probably a reference to the African soldiers who remained in the French army after the First World War, serving in France and also with the occupying forces in the Rhineland. 10. Garvey omitted the remainder of the article. Wells continued: Now we are up against a problem entirely difFerent from the problem that arises in the case of India, Indo-China and China, which is the problem of a politically powerless but

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T H E M A R C U S GARVEY AND U N I A PAPERS essentially civilized population which can be trusted to modernize itself and come into line with the existing efficient powers if only it is protected from oppressive and disintegrating forces while it adjusts itself. Africa is quite incapable of anything of the sort. Negro Africa is mainly still in a state o f tribal barbarism. . . . Wells ended his article with three recommendations: first, that the use o f African soldiers be a b a n d o n e d ; second, that an Open D o o r policy be established in the regions between the Sahara and the Z a m b e z i ; and third, that the sale o f firearms and alcohol to Africans be restricted while " s o m e sort o f elementary education" was established throughout Africa. He concluded by asserting that " a n y real 'League o f Nations' must necessarily supersede the existing empires" to g o v e r n parts o f Africa "not yet capable o f self-government." n . Before H . G. Wells left England on his trip to the United States to cover the Washington C o n f e r e n c e on the Limitation o f Armaments, Walter White o f the N A A C P called on him at his L o n d o n home. Walter White and W. E. B. D u Bois had remained in Europe after the PanAfrican C o n g r e s s to gather support for their antilynching campaign. After some persuasion, Wells agreed t o serve on a committee on the lynching question, to use his influence to recruit p r o m i n e n t Englishmen, and t o write about lynching. Wells told Walter White that he planned t o visit the S o u t h after the Washington Conference to investigate the race problem firsthand. Wells corresponded with D u Bois and attended the 1923 Pan-African Congress in London ( D L C , " R e p o r t t o Board by Walter White on English Committee on Lynching," 17 October 1921, L o u i s R . Harlan, Booker T. Washington: The Wizard of Tuskeyee, 1901-igis [New York: O x f o r d University Press, 1983], pp. 283-284; for D u Bois's later correspondence with Wells (1923-1945), see Robert W. McDonnell, The Papers ofW. E. B. Du Bois [New York: Microfilming C o r p . o f America, 1981]; W. E. B. Du Bois, The Autobiography ofW. E. B. Du Bois [New York: International Publishers, 1968], p. 272). 12. William Jennings Bryan (1860-1925) was a powerful Populist political leader in the U n i t e d States w h o ran unsuccessfully three times as the presidential candidate o f the Populist a n d Democratic parties. Born in Salem, 111., he was educated at Illinois College, Jacksonville. H e served in the U . S . H o u s e o f Representatives from 1891 to 1895. H e served for two years in the W o o d r o w Wilson administration as secretary o f state, beginning in 1913 (WBD). 13. A d m . T o m o s a b u r o Kato, a Japanese naval hero, was Japan's minister o f marine and a d e l e g a t e to the Washington Conference (Richard V. Oulahan, "Personnel o f the Arms Conf e r e n c e , " Current History 15, no. 2 [November 1921] : 192).

William J. Burns to David H. Blair, Commissioner, Internal Revenue Service [Washington, D.C. ] December 12, 1921 M y dear Mr. Blair: For approximately two years past, the Bureau of Investigation of this Department has followed closely the activities of one MARCUS GARVEY, a Negro who was born in Jamaica and is a British subject. This man is President-General of an organization known as the UNIVERSAL NEGRO IMPROVEMENT ASSOCIATION, and head of the following organizations: The The The The

Negroes' Factory Corporation Black Star Line African Communities League "Negro World" (a weekly publication)

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The headquarters for all of these organizations is New York. The investigation so far indicates clearly that many of the federal statutes have been violated by this individual and that millions of dollars have been taken by him from Negroes throughout the world in fraudulent schemes. Our sources of information in this matter are exceptionally good and the investigation now has reached the point where the case is being put in proper form for prosecution. It will involve the violation of statutes, the administration of which falls under the jurisdiction of several [departments] of the Government, including the Income Tax Section of the Treasury Department, because, we are very reliably informed that Garvey has made fraudulent returns on his income tax, both his personal tax and that for the various organizations. It is the [des]ire of this Department that these violations be all joined and with that end in view, it is respectfully requested that you assign a competent representative who can cooperate with this Department in handling the Income Tax violations, he [is] to report here,—as will representatives of other departments, for a review of the information already procured and then take such independent action as developments dictate 1 ; the evidence procured to be presented to the Department of Justice here before submission to the United States Attorney for action. This latter course is desired in order to avoid embarrassment on the presentation of those angles covered by the investigations of representatives of other services. I would appreciate your advising me at the earliest practicable date what action you will take in the matter, because the balance of the case is under way. Very truly yours, W[ILLIAM] J. BURNS

Director DJ-FBI, file 61. TL, carbon copy. I. In January 1922 Special Agent J. R. Cox of the Internal Revenue Service's special intelligence unit was assigned to investigate Garve/s books to determine whether he had falsified his tax returns ( D J - F B I , file 61, Walter Lewis, "Memorandum for the File," 3 January 1922).

Confidential Informant 800 to George F. Ruch New York. Dec. 14, 1921 Sir: I will submit a report somewhat in the form of a brief, as follows: in making a case of "using the mails to defraud" against Garvey, the best evidence are copies of the Negro World; by checking] the bills of the Post Office Dept. from week to week will show that every copy of this paper has gone through the mails. The Negro World enjoys "Second class Privilege" so there will be no trouble along this line. I[t] will be necessary to check on the issues from week to week to as[c]ertain just when these violations oc-

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cur[r]ed. I will numerate some of the violations: in the issues of January and February of this year you will find advertis[e]ments for the sailing of the ship Yarmouth on March 27,1921 [,] for Liberia for which money was accepted for passage: this ship has never sailed and books kept by Mason, t[raffic] manager[,] and Thompson, secretary of the Black Star Line, will [show] that only a part of this money has been returned to pa[ssengers.] Again you will find pictures of ships that were suppos[ed to have] been purchased by the Black Star Line. There is an advertisement] now running that states "Book your passage now for Liberi[a." In] Garvey's speeches from time to time he has refer[r]ed to sail[ing] the ships of the Black Star Line and all of these speeches [have] been published in the Negro World and subsequently sent through [the] mails. The books of the corporation will show that stock [sold] through advertising has not been used as stated in the . . . [words mutilated]. The Negro Factories Corporation is at the present [time running] an advertis[e]ment that reads, "When you invest $5.00 (five dollars) or $200.00 (two hundred dollars) in the shares of the stock it means that at the end of the financial year you will gather so much money by the way of dividends." This advertis[e]ment has been running nearly one year and no dividends have ever been paid, and in the meantime about $25[,]oo[o] (twenty five thousands dollars) worth of stock has been sold. The books of the corporation will show these facts. In soliciting funds for the "Convention Fund" in the issues of June, July, and August, 1920[,] you will find a statement that says every one that contributes will have his or her name entered in a book that will be published after the convention, and each donator will be presented with one of these books. Through this method he received nearly $20,000 (twenty thousands dollars) [;] the book was never published. This plea for funds also states that the funds would be used to defray the expen[s]es of the delegates to the convention. Not over $500 (five hundred dollars) was used for this purpose [,] the other for propaganda. The money that was used as so stated was only loaned to delegates and was supposed to be paid back. Tobias, the treasurer,] can testify to these facts. Allow me to say here that I have felt Tobias out along these lines in my own way and when the time comes he will be a willing witness. Tobias tells me that he can't sleep at night for he knows that this thing can't go on forever and he is afraid that he will have to pay. In the selling of bonds for the Liberian Construction Loan that has been advertised in the Negro World, these advertisements have stated that this money would be used to build factories, schools, and etc. in Liberia. To date there has been bonds sold to the extent of $150,000 (one hundred fifty thousands dollars)[;] of this amount about $10,000 (ten thousand dollars) has been used for the purpose for which it was subscribed. The rest has been used for propaganda. The books of the association will show this also[.] Tobias can testify as to what has become of this fund. In the issues of Dec. 3rd and 10th of this month you will find advertisements that state "200,000 (two hundred thousand) copies of the Christmas 272

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Number would be circulated," 50,000 (fifty thousand) copies were all that were printed and only 25,000 (twenty five thousand) have been sold to date. He is expecting sale for balance later. The books of the printer, R[o]gowski, 4 4 4 Pearl St.[,] New York City, will show the exact number printed. Also cancelled checks will show that this firm has been paid from time to time with Black Star Line checks showing that stockholders ['] money was used for propaganda. These cancelled checks are now in the office of Tobias. Other violations of using the mails have been in sending circulars soliciting funds for various causes but in reality most of this money was used for propaganda. H. V . Plummer who is known as "Agent of Publicity and Propaganda" can testify as to the sending of these circulars. If you will look through my reports you will find that I have sent you most of these circulars. I was up to Plummer's office this afternoon but could not get any of these old circulars. When I am in Washington again if you will so advise I could come down to your office in the morning and go through my reports and no doubt that I can assist you in making out a stronger case. Most of the other violations of the law committed by Garvey have been violations of the Insurance Law and violations of the Corporation Law of the State. These are violated in the form of transferring funds of one corporation to the credit of another without a Board of Directors meeting, using the Death Fund of the U.N.I.A. for any purpose that he sees fit. Garcia, the [audjitor, Tobias, the treasur[er], [Stjewart, the Chancello[r,] will be the witnesses in these cases. N o w sir I hope that I have stated near to what Mr. Grimes wants but if there is anything that I can do further in assisting him to make out his brief I am willing to work both late and early to do so. Respectfully, "800" [Endorsement]

NOTED

w. w.

G.

D J - F B I , file 61-826-X12. T L S , recipient's copy. Stamped endorsement.

New York Dec. 16, 1921 Sir: I am enclosing you under separate cover a copy of the "Crusader" Magazine, in it you will find an article by Crichlow that has certainly worried Garvey since publication. It has so worried Garvey that he is holding a series of meetings next week to fight this article. I was talking to Crichlow today and I read Garcia's report that he made to Garvey when he returned from Africa. Crichlow got a copy of this report from Harrison, as Harrison saw this report when Garcia returned from Africa before Garvey saw it and made a copy of it. Garcia showed this report to Harrison as you will remember that Harrison was supposed to have gone on this trip. Garcia showed it to Harrison to see what he thought of it and while in Harrison's possession he made a copy of it and now Crichlow has it and is going to publish it in full in

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the next issue of the "Crusader[.]". I tried very hard to get a copy of this report but Crichlow would not let it get out of his possession. In this report I think you will find enough evidence to convict Garvey of a criminal political conspiracy against the government of Liberia. If I was an open agent I know that I could buy this report from Crichlow but if I made any such offer now [it] would arouse his suspicion. When the proper time comes [he will] be only to[o] glad to tell all that he knows if he thinks th[at it will] clear him. Briggs is paying Crichlow a good price for this [report] as he knows that it will be a blow to Garvey to publish it[. I] think that we can wait until it is published. I am also enclosing you a circular that Briggs is getting out as a mass meeting of the A.B.B. when in reality it is a meeting to fight Garvey as the two speakers are ex-members of Garvey's organization, McGuire and Gordon. When the time comes both of these men will be good witnesses against Garvey. I am also enclosing you a circular that has been sent through the mails and had been returned because of improper address, these circulars had been removed from the envelopes and put away. You will notice that they promise to pay dividends at the end of the year. Garvey sent out a "News release" to the colored press warning them that he would have them held for libel if they printed any of the stories that w[ere] sent to them by Briggs[;] it only goes to show that Briggs has Garvey on the "run." Garvey is "stuck" for 25,000 (twenty five thousand) copies of the Negro World. Garvey turned into the association $155 (one hundred fifty five dollars) for his last trip to Washington, Baltimore and Wilmington. If a check is made on the tax he paid on tickets sold at these six meetings you would be able to find out just how much he took in through admissions. This is the manner that Garvey gets his money and no one checks on him. I understand that he had very large meetings and he should have turned in at least $1000 (one thousand dollars). . . . You will notice in the Xmas issue of the Negro World that Garvey has a new scheme to raise money, that of asking members to give a dollar towards printing "four million" copies of the paper each week in 1922. This is only another scheme to get the people's money, and when this dies out he will think of another. Respectfully, "800" D J - F B I , file 61-826-X13. T L S , recipient's copy.

274-

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Articles in the Negro World [17 December 1921] P A N - A F R I C A N CONGRESS ADOPTED A RESOLUTION TO INVITE M A R C U S GARVEY TO N E X T SESSION TO E X P L A I N A I M S AND OBJECTS OF THE U . N . I . A . D I D Y O U K N O W THAT? T H E T R U T H T H A T D U BOIS AND H I S H I R E L I N G S DID NOT TELL EXTRACT FROM A FRENCH MAGAZINE

P U B L I S H E D IN

PARIS,

F R A N C E , U N D E R T H E C A P T I O N OF " E U R O P E A N D C O L O N I E S "

(Translation) It would require several volumes to outline thoroughly the true spirit, object and methods of the Pan-African Congress. This book I may try to write some time in the future; however, let us review here its most important features in the interest of the public which follows our movement with such an intense anxiety. The object of the Pan-African Congress is simple and natural, and may be outlined as follows: T o bring about by means essentially peaceful through our cooperation with other races more advanced and within the legal limits of our respective nationalities the material and intellectual improvement, as well as the moral elevation of our race in its entirety. The dominant trait of this congress is its international character, or rather the elimination among us of the question of nationality. We have no flag; all of us being black we want to practice towards each other the principle of solidarity, irrespective of all considerations of a political or religious nature. This solidarity, which will manifest itself under various forms according to circumstances and means, is one of the most important elements of our program morally, therefore respect for and co-operation with other races, pacifism and internationalism are the fundamental principles of the movement called Pan-Black. This particular plan indicates that this movement does not indorse exclusion for any reason. This last consideration rules our conduct towards Marcus Garvey. MARCUS GARVEY

I have never met Mr. Garvey, and I will confess that it is even very recently that I have read the first article concerning him in " L a France," 1 which article was published by Mr. Henry Laurien, 2 commissary general of marine, retired. But what I do know about Mr. Garvey—and, of course, everybody knows it—is that he is a black man; therefore I contend that Mr.

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Garvey, as well as the thousands or millions who surround him, cannot be kept outside o f a movement which calls itself Pan-Black. It seems, moreover, that Mr. Garvey is a man of action, of determination, and that he loves his race. H e is the president and founder of the Black Star Line, a steamship company financed and managed by Negroes. He is also a journalist and owns The N e g r o World, which he founded. It is said that he is a great admirer of France for her broadness of views along questions of an ethnical nature. Furthermore he fights with violence (may be a little bit too much) the injustice which is meted out to his poor race in America. The black race, victim o f so much injustice, always struggling, cannot and must not practice injustice within its own ranks. M.

BURGHARDT D U

BOIS

But it seems that Mr. Du Bois, secretary general for life of the PanAfrican Congress, is a champion of justice, only outside of his own country. At home in America there is no place but for him alone within his race, for he also wants to be regarded as a leader. This explains Mr. Du Bois' antagonistic disposition toward Marcus Garvey. It is simply a question of personal competition between the two, but as for us blacks of other countries we do not care to take sides in the petty local quarrels which exist between Garvey and D u Bois. According to authoritative information Mr. Garvey is not the first black man in America attacked by Mr. Du Bois. He fought Booker Washington, the great educator of his race, whom the entire world admired. Mr. D u Bois fought Mr. R. R. Moton, a black man and successor of Booker Washington at Tuskegee. He fought Mr. Emmett Scott, a colored man and secretary treasurer of Howard University. Today he is fighting Marcus Garvey, a black man. By these facts one is naturally led to conclude that he fights all or any black man of America who dares to place himself into pre-eminence by leading any movement in the interest of his race. He does not tolerate competition. While at the congress in Paris I asked Mr. Du Bois the following question: "Have you any documents, books, papers, letters of any kind to justify the accusations which you have presented to this congress against your brother (and countryman), Marcus Garvey?" " N o , " said he, "I d o not know Mr. Garvey's program except by what I have read in the newspapers." M.

M.

DIAGNE AND

CANDACE

And then Mr. Du Bois tried to mislead us that M. M. Diagne and Candace supported him. Without proof they accused Mr. Garvey. They called him agitator, and said that he wanted all the Negroes to go back to Africa. According to Mr. Diagne and Candace the Garvey slogan of "Africa for the Africans" means that all Negroes must go back to Africa. No soundminded person will admit that this slogan, if at all invented by Marcus Garvey, means to say that all Negroes, wherever they may be, must strap

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their trunks, take a ship, and with their wives and children rush to the African Canaan, the land of milk and honey. This interpretation is too ridiculous to be attributed to a man of Mr. Garvey's intelligence and culture. By these words, "Africa for the African," Mr. Garvey desires to say that independence or economic power must be created in Africa, no more vacillating African states or powers must be governed in the future by Europeans. This is the only local [logical?] meaning that anyone of good faith will attribute to the Garvey slogan, the meaning of which is somewhat identical to the slogan of the Monroe Doctrine. The most surprising of it is that after all the Pan-African Congress of Paris introduced in its final resolution, which was voted at 12.30 without discussions after having been set up by a committee of six members, including Mr. Diagne, Candace and Dr. Du Bois. Herewith is the resolution: "The Congress of Paris demands the division of Africa in two or three great powers, with equal privileges socially and otherwise for [a]ll citizens black or white or otherwise if it is not possible the foundation of a few African States." No[w] can anyone tell us where is the difference between Garvey's theory and the theory of the makers of the above resolution in Paris? For our part we do not see any. It is still the same slogan: "Africa for the Africans," diluted in synonymous phrases. Indeed, can anyone see to the profit of which African dynasty, the foundation of African powers is sought? What is demanded is not the colonization of more territories but the foundation of new African powers. It goes without saying that it is not intended for the white man to rule these African powers. So after having denounced Marcus Garvey the Pan-African Congress demands in a significant way the removal of the white European element from African territories so as to create two or three great African states. What Marcus Garvey, the American agitator, is blamed for, this congress boldly declared itself in favor of, and adopted a resolution putting itself squarely on record as favoring Africa for the Africans. I submitted a resolution which was rushed after having been refused by Mr. Diagne. In this resolution I requested that Marcus Garvey, having been charged without proof[,] be heard by the congress, which may ask him to do away with whatever is considered dangerous in his policy. I intimated that it will be infamous on our part in the eyes of humanity to exclude a black man as Marcus Garvey from such a movement just because his ideas are different from ours. DIAGNE

Our very democratic president of the Pan-African Congress refused at first to introduce the resolution, and was about to close the meeting when I protested energetically. Then the resolution was read, but was read in such a way that half of the congress could not understand the wording of it, and the hour being late and everybody anxious to depart, no one knows whether the resolution was passed or not, although the Petit Parisien says that it was. 278

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M R . D U BOIS AND THE L A B O R PARTY

Bald headed, mustache in arrows, shining eyes, Mr. Du Bois gives the impression of being a very intelligent man; his speech is concise, he seems to be quite composed, he is very caustic, and Mr. Candace knows it at his expense. In Mr. Du Bois's speech of September 4 we remember two fragments. Mr. Du Bois said that the black leaders are nearer to the capitalist class than they are to the working class. Mr. Candace took exception to that statement, declaring that it was not so. To save a conflict another translation of Mr. Du Bois's speech was made to suit Mr. Candace and the matter ended there. Mr. Du Bois said also in the same speech that he was not with the capitalists, that he was with the people, and so much so that he went to the Socialist Party while in London. A T W O - E D G E D SWORD

Mr. Du Bois accuses Marcus Garvey of being a communist, then he turns around and tells us that he went to the Labor Party in London. Is Mr. Du Bois ignorant of the relationship of the Labor Party with Moscow? If he is not, then what is the difference between him and Marcus Garvey? Anyhow, what right had Mr. Du Bois to represent and speak for three hundred million Negroes at the Labor Party? When I asked Mr. Du Bois this question I want to relate how he answered it: Mr. Du Bois, being a diplomat, to answer my question called me into a back room, while another delegate to the congress was speaking on the platform, and there he introduced me to the delegate of the Labor Party to the Pan-African Congress. He was Mr. Ang[e]ll, 3 a white Englishman who speaks French fluently, and who tried to show me that his party—the Labor Party—had nothing in common with the Third International and Mr. Lenine. I asked this gentleman one question: " H o w is it that Mr. Lloyd George, before signing his commercial treaty with Krassine, the Bolshevik plenipotentiary in London, had to establish an alliance with the Labor Party? Does not this fact indicate that your party is in favor of commercial relations with the Soviets?" "As for that I confess it is true," said the delegate of the Labor Party, with spontaneous sincerity. This confession from him was enough for me. I hope that our Congressmen will not overlook this matter. This is where Mr. Du Bois tried to lead us without mandate, but us blacks do not care to go to Moscow, even by way of London. To help starving Russia is all right, it is human; to make alliance with Lenine, Trotzky and Tchitcherine is politics and of the worst kind. W A S T E OF T I M E

It is hardly necessary for me to say that I have no personal feelings against any member of the Congress, but what I speak there and what I write here is in behalf of our race and justice.

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Those who have accused Marcus Garvey have not done anything else than to ratify by their resolutions and strengthen by their actions the theories attributed to Marcus Garvey. While they cannot prove that Marcus Garvey was a Bolshevik or ever had any connection with Lenine, they themselves confessed that they went to the Labor Party in London. Some Pan-Africanism! Then also before closing the Congress they requested the creation of independent African powers—just what Marcus Garvey is clamoring for. It seems to us that Mr. Du Bois wants to lead us into a fight between individuals for the kingship of eventual African empires. If the African continent must some day be divided into independent powers, this revolution must not take place at the expense of the blacks or by war between blacks. To fight millions of black men in the person of Marcus Garvey; to make believe to the American Negroes that we forsake them, and that we are indifferent to their sufferings, would be a crime which I urge my colleagues not to commit. Friends and brothers, let us not be Garveyists or Du Boisists, but let us be only impartial and intelligent black men seeking laboriously without violence the evolution of the entire Negro race. R E S O L U T I O N ( P R E S E N T E D BY M R .

ALCANDRE)

The Pan-African Congress in duly assembled meeting on Monday, September 5,1921, considering that the loyalty and fidelity of its members to their respective countries cannot be questioned; Considering that the idea of all black men going back to Africa is impracticable and dangerous; Considering that there could not be any Pan-African movement in the real sense of the word if an American or Liberian element of the black race was to be excluded; Considering that the theories of Marcus Garvey are not perfectly known to the men of his race throughout the world, and that it would be detrimental in many ways to be antagonistic to him; Considering that the black race must unite itself without distinction of shade or political opinions in one great big movement for the peaceful evolution of the race; Considering that it is absolutely necessary to know better Marcus Garvey's policy so as to eliminate whatever might be dangerous and use that which is good to the profit of the race, and in the meantime capitalize the tremendous force surrounding him. Therefore be it resolved, That this Pan-African Congress decides to hear Marcus Garvey and to summon him to be present at the next Congress to explain his program and enable this Congress to adopt a just attitude towards him. ALCANDRE

Attorney at Law, Paris

280

DECEMBER 1921 Printed in NW, 17 December 1921. Original headlines abbreviated. 1. La France was a national French journal that was published from 1862 to 1925 (French National Archives, Overseas Section, Paris). 2. Actually Henri Laurier (b. 1856), who had retired after a long career with the French merchant marine. He had served in Tunisia, China, and Madagascar between 1881 and 1886. He reached the position of commissioner in chief of the marine in 1906. During his retirement, he became a well-known writer on maritime and defense issues ("Notice sur Henri Laurier," French National Archives, Overseas Section, Paris). 3. Sir Norman Angell (1872-1967) was a leading advocate of world peace and a proponent of the League of Nations. He was born in Holbeach, England, and educated at the University of Geneva. After a career as a homesteader in California and as an editor and publisher in France, he settled once again in England, joining the Labour party in 1919 and serving on the party's Advisory Commission on International Questions. Norman Angell joined Ramsay MacDonald, the famous Labour party leader, and E. D. Morel to form the Union of Democratic Control in 1914. Angell's most important work, The Great Illusion, was published in 1909. In one of the most influential books of the era, he argued that armed aggression by one economically advanced state against another, even if successful, would not benefit the aggressor economically. Although he was not elected as a Labour member of Parliament until 1929, Norman Angell was an influential party activist long before his election. He was knighted in 1931, and in 1933 he received the Nobel Peace Prize (WWW, 1961-1970; Norman Angell, "France and the Black Power," Contemporary Review 121 [February 1922]: 226-229; Albert Marrin, Sir Norman Angell [Boston: Twayne Publishers, 1979]; NTT, 9 October 1967). [[London,

ca. 17 December

1921]}

REPLY FROM ENGLISH KING TO REQUEST FOR CHRISTMAS MESSAGE TO NEGRO PEOPLE OF THE WORLD T h e Private Secretary is commanded to acknowledge the receipt of M r . M a r c u s C a r v e r s letter o f the 18th instant, but, in reply, regrets that it would not be possible, consistently with rule, to give effect to his wish. Printed in N W , 17 December 1921.

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T H E M A R C U S GARVEY AND U N I A PAPERS

Negro

World

Advertisement

SOMETHING

NEW

The U. N. I. A. Dramatic Club WILL PRESENT THE G R E A T R A C E DRAMA "TALLABOO" THE P L A Y THAT TEACHES R A C E IDEALS

CAST OF 30

CHARACTERS

SPECIAL COSTUMES — SCENERY - MUSIC See ThU Play, Which Will Interpret the Ideal» of ThU Greet Association

Midnight Show at Lafaytt* Th»atr*—Datt WiU Bt Anmomnttd Utt*r

(Source: NW, 17 December 1921).

282

D E C E M B E R 1921

Christmas Message from Sir Harry H. Johnston to the Negro World [[Policy Arundel, Sussex, England, ca. 17 December

1921]]

While I cannot endorse the statement that there are "four hundred millions" of Negroes and Negroids in the world—half that number [i]s more likely to be correct, if anthropological accuracy is aimed [a]t—I am most willing to express my sympathy with the efforts of Negroes and Negroids in all parts of Africa, in the West Indies, Brazil and the United States that their race shall attain eventual equality with the white man in numbers and in potency of physical and mental development. 1 H. H.

JOHNSTON

Printed in NW, 17 December 1921. Original headlines omitted. 1. Sir Harry H . Johnston's book The Negro in the New World (London: Methuen & Co., 1910) posited that the " N e g r o should be regarded as a sub-species of the perfect human type—Homo sapiens; that his sub-specific differences from the Caucasian or White man, the Yellow or Mongolian, are largely, but not entirely, in the direction of his being slightly more akin to the lower human stock which preceded in time and development the existing Homo saptenf (p. v).

William Pickens to the Negro World [[200 West 139th Street, New York, N.Y., ca. T7 December

1921]]

S T A L W A R T N E G R O L E A D E R E M P H A S I Z E S T H E V A L U E OF ORGANIZATION AMONG

NEGROES

T o the Officers and Members of the Universal Negro Improvement Association:— It is with great pleasure that I accept the invitation of your puissant leader and president general to greet you through the Negro World in the 1921 season of greetings. I am interested in the masses of Negro people everywhere and in the different strivings of black men and women to better their condition in the world. Your cause is my cause. Your success is my success. Your failure would be my failure. I know of nothing that should be more desirable to a wise black man than a world organization of Negro people with real power in it. Four hundred million people should be a world power, and there can be no such power without organization. There should be a Negro State, territorially delimited. The most appropriate place on earth for it is A F R I C A .

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Consider that Limitation of Arms Conference and be wise: It has in it representatives of White men, Yellow men and Brown men, but not of Black men. Four hundred million Negroes are not represented, 65,000,000 Japanese are represented. Why? Because the Japanese, the fewer in number, are organized. The Chinese are more nearly like the Negroes; they are numerous, but loosely organized, and are therefore not recognized in this conference except in so far as their interests cross the interests of the better organized Whites—the English, French and Americans. Even Belgium and Holland, about the size of a man's fist on a large-scale map, are recognized above China. There are more Chinese in the world than of any other people, but they are only a mass and not an organization. There are more Chinese in China than there are White people in England, added to the United States, added to France, added to Italy, added to Ireland, Belgium, Holland, Australia, Canada and the other really White countries. But Chinese are divided, and when a people is divided, the more numerous it is, the weaker it is, for the individuals are in each other's way. There are di[s]sensions in China; North China fights South China; East China knows little of West China; and the middle of China is a world by itself. China with it[s] factions is always in its own way and stumbling over itself. Japan has only 65,000,000 or so, but they are organized. China has 650,000,000 or more, but they are fighting each other. If China were as well organized as is Japan, China would be the greatest power represented in Washington today. For an individual Chinese is worth as much as an individual Japanese, or more. He has just as many teeth in his head, just as many legs on his body, just as many quarts of blood in his veins, just as much brains, and (in the opinion of white people) more honesty and sounder morals. But the Japanese get more recognition. Why? Because power can at least shoot further than morals. Japanese are an organization. Chinese are almost merely individuals. I F Y O U S U C C E E D IN Y O U R A I M S , F U T U R E W O R L D C O N F E R E N C E S W I L L H A V E B L A C K M E N IN T H E M

The Black people of the world, and especially of Africa and the Americas, should stand in organized accord, so that 800,000,000 black fists may strike on the same side and not against each other. In the Great Cause count me a humble co-worker. WM. Printed in NW,

17 December 1921. Original headlines abbreviated.

284

PICKENS

DECEMBER I92I

Speech by Marcus Garvey [[New York, Dec. 18, 1921]] My subject for this evening is "The Insincerity of Men." I will read to you the oath of office that each and every executive officer of the Universal Negro Improvement Association took in this building when elected and swore solemnly before God and man that they would all keep. O A T H OF O F F I C E

"I, , do solemnly and sincerely declare that I shall be obedient to the constitution and by-laws of the Universal Negro Improvement Association and to the commands of the Executive Council. I shall obey those in authority over me and perform all those duties assigned to me to the best of my ability. I shall uphold and support the Declaration of Rights. I shall not encourage the enemies of the cause of African redemption and shall refuse to associate with all those who may be proven enemies to the cause of this organization. I shall uphold its principles everywhere and at all times. The cause of this organization shall come first to me in all my deliberations. Should I fail this cause, may the Almighty Architect fail me in the purpose of life. T o this cause do I pledge my life and my fortune for a free and redeemed Africa. Being now therefore in possession of all my senses I subscribe my name and swear myself in the presence of all this assembly and Almighty God to serve the Universal Negro Improvement Association faithfully, so help me God." A man took an oath before the High God and before the people; he swore allegiance to a cause; he swore his life, his fortune, his all to a cause, and the people and the High God believed him. He went out into the world at the command of that organization to serve the people and to keep his pledge and his oath to his God. During the course of his career of service— probably for the first three or six months—everything seemed promising; everything seemed rosy; everything seemed encouraging as far as the financial outlook went; everything was satisfactory as far as personal financial expectations went, and he was satisfied with his oath; he was satisfied that he made the oath with his God, and he was satisfied that he made an oath with his people. But a great economic change came over the land; the people became poor; the people were not able to support as liberally the cause for which the oath was taken as before, and a new turn came into the mind of [t]he individual: " I serve the people in conjunction with others and the support that the people give must be divided up With others and I will only get a portion—a small share of that which the people can give; but I am known among the people; the people know me; the people have accepted me as a great leader among them; I am popular among the people; can I not turn

28s

T H E M A R C U S GARVEY AND U N I A PAPERS

these people away from the cause to my own personal gain, so that all that the people will contribute will come to me and that I personally can be satisfied." That is the picture that confronts us this evening. These remarks reveal the inner workings of the Universal Negro Improvement Association during the hard economic depression among our people the world over. Things are not as rosy as they were two or three years ago and the personal self in each and every one says—"Is it profitable to serve a people with what they can give or must I go out and get from the people on my own initiative all for self without any regard for the cause for which I pledged myself before God and man?" In those few words you have the situation before you. But those of us who respect an oath—who know there is a God; those of us who know that 400,000,000 Negroes are suffering the world over, what do we think of money, what do we think of salary, when a cause must be saved? And so those of us who respect the oath we took to our God—those of us who can appreciate the conditions of our people, have not changed—have no cause to play tricks with the people; have no cause to find excuses for resigning; have no cause for finding excuses to serve any other cause but the cause of the Universal Negro Improvement Association. I trust you will in this way follow me, because the thing is vital. It is vital in that you are the ones to be deceived, and it is for me with the knowledge that I have to see that you are not deceived. HAVE SUFFERED THROUGH DECEPTIVE

LEADERSHIP

We have suffered long because of the deception of those who have led us. Why have we not had bigger organizations than the Universal Negro Improvement Association before? Because of that selfish " I , " because of that individualism in each and everyone who attempted to lead; and so long as that selfish individualism exists in the leader so long shall the aspirations of the people be suppressed; so long will the people be kept in bondage; so long will the people be kept in slavery. G R E A T L E A D E R S N O T PAID FOR S E R V I C E

Men and women, I want to take you back to the records of history—the history of peoples; the history of nations. The great leaders who have appeared upon the stage of action and have lifted their people and their race from one condition to the other were men who were not paid for their services, but those who gave their services because of the righteousness of the cause. (Applaus[e].) The men who have gone out of the Universal Negro Improvement Association—can any of them give you an hone[st] reason for leaving the association? Here we had one man who stood up before hundreds of us in convention and shed crocodile tears. He cried; he wept as a child when we asked him—"whom this day will you serve?"—in that he could not serve two masters; in that the giant intellect he was, he saw an approaching

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economic condition among our people; he wanted to secure himself the best way he possibly could; he wanted to remain in the Universal Negro Im[p]rovement Association, get as much as he could from the association and at the same time use the people he met through the U.N.I.A. for his own personal ends financially. But when there were brains to equal his and that his tricks were discovered immediately, stumbling blocks were placed in his way and when he came before us and was asked—whom will you serve?—he shed, I repeat, crocodile tears. (Laughter.) A man who took an oath and said: " I f I fail this cause may the Almighty Architect fail me in the purpose of life." N o greater oath could man take; no greater pledge could man give; and that man stood up and for nearly an hour addressed the crowd at the convention, and shed tears—big rain drops. (Laughter.) And what was the cause? His rain drops were caused through the departure of $5,000 from him. Yes, I believe that was the cause of those rain drops—because he could not remain to play the tricks that would allow him to collect $5,000 from the Universal Negro Improvement Association and collect many more thousand dollars from the people outside under the guise of race leadership and devotion. And why were those tears shed by that man? Because he said he could not separate himself from his religious connections—his religious denomination, although we never asked him to do it. We never asked any man in this convention or this movement to change his religion, be he Baptist let him remain Baptist; be he Methodist, let him remain Methodist; be he Catholic let him remain Catholic. We asked no man to change his religion—his faith in G o d ; but we asked every man to be honest to the people and to himself; and he cried, " I cannot change my religious faith because I took the pledge and sacred oath to serve my God in a certain denomination." (Laughter.) And two weeks after, that man—the picture of whom is now before me— wended his way to a city somewhere in this country and stood at another altar 1 and denounced that religion that he said he could not separate himself from at Liberty Hall when he shed those crocodile tears, and said he could not give up his religion. He went there and denounced every religious vow he ever took in the faith to which he was connected, and made new vows even as he had made new vows to the Universal Negro Improvement Association to serve this organization faithfully and truthfully and if he failed would God fail him in the purpose of life. Is God a plaything? Is God putty that you can mould Him to your own making? If there is a God, then I know his judgment will come down upon the heads of those who commit sacrilege in calling upon him to witness that they would be true and honorable to the race and to themselves. I will go no further with such a man whomsoever he be, because you can see immediately the character of such a man. You know the man better than I do, because you saw when he shed those crocodile tears. Some of you wept, believing in the honesty of the man. And whosoever that man be, I am sorry for him and may God have mercy on his soul. And how can any man serve Africa and the cause of 400,000,000 Negroes better than through the great-

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est moving force for Africa today—the Universal Negro Improvement Association? (Applause.) What organization with force among Negroes today can you compare with the Universal Negro Improvement Association? (Voices: None.) When I say the fight is on I do not mean with that little insignificant thing called the African Blood Brotherhood. It is too insignificant for us to think about it. I am not thinking about that; I am thinking of the greater propaganda that is being engineered by bigger minds—minds that are using these little insignificant Negroes to defeat the purpose of the Universal Negro Improvement Association—the purpose of freedom and of liberty for the people everywhere. I N S I D I O U S P R O P A G A N D A TO D I V I D E T H E R A C E

Study the cause of these little organizations springing up here and there and everywhere and you will find that behind them all is the master mind of the man who has kept you in slavery for 300 years. These little organizations are used as propaganda to keep us divided. Our fathers being ignorant of the ways of their foe[,] they have believed the propaganda that divided them; but today through the spirit of God, through the mercy and grace of God we have a vision; we can see and we know; and because we can see and we know, we are able to fight to the bitter end to protect our rights irrespective of whom we do fight. You are fighting the master mind in the disguise of these little organizations; and as far as these little organizations go, let me tell you they are made up of different kinds of people serving different masters, but toward the same end. In some of them you have the leadership of the higher intelligence of the Negro—the higher culture of the Negro; and they lead in the way that they expect so much from our hereditary masters that our people must do certain things and follow certain policies and adopt certain principles in bringing about a better relationship, a better relationship that you will never see until you can knock somebody down and when he gets up he shakes your hand and says: "Brother[,] I have to respect you." In this guise of better relationship they come and tell us all kinds of things as if those fine platitudes they use can improve conditions. Then there is another type—another class—the workingman of the opposing side. He also has plans by which he can divide the Negro. You must have heard of the movements called the Bolshevik, and Soviet, and Socialist, etc. These movements are being skilfully supported and organized among Negroes to turn the political attitude of the Negro in America and in the Western world. The competition of the Negro in industry is one that will not be tolerated by the white workingman. The white workingman in the main is a Socialist, is a Unionist, is an Anarchist, is a Bolshevist. He has become so because he believes that he is being unfairly dealt with by the capitalists of his race. The capitalistic element of his race as he sees it is organized to rob, to plunder and to exploit him; and he forms himself into different organizations—Anarchists, Bolsheviks, Socialists, etc., all organized to fight the capitalistic element of their own race. At certain times they

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g o out on strike, and the capitalistic element of their own race, when they go on strike, have always employed in many cases a large number of Negroes to break the strike and sometimes they keep the Negroes in the positions vacated by those on strike for six months or more, and sometimes permanently. The white workingman realizes that these Negroes are industrially a danger and menace to him because in striking for better conditions they use Negroes against him and defeat him. So he goes back and says: " I will get these Negroes to become Socialists and Bolsheviks, etc., so that the capitalists will not employ them when they get to know they are just as we are, because it will be a decision between two people who are of the same turn of mind, and, naturally, a white man will give consideration to the white man if he represents the same thing as the Negro does.["] W A R N S N E G R O E S A G A I N S T B E I N G SOCIALISTS OR BOLSHEVISTS

Therefore these Bolshevists and Socialists are skilfully endeavoring to get Negroes to follow their political faith and if they get you successfully in their possession then you are doomed industrially and economically in this country and in the Western world, because the capitalists who can employ you will have no sympathy or mercy for you. These Bolshevists are subsidizing a group of lazy, good-for-nothing Negro men in this community, who will accept money from the devil himself so long as it will give them an easy living, and I am warning you against these organizations springing up all through the country. It is skilfully engineered propaganda to destroy you while the other men of the higher plane of intelligence are using certain intellectual men of our race to talk to you about a better relationship with another race which will never come. I am surprised at the so-called intelligence of some of our men to link themselves up with such disreputable movements, which are really organized for no other purpose than to divide the Negro. Do you know why they fought the Black Star Line and spread all kinds of propaganda against the Black Star Line? Because it is a Soviet idea—it is a Bolshevist idea—it is a Socialist idea that there must be no capitalists; that all that is to be done must be done by the State; and they supply these Negroes with money to defeat every Negro enterprise and Negro proposition, so that Negroes cannot have any industries and enterprises of their own. So that when you read these magazines and papers hitting against the Black Star Line, it is only the carrying out of the skilfully arranged propaganda of those white people who desire to destroy you industrially and economically, and some of you have attached yourself to these organizations and advocate their cause. CONFRONTING A DANGER

PERIOD

Let me tell you that you are now confronting a danger period in your life and history and you have to study things and you must get those in whom you have confidence to study things for you and enlighten you on them if you cannot see them for yourselves.

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There is one organization in the world that has no other affiliation or any connection but that which is purely Negro and that is the Universal Negro Improvement Ass[ociatio]n. Any organization^] that you see among Negroes that seek to have on its executive or advisory board or to accept money from other people of other races are dangerous organizations because when one gives away his money he expects something in return. And these thousands of dollars that are being given to organizations must be given back in return and what is given back will spell the doom and destruction of the Negro race. N o RACE LOVES THE N E G R O BUT THE N E G R O H I M S E L F

I do not care what you say, no race loves the Negro but the Negro himself. And under the guise of friendship and fellowship they come with all kinds of schemes to thwart you and to destroy your plans; but so long as God gives me the breath of life and the vision to see they will have a hard time deceiving all of us in the Universal Negro Improvement Ass[ociatio]n. I N S I N C E R I T Y OF S O M E U . N . I . A . M E N

To show you how insincere are these men who fight the Universal Negro Improvement Association[,] what do they do? Some of the men we have had in the Ex[e]cutive Council of our organization have gone out and talked everything they know, and everything they have ever heard. But God, I believe[,] inspired us not to tell everything we knew or know even to those who are with us and that has been our salvation; because if McGuire knew all that the Universal Negro Improvement Association intended it would have been distributed through the streets on his circulars; but we are not so crazy, and although they have been in the Executive Council still they do not know the Universal Negro Improvement Association, and that is what is troubling some of them. All these experiences of men going out and coming in and going out only put us on our guard. God is preparing us for the greater work that is before us, because look at the man, whomsoever he is, who came here took an oath and by that oath we gave him our confidence because we believed in him, and God led us not to even tell him all that could probably have been harmful to us even though he was one of the head councillors. So God really is with the Universal Negro Improvement Association, and these traitors will, I feel sure, meet their doom. Soon or late retribution will set in and I pray God to have mercy on their souls, because indeed it will be a terrible retribution. A MOVEMENT TRAVELING TOWARD A DESTINY

You need not be nervous about what is being said and done. The U.N.I.A. as I understand and as you understand it is a movement traveling 290

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toward a destiny. I am glad you appreciate it and know it as such, because that will strengthen your faith and confidence in it when things seem any way gloomy or any way dark. Like a government, the U.N.I.A. must never rest; it must go on. If anything is wrong with the government, all that you have to do is to change the administration of the government, but the government goes on; and I trust that will be the policy of the Universal Negro Improvement Association. Change not your organization, but if anything be wrong at any time, change the administration of your organization and let the organization go on forever. (Applause.) If those who have left the Universal Negro Improvement Association were men who had honest convictions their place would not be outside the association, but inside. Suppose I have a charge against the Chancellor of the U.N.I.A. or against the Secretary General, does it mean that I must leave the association to join another organization to express this charge? Surely not; my duty would be to charge them at the bar of justice of the U.N.I.A., so that what was wrong could be rectified. I, for instance, if anything should be wrong with me, would not expect any officer of the U.N.I.A. to go outside, but to come inside and tell you that Garvey has done a wrong. That is the common duty of each and every one of us. Just as when something goes wrong with the United States Government, the President of the United States does not go to Germany and tell them everything is wrong with the government here. He calls his Cabinet and consults them on the matter, and if something is wrong with one of the Cabinet officers he asks him to resign; he goes, but the government goes on, and that is the policy of the Universal Negro Improvement Association. Up to now, thank God, they have not been able to find anything wrong with the heart and soul and the conscience of the Universal Negro Improvement Association, and that is why they are afraid to stand up in the presence of others and tell what they are supposed to know. What do they know? Nothing that is worth telling. And how strange it is that they have things to tell only when they are no longer in the Association. It is a peculiar human being who will only when he is out of a thing tell everything against that thing. But that is the way of our men; they are so little, so petty that they cannot see the bigger object to be achieved. Men of intelligence, men of education, men of character would not seek to destroy a great world movement because of some individual personal dissatisfaction. That shows narrowness and selfishness. If at any time I were to find myself in position not to agree with the Universal Negro Improvement Association or with the objects of the Association, my duty would be to step down from my position, but still be a member of the Association, because the ablest of men disagree on certain matters at times, but that does not me[a]n they must become bitter enemies. D R . M C G U I R E ' S SCHEMES EXPOSED

As far as Dr. McGuire goes I suppose he has made out a case against me because I see he has published in the Crusader certain things I wrote to him

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and telegraphed him about. What else could the doctor expect me to do[?] I was not employed by the doctor. I was employed by the Universal Negro Improvement Association. My duty was and is to the Universal Negro Improvement Association, and if I saw a highway robber coming; [if I] saw a thief coming; if I saw a murderer coming from a distance and he is going to steal something from the Universal Negro Improvement Association— brother, our friendship part[s] right there. (Applause and Laughter.) I trust all of you understand what I mean. I made an oath to [ha]ve but one organization and that organization is the Universal Negro Improvement Association, and anybody and anything that comes in disguise to take something out of the pocket of the association, so long as I am not asleep, I am going to grab him before he gets there. Now, as far as the doctor is concerned, I am not falling out with him one bit. He accused me of sending telegrams somewhere. I did not send telegrams about the doct[or] to Sydney, N.S. It was after an appeal was made to me from Nova Scotia by the High Commissioner, Hon. [G.] D. Creese, of the Dominion of Canada, that through skillful designs they had changed the Liberty Hall of Sydney, N.S., into some orthodox church and that orthodox church had taken away the lease of the building of the U.N.I.A., and that there was great confusion and the people wanted to know whether we [w]ere first for the orthodox church or for the Universal Negro Improvement Association, and I sent a telegram to Sydney N.S., that we had nothing to do with McGuire's church, and that those people who desired to go to him could go, but those who stuck by the association would receive the protection of the U.N.I.A. What else could you expect me to do? I received two cables from San Pedro de Macoris, S[a]nto Domi[ng]o, that there was great confusion there. Money that was collected in the name of the U.N.I.A. was used to purchase a church; that there was a great division among the members. I wrote them instructions what to do. [A] month after I received other cables saying that several of the officers of the organization were arrested. For what? Because of the church rivalry the officers of the organization were inveigled to become officers of the church. It was a new church and the other churches in town were fighting the organization because of the taking ove[r] of their members under the gu[ise] th[a]t the members were joining the U.N.I.A. An appeal was made to us to help. After we knew the circumstances, we saw where it was unfair to the Universal to be hampered in this way all over the world by a church organization we knew nothing about. Liberty Halls were not to be used as churches, and we did not organize as any church. The result was, that we were determined that we would not be used in that way. We dispatched the leader of the Western provinces of the West Indies, Hon. Sidney DeBourg, at an expense of hundreds of dollars to San Pedro de Macoris to settle the matter. That expense would never have been incurred but for the underhand methods that were being used to undermine the strength of the association. N o w , in my position as President-General of this great movement, what was

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I to do but cut loose from such men who were so mean and untrue to adopt such methods to extract money from the poor people. Again I have before me the picture of a man who would take the name of a high officer of the U.N.I.A. and print it on a circular and send that circular around the world to the members of the U.N.I.A., begging them for money without even consulting the high officers of the organization that he was using his name, and he never circulated any of those circulars in New York, where the executive council could have seen them, but sent them to far-off posts where no executive officer could come in touch with them. But again a great master mind was foiled at his game, because probably there was a bigger master mind. It was a question of brains against brains, and when the great brain—the great intellect, though he had things all bearing his way, somebody else had a thought that something was wrong and just a timely advertisement in the Negro World brought in these circulars from the foreign outposts by the hundreds, and we discovered the fellow what he was doing. We have all kinds of men fighting us, and among the men fighting us you will find men of the kind I have explained a while ago. But we have other men fighting us. We sent a man on a long mission at great expense. We furnished him with an outfit. We sent him along as an ambassador, probably as minister plenipotentiary, having our confidence given him. He was given certain instructions to follow and obey. He gets away from us in a foreign country, and when we could not see him, what did he attempt to do? To swindle the finances of the organization. As fast as we could cable the money to him he tried to put it to his own account. When he was found out on the spot and caught at the game, he started to fight and to tell about what he knows. He was a vagabond, a scamp and had to be kicked out. Any man who would try to get the confidence of another man because that man has respect for him, and say, " Y o u are going out on a long journey and will not be here tomorrow; a certain check is to be presented to the bank for only $15, so if you will attach your signature now I will make the check out after you are gone." Having his confidence, the man signs the check, and when he is gone instead of making out the check for $15 he makes it out for $200. The man comes back and does not look at the book because he has confidence in him and does not ask what disposition he has made of the check. Later on, however, he discovers that something is wrong in the bank balances, and he goes to the bank and gets the return checks, only to find out the trick that has been played. Then the fellow is kicked out, and he goes off, saying he is going to tell what he knows. Such are the men we have had to fight in the past and such are the men we will fight in the future, and we will not stop until we bury them. So, my dear people of Liberty Hall—Negroes of the world—I repeat to you what I said this afternoon, whenever you see men out of the Universal Negro Improvement Association, it is either because they were not honest,

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either because they did not have clean hearts, either because they had not clean hands, it is either because they were not upright; it is either because they were not going straight, why they have got out in the cold. T H E K I N D OF M E N

NEEDED

The Universal Negro Improvement Association needs men of learning, of character, and we do not part with them easily. No; we beg them to stay, and when they show they are not worthy we are glad that they go. I trust you all understand the situation now. And I trust you who make up the rank and file of this great movement will ever stand solidly as one mighty whole until the Red, the Black and the Green perches upon the hill-tops of African victory. (Cheers.) To some of us there is morality in the oath we took; to some of us there is religion in the oath we took, and as men knowing there is a God and knowing there is a race to be served, we shall not falter by the wayside, but we shall continue faithful to our vow and do the best we can to emancipate this downtrodden race. Tonight opens my campaign of exposing the conditions under which we have had to put out of the organization certain men and accept the resignation of certain men. I trust you will return tomorrow night and bring out as many friends as you can to help in the greater work we have before us. (Applause.) Printed in NW,

24 December 1921. Original headlines omitted.

1. A reference to Bishop McGuire, who was consecrated on 28 September 1921 at the Church of O u r Lady of Good Death in Norwood Park, 111., by Archbishop J. R. Vilatte and Bishop Carl A. Nybladh of the American Catholic church. The consecration was performed "at the request of and for the African Orthodox Church," which was the same church that McGuire refused to leave to take up full-time service for the UNIA ("Certificate of Consecration of Bishop McGuire," Negro Churchman 1, no. 8 [August 1923]: 2).

Editorial Letter by Marcus Garvey [[New York, December 19, 1921]] Fellow Men of the Negro Race, Greeting: Just at this time there is a well organized propaganda and conspiracy engineered by a combination of forces known and unknown, seen and unseen, in the United States of America, and different parts of the world, to undermine the powerful influence of the Universal Negro Improvement Association in uniting Negroes everywhere. This propaganda and conspiracy is being conducted on the one hand by some of our one-time slave masters, who have never been able to outlive the idea that the Negro should be anything else but a slave, and on the other hand by a cheap, brainless, conscienceless, treacherous, disloyal band of Negro reprobates who, like traitors of all causes, national, secular and religious, are ever willing to sell themselves for the thirty dirty pieces of silver.

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It is difficult for me to explain thoroughly and as clearly as I would like to the complete make-up of the combinations that are now organized to fight the Universal Negro Improvement Association in the futile hope of preventing us from realizing our great objective of an emancipated race, and a free and redeemed Africa. Men of the race, you must understand this, that the cause for which you fight, which is to liberate yourselves, industrially, commercially, socially, educationally, religiously, politically, and to establish a great nation of our own in Africa, is a purpose that is beyond the intention of certain people towards us as a race. They do not desire to see the Negro anything else but a slave, a peon, a serf; therefore, any idea that would tend in any way to make the Negro a full man, self-respecting, self-reliant, independent, is an idea that will be fought by them to the bitter end. All kinds of subterfuges will be brought to bear upon the great issue of liberty for the race, so as to thwart the realization of the great plan. Strategy, diplomacy and counter plans of all kinds will be resorted to to defeat the noble work of the Universal Negro Improvement Association. They, our hereditary slave masters, those of them who are narrowminded enough to still oppress the Negro, when they find that they themselves cannot strike the death blow for destroying the everlasting hope of the Negro for freedom, liberty and true democracy, will employ men and women of our own race, probably pay them handsomely, so as to carry out the dirty work, and today we are face to face with such organizations. Organizations of Negroes who are working under the whip lash of our ancient masters, and who are now moving heaven and earth so as to perform the service they have been paid for, that of endeavoring to defeat the great cause of Negro liberty. This propaganda has been so reared and engineered that they receive their support from all quarters, so as to be able to fight the great and noble movement known as the Universal Negro Improvement Association. If you will read between the lines of the many articles that are written in some white and colored newspapers, you will easily detect the propaganda that is being waged against the Universal Negro Improvement Association. It is unfortunate that it is so; nevertheless, we must admit that some of our newspapermen and some of our so-called public men have not yet caught the vision of the higher spirit of service. They are still willing to sell themselves, their honor, their loyalty to race, their self-respect, just for a few dollars, caring not from what quarter it comes. And so the great fight is on, the fight for Negro liberty, against the skilfully planned and designed campaign engineered and fostered by our old slave masters, and by the cheap good-fornothing Negroes, to ever keep us on the grindstone of economic, social, political and independent national and international needs. When it is considered that they have been able to influence and pay and keep even some of the men whom we ourselves honored in electing them to positions as leaders of the people, you will realize how far flung is the campaign to fight the Universal Negro Improvement Association. But

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traitors we have always had and traitors we will probably never be able to get rid of. Some of these cheap good-for-nothing Negroes are now trying to turn our race into Bolsheviks, through the money that they receive from anarchistic quarters, so that it can be said in another five or ten years that Negroes are Bolsheviks and are anarchists, and therefore we cannot have them at large; we must either deport them from this country or that country, or get rid of them somehow or the other. This is the secret plan of a certain class of our enemies who desire to bring about the immediate downfall of the Negro, so as to make room for the greater white population that is to come, and the Negroes who advocate their cause have no better sense, no better loyalty, no better conscience, than to accept money from them, and wage relentlessly a campaign for converting Negroes into anarchists and Bolsheviks. While on the other hand, another class of the same old slave masters who desire to bring about the downfall of the Negro hand out subsidies to the more intellectual class of our so-called leaders, and inspire them to fight the Universal Negro Improvement Association, to prevent Negroes from being organized the world over for their own liberation in Africa and their own economic emancipation everywhere. Such Negroes you know; you have read their writings in their magazines, in their newspapers. I now warn you against them. Then still we have some of the same old slave masters who are bold enough to give out in public print and write disparagingly about our effort to free the race. It is a pity that we labor under such disadvantages, that we have not had that schooling in diplomacy and in public affairs as to make us grasp immediately the intention of such sinister movements; nevertheless, those of us who are enlightened, it is our duty to point out to you the great danger, and as I write this week I trust that Negroes everywhere will get to understand that there is but one fight that must be waged to the bitter end—the fight for our own liberty, our freedom, our emancipation everywhere, and in waging this great fight for liberty, be careful that we accept not the advice of the ancient enemy, be sure that we accept not the leadership and the guidance of the ancient enemy, because we will only be courting our doom. Negroes who go about and advocate better relationship between themselves and other people are the Negroes who are going about in disguise to keep you in slavery and in bondage. All sensible peoples know that there will never be any better race relationship between peoples until all peoples occupy the common standard for development, and for any weak race of people to talk about a better relationship with other races that are strong, they are only wasting time, that time that they should have given to improving their own condition. Negroes who talk about better race relationship are the fellows who are being paid to deceive you and let you believe that by being satisfied with your condition and by looking up to some superior master for everything that you will be better off. That time will never come.

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All that I can advise you to do is to get together with your moral, financial, intellectual and political strength the world over, and by a great combination of effort move even the rocks of Gibraltar in your onslaught against injustice, iniquity and slavery, so as to achieve by the destrucion of these obstacles that liberty that you so much desire. Negroes, I advise you the world over to watch yourselves. Your greatest enemies today are the men from within who are endeavoring to stifle the great longing hope you have had. Some of these wicked Negroes receive the pay of others to defeat us. They go out with glaring programs telling us that they are fighting for the redemption of Africa, telling us that they love Africa so much, when all that the grafters need is to get some money from whatsoever source it comes and to sell out the race when the highest bidder comes around. Watch these so-called champions of Negro liberty. We have had them sell out the race in the past. They will continue to sell out the race until you yourselves set an example for them and make it expensive for Negroes to deceive Negroes. Men who claim that they lead only for a living are the fellows that you must watch every step of the way, and we have many of them today who lead only for a livelihood. The idea of leaders confessing that they lead for a living! Ask them what they have lost by being criticised, and they will tell you that they have lost their chance of a livelihood among the people. Such leaders, who make leadership a profession and not a service of love, are the men who will never help us to better conditions. Let us take great leaders like David Lloyd George of England, Charles Evans Hughes of America and Monsieur Briand of France. 1 Do you think such men lead for a living? Do you think such men look upon the leadership that they give to their race for the pay that they can get? No, never. They look upon it as a service for their race, a service to humanity, a service of love. This is the kind of leadership that Negroes want today. Not " H o w much is in it for me?" not " H o w much salary will I get?" but "How much good can I do even by sacrificing, even by dying, for the cause?" I hope you Negroes of the world will stop for a minute and think. See that your future is imperiled and see that a dangerous attempt is being made to destroy you, to disrupt your spirit of love, of loyalty to self. Be guided, be guided, be guided. First of all, before you attempt to follow any man who comes out with any new program, especially the talk about the freedom of Africa, scrutinize him, analyze him, trace him even to his brith, and find out if he is a real Negro and what has been his associations, what has been his positions before he took up the cause of working for Africa. Yes, you will find many a man coming out today with his African scheme, but who can tell who is behind him? I would like to say much more, and explain much more than can really appear in public print, but I am warning you Negroes of the world, if you allow yourselves to travel in the wrong direction, remember that Marcus Garvey from the profoundest depths of his heart warned you. I repeat that these destructive agencies are at work to defeat you in that purpose for

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freedom, for liberty; destructive agencies are at work to reduce you to slavery; destructive agencies are at work to deprive you of your livelihood; destructive agencies are at work to keep you under[,] when somebody else will occupy the place you now occupy, until the time comes when someone else will live in the house that you now live in; that someone else will occupy the country that you now call your own. Negroes, be warned, be warned; if you take my advice, you do one thing that is reasonable, do one thing that is possible; that is, get together, get together in America, in the West Indies, in Africa, in South and Central America, and organize yourselves into one mighty band; then we will have before us the greatest Negro organization ever organized in the world, organized by Negroes, led by Negroes, supported by Negroes. I can recommend you, therefore, to no greater movement for your support than that of the Universal Negro Improvement Association. It is your movement; you organized it; you supported it in the past; you must support it in the future so that it can bring about that freedom, that liberty that we pray for. Trusting that you will abide by the advice that we have given you, and trusting our great God will guide us that we may overcome all the enemies now lined up against us, I have the honor to be, Your obedient servant, MARCUS

GARVEY

President-General Universal Negro Improvement Association P r i n t e d in NW,

2 4 D e c e m b e r 1921. O r i g i n a l headlines o m i t t e d .

1. Aristide Briand (1862-1932) was prime minister of France from 1909 to 1911 and from 1921 to 1922. He was a journalist and statesman born in Nantes. He founded the journal L'Humanité in 1904 and was a regular contributor to Socialist journals. In 1928 he joined the American secretary o f state, Frank B. Kellogg, to develop the Pact of Paris (the Kellogg-Briand Pact) for the renunciation of war. Briand served again as French prime minister in 1929 (WBD).

Confidential Informant 800 to George F. Ruch New York, Dec. 19, 1921 Sir: I am enclosing some circulars and a release that was sent out by Garvey. One circular is by Garvey announcing that "the fight is on[,]" the other by Briggs "Marcus Garvey vs[.] Bishop McGuire." These circulars are self explanatory. The release is by Garvey as a result of McGuire attempting to hold his meeting. Some of Garvey's members went around to McGuire's meeting and broke it up. McGuire, Gordon, and Crichlow had to leave the church by the back door in order to get away from the crowd. These o c c u r r e n c e s only go to give Garvey more confidence, and rightfully so as they only give him a tighter hold on the masses. Some of these same people that broke up McGuire's meeting are the largest stockholders in Garvey's 298

D E C E M B E R 1921

corporations; it only goes to show that even though Garvey has spent their money (and most o f them know foolishly) they still have confidence in him. This release Garvey has sent out will be published elsewhere and read by his members and give them greater confidence in Garvey. Garvey was talking in the office today and he plans a propaganda campaign to start after the New Year that he says will bring the association 25,000,000 (twenty five million) new members. He says by next August he will have every negro in the U.S. a member o f his organization. He is no doubt planning to spend every cent that he can get on propaganda. Allow me to say sir that his propaganda is bad for the negro. Briggs is very much taken bac[k] as a result of the turn of affairs yesterday and seems to be at a loss to know what to do next as he expected to make a big hit against Garvey. It was necessary for Briggs to call in the police and they seemed to be with the crowd and that only made matters worse and as a result Garvey is laughing up his sleeve at Briggs and he is bigger in the eyes of his members than ever. I report these o c c u r r e n c e s to show how necessary it is to take some action against Garvey. Garvey has gotten wind of Briggs' next publication and he is going to try and have Briggs, Crichlow and the whole gang jailed before time for the next publication. This information got out through Crichlow's talking too much. With a little money it is hard to tell what he can do here in New York. Respectfully, "800" DJ-FBI, file 61-826-X14. TLS, recipient's copy.

Enclosure NEW YORK CITY DECEMBER 19, 1921 IMMEDIATE R E L E A S E

T h e Publicity Department of the Universal Negro Improvement Association from its American Headquarters, 56 West 135th Street, New York City, today releases to the Negro Press o f the World the following authentic news: A F R I C A N B L O O D B R O T H E R H O O D M E E T I N G BREAKS U P IN D I S O R D E R . GATHERING PUTS A QUIETUS O N T H E MOVEMENT—SPEAKERS H I S S E D , J E E R E D , A N D LAUGHED T o SCORN. O R D E R E D T O LEAVE T H E E D I F I C E A N D N E V E R R E T U R N .

What was advertised by circulars scattered profusely throughout Harlem to be a monster mass meeting called by the African Blood Brotherhood at Rush Memorial Church, Sunday afternoon, December 18, resulted in a

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miserable fiasco. The meeting broke up in disorder after the speakers (who were denied a hearing) had sneaked out and the Pastor of the Church[,] who turned up on the scene in time to save the situation, had ordered the gathering to leave the Church as there would be no meeting. The Police reserves were requisitioned but found no grounds for interference, as the gathering though boisterous in their utterances refrained from committing any act which would be construed as disorderly. So the Police remained on the spot and watched the proceedings utterly powerless to stem the tide of opposition which swept the audience like a tidal wave. Pandemonium reigned supreme while speaker after speaker rose to his feet and attempted to make himself heard, only to be hissed and hooted and jeered at by the gathering who were evidently determined to put a quietus on the African Blood Brotherhood movement and register their protest against the malicious attempts being made by the class of disgrunt[le]d and discredited malcontents who are promoting it—men who have been eliminated from another organization having proved false to their vows or otherwise been found undesirable, and who have now gone out on the war path endeavoring to destroy and frustrate the objects of an organization that is working in the interests of and seeking to unite and uplift the scattered millions of Negroes throughout the world. The fact that the meeting was convened in a [church was the?] only cause that prevented a riot or some serious disturbance. The African Blood Brotherhood is an organization of recent origin, at the head of which is Mr. Cyril V. Briggs, editor of the "Crusader" magazine. Ostensibly it was formed for the purpose of unifying the people of African Blood or extraction, but has digressed from its purpose to pursue a campaign of relentless warfare against the Universal Negro Improvement Association and its allied organizations. This meeting was the first of a series proposed to be held by the Brotherhood to make what they call an expose of Hon. Marcus Garvey and the U.N.I.A. movement. The Brotherhood because of its hostile attitude to the Universal Negro Improvement Association has been a haven of refuge for certain disgruntled men who were formerly officials of the U.N.I.A., but who for misconduct in office or some other culpable faults have been eliminated from the organization. Among these are Dr. George Alexander McGuire, the former Chaplain General, Dr. J. D. Gordon, the former Assistant President General, and Mr. Cyril A. Crichlow[,] who was sent to Liberia, West Africa, by the organization as secretary of the headquarters there. These three gentlemen were scheduled to speak at the meeting Sunday afternoon, but found things so unpleasant for them that they have doubtless discovered that they are lined up on the wrong side. In fact, it is problematical whether the A.B.B. will ever attempt to stage another meeting in Harlem after the emphatic protest which was registered against it and the men who have allied themselves with the movement. The Negroes of Harlem see nothing in the movement but the attempt on the part of a few money-grabbing, selfish reactionaries to destroy an organization which they have been unable to use to serve their selfish ends. 300

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Too long have Negroes been exploited by such human parasites and they manifested in no uncertain way last Sunday that they do not intend to tolerate them any longer, but will put an end to their nefarious practices. The meeting was scheduled for 4:30, but before that hour a large gathering was on hand and it was decided to open the meeting. No sooner had the chairman made the announcement than the gathering began to display symptoms of uneasiness. Murmuring and muttering arose from all parts of the Church and increased in volume until it became impossible for any speaker from the platform to be heard. The Climax was reached when Dr. McGuire rose to speak. Hardly had he begun than the audience laid a verbal barrage against him. Invective after invective was hurled like rapid fire at the Bishop which even his stentorian voice could not withstand. In vain he tried to speak but his every utterance was met with cries of "Traitor! Traitor! Liar!" and other exclamations, [which made] it impossible to go on[;] he made an ignominious retreat and sank down in his seat. Dr. Gordon rose to deliver his address but met with a similar reception and he too sat down in disgust. So also did Capt. Cockburn the ex-skipper of "Yarmouth." The other speaker Mr. Crichlow could not be seen either in the audience or on the platform. Perhaps he was in close proximity ready to answer the call if the meeting had taken a favorable turn. Mr. Briggs strutted about the church in [njervous excitement. Phantoms of his tottering organization appeared before him and he was so visibly embarrassed that he knew not what move to make next. The police came in but found nothing to do but watch the proceedings. As long as Dr. McGuire remained, the audience murmured and grumbled, and finally the Doctor was induced to leave and did so amidst the de[r]isive cheers and hisses of the gathering. Still they remained and not until Dr. [George M.} Oliver, pastor of the churchf,] appeared and gave orders that the church be cleared as there would be no meeting did they leave. Mr. Briggs approached the pastor requesting the use of the Church for another meeting but the Pastor in a rage flatly refused, saying that he had anticipated an occurrence of the kind. Thus ended the supposed mass meeting of the A.B.B. DJ-FBI, file 61-826-Xij. TD on UNIA letterhead.

Confidential Informant 800 to George F. Ruch New York, Dec, 20, 1921 Sir:

You will find enclosefd] 1 a release that Briggs is sending out as a result of the release that Garvey sent out, also an additional release that Garvey is sending out. You will also find a circular that Briggs is advertising a meeting for Thursday Dec. 22. I look for trouble at this meeting as Garvey is going to 301

T H E MARCUS GARVEY AND U N I A PAPERS

send some of his members there to break up the meeting and trouble will certainly start. You will also find enclose[d] a form letter the first of many such letters that Garvey intends to flood the mails with during the year 1921 [.1922]. Today there was a Post Office Inspector in Garvey's office for an hour getting circulars and etc., and questioning Garvey on the business of the organization. I think that a mistake has been made in sending this inspector to his office because as soon as he left Garvey and Garcia had a long talk and Garvey seemed quite worried over his visit. I was in the office part of the time the inspector was there and from his action you could see that there was something behind his questioning. If Garvey once gets into h[is] head that all is not right he will destroy every bit of pape[r]s that he thinks will be used against him. Briggs told me tonight that the gover[n]ment was closing in on Garvey and if Garvey didn't have the ship in three days the gover[n]ment was going to arrest Garvey and his whole gang. Briggs also said that he had furnished the Post Office Department with affidavits from people in Philadelphia, Norfolk and New York that had purchased tickets from the Black Star Line and had never been furnished the passage. He said he had secured these affidavits through the branches of his organization in these cities, just h o w true this is I don't know, but I do know that Briggs has turned over to the post office all of [the] evidence that he could secure against Garvey for using the mails to defraud. I send you the above information so that you may know what action the Post [Office] Department has taken along this line. Respectfully, "800" D J - F B I , file 61-826-X15. T L S , recipient's copy. 1. Not found.

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Meeting Announcenient OF WHAT

ARE THEY

AFRAID

BIG MEETING Thursday Evening, Dec. 22, 1921 AT 8 O C L O C K

At PALACE CASINO 135th Street and Madison Avenue

To Deliver the Message of the

AFRICAN BLOOD BROTHERHOOD To the American Scction of the Negro Race. W e appeal to all Negroe* to stop being Pro-SOMEBODY and

BE P R O - N E G R O

RACE

And Help Us Save the LIBERATION MOVEMENT

from being Prostituted, Exploited and Misinterpreted. »hip« Lies Sure D e i eat.

Along that Road of W o r t h l e » Stocks and Fake Steam-

W H A T T H E A.B.B., STANDS F O R The A.B.B., Stand» (or a Free Africa without Repatriation! Given a Strong African Nation and Negroes Can Live Wherever T h e y W a n t to in Peace and Security. N o Need T V « for J l Negroe« to go to Africa. T h e A.B.B., Stand» for an Africa Freed by the Effort* of Her Sons on the Ground, Backed and Supported by the Fully Developed and Organized Strength (Financial, Commercial, Politicai, e t c . ) of the Negroes in the Ne«- World. T h e A.8.B., hai no Illusion about Raiting an Army in the U.S., for transportation aero»» the Britifth controlled Atlantic Ocean! T h e A.B.B., Stand» for a Determined and Unceasing Fight for a Free Africa without, hnuever, Surrendering or Comprotrung on any Other Front I W e are not asking tl»e Amrican Negro to Surrender hi» hard-won Gains in the United States. O n the Contrary, we leek further to Strengthen the Position of the American Negro in order to U K it in tlie Struggle for a Free Africa in much the urne Manner ai the Irish Strength in America was uaed in the Struggle for a Free Ireland. Finally, the A.H.B., Stand» for R A C E U N I T Y and against the Effort! of Fooliih or Self-Seeking Men to Wcikcn the R i a by Introducing into America Pernicious Divisions along lines of Black, Brown, Yellow, etc.. thus getting Dark N e g r o a against Light Negroe, and vice verta, and doing for the White American what the White Englishman had to do for himself in the West Indies where he set Light against Dark Negroes to their own Detriment and hit Advantage. Awav with such P U E R I L E F O O L I S H N E S S T H A T W O U L D W E A K E N A N D D E S T R O Y U S ! ALL S T A N D FOR NEGRO U N I T Y ! D O W N W I T H T H O S E W H O W O U L D E N C O U R A G E D I V I S I O N S IN T H E RACE! N E G R O E S ! BE P R O - N E G R O E S , A N D H E L P U S SAVE T H E S A C R E D L I B E R A T I O N S T R U G G L E ! C O M E O U T IN Y O U R S T R E N G T H O N

THURSDAY EVENING, DEC. 22, 1921

ADMISSION

.

•

50 CENT

B E N . E. B U R R E L L . the Poet, and C A P T A I N J O S H U A C O C K B U R N , added to the A.B.B., List of Famous O r a t o r i C H R I S H U 1 S W O O D has been invited to speak in Behalf of Relief for Famine-Stricken Soviet Ruasis —From the Negro Viewpoint of what she has done for Liberation of Penìa, Afghanistan, e t c , etc.

PROTECTION (Source:

GUARANTEED

DJ-FBI, tile 6i.).

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Alice Woodby McKane to Herbert J. Seligman 3 Marble St., Boston, Mass. Dec. 21, 1921 M y dear Mr. Seligman:— I have just read with interest an article in the New York Age under the caption of "Seligman Interviews Garvey and Writes His Impressions." Granted that everyone has a right to his opinions and to express them if he so desires, nevertheless, such an article coming from the pen of an official of an organization which is supposed to exist primarily for the betterment of? Colored people, has caused me to wonder just what your motive was in assuming the attitude you have towards Marcus Garvey and his various activities. Is it for the purpose of starting a propaganda against his movement, if so, why do you deem it necessary to do this? Is it because you resent the idea of Colored people presuming to try to help themselves independent of white people or is it because you think they are being /juggled/ for the benefit of Marcus Garvey's pocket? I have some humble opinions myself on your article. I am taking the liberty to express them. In the first place, I claim membership in the Boston Branch of the N . A . A . C . P . , the National Equal Rights League, and the U.N.I.A. A queer mixture you will no doubt say, but the contention to myself is that in each I see some good for the betterment of the race with which I am identified; and I therefore wish to add my small quota to each for not one alone of all three, to my way of thinking, cover the need, in other words to quote Longfellow, "Each thing in its place is best, and what seems but empty show, strengthens and supports the rest." 1 I believe in an organization like the N.A.A.C.P., because I feel that sincere men and women of both races who possess a high degree of principle should confer and work together for the interest of a people who have been made the victims of mercenary exploitations by a dominant race[.] I feel that in this Country we can confer as to the best means of trying to make a bad condition better without going into details as to why such a condition exists, but, if on the other hand, someone comes along who is a member of the victim's family and he feels that he has a solution to the problem and attempts in a broader way to solve it, why in the world if you are interested in the solution should /you/ try to stop him? If we /as a body/ are afraid that his motives are neither pure, practical nor sound, if we reflect we know others think and say the same thing about our own. If we are fearful through envy or jealousy that someone else will do more than we have done let us remember that we all have a different way of viewing some things, /and it is low to be envious./ The white people should realize that no matter how good their intentions are they cannot think in black, nor can black people in white, though black men try to act like white, through training, and this composite mixture of racial elements in the United States is a queer one, and[,] brother Seligman, I presume you are a pure white man,

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but remember most of us called colored have flowing through our veins here in this Country the blood of two or more races, and therefore, there is a certain sympathy, sometimes antagonism to the different ones of which we are composed. Many of us think in black of the black because /that/ ancestral blood is in our veins. I am one of those, and I desire to see Africa preserved for Africans and do not believe that the whites are sincere in their motives for that country, and I therefore welcome Mr. Garvey and what I call his constructive endeavor to better the black man's condition here /& there./ I have also another racial blood in me, the American Indian, and that coupled with the fact that I was born here and that my ancestors both red and black have fought for all that American Civilization holds dear, /makes me/ feel that no one has a better right to enjoy the rights and privileges /here/ than I and my kind; therefore, I contend for all the rights and privileges on that ground. The whites hav/ing/ exploited colored people, if they have among them those who regret the actions of their progenitors, I thank them for any assistance that they may render /us/ for good; but, if it is the same old story and theory of slavery days in which the crushed race is to be taught to despise its own and to feel that God made them inferior in every /or any/ way and the white man alone is the one to be honored and imitated, then as a group of Colored people we do not need such friends. If Mr. Garvey has, or is violating any of the laws of the land, let the law deal with him as it would any other law-breaker. Colored people do not always think in dimes and dollars, and if perchance Mr. Garvey fails in his movement, it won[']t be the first time in human history that people tried to secure their freedom or to establish a foot-hold in some part of the world where they felt they could best serve their posterity /& failed/. The /former trials of/ settlement of these United States is an example. If Garvey fails and we all lose our money, it is our business, and we have sense enough to know and to realise that there is a possibility of failure in everything in life save death. All of us are not large salary, nor even small salary getters in the U . N . I . A. I, along with many others[,] am with it for the principle it espouses and have no desire to draw any salary. We work in politics, the church, organizations of various kinds for the cause, though we know some others who give all the time to the work do get paid, we are satisfied and help to pay them. Why then should we not work and strive for the cause of the U.N.I.A., if it appeals to us? Brains when you employ them are usually worth the money paid. /The rightful man to complain is the one who pays the bill./ Respectfully Yours ALICE WOODBY M C K A N E ,

30S

M.D.2

T H E M A R C U S GARVEY AND U N I A PAPERS

D L C , N A A C P . T L S , recipient's copy. Handwritten corrections. 1. This is a paraphrase of the second verse of Longfellow's poem "The Builders" (The Poetical Works of Longfellow, Cambridge Edition [Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 197s], p. 108). 2. Alice Woodby McKane (1865-1940) was a prominent black physician and a pioneer in the field of medical education for blacks. Born in Bridgewater, Pa., she was educated at Hampton Institute (1883-1886) and at the Women's Medical College of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia (1889-1892). In 1896 Dr. McKane and her husband, Cornelius McKane, also a physician, traveled to Monrovia, Liberia, where they organized a health bureau, a private hospital, and a training school for nurses. The McKanes moved to Boston in 1909 (WWCA; Massachusetts Historical Society to Robert A. Hill, n April 1983).

Report by Special Agent Mortimer J. Davis New York City 12/21/21 I N R E : B L A C K S T A R L I N E , A L L E G E D V I O L A T I O N S E C . 215, U . S . C . C . U S I N G T H E M A I L S TO D E F R A U D

Post Office Inspector Wilkinson came to the Bureau office today at 1.10 P.M. on this case and was interviewed by Agent In Charge Brennan and the writer. Mr. Wilkinson stated that he had gathered together evidence which indicates that there is a prima facie case against Marcus Garvey and other officials of the Black Star Line for using the mails in a scheme to defraud. His purpose in coming to this office today was to get the assistance of an Agent and an Accountant in addition to any information we may have in the premises. Mr. Brennan assigned the writer to work with Mr. Wilkinson, and stated that he would suggest to Mr. Storck, who is now in New York City, that he do the accounting work. While Mr. Wilkinson did not state in detail what his evidence is, he said he interviewed Garvey yesterday, and statements obtained at that time, added to data already in hand, make it appear without any doubt that a violation has been committed and that there would be no trouble securing a warrant for Garvey's arrest and a subpoena Duces Tecum for the Corporation's papers. When Mr. Wilkinson asked Mr. Brennan when, in the tatter's opinion, these should be issued, Mr. Brennan re[plied] that this office was ready today, and would continue on the case day and night if necessary. Mr. Wilkinson seemed to think it better to wait until after the Christmas and New Year holidays, although [at] the same time he stated there were rumors current that Garvey [may] make his get away at any moment, for, according to advi[sers], he suspects the real purpose of Mr. Wilkinson's interview with him. Mr. Brennan finally suggested that there seemed to be no reason to delay the matter and requested me to accompany Mr. Wilkinson to the U.S. Attorney's office to procure the necessary warrants and subpoenas, which Mr. Wilkinson stated he would serve tomorrow. Mr. Wilkinson placed the matter before Asst. U.S. Attorney Joyce, who, after going over it in some detail suggested that it appeared better in the premises to secure a Grand Jury Indictment in preference to a Commis-

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sioner's warrant for the reason that the latter might force the Government to a hearing, which Mr. Wilkinson stated, without examination of the books, he was not ready for. The subject of Garvey's probable escape was brought up and Mr. Joyce stated that placing him under bond, which would likely be not more than $5,000, could hardly be expected to prevent this when the immensity of the alleged fraud was considered. Thus as the matter now stands the case will not be presented to the Grand Jury until January 3rd as it will not convene until that date. Mr. Wilkinson, upon my offer, stated there is nothing this office can do in the meantime in the way of gathering additional evidence, witnesses, etc., stating that he preferred this not be done for fear of a "tip off." The above facts were immediately reported to Mr. Brennan verbally. MORTIMER J. DAVIS D J - F B I , file 61. T D .

Confidential Informant 800 to George F. Ruch New York Dec. 24, 1921 Sir: . . . I was talking to Hubert Harrison today and he told me that there was something going to happen to Garvey in a very short time and that he would know a few days before it happened and if Garvey wasn't such a fool he would go to him and tell him about it and tell him how to make a getaway and where to go. I don't know if Harrison was trying to pump me but I don't think so as I know that Harrison doesn't like Garvey. Mr[.] Ruch[,] there must be a "leak" somewhere. Respectfully, "800" D J - F B I , file 61-826-X16. T L S , recipient's copy.

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Report by Special Agent J. G. Tucker [New York] DEC. 24, 1921 . . . Garvey is said to be holding nightly meetings at this time in order to keep alive the waning interest of his followers. It is also understood from a confidential source that owing to the attachments against the Black Star Line's equipment and ships, the venture is practically at a standstill. It is understood that the Rev. G. A. McGuire, former Chaplain General of the U.N.I.A.[,] has now joined forces with Briggs. DUSE MOHAMMED

ALI

It is understood from a confidential source that this individual proposes to make his permanent home in the United States where he has practically joined forces with Garvey, notwithstanding the fact that they had been bitter enemies for some years past. He proposes, it is understood, within a short time to establish a magazine along the same lines as the one which he published in London and the circulation of which was prohibited during the war. J. G .

TUCKER

DJ-FBI, file 61. TD.

Christmas Message by Marcus Garvey [[New York, Christmas Day, 1921]] Greeting: To us is born this day the Child Jesus, the Christ. The shepherds and wise men are now wending their way toward Bethlehem, there to behold the Wonder of God. Because there, in a manger, is to be found the Baby Christ who is to be the Redeemer of the world. And so our thoughts go back for more than nineteen hundred years. We hear the shout "Hosanna in the Highest, blessed is He that cometh in the name of the Lord." With all the preparation the human race has made to welcome into the world the Christ who is to redeem us, we find ourselves still in confusion, still fighting, still exploiting, still merciless in our onslaught one upon the other. But on this Christmas morn may we not all, members and brothers of the great human race, forget our differences, and in one glorious chorus sing out to the world "Peace, perfect peace"? When we come to consider the Brotherhood of Man and the Fatherhood of God, and that this Child of our own flesh, yet spirit of the Great F E L L O W M E N O F T H E N E G R O RACE,

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Creator, has been sent to link us nearer to our common Father, will we not admit o f the reason that there should be but very little differences between us? What will we gain fighting the battle o f man against man? Absolutely nothing but death; and was not this Child Jesus sent into this world to teach us the new life, the life o f Love, o f Charity, the life of Mercy? What greater example do we desire than that which He gave in His own life? He suffered, He died that others might be free. Yet even with the great object o f the Cross before us, even though He died on Mount Calvary to make us free, even though He overcame death, the grave and hell to demonstrate to us the new life possible to each and every one, we have not yet turned from the path o f sin to enter into the glory o f His Eternal Kingdom. Instead o f planning a career o f sin, on this Christmas morn may we not lift our thoughts to that grand and noble Father who gave to us on this day His Royal Son, whom He had made our brother, and to ask Him to bless each and every one o f us that our hearts may be touched with the true spirit o f the first Christmas morn? That first Christmas day in the stable at Bethlehem was a beacon o f a new born hope, for with the birth o f the Prince o f Peace there came to us an age o f spiritual grace, which in its course sought to link man nearer to his God, and coming down the ages for more than nineteen hundred years, we have tried to preach Him as He appeared to us in His innocence, in His love, and in His charity. H e labored for thirty-three years to teach us the way to glory, but in the course o f His life, man, his brother, sought the life that he cannot give; he persecuted Him, he derided Him, he jeered Him, and at last he crucified Him. But when that which was physical in the Christ died the spiritual continued, and from earth betook its flight to heaven, there, probably, for all eternity, to look down upon the sinful, wicked world, and to still shower upon us blessings that we really need. W e shall never succeed in taking the Spirit o f Christ out o f the world, because in some o f us still there is that spark o f love, o f charity, o f mercy, that links us to our God. But may we not ask the Great Omnipotent, the Great Creator, our Eternal Father, to send once more into the world, and just at this time, and oh how we pray that it be on this Christmas morn, our brother Christ, so that He may calm the raging storm and in truth pour out His benediction upon a corrupt world, a soulless human race, and make o f us subjects fit for Eternal Life? As with the angels, let us sing "Hail to the New Born King, the Prince o f Peace, Hail to the Son o f Righteousness, for with Thee there is life, without Thee there is death." For as Thou died upon Calvary's mount to make us better, to redeem us from our sins, may we not hope for a continuance o f that love even for today? and knowing Thee in Thy bountiful love o f all mankind, may we not further ask that Thy Spirit lighten up our hearts and bring to us by the touch o f Thy grace the knowledge o f the Everlasting Brotherhood o f Man, and the Eternal Fatherhood o f God? As the angels now rejoice in heaven over this new birth, so we rejoice on earth, four hundred millions o f

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us who are members of this Negro race, feeling that Thou art our King, that Thou art our Savior, that Thou shalt be our Emanuel.1 We love Thee because Thou art the Son of God. We praise and worship and adore Thee because Thou art the Prince of Peace. Let others in their sin, in their wickedness, seek after the Infant Life that Thou gavest to all mankind; today we in our simplicity shall find refuge for Thee even in the land of Egypt. Yes, the world o f sinful, wicked men cried out "Crucify Him! Crucify Him!" but Lord, because Thou art our Master, because Thou art our Prince of Peace, because Thou art our Redeemer, we shall render unto Thee all help possible, even in bearing the Cross up the heights of Calvary, for in life Thou has been our friend; in death we know Thou shalt remember us, and now that Thou art sitting at the right hand of God the Father, now that Thou has conquered death, the grave and hell, surely in Thy mercy Thou shalt remember us; and so today, even though hundreds o f years have rolled by since Thy crucifixion, we know that there is in Thine heart, there is in Thy soul a warm spot for the Sons and Daughters of Africa whose forebears bore the cross for Thee up the heights o f Calvary to Thy crucifixion. We sing and shout with the angels; we ring our joy bells; we blow our horns in praise, because Thou art indeed the Jesus, the Christ, the Emanuel to us, the Son o f Righteousness, the Prince of Peace. As sons and daughters of Africa, may four hundred million of us the world over on this Christmas morn pray for the redemption of that Motherland that sheltered our Blessed Redeemer when the wild and wicked men of the world sought His Life; in the same manner wild and wicked men seek the lives o f Negroes today, and burn and lynch and kill them, because they have not the strength that makes man mighty; but with the Almighty Power of God and with the guidance and mercy of our Blessed Lord we feel that one day Ethiopia shall stretch forth her hand, and whether it be at the second coming or before, we shall all sing our Hosannas, shall shout our praises to God for freedom, for liberty, for life. For Christ is born of Mary, And gathered all above, While mortals sleep, the angels keep Their watch of wondering love. O morning stars, together Proclaim the holy birth, And praises sing to God our King, And peace to men on earth. With very best wishes for a bright and happy Christmas, I have the honor to be, Your obedient servant MARCUS

GARVEY

President-General Universal Negro Improvement Assn. 310

DECEMBER 1921

Printed in NW, 17 December 1921. Original headlines omitted. 1. Matt. 1:23. Speaking of Jesus, the text reads, "Behold, a virgin shall be with child, and shall bring forth a son, and they shall call his name Emmanuel, which, being interpreted is, G o d with us."

J. J. Hannigan to the Director, Office of Naval Intelligence SAN F R A N C I S C O , C A L I F O R N I A

27 December 1921 . . . T H E N E G R O FINANCIAL CAMPAIGN

One evening at the Korean twenty-five cent lunch place at 633 Pacific Street, the Informant noticed a group of negroes gathered round a table. The Informant also noticed that the gathering was not entirely informal or social. The same Farr person, reported on previously, was presiding over the meeting. The Informant hailed the bunch in the best way he knew of, but the fellows did not welcome the presence of the informant and it was necessary for him to withdraw. While the Informant was with them, however, he noticed that there was a typewritten letter on blue linen with the Universal Negro Improvement Association printed on the top. It was enclosed in a blue linen, large sized business envelope with the same association's name printed on the upper left hand corner. As soon as the Informant appeared on the scene the fellow who acted as the secretary folded the letter and put it back into the envelop[e] and handed it to the Farr person. Farr asked the opinions of the others; one member pronounced his regret that although the plan is an excellent one, it would cost too much money. The Informant could learn nothing further than that. Yet the Farr person asked the Informant if there was any Oriental who would be willing to contribute some money to the work of the Universal Negro Improvement Association, which he said is a part of the general improvement of all the colored peoples. The Informant gave him the name of Hisakiji Watanabe1 of the Japanese Chamber of Commerce2 as the man who works among the colored people for some such end. Farr said he would surely make a call on him the very next day. Afterwards it was learned that several similar meetings were held on the same night and the next day at various restaurants, pool halls and hotels on Pacific Street between Grant Avenue and Kearney Street. The Farr fellow lives in the Chicago Hotel on Pacific Street near Grant Avenue. That hotel is really the center of the Negro activities in San Francisco, and it is known as the house of ill-fame both for whites and for the colored, a place for contraband drugs and Chinese lottery (or "Baka-pio"). 3 Curiously enough it was completely exempted from the

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recent election-time police raids of the Barbary Coast. The Informant noticed Farr carrying Chinese lottery tickets. When the proprietor of the lunch place ordered Farr to close any secret meetings and not to show any lottery tickets or morphia injection in his place, Farr laughed and said he was not afraid. He appears to be buying lottery tickets not only for gambling for himself, but is doing it as a part of his business. Here is a queer thing: all the fellows in the game of working up racial and political hatred seem to carry with them some illegitimate business in forbidden drugs, bootlegging or gambling. . . . [J. J. H A N N I G A N ] D N A , R G 38, file 20964-2194G. T L , recipient's copy. 1. Hisakatsu Watanabe (b. 1884) was a native of Mei Prefecture in Japan and a graduate of Waseda University, where he majored in politics and economics. He immigrated to the United States in 1907 and was employed as a newspaperman and secretary of various Japanese associations. Beginning in 1917 he was president of the Japanese Chamber of Commerce in San Francisco (Yuji Ichioka to Robert A. Hill, 4 April 1983). 2. The San Francisco Japanese Chamber of Commerce, established in 1915, was composed of Japanese immigrant businesses in San Francisco and the vicinity (Zaibei Nihonjinshi, Zaibei Nihonjinshi [San Francisco: Zaibei Nihonjinshi, 1940], pp. 648-649). 3. "Baka pio" refers to a lottery now known as keno.

Herbert J. Seligman to Alice Woodby McKane [New York] 27 December 1921 Dear Madam Thank you for your letter commenting on the Age article, which reported what I said about Marcus Garvey in the New York World. Permit me to answer in order some of the questions you raise. 1. I had no motive in going to see Mr. Garvey except interest, and, in fact, had no idea what my impressions would be or what I would write until I had spoken with him. It was not therefore to "start a propaganda" against his movement that I wrote about him. 2. I do not criticise Marcus Garvey's slogan of "Africa for the Africans"—though my own belief is that racial exclusiveness is not entirely desirable—but I reserve the right to criticise Garvey when he uses that slogan and couples it with the financial methods his statement seems to indicate. It is always a question whether a slogan constitutes what you call a constructive endeavor. 3. As to any implication of "inferiority", I do not know that I made it in anything I wrote. I criticised Mr. Garvey no more harshly than I have or would any white man in similar circumstances; and in fact I said Mr. Garvey's

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issues were more realistic than Billy Sunday's. I don't propose to abstain from criticising Negroes any more than I do from criticising white men—and I expect to be differed with by obviously sincere people like yourself. +. My criticism does not extent to the people who work with Mr. Garvey in good faith. Even they, however, must eventually face facts. It is on my presentation of facts that my criticism must stand. Those facts concerned less Marcus Garvey's expressed aims, than the methods by which he proposed to realize them. I do not agree with you that the critic must wait until the policeman steps in and makes an arrest. The critic is interested in sub[t]leties with which the policeman has no concern. This in brief would be my reply to the questions you raise. Please be assured that I respect your point of view, but see no reason for suppressing mine because it is different. Faithfully yours H [ E R B E R T ] . J.

S[ELIGMAN].

DLC, NAACP. TLI, carbon copy.

Anonymous Letter to Harry Daugherty 2136 Walnut St., Chicago 111. Dec. 28, i[9]2i

Attorney Daugherty Dear Sir [A]s Att. General of the U.S.A. I deem it my duty as an American citizen of the collored race to call your attention to a serious matter that not only concerns every loyal American citizen but should concern you especially. And that is the U.N.I.A. Movement or Black star line Movement headed by Marcus Garvey, This Foreigner and a menace to all well thinking collored people of the U.S. I don't know w[h]ether you have investigated] this movement or not but I for one think you should and I have no doubt but [t]hat you will when I give you a few inside facts of this movementf.] First there is being taugfht] among the collored race disloyalty to this country and flag also hatred and race prejudice of the worse type raising up a radical element among the illiterate class that in the future will cause trouble and we, law abiding collored citizens will be compelled to suffer with this small minority of our race brought on by this movement. We of the law abiding citizens wish you would send some of your secret service men around to their meetings and learn for yourself [;] also have some personal talks with some of the members and you will find I have not begun myself to state the danger in the movementf.] It is the second K.K.K, in America[.] I myself being an A[n]cient Free and accepted Mason my obligation compells me to be a loyal

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citizen as you know I also love my race and do not want to see all the good that has been accomplished in the last 51 yrs. wrecked[. I] ask you to please give this matter your attention[.] Yours

[No signature] Please do not use my name public It is taught that when you become a member of this movement you are no more an American citizen M y reason for wanting my name kept secret I am a Minister of the Gospel[;] any other information I can give will be glad to do so D J - F B I , file 61. A L , recipient's copy.

Article in the

Nation [28 December 1921]

A G E R M A N A P P E A L TO G A R V E Y

The Munchner Neueste Nachrichten (Munich) for November 25, 1921, publishes the following open letter to Marcus Garvey from the German Emergency League against the Black Horror, 1 with a prefatory note explaining that Garvey, as president of the Universal Negro Improvement Association, had protested to the Washington Conference in the name of 4 0 o , o o o [ , o o o ] Negroes that they had not been consulted in the composition o f the Treaty of Versailles or in the partition of Africa. MR. PRESIDENT: The German Emergency League against the Black Horror, of Munich, heard of your telegram to the Inter-Allied Disarmament Conference at Washington with great sympathy. The occupation of German territory by colored troops has filled us with intense aversion, and by this aversion we can measure the feeling of your race in its struggle for independence. As every foreigner who visits Germany with open eyes and who respects the truth can tell you, our country has been so disarmed and weakened that a small part of the white French troops would be sufficient adequately to occupy all Germany. France has no need of her colored regiments to occupy the small province of the Rhineland, and the force used to compel colored Frenchmen to pass many years in a strange country is justified by no military necessity. It is a consequence of the unlimited French thirst for revenge against Germany, and of the ungrounded—and in view of French pride, curious—fear of disarmed Germany; it represents also the French desire to weaken the colored peoples of Africa and Asia by destruction of their best men. The principle of self-determination was trodden underfoot in the socalled Peace Treaty of Versailles, for Europe as well as for Asia and Africa.

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Therefore this treaty cannot possibly achieve the peace for which the world so passionately longs. And the Washington Conference will be just as fruitless if it takes no account of the wishes of the peoples. Many thousands of your colored brothers are today maintained under the flag as slaves of the white Frenchmen in Germany and in other countries far from their homes, and are badly mistreated. Many thousands are carried away by disease, and these sons of distant regions threaten us too with terrible diseases whose names we hardly know. Countless colored men will annually be conscripted into the French army in the future by laws which were made in 1919 without their assent and even without their knowledge, in order to serve the white Frenchmen as cannon-fodder in case of need on some battlefield of the future in some distant part of the world. The Treaty of Versailles legislated for millions of your brothers without hearing them and without respecting the most elementary principle of the right of self-determination. The outlook for the Washington Conference to do otherwise is as empty. Nevertheless we congratulate you upon your brave action and would like to direct your particular attention to the black shame of France, to the fact that a heavily armed white people enslaves men of another color and sends them by thousands to the continent of Europe which is so fatal to children of a hot climate. The right of the peoples to self-determination is the only possible guaranty of peace for future generations. Printed in the Nation 113: 2,947 (28 December 1921): 769. 1. "Black horror" was the term used by Edmund Dene Morel, the British Socialist who headed a propaganda campaign against the use of French African troops in the occupation of the Rhineland after World War I. The occupation began on 6 April 1920, and the French army of 95,000 included about 30,000 Africans. Morel's pamphlet The Horror on the Rhine was published in 1920. It sensationalized stories of sexual assaults on German women by black troops, claiming that the French use of black troops was an act of revenge against Germany. Morel's lurid stories, delivered in speeches and in print, convinced many Europeans to establish groups opposing the "horror." Ignoring advice that some of the stories of rape might have been exaggerated or invented by the Germans for propaganda purposes, Morel continued his campaign with considerable support from British Socialists (Robert C. Reinders, "Racialism on the Left: E. D. Morel and the 'Black Horror on the Rhine,' " Part i, International Review of Social History 13 [1968]: 1-28). The 8 March 1921 issue of the Negro World reported that Maj. Gen. Henry T. Allen, the commander of American troops in Germany, sent a report to the State Department regarding French colonial troops. The Allen report, which was summarized in the Negro World, indicated that stories of widespread assaults on German women were exaggerated by the German press and were "false, and intended for political propaganda."

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T H E M A R C U S GARVEY AND U N I A PAPERS

Confidential Informant 800 to George F. Ruch New York, Dec. 30, 1921 Sir: I saw a receipt today issued by the Black Star Line to Adolphus Graham[,] 712 Herkimer Street Brooklyn N.Y. for $330.00 (three hundred and thirty dollars); $230.00 (two hundred and thirty dollars) of this amount was for fare from New York to Monrovia[,] Liberia; $100.00 (one hundred dollars) was deposited for safe keeping. This receipt bore the date December 6, 1921. You can see by this that Garvey is still selling fare to Liberia, when there is no chance for him to live up to his end of the agreement. Money is very scarce with Garvey and his organization at present and he is trying to raise money any way that he can. I will be in Washington Sunday and will report to your offic[e] at 4:00 P.M. as per instructions. Respectfully, "800"

DJ-FBI, file

61-826-X21.

TLS, recipient's copy.

Statement by Marcus Garvey1 [Negro World, 31 December 1921] R E V O L U T I O N A R Y P A R T Y F O R M E D TO C R E A T E N E W

GOVERNMENT

"Bolsheviki, Bolsheviki, Bolsheviki, bang! We belong to the international gang! Are we Bolsheviki? We should smile! We're for revolution all the while." As has been stated in this paper before as a warning to self-respecting and patriotic Negroes, a subtle attempt is being made to deliver the unsuspecting of our race—soul, body and baggage over to the revolutionary gang of alien races for them to further exploit us to serve their own ends in starting revolutions in different white countries, and then to throw us off as usual as an inferior race. The plans of these malcontents are skillfully laid and they are now using their money to finance several lazy and treacherous Negroes to have them form new Negro organizations and start newspapers and magazines to foster the cause of the contemplated revolution among Negroes. This paper again takes the opportunity of warning the members of the Universal Negro Improvement Association and all self-respecting and loyal 316

D E C E M B E R 1921

Negroes from associating themselves with such movements or supporting such papers. MARCUS

GARVEY

Managing Editor Printed in NW, 31 December 1921. Original headlines abbreviated. 1. Garvey's statement was accompanied by a reprint of the news article, captioned " R e d Party B o r n to Turn U . S . into Soviet Republic," which was published in the New York World on 25 December 1921. It reported the opening of the first convention of the Workers' party of America in N e w York on the previous day, and the article disclosed that the report of the committee on credentials had classed the "African Blood Brothers" as being among "the ingredients o f revolutionaries in this country interested in the same ends [that of a revolutionary political party] but hitherto divided on method."

Statement by UNIA [New York, ca. December 1921]1 THINGS YOU OUGHT T o

KNOW

1. The Universal Negro Improvement Association was and is organized to serve the Negro Race and has no other purpose. 2. Because of the selfishness existing among the more prosperous and educated Negroes it was hard to get the right kind of people to start and help the movement. Everybody wanted money for his or her services. Nobody was willing to work free to start the organization. 3. Marcus Garvey risked his future, his money, his reputation, his all to start the organization when all other educated Negroes called him a fool for so doing. 4. When certa[i]n people of color were afraid to be called Negroes and to mention the name Africa as related to them, Marcus Garvey stepped out in public, spoke for Africa, wrote for Africa, and made his attempt to dignify the term Negro. Men of the race laughed at him, they wrote and said unkind things of him. 5. He founded the "Negro World"; the so-called educated people of the race spurned it. They did not like the term N E G R O . Marcus Garvey was determined to dignify it. They would not buy the paper so as to crush it. Garvey had a hard time to keep his ideals before the world. He spent all he had in organizing the movement. Several of the poor people of the race came to his rescue and donated about one thousand dollars to finance the Negro World[.] Garvey could not pay an Editor, he edited, managed and distributed the paper himself. 6. It was all money, money, money, no one would help excepting "so much" in cash was immediately forthcoming. Garvey wrote his copy, took it 317

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to the printers, gave his confidence to the printers that the bill would be paid. The printers printed the paper. Garvey went for it, and took the bundles himself, he sold the papers and paid the bills for the Universal Negro Improvement Association. 7. Through Garvey's vigorous writings and messages, the Negro World found a way into the hearts of all true and patriotic Negroes. The Universal Negro Improvement Association thereby took a sudden jump upward. 8. Garvey took it that all Negroes were honest to themselves in race; he took it that all Negroes felt as he did. He contracted the debts on his own account, and he, week after week, printed fifty thousand copies of the Negro World and sent them to Agents all over the world. 9. The Agents robbed the paper of about $75,000.00. They sold the copies at inflated prices and never sent in the money. Individual Agents who have since become the enemies of Garvey, the Universal Negro Improvement Association and the Negro World, owe the paper amounts ranging each from $500 to $1,500. 10. Through the dishonesty of the Agents, Garvey had to work twice as hard as the ordinary editor to prepare the paper and have it printed. Nevertheless the Association gained in membership and support through the universal circulation of the Negro World. 11. The time came when regularly employed help had to be gotten. Several men were employed and it was no longer Garvey alone. Several of the men who came were offered positions by Garvey so as to help them and to give them the opportunity to work in the interest of their race. They were offered living wages and given every chance to make good. Garvey had to over-work himself to gather the money to pay these men, himself going without any salary, scarcely being able to find food for himself. The public started to observe the growth of the Association. The ever suspicious of the race cried out, "Garvey is a thief, Garvey escaped from his country, Garvey is wanted by the police of his native land, Garvey can't go back to his country, Garvey won't allow any one else to handle the money, Garvey is fooling the people," and thousands of other unkind and uncharitable epithets were hurled at him for trying to do good, even though he never spent a minute in jail for a crime; even though he is respected in his country by all who knew him. 12. A "Slick" class of Negroes accused Garvey of suppressing the intelligence of the race by not giving the "so-called educated," more responsible positions in the organization, even though Garvey invited everybody to join at the start; but the "so-called educated," remained out and away until it looked profitable to get in. 13. Garvey let into the organization everybody, and several of the "so-called educated" and "slick" came in. They were placed in positions of

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trust and responsibility, and what has happened? They have robbed, tried to rob, and made efforts to steal the name of the organization. Some are on the streets. Some are and were in jail. Some have started new organizations. Others are trying to malign the movement that made them known, and so on we go. 14. Through the dishonesty of some of the "so-called educated," Garvey has had to suffer many reverses. Business transactions and financial arrangements which Garvey was too busy to attend to himself and left to others, opened the door for several of these "so-called educated" (whom he trusted to represent him) to rob and cheat the organization, and thus make it harder for Garvey to protect and represent the interest of the people. 15. As often as found out the "so-called educated" tramps and vill[ai]ns have been kicked out of the organization. Several of them have formed new organizations, started newspapers and journals. And some of the organizations, newspapers and journals, after collecting a few thousand dollars from the poor, innocent people, have gone out of existence; but the vill[ai]ns still hover around, connecting themselves to other papers and organizations that keep up a fight against the Universal Negro Improvement Association and Garvey. 16. Observe carefully the composition of any anti-Garvey Organization or paper, and you will find there a congregation of dismissed, disgraced and so-called resigned employees of either the Universal Negro Improvement Association, Negro World or Black Star Line Corporation. All birds of a feather flock together. All vill[ai]ns keep together. 17. All honest and self-respecting employees and officials of the Universal Negro Improvement Association who started with the movement, who joined and were afterwards elected to office, are still with the organization. All the crooked men as found out have had to go. 18. Some joined the Association to get popularity by their connection, and when they found that they could not remain in and exploit the Association for their own personal purposes, have had to go. Things were made too hot for them. They had to go and swell the number of disappointed. A

SUGGESTION

Put under examination the men who are now fighting the Universal Negro Improvement Association, and you will find:— A man now discredited by all well informed religious bodies. A man who plays with God as if He were a plaything. A man who would take a dime from a dying man in the name of God. A man who at one time, was a Methodist, at another time an Episcopalian, another time, a Free Anglican, and then a Greek Catholic, all for the convenience of exploiting the innocent and nonsuspecting Negro. A man who served a prison term in Panama and was extradited from his country. 319

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A man, who, in the absence of his friend, who asked him to protect his grocery store, got a hand cart and removed to his home, several articles from the shelves of the front space, and then filled up the space with articles from the back space. The goods were subsequently recovered, but only the pleadings of mutual friends saved the man from a prison term. A man who constantly collects money from the public to start a magazine or paper and then owns personally with his wife the magazine or paper afterwards, without giving the public a statement of what has become of the money. A man who has robbed several poor people and many organizations. A man who has illegally taken two thousand dollars in the name of the Black Star Line and who may be apprehended at any minute, as soon as certain legal technicalities are settled. A man who said that he is a leader of the race for a living. A man who has entered into a secret understanding with certain enemies of the Negro race to scatter all kinds of damaging statements about the Universal Negro Improvement Association, so that the Negro people will not support it. Then set up some other organization to win their support over which the enemies will preside. Thus defeating the cause of an independent Negro race and a free Africa. A rabid Socialist who doesn't believe in Negroes or any race having businesses of their own, but that the State should own everything. A man who wants all Negroes to become anarchists and smash up all governments. A newspaperman who tried to rob the Black Star Line of $600. but could not get away with it, and now turns against the organization. A man so lazy and dishonest that he would accept a position and draw a salary without working for it. A man who has robbed the poor people of the neighborhood by taking their money under the guise of protecting them. A man who, in Liberia[,] got another man on his confidence to sign a blank check for him for a stated amount and then in the immediate absence of the man fills it in for a larger amount. This man was subsequently discredited and no one who knows would trust him afterwards, hence his non-connection with the organization. Such are some of the "Great Leaders" who are fighting against the Universal Negro Improvement Association and Marcus Garvey. If race leadership must be bought at such a price then you can make your selection.

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CAUSE

The spirit of Marcus Garvey and the Universal Negro Improvement Association is not to lead for money, and what can be gotten, but for the good that can be done. What Garvey has done before, he will do again for the good of the race. Garvey laid the foundation for the " A F R I C A N C A U S E " and the true emancipation of the race. A few scheming Negroes are now trying to capitalize the Cause for profit. They lead for a living. Marcus Garvey is not looking for position. He is not looking for a living. He has a profession which he studied thoroughly before he started his sacrifice for the race. How many of those who oppose Garvey have professions on which they can rely for a living? Marcus Garvey would be glad if some real honest leader would spring up from the people to relieve him of some or all of the burden of handling such thieving and dishonest Negroes as have been put out of the organization, and as may appear from time to time. Marcus Garvey will be glad to welcome some more real leaders to relieve him of some of his duties, so that he could take a vacation after working for the race night and day for seven years, without any diversion or rest. Marcus Garvey would be glad to pass over his position and the salary he now gets to any honest leader who would lead the poor people and doesn't try to get rich at their expense. Marcus Garvey is personally poorer now than when he started the Universal Negro Improvement Association, the Black Star Line, the Negro World, etc. Millions of dollars have passed through the organizations over which he exercises control, but he has no automobiles, he has no mansions, he has no big bank account. For 75 per cent of what he has earned is invested in the Universal Negro Improvement Association, the Black Star Line and other Negro enterprises for the good of the race. MARCUS GARVEY WORKED FOR NOTHING

Marcus Garvey worked for the Universal Negro Improvement Association for five long years, before he was ever given a penny by the Association. He was just two years ago voted a salary of S50 per week for the Presidency of the Black Star Line, afterwards, for a few months, he received $100 per week for the same position. Receiving no other salary. After the dishonest people and the crooks had done so much harm to the Black Star Line, Marcus Garvey refused to draw any salary, trying his best to help the great cause. He worked several months without salary once again, until the convention of 1920, when he was voted a salary as President-General of the Universal Negro Improvement Association. He split the salary in half and got paid for about nine months. The major portion o[f ] the salary he drew was re-invested in the Black Star Line and the U.N.I.A., for the good of our Cause.

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Marcus Garvey has worked for nothing to serve the Negro race. He will at all times work for the Negro race irrespective of salary or personal gain. If there should ever come the time again where the race could not afford to pay its leaders for services, then Marcus Garvey shall be ready, even as he is now, to give his all, his money, his ability, his life for the Cause of Liber[t]y. So no one hurts Marcus Garvey by siding with and supporting his enemies, they hurt themselves. For Garvey is not working for himself as his enemies do, he is working for the cause of the people. Ask the "so-called leaders" to do what Garvey has done, and see how many o f them will be Negroes for a week. Members o f the Negro Race, watch your pocketbooks for those who are making after it under the guise of race leadership. They call Garvey a Dictator. They call him "The Big I Am," but if Garvey hadn't kicked some out, jailed some, driven some out, accepted the resignations of others, ignored some, there would have been no real Negro Organization today. L O N G L I V E T H E UNIVERSAL N E G R O IMPROVEMENT ASSOCIATION LONG LIVE T H E NEGRO RACE

NN-Sc, Marcus Garvey vertical file. PD. i. It has been impossible to establish an exact date for this document. It has been placed at the end of the documents for 1921, since contextual evidence suggests it was written after Garvey's break with Bishop McGuire (25 October 1921) and before Garvey's indictment in February 1922.

Speech by Marcus Garvey [[Liberty Hall, 1 January 1922]] M R . GARVEY'S S P E E C H

"We celebrate throughout the nation today the anniversary of the signing o f the Emancipation Proclamation by Abraham Lincoln. We think it a fitting time to consider some of the outrages perpetrated upon us in this country, and, at least, to raise a voice of protest, so that the nation at large may know, may realize that we are grieved. T H E DYER ANTI-LYNCHING BILL1

"Lynching has been an institution most barbarous, most outrageous, instituted since our emancipation, and those who were born in this country will realize that more and more lynching has become a habit, a custom that is spreading itself. Attempts have been made, and are being made, to bring

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Marcus Garvey has worked for nothing to serve the Negro race. He will at all times work for the Negro race irrespective of salary or personal gain. If there should ever come the time again where the race could not afford to pay its leaders for services, then Marcus Garvey shall be ready, even as he is now, to give his all, his money, his ability, his life for the Cause of Liber[t]y. So no one hurts Marcus Garvey by siding with and supporting his enemies, they hurt themselves. For Garvey is not working for himself as his enemies do, he is working for the cause of the people. Ask the "so-called leaders" to do what Garvey has done, and see how many o f them will be Negroes for a week. Members o f the Negro Race, watch your pocketbooks for those who are making after it under the guise of race leadership. They call Garvey a Dictator. They call him "The Big I Am," but if Garvey hadn't kicked some out, jailed some, driven some out, accepted the resignations of others, ignored some, there would have been no real Negro Organization today. L O N G L I V E T H E UNIVERSAL N E G R O IMPROVEMENT ASSOCIATION LONG LIVE T H E NEGRO RACE

NN-Sc, Marcus Garvey vertical file. PD. i. It has been impossible to establish an exact date for this document. It has been placed at the end of the documents for 1921, since contextual evidence suggests it was written after Garvey's break with Bishop McGuire (25 October 1921) and before Garvey's indictment in February 1922.

Speech by Marcus Garvey [[Liberty Hall, 1 January 1922]] M R . GARVEY'S S P E E C H

"We celebrate throughout the nation today the anniversary of the signing o f the Emancipation Proclamation by Abraham Lincoln. We think it a fitting time to consider some of the outrages perpetrated upon us in this country, and, at least, to raise a voice of protest, so that the nation at large may know, may realize that we are grieved. T H E DYER ANTI-LYNCHING BILL1

"Lynching has been an institution most barbarous, most outrageous, instituted since our emancipation, and those who were born in this country will realize that more and more lynching has become a habit, a custom that is spreading itself. Attempts have been made, and are being made, to bring

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about legislation, whereby, through the majesty of the law, the nation will be able to put down this barbarous institution. " A few days ago, or rather a couple of weeks ago, Representative Dyer introduced into Congress an anti-lynching bill. His desire is to have that bill passed in Congress, so as to make it a Federal crime to lynch any individual, and to make or impose a penalty on the county of the State in which the lynching is done. Thus he hopes, and the Negro peoples of this country also hope, that lynching will be abolished. T E L E G R A M TO C O N G R E S S

"The matter has not yet come in its entirety before the Congress, and from what we have heard, from what we have read, attempts are being made to prevent the passing of this bill; to prevent it from becoming a law, so that lynching can continue with impunity to those indulging in such a heinous practice. And now that we are assembled in this serious conclave to celebrate the emancipation of our race, we think it but fitting to send a telegram to the Speaker of the House of Representatives and to the members of the Congress, expressing to them our feeling in the matter and our attitude on it. I, therefore, hold in my hand a telegram which I will read as chairman of this meeting, and which will be dealt with accordingly after it has been read ["] M R . GARVEY RESUMES H I S SPEECH

U p o n resuming his speech, Mr. Garvey said: 2 "Fifty-nine years ago Abraham Lincoln signed the Emancipation Proclamation declaring 4 , 0 0 0 , 0 0 0 Negroes in this country free men. Several years prior to that, Queen Victoria of England signed the Emancipation Proclamation that set at liberty hundreds of thousands of West Indian Negro slaves. West Indian Negroes celebrate their emancipation on the 1st of August of every year; the American Negro celebrates3 his emancipation on the 1st of January of every year. Tonight we are here to celebrate the emancipation of the slaves in this country. T H E H O P E OF N E G R O SLAVES FOR T H E I R POSTERITY

"Assembled as we are here,4 we are the descendants of the men and women who suffered in this country for two hundred and fifty years under that barbarous, that brutal institution known as slavery. You who have not lost trace of your history will recall the fact that over three hundred years ago your for[e] bears were taken from the great Continent of Africa, and brought here for the purpose of using them as slaves. Without mercy, without any sympathy, they worked our for[e]bears. They suffered, they bled, they died. But with their sufferings, with their blood which they shed, in the death they died, 5 they had a hope that one day their posterity would be free; and we are assembled here tonight as the children of their hope. 323

T H E MARCUS GARVEY AND U N I A PAPERS N E G R O O F T O D A Y H A S A D U T Y TO P E R F O R M

"I trust each and everyone of you, therefore, will realize that you have a duty that is incumbent upon you; a duty that you must perform, because our for[e]bears who suffered, who bled, who died, had hopes that are not yet completely realized. They hoped that we would be free as their children, 6 but they also hoped that the country from whence they came would also be free to their children, their grandchildren, their great grandchildren at some future time; and it is for the freedom of that country, that motherland of ours, that four and a half million Negroes as members of the Universal Negro Improvement Association are laboring today. (Applause.) N E G R O B L O O D P R O U D E S T B L O O D OF T H E N A T I O N S

"[There are some of us who do not like the strain of African blood that courses through our veins. But, men and women, let me tell you it is the proudest blood of the nations. (Applause.) It is the proudest blood of the races. Your race, my race, was once the grandest of the great races of the world. They know it; they knew it long ago, but they were afraid to acknowledge it. But recently—whether it was a mistake or not—they themselves acknowledged that this race of ours was once the greatest race in the world; that] 7 this race of ours gave civilization, gave art, gave science, gave literature to the world. But it has been the way with races and nations: the one race stands out prominently in the one century or in the one age; and in another century, or in another age, it passes off the stage of action, and another race takes its place. So that the Negro once occupied a high position in the world, scientifically, artistically and commercially; but in the great scale of evolution 8 we lost our place and someone other than ourselves occupied the stand we once held. [And it will appear that some evolution is taking us back from whence we came. (Applause.) For the world in which we live is hard; is gone crazy with itself; man has lost his senses, and the only man who is still sober in mind and in intellect, apparently, is the Negro. (Applause.) The other races are so crazy, they are so mad, that they have even gone to the extreme of adopting prohibition to save themselves. (Laughter.) But the Negro was sober-minded long before prohibition became the fashion, for he had a duty to fulfill, a job to accomplish; and because of that, Providence itself, Nature itself, has kept the Negro sober, and that evolution is carrying us back to destiny. N o N E E D TO L O S E H O P E

"So that I don't want you to lose hope one bit. All of us did not pass through the rigors of slavery, but I am one Negro who is very, very sorry that he was not born in slavery days (laughter), because if ever there was one Negro who would have made some trouble and made things hot for somebody during those days, I am he. (Laughter.) But I suppose Providence had 324

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its own time for the birth of each and every one of us, and, fortunately or unfortunately, I was born to this age. But though I was born to this world at a period later than my father, than my grandfather, than my forebears who passed through the rigors of slavery, I have studied their past; I have studied the race's history, and I can well appreciate the sufferings they underwent; I can well appreciate the hardships they endured in those days of slavery for more than two hundred and fifty years in these United States and for two hundred and thirty years in the West Indies. A N A P O S T R O P H E TO O U R S L A V E A N C E S T O R S

"Father, mother, grandfather, grandmother, wheresoever thou art tonight, be you beside the Blessed Redeemer in Heaven, be you in Paradise, be you in Purgatory, I remember your sufferings! And since I am your son, since I am blood of your blood and flesh of your flesh, I shall never forget! Ah! well do we know the terrible retribution that will be visited upon the souls of those who despoiled you, who robbed you of your labor, who beat you with the lash, who tortured you with a barbarity, a cruelty unspeakable, worse than that anywhere recorded in history; that the sins of the fathers are visited upon the children. Not because you sinned were you taken into slavery; it was those who enslaved you who sinned, for] 9 God never intended that man should enslave man, 10 and the price for such a sin, for such a violation of heaven's law, must be paid by every one. As for me, because of the blessed past, because of the history that I know, so long as there is within me the breath of life and the spirit of God, I shall struggle 11 and urge others of our race to struggle, to see that justice is done to the black people of the world. (Great applause.) Yes; we appreciate the sorrows of the past, and we are going to work in the present that the sorrows of our generation shall not be perpetuated in the future; on the contrary, we shall strive that, by our labor, succeeding generations of our own shall call us blessed, even as we call the generation of the past blessed today. And they, indeed, were blessed; they were blessed with a patience not yet known to man; a patience that enabled them to endure the tortures and the sufferings of slavery for two hundred and fifty years. Why? Was it because they loved slavery so? No; it was because they loved this generation more—[this present generation the more. O U R F O R E F A T H E R S ' L O V E FOR U S

" L o o k at the love our forefathers bore for us; look at the love our mothers in the past three centuries manifested for us—that they should have tolerated, endured slavery these two hundred and fifty years in order that we might be what we are!] 12 Isn't it wonderful, transcendent? What, then, are you going to do to show your appreciation of this love; what gratitude are you going to manifest in return for what they have done for you? As for me, knowing the sufferings of my forefathers, I shall give back to Africa that liberty that she once enjoyed 300 years ago, before her own sons and 32S

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daughters were taken from her shores and brought in chains to this western world. (Applause.) No better gift can I give in honor o f the memory o f the love o f my foreparents for me and in gratitude for the sufferings they endured that I might be free; no grander gift can I bear to the sacred memory o f the generations past than a free and a redeemed Africa (applause), a monument for all eternity, a monument for all time. " [ A n d so tonight, as we celebrate this anniversary o f our emancipation we do not do it with regret—no, not with regret. On the contrary, we do it with an abiding hope; we do it with an abiding confidence; we do it with an abiding faith in ourselves and in our God; and the faith that we have is the faith that will ultimately take us back to that ancient place, that ancient position, that we once occupied, when Ethiopia was in her glory. Glorious Ethiopia! Her star is still shining. Yes; the stars are twinkling; they are beckoning to us to come, and we are coming. Yes; we have started on the journey, through the instrumentality o f the Universal Negro Improvement Association, and we shall continue; we shall continue on until the sun shall never set on the glories o f Ethiopia! (Applause.) MUST NOT LOSE H O P E

"And so, men and women, having traveled this distance for three hundred years, let us not lose hope; let us not lose confidence in God nor ourselves. The job can be done again. We did it once; we must do it again! (Great applause.) We once surprised the world; we once made the world our footstool. Knowing the hard experiences o f the past, the sufferings o f man, the feelings o f man, we shall not again seek to make the world our footstool; but, by knowing more o f the spirit o f humanity, knowing more o f the great spirit o f God, we shall treat all men with mercy, shall give all men the way o f liberty. But it would seem that it is left to us to perform that duty, and to no other race.] 1 3 As by the action o f the world, as by the conduct o f all the races and nations, it is apparent that not one o f them has the sense o f justice, the sense o f love, the sense o f equity, the sense o f charity, that would make men happy and make God satisfied. It is apparent that it is left to the Negro to play such a part in human affairs—for when we look to the Anglo-Saxon we see him full o f greed, full o f avarice, with no mercy, no love, no charity. 14 We go from the white man to the yellow man, and we see the same unenviable characteristics in the Japanese. Therefore, we must believe that the psalmist had great hopes o f this race o f ours; [that he really had some grand idea in his mind] 1 5 when he prophesied that 'princes shall come out o f Egypt,' that 'Ethiopia shall again stretch forth her hand to God.' T H A T R A C E FAVORED BY G O D T H A T PROTECTS H U M A N I T Y

" I f humanity is regarded as made up o f the children o f God, and God loves all humanity—we all know that—then God will be more pleased with that race that protects all humanity than with that race that outrages all

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humanity. 1 6 [(Applause.) Up to now, we have found no race in power that has held out a helping hand and protection to all humanity, and it is apparent that that position is left for the new Ethiopia. Let us, therefore, continue our journey, men. I believe when we reach the goal we shall reign forever, because we shall be the elect of God. He must have had His purpose when He took us through the rigors of slavery for more than two hundred and fifty years; when from a few millions we multiplied into the many millions that we are today. Even with the lynchings and the burnings, even with injustices here and there, we still multiply. There must be some wonderful reason; there must be some wonderful purpose of God in bringing us through all we had to endure in the past three hundred years, down to the present, and I attribute it to that prophecy of God that His children shall one day stretch forth their hands again unto Him.] 17 B E OF G O O D

CHEER

"So tonight, in these few words I have spoken to you, as we celebrate the anniversary of our emancipation in this country, 1 8 1 again say to you, be of good cheer; lose no faith; lose no hope; lose no confidence in yourselves. On the contrary, put your trust and your faith in God, for the star of Ethiopia is still shining! I thank you." (Loud and long applause.) . . . P r i n t e d in N W , 1 4 January 1922. Original headlines omitted; reprinted in P&O 79-82.

1:

r. The Dyer antilynching bill called for a $5,000 fine and/or a maximum of five years in prison for a state or local official who failed "to make all reasonable efforts to prevent persons from being put to death" or "failed, neglected or refused to make all reasonable efforts in apprehending or prosecuting any person participating in a mob or riotous assemblage." Persons who participated in a lynching would be subject to life imprisonment, and the county in which the lynching occurred would be subject to a forfeit of $10,000 by the federal government, with the money to be turned over to the relatives of the victim. The bill defined a lynch mob as any group of five persons or more whose purpose was to take a human life unlawfully (NTT, 5 March 1922). On 26 January 1922 the U.S. House of Representatives passed the Dyer bill by a vote of 230 to 119, with all but 17 Republicans voting for the bill and all but 8 Democrats voting against it. When the bill reached the Senate, however, many of the Republican legislators were apathetic while southern Democrats voiced strong opposition. Finally, a filibuster by southern senators threatened to end all business for the legislative session. On 2 December 1922 the Republican caucus voted to drop the bill, and it was allowed to die at the end of that congressional session (NTT, 3 December 1922). In a speech Garvey made in Pittsburgh on 15 December 1922, he reportedly claimed that it was "idiotic for anyone to suppose that white men would pass a bill against other white men in defense of the negro" ( D J - F B I , 16 December 1922; Robert Zangrando, The NAACP Crusade Against Lynching, 1909T9S0 [Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1980], pp. 51-71). 2. This portion of the speech was reprinted in Amy Jacques Garvey, ed., The Philosophy and Opinions of Marcus Garvey (1923; reprint ed., New York: Atheneum, 1969; hereafter cited as P&O) with the title "Speech Delivered on Emancipation Day at Liberty Hall, New York City, N . Y . , U . S . A . " While minor changes in punctuation and spelling have not been noted, significant textual variations have been indicated. 3. In P&O this reads, "The American Negroes celebrate." 4. This phrase was omitted from the version printed in P&O. 5. In P&O this reads, "their blood, which they shed in their death." 6. In P&O this phrase reads, "They hoped that we as their children would be free." 7. The material printed in square brackets was omitted from the version printed in P&O.

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T H E MARCUS GARVEY AND U N I A PAPERS 8. In P&O this reads, "but in the balancing of the great scale of evolution." 9. The material printed in square brackets was omitted from the version printed in P&O. 10. In P&O this reads, "should enslave his fellow." n . Garvey uses the phrase "struggle o n " in P&O. 12. The material printed in square brackets was omitted from the version printed in P&O. 13. The material printed in square brackets was omitted from the version printed in P&O. 14. In P&O this phrase reads, "we see him full of greed, avarice, no mercy, no love, no charity." 15. The material printed in square brackets was omitted from the version printed in P&O. 16. In P&O this reads, "the race that outrages the children of G o d . " 17. The material printed in square brackets was omitted from the version printed in P&O. 18. In P&O the remainder of the final paragraph reads: "We do it not with regret, on the contrary we do it with an abiding confidence, a hope and faith in ourselves and in our God. A n d the faith that we have is a faith that will ultimately take us back to that ancient place, that ancient position that we once occupied, when Ethiopia was in her glory."

UNIA Petition to the Speaker and Congress of the United States [New York, 2 January 1922] Honorable Gentlemen: We, the elected representatives of the 15,000,000 Negroes of the United States of America and of the 400,000,000 Negroes of the world, greet you with the spirit of good will in this New Year of 1922. We are today celebrating the anniversary of the emancipation of our race in the United States, and it has come to us that there is an organized opposition to be carried to your honorable House against the passage by you of the Dyer Anti-Lynching bill[. Y]ou are to make an honest effort to put an end to the practice of the inhuman crime of lynching, as practised by the unthinking mob upon the black race in America, and especially in the Southern States. The framer of the bill appears to us as a far-seeing, patriotic fellowcitizen and statesman, who desires to save civilization and humanity from the perpetuation of those crimes of revenge and retaliation that races practice upon each other as they rise from one degree of progress to the other. Rome, in her imperial day, practised certain barbarities upon the ancient Britons (the Anglo-Saxons and Anglo-Americans of today), and these very people who have suffered in the past are now practising similar outrages (including burning and lynching) upon the African race, at home and abroad, thus proving that humanity takes revenging crime from one age to the next, according to the growth and development of the race so afflicted. The perpetuation of crime through revenge and retaliation will not save the human race. The Dyer bill seeks, in this age of speedy racial accomplishments, on the part of all peoples, to put an end to the evil, so that future generations may not suffer for the crimes of their forebears, as practised upon another race.

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Honorable Gentlemen, it is for us to inform you that Africa is rising. The new Negro does not harbor or encourage revenge of any kind, for he loves all humanity; but the Negro, being a human being, feels and suffers from the infliction o f injustice like any other person. Our race once had a noble past, and we shall, even by Divine prophecy, return to our own, hence we pray that all humanity will realize that there can be no permanent crushing out of the hopes of a mighty people, and no eternal destruction o f their manhood. We pray that your Congress pass the Anti-Lynching bill, so that from now and henceforth, all men of all races will live at peace with each other, whether we live in America, Europe, Asia or Africa. Let the new year be one of justice to all mankind, so that there will be no cause for organized dissatisfaction. We look to the Congress of the United States for protection in life and property. We were brought here against our will. We have served and are serving the country faithfully and well. We ask only for justice, and we feel that your Honorable Congress will grant it to us. M o b violence and injustice have never helped a race or nation and because o f this knowledge as gathered from the events of ages, we, as a people, in this new age, desire to love all mankind, not in the social sense, but in keeping with the Divine Injunction, ["]Man, love thy brother.["] Long may America live in the practice o f justice to all peoples; and we, on this day o f our emancipation anniversary, cheer the Honorable Congress in the anticipation that justice will be done to us as a people, by the passage o f the Dyer Anti-Lynching bill. With the season's best wishes, we are, Your obedient servants, J. W. H. EASON, Elected Leader o f the American Negroes WM. H. FERRIS, Assistant President-General R O B E R T L I N C O L N P O S T O N , Second Assistant Secretary-General M A R C U S G A R V E Y , First Provisional President of Africa1 U N I V E R S A L N E G R O I M P R O V E M E N T ASSOCIATION Printed in NW,

7 January 1922. Original headlines omitted.

1. A search of the House and Senate records has revealed no record of this petition from the U N I A in favor of the Dyer antilynching bill, indicating that it was not received by the Congress ( D N A , RG 46 [Records of the U.S. Senate]; RG 233 [Records of the U.S. House of Representatives ]).

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J. Harry Philbin to the Treasurer, United States Shipping Board [Washington, D.C.] January 5, 1922 There is transmitted herewith certified check No. 7585, drawn on the New York Trust Company, New York, for $10,000.00, dated August 30, 1921, and signed by Joseph P. Nolan, delivered to this office on December 22 by Mr. E. H. Duff, representing the purchaser, the Black Star Line, Inc. Please hold this check in escrow until further advice from this Department. The Legal Division is now engaged in drawing up appropriate legal documents upon the completion and acceptance of which, final details for the closing of the sale will be arranged. Will you kindly acknowledge receipt on the attached duplicate, J. H A R R Y

PHILBIN

Manager Department of Ship Sales D N A , R G 32, file 605-1-653. T L , recipient's copy.

Confidential Informant 800 to George F. Ruch New York, Jan. 7, 192[2] Sir: I will report that finance is very low with Garvey at present, we did not go to press until Thursday when Monday is our regular day because the printer refused to go to press until he had received a payment on the last week['s] bill. At the present time Garvey owes the printer $4,400 (four four hundred dollars) for work. None of the employees have been paid for two weeks, some have quit and others are talking of doing likewise. Garvey has not been to the office today and I would advise that some check be kept on his movements as I don't put it above him to skip out if he sees that the organization is about to go up and it surely is not far from that. Some of his best agents out in the field that have always made their expenses have been compelled to send to the office for funds in the past week, which shows that things are not only going bad here in New York but elsewhere. I saw a communication on h[is] desk this morning saying that i[t] was necessary for him to put up an additional $100,000 (one hundred thousand dollars) with the shipping board before he can get the ship that he has been negotiating for. Garvey knows that he can't raise this money as he has raised all the money from this source that is possible, and if he doesn't raise this money by a certain time I think the contract is so worded that he forfeits the $22,500 (twenty two thousand five hundred dollars) that he now has on deposit. This

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deposit was supposefd] to be $25,000 (twenty five thousand dollars) but the letter only spoke of $22,500 (twenty two thousand five hundred dollars) on deposit. It seems that this fund has shrunk so[me], Garvey"s hopes have been on getting this ship and it seems that he has lost out on the transaction. Then again, some how, some one has found out that the gover[n]ment has been checking up on him and have told him so which has worried him a great deal. Edgar Grey told me that he had been to Washington about Garvey and before the month was up Garvey would be in jail. This information has been carried to Garvey and as a result Garvey is expecting something to happen. I was told that Garcia was seen leaving the office one night last week after midnight with a bundle of papers under his arm. The party that told me said that Garcia was fixing things so that when the authorities came in they wouldn't find anything on him. I think that Garcia has gotten as much if not more than Garvey has out of the association; I mean financially. So, in consideration of all things I think that Garvey ought to be watched. Men better known than Garvey have gotten away from the country. It seems that local authorities are checking up on Garvey as I know that Hubert Harrison has been to see one of the Assistant District Attorneys by name of Thomas (a negro) 1 in reference to Garvey. I learned today from Garvey's secretary that he is plan[n]ing a trip through the West to start the latter part of this month that will keep him away for about three months. In preparation for this trip he has brought into the office a man by the name of Burke, who is to take charge of the office during his absence. This man Burke is from Washington and knows me but after some talk with him I made him believe that it was my brother that he knew. Whether this is a ruse for Garvey to get away from [the] city and get a start on every one I am unable to say. N o w sir, in regards to Garcia's report; this report was given to me by Crichlow as Briggs would not use it as he said that it would do him more harm that it would do Garvey [i]n that his organization has this "Africa for the Africans" idea, hence he would not publish it. I, in turn[,] gave this report to Garvey making him believe that Crichlow had stolen it from Briggs' files for me and that I had turned it over to him. Of course this only makes me stand in good with Garvey. Garvey was very much pleased over the fact that this report wasn't published, and there is no need for any one telling Garvey anything about me, because he wouldn't believe it. Garvey was at a loss to know how this report ever got out as he told me that his secretary had never seen it. The report got out this way: when Garcia came back from Liberia he let Hubert Harrison see it and while in his possession he made a copy, Crichlow got a copy from Harrison. Let me say here that when Garvey is taken to court be sure and have Harrison as a witness as he has kept on file all of Garvey's speeches and has made notes on those parts of his speeches that could be used against Garvey in court. Harrison has written articles for the paper[,] in fact does so at the present time[,] but he has never had any use for Garvey. He said to me the other day that he hoped that he would get a

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chance to go to court and testify against Garvey when they got him, as he had been keeping data on Garvey ever since he started his organization. Attorney Mat[t]hews[,] who was known as Assistant Counsel General[,] has left Garvey and Attorney Smith[,] who was known as Counsel General[,] has gone on a vacation and I heard today that Smith was not going to return. I think it is a case of the "rats leaving the ship[.]" Respectfully, "800"

DJ-FBI, file 61-826-X23. TLS, recipient's copy. 1. Probably a reference to James C. Thomas (b. 1899), a black attorney who served as an assistant to the U.S. District Attorney for the Southern District of New York from July 1921 until March 1926 (WWCA).

Report by Special Agent J. G. Tucker [New York]

JANUARY 7, 1 9 2 ( 2 ]

BLACK STAR L I N E

It is understood from a confidential source that MARCUS GARVEY is much concerned over a possible investigation by the Federal authorities regarding his use of the mails in furtherance of his various schemes. He is said also to have recently transferred a considerable sum of money[,] which he had on deposit in the Royal Bank of Canada at Montreal, to the Jamaica, W. I.[,] Branch of the same bank. It is not known, however, whether the funds are those of the Black Star Line or the U.N.I.A. He is said to be having considerable trouble in trying to bolster up the finances of both organizations. J. G . TUCKER D J - F B I , file 61. T D .

Speech by Marcus Garvey [[NEW YORK, J a n . 8, 1 9 2 2 ] ]

. . . M y subject for tonight is: "The Burden of a Weak Race." Coming down the ages, we have had it, on good authority, and we have seen it ourselves, that the weak have always borne the burden of the day in the interest of the strong. It was so during the Roman period, the Roman age, when R [ o m ] e ruled the world. The weaker races, peoples and nations were conquered by the Roman might, and reduced to slavery. They were forced, against their will, to labor in the interests of Rome. We had a similar 332

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experience during the time of Napoleon, when France ruled the world; the weaker nations, the weaker races, worked and paid tribute to the power of France. We have it now, in the Anglo-Saxon-Celtic age; the strong nations, the strong races oppress the weaker ones, force them to labor in their interests, and show them no mercy. T H E O P P R E S S E D IN T U R N I M I T A T E T H E I R M A S T E R S

Coming down the same period of time, the people who suffered saw the disadvantages that caused them to be reduced to serfdom, to slavery, and they determined that they would inculcate among themselves the intelligence of their oppressors, the intelligence of their masters. Hence the Britons, who were oppressed by the Romans, took on the intelligence of the Romans, and became themselves, in their age, even stronger than the Romans were. Those who have suffered from the Anglo-Saxon-Celtic races within the last century have now taken on the intelligence of their oppressors, the intelligence of their masters; such people as the Hindus, the Egyptians, the Irish, and what are they doing? They are now determined that they shall utilize the intelligence that they have gained, which is similar to that of their masters to keep themselves, not slaves, but to become themselves masters. S U C C E S S OF T H E I R I S H P E O P L E

The Irish have succeeded, first among the trio of Egypt, India and Ireland, in winning a place of mastery among the [n]ations and races of the world. Some [t]ime last night the Irish Parliament, with a majority of seven, voted for the [ratification of the agreement between the representatives of Ireland and David Lloyd George declaring for an [Irish] Free State, thus elevating Irela[nd] and the Irish people from the positi[on] of serfs, peons, to that of masters. T H E EGYPTIANS AND THE

HINDUS

We [have had] it from good authority that the Eg[ypt]ians are more determined now than eve[r] that they shall not continue to be se[rfs], shall not continue to be subjects, b[ut] shall, in all seriousness, in [a] short [w]hile become masters of their own dest[iny.] The Hindus, under the leadership [ o f ] Mahatsi Ghandi, are now more determined than ever to work for an independent, free India. And why are all th[e]se people so desirous to break away from the old order of things, the order that made them the burden bearers of the great Anglo-Saxon-Celtic race? Because they have felt the heavy burden, and because of it, imbibing individually higher intelligence, which teaches them that all men were created free, they also desire to enjoy the benefits of freedom. They, like the Negro of today, suffered long, but they have determined among themselves that they will suffer no more. 333

T H E MARCUS GARVEY AND U N I A PAPERS T H E NEGRO'S

POSITION

Now, what is the position o f the Negro? The position o f the Negro is that he will remain, if he does not take on the higher intelligence and spirit the Hindu has taken on, that the Egyptian has taken on, that the Irish has taken on, the higher intelligence o f the intelligent freemen—if he does not do that it means that he will be the burden bearer o f the world. He being the weakest race group in the world, as far as organization goes, he will be the only one exploited; he will be the only one resorted to bear the burdens o f that class o f humanity that has always oppressed the weak. THE U.N.I.A.'S

PROGRAM

The program o f the Universal Negro Improvement Association is that o f taking on the higher intelligence o f our ancient masters, the higher intelligence o f human rights, the higher intelligence o f human freedom, the higher intelligence o f democracy universal, not democracy within bounds. You must have studied the history o f the Irish people. For seven hundred and fifty years they labored with the idea that one day they would become masters o f their own destiny. They sacrificed hundreds, thousands o f men, millions o f pounds, billions o f dollars, in the hope that one day they would win freedom for Ireland and freedom for Irishmen everywhere. That reveals a great patience. The Hindu people—the movement o f Mahatsi Ghandi dates back, I believe, twenty-five years. 1 They have been struggling toward their independence; they have spent millions and millions, billions o f dollars, in the cause o f Indian freedom. In India the Mahatsi Ghandi movement appeals to the people, and the wealthy people o f that great country, as well as the poorest people o f India, give to the cause o f Mahatsi Ghandi, because the cause o f liberty to them is so sweet, because it is so dear to them. Mahatsi Ghandi, a man truly devoted to the cause o f Indian freedom which he espouses, is held in the highest respect and regard by the people whom he leads; and these people look to Indian freedom not for a price, because to them it is priceless; they look to it because it is their hope; it is their desire; it is their faith; it is their destiny; and all over India, as you will probably see today from what you have read 2 —those o f you who have been studying the question—you will find an unrest that will result in another twelve months or probably in another two, five or ten years, in the complete emancipation o f that great country, the freedom o f that country o f three hundred and eighty millions o f Indians, to enjoy the benefits o f their own country under a government o f their own race. T H E EGYPTIAN NATIONALIST PARTY

In Egypt the leader o f the Nationalist party3 has appealed to the people o f his country, and morally, financially, and in every way they have given him

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the support necessary for him to push forward the cause of Egyptian freedom. I M P O R T A N C E OF W O R K OF THE U . N . I . A .

I wonder if the Negro peoples of the world realize the importance of the work of the Universal Negro Improvement Association. It is not apparent that some of us realize the importance of this movement. In Ireland, as I have said, hundreds of men have been massacred, hundreds of men have been hung, as also in India at the present time they have incarcerated hundreds of the followers, as well as the leaders of the Mahatsi Ghandi propaganda, as well as in Egypt they have exiled from the country the great leader of the Egyptian party, which has caused really a tumult. But these men who have been hanged, these men who have been jailed, these men who have been exiled, what has been the result of their hanging, their incarceration, their exile? The result is that their suffering makes the cause more saintly to the people; makes the cause more dear to the people, and instead of the people leaving the cause, because of the suffering of their leaders they follow the cause the more. I wonder if we can appreciate the work that must be done by this great organization of ours, the work of liberating 400 million oppressed people, the people who are to be the burden bearers of the world for the next century, for the next age, if that people do not prepare themselves not to be such burden bearers. M U S T START N O W TO R E D E E M A F R I C A

You may take it from me, not as a prophet, not as a sage, that if Africa does not start now to do something to redeem herself, she will be exploited in the next fifty years, and there will be very little of Africa left to the world in another half century. When I speak of Africa I do not mean only the continent of Africa and her native people, but I mean all those of African blood. Those of you who have one drop of African blood in your veins, take it from me, not in [the] language of a prophet, nor in the language of a seer, but in the language of a man who has studied the political economy of the world, who has studied the signs of the times, that in another fifty years Africa will have paid a tremendous price for her existence. The price will be the blood of your labor. That is the program of the stronger races and nations of the world today—to exploit your race for the satisfaction of themselves. It has been the attitude, as I have already said, of nations in the past, and it will be the attitude of nations and races going down the ages; the strong race, the strong nation will continue to take advantage of the weak; and that is why India does not want to be found napping as a weak race, a weak nation. That is why Ireland has clamored for seven hundred and fifty years for her freedom, because Ireland does not want to be caught napping as

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a weak nation, a weak race. That is why Egypt is determined to have her freedom because Egypt does not want to be found napping as a weak nation, or a weak race among the nations and races of the world. R E F E R S TO T H E C H I N E S E

You will mark the turn in the attitude of the Chinese people, 4 a people who were so indifferent a few years ago. Why have they, all of a sudden, become so determined, become so much on the qui vive, always so suspicious of everybody who approaches them? Why? Because China, too, along with Egypt and Ireland and India, is determined that she will [not] be found napping as the weakest nation or race of the world, to be exploited by others, and to be the burden bearers of humanity. W E A K E R P E O P L E S C O M I N G T O G E T H E R FOR T H E I R OWN

PROTECTION

Now, the weaker peoples are all coming together in their own protection. There is Ireland, there is Egypt, there is India, each fighting for its freedom, and each succeeding. Now, what are you going to do? Are you going to allow Egypt, India, Ireland to be among the strong, while you remain the only weak people in the world? If so, you will be the burden bearers of all humanity; you will be the burden bearers of the world. Ireland thinks of your suffering so long as Ireland suffers, but when Ireland ceases to suffer, Ireland forgets that you are suffering. Egypt will appreciate your suffering so long as they are suffering; but when they suffer no more, they will forget your suffering and what it means. And so with other peoples of the world. If you allow the other peoples of the world to get their freedom, to get their independence, and you do not get yours, then you will be the burden bearers of the world. Why? T H E C A S E OF E A M O N DE V A L E R A

Two years ago the English people would not treat with Eamon de Valera. He was an outcast; he was a seditionist; he was unworthy of the consideration of Great Britain, because Great Britain had the idea that Ireland was too weak in any way to interfere with the program that she had laid out for Ireland. But the result was that Eamon de Valera, who was ostracized by British statesmen, but who gained millions of Irish adherents in this country—they printed his name as Provisional President of Ireland, but inclosed it in inverted commas, to try to show those who were his enemies that his claim to that title was ridiculous—Eamon de Valera, I say, succeeded at last by holding on with bulldog tenacity of purpose and an abiding faith in the righteousness and ultimate success of the cause of the freedom of the Irish people in gaining the recognition of himself as the leader of the Irish people. What de Valera had to do two, three or five years ago he has not to do today. In another two or three years the Irish people themselves 336

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will become—will have won their complete freedom. And as with the Irish, so with the Hindus, and so with the Chinese, and so with the Egyptians, and when each of these gains their freedom, Ireland included, they will join in with the others who are oppressing Negroes—they will become co-partners with the great combination that has already taken advantage to exploit weaker peoples who are not prepared to defend and protect themselves. N E G R O P E O P L E S TO B E L I F T E D TO P L A N E OF O T H E R R A C E S

N o w , the Universal Negro Improvement Association is to lift the entire Negro race to the platform of national, political and economic equality with all other races and nations of the world, so that we will not be exploited by other races that are organized. Can you appreciate, therefore, the work of this great organization? If you appreciate it you will realize that it means sacrifice—sacrifice in every way, physically, financially, in every way that you can think of. Sacrifice must be made for the carrying out of the greater work, the higher aims of the Universal Negro Improvement Association; and I am warning you, in this new year, in this January of the year 1922, to go throughout your neighborhood, to go throughout the countryf,] to go throughout the world, and teach most seriously the work, the doctrines, the p r i n c i p l e s of this great organization. You will find men who will ridicule you. They may be African white men; they may be B[ri]tish white men; they may be French white men. They will try to ridicule you, so as to turn you from the obje[c]t you have in view, as they ridiculed the Irish a few years ago when they talked about an Irish republic. They laughed at the Irishmen then; today they are recognizing in Ireland an Irish Free State. You are the ones who want freedom. You are the ones who want liberty. Therefore, you are the one[s] to frame your own opinions and not allow yourselves to be advised by others. H Y P O C R I T I C A L P R A I S E OF THE F R E N C H

We hear a great deal of different countries paying compliments to the Negro. You all no doubt read in the New York World the high tribute the French general paid to the Negro soldiers and to the Negro race; and some of us are disposed to take it in good faith and say: "We might as well be satisfied as a people, and realize that the white people are our friends and will give us a chance." That is only camouflage. They are only deceiving you, for the only way by which you will be able in reality to improve your condition is through adopting and endeavoring to carry out the principles and the program of the Universal Negro Improvement Association. Whether the flattery comes from a French general or from an eminent man of any other country, or from those you know are your enemies, it is for you to realize that you have an object in view, and that you must go forward in the work you have started and not cease until that object has been accomplished. If Negroes are capable, if Negroes are competent as the French general said in his statement, then

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N e g r o e s s h o u l d b e their o w n masters. A n y race that is c o m p e t e n t , any race that

is

worthy,

is

capable

of

determining

its

own

destiny,

and

so,

4 0 0 , 0 0 0 , 0 0 0 N e g r o e s , t h r o u g h the labors and efforts o f the U n i v e r s a l N e g r o I m p r o v e m e n t A s s o c i a t i o n , are d e t e r m i n e d that, like the Irish people, w h o n o w h a v e a F r e e S t a t e , like the E g y p t i a n s and the H i n d u s , w h o are determ i n e d t h a t t h e y shall have a free and i n d e p e n d e n t nation o f their o w n — w e , I say,

in this y e a r o f 1 9 2 2 are g o i n g t o w o r k w i t h r e d o u b l e d efforts and

r e d o u b l e d e n e r g y , a n d , b y the plans w e have laid d o w n at headquarters, I feel s u r e t h a t a g r e a t c h a n g e will c o m e o v e r this race o f ours in another t w e l v e months. N E G R O E S ' C A S E TO B E P R E S E N T E D B E F O R E C H A N C E L L E R I E S OF EUROPE T h r o u g h the plans w e are laying w e are g o i n g t o lay o u r cause before the c h a n c e l l e r i e s o f E u r o p e , a n d w e are not g o i n g t o g i v e u p until w e g e t redress c o m p l e t e l y f o r the w r o n g s a n d injustices n o w heaped u p o n us, and w e g a i n t h e r i g h t s w e desire. A s Ireland has o b t a i n e d her f r e e d o m , I feel sure E g y p t w i l l g e t hers, a n d likewise India, a n d w e shall g o u p t o the chancelleries o f E u r o p e a n d d e m a n d o u r share, w h i c h will be a free and redeemed A f r i c a . (Applause.) A P P E A L TO A L L TO R E D O U B L E E F F O R T S S o , t o n i g h t , as y o u leave L i b e r t y H a l l , I w a n t y o u t o redouble y o u r e f f o r t s , y o u r energies in the o n e g r a n d a n d noble c a m p a i g n f o r the emancip a t i o n o f this race o f o u r s t h r o u g h o u t the w o r l d . ( L o u d and l o n g - c o n t i n u e d applause.) . . . Printed in N W , 1+ January 1922. Original headlines omitted. 1. Mohandas Gandhi lived in South Africa between 1893 and 1914. His effort to organize the Indian minority in South Africa began after a series of incidents in which he faced discrimination. In the fall of 1893, Gandhi's effort met with its first success when an Indian who had been ejected from a South African train successfully sued the company. In 1894 Gandhi headed a small movement that was dedicated to agitation against the Indian franchise bill, a measure passed that year by the legislature of Natal, which took the vote away from Indians (George Woodcock, Mohandas Gandhi [New York: Viking Press, 1971], pp. 34-35). 2. Garvey was not the only black leader to cite events in India. Cyril Briggs, when he was interviewed by military intelligence, stated: "Look what the Hindus, another colored race, are doing in India. All these things are factors that help us here, right here in Harlem" (DNA, R G 45, Naval Records Collection, subject file, 1911-1927, WP—enemy propaganda). Gandhi's noncooperation movement accelerated in August 1920 when Gandhi began a nationwide speaking tour to enlist support. The movement reached its height in 1921, with the rising of the Akalis in the Punjab and the Moplahs in Malabar. In December 1921 the Indian National Congress gave Gandhi sole executive authority. At the time of Garvey's speech, violence was continuing to spread throughout India despite Gandhi's denunciation of all violence (George Woodcock, Mohandas Gandhi, pp. 65-70; D. A. Low, "The Government of India and the First Non-co-operation Movement, 1920-1922," in Essays on Gandhian Politics, ed. R. Kumar [New York: Oxford University Press, 1971], pp. 298-323). 3. Saad Zaghlul Pasha (i86o?-i927) was among the Egyptian nationalist leaders deported to Malta to prevent their attending the Paris Peace Conference in 1919. He was a lawyer and statesman who became Egyptian minister of public instruction in 1906 and later minister of

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JANUARY 1922 justice. After the First World War, Zaghlul became head of the Nationalist party, which demanded complete independence from Britain. He returned from exile in Malta in April 1921 but was deported again in December of the same year. Zaghlul became prime minister of Egypt in 1924 but was never able to conclude negotiations for full Egyptian independence with Britain's Prime Minister MacDonald (WBD). 4. The Washington Conference resulted in a nine-power treaty that called for respect for China's sovereignty and an Open Door policy that would prevent competing foreign interests f r o m monopolizing trade in certain districts. There was also a Sino-Japanese treaty that called f o r the evacuation of Japanese troops from Shantung and the restoration to China of all former German interests in Tsingtao.

J. J. Hannigan to the Director, Office of Naval Intelligence SAN F R A N C I S C O , C A L I F O R N I A

9 January 1922 . . . UNIVERSAL NEGROES ASSOCIATION

IMPROVEMENT

MEETINGS

The head of the African Legion, a sub-organization or co-organization of the Universal Negroes' Improvement Association, is now in San Francisco. Special meetings and private conferences among the negro population of the city are being held in Oakland, San Francisco and vicinity. There are three successive meetings—January 6, 7 and 8th to be held in Oakland and two similar meetings to be held in San Francisco January 9th and 10th. The San Francisco meetings are being arranged by Farr (who has been reported before), who is the local agent of the Universal Negroes' Improvement Association. Farr told the Informant that he had interviewed Watana.be of the Japanese Chamber of Commerce and obtained satisfactory results, although he did not mention what those satisfactory results were. Further he extended to the Informant an invitation to attend the African Legion meeting on Monday night (January 9th) but said that the place of the meeting was not yet determined and that he would let the Informant know when the arrangements were completed. A week or two ago Farr told the Informant that the work of the Universal Negroes' Improvement Association did not come as was expected because the "ignorant negroes", as he put it, would not listen to reason very much. Yet he was hopeful as to the farther leading of the Negroes out of slavery. He often makes bitter attacks upon the general social systems which he describes as "half-freedom and half slavery." J. J.

DNA, RG 38, file 20964-2194G. TL, recipient's copy. 339

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Complaint Against Marcus Garvey [New York, 12 January 1922] Approved:

[MauriceJoyce] Assistant United States Attorney

Before: Hon. Samuel M. Hitchcock,1 United States Commissioner for the Southern District of New York U N I T E D S T A T E S O F A M E R I C A VS. M A R C U S G A R V E Y C O M P L A I N T : V I O L A T I O N 215 U . S . C . C . S O U T H E R N D I S T R I C T OF N E W YORK: SS:

being duly sworn, deposes and says that he is a Post Office Inspector, and upon information and belief alleges and charges that on and before May 24, 1921, Marcus Garvey, the defendant abovenamed, and hereinafter referred to as the defendant, did, unlawfully, wilfully and knowingly devise and intend to devise a scheme and artifice to defraud; that said scheme and artifice devised and intending to be devised was in substance as follows: That the defendant would by means of false and fraudulent representations, pretenses and promises induce, solicit and procure divers persons, whose names are to the deponent unknown, and who are hereinafter referred to as the victims, to pay and transmit to him, the said defendant, money and property for the purchase of stock in the Black Star Line, Inc., and for memberships in the Universal Negro Improvement Association and African Communities League, Inc., and for the purpose of inducing said victims to part with their money and property in the purchase of said stock and said memberships so intended to be sold and offered for sale[. T]he defendant, in substance, intended falsely and fraudulently to represent, pretend and promise to said victims, and to each of them, that he, the said defendant, was at the head of a movement, the object of which was to rebuild and restore the ancient glories of Eth[i]opia; that he, the said defendant, was to be and was the "President General" of said movement with a resident secretary at Monrovia, Liberia; that to further the aims of said movement, a part of Liberia was to be colonized; that the said Black Star Line, Inc., which was to transport the colonists, had been formed into the most colossal, the most pro[sp]erous negro industry of all times; that the said Black Star Line, Inc., had laid out trade routes to cover all parts of the world where the negro population is over 50% of the whole; that the said Black Star Line, Inc., was running steamships; that an investment upon the part of said victims would help to put more ships on the sea, and that the said movement was headed by trained business men. O L I V E R B. W I L L I A M S O N , 2

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And each of the aforesaid representations, pretenses and promises, as the said [defendant then and there well knew, was and would be false and fraudulent, it being the intent and purpose of the said defendant in making them to deceive and defraud the said victims in and by inducing them to part with their money and property in the purchase of the said stock and said [memberships as aforesaid; And it was a part of said scheme and artifice that the said defendant should falsely and fraudulently represent, pretend and promise that the Black Star Line, Inc., owned and controlled a steamship known as the Phyllis Wheatley and that the said steamship was then and there in condition to make voyages to and from Africa and would make such voyages and that passage on the said steamship could be procured for a stated sum, it being the intent and purpose of the said defendant in so representing, pretending and promising, to deceive the said victims and to induce them to part with their money and property in the purchase of the said stock and said memberships as aforesaid. And it was a further part of said scheme and artifice that the said defendant should appropriate and convert to his own use in the form of guise of salary, expenses, commissions and profits a part of the money and property which would be paid by the said victims in the purchase of said stock and said memberships as aforesaid, the exact form or guise in which the said defendant intended thus to convert and appropriate to his own use such part of said money and property and the exact amount thereof that said defendant intended to thus appropriate and convert are to the deponent unknown[.] That heretofore, to wit, on the 25th day of May, 1921, at the Southern District of New York and within the jurisdiction of this Court, the abovenamed defendant, Marcus Garvey, for the purpose of executing said scheme and artifice to defraud, so devised and intended to be devised by him did unlawfully, wilfully and knowingly deposit and cause to be deposited in the Post Office at New York, N.Y., in the Grand Central Station thereof, intending same to be conveyed by the Post Office Establishment of the United States according to the directions thereon, a certain letter addressed as follows: Mr. Edgar Sayers, 55 Broad St., Georgetown, Demerara, British Guiana. against the peace of the United States and their dignity and contrary to the form of the statute of the United States in such case made and provided. (215 U.S.C.C.)

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The sources of deponent's information and the grounds of his belief are [a]n official investigation made by him and certain paper writings now in his possession. WHEREAS, [de]ponent pr[ay]s that the above-named defendant be arrested, imprisoned or bailed as the case may be. [OLIVER B.

WILLIAMSON]

D J - F B I , file 6i. T D . 1. Samuel M . Hitchcock (1859—1939) was United States commissioner for the Southern District o f N e w York from 1886 to 1925 ( N T T , 8 January 1959). 2. Oliver B. Williamson (b. 1875) became a postal inspector in October 1906; he retired in 1934 (Office of the Chief Postal Inspector, Post Office Dept., Washington, D.C.).

Prepared Statement1 and Speech by Marcus Garvey on His Arrest [[New York, Jan. 13, 1922]] T H E C A U S E OF T H E A R R E S T OF M A R C U S G A R V E Y BY P L O T T E R S OF H i s O W N

RACE

I believe that true justice is to be found in the conscience of the people, and when one is deprived of it by the machinations and designs of the corrupt, there can be no better tribunal of appeal than that of public opinion which gives voice to conscience, and that is why I now appeal to the conscience of the American people for justice. I believe that all races have their peculiar characteristics, the Jew fights the Jew, the Irish fights the Irish, the Italian fights the Italian, and so we have the Negro fighting the Negro. As a Negro schooled in the academy of adversity, with the majority of my race, I have ever had a whole soul desire2 to work for the race's uplift. Recently out of slavery, we have had but a meagre chance to rise to the higher heights of human development as a people. At emancipation we were flung upon the civilized world without a program. Unlike the Irish and the Jew, we had no national aspirations of our own. We were left to the tender mercies of philanthropists and humanitarians who helped us to the best of their ability. In the Negro's struggle to get somewhere every member of the race took a selfish course all his own. There was no group program or group interest. The only cause that held us together as a people was religion. During the days of slavery religion was the only consolation of the Negro, and then it was given to him by his masters. Immediately after the emancipation, when the Negro was thrown back upon his own resources, the illiterate race preacher took charge of us, and with the eye of selfishness he exploited the zeal of the religious. Our emotions were worked upon by our illiterate preacher-leaders of the early days. 342

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The masses of us, having found new employment for which we received pay, were able to contribute to the partial upkeep of our own church life, thus making it profitable for the preacher of our race to exploit us in the name of God without giving us a program by which we could redeem ourselves temporarily. After the illiterate preacher-leader came the illiterate race politician, who also had no program for the higher temporal development of the race. He, like the preacher, had his selfish plans of using and feeding upon the emotions of the people. Those two illiterate parasites, who extracted all that was worth while from the people traveled hand in hand until we reached the first milestone of higher intelligence, then the illiterate preacher and politician had to give way to a more intelligent class, who, [un] fortunately, with only a few exceptions, s[ca]ttered here and there, followed and are still following in the footsteps of the old preacher-politician 3 to plunder and exploit the masses, because they had no vision. And now I come to the source of my troubles in fighting the battles of the masses. I come to the people in the role of the reformer and say to them: "Awake! The day is upon you. Go forth in the name of the race and build yourselves a nation, redeem your country[,] Africa, the land from whence you came, and prove yourselves men worthy of the recognition of others." This is the offense I have committed against the selfish Negro preacher and politician, who have for more than half a century waxed fat at the expense of the people. The shout goes up! "We cannot allow Garvey to preach his reformation and expose us to the people. The people will become too wise. We will lose our standing among the people4 and they will not support us. We must 'get' Garvey. We must discredit him before the people. We cannot do it ourselves because we have no power. We will frame him up; we will lay traps for him; we will state all manner of charges against him to the various departments of government so that the government will prosecute him for us." Such have been the ravings and machinations and designs5 of a certain class of Negro politicians and preachers against me because of my reform work of three and a half years among my people, a work that has over four million followers. 6 Jews, Irish and reformers of all races h[a]ve had their troubles and trials with their own people, so I am satisfied to bear the persecution of my own so that 7 they might be free. I trust no one from the people would believe that I could be so mean as to defraud a fellow Negro, either directly or indirectly. I have an ideal that is far above money, and that is to see my people really free. Others of my race oppose me because they fear my influence among the people, and they judge me from their own corrupt, selfish consciences. There is an old adage that says " A thief does not like to see another carry a long b[a]g." 8 And thus the dishonest ones of our preachers and politicians[,]

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believing that I am of their stamp, try to embarrass me by framing me up with the law. I have had to dismiss from [t]he employ of the association and caused the arrest of many dishonest preachers and politicians, and now their fraternity is out for revenge.9 Poor misguided mortals! How can they, when the conscience and soul of a man cannot be incriminated from without? The Negro ministry needs purging, and with the help of God and the people we shall in a short while show to the world a new race by the purification of those who lead. I desire to say that I have a great amount of confidence in several of the preachers and politicians of my race of today, but the great majority need purging because among them we have gamblers, thieves, rogues, vagabonds, and these are the ones who are fighting me at this time. MARCUS . . . GARVEY EXPLAINS MOTIVES O F

GARVEY

ARREST

Hon. Marcus Garvey spoke as follows: Tonight I am at Liberty Hall to explain to the members of the Universal Negro Improvement Association and the stockholders of the Black Star Line the cause of the great commotion now taking place, as engineered by those whom we know well. Those who fight the Universal Negro Improvement Association little realize the force and the power that they have to knock up against. (Applause) There is an old saying, "Strike the shepherd and the sheep will be scattered." The plot has been well laid to scatter the sheep, but the sheep cannot be scattered even though the shepherd die. (Cries of "No! No!") R E A D Y TO F I G H T

ENEMIES

I have never yet fought a real battle, and if this be the first time, then to those with whom I am to fight I say, "Prepare your steel, because you will have a man fighting you worthy of your steel." A few white people seem to have in their minds still that the Negro is the old fool, the old fogey he was up to 1914; that you can easily deceive him, you can easily turn his mind by misrepresentation. The papers this morning, through the plot that was laid, heralded to the citizens of New York that I was arrested by the Post-office Department for fraudulent use of the mails. D I S P U T E S C H A R G E S OF

FRAUD

I have never defrauded a man in my life. (Applause) But it is not the Post office Department's fault; they are only instruments being used to carry out the [d]esigns of those who have been fighting the Universal Negro Improvement Association for the last four years. The newspapers have fought us, not for the first time, but we have whipped them all along and we are going to whip them again. (Applause.)

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The new Negro likes a good fight—a fight like the fight of Needham Roberts—two taking twenty—and I want to say to them and to the white world that if they trifle with this Universal Negro Improvement Association they are going to get what they are looking for. (Great applause.) This is no New York organization; this is a world-wide movement and it is a movement when you strike here it reacts there. (Applause.) The plot was laid long ago, but the people probably did not want to act yet. However, last week we published that they have started lynching in Africa; you probably saw it in The Negro World; and let me tell you that something is going to react one of these days, and if they think they can continue to attack and cow and persecute Negroes on their rights, they make a terrible mistake, and they are going to find it out, probably too late. They have tried to make the cause of the Universal Negro Improvement Association a money affair. They can see nothing else but money, but the Universal Negro Improvement Association is concerned with much more than simply dollars and cent[s], it is concerned with the liberty of 400,000,000 Negroes just as how the Irish were concerned with Irish Liberty for 750 years. They picked on the Irish at one time; they laughed at them, and they fought them at another time. Why don't they go and ask the Irish what they did with the billions of dollars they got for bonds and all kinds of things? The Irish came here and sold millions of dollars of Irish liberty bonds 10 without even a dime's worth of securities, and they have not written them up; but they al[l] want to know what we do with the few thousand dollars we get, although we give out our statements and our people are satisfied with it; yet these inquisitive, good-for-nothing people are worrying us and want to know what has become of the funds of the Universal Negro Improvement Association when every penny has been accounted for. They have more crooks in New York to find out about than to try to interfere with Marcus Garvev. Now let me come down to the point in dispute. They say I have been arrested for fraudulent use of the mails—endeavoring to sell stock for the Black Star Line or something of the kind. During May (or sometime) last year, when I was away in the West Indies, those I left at headquarters changed the plans I left, and as you all know, it was a deep-seated plot that I would never return to this country. The intention was that things should have been done here and that I, not being allowed to return to this country, would have been blamed for everything that happened. The result was that some of the men we brought into the organization and some out of it did everything to keep me from returning to this country. The plans I laid they changed, they destroyed; they entered into new arrangements, and did just as they liked and never notified me or said one word to me of what they were doing. I never knew what they did at headquarters until three days after I returned to New York, which was around the 15th of July. On my return to New York they were greatly surprised, as there were many at headquarters among my jealous enemies who believed I never would have returned to this

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country by the plots laid. When I came back to headquarters they had so destroyed the morale of the Universal Negro Improvement Association, they had so crippled and demoralized our branches all over the country, that there was but one thing for me to do, and that was to salvage the great Universal Negro Improvement Association that I had sacrificed so much for to build up before I left this country. The convention was just fifteen days away; they had not even made proper preparations for the convention; noth[i]ng had been done as far as preparations were concerned for such a big occasion. I had to pitch in and devote all my time to the drumming of the morale of the divisions so as to meet the convention, and you saw the kind of convention we had. Even though I had but fifteen days at my disposal we were able to draw a large number of people here for the convention on the first of August, and they remained here until the 31st, and we had such a successful and glorious time. After the convention rose on the 31st of August we had laid down certain p[la]ns to put into operation, but I had still to contend with the disgruntled branches of the organization because of the uncared-for relationship existing between them an[d] the parent body. I had to work by correspondence and otherwise to revive them and bring them back actively into the fold of the great organization. All my time from the convention up to the present moment was devoted absolutely to the bringing about of a proper state of organization. Some of the people who conducted the organization during my absence had made plans to wreck the organization and get away with the spoils, believing that I could not come back to the country, so that I would be blamed. They had no faith in themselves, because even when the convention was going on you saw how they were glad to resign or to get out because they knew what they had done and they were afraid of the consequences. Immediately after the rising of the convention some of those who had resigned came to me for their back pay, because even that they had not had the ability to get for themselves. Before I left I had to work for their salaries. I went away, and they saddled the organization with big debts which on my return I found had to be liquidated. After the convention they came and prophesied in the office that if I were able to keep the organization afloat for one month after the convention I would be a wonderful man. They calculated that they would have been able to destroy the organization, and all the irregular business that was done in my absence would have been blamed on me and covered over. They went out prophesying that the organization would fail in a month; but nevertheless immediately after the convention when push and energy were placed behind the movement we brought the movement 1,000 per cent up to its present strength, and when they found out that we were in an independent position and were laying plans fo[r] the bigger success of the movement for this year the fellows got disappointed. Now the question of the African ship, the "Phyllis Wheatley." That was arranged for, as you know, when I was not here. I never booked one passage, although I left instructions here for another ship, which instructions were

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not carried out, in accordance with the plot I have explained. They arranged for another ship, which was published and I read about it in Jamaica. I believed the "Phy[l]lis Wheatley" had actually been bought, and when I came here I was greatly disappointed when they told me that they were still negotiating. They said $25,000 had been placed on the "Phyllis Wheatley" and it was in the hands of certain people. The work of the Universal Negro Improvement Association was so much it was impossible for one man to have handled the bulk of work which had piled up, because they had had five months to make good and they had done nothing. The business that I had done before in ten minutes in the commercial district they took five months to do and yet had accomplished nothing. They had $25,000 of the money that was sent by me and subscribed in this [cou]ntry towards buying the ship and it was said that if I interfered with it they would not have gotten the ship. So as to facilitate and help them to put through the deal I never interfered with the matter but depended on them to consummate the deal. I attended to the work of the Universal Negro Improvement Association because it was the bigger thing. They continued every day to tell me that the "Phyllis Wheatley" would be here next week, and caused me to make certain statements in Liberty Hall and to write certain things about the ship. The result was, as I have discovered now, that it was a deep-seated plo[t] in which they were trying to wreck the Universal Negro Improvement Association and thus cover their dirty deal. All this had been planned during my absence. When they found out, however, that the association was going strong they worked harder for its downfall, but, thank God, through the determination of this race of ours the Universal Negro Improvement Association shall never go down. (Applause and cries of "No! No!") A Q U E S T I O N OF H O N O R

Now they charge me with defrauding the mails and appropriating money. I am willing to face this court and the courts of Hell and let it be proved that I have stolen from any man. I am too honorable at heart and too deeply concerned in the welfare and interests of my people to take a penny from any man. (Applause) I have enough ability, I have enough energy to put it over for myself anywhere. I do not want to rob anybody; I can make something out of nothing; and those who know the grow[t]h of the Universal Negro Improvement Association know that from nothing we have become a power everywhere. (Applause.) Why should I wait till this late hour to take a thousand dollars or ten thousand dollars from the Universal Negro Improvement Association when hundreds of thousands have passed through my control? I challenge any man inside of the Universal Negro Improvement Association or outside of it at any time to show where Marcus Garvey has ever appropriated from the time he started this movement one penny to his personal account, let him be treasurer, let him be secretary or anybody. I challenge the entire world to show me where I have ever asked for

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a penny o f the people's money in my own interest. I have no cause to do it, because I am man enough to "paddle my own canoe" and carry myself through the world without robbing others. The man who steals is the fellow who has no confidence in his own ability—is the fellow who is unable to do for himself, therefore he steals the labor o f others. I have no cause to steal from any one, because I have no doubt o f my ability; I have no doubt that we shall put this African program over, and it must go over. (Applause.) I do not care what they say and what they do; put me in jail; put me on the gallows; put me in the electric-chair and the program shall go over. (Applause.) I pledge myself between heaven and earth, between Hell and Heaven that there is going to be a fight to the finish. They have tried to impugn my character in every way so as to create suspicion in the minds o f the race and therefore bring about the downfall o f the movement. We know from what angle the opposition comes; not only from a few individuals that we know, but governments are involved, capitalists are involved, organizations are involved. All the troubles we have had on our ships have been caused because men were paid to make this trouble by certain organizations calling themselves Negro Advancement Associations. They paid men to dismantle our machinery and otherwise damage it so as to bring about the downfall o f the movement; but I say, " A righteous cause is bound to live, and among the many that will live will be the Universal Negro Improvement Association; it shall go on forever." C O N F I D E N C E IN U . N . I . A .

UNSHAKEN

I have to thank you for the confidence you have exhibited in the Universal Negro Improvement Association right along. It is marvelous to see the way o f the New Negro. Why, if it were a white institution published in the papers this morning, whether it be a bank or some great clearing house, with the reverses presented to the public as was done o f the Black Star Line this morning you would have had their offices crowded all day; a great run would have been on the bank. But we are such new Negroes and know their objects so well that not even one Negro for the whole day came and asked anything about it. (Applause.) But on the contrary men and women came up and paid their dues and paid their assessment taxes and other obligations to the organizations and said let the work go on. (Applause.) What are you going to do with a people so determined? You can lie about them in the newspapers but it will have no effect. Some o f the newspapers are worried. Just a few minutes ago one o f their representatives came to me and said, "Now, Mr. Garvey, since the Black Star Line has failed what are you going to do?" I said, " W h o told you that the Black Star Line had failed?" That is what they had been looking for all the time; but they will have to go a long way to see anything connected with the Universal Negro Improvement Association fail, because it is the spirit o f the people and that cannot fail except the people die. (Great applause.)

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FAIL

So I want you to realize that we have had reverses. We do not hide them from you; you know we have had reverses and you know the cause of them. When we started out it was a movement of one person or a dozen persons; now it is [a] movement of many; it is a movement where we must have different men for different positions, and it is not possible that you can find the right man at the right time you want him for the right position. We have to try him and change as we go along for some one else with more experience. Other people have had the same experience and we must make up our minds to have the same. So that you will realize that this great movement has absolutely no failure about it; because, as I said a while ago, when it fails the people die, and here is one Negro who is going to die first before the Universal Negro Improvement Association dies. A W A R N I N G TO E N E M I E S

Now, I would advise my good white friends to stop carrying out the will of these treacherous Negroes, because they are going to get burned along with them. We have nothing against the white folks if they attend to their own business and allow Negroes to attend to theirs; but if they go and interfere with our business, what they get they must take. We are not interfering with their business; what they do down [on] Wall Street we know nothing about, and we do not even take enough interest in them to publish them in The Negro World. Why then should they interfere with us in their papers when they know nothing about us. They have no stock in our corporation; they are not members and have never paid any dues. (Laughter.) The questions they have come and asked me a financial member of the organization would not have asked, and they expect me to answer them. I repeat, if they will attend to their own business they will get on much better and have a better relationship with Negroes, and especially new Negroes, than to interfere with us in our determination to free ourselves industrially, economically, socially, educationally, religiously and politically. F I G H T FOR R I G H T S IS

ON

The explanation I have to give about the Black Star Line is more than I can give in one lecture. I will continue the series on Sunday night, and I want you to turn out and bring your friends. Suffice it to say tonight that the fight for our rights is on and will never stop until Gabriel blows his horn. (Applause.) They had a splendid example about two years ago in attacking the Universal Negro Improvement Association. You remember when Kilroe attacked us and through that attack we multiplied in membership; every night we just doubled our membership, and now while we have 4,000,000 members today, since they have so maliciously published things against us in the four corners of the world, I believe we are going to treble our members.

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In another twelve hours all the 800 divisions of the Universal Negro Improvement Association, not only in this country, but all through the West Indies, Central and South America, and more than all, all over Africa will have gotten the news that the fight is on. Africa has started to belch fire already, and somebody is smelling the smoke. So, that if they think they can cripple this movement they make a big mistake. We know their designs; we know their intentions to hold up the leader or the one most prominent to ridicule and call him by all kind[s] of names, so that the people will discredit him and then they can better handle the situation, but we are accustomed to all of that now. They say that I call myself Moses; I never called myself by that name. T h e y say [I] call myself the Emperor of Africa, I'm not that yet; if I were E m p e r o r of Africa at this hour there would be "weeping and gnashing of teeth." But if I do not become Emperor of Africa in my day, my children or y o u r children may have the chance to run for the job if it becomes elective at the first; and then since we are writing history and all these things that they are doing to us will be recorded, those children will turn the pages and I will be sorry for the retribution. I would advise my good white friends of this generation not to pile up trouble for the future generation of their own, because a Negro boy of today is [g]oing to meet with the alien boy of t o m o r r o w , and I trust that they will not write down anything in that history for that N [ e g r o b]oy to see and get angry about in another 50 years. So the best we can do is to treat all men with respect and to mete out justice to all men so that none of us will have our revenge; a[nd] though they impugn the idea of an African Republic, some day they may be compelled to rec[og]nize it. They put it in inverted commas, as if it [were] something to be laughed at. T h e y laughed at the idea of an Americ[an] Republic 150 odd years ago, but today the American Republic is the greatest republic in the world. History repeats itself, if not in 100 years it may be in 500 years, but I believe it is going to repeat itself in a short while now, and as we have the United States of America today, we shall by our effort, by our labor and by o u r determination have in a short while a United States of Africa. (Applause.) And why? Because of these injustices that are done to us. They do not know that when they publish these wicked, malicious, libelous things about us as a race they only make us more determined to fight, and, as I have said before, I have never fought yet, but I am going to fight now, and I am going to fight on with gloves or without gloves, hitting above the belt and below the belt. (Laughter). It is a fight to the finish. You all know the people w h o are responsible in great measure for all this trouble. They are going to die and leave children behind them, and their children will live to see the United States of Africa and all nations deal with their traitors. France during the war dealt with her traitors; England dealt with her traitors. They were governments absolute. We are not a government yet, but we will be a government absolute in a short while I feel sure, and then we will take care of

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our traitors. So that is why I am not worried about them now. We have a lot of time before us; that is where the Universal Negro Improvement Association has the advantage. We have time because we are a movement, not an individual. An individual dies, but a movement cannot die so long as the people live. So that, although the members die one by one, the Universal Negro Improvement Association will still live. Now they think they can destroy Marcus Garvey. They do not know that there are some little Marcus Garveys growing every day, and they are only waiting to know the time when Marcus Garvey is really not here. That is why you do not see some of them now. But when Marcus Garvey is permanently out of the way, either in jail, in the electric chair or on the gallows, you will see what takes place throughout the universe in the name of the Universal Negro Improvement Association. The Marcus Garveys are not only here, but they are everywhere, and nowhere more than in Africa. You have not read one-hundredth part of the news that is available from Africa[.] They won't publish it; they won't tell you what is going on, but they are alarmed, and all this [c]ommotion about my arrest is a thing that is well planned. The French people, the English people, have been working for it and have been talking for it. It is an attempt to discredit me and send propaganda all over the world. The Associated Press and Reuter's have sent it all over the world, and the British press is relaying it all over the world, that Marcus Garvey is arrested for fraud, so that the people will say he was only a cheat, and drop out of the movement. U . N . I . A . COUNTERACTS FALSE

PROPAGANDA

But our cables are going too. These are not days of mysteries for the Negro. Once when the Negro saw a steam engine he asked what big elephant was that; but the present day Negro knows the use of everything; he knows the use of the machine gun, the Krupp gun, the aeroplane; he knows how to d[i]stribute bombs and he knows when they are to explode, too; he knows the use of the cable; he knows the use of everything. MEMBERS DISPLAY SPLENDID

SPIRIT

Our news has gone all over the country. Don't be afraid. I have to thank you for the splendid spirit you have demonstrated and for what you are doing here, and just what you are doing here the membership is doing all over the world. You cannot kill, you cannot dampen the ardor and the spirit of the members of the Universal Negro Improvement Assn. and we are ready at any minute for rever[ses] as well as for success. On Sunday night I will speak to you further on this subject so that you may be satisfied of the cause of the sensational things about my arrest. Why! they arrest men every hour for doing worse things than I am alleged to have done. Those fellows down in Wall Street rob a bank every minute; they hold up people and do all kinds of things; but the Negro when he does anything—especially when he is a

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prominent N e g r o or one w h o is doing something—they ridicule him and hold him up to contempt. They claim I have defrauded somebody; I do not k n o w w h o that somebody is, but I suppose I will find out when the case comes up for trial. I thank you for your presence tonight and trust to meet y o u on Sunday night. (Great Applause). Printed in W , 21 January 1922. Original headlines omitted. 1. Garvey later published his statement in P&O 1: 98-100; see also his statement in the Washington Bee, 21 January 1922, on his arrest. Textual variations found in P&O shall be indicated in the subsequent footnotes. 2. In P&O this reads, "Whole-souled desire." 3. In P&O this reads, "The old preachers and politicians." +. In P&O this reads, " A m o n g them." 5. In P&O this reads, "ravings, machinations and designs." 6. In P&O this reads, " A m o n g my people, that has over four million followers." 7. The words " s o that" were omitted from the P&O version. 8. In P&O this reads, " A thief does not like to see another man carrying a long bag." 9. In P&O this reads, "Their fraternities are out for revenge." 10. During de Valera's visit to the United States in 1919 and 1920, he devised a plan to sell Irish bond certificates that could later be exchanged for bonds after the Irish republic received international recognition and the British troops were withdrawn. Although they had no current value, the United States government raised no objection to the sale of the bond certificates, and by mid-1921 more than $5,500,000 had been raised (Alan J. Ward, Ireland and Anglo-American Relations, 1899-1921 [Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1969], pp. 217-218).

Articles in the New York World [13 January 1922] G A R V E Y , FINANCIER A N D " S I R PRESIDENT O F A F R I C A , " IS H E L D H A R L E M ' S W I Z A R D OF B L A C K S T A R L I N E A N D C O L O N I Z A T I O N SCHEME GIVES $2,500 1

BAIL

Marcus Garvey s heralded plans for the colonization of Africa by means o f a half-dozen stock-selling corporations caused his arrest yesterday [12 January] on charges of using the mails to defraud. This provides the climax to a bizarre career that lifted the Negro from obscurity to mel[l]ifluous titles, hero worship and wealth. Provisional President o f the " R e p u b l i c of Africa," guiding spirit o f the Black Star Line, [t]he Universal Steam Laundry and other diversified organizations, he was hailed by some o f his race in Harlem as a phenomenal promoter, statesman and prophet. All his widely advertised activities on behalf of the Africa that was to be are cast in the shadow by the Post Office Inspectors, who charge that he made "fraudulent representations" to enlist membership in them.

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Specifically he is accused, as President of the Black Star Line, of advertising and selling passage to Africa on a mythical vessel. The Post Office Inspectors charge too that he used the mails to defraud in disposing of stock in the Black Star Line, the link between this country and the Africa of the future. F o r this he was taken from his apartment at No. 129 West 130th Street to the Federal Building, arraigned before United States Commissioner Hitchcock and released in $2,500 bail. His portly figure was wrapped in a fur-collared overcoat. On his arm rested an ornamental cane. He appeared irritated at the proceedings and refused to talk with reporters[.] Afterward he sought to telephone his home, and remarked petulantly to those near him: " I never can remember my private telephone number!" Then the "Provisional President," &c., sped back to his Harlem home. . . . Printed in the New York World, 13 January 1922. [14 January 1922] GARVEY ACCLAIMED A S "PRINCE O F M E N " BY 1,000 BACKERS " P R O V I S I O N A L P R E S I D E N T OF A F R I C A " W I L D L Y C H E E R E D D U R I N G ADDRESS D E N Y I N G ACCUSATIONS N E W N E G R O K N O W S T H E U S E O F M A C H I N E G U N , H E SAYS B L U E - C L A D , S W O R D - C L A N K I N G M I L I T I A PARADE AISLES U N D E R R E D , G R E E N AND B L A C K F L A G

Marcus Garvey, arrested Thursday [12 January] on charges of using the mails to defraud, was hailed tumultuously as the "Prince of Men" at a meeting of his supporters at Liberty Hall, 138th Street and Lenox Avenue, last night. More than 1,000 Negroes crowded the hall, cheered wildly for the "Provisional President of Africa," booed the newspapers and paid reverence to the red, black and green flag of Garvey's contemplated African Government. . . . JAZZ BLENDS WITH HYMNS

A band played jazz and hymns before the meeting began. Garvey led a prayer, the choir sang, and the meeting began. Uniformed militia of the association, in vivid blue, with swords dangling at just-so-creased and striped trousers, paraded up and down the aisles.

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During his address two of the militia stood beside Garvey. On the platform was the flag of the Africa that is to be. Although Garvey made only a brief explanation of the charges at the meeting, he went into them with somewhat more detail in an interview with a reporter for The World yesterday. He seemed irritated at his arrest, although he assured his interviewer: "This is a big cause I am leading, the establishment of an African republic for the Negro race. If I go to prison, if anything happens to me, a million others will spring up to take my place. " I am clean of heart. Dollars and cents are insignificant. This isn't a money-making proposition. We have lost money because of the plots against us. But the chief thing is, we have helped the cause, stimulated morale. That's the big thing." S T A T E M E N T OF

EXPENSES

His interviewer read to the "Provisional President of the Republic of Africa" figures of the Liberian Construction Fund. These purport to show that $144,450 had been collected. Of this $44,461 is said to have been spent in salaries and travelling expenses, $34,440 in Black Star Line stock and $46,555 for the good will of the Negro World, his publication. Further, the figures show only $4,000 sent to Liberia and $4,461 paid for a saw mill still in America. The figures left a balance of $8,530. "Absolutely false," said Garvey. He was told the figures were submitted by an anonymous member of his race. "That's just it," he shouted. "They're the villains who plotted against me, people who have been exploiting my race ever since emancipation." His interviewer asked Garvey about the charge that he sold passage on a mythical ship. He explained he was away at the time, but the ship was to have been bought yesterday. It had been named, however, before its purchase. " I can't control all departments," he explained. " I have much work to do." Asked to explain his plans for the [A]frican Republic, he snapped: "Did Napoleon make known his plans in advance? Does any General?" Printed in the New York World, 14 January 1922.

Marcus Garvey to Edgar West1 New York, January 14th, 1922 Edgar West, Bocas. My arrest a frameup by enemies of movement. Assure members all well. The fight for African freedom starts. Hold continuous meetings. See Negro World N A A C P . Men Briggs, McGuire, Gordon, Brooks, Crichlow traitors 3S4

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to negro cause. The fight is on for negro liberty. Depend that we shall triumph. Raise defense fund and cable to New York. Have no fear. MARCUS GARVEY

United Fruit Company files, box A-5, Black Star Line file. TG, recipient's copy, i. Edgar West was the Black Star Line's representative in Panama.

Report by Special Agent Mortimer J. Davis NEW Y O R K , N . Y . 1 / 1 4 / 2 2 R E : U . S . V s . BLACK STAR L I N E INC., V I O . S E C T I O N 215, U S I N G T H E M A I L S TO D E F R A U D N E G R O ACTIVITIES

Continuing this case and referring to previous reports. January gth\ Agent joined Post Office Inspector Williamson this morning to take up the case with Asst. U.S. Attorney Joyce. Inspector Williamson drew up the complaint, prepared subpoenas etc. while agent proceeded to collect various data regarding the purchase of the Black Star Line of the steamships "Yarmouth," " K a n a w h a " and "Shadyside." Practically the entire morning was spent by agent in the offices o f HARRISS, IRBY & VOSE, 15 William Str. in

c o n f e r e n c e ] with Mr. Harriss, who negotiated originally with Marcus Garvey the s[a]le of the "Yarmouth." The information thus obtained is voluminous and will be incor[pora]ted in a later report. In effect, Garvey agreed to purchase the ship for $168,000, making an initial payment of $50,000, the b[a]lance [t]o be [pa]id in installments. However, various l[ega]l [and] financial entanglements arose, and before the ship was actually delivered four separate agreements each superseding the other were drawn. At the present time the Black Star Line still owes some $32,000 on the ship (exclusive of interest) which the sellers never expect to obtain. They will not foreclose the mortgage they hold because the ship is practically worthless today. U p o n rejoining Inspector Williamson this afternoon, I found him in conversation with CYRIL BRIGGS, editor of the " C r u s a d e r [ , ] " and MURRAY B E R N A Y S , 1 o f t h e l a w firm o f H A L E , N E L L E S & S H O R R . B e r n a y s is t h e m a n

w h o defended LINDGREN,2 AMTER and JAKIRA,3 and is known by this office to be active legally and personally in Communist circles. Bernays was present as Briggs' adviser, the latter being the most active complainant against Garvey. I later informed Inspector Williamson of Bernays' standing. Bernays did not recognize me, and when I asked what his interest in the matter was, since he was not a stockholder in the Black Star Line, has no actions pending

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against them, nor has he, in fact, ever dealt with any of its officers in any way, he explained that he "hated crookedness in every form." It is easy to understand his interest however. Briggs is leader of the Negro Communist element; Garvey is his only stumbling block; and with him out of the way Briggs' field is materially widened. Bernays being at least a Communist sympathizer, has taken this occasion to "help the cause." Briggs['s] appearance here today was merely an effort to learn when action would be taken against Garvey. Upon presenting the complaint to Asst. U.S. Attorney Joyce this evening, he requested that we prepare for his guidance a complete report of the information upon which the subpoenas were to be issued, stating that he was not satisfied as yet that there was sufficient material on hand to proceed. January ioth: Inspector Williamson and Agent spent this morning preparing report for Mr. Joyce. The report follows:4 M E M O R A N D U M FOR U N I T E D S T A T E S A T T O R N E Y

CONCERNING

MARCUS GARVEY

This is a case concerning Marcus Garvey, an alien West Indian negro who operates from 56 West i3[5]th Street, New York, N.Y. He is charged with having violated the postal fraud statutes in the promotion of the following companies: (1) Universal Negro Improvement Association and African Communities League, Inc., (2) Black Star Line, Inc., (3) The Negro Factories Corporation, Inc. (4) The "Negro World." (5) The Universal Steam Laundry. The advertised purpose of the Universal Negro Improvement Association and African Communities League is stated as follows: An organization embracing the millions of men, women and children of Negro blood and of African descent of all countries of the world, striving for thefreedom,manhood and nationalism of the Negro, and to hand down to posterity a Flag of Empire to restore to the world an Ethiopian Nation one and indivisible out of which shall come our princes and rulers,—to bequeath to our children and our Grand Old Race the heritage of an Ancestry worthy of their time and thoughtful of the future.

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The Black Star Line, Inc., is a Delaware corporation with an authorized capitalization of $10,000,000, organized under the laws of the State of Delaware, and Garvey, since 1920 at least, has been selling shares of the common stock in this corporation. His principal medium of reaching the public is the "Negro World," a second class publication mailed from New York. It has a circulation list of some 45,000 names and circulates among negroes in nearly every country in the world but principally among American negroes and negroes in the British West Indies. The Black Star Line, Inc. pretends to run a line of steamers, both freight and passenger, and is to convey men and materials to the [w]est coast of Africa where a great negro empire is to be founded. The following representations have been made with reference to the steamship line and for the purpose of selling stock in the corporation. (1) Whatever might have been the errors of [the past, the present administration of the Black Star Line is composed of trained] business men and specialty service help, unquestionably equal to their responsible tasks. (2) Commercially there are few negro concerns in this country, and none in the world, whose prospects are as bright. (3) Invest your money in the most colossal, most propserous negro industry of all time. (4) The Black Star Line is up and doing. Doing what? Running steamships. Help to keep them running by buying your share today! (5) Invest now and help us put more ships on the sea. The advertising literature from which the above has been quoted, and which was used in May, 1921, contains the picture of four ships, known as PHYLLIS

WHEATLEY,

FREDERICK

DOUGLASS, ANTONIO MACEO a n d

the

SHADY SIDE. Confidential information from an agent of the Department of Justice is to the effect that the PHYLLIS WHEATLEY exists only on paper and that in order to procure the cut used, a ship was photographed with the real name concealed. An old ship, called the YARMOUTH, was renamed the FREDERICK DOUGLASS, and, as this agent understands it, a third ship was r e n a m e d the ANTONIO MACEO. T h e SHADY SIDE, he reports, is an excursion

steamer which was used on the Hudson River during one summer. Garvey, on being interviewed, gave some interesting information on the ship question. In October, 1919, he got possession of the s/s YARMOUTH, a 1400 ton freight and passenger vessel. It was the [prop]erty of the North American Steamship Co., and the Garvey [dea]l was [condjucted through the firm of HARRIS, MCGILL AND CO., [35 South] William Street. Garvey says

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he paid $50,000 down and thereafter he paid $10,000 to $11,000 per month until $135,000 had been paid. He now owes $29,000 on this ship. This vessel had an exciting experience in January and February, 1920. It was out in charge of Captain JOSHUA COCKBURN, a Negro skipper, and a crew of negroes. Below decks she carried some 21,419 cases of whiskey, 500 cases of champagne and 350 barrels of wine. She was bound for Havana, C u b a , but developed engine trouble somewhere off the Virginia capes and was towed back to New York. Then trouble with the cargo began. The liquor, or a considerable part of it, was stolen and the Black Star Line is defendant in libel suits for damages amounting to over $200,000. The title to the ship, Garvey said, passed to a law firm in Canada. So as to statement N o . 1, the company, instead of being composed of "trained business men," was then and is still dominated by Garvey, who had no more sense than to sponsor this ill-starred venture. The next ship, the Kanawha, Garvey says, was secured in May, 1920. She was a 700-ton passenger vessel. The [d]eal was made with JAMES M. BRIGGS, whose address is care of FOLEY & MARTIN, Attorneys at Law. The price was $60,000. She was once a yacht owned by H. H. [RO]GERS, but when Garvey got possession, she was in bad condition. He renamed the vessel ANTONIO MACEO and says he spent $75,000 to make her seaworthy. She made one trip to Charleston and in August, 1921, set out for Cuba. She is n o w at or near the mouth of a river at Antilla, Cuba, in the charge of the American Consul. G a r v e / s company owes $9,500 on the vessel which is virtually a wreck. This debt, by some arrangement not yet explained, is due the Massachusetts Bonding Co. This, in brief, is the story of the only two ships which ever made a pretext of [pjutting out to sea. But in March, 1920, a river boat, the Shady Side, was optioned for from LEON R. SWIFT, a ship broker in New York. The price to be paid was $35,000. Garvey ran this boat up and down the Hudson f o r a time as an excursion steamer, had on it his famous Negro band of some 75 pieces, but the boat, like the two ships, soon came to grief. Garvey paid about $18,000 of the purchase price when the boat was damaged by ice. This occurred sometime last winter. She is now docked at Fort Lee and the Black Star Line is trying to collect the insurance. This, as well as what has been said of the Kanawha wreck, bears on statement No. 1, and with equal force on statements N o . 2 and No. 3. Commercially, the prospects are anything but bright, and certainly this industry is neither prosperous nor colossal, as claimed. Statements N o . 4 and N o . 5 were made to deceive. This is evident from the story of the PHYLLIS WHEATLEY, a ship existing only in Garvey's imagination. In the same circular in which you will find these statements is a picture of the imaginary ship, [the name visible. This picture appeared] as early as March, 1921. Garvey explained that this ship is really the ORION and is [ o w n e d ] by the Shipping Board. He made a bid for her on June 12th, 1921, offering to pay $225,000. Through the New York Ship Exchange at

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115 Broadway, he put up $25,000. The Shipping Board required a performance bond of $200,000, and to date this has not been accepted. What could be more fraudulent than this advertisement which appeared in Garvey's paper, the "Negro World" on March [26]th, 1921? BLACK STAR LINE. Passengers and freight for

***Monrovia,

Africa. By s/s PHYLLIS WHEATLEY. Sailing on or about April 25th. * * * B o o k your baggage now. As bearing on the dishonest intent of Garvey, the investigation discloses— (1) That funds belonging to one corporation were transferred to another without compensation. This has reference to the "Negro World," a newspaper which was first owned by the local branch of the Universal Negro Improvement Association and African Communities League. It was sold by the local to the parent body. Then one of two things happened: Either (1) the parent body sold it to the African Communities League (a part of itself), using Universal Negro Improvement Association funds to buy the paper from itself, or (2) the Universal Negro Improvement Association sold the paper to itself and made a gift of it to the African Communities League. Which plan was adopted depends on the way Garvey juggled the books. But in either event, the money which the Universal Negro Improvement Association used in the transaction was the [mon]ey of the so-called "Liberian Construction Loan," a subsidiary [spec]ial fund of the Universal Negro Improvement Association. This use of this fund is shown in the annual report of "High Chancellor" for 1921. And as a further bearing on dishonest intent, the investigation further discloses— (2) That the charter of the African Communities League was violated by the officers of that corporation in buying stock in the Black Star Line, Inc. This is inferred from the evidence of the report of the "High Chancellor," which is signed by him and to which is attached a report of the "Auditor General," ELIE GARCIA. This report shows that one of the items of expense of the so-called "Construction Loan" was $34,000, this in fact being the largest item of it. It is the amount invested in Black Star Line stock and it can be assumed that the Universal Negro Improvement Association, which purports to be an eleemosynary organization, could only invest in safe securities. Garvey, who controlled the Board of Directors, made this investment with knowledge of the insolven[c]y of the Black Star Line, Inc. It was, therefore,

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not an investment in good faith for the purposes of the eleemosynary organization, but simply a diversion of trust [funds] by Garvey to himself under a guise which concealed the real purpose. J A M E S D. B R O O K S was formerly Secretary-General of the Universal Negro Improvement Association and as such learned that at one meeting of the Board of Directors Garvey was voted $1(5],ooo of the funds of this eleemosynary organization to be used as he saw fit. It is presumed that the $i[5],ooo so voted is a part of the $[3]4,4oo mentioned by the "High Chancellor." Further, the investigation discloses— (3) That the so-called "death fund" was used, at least in part, to meet running expenses. This being already a trust fund, it could only be legally used to satisfy death claims filed by the beneficiaries of the association members. The Constitution and By Laws of the Universal Negro Improvement Association provide that a death tax of ten cents per month shall be levied against each member and that this shall be a levy distinct and separate from the regular monthly dues. It provides also that this sum shall be forwarded to the Secretary General to be placed to the credit of the so-called death fund. Then, on the death of a member, it was provided that the sum of $75. should be paid to the next of kin. Brooks, who for over a year held the office of Secretary-General, informed an agent of the Department of Justice that during his incumbency, that while records of this fund were kept separate from the principal records, that is to say the 104 per month collected, [this fund, was allowed?] to mingle with the general funds of the Association and was applied generally to the payment of salaries and to such other incidental expenses as arose from time to time. In the statement of the "High Chancellor," heretofore referred to, the death tax levy yielded $i9,5[62].8o, from which there had been paid $1,275.00, leaving $18,287.80. The balance sheet as of [Jul]y 1921, [which includes] the business of the entire Universal Negro Improvement Association, shows that the bank balance as of that date amounted to only $10,913.67, so that the fund as of the date of the statement must have been depleted to the extent of $7,37413The balance of the day was spent by Agent gathering additional data regarding purchase of ships by the Black Star Line. . . . January 11th: This morning, upon interviewing Mr. Joyce, he stated he had not yet read the report but would do so today. Agent then forced to discontinue temporarily on another matter, but at 4:30 P.M. upon telephoning Mr. 360

JANUARY 1922

Williamson, was informed that up to that time the report was still in Mr. Joyce's hands unread. January 12th: After going over all details with Mr. Joyce, he gave his sanction to the issuance of subpoenas duces tecum for all records of the Black Star Line and Universal Negro Improvement Association and African Communities League. Mr. Joyce was of the opinion that Garvey might attempt to [make] a get away, and therefore warrant for his arrest was issued. At 2:00 P.M. in company with Inspector Williamson, Accountant Merril[e]es, Agent Anderson, and Deputy Marshal, proceeded to the vicinity of 56 West I3[5]th Street, offices of the Black Star Line, Upon [being informed by . . .[words mutilated] that Garvey was not at his office,] agent proceeded to his home, 133 W. 129th Str. Upon finding him there, I interviewed him under pretext, went to the street and returned to the house with the Deputy Marshal and placed Garvey under arrest. He insisted upon telephoning for his Secretary, M I S S J A C Q U E S [ , ] and his attorney, MR. MC C L E N N A N . When they arrived at his home, we all proceeded to the offices of the Black Star Line, Messrs. Williamson, Merril[e]es and Anderson were already there, and upon our arrival the Deputy Marshal served the subpoenas duces tecum upon E L I E G A R C I A , Secretary. He willingly cooperated, and produced all books and records called for. In fact, upon request, brought two additional books to the Post Office Building himself the following day. The books obtained were: Black Star Line Stock ledger—S Stock Ledger—L Ledger from 1919 to date Minute book Journal

Universal Negro Imp. Assn. Minute books (2) Cash books (3) Cash books (2) Vouchers from August, 1920 to December, 1921 (Inclusive)

Cash books (3) Vouchers from August, 1919 to September, 1921 Sundry letters and agreements re purchase of ships. Pass books (3) A receipt signed by Mr. Williamson has been given Garcia for these books. Garvey was taken to the Federal Building, where, before Commissioner [Samuel] Hitchcock, he was held in $2,500 bail, which he secured immediately.

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January 13th: U p o n subpoena, the following came to the Post Office Building today. E L I E G A R C I A , J. W. J O N E S , 5 O R L A N D O T H O M P S O N , M R . TOBIAS, M R . TOOTE.

A s the Grand Jury did not convene, M r . Williamson requested that they remain to be questioned. All agreed. It was possible to examine only Garcia, Jones and Thompson today, and the others promised to return upon telephone call. Copies of the statements given by these three will be forwarded to Washington as soon as available. M r . Williamson and Agent today started circularizing the Black Star Line stockholders, using Post Office form letters. There are over 4 0 , 0 0 0 stockholders in the Line and it will be impossible to circularize all. In general, the facts developed today by the questioning of the three mentioned add materially to the report incorporated above, and appear to justify, in addition to Garvey, the indictment of Garcia and possibly one other. M[ORTIMER] J. DAVIS

DJ-FBI, file 61. TD. 1. Murray C. Bernays (1894-1970) was a Lithuanian-born lawyer who came to the United States in 1899 and was educated at Harvard University (A. B. degree, 191s) and Columbia University (LL.B. degree, 1920). He was an associate in the law firm of Hale, Nelles and Schorr until 1921, when he became a partner. Bernays later served with the U.S. Army as chief of the Legislative and Special Projects Branch of the General Intelligence Department during World War II. There he formulated the concepts that led to the public war-crimes trials at Nürnberg at the close of the war (NCAB). 2. Edward I. Lindgren was one of the founders of the Communist party in the United States. He was elected a member of the executive committee of the left-wing section of the Socialist party of Greater New York at its first convention in February 1919. He was also an American delegate to the second congress of the Communist International, held in Moscow in 1920 (U.S. House of Representatives, "Organized Communism in the United States," report 1,694, 28 May 1954, p. 9; U.S. House of Representatives Committee on Un-American Activities, "Investigation of Un-American Propaganda Activities in the United States," report 209, r April 1947, p. 39). 3. Israel Amter (1881-1954) was born in Denver and educated at the Leipzig Conservatory of Music, Leipzig, Germany, where he was trained as a pianist and composer. He joined the Socialist party while in Germany in 1917, and in 1919 he helped to organize the Communist party in the United States. He ran for public office as a Communist candidate on numerous occasions, running at various times for mayor of New York and for U.S. senator from New York (NTT, 25 November 1954). Israel Amter and Abram Jakira were members of the faction of the Communist-Workers party that supported the continuation of the underground Communist party in 1922 against the faction supporting the legal Workers party (Theodore Draper, American Communism and Soviet Russia [New York: Viking Press, i960], pp. 22-23). 4. This report was later submitted by Oliver B. Williamson, Post Office inspector, to Rush D. Simmons, chief inspector, Post Office Department, Washington, D.C., on 18 January 1922 (DJ-FBI, file 72487-E). 5. Capt. J. W. Jones was Confidential Informant 800.

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Speech by Marcus Garvey [[New York, Jan. 15, 1922]] . . . My subject for tonight is "The Fight for Liberty." My arrest, as you know, is but part of the international plot to discredit me and then smash the hope of the Negro for real freedom. Those of you who have been paying close attention to the upward growth of the Universal Negro Improvement Association must have realized the offense created by this movement against those forces that have kept us oppressed for hundreds of years. The so-called arrest of a couple of days ago is but the medium through which it is desired that I be discredited before the world, thus bringing to a people who have within the last four years seen a vision, an utter gloom and darkness from which apparently they would not recover. But unfortunately for our friends who have been working their little games and setting their plots they are rating the present Negro by the conduct and action of the Negro of the past. M O R A L E OF N E W N E G R O U N B R O K E N

I say this positively: the morale of the New Negro cannot be broken. (Cries of No! No!) The morale of the Negro American soldier in France[,] the morale of the Negro West Indian soldier in France, the morale of the Negro African soldier in France was unbroken and the morale of the soldiers of the bloody war of 1914 to 1918 is the morale of Negroes throughout the world. (Applause.) It cannot be broken. I feel that those who are responsible—I mean as far as the law is concerned—for my arrest, were but innocent parties to the plot engineered by the traitors and plotters who have set the stage for an international scandal as far as the Universal Negro Improvement Association is concerned. The psychology of the thing is this: That if we can get some kind of discreditable news about Garvey and the Black Star Line and the Universal Negro Improvement Association to relay around the world, we will be able to break down the morale of his supporters—the morale of the Negroes— and thereby we will be able to win the day against the new determination on the part of Negroes to free themselves universally. Wisely or unwisely, they themselves during the last war taught us the value of propaganda, and every Negro knows what propaganda means, and when it is directed against him he pay[s] no attention to it. P R O P A G A N D A D I R E C T E D A G A I N S T THE N E G R O

It is but propaganda of certain European governments by which they will be able to dampen the spirit and the ardor of the New Negro, but the Universal Negro Improvement Association having been schooled in the new statesmanship of 1914 and 1918 cannot be deceived. Those of you who are members of this association—and we have millions—you know that there is

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but one cause, and that is the cause of the freedom of Africa. There is no going back on it; there is no compromising it; it cannot be stopped by the arrest of any one man; it cannot be stopped by the death of any one man; it cannot be stopped by the arrest of a thousand men; it cannot be stopped by the death of a million men; it must go on. (Applause.) When the traitors knock up against Marcus Garvey they knock up against one man to whom death is but the snap of a finger if by dying he can free Africa and redeem the entire race. A F I G H T FOR C O M P L E T E F R E E D O M

The fight of the Universal Negro Improvement Association for the liberation of the Negro peoples of the world is the fight that Ireland made for 750 years, for which Robert Emmet gave his head, for which Roger Casement gave his life; and Marcus Garvey, like all the martyrs of other races, will give his blood at any time for the freedom of Africa. (Applause.) T H E CAUSE CANNOT

DIE

This is a cause that cannot die[.] The more you persecute the stronger becomes the determination to fight to the bitter end. So this camouflage— these plots, these designs and those who engineer them may well know that the New Negro is here, and so long as Marcus Garvey lives and has the breath of life they will never be able to destroy the purpose we have in view. Some of you may be cowardly at heart and fearful at heart; but here stands one Negro that could have died in 1914 and 1918—whose life could have been given for nothing on the battle plains of France and Flanders; that life when it is to be given shall be given for the cause of African freedom everywhere. The new Negro is here and he is not going to yield up without a fight—a fight to the finish[.] They try to impute all kinds of things disrespectful against the Negro, thinking that the Negro is not a man like other men. Ireland has fought for her freedom for 750 years and Ireland has won her freedom. Dare them to impute anything disrespectful to Irishmen and Ireland. What right have they[,] therefore, to impute anything disrespectful to a race not four million strong, but four hundred million strong? They see[m] to think and take the Negro as a joke, but let me say again as I have often said, that this is one movement that will su[r]prise those who believe it to be a joke. T H E MOVEMENT A SPIRITUAL O N E

This is one movement that will surprise those who believe that it is a movement of graft; it is a spiritual movement, and nothing in the world can kill the ardor or the spirit of a people. They talk about my having fraudulently used the mails. I do not know in what way, but suffice it to say, that is only a means to an end. Behind it all is the Negro traitor; behind it all is the Negro plotter; behind it all are those who have something to lose if the Universal Negro Improvement Association succeeds in its program. That is

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the who[l]e sum and substance of it, and the Negro knows it, and therefore cannot be deceived. I do not care one row of pins what the outcome of the case may be, so I am not disturbed about it. I am only disturbed about the way they are forcing us more and more to do things against our will. If you continue to provoke a man you must stand the consequences of the provocation, and Negroes are not in the frame of mind throughout the world today to be provoked. They have been provoked for 250 years; they have been lied to for 300 years, and the Negro in Africa, in the West Indies, in Central and South America and North America is not prepared to be fooled with at this time. You will realize that you are not the only men in the world. There are men of other races; they are Japanese, Chinese, Hindoos, Egyptians, Jews, Italians, Frenchmen, Germans, Englishmen, white Americans, Canadians, and all have fought and died for their freedom, and nobody imputed ulterior motives to those who led. They did not say George Washington robbed the people of their money; they did not say William Pitt robbed the people of their money; they did not say De Valera robbed the people of their money, even though the Irishmen came here and sold millions of dollars' worth of bonds for the freedom of Ireland without any securities. They did not say De Valera robbed the Irish people. Why is it? Because they have no respect for the Negro and for Negro leadership, but this is one movement that is going to teach them a signal lesson. They may have had to deal with the Negro scamp and the Negro vagabond and the Negro cheat in the past, but there is something dearer to this movement than money, it is liberty; [it] is true democracy; it is faith in manhood rights and in the desire to gain those things we lose sight of money. But it is natural that the criminal thinks criminally of others—those who are steeped in sin regard every other person as [a] sinner, and therefore can see no good and no virtue in the other fellow; but let them look at us through that spectacle and they will be deceived. Unfortunately or fortunately it happened that I, because of being President-General of the Universal Negro Improvement Association, was made president of the allied corporations, so as to carry out the proper system of control, just as the President of the United States of America is responsible for all departments of the American Government, yet he does not control them; just as the Prime Minister of Great Britain or France is responsible for the various departments of government but does not control them all. But they do not seem to realizfe] that in the Universal Negro Improvement Association we have plans and spirit big enough to do things in big ways and on a big scale. They simply believe that in everything there is graft. I do not know if they are judging us by themselves, but it is peculiar how some men can see nothing else in the Universal Negro Improvement Association but graft. Why cannot they see the virtue of the thing? Why should it be hard or difficult for the Negro to be as virtuous as other people who have been fighting for the same cause? The English fought for liberty; the Americans fought for liberty; the French fought for liberty; the Irish

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fought for liberty. Why cannot they see the virtues of the Negro fighting for liberty? It is simply because they have no respect for us; whether we are leaders or criminals we are all classed together. You will understand that the freedom of Africa is the dearest thing to Negroes everywhere. If we cannot get liberty in Europe, if we cannot get liberty on this American Continent, if we cannot get liberty in Asia, then surely we shall take liberty in Africa. Our course is planned, and because the program is so big, some of our own people cannot appreciate it for its bigness, because being big it takes much to put it over, and they are not prepared to go. Our leaders in the past have been men who have been paid by philanthropy and charity, and naturally could not undertake any big program. Charity and philanthropy do not put over big programs. Programs that are put over by charity and philanthropy are circumscribed or limited. A program for liberty has never yet been put over by charity and by philanthropy, but, on the contrary, by sacrifice. Our leaders in the past have never been ready to make sacrifices, because it does not pay to sacrifice. It does not pay to go without lunch; it does not pay to go without supper, and that would be sacrifice; our leaders are not prepared to make it. And that is just the cause of the attitude and frame of mind of those who have been handing out to our leaders in the past. They believe that all movements of Negroes must be of that kind as to seek the charity and philanthropy of others—going down on the knee and begging for help, so as to insure their luncheon and supper—a bread and butter leadership. A PROGRAM OF

MANHOOD

We came forward with a manhood program. It is so big they cannot understand it. It is surprising that there should be an African Republic and an African President. How in[so]lent! How impertinent! How dare you talk about a provisional or actual president of Africa! That is what is trou[bling] them. But they do not seem to realize that they are teasing the issue, and by their teasing it is going to be realized quicker than we anticipated. By these little arrests here and there they are only aggravating the Negro [people]s of the world to fight the more, be[cau]se we know among ourselves that in these parts where we live under [alie]n rule, we have but little chance of getting justice, and we are longing to get justice from ourselves and among ourselves, and that is why we want a government of our own from policeman to president. (Applause.) So, that when we meet the traitors as we know them, we can better handle them, and we are going to handle them one of these days in Africa somewhere. [They] may say "we are not going to Africa"; but they will have to follow the crowd, and they are only piling up sins and tribulations for their children, gran[dchildr]en and great-grandchildren, because they have written their names acro[ss the pages] of Negro history as traitors. And as Benedict Arnold has come down the pages of American history, so will some of these fellows' names go down on the pages of African

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history. There were many Irishmen who proved traitors to the cause [of Ireland] in the days when Ireland was struggling for her freedom. Ireland will yet get her complete freedom and Ireland will yet deal with her traitors because their names are written down. S P I R I T OF A PEOPLE C A N N O T B E SUPPRESSED

It is impossible to suppress the spirit of so many people as many as we are—not only one million but hundreds of millions with the vision of liberty. It is impossible to suppress our spirit and prevent our success ultimately, hence there is bound to be a free Africa whether it be tomorrow or a hundred years hence. So that those men of our race who have plotted all kinds of things against the Universal Negro Improvement Association for its defeat and downfall are only piling up troubles of their own which will come back to them, I feel sure. A UNIVERSAL FIGHT

So, you of Liberty Hall, I want you to understand that the fight that we are making is not only an American fight; it is a universal fight, and 800 branches of the Universal Negro Improvement Association at this very hour throughout the world are now in touch with the news that the fight is on. In Africa the fight is on; in the West Indies the fight is on; in South and Central America the fight is on; all over the United States the fight is on. You will realize that the Universal Negro Improvement Association and its work is so important to us that we cannot afford to allow any one (even members of our own race) to treat it with disrespect. There must be something in this world worth dying for by some people. Some people die for their wives; some people die for their money; some people die for their property, and some people die for a national ideal, and among the many things that I would die for is the national ideal—a free and independent Africa. I am not going to trouble anybody; I am not going to disturb anybody; I am not going to rob anybody; I am not going to get in anybody's way, but everybody will get out of my way on the way to Africa. We are traveling towards a destination that we claim to be ours and we are going to win out and we are going to get it if it takes a year or a hundred years or a thousand years; we are bound to get the complete freedom of Africa. They know it and that is why they want to suppress the spirit of the Negro today. Men, I feel sure that you have got the new spirit and if one man goes off the stage of action, there is but one soldier fallen out of line. I trust you who make up the rank and file of the Universal Negro Improvement Association are prepared and ready at any time to find a man when the hour strikes for your deliverance. Whether Marcus Garvey be on the stage of action or not, be not despaired; lose not hope; lose not sight of the vision because the work must go on; victory must be won. I have been speaking to you for four and a half years and I feel sure we must have made some real men since that

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time—men who can face any crisis; men who will stand up anywhere and be ready to live and be ready to die. That is the only way you can win the freedom of Africa and we will win. Cowardly races, cowardly nations, have never won out anywhere and will never win, and if you go down the ages as a race of cowards you shall continue to be a race of slaves[.] You men and women who have got the vision, I trust you will keep it ever before you. The star of Africa is shining, and though newspapers may ridicule us and traitors will make designs for our downfall, I want to remind you that you are engaged in a noble work—the work of liberating 400,000,000 human souls. It is a righteous work; it is a noble cause; let nothing dampen or deter your determination. We in the four years of our operation have brought to you a world organization, and this world organization is causing uneasiness among some people because they realize that it is not a joke. A F R I C A STRONG FOR THE

MOVEMENT

You can hardly imagine the strength of this movement in Africa—South Africa, East Africa, West Africa, North Africa and Central Africa. And as the pressure of this movement increases in Africa, more and more will grow the propaganda to destroy the source of it in these United States of America. Latest special reports coming from Europe say that the Africans have changed their attitude and that the Africans are carrying propaganda that is pro-Negro. This has alarmed Europeans, and a lot of them are getting out of Africa now. A poor fellow went down there from France with his wife to kill big game, and some African made a mistake and took him for game also. (Laughter.) So you will realize that something is happening in Africa and it suits some people to get at the source of this new spirit among those people. Who would have thought that these wild savages, as they called them, could have turned overnight? But even a worm turns sometimes, and they are going to see many more strange things happen. O R G A N I Z A T I O N L E A D S TO F R E E D O M

We have to thank you for the splendid morale you have demonstrated. Keep up the splendid spirit that you have maintained and I am saying to you tonight that organization is the medium through which you will see salvation. Organization is the moving force, the propelling force that brings about freedom for all people. You are at your strongest point and that is why the forces are organized against you. Now, let me tell you this: Once upon a time you could not get them (the white press) to mention anything about a Negro, excepting when he committed some hideous crime; they would not spend or pay even ten cents to send any news concerning the Negro from one part of the country to the other. Now, this Universal Negro Improvement Association is causing them to spend hundreds of thousands of dollars annually to s[e]nd cables and to

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relay mes[sa]ges around the world, to tell about the activities among Negroes. It means, therefore, that you are succeeding some. When voluntarily they are willing to spend vast sums of money to publish and spread news concerning us, it means that you are doing some work. R E F E R S TO H I S

ARREST

They arrested me here Thursday, and by Friday evening I had newspaper clippings from about a dozen cities, some five hundred miles away, some a thousand miles away, which reported my arrest in New York; and those clippings were in some of the papers one column and a half long. Now, you know when you cause white people to spend all that money for telegrams and cablegrams to disseminate news concerning you, to all parts of this country, and to England and France, it means that you have somebody worrying. (Laughter.) For people don't spend so much money so easily nowadays. Millions of dollars are being spent by the enemies of the Negro to keep back the progress of the Universal Negro Improvement Association, and although we haven't millions of dollars, we are determined, now more than ever, that the work shall go on. Millions have already come to our standard, and millions more are rallying to the call, and pledging to the cause their loyalty, their devotion, their spiritual, moral and material assistance. I want you to understand that the fight is not so much against Marcus Garvey; it is because Marcus Garvey happens to be the shepherd of the flock, and they hope, by striking down the shepherd, to scatter the sheep. Therefore, their plan is, get Garvey out of the way, and we will be able to handle the Universal Negro Improvement Association. (A voice: "They make a big mistake!") S H O W S A B S U R D I T Y OF C H A R G E S A G A I N S T H I M

Let me say to you that, as far as I am concerned, I have no cause to rob anybody; I have no cause to defraud anybody; for the simple reason, thank God, or whosoever gave it to me, I was endowed with strength and ability always to do something for myself, for I can handle a pick or a shovel, or handle a pen, or handle a wheelbarrow. I always fee[l] in such form as to be able to earn a livelihood anywhere, even in a desert; and having that confidence in myself, I can always find work, and if I cannot get it from some one else, I can make it for myself; so that I do not think it would be justifiable for me to rob anybody else. The man who steals, the man who defrauds another man, is the poor fellow who has lost confidence in himself. I still have confidence in myself, that I have ability and energy to find my daily bread of life; and so long as that confidence abides with me I will have n o cause to rob anybody. Remember that whenever you see a thief, whenever you see a man who will defraud another that poor fellow has lost confidence in his own ability and, therefore, he resorts to stealing and robbing somebody else; but wherever you see an upright, honest man, that is the man who

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has confidence in his own soul, in his own physical and mental makeup. So that all they may say about my defrauding anyone, or using the mails fraudulently, doesn't worry me one bit, because I do not want to defraud anybody, and have no need to do so[.] As a conclusion to his address, the President-General said that he expects all the members and friends of the Universal Negro Improvement Association to stand by the association at this time. As for himself, it is immaterial; but as for the organization, it is upper-most; it is all important, and every Negro at this time should show his loyalty to the cause, loyalty to the race, by supporting the movement. He then said that it is the purpose of the organization to raise a New York Local Defense Fund, as all the other divisions are doing; a fund on which it can always be depended to draw for financial aid whenever such things occur as the happening the other day, for a big movement like the U.N.I.A. cannot afford to be without such a defense fund at all times. He said he hoped every man, woman and child would regard it as a matter of race pride and duty to subscribe to this fund; everyone who believes in the freedom of Africa and in the emancipation of the race. This appeal was heartily responded to, members and friends of the organization coming forward and subscribing amounts of $i each and more, the eagerness with which the people made their contributions being almost without precedent. . . . P r i n t e d in N W , 21 J a n u a r y 1922. O r i g i n a l headlines omitted.

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Open Letter from the New York UNIA Local LIBERTY HALL, January 15th, 1922 TO W H O M IT MAY C O N C E R N :

We, the undersigned, members of the New York Division of the UNIV E R S A L N E G R O I M P R O V E M E N T ASSOCIATION, a n d S t o c k h o l d e r s in its s u b -

s i d i a r y , the BLACK STAR LINE STEAMSHIP COMPANY, INC., d o hereby voice

our trust and confidence in the personal honesty, integrity of character, sincerity of motive, and business acumen, of our President, the Hon. Marcus Garvey, and our entire satisfaction in the course of business pursued by him as Chief executive of the said Black Star Line Steamship Company, Inc. and its sister Corporations. By this, we declare to all the World, and most especially, to those malicious persons, both of our own and alien Races, now engaged in a scandalous and outrageous attempt to throw an atmosphere of disrepute about him and the Organization which he represents, that we look with extreme disfavor and disapproval upon the unwarranted and vicious attacks being made upon him, and through him, upon the Organization to which we owe allegiance, and upon the entire Negro Race. I N T H E NAME OF J U S T I C E ; WE PETITION THE AUTHORITIES OF THE F E D E R A L G O V E R N M E N T OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, WHOSE TASK IT IS TO I N V E S T I G A T E T H E C H A R G E S BROUGHT AGAINST T H E SAID MARCUS G A R V E Y , TO T U R N A DEAF EAR TO T H E SLANDEROUS PROPAGANDA OF T H E D I S H O N E S T A N D T R E A C H E R O U S I N T R I G U E R S , WHO, DISCOVERED IN T H E I R P L A N S TO D E F R A U D A N D EXPLOIT T H E I R HELPLESS RACE, WERE EXPELLED F R O M T H I S ASSOCIATION, OR EXPOSED BY ITS ACTION; AND WE ARE CONF I D E N T THAT T H E Y W I L L ACT WITH HONOR AND FAIR MINDEDNESS THEIR

IN

P R O C E E D I N G S , A N D W I L L , IN SO FAR AS LIES IN T H E I R POWER,

S H I E L D H I M FROM I N S U L T AND I N D I G N I T Y .

In the name o f TRUTH and FAIR PLAY, w e call upon the PRESS o f this

Country, Negro as well as White, to refrain from publishing in their columns all such exaggerated mis-statements, mocking caricatures, and unwarranted ridicule, as may serve only as an avenue for the display of would-be cleverness and pseudo wit on their part, "i.e. articles of the type appearing in the New York World, the New York News, the New York Sun, and other papers of Friday, January 13th, 1922." We would appeal to the consciences of all Reporters engaged in following up the case to remember that it is their mission and sacred duty to inform, and not to misinform, by abortive news items, the reading public. In the name of our Ancient Race, in the name of the glorious struggle for African Redemption, and in the name of the ideals and aspirations of Four hundred million Negroes the world over, we appeal to all other Divisions of this Association, and to all worthy members of the Race, whereso-

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ever they may be, for their co-operation in this protest and declaration of confidence, and we invoke the blessing of Almighty God upon all efforts which may be put forth by them in the defence of the said Hon. Marcus Garvey, and the cause he represents. SIGNED:

(Chairman)

1.

A. H. L I N D S A Y

2.

A R N O L D J. FORD

3456. 78. 9-

D. S. R O B I N S O N J O H N J. BOYDE INNOCENCIO SWIFT M A T I L D A BOYCE E. M. C O L L I N S ANN

PARIS

J A M E S A. BROWN

10.

A. S Q U I R E S

11.

M R S . J A M E S S. HEWITT

12.

LESTER TAYLOR

1314. 15-

R O B E R T J. H O D G E L U D W I G E. H A R R I G A N 1

16.

W I L L I A M ISLES

G. E M O N E I CARTER

Special Committee for the New York Local Division NOTE:—A copy of the foregoing, signed by thousands of members of the New York Division of the Universal Negro Improvement Association has been deposited with the Hon. S. M. Hitchcock, United States Commissioner for New York. D N A , R G 60, file 198940. T L , recipient's copy. 1. Ludwig Harrigan was also a colonel in the Universal African Legion (NW, 12 November 1921).

J. Edgar Hoover to William J. Burns Washington January 16, 1922 M E M O R A N D U M FOR M R .

BURNS:

The confidential informant who has been engaged upon the case against Marcus Garvey called by telephone at 3:30 Monday afternoon, January 16, 1922, and advised that a man by the name of Burke, formerly private secretary to Lincoln Johnson, the candidate for colored recorder of deeds of the District of Columbia, had been in touch with him in New York.

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It appears that Burke has been working for Garvey in a confidential capacity for the last ten (10) days, and told our informant that Lincoln Johnson had been retained as Garvey's attorney in the present difficulty between Garvey and the federal authorities; that for $20,000 the case against Garvey would be dropped. 1 It was stated that Postmaster General Hays, in order to repay a political debt, would intercede for Garvey; that Hays, of course, was not to receive any of the money, but the money was to be provided in Washington for use in the case. $3,000 of the fund had to be raised by six o'clock Monday afternoon, January 16, 1922. Burke is at present in New York in close touch with our informant, who will advise us when he leaves New York for Washington with the money. Respectfully, J. E.

HOOVER

DJ-FBI, file 61. TLS, recipient's copy. 1. O n 19 January 1922 William Burns, director of the Bureau of Investigation, wrote a memorandum to John Crim, a special assistant to the United States attorney, informing him of the $ 2 0 , 0 0 0 offer. H e added, "Our informant is giving this matter very careful attention, particularly this angle of it, and I shall, of course, advise you at once of any further developments" ( D J - F B I , file 61). On 16 March 1925 James E. Amos, a Bureau of Investigation agent, reported that William Matthews said "that he could get Garvey out of Atlanta, Ga. Penitentiary n o w if Garvey were willing to put up enough money, but said that Garvey never wanted to put up money until it was too late. . . . H e said he had influence with someone connected with the Government w h o would help him" ( D J - F B I , file 61).

Confidential Informant 800 to George F. Ruch New York, Jan. 17, 1922 Sir: W. S. Burke did not leave for Washington tonight as he intended as Garvey did not come across with the money. I learned tonight that this man Burke has been very closely associated with Perry Howard, 1 who is, at the present time[,] connected with the Department. It seems that between Henry Lincoln Johnson, Perry Howard, and Burke this deal was to be put through for Garvey, but as I told Mr. Hoover over the phone, I knew that Garvey would not come across with the amount of money that they wanted. I understand that the letter that Burke mailed to Johnson last night told Johnson he need not hold himself in readiness any longer. Burke told me that they wouldn't be able to do anything with Garvey until Garvey had been down before the District Attorney and he saw for himself just how much of a case they had on him. When that had happened he said that Garvey would have some sense but he was afraid that it would be too late as Mr[.] Hayes would go out of office very shortly and then it was doubtful if he could do

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him any good. Burke was very much disappointed over the fact that he couldn't get Garvey to see the thing as he did. During our conversation Burke told me that Johnson was the one that had gotten Garvey back into the country last summer. If you will loo[k] over my reports, you will find that I reported at the time that Johnson had something to do with Garvey returning to the count[ry.] Mat[t]hews, who is now in Chicago[,] has been communicated with in [this] case but just what part he was to play in it I have been una[ble] to learn. W. S. Burke's Washington address is 224 N St., N.W.[,] he is very light skinned, freckled face, 5 feet 6 inches[,] 150 lbs, black hair, thin on top, heavy black eye brows, black eyes, wears tortoise shell glasses, dresses in dark clothes, felt hat, tan shoes, well informed, and a good talker. Henry Lincoln Johnson's Washington address is 1461 S St. N.W. Enclosing several clippings from the New York dailies on Garvey's arrest. After reading these reports I hope sir that the Department will see the necessity of giving a statement to the press so that "loyal" members of Garvey[']s organization may see the true side of the case. If the Government's side of the case is given to the press you will find that there will not be so many "loyal" members. Garvey has raised about $1200 (twelve hundred dollars) as a "defense fund". This money was contributed by this and other nearby divisions. I really think, that Garvey thinks, that the patriotism shown by some of his members will keep him out of jail. Hubert Harrison was down to the District Attorney's Office yesterday and I know that he told them all that he knew. I saw him on his way down there and he had a large bundle of records that he has kept on Garvey for the past two years. I have not seen Mr. Davis as he told me he would let me know through the same source that he got in touch with me before, when he wanted to see me. Will let you know by wire if Burke leaves for Washington. Respectfully, "800" D J - F B I , file 61-826. T L S , recipient's copy. 1. Perry Wilson Howard (1887-1961) was a lawyer and politician who became well known as a Republican national committeeman from Mississippi. Born in Mississippi, Howard was the son o f a black politician who was prominent in Mississippi Republican politics during the Reconstruction. He attended Rust College, Holly Springs, Miss., graduating in 1898. After a year at Fisk University, Nashville, Howard attended the University of Chicago, where he earned a law degree. In 1912 Howard was a delegate from Mississippi to the Republican National Convention. By 192+ he was chairman of the Mississippi Republican Committee, holding the position until 1932. President Harding made Howard a special assistant to the U.S. attorney general in 1921, and he retained the position for the next seven years. A favorite of southern white politicians, Howard led the "Black and T a n " Mississippi Delegation to the Republican National Convention from 1924 to i960. In 1922 he opposed the Dyer antilynching bill, describing W. E. B. Du Bois and Robert Vann as "political bolshevists." Du Bois condemned H o w a r d as a "lick-spittle politician" (Crisis 25, no. 3 [January 1923]: 104), while A. Philip Randolph marveled at Howard's "amazing stupidity" (Messenger 7, no. 10-11 [Octob e r - N o v e m b e r 1925]: 350). After 1921 Howard did not live or vote in Mississippi, but he

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JANUARY 1922 faithfully led the Black and Tan Mississippi Delegation at each Republican convention. As head o f the Mississippi Republican party, Howard exerted no influence on the lily-white state and local elections, but he did control delegates to the Republican National Convention, where he played an important role (Neil R. McMillen, "Perry W. Howard, Boss of Black and T a n Republicanism in Mississippi, 192+-1960," Journal of Southern History 47, no. 2 [May 1982]: 205-224).

Gloster Armstrong, British Consul General, to the Secretary, United States Shipping Board New York Jan. 17, 1922 Sir, The Black Star Line[,] operated under the presidency of Mr. Marcus Garvey, has or is contemplating operating steamers under charter with your organization. I should appreciate if you would inform me what, if any, vessels have been allocated to the Black Star Line. M y particular interest in this matter arises from the fact that the Black Star Line incurred indebtedness to the Canadian Department of Marine & Fisheries on account of the S/S "Yarmouth["] which has not been settled. Yours very truly, GLOSTER ARMSTRONG

H. M.'s Consul General DNA, RG 32, file 605-1-653. TLS, recipient's copy.

Editorial Letter by Marcus Garvey [[New York, January 17, 1922]] Greeting: There comes a time in the life of all reform movements when the opponents to the rights of the people declare in the open by their deeds and thus give cause for universal action. The Negro race, like all other people who have struggled upward to freedom, must expect to encounter hostilities and embarrassment of all kinds coming from within and from without, and those of us who make up the Universal Negro Improvement Association and have been interested in its career fully know and understand the motives behind the many embarrassing situations forced upon the great movement. As President-General of the Universal Negro Improvement Association, automatically I became President of the Black Star Line Steamship Corporation and all other auxiliary corporations for the purpose of control, just as a President or Premier is head of the various departments of his government. F E L L O W M E N OF T H E N E G R O R A C E ,

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This being so, and it being impossible for one man to function minutely in every position, it becomes necessary to have heads o f various departments, who are in turn responsible to me for the proper conduct o f affairs. Everybody knows that I represent to a great measure the yearnings o f four hundred million people who are clamoring for freedom, real freedom everywhere, and especially for the complete liberation o f Africa. Everybody within recent days knows that the Universal Negro Improvement Association is the most powerful Negro movement yet recorded in history and known to man; that it has succeeded in creating an international sentiment among Negroes never before known, in that Negroes everywhere without any compromise or apology are demanding equal rights, justice and a fair opportunity in all things human. This new spirit among Negroes is causing a restlessness among other peoples that is very disturbing. Some o f them are having dreadful nightmares as to the outcome o f the African cause. Naturally, therefore, they will seek every means possible to destroy the usefulness o f the Universal Negro Improvement Association, so as to make it impossible for Negroes to lift themselves from the conditions o f serfdom, peonage and slavery to real manhood—national, industrial, commercial, social, religious, educational. T h e old characteristic o f the Negro reveals to those who desire the destruction o f the race that whenever any number o f Negroes get together to impertinently (?) ask for rights the best things to do and the most successful is to get hold o f the leader, drive him out o f town, send him to jail, or get rid o f him in some way or the other, and you will scatter the little group o f impertinent (?) fellows who are not satisfied with their condition. But, behold! a new day is here, and Negroes are not so scattered now. Negroes are not so easily daunted now; Negroes are not so easily cowed now. The tide has changed, and instead o f Negroes going asunder after their leader is being tampered with, put out o f the way, hanged, electrocuted, sent to prison, they only come together the more, and present to the world many more such leaders to take the place o f the one removed from the field o f action. And this latter has been the attitude o f all peoples who have fought for their liberty. T h e old method o f striking the shepherd and scattering the sheep can no longer be applied to the new Negro who has scented the atmosphere o f freedom and who is determined to bask in the sunshine o f human liberty and live under the blessed rays o f true democracy. But in the desire to be unfair, to be unjust, men become drunk sometimes with their authority, with their power and they resort to measures and to methods which sometimes react. Those who have been following closely the career o f the Universal Negro Improvement Association for the last couple o f years can without much trouble pick out the scattered enemies o f the movement, enemies in other organizations claiming to be working for the advancement o f the race, as well as other organizations that have been subsidized by skillful strategists o f other races who believe that the best way to defeat the Negro is to use him

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against himself, as well as individual members of the race, some who have been dismissed from this organization for dishonesty and unreliability, duplicity of service and for other causes. Other enemies of the movement are to be found not only among individuals and organizations, but among governmental powers, who have colonial possessions in Africa, and who are afraid of losing them through the success of the Universal Negro Improvement Association. The combination of these forces have been working for some time to discredit me and my leadership, to make me out so dishonest and to so scatter a propaganda to that effect as to cause a universal stampede against the Universal Negro Improvement Association, thus bringing about its immediate destruction, along with its allied corporations, the Black Star Line, etc. They know of the relationship of all these corporations, and they believe that to strike one and put it out of commission is to bring the ruin of all. H o w misguided these poor mortals are! All these forces organized against the Universal Negro Improvement Association have their own particular and individual aim to be achieved. As has been explained, and as may be further explained in other respects, certain so-called Negro organizations made up of mixed peoples, who claim to be working in the interest of Negroes, are sore at me and at the Universal Negro Improvement Association because the movement has made an inroad into their little game of fooling the Negro. We have cut away from their membership thousands of devotees whose eyes are now open. The pressure is being felt at headquarters, and therefore the edict goes out "We must crush Garvey and the Universal Negro Improvement Association. Our salaries are imperilled, our good association with our social equals is to be destroyed; we cannot allow it." Hence we find them writing in two consecutive articles in their monthly journal for the months of December, 1921, and January, 1922, 1 alarming predictions against the Universal Negro Improvement Association and holding out suspicions as a source of propaganda which was to be waged against the organization to bring its downfall. And then succeeding the two articles, their white director of publicity, not longer than a couple of weeks ago, wrote an abusive, insolent, derogatory and wicked article in the Sunday edition of the New York World, further emphasizing the suspicion of his colleagues as written in the two articles above mentioned, so as to arouse the Negro people against the Universal Negro Improvement Association and its leader. Those who read the article in the New York World here referred to will remember these words: "But the bill has not yet been presented to Mr. Marcus Garvey. It may be a heavy one on the day of payment." Immediately after the publication of this wicked article a national campaign of newspaper releases went out inspiring those newspapermen, who had probably no suspicion of the intention to fight the Garvey movement, to create sentiment against it, so as to bring its downfall, and thus save the crumbling, hypocritical movements that have been fooling the people for many years.

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All the forces that were organized, though with separate aims as aforesaid, realized that they have the one objective in view, and therefore all of them should come together for the common purpose, and thus we find a relationship existing today between treacherous Negroes, dishonest Negroes, discredited Negroes, intelligent Negroes, so-called respectable Negroes, those who are opposed to Negro freedom, those who are opposed to African liberation, all working hand in hand because they are journeying on the same road toward the same destiny—revenge, destruction to the Universal Negro Improvement Association. Every means and method were resorted to to hold up the Universal Negro Improvement Association, through me, to ridicule and contempt; but the individuals and the organization, being without power, could do nothing to harm me or the cause, hence these individuals and these organizations have been flooding the various departments of government of the United States of America with all kinds of wicked and malicious complaints for the purpose of getting the government to incriminate me some way or other, by which charge they would have been given the material to publish to the world my imaginary crime. Thus the public of New York and the world, through the Associated Press and Reuter's, were suddenly notified on Thursday afternoon, the 12th inst., and Friday morning, the 13th, in glaring newspaper headlines that "Marcus Garvey was arrested for fraudulent use of the United States mails." Yes, this news has made the circuit already of the world; it has been relayed to Africa, to Europe, to Asia, all through the United States, Canada, the West Indies, South and Central America, Australia, so that Garvey can be held up to the world as a criminal, and therefore no one should follow him. Thus the downfall of the great Negro uplift movement. But these poor plotters are counting without their host; they do not know the spirit of the New Negro. He cannot easily be deceived. The Universal Negro Improvement Association, its auxiliary corporations and Marcus Garvey would never knowingly violate a law, either in the United States of America or any country where law and order must be maintained, therefore when the proper time comes those who have been used as mere instruments to carry out the designs of Negro plotters and other enemies will find out their mistake and the whole farce exposed to the world. N o true cause can perish, and surely the cause of the Universal Negro Improvement Association cannot die. Everybody knows that the U.N.I.A. becomes stronger after every fight for its existence, and we shall prove it at this time beyond the shadow of a doubt. Africa, the West Indies, South and Central America, the branches in Europe, in Australia, in India, must be lined up for the great cause of Negro liberty. Our men are prepared everywhere. Little tricks, little plots do not surprise us, because such have been the methods resorted to always by the enemies of human liberty. Robert Emmet and Roger Casement fought and died for Ireland; O'Connell, Parnell, Redmond, Griffith, Collins and De Valera have fought

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for and have won Irish freedom. Mahatma Gandhi is fighting for the freedom of India, and will not cease until all Indians are free. Zagloul Pasha is fighting for the freedom of Egypt. He has been deported from his country, and is now exiled in Ceylon, but the cause of Egypt goes on. Other men have died for the liberty of their people, other men have been imprisoned. Can I be less than a man fighting the cause of African liberty—to be afraid of death, of prison, of hell itself ? Still there are many who believe that the Negro is a child, and must be treated as such, and we should not wonder if others think that of us, when we have men who pretend to be working in the interest of our race, and who will sell themselves over as though they were slaves, to do the bidding of those who have enslaved them for over two hundred and fifty years. The British and the allied powers fought the Germans because the Central Powers threatened the life of civilization and the cause of humanity. T o win the freedom of the world the English and allied powers did not ask the Germans to form a part of their Executive Council, and did not elect a German to be the President, the Treasurer, or the Chairman of the Advisory Board of the Council of Operation. Yet we find our so-called intellectual (?) and patriotic (?) Negroes, who are patriotic because of the good salaries guaranteed them, having advancement associations that are fighting the Universal Negro Association and their executive officers are the very people from whom the Negroes must liberate themselves. The Universal Negro Improvement Association likes a clean fight, an open fight, an honorable fight. Why try to stab in the back, and in the dark? Those who are behind the arrest, why won't you come out like men, instead of writing anonymous letters to the New York World and the Post Office Department, laying all manner of charges against me and against the association I represent, and then pretend that you are too dignified to do anything that is mean! You can never cover dirt by wearing a clean shirt; it will be soiled before long! Negroes cannot be fooled in 1922 as they have been fooled for the last ten years by certain people who have been drawing big salaries and making their service to the race conditional on the salaries that they get. The spirit of the greatest Negro movement in the world cannot be destroyed, because millions of men of the race everywhere are determined that the Universal Negro Improvement Association shall live, and forever. N o true white man who loves human liberty, who loves himself, would deny the right to any other man, whether he be black or yellow, to fight for his own liberty, his own happiness. White men of America surely shall not make Negroes be more liberal hearted than they. Negroes fought in the Revolutionary War, even though they were slaves, to make America free. Crispus Attucks was the first to bare his bosom and shed his blood on Boston Commons for the freedom of this country. Negroes have fought everywhere for white men, under every flag, to give them liberty, to hand them democracy, and make them free, and I feel that no true white man in America, or

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anywhere for that matter, will be narrow-minded enough to stand in the way o f the Universal Negro Improvement Association. N o true Irishman will do it, no true Jew will do it, no true Englishman will do it, no true real American will do it. A n d my advice on behalf of the four hundred million Negroes of the world to those o f the white race who wish for an abiding peace and a friendly relationship with the Negro race and all other races is to pay no attention to the traitors of those races who are trying to better themselves at the expense of their people, because such traitors, after having been bought for ten pieces o f silver by one individual will sell themselves again to someone else, to the destruction of the very one who first paid the price. Men who will lie about their own, men w[ho] will try to destroy their own, are not m[en] you can trust in these days, because if they will do that to their own, what will they not do to others when the time comes? I trust the white people of the United States or the world will not harbor for one minute the belief that the program of this great organization is that o f hostility to them. It is not. It is one of liberty for Negroes everywhere. We hate no man, whether he be white, yellow or black. We love all humanity; we hate only traitors, and we hate black traitors to the black race more than all others. I appeal to the honorable, self-respecting white people of the United States of America and the world who desire to see right established throughout the world, not to be prejudiced because of treacherous and wicked misrepresentations against the greatest movement ever started among Negroes on their own account for their own development. Those of the white race w h o desire to see the Negro develop should be the first to help the N e g r o on his own account to develop, because in that he will be able to prove his real manhood. And I trust those who are members of advancement associations, who are executives and helpers of these associations, if they are in real earnest, will realize that they can help the race in no better way than by allowing the race to develop under its own control, and if you so desire give it what financial and moral help you can and thus prove if we are worthy of self-initiative. Members of the Universal Negro Improvement Association and members of the Negro race who desire the race's uplift will now stand together more than ever to see that the program of Africa for the Africans, those at home and those abroad, is put over. Fail not to send your support to the Universal Negro Improvement Association and its auxiliary corporations, the Black Star Line, 56 West 135th street, New York city, U . S . A . With very best wishes for your success I have the honor to be Your obedient servant, MARCUS

GARVEY

President General Universal Negro Improvement Association

380

JANUARY 1922 Printed in NW,

21 January 1922. Original headlines omitted.

1. Garvey is mentioned in an article by Jessie Fauset printed in the December 1921 issue of Crisis. In it she points out that visitors to the 1921 Pan-African Congress "most frequently asked . . . whether Dr. Du Bois agreed with the flamboyant and threatening 'All-Black' policy of Mr. Marcus Garvey. He [Du Bois] told me that, while he was in accord with Garvey's main aspiration, he repudiated his methods, which, he thought, were lacking in plain sense, and he questioned the soundness of his financial enterprises" (Crisis 23, no. 2: 67). The January 1922 Crisis published no articles focusing on Garvey. It is possible that Garvey was referring to the articles in the Crisis that appeared in the December 1920 and January 1921 issues.

Oliver B. Williamson to Rush D. Simmons Pittsburgh, Pa. January 18, 1922 M y dear Sir: I am submitting this special report 1 in the above cited case to give you some information in the case concerning Marcus Garvey, an alien West Indian negro, who operates what is believed to be a stock-selling swindle from 56 West i?[s]th Street, New York, New York. . . . Garvey was arrested on January 12, 1922, after I had submitted the facts substantially as given above to the United States Attorney for the Southern District of New York. He was held in the sum of $2500 bail pending presentation of the case to the United States grand jury. My understanding is that the case will be heard by the grand jury on or about January 24th. In the meantime, accountants are working on the books of two of the corporations and the information which they have already gathered and the information which I have indicates that Garvey, through his several schemes[,] has filched from the public as much as $1,000,000. I have sent a copy of this report and the arrest forms to the Inspector in Charge in New York, New York. The question of issuing a fraud order need not, in my opinion, be considered now, because prosecution of this case will not be long delayed. Respectfully yours, OF LIVER], B . W I L L I A M S O N

Post Office Inspector D J - F B I , file 72487-E. T L S , recipient's copy. 1. For this report, see Mortimer J. Davis's report of i+ January 1922, printed above, P P - 355-562.

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Report by Special Agent Mortimer J. Davis New York City 1/18/22 IN R E : U . S . v s B L A C K STAR L I N E , INC. V I O . S E C . 2 1 5 , U S C C , U S I N G T H E M A I L S TO D E F R A U D NEGRO

ACTIVITIES

Following the arrest of Marcus Garvey on the 12th inst., several persons were asked to appear the following day at Room 21+, Post Office Building. On that date Garcia, Thompson, Jones, Toote, and Tobias put in appearances and signified their willingness[,] both to Post Office Inspector Williamson and the writer, to make voluntary statements. The first three named were then questioned, and copies of their statements are attached to this report. On the 14th inst. James D. Brooks presented himself voluntarily and gave a statement, copy of which is also attached. On January 16th Toote and Tobias returned to the Post Office Building and were questioned. Brooks again appeared in company with Hubert Harrison, stating that the latter desired to make a statement. Copies of the statements obtained from these persons are attached. On this date Inspector Williamson returned to Pittsburgh, stating that he would return early next week when the case would be presented to the Grand Jury. During his absence, and upon suggestion of Asst. U.S. Attorney Joyce, the writer has made an investigation of the purchase of the Black Star Line's various ships. The information regarding this feature is being incorporated into a separ[a]te report. MORTIMER J. DAVIS

DJ-FBI, file 61. TD.

Enclosures

Statement of Orlando M. Thompson New York City Jan. 13, 192(2] P R E S E N T : O . B . W I L L I A M S O N , POST O F F I C E

INSPECTOR

M . J . D A V I S , S P E C I A L A G E N T , B U R E A U OF I N V E S T I G A T I O N S T E N O G R A P H I C M I N U T E S BY M . J . D A V I S

By Mr. Williamson: Q. What is your full name?

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A. Orlando M. Thom[p]son. Q. Where do you live? A. ?5 W. . . . [numbers mutilated] Street. Q. What is your official connection with the Garvey companies? A. I am connected with the Black Star Line. Q. In what capacity? A. Vice President. Q. How long have you been Vice President? A. About seventeen months. Q. What is your salary? A. $50.00 a week. Q. Have you ever gotten any more than that? A. No. They still owe me some. I have not gotten all. I was just supposed to help systematize the office. Q. Before you were Vice President, were you with Garvey? A. Yes, about two months before. Q. Are you a citi[z]en of the United States? A. I have my first papers. I will get my second papers in March. Q. Did Mr. Garvey bring you here from the West Indies? A. No sir. Q. You came here before he did? A. I came here July 9th, 1907. Q. What are your duties as Vice President of the Black Star Line? A. Mr. Garvey told me to work on a [s]hip which could be used in [t]he African trade to carry out the colonization scheme of the association. Q. Are we to believe that you believe in this colonization scheme? A. I do not believe in the methods pursued to effect colonization. Q. Then we are to understand that you are not a participant in the things that have been done by Garvey? A. Not in the benevolent association. Q. What objection do you have to it? A. First, I [th]ink it is absurd to build up an independent government. Q. Have you ever told Garvey that? A. There was no occa[s]ion for it. Q. On what do you base your opinion? A. By getting the advice from people who lived on the west coast of Africa and who know the British government system. Q. Have you ever had occasion to discuss this with Mr. Garvey? A. No. Q. Don't you consider yourself in the confidence] of Mr. Garvey? A. I do not. Q. Don't you know, as a matter of fact, that the funds of the association have been used for the purchase of Black Star Line stock? A. I heard about that. Q. What did you hear? 3*3

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A. I heard that the Council had advised such a st[e]p as they wanted to control the movement of the Black Star Line. Q. Were you pre[se]nt at the meetings when Garvey was authorized— A. No, I am not a member of the Council. Q. You have nothing to do with the books? A. No sir. Q. By working on a ship, you mean making plans to buy a ship? A. Yes sir. Q. Where did you go first? A. I sent out several letters. Q. T o whom? A. Different ship brokers, and got some reply from the Davidson Brokers Company, 42 Broadway, representing L[a]mport & Holt. Q. When did this happen? A. Either late February or early March. Q. That was after they had gott[e]n control of the Yarmouth, Kanawha, and Shadyside? A. Yes sir. Q. Was it your understanding that these ships would be suitable for the African tr[a]de? A. I personally knew they were not. Q. You so stated to Mr. Garvey? A. Yes. Q. Mr. Garvey understood it? A. I think he did. Q. And you were sent out to procure a ship suitable for the African trade? A. Yes. Q. After you sent out your letters, who[m] did you interview? A. The L[a]mport & Holt people, and tried to charter one of their ships, either the "[B]yron" or "Tennyson", and after considerable correspondence I got a letter from those brokers declining our terms. Q. When was that? A. During the month of March. Q. After you failed to get the Byron and Tennyson, what other ship did you undertake to secure? A. Then I got in connection with the New York Ship Exchange, 115 Broadway. Q. And what ship did you have in mind? A. I had accepted the offer of a ship called the "Hongkhong." Q. About when was that? A. I think that [wa]s also during March. Q. Where was that ship during that time? A. In Hongkong. Q. It was owned by the Shipping Board?

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A. N o sir, it was owned by [P]arquette Bros., Marseilles, France. Q. Who were their brokers here? A. I do not know. Q. With whom did you negotiate? A. The New York Ship Exchange. Q. Were you successful in that deal? A. They could not deliver. We were not successful. Q. When did you first learn you would not be successful? A. Early in April. Q. And then what step did you take? A. They substituted then the "Orion", owned by the Emergency Fl[e]et Corporation. Q. Where was the Orion? A. James River, Norfolk, Va. Q. Did you go down [and] inspect the ship? A. Yes sir. Q. In the James River? A. Yes sir. Q. And you continued negotiations? A. Yes, we closed on that. Q. You did not succeed in getting the ship? A. Yes. It was finally sold to the Black Star Line. Q. You mean to say delivery was effected? A. Delivery was not effected, pending certain papers from the Govt. Q. You never got possession of the ship? A. N o sir. Q. When did you learn first that you could not get possession of the ship? A. We have not learned that yet. The ship is still there. Q. You put up a certain sum of money? A. Yes. Q. H o w much? A. We gave our broker $25,000. Q. When? A. I think that was in April, to my best memory. Q. They still have your money? A. The Shipping Board has it—$22,500. Q. N o w , as a matter of fact, your bank balance at the present time would not justify the purchase of that ship for $225,000, would it? A. The board has all of the money they asked for and we did not have to make another payment until thirty days after. Q. And what is the payment then? A. Ten percent—another $22,500. Q. And as a matter of fact you haven't had a balance of $20,000 this year?

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A . I do not know. Q. A n d isn't the difficulty with the whole proposition that you haven't g o t sufficient money to swing the deal? A . The difficulty is this, as I see it. The people are disappointed at the purchase of the Yarmouth, Kanawha and Shadyside, and money was no object in purchasing shares to procure a proper ship, as they were interested in going to Africa. Q. D o you mean by that that the people were disappointed in the ships already in control of the Black Star Line and were willing to advance money for another experiment? A . Yes sir. Q . D o you know of anybody connected with the Black Star Line who ever had any experience in handling of ships, or navigation of ships[?] A . I have had some experience. Q. Are you the only man who has had any? A . N o , there is Captain Mulzac[.] (?) Q. Is he a member of the Black Star Line—an officer or director? A . N o sir, he is a Captain. Q . Is there anybody, any officer or director^] in the Black Star Line with experience in the handling of ships? A . N o n e beside me. Q. What experience have you had? A . I have worked with a shipping company before in British Guiana. Q. What did you do there? A . Worked in the office. Q. A s an employe[e] in the office of a shipping company? A. Yes. Q . What were your duties? A . T o note the going and handling of freight. Q . A clerk? A . Yes sir. Perhaps I might state here that when I found myself in this position with the Black Star Line I said it would not do to try to handle ships in this way. S o I came down and appointed a regular ship broker, a loading agent, a man who handles ships. He has a contract to handle our ships. Q. Y o u did not have any ships at that time on the sea? A . N o , I was negotiating for this ship and did not want it to pass through the same career, so I appointed D. F. Leary & Co., 45 Pearl Street. Q . A s loading agents? A . Well, managing the ship.

STATEMENT BY T H O M P S O N :

The point in the [wh]ole issue as to the Orion is that the Shipping Board until recently was not able to set the exact terms under which we could get the Orion. That is to say, unable to agree until recently on the form of

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contract under which we could get possession of the ship. The Shipping Board did, on the 21st of December last, agree on this form, and the thing now to be determined is our ability to meet the Government's terms. Mr. Julius [W]olf of 2 Rector Street, of Wolf & Stephanie, were to buy this ship for us according to our ten[t]ative plans, and we are to deal fd]irectly with them hereafter and not with the Shipping Board or any other agent of the Board. Joseph P. Nolan of 25 Broad Street is the attorney for the Black Star Line in these negotiations. Q. This is the ship that was to be named the "Phyllis Wheatley?" A. Yes sir. Q. D o you know that a ship was photographed and that the name "Phyllis Wheatley" was photographed on the ship and reproduction made of it in a circular used by the Black Star Line in selling stock? A. Yes but it was withdrawn because the brokers did not deliver the ship on the 25th of May [1921]. Q. You mean the circular was withdrawn? A. Yes. Q. Who caused that to be withdrawn? A. Mr. Garcia and myself. Q. You and Mr. Garcia went to Garvey? A. He was out of the country. We did it ourselves. Q. Who was responsible for that circular having been printed? A. I was connected with it. Mr. Garcia and I got it out. Q. Who prepared the cut of the ship? A. Mr. Garcia drew it up. Q. H o w did you arrange to have that name "Phyllis Wheatley" photographed on the ship? A. After I went down and saw the ship and the broker said the deal was closed, he gave me a photograph of the ship. I gave it to Garcia. Q. H o w did you get that name Phyllis Wheatley on the ship? A. Where it had "Orion", that was marked in by the photographer. Q. What photographer? A. No, by the engravers that made the cut. Q. What engravers? A. The Standard Engraving Company. Q. Where are they located? A. 38th Street near 7th Avenue. Q. So that is really a picture of the "Orion"? A. Yes. Q. Where did you get the picture of the "Orion"? A. From the broker. Q. Did Mr. Garvey have knowledge that this circular was being used? A. He was out of the United States. Q. Only you and Mr. Garcia?

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A. Yes sir. Q. Was he out of the country during the entire time that circular was used? A. Yes sir. Q. Was he out of the country May 21st, 1921? A. Yes sir. Q. Over what period of time did you use the circular? A. It only went out in one sending out and then after we found out that the n[e]w board did not pass on the contract, we withdrew it. So about two weeks. We had a mailing list and then it was called in. Q. As a matter of fact that same cut was used on more than one circular? A. I do not know of any other. Q. I show you a circular headed "BLACK STAR LINE["] carrying a picture of what purports to be the "Phyllis Wheatley". That went out through the mails? A. Yes sir. Q.

I n o w s h o w y o u a c i r c u l a r h e a d e d " N O W IN AMERICA s / s PHYLLIS

WHEATLEY["] apparently printed before May 25,1921. Isn't that the same cut? A. Yes sir. Q. Are you responsible for the printing of that circular? A. I do not recall it but I know I gave the information regarding the accom[m]odation of the boat. I do not remember this circular at all. Q. As a matter of fact you have the name "Phyllis Wheatley" here, you have the picture of the "Orion" here with the name "Phyllis Wheatley" written on it, and you have below a description of the "Hongkhong", have you not? A. This is the "Phyllis Wheatley". [Q]. The information as to capacity, accom[m]odations, etc., are of the "Orion" and not the "Hongkhong"? A. Yes sir. Q. As a matter of fact, that cut has been used for more than one mailing before? A. This was not mailed (indicating second circular). It was used in Liberty Hall. Q. Did you begin negotiating for a ship before or after the failure of the Yarmouth, the Kanawha and the Shadyside? A. It was after. Q. You regard these three ships as failures? A. Yes, I do. Q. And the investment in them has virtually been a total loss? A. From a material viewpoint I should say—of course at the time I started negotiations for the African Ship I did not think the Kanawha a total loss.

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Q. You understand that these brokers sold them to you at enormously appreciated prices? A. Yes. Q. For example, the Shadyside, purchased at some three or four thousand dollars, was sold to your company for $34,000? A. Yes sir. Q. And the Kanawha, worth possibly ten thousand dollars, was sold to your company at $69,000? A. Yes sir. Q. And the Yarmouth, sold to your company for $168,000, had been purchased by the brokers for how much? A. They paid a good price for her but they knew her condition. They made their money with one trip. Q. She was in bad condition? One boiler out of commission? A. Yes, that is what I heard. Q. With these ships as a total loss you have as assets to show for the $750,000 taken in, first, an equity in the property at #52-54-56 West 135 St. valued possibly at $9,000 or $10,000? A. Yes. Q. Then you have in addition the good will of the Black Star Line and a very small bank account[?] A. Yes. Q. Can you think of anything else that you have as an asset? A. Furniture, fixtures, a truck, and small items of that sort. Q. I notice that this company advertised that it was being run by experienced business men. Do you regard that as a correct statement? A. I do. Q. That is to say, they were experienced men in the ship business? A. I can hardly put it that way when the statement was made, for this reason, that the men who were conducting the business, if they did not have the experience on the premises, paid for the experience outside; that is, they had enough business training to go out and get ship managers. Q. They were to hire the experienced men? A. Yes. For instance, I have had some business training, so have Garcia and Smith, and we decided that the proper thing to do was to get some ship managers to look after the company's ships. Q. There being no one in the company who had had enough experience? A. Yes, that is the way we looked at it. Q. What is your telephone number, Mr. Thompson? A. Harlem 6914. [ORLANDO M . T H O M P S O N ]

DJ-FBI, file 61. TD.

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Statement of Elie Garcia [New York] January 13, i92[2] P R E S E N T : O . B . W I L L I A M S O N , POST O F F I C E

INSPECTOR,

T . P. M E R R I L E E S , 1 EXPERT BANK ACCOUNTANT, J. W .

GARDENER,

M . J . D A V I S , S P E C I A L A G E N T , B U R E A U OF I N V E S T I G A T I O N S T E N O G R A P H I C M I N U T E S BY M . J . D A V I S

By Mr. Williamson: Q. What is your full name? A. Elie Garcia. Q. And you live at? A. 2423 Seventh Avenue, New York City. Q. What is your connection with the Black Star Line, Inc.? A. Secretary. Q. How long have you been Secretary? A. Since September, 1920.2 I was elected in August, but I was in England at that time and I was not notified until I returned. Q. Did you have any official connection with the Line prior to your election as Secretary? A. No official connection. I was working as salesman. Q. Selling the stock? A. Yes, in Philadelphia. Q. H o w long had you been selling the stock before your appointment as Secretary? A. About a month after the date of the corporation—from August, 1919. Q. So that you have had some connection with this Company since August, either as salesman or official of the company? A. Yes sir. Q. Under whose direction were you working as salesman? A. Under Direction of the President. Q. Who was he? A. Marcus Garvey. Q. Now, have you any connection with the Universal Negro Improvement Association? A. Yes sir. Q. What is it? A. Auditor of the U.N.I.A. Q. When were you appointed Auditor? A. I was elected in August, 1920. Q. Prior to that time what connection did you have with that Association?

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A. I was Secretary of the local branch of the U.N.I.A. in Philadelphia. Q. For how long a time approximately? A. From June, 1919, to April, 1920. I was Secretary of the Philadelphia divisi[on.] Q. Were you working under the direction of Garvey in that position? A. Yes. It is only a branch of the same association here in New York. Q. Are you a citizen of the United States? A. No sir. Q. Of what country are you a citizen? A. Hayti. Q. Let us talk about the Black Star Line first. Who has a contract for selling the stock? A. The company disposes of its own stock. Q. Does the company receive any reimbursement for the sale of the stock, any percentage? A. No. Q. Does any percentage go to anyone? A. We use a large number of salesmen from the office and send them out. We pay them a salary, in that we do not have agents only selling stock, we have them also doing office work and we pay a weekly salary and sometimes three percent. We have never paid any more than three percent, and merely as an incentive. Q. What is the salary average of the stock salesmen? A. From seventeen to twenty-two dollars a week. But they never get a salary just for selling stock. Most of the salesmen are clerks in the office. The company has been disposing of its stock in a special way, that is, by campaigns,—drives. Whenever a drive is on for the sale of a certain number of shares, we have branches in various cities; we inform these branches that salesmen from the office will be at their meetings to sell stock and we make a campaign for one or two months in the branches. Q. Who finances these meetings? A. The U.N.I.A. Q. About how many shares have you disposed of? A. I would say about 160,000, of course more or less. About $750,000 or $850,000 worth. Q. You have received that much? A. Yes, about that much. Q. All told? A. Yes. Q. What salary does Mr. Garvey receive? A. From the Black Star Line? Q. Yes? A. He does not receive any. Q. From the Line . . . [words missing].

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A. That is, from the date of his election as President of the U.N.I.A. he had a [s] alary of $100 a week before 1920. That was $400 a month, but at the time he was elected as President of the U.N.I.A. the condition was that all of us who would have offices in both organizations should receive salaries from one or the other, not from both. Q. Then what is Mr. Garvey's salary from the U.N.I.A.? A. I believe it is $10,000 a year. Q. And when was that first authorized? A. It was authorized at the convention held in August, 1920, through the various delegates forming the association. Q. In addition to the salary, who pays Mr. Garvey's expenses when he conducts these drives? A. His personal expenses? Q. Yes[.] A. He pays them. But expenses such as travelling, railroad fare and his board when he goes in the interests of the association, the association pays; that is, the governing body of the association, which is called the Executive Council, has voted that the expenses of any officers, including Mr. Garvey, should not go above $5 a day for board and lodging. So the officers are entitled to at least an allowance of $5 a day but it is understood that they are not to charge the entire $5 because they submit their vouchers; but that is the maximum allowance. Q. Are you paid by the Line or the Association? A. By the Association. Q. H o w much? A. Five Thousand dollars ($$,000) a year. Q. H o w long have you been receiving that salary? A. Since August, i92o[.] Q. And you are paid your expenses also? A. Yes, but I never travel. My duties call for me to stay in the office all the time. The only time I go out is when something happens in the branches and they send me to make an audit. They pay my expenses. Q. Who is the next highest paid officer? A. There are many. There are sixteen officers forming the Council, which they call the officials of the organization. Q. And each receivefs] how much? A. Each receives a salary from $3,000 to $6,000. Not above that. Q. Who receives $6,000 per year? A. The Secretary General. Q. Who is he? A. Mr. Toote. Q. Who else receives $6,000 a year? A. The Counsel General. Q. Who is he? A. Mr. Wilford H. Smith, an attorney.

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Q. Who else receives $6,000? A. I believe the chancellor. Q. That is Mr. Stewart? A. Yes, Mr. Stewart. And that is all. Q. So that you have three men receiving $6,000 a year, you yourself receive $5,000, and Mr. Garvey receives $10,000? A. Yes. I want to make this explanation. These are the salaries voted at the convention at the time of our election but as you will find we have not been drawing these salaries all the time because after the salaries were voted—they voted a salary which was to be in keeping with the dignity of the office—but it was to be understood that if the organization was not financially strong to pay this salary we were to get whatever we could. Q. But still the Company would then owe you the difference, payable at some future time if you desired to collect? A. No, because you will find after the convention of 1920 it was said we were to take office sixty days after that. Sixty days after, when we met for the first time, and report of the financial conditions were read, we voted the two first months' salary to the Association and after that in the future we decided ourselves to make other gifts to the Association because things were not so that we could get our salaries. You will find that since the month of September we have not been paid our salaries. Q. Little short of cash? A. Yes, on account of that boat that we have . . . [words missing], Q. Your first ship was the "Yarmouth?" A. Yes. Q. When did you get possession of the "Yarmouth"—I mean your company? A. As far as I can remember, the Black Star Line presented—as far as I know because I was not officially connected—on the 31st of October, 1920. Q. What kind of a title did you get? A. I could not say. I was not in the office. Q. What did you pay down on the ship? A. I do not know, but I have found that from the books afterwards that on the 31st of October there was about seventy or eighty thousand dollars ($70,000 or $80,000) paid. Q. On the ship? A. Yes, there was $50,000 in one payment and $10,000 checks in another payment, and maybe some other money. Q. Paid to whom? A. From whom we bought the ship—I think Harriss, McGill & Co. Q. You were to pay a balance? A. We were to pay the balance in notes of $7,000 or something like that, in so many notes of equal value, to be paid monthly or every three months. Q. So that the ship was to cost in all?

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A. $168,000. Q. H o w much was paid in all? A. Up to this time, as far as I know, there is a balance of about $26,000 which is still due. Q. Who has the title for that ship now? A. The titles, I believe, are in Canada. Q. In the name of what company or individual? A. In the name of the Black Star Line, I suppose. Q. But you have not control of the ship? A. Yes. Q. Where is the ship? A. The last information was in Staten Island—Morse Dry Docks. Q. You told me in Mr. Garvey's presence the other day that you had lost title to the ship by default in payments? A. Did I say that? [Q]. That is my understanding^] A. N o , maybe you asked for the title. Q. You said the titles were in the name of some person in Canada[.] A. I could not say that because I never saw the titles. I asked for them several times, and three weeks ago I received a letter from the Department of Commerce in Canada asking me to send the titles for the Yarmouth to be registered. I asked Mr. Thompson about the title. He said he believed Mr. Nolan, our attorney, has them. I asked Garvey, but he said he did not know; Mr. Thompson should have them, so I went down personally to see Mr. Nolan in his office. He told me that at the time we bought the "Yarmouth" it was a British ship and there was a mortgage to be recorded in Canada and the title was to go along with the mortgage but on account of so[me] formalities not being complied with this has never been done. The mortgage has never been recorded and the title is in the hands of some attorneys. Q. What is the amount of that mortgage? A. The mortgage was—I do not know, but I believe for the amount due on the boat. Q. After that difficulty you had with Capt. Cockburn, libels were filed against your company to the amount of some $200,000? You also told me that the other day[.] A. As far as I can remember there was a libel for $52,000 by the Green River Company for short delivery of cargo for 400 cases of whiskey. Q. But that is not the only libel[.] A. There was a libel from Cockburn; there was another from the Government for collision, and other things. These were previous to my taking of office and these matters have never been brought to me because they were disposed of before in the hands of the attorneys. Q. (Mr. Williamson reading from ledger) What do you mean by that entry on page 72 of your le[d]ger, dated July 1, 1920?

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A. You may find details of it in the journal. After we bought the "Yarmouth" for $168,000 we made some improvements on the ship that amounted to $32,000 or $33,000, and the man who made it was . . . [words missing] [I]t was a firm SimonofF, Peyser & Citrin, #1 Madison Avenue. This firm also made out our income tax report. Q. Do you understand that you have an asset in the "Yarmouth" of $200,000? A. Yes, I understand so. Q. How do you make that out? A. Well, I understand that this is the book value of the ship—the purchase price of the ship and what we spent on it. But there are some charges against that. It also appears in the ledger. Q. Charges amounting to how much? A. ([R]eading from tax statement) Mortgage payable $116,000. There is a large sum there charged against the "Yarmouth". Q. Now, Mr. Garcia, let us clear up the "Yarmouth" matter. The price was to be . . . [words missing], A. $168,000. Q. Your initial payment was . . . [words missing]. A. $70,000 up to October 31,1919, but this sum was not all paid down the same day. The records show that. First payment Sept. 18,1919—$16,500. Second payment Oct. 20, 1919—$3,500. Third payment Oct. 31, 1919— $50,000. This item (pointing to book) represents the cost of repairs and additions to the "Yarmouth"—$48,419.09—ledger page 300. All of this sum was not charged, as some of the items forming this sum are for taxes, port charges etc. Ledger page 164, shows that on July 1, 1920, there were notes to the amount of $49,500 still due on the purchase price of the "Yarmouth." Between October, 1919, and July 1, 1920, there were other payments on account of the "Yarmouth" which will be found in the cash disbursement book. The last trip of the "Yarmouth" was made in August, 1920, as I remember it. Q. Is there any mortgage on the "Yarmouth" now? If so, how much? A. I understand that there is a mortgage. I could not give you all the information. I didn't take any part in this contract so I don't know what the terms were. Mr. Thompson and Mr. Nolan . . . [words missing], Q. Do you know about the amount of the mortgage? A. I only know that we owe $28,500 on the "Yarmouth" still. The Yarmouth is not seaworthy at the present time and it would possibly take $90,000 to render her so. This, of course[,] is my own estimate, subject to correction. She has been in that condition since she was sent to the Morse Dry Dock. Mr. Thompson and Mr. Nolan know the mortgage history of this ship. Q. Now, you entered the S/S "Kanawha" deal about when?

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A. I believe the "Kanawha" was bought sometime in May or June, 1920. I was out of the country. I was in England and I just heard the news. Q. That is the H. H. Rogers yacht? A. I believe so. Q. The price was to be . . . [words missing]. A. $60,000. Q. What was the initial payment on the "Kanawha" and when was it met? A. First payment was April 24, 1920—$5,000—page 18 Cash book. Second payment May 25,1920, page 25 Cash book, $10,000. Page 165, ledger, shows that on July 1, i92o[,] six notes of $7,500 each were due. That makes the total cost of the "Kanawha"—$60,000. Q. Is the "Kanawha" seaworthy now? A. I could not say. I do not have the information. Q. She is in charge of the Cons[u]l at Antilla, Cuba? A. I don't know. Q. That is what you told me the other day[.] A. Yes, but I do not know it officially. Q. You know Mr. Garvey told me that? A. Yes. Q. Isn't that official enough? A. I mean to say—to say something about the company I must say something in which I had taken a part. The "Kanawha" was repaired by Morse and sent to the West Indies to meet Mr. Garvey and supposed to be in good order, I understand, but Mr. Garvey never told me, where the "Kanawha" was. Q. Mr. Garvey stated to me in your presence the other day that she was in Antilla, Cuba[.] A. Yes. Q. H o w did she get there? A. I could not say. Q. As per Mr. Garvey's explanation to you, how did she get there? A. He never explained the matter to me. Q. What information have you as to how she got there? A. I have known we sent the ship to Mr. Garvey to meet him in Cuba. He met the ship and I believe had some misunderstanding with the crew and he made changes and left the boat. When he came back he told me that he left the "Kanawha" in Kingston, Jamaica, and that the boat would be here in a few days. And this is the last statement Mr. Garvey ever made to me concerning the "Kanawha". Q. You do know that the boat is not in this country? A. I know it is not in this country. I have heard that and it is generally understood about the office that she is at Antilla, Cuba. Q. What we have said covers the history of two ships. Have you ever had another ship?

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A. We have—the "Shadyside." Q. That is the river boat—an excursion steamer? A. Yes. Q. You used it during one Summer in New York—a Hudson River boat? A. Yes. Q. Is she the boat now at Fort Lee? A. Yes. Q. You told me the other day she was damaged by ice[.] A. She was damaged by storm. Q. She is not an oceangoing boat? A. No. Q. Whose money paid for this boat, the "Shadyside"? A. The Black Star Line. Q. What justification have you for that—for taking Black Star Line money with which to buy an excursion boat to run on the Hudson? A. I understand that at the time the company wanted to buy the "Shadyside" they called a meeting of the Directors and the boat was offered and they thought it would be a money making proposition to have the boat run during the summer, as in Harlem there is a large colored population and they thought if we advertised we could make a great deal of money out of that boat and as it was in line with the purposes of the company to run all kinds of ships it was bought for that purpose. Q. H o w much did you lose on the "Shadyside"? A. I could not tell you that. Q. Could you approximate it? A. I do not think we lost anything on the "Shadyside". Q. What did you pay for the boat? A. $35,000. Q. About when? A. I believe it was about the same time they bought the "Kanawha". Q. As per the books, when did you buy the "Shadyside?" A. About April or May. About the same time we bought the "Kanawha". (Reading from book) First payment was made March 24, 1920—$2,000. Second payment was made April 10, 1920—$8,000. Q. And you ran the boat during the Summer of 1920? A. I understand they did. Q. It was damaged in the ice that winter, or by storm? A. I believe so. A year after. Q. Did you run it through the summer of 1921? A. No. Q. It was not in condition to run? A. It was not in condition and besides we could not move it because we had an action against it. Q. It was available only during the summer of 1920 then?

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A. Yes. Q. H o w did you make the profit, or how did you avoid incurring loss? A. I don't mean to say we made out o[n] the ship, but the operating expenses were not so high that the returns from the boat could not meet them, because besides the passengers we had excursions, we had a restaurant, soft drinks, etc., and the profits of these things were turned into the Corporation. Q. It was used as an advertising proposition for the sale of stock? A. I believe so. Q. Is there any boat on the seas today named the "Phyllis Wheatley"? A. No. Q. And so far as you know there has never been? A. No. Q. Is it true that you contemplated purchasing a boat to be named or renamed the "Phyllis Wheatley"? A. It is. Q. When did you first enter negotiations for a boat to be named the "Phyllis Wheatley"? A. In January, 1921. Q. In January, 1921, you started negotiations with whom? A. With some brokers to buy the steamer "Byron" or "Tennyson" owned by Lamport and Holt. Q. You did not succeed in consummating that deal—that is, you did not get a ship? A. N o , but we were waiting about two months until about March. Q. You did not succeed in getting a ship? A. No. Q. When did you break off negotiations? A. I believe it was early in March, 1921. There is a letter from these brokers notifying us that they had declined our offer. Q. I believe you and Mr. Garvey stated to me the other day that in June, 1921, you took up the question with the shipping board with a view to getting the "Orion"? A. Yes, but Mr. Garvey did not explain to you that immediately, or early in March, when we dropped the transactions with Lamport & Holt, we started negotiations almost the same day with the New York Ship Exchange. Q. And that was unsuccessful as the first deal wa[s]; that is, you did not get a ship? A. I have to explain that. Q. Did you get a ship? A. We have not gotten it yet. Q. You then took up the question with the shipping board? A. No. When we started negotiations early in March with the New York Ship Exchange, we ha[d] contracts signed by the New York Ship Exchange to say that on the 12th day of May they were to deliver us the

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Steamer "Hongkh[o]ng" that they were buying from some other firm. Q. H o w much was that to cost? A. $350,000. Q. About what was your bank balance at that time? A. I do not remember. Q. As of May 1st, 1921, what was your bank balance? A. $638.91. Q. And since this boat was to be delivered about the middle of May, what was your bank balance about the middle of May? A. About $20,000. You must remember that prior to this time[,] I think in April, the Black Star Line paid the New York Ship Exchange $20,000 as a first payment on some ship. It was first to be the Hongkh[o]ng, then the Orion, and the payment made on the earlier ship was to apply on the Orion if we should get that. When did your negotiations begin with the "Orion" approxiQmately? A. Early in June. What was the "Orion" to cost? Q. A. The same price—$350,000. What was your bank balance June 1st, 1921? Q A. $1,648.10. Have you succeeded in getting the "Orion" since June 1, 1921? Q A. We have not as yet. Negotiations are still pending? Q. A. Yes. If you pay the money you could get the ship? Q A. It is not a matter of the money because we could get that any time. By borrowing it? QA. Yes, or any other means. The ship is there already, ready for sale? QA. The ship has been awarded to us but the Shipping Board has assumed responsibility for the delay in a letter addressed to us since the boat was awarded to us. Q. Providing you pay for it? A. N o , not that. Before we could pay for it we had to have the terms of the Shipping Board. They took five months before telling us the terms on the ground that it was a new board and the Legal Department of that board was not satisfied with the previous forms of contract that existed and they they had to revise same. Q. Mr. Garcia, I show you a file of literature and call your particular attention to a circular headed "BLACK STAR LINE" carrying a picture of what purports to be the "Phyllis Wheatley" and ask you how that name "Phyllis Wheatley" got on the picture of that ship? A. It was an understanding between the company and the stockholders, and those who bought shares to enable us to buy that boat, that the

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ship well that was

was t o be called after the name o f "Phyllis Wheatley". They understood that w e were not buying a ship called "Phyllis Wheatley," but to them ship w o u l d be the "Phyllis Wheatley", just like the " Y a r m o u t h " to them t o be the "Frederick D o u g l a s s " . Q . Point o u t to me where that explanation is made in that circular[.] A. It is not made. Q . H o w did you get the picture with the name "Phyllis Wheatley"[?] A. I believe this is the picture o f the " O r i o n " . Mr. T h o m p s o n purc h a s e d the picture. Q . Y o u understand that? A. Yes. Q . B u t there had to be some sort o f arrangement made whereby the n a m e "Phyllis Wheatley" appeared. H o w was that done? A. I d o not know. M r . T h o m p s o n handled all that. Q . M r . Garcia, look over the other literature and state whether that material is the literature o f the Black Star Line, Inc., used by that C o m p a n y in the sale o f its stock? A. Yes, except that you have s o m e pieces relating to the U . N . I . A . Q . I s h o w you a circular headed "NOW IN AMERICA—s/s PHYLLIS WHEATLEY", apparently printed before May 25, 1921, and ask you if that circular was not used before you began your negotiations for the " O r i o n . " A. Yes, I s u p p o s e so. Q . W h a t ship are y o u talking about when you say "this ship will carry 4,500 t o n s c a r g o " ? A. T h e [ " H o n g k h o ] n g " . I[t] i[s stajted in our contract with the N e w Y o r k S h i p E x c h a n g e that the " H o n g k h [ o ] n g " was to be delivered on the i [ 2 ] t h and it w o u l d take a b o u t eight or ten days to inspect. Q . S o that you have a circular here with the name "Phyllis Wheatley" o n it and a picture o f the " O r i o n " ? A . I w o u l d not say it is the " O r i o n . " Q . It is if the other is the " O r i o n , " because this is the same ship[.] S o t h a t y o u have here a circular stating that the "Phyllis Wheatley" is now in A m e r i c a , which bears the picture o f the " O r i o n " and below the picture is a d e s c r i p t i o n o f the " H o n g k h [ o ] n g " ? A. I d o n ' t know that the picture here is the " O r i o n " . I know it is the p i c t u r e o f the ship we were t o get. Q . A m o n g this literature is a circular without date, but which relates t o the p a s s a g e o n the "Phyllis Wheatley." H o w much did you collect as p a s s a g e o n the "Phyllis Wheatley"? A. T h e b o o k s will s h o w that. Q . C a n y o u point out f r o m the books? Without consulting the books[?] A. W i t h o u t consulting the books I would say that some $8,000 was collected f o r p a s s a g e o n the "Phyllis Wheatley" and that o f it something like $ 4 , 0 0 0 was returned.

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Q. What happened to the $4,000? A. The people are willing to wait until we have the boat. Q. Have you $4,000 in the bank? A. No. Q. So that you must have dispersed that money collected for a specific purpose? A. Yes. I know that part of that money went into the $20,000 or so paid to the shipping board. Q. N o w , we are going to speak about the Association, and I am going to ask you to look at your statement of September 1,1920, and ask if you did not collect $19,562.80 as death tax? A. We did. Q. I ask you further if you did not disperse $1,275.00 to the next of kin of people who died? A. Yes. Q. That would leave the difference in that fund, would it not? A. It would. Q. As of that date? A. Yes. Q. Your bank balance of that date, which I understand covers the whole business of the U.N.I.A., is only $2,383.33. A. It was. Q. Does not this show a shortage in the death fund of at least $17,000? A. It does. Q. D o you not consider this a trust fund? A. [We did] not. Q. What do you consider it? A. There is no provision ma[d]e in the by-laws of the [Org]anization that we have to [keep that money separate from] any other funds. Q. You not only have not kept it separate but you have not kept it at all. A. There is no provision that we must not use it. Q. So you have used it? A. Yes. Q. Have you not also used the money of the association to the e[x]tent of $34,440 in the purchase of stock in the Black Star Line? A. Yes, we did. Q. About when was that purchased? A. In July, I believe. Q. 1921? A. Yes. Q. That was to keep the Black Star Line from insolvency? A. It was not so. The organization decided to take stock in the Line. This money was paid out of the Construction Loan. This loan was raised to carry some special works in Africa—Liberia—which we could not carry on

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without having transportation, so the organization decided instead of using an outside steamship line to subsidize or to finance the Black Star Line to the extent where they could have use of the Line for the carrying out of their program. As it was understood if we raised sufficient money we were to send building materials, etc. to Liberia. It was understood that the Black Star Line was to give service of course against payment to the Association and that the [Association had in[t]erest to h[ave h]olding in the Black Star Line. Q. Did you have any materials at that time to transport? A. No, we did not have, but we were preparing the Black Star Line for future service. Q. Did you [ha]ve any [seawo]rthy ships in July, 1921? A. N o , but we were expecting to have the "Phyllis Wheatley". Q. Now, regarding the Negro World. Who was the first owner of the Negro World? A. The Negro World is owned by the African Communities League. Q. Was it founded by them? A. Yes. Let me explain. The African Communities League is a stock corporation under whose charter the Negro World operates. But all the stock of the A . C . L . was bought by the New York branch of the U.N.I.A. Then they were the sole owners of the stock and then the New York local financed the Negro World and brought it to a circulation of 60,000 or 65,000. Then, of late, the parent body decided that the branch should not have the Negro World, it being the organ of the entire association, and should be under and owned by the parent body. But up to that time the Negro World was considered a source of income to the New York local which has its accounts separate from all the others, and the New York local would not depart of the income of the Negro World except for a reasonable amount. At that time the good will of the Negro World was estimated worth $60,000, in that it had an income of maybe $2,000 or $3,000 a month net. So the New York local sold its rights to the Negro World to the parent body for $60,000. Then at this time the income of the Negro World belonged to the parent body. So that the next balance sheet of the parent body, the assets and cash paid of the Negro World will appear, instead of in the New York local. Q. H o w much of the $60,000 has the parent body paid to the New York local for the good will of the Negro World? A. $+6,555. Q. Were you ever present at a meeting when the sum of $15,000 or any other sum, was voted by the board of Direc[to]rs of the Black Star Line to Mr. Garvey to do as he pleased with? A. No. I may say I remember being present at a meeting not of the Black Star Line, but of the Executive Council of the Association. The matter was being discussed should the parent body make to the other corporations when they are in need of such loans and should such loans be made on Mr. Garvey's own initiative without consulting the Council. This was the matter presented for discussion.

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Q. When? A. At a meeting held sometime last year. At that meeting I remember that Bishop McGuire, who was then Chaplain General of the Association, made a motion that the President General, owing to the inconvenience of calling Executive Council meetings often, should be allowed to make loans not exceeding $10,000 to the other corporations against notes properly signed by the officers of the other corporations and that after making such loans he was to report to the Council at the first meeting about the same. And that furthermore if that loan of $10,000 should be made, he could not make any other loan without having the consent of the Council first. This was the motion as I remember it. Q. Was it carried? A. It was carried. Q. And under it, how many loans have been made as you recall? A. I do not think that the sums have ex[c]eeded $10,000. Q. Sum total of all the loans? A. There were previous loans to the Black Star Line, but since that rule was made I do not believe a greater amount was loaned. Q. Was the sum total of all the loans since that time made by the Association to the Black Star Line not over $10,000? A. No, I do not mean to say that. I mean to say that since Mr. Garvey could have made loans to the extent of $ 1 0 , 0 0 0 , 1 do not believe that at one time he ever made loans of more than that amount without further [counsel.] Q. But what did these loans amount to in all since that time? A. You will find it in the ledger. Up to Sept. 30, 1921, the Black Star Line owes to the parent body about $+,280. Q. What security do you hold for the $4,000? A. We have the notes of the Black Star Line. Q. H o w much stock have you got, Mr. Garcia? A. I have about 26 or 28 shares. Q. Does Mr. Garvey own any stock? A. Yes, he owns 200 shares. Q. Did he pay for them? A. Yes. Q. Has any stock been issued in payment of salaries? A. No. Q. As I understand it, the capitalization of the Black Star Line originally was $500,000. When was it increased to $10,000,000? A. I do not remember but it was sometime in 1920. Q. What consideration was given the corporation when the capitalization was increased? What assets were added to justify that? A. I was not with the company at the time this was done. [Q]. Do you know of any assets which were added to those which the company already had when you increased the capitalization to $10,000,000? A. I do not remember if the two other boats were bought after the

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increase or before. I came to the company when they already had three boats and had already increased their capital stock but I may suppose that after buying the "Yarmouth" and "Kanawha" I believe that was the consideration. They found out that the excess of authorized capital would not be enough to enable the company to purchase other ships. [So] they wanted surplus capital to buy new ships. Q. How did you take care of the outstanding capital stock when the capitalization was increased? Did you re-issue share for share? A. No. Q. Twenty to one? A. No, I believe there was a stockholders ['] meeting to consider it and the stockholders reached an agreement which must be shown in the minute book, to increase the capital stock. Q. Suppose I had a stock of share under the old. What would I get under the new? A. The same rate of dividend under the new. Q. Which was nothing? But how many shares of the new stock would I get? A. None. Q. I have a share of stock under the old capitalization for which I paid $5. Now you make my company a ten million dollar corporation. Do I then continue to hold my one share? A. Yes. By Mr. Merril[e]es: Q. This payment of $32,820 (reading from cash book page 105) to New York Local, July 26, 1921. What does it represent? A. This represents the amount of loans that wer[e] made by the New York local to the Black Star Line previous to that time. We refunded to the New York local. Q. Was that a cash transaction? A. No, it was simply a check transaction. A check was issued to the New York local for that amount. The New York local endorsed the check and bought shares in the Black Star Line. Q. Ultimately, that represents the purchase of stock of the Black Star Line? A. Yes. Q. Then they have over 6,000 shares? A. Yes. [ELIE GARCIA]

DJ-FBI, file 61. TD. 1. On 20 January 1922, Thomas P. Merrilees received a message from William Burns, director of the Bureau of Investigation, instructing him to "make the necessary investigation of the books and records of Marcus Garvey and the companies he controls, with relation to the charge that he has used the mails in a scheme to defraud." Burns also instructed Merrilees to

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JANUARY 1922 secure copies of Special Agent Mortimer Davis's reports on Garvey from the files of the bureau's New York office (William J. Burns to Thomas P. Merrilees, 20 January 1922, DJ-FBI). Merrilees was an experienced auditor with the Bureau of Investigation who had been used in 1921 in an inquiry into the wartime seizure of a large cargo from an American ship by the British, who claimed that the cargo was destined for Germany (DNA, R G 60, file 215510). 2. Garcia left his position as auditor of the UNIA on 8 January 1925 (Rudolph Smith v. UNLA, N.Y. County Supreme Court, 26 January 1925).

Statement of James D. Brooks New York, January [13, 1922] PRESENT: O . B . WILLIAMSON, POST O F F I C E INSPECTOR, M . J. D A V I S , SPECIAL A G E N T , BUREAU OF INVESTIGATION STENOGRAPHIC M I N U T E S BY M . J. DAVIS

By Mr. Williamson: Q. What is your full name? A. James David Brooks. Q. Where do you live? A. 3[o]9 West 148 Street, New York City. Q. What is your business? A. Lecturer and a[u]thor. Q. When did you first enter the employ of Marcus Garvey[?] A. May of 1920. Q. What was your first position? A. I was a speaker. Q. Engaged in lecturing on what[?] A. On the Universal Negro Improvement Association and possibilities of Africa. Q. How long did you continue? A. Under his personal employ until August. Then I was elected by convention. Q. August, 1920? A. Yes, 1920. Q. Then you were elected by the convention to the same position? A. No, as Secretary General of the Association. Q. How long did you continue as Secretary Generalf?] A. Until August, 1921. Q. D[i]d you have any connection with the Black Star Line? A. I sold stock. Q. You [worked th]en as stock salesman? A. No, I sold stock but they had regular stock salesmen. They did not call [us] stock [salesman], A stock salesman was with me. I . . . [words mutilated] [and he took the others].

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Q . Where did you [ca]ll or carry on [your] propaganda?] A . In Virginia, Ohio, Mass., Conn., No. Carolina, So. Carolina, Georgia, Texas, Oklahoma, Colorado, Missouri, Pennsylvania. Q. From whom did you get your orders as to the Black Star Line[?] A . Marcus Garvey[.] Q . What representations did you make in the course of your propag a n d a ] ? As to the Black Star Line? A. [T]hat the stock would pay at the end of each year dividen[d]s to the sto[ckho]lders; that the line o[w]ned and controlled at [t]hat ti[m]e thr[ee sh]ips, [th]e Y[a]rmouth, [Ka]nawha, and Shadyside. Q.

These [representations were made during the Summer of 1919 to

I9[20]?

A.

That covers a year. It began in May, i9[20,] and went up to August

I92I-

Q. W h o told you to say that the Black Star Line owned the Yarmouth . . . [lines mutilated]? A . H e [Marcus Garvey] left here in January, as I recall it. Q. A n d he returned? A . About August, 1921. Q. Did he instruct you to make these representations before he went away or after he returned? A . Before he went away. Q. Before January 1921? A . Yes. Q. A n d you began making them immediately thereafter in the course o f your lecturesf?] A . Yes, in May. They were supposed to own the Kanawha and Shadyside before I went with them. Q. Did you ever, in the course of your conversations with Garvey, hear him say anything about buying these vessels so that they could use them to boost the sale of stock? A . Yes, the Yarmouth was called the "propaganda ship." Q . Y o u mean she was not intended to pay but intended to boost sales? A . That is it, exactly. Q . What was the Shadyside for? A . I don't know much about the Shadyside. Q. Did you make any representations as to the Phyllis Wheatley in the course of your work? A . Yes. Q. W h o gave you the instructions you followed? A . Marcus Garvey. Q . What were the representations which you made under his instructions?

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A. First, that the next ship of the line would be the Phyllis Wheatley. We were to get this ship in honor of a noted colored woman. That was the first representation. That this ship would be the largest ship of the line. Q. Did you ever, during the course of your lectures, make any representations to the effect that the Line owned the Phyllis Wh[ea]tley[?] A. Y[es] sir. Q. When did you begin making these representations? A. In April or May, 1921, I [think]. Q. Who gave you these instructions did you say? A. Marcus Garvey. Q. Now Marcus Garvey was out of the country from January, 1921? A. Yes, but [we had learned] about this ship since he had left. Q. I am referring to the [representation that they o[w]ned the ship[.] A. That c[a]me from Elie Garcia. Q. When did you begin making these representations? A. That we owned it? Q. Yes[.] A. In May, 1921. We began collecting money in January to purchase the Phyllis Wheatley, and that is where Garvey enters, before we began collecting, before Garvey left the country. In April Thompson, Vice President of the Black Star Line, and Garcia, Exec. Secretary, were supposed to be negotiating for a ship called the Hongkh[o]ng, in China, and Thompson told us that he lost that shi[p] and then they had another one the sa[me] name in Chinese waters. Q. So that when you went out and made representations to the effect that the line owned this ship, the Phyllis Wheatley, you were following the instructions of Garcia? A. I began in May. From January to May we were raising funds to buy this Phyllis Wheatley. Then in May I received a telegram from Garcia that the Phyllis Wheatley is here under inspection by our own m[e]n and the telegraphic records should show that. Q. So that from the date of that telegram on you believed that they owned the Phyllis Wheatley? A. Yes. Q. And you continued to make representations to that effect for how long? A. Until about sometime early in July. Q. Have you seen these circulars showing the Phyllis Wheatley? A. They sent them to me. I distributed them. Q. And you and your agents told the people you owned that ship and on that representation I presume many people bought stock? A. Yes. Q. Did you sell passage on the ship as well?

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A. No. Q. Do you know whether passage was sol[d]? A. Passage was sold. Q. Do you know of any other lecturers or agents who travelled about making representations similar to those made by yourself? A. Yes: Sarah Branch, address care of myself. Rev. J. D. Gordon, 585 Herkimer St., Brooklyn, A. L. Lewis, Buffalo, New York, or address care of myself. Dr. [G.] A. McGuire, can be reached through Cyril Briggs. Bishop Selkridge, address care of myself. These persons will tell you the truth about it. Q. Do you know where your expense money came from? A. When I was on the road it came out of whatever funds I collected. Q. What was the cost of this propaganda [work?] A. My salary as Secretary General of the Association was $6,000 a year with a daily allowance of $5.00 for board and lodging when out s[p]eaking. My secretary received $20 a week and $3.00 per day for board and lodging, and in addition to this there were travelling ex[p]enses, newspa[p]er advert i s i n g , telegrams, telephones, . . . [words mutilated], etc. Q. You [handled both?] the funds of the Black Star Line st[oc]k collections? A. I did not handle them directly but was responsible for them. The Secretary handled the funds. Q. And in in[c]urring [expe]nses you used either fund, depending on which was available? A. Yes sir. Q. Do you know whether the Black Star funds were ever used for the u[pke]ep or [p]urchase of Liberty Hall? A. I do not know. Q. Do you know in whose name Lib[e]rty Hall s[t]an[d]s? A. I do not. It belongs either to the African Communities League or the New York branch and we have no [know]le[d]ge of the funds. Q. Have you any knowledge as to the Black Star Line Corporation or the Association ever having voted any lump sum to Garvey? A. Yes sir. Q. What are the facts regarding it? A. Garvey claimed to have been hampered at times by lack of funds, etc., so we voted him a fund of, I think, between eight and fifteen thousand dollars to be used at his discretion. That was in either October or November, 1920. Q. That was a lump sum allowance? A. Yes.

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Q. Was it renewed? A. No. Q. Have you any knowledge as to what disposition was made of the death fund of the association? A. That was handled in my office. Q. Was that kept intact? A. No. Q. What was done with it? A. It was put in with the other funds. Q. And went in the payment of salaries, and every day expenses, etc. ? A. Yes sir. Q. What was done with that construction loan account? A. That was used just as the other moneys, for genera[l] purposes. Q. What effort, or was there any effort made to keep separate the business of the Black Star Line and the Association, that is, insofar as finances were concerned? A. I should think so, because there were two sepa[r]ate treasurers. Q. When a Black Star Line expenditure was made were they always careful to see that Black Star funds were used, and vice versa? A. The Black Star Line did not have any money. The line was insolvent sometime in October or Novemb[e]r, 1920. Their c[h]ecks were not honored by the bank. Q. Briefly, what did Garvey have you arrested for? A. Grand larc[e]ny. Q. What are the facts? A. He claims that I collected, first it was $1,400. The specific charge, however, is $400, and that this was not reported to the association. Q. What was your object in withdrawing the funds? A. I did not withdraw them. I withdrew funds just as I had always done and the funds so withdrawn, as I understood, were to apply against my salary and expenses and were in every instance . . . [several lines mutilated ]. Q. Wh[e]n were you [ar]rested? A. Nov[e]mber [2s], 1921. [JAMES D .

DJ-FBI, file 61. TD.

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Statement of Capt. J. W. Jones New York City, Jany. 13, 192(2] P R E S E N T : O . B . W I L L I A M S O N , POST O F F I C E INSPECTOR J . W . G A R D E N E R , EXPERT B A N K A C C O U N T A N T M . J . D A V I S , S P E C I A L A G E N T , B U R E A U OF I N V E S T I G A T I O N ] S T E N O G R A P H I C M I N U T E S BY M . J. D A V I S

By Mr. Williamson: Q. Where do you live? A. 2303 Seventh Avenue, New York City. Q. When did you first enter Garvey's employ? A. This coming March two years ago. Q. March 1920? A. Yes sir. Q. What were your duties? A. I started first—my first job with Garvey was to check up on the finances of the restaurant that he was at that time running. Q. Was that restaurant run under the name of the Negro Factories Corporation? A. No, under the auspices of the African Communities League. Q. Were you in Garvey's employ during the summer when the Black Star Line ran the Shadyside? A. Yes sir. Q. Did you ever make any trips on the Shadyside? A. No, I was down to the wharf but I never went up the river on the boat. Q. D o you know whose money bought the Shadyside? A. I understood that the money was the result of the sale of stocks in the Black Star Line. Q. The upkeep of the boat—who paid for that? A. That was done in a like manner. Q. And as I understand it they charged for those trips? A. Yes, $1.05. Q. And then the funds obtained from the sale of tickets, etc., go to the Black Star Line treasury? A. Yes, but the boat never paid for the coal. Q. It had a good sized band? A. Yes, 22 pieces. The excursions ran at night and half of the band was taken from Liberty Hall and put on this boat. Q. On what information do you base the statement that the operation of the boat hardly paid for the coal? A. From statements that I had heard in the offices of the corporation.

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Q. Statements made by whom? A. Statements in general. Q. It was co[mm]on knowledge? A. Yes. In effect, I heard Garvey say on one occasion to one of the [stewards?] on the boat who was there about his salary, Garvey[']s re[ma]rk was ["]. . . [words missing] when the boat does not pay for the coal it [consumes?]" Q. He was slow about paying salaries? A. He has always been slow about paying all salaries. Q. Do you know how long this boat ran? A. All in all during the summer about three months, but the machinery in the boat was so worn out that after running the boat a week or ten days she would lay up and then he was also disap[p]ointed in the amount of passengers carried and there was no regular schedule for the boat. But I do not think any trip it made paid for itself. It was a very old hull. I understand they paid $35,000. Q. What in your judgment was the real purpose of operating that boat? A. It was more for propaga[n]da. The boat was bought to say "that we have another ship". Of course he expected to make profit. Q. Do you recall any conversation with Garvey or Garcia you might have had that had refe[r]ence to that? A. No, I don't. But that was general knowledge in and around the offices. Q. Did Garvey, when you went with him, own Liberty Hall? A. No sir. He does not at the present time. Q. But he did have access to it? A. Yes. There is still a mortgage against it. Q. What is the history of obtaining access to Liberty Hall? A. Just what the history is I do not know because of the fact that he had access to the hall when I came with him, but since I have been with Garvey he has increased the hall about fifty percent in size. Q. He had an option to purchase it? A. He had an option on the original building. Then he made the increase to the hall by making what was called a Building Loan from the members here in New York. They loaned from five to one hundred dollars, for which they were to receive six percent. Q. Do you know whether any of the proceeds of the stock of the Black Star Line was ever applied to the purchase price of the hall? A. Whether the purchase—whether the proceeds were applied to the purchase price I do not know but I do know that many times the money taken in for stock of the Black Star Line has been used for all purposes, such as paying bills of the Negro World. The stub checks will show that the printer was paid with money derived from the sale of stocks. The check stubs should show that the band that is known as the Black Star Line Band—those

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checks are drawn in the name of Ailes [Isles], he is the leader of the band—all the checks are drawn in his name, he cashes them and pays the musicians. Q. Do you mean to say that the proceeds of the sale of the stock went to pay for the band? A. At the time when the U.N.I.A. did not have funds to pay for the band. There is kind of combination of corporations. There is the U.N.I.A. and A.C.L. That is a double corporation. It has been the policy that when the funds of the U.N.I.A. . . . [words missing] the band goes under the name of the Black Star Line Band, yet that band plays every night in Liberty Hall. If there are not enough funds in the U.N.I.A. to pay that band then the funds of the line are drawn on, or the funds of the African Communities League, or the Negro Factories Cor[p], In other words, the funds have been manipulated so that any bill that was due, the fund that was available or had the most money in it, was drawn on to settle that account. Q. Would the stubs show that? A. They should. There is no doubt that you will find in those stub checks—this I know you will find, that the bills of the Negro World have been paid by the Black Star Line checks. When I first went to the Negro World their printing bill ran between $ 2 1 0 0 and $ 2 3 0 0 a week. At that time the [p]aper was turning in from $ 5 0 0 to $ 7 0 0 a week. There was a deficit of about $ 1 5 0 0 a week because of the fact that the agents were given to understand by Garvey; well, if you pay[,] all right, and if you do not, all right too. His idea was to get the sheet before the public and some weeks that deficit would be made up from funds of the U.N.I.A. or from any other fund available. But at that time the Black Star Line was selling stock from $ 5 0 0 0 to $ 1 0 , 0 0 0 a week and of course the Black Star Line fund was most available. Sometimes the check would not be drawn on the Black Star Line, it would be drawn on the U.N.I.A., but funds would be transferred from the Black Star Line to cover this check drawn on the U.N.I.A. Q. Would the necessary entries be made in the books to show this transfer? A. Yes. For instance, here is one entry that you will find. There were $ 3 4 , 0 0 0 worth of stock sold to the U.N.I.A. There was an effort there to always try to cover up funds. For instance when the delegates from the different organization divisions came to the last convention, there was a fund known as a death fund. That is, each member in a division outside of and including New York pays 3$4 a month dues. Five cents of that comes to the [p]arent body, supposed to be operating expenses. Ten cents of that 35 cents goes in a death fund to pay death benefits. Twenty cents of it stays in the local division for their operating expenses. In other words, 15$ of the 354 is supposed to go to the parent body. When these delegates were here in New York Garvey knew they would ask about the death fund. In order to cover up $ 4 6 , 0 0 0 of this death fund, the U.N.I.A. is supposed to have bought the Negro World for $ 4 6 , 0 0 0 and the fact is not a cent was transferred. In July, I 9 2 I [ , ] possibly[,] the ownership of the Negro World, of which I am Circu-

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lation Manager and have been since March, 1921, passed from the U.N.I.A. to the general association, known as the parent body, from the U.N.I.A. local (or A . C . L . of which it owns the entire capitalization). The sale price was, I think, $46,000. Q. What happened as to payment? A. There was no payment because of the fact that the A.C.L. treasury that should have received this fund has not at any time had that much in it. Q. What is the basis of your information as to that? A. From my actual knowledge. Q. Did you take care of any payments? A. N o , I did not, but, for instance, I have deposited money for the A . C . L . from time to time and I have seen the books of the A.C.L. and I know at no time has the A.C.L. had $46,000 in its treasury. Q. So that the parent body bought the "World" without paying for it? A. Yes. That statement was made so as to be able to tell the delegates what has become of the death fund that has been sent to the parent body, to say it has been used to purchase the Negro World. At the present time the funds taken in for the sale of the paper are still banked in the funds of the A . C . L . , its original owners. It is understood now that the par[e]nt body owns the Negro World and I have personal knowledge that when bills are to be paid, no distinction is made between the funds of the A.C.L., the Black Star Line, Inc., or the parent body. At first it was a deficit in the Negro World fund, and the other corporations made that up. Later on the Negro World had a surplus and all of the other corporations helped to consume that. I am trying to make it plain that there is no distinction made between one fund or another. It is all used for whatever purpose is required. Q. Specifically, what concrete instances of this have you of your own knowledge? A. Reganski [Rojjowski], the printer, 444 Pearl Street, has from time to time been paid by fiinds from the A.C.L., the U.N.I.A., Black Star Line, by checks drawn on those corporations. Q. When Garvey took a trip to the West Indies, who financed this trip? A. I could not say what funds he drew his original fare from. Q. Did he get any money advanced to him? A. He did. How much, I do not know. Q. Up to recently, say July 1921, the principal source of income has been through the sale of stock in the Black Star Line? A. Yes, also sale of the Liberian Construction bonds since last August, and as the Black Star Line began to dwindle, Garvey took up what he called the Liberian Construction Loan and issued bonds for construction purposes in Liberia. Q. H o w many of these bonds did he sell? A. About $144,000 worth. Q. H o w much of that was expended in Liberia? A. As to actual expenditures in Liberia I would say about $5,000.

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Q. And so this fund was drawn on and used interchangeably with the others? A. Yes. This was also used to pay all bills presented—electric light, coal, fuel, help hire, anything at all. There was a saw mill bought in this country for Liberia. I think they paid $7,000. That is the only tangible asset purchased with this money. Garcia went to Liberia in 1920, June. He remained about a month and returned in the latter part of August, 1920. He brought Garvey two reports, one to be made public, and which was never done, and another confidential report, both of which I have seen with my own eyes. The confidential report, which of course was in Garvey's hands before he launched the construction loan proposition, pointed out to him clearly the impossibility of the whole project, the difficulties being, general economic conditions of the country, climatic conditions, opposition from the Liberian Government. Q. What do you know about the S/S Phyllis Wheatley? A. In March last year Garvey sent telegrams to, I think, 1+ Presidents of the largest divisions of his association. The Presidents were sent for to come to New York and 13 came. They held a conference. At this conference Garvey told these Presidents that if he could raise $25,000 he could purchase a boat to be named the Phyllis Wheatley. The amounts were allot[t]ed to the divisions according to their number of members, for example, a division with five thousand members of course would be allot[t]ed more than a division of three thousand. The Presidents returned to their divisions after promising to raise their allotted amounts. This $25,000 was raised. Some of this fund was raised by selling stock and those that did not sell the allotted amount took funds from local treasuries. That money was turned over to Thompson, and at the present time $22,500 of that money is now in the hands of the U.S. Shipping Board in the form of escrow or security for good faith to procu[r]e a ship. Thompson told me this morning that it was impossible to raise the balance of the bond that was required because the Shipping Board had doubled the amount and unless this was done the $25,000 now on deposit would be forfeited. In the issues of March and May of the Negro World the Black Star Line advertised the sailing of the Phyllis Wheatley on or about a certain date, I think April 25th. Through these advertisements and others they sold fares, I have heard, to the extent of $22,000 to Liberia. From the best information I can get the greater par[t] of this money has been returned, for example I know one man who had $650.00 up as fare deposit last April. He got that fare back in October, after having been on deposit for about seven months. As late as the 6th of December, 1921, $230 was accepted from one Adolphus Graham, 712 Herkimer St., Brooklyn, for fare, and also $100 left as deposit for safe keeping. Through these advertisements prospective passengers came from Washington stat[e], California, etc., and about two weeks previous to the Tulsa riots eleven re[f]ugees came from there and told me personally that Dr. Brooks had told them that if they came to New York the Black Star Line would furnish them free passage to Africa. These people

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came here[,] became destitute, and were finally taken care of by some charitable organizations in New York, and I think returned to their homes. [J. W . JONES]

DJ-FBI, file 61. TD.

Statement of Frederick A. Toote New York, January 16, 1922 P R E S E N T : O . B . WILLIAMSON, POST O F F I C E INSPECTOR, M . J . D A V I S , S P E C I A L A G E N T , B U R [ E A U ] OF I N V E S T I G A T I O N ] S T E N O G R A P H I C M I N U T E S BY M . J . D A V I S

By Mr. Williamson: Q. What is your full name? A. Frederick Augustus Toote. Q. And your home address? A. #2374 Seventh Avenue, New York. Q. What is your connection with the U.N.I.A.? A. Secretary General of the U.N.I.A. Q. You are not connected with the Black Star Line? A. I am a Director of the Line. Q. What is your Association salary? A. Five thousand dollars a year. Q. What is your Black Star Line salary? A. None. Q. How long have you been a director of the Black Star Line? A. Two years. Q. How long have you been Secretary General of the Association? A. Last August I was speaker in convention, that is chairman of the convention. Q. As a director you usually attend the directors['] meetings? A. Yes. Q. Was the "Yarmouth" called the "propaganda ship"? A. I was not a director when they bought the "Yarmouth." Q. Did you . . . [words missing] but you were present and knew about what they were doing? A. Yes, after. Q. Was the "Yarmouth" called the "propaganda ship"? A. I have never heard it called the "propaganda ship" in the Board of Directors. Q. I am not talking about the Directorsf'] meetings[.]

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A. I have heard the President General say at one meeting during the conference that the "Yarmouth" was bought principally to carry out his obligation with the people because he promised them a ship at a certain time and he bought that ship in order to carry out his promises to the people and that it was principally for propaganda work. Q. What do you mean "for propaganda work"? A. You see, he advertised that the ship would go out and if they did not get the ship, why the whole thing would have crumbled. Q. You mean that they were going to buy the ship, and he bought it regardless of whether they could make a profit or not—it was for advertising purposes? A. No, it made two successful trips, so far as I know. Q. You mean financially successful? A. No, I do not mean financially successful. It shows that they had some expectation of running the ships and that it was not only bought for propaganda purposes when it went away twice. Q. You know that the "Phyllis Wheatley" never existed, don't you? A. Yes, it never existed. Q. Did you ever have a chance to buy a ship called the "Phyllis Wheatley"? A. Yes, Mr. Thompson, the Vice President, during the absence of the President General, was negotiating for a ship. Q. I know. The negotiation is one thing, but having the money to buy a ship is another. A. We collected a certain amount of money and they said if we paid so much the ship would be delivered. Q. You depended on stock sales for the remainder? A. Yes. Q. You sold something like $750,000 worth of shares of stock all told? A. Yes. Q. Shares or stock? A. I thought shares and stock were about the same thing. Q. You have sold about $750,000 worth of stock? A. I do not know how much stock was sold. Q. What is the connection between the association and the Black Star Line? A. The association was first formed and then the Black Star Line was born out of the association. The Association was sort of promoter for the Black Star Line. Q. What is the object of the Association? A. It is principally a humanitarian, charitable [association], and to build up schools and enterprises among our own people. Q. And to carry on work of colonizing Africa? A. No, that is not the object of the Association.

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Q. That is the object of the Black Star Line? A. No. That is the object of the Provisional President of Africa, but the Association's object is humanitarian, friendly, and to establish schools in Africa. Q. Where does the colonization idea come in? A. That comes through the Provisional President of Africa. Q. And what association? A. That is with him. I do not know how to bring that in—that is not connected with the U.N.I.A. to my knowledge. Q. Was not the Black Star Line to carry the men and provisions to Africa? A. Yes, carry men and provisions whether you were colonizing or not. Just as a matter o [ f ] business. Q. When did you begin selling passage on the Phyllis Wheatley? A. I do not know[.] Q. Did you ever hear of that being done? A. I have heard, yes. Q. Was there any such thing done? A. I do not know. I have heard. I have no evidence that it was. Q. Where did you hear it? A. I did not hear it in the office. I just heard people say they had paid prices to go to Africa on the new ship of the Black Star Line, the "Phyllis Wheatley[,]" but I have never seen any money or receipts or tickets, etc. Q. What are your duties? A. My duties are to attend to the correspondence work of the U.N.I.A. and all monies coming in pass through my office to the High Chancellor. I keep a record of all monies coming in. Q. Does the Black Star Line ever get any of your money? A. When the members voted for them to have. Q. Association members? A. Yes, I mean the members of the Executive Council of the U.N.I.A. Q. Give me some examples of their having voted money[.] A. I think during the drive for this boat that was to be called the Phyllis Wheatley they needed an amount of money. It was reported to us by the Vice President that the Shipping Board needed so much money and that they wanted to borrow this money from the U.N.I.A. to pay this money on the ship. Q. Did they borrow it? A. I believe they did. Q. Did they give notes? A. They did. Q. What was the amount? A. I cannot tell you now, but I know that some money was involved[. ] Q. About how much?

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A. I could not tell you. The reports would come to my office after they would pass through the Chancellor's office, not first. My office is not a dispersing office. Q. The Association last June loaned the Black Star Line some money? A. Yes. Q. Was it under $20,000? A. Yes. Q. Was it under $10,000? A. I could not tell you the exact amount[.] Q. And the Black Star Line gave notes? A. Yes, so far as I know. Q. Have the notes been paid? A. I do not know. Q. Did the Black Star Line ever loan the Association any money? A. Not to my knowledge, not since I have been Secy. General. Q. Did the Black Star Line ever loan the Association any money? A. Not to my knowledge. Q. Did the Association ever buy any Black Star Line stock? A. Yes. Q. D o you keep your financial records separate—Black Star Line from yours? A. Yes, the High Chancellor is Treasurer of the U N I A , and Mr. Tobias is Treasurer of the Black Star Line, and Mr Q. I mean your finances[.] A. Yes. [Q.] Mr. Garvey was in the West Indies during the early part of 1921? A. Yes. Q. Between what dates? A. About between Feb. and July, I think, 1921. Q. Who handled the propaganda with reference to the "Yarmouth" during his absence? A. There was no propaganda. Q. There were some advertisements sent out? A. Not to my knowledge. I was out of the city myself. Q. You were not out from Feb. to July? A. Yes. I was travelling from one Division to another, speaking in the interests of the Association. I was in Canada, I think in March. Q. What were you doing? A. Visiting the different divisions[.] Q. You were also acting as an Agent of the Black Star Line? A. Oh, yes. Q. You were making representations as to the Black Star Line? A. Yes. Q. Who authorized you to make these representations?

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A. As a director of the Black Star Line, I had authority of the President of the Line. Q. As a Director you did some of the directing? A. Yes. Q. What representations did you make as to the "Yarmouth?" A. I made none. Q. You never used the word "Yarmouth"? A. Oh, yes. Q. What representations did you make as to the "Phyllis Wheatley"? A. I made none to my knowledge. In Canada I told them I had certain papers of the Phyllis Wheatley stating that it would be delivered at a certain date. I have those letters at home that I received from Mr. Thompson. Q. What did you say regarding the "Phyllis Wheatley"? A. I said the Phyllis Wheatley was supposed to sail for Africa at the time they stated. Q. What was the time? A. I could not say. I received letters that the boat was to be procured at a certain time. Q. Who was sending out this information from the office? A. Mr. Thompson, as Vice President in the President's absence. Q. Was Mr. Garcia acting with him? A. Yes, Mr. Garcia was acting with him. Q. They reported to you that the Phyllis Wheatley would sail on such and such a date, changing it from time to time? A. Yes—no, they did not change the date. (General conversation followed at this point) Q. So that, after you came back to the office and found out that you had inadvertently misrepresented the facts to those people, you now say that you did not return the money to the people? A. N o , I did not. Q. But it was turned over to the Corporation and used as though it had been gotten in a direct and open deal? A. That is right. Q. You and Mr. Garvey worked pretty close together on these matters? A. Not at all. Q. Explain [.] A. Because Mr. Garvey did not want me as General Secretary and our feelings are not very keen since that[.] Q. You are satisfied that Mr. Garvey has not used any of this money? A. I am satisfied about that. I do not believe Mr. Garvey would use one cent of it for his own use. Q. You are in sympathy with his plan to colonize Africa and believe in the possibilities of the plan? A. Yes.

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Q. And in making these representations to the people that you are dealing openly with them? A. Making what representations? Q. That you are going to have a President of Africa; that you are going to run a line of ships to every negro country of the world; that if they spend their money here they will be in a company financed and managed by experienced business men. You believe all those things? A. Yes. Q. And you are one of the experienced business men? A. I am not an experienced business man, of course not. Q. Is Mr. Thompson an experienced business man? A. Yes. Q. Having been a clerk in a shipping office in British Guiana? A. I do not know. But I know he has been experienced and is a graduate o f some school of commerce. Q. Mr. Garvey has had some experience in handling ships before this venture? A. I do not know. Q. What men connected with your concern have had such experience in handling ships and dealing with shipping matters? A. The men who we employed. Q. I am talking about the company, not the help. A. I do not know. Q. Has there been anybody? A. Yes, the men whom we employed. Q. Who are they? A. There was Capt. Cockburn[,] who was a member of the Board of Directors. Q. His experience was rather unfortunate? A. We have had Capt. Mosac (?) [Mulzac.] Q. Who inside the directorate and among the officials of the . . . [line mutilated] ? A. Cockburn was a Director, and other men who were directors. Q- You have a death benefit fund in the Association? A. Yes. Q. And you collect so much a month to keep that fund replenished? A. Yes sir. Q- Do you keep the funds separate in the bank? A. No[.] Q- Do you keep it separate on your books? A. Yes, on the Secretary's books. Q. Do you use the death fund for anything else but to pay death benefits?

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A. Yes, it is used in the general paying out of expenses of the Association. Q. Such as salaries, office expense, etc.? A. Yes. Q. You do not regard it as a trust fund for this specific purpose? A. It is regarded so to a certain extent. Q. But not to the extent that would prevent you from using it for anything else? A. No. Q. Take that Construction loan fund. You helped in its collection? A. Yes. Q. How much about was collected? A. I could not tell you[.] Q. $100? A. Oh, no. Thousands of dollars[.] Q. Thousands of Dollars? A. Yes. Q. Did you use it for anything else but construction purposes? A. I guess it was. You are mixing me up with things I know nothing oft-] Q. The construction loan was [spent] for several things? A. Yes. Q. Some for constructing, some for current expenses? A. Yes, and some for advertising purposes. Q. So that this is practically used up now? A. I do not think so. Q. You still have some balance? A. Yes, we have some balance because we are paying off them as they come in[.] Q. Don't you know, as a matter of fact, that you did not return all the money collected for passage to Africa? A. I do not know that. Q. Would these reports go to you from some other official? And you would pay no attention to that? A. The officials never said one word to me about that money. Q. And you nev[e]r asked about it? A. Yes. Q. You had enough confidence never to ask about it? A. Yes, I had confidence in the men, that they were doing the right thing. Q. You have confidence in these men who spent this death fund . . . [several words mutilated] [an]d used up the construction fund? A. Yes.

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Q. A. Q. A.

[W]hat country are you a citizen of? The United States. I was born in Key West, Fla. 1 Where can you be reached by telephone? At the office, Harlem 5775. [FREDERICK A.

TOOTE]

DJ-FBI, file 6i. TD. 1. T h e statement may have been made by T o o t e in an effort to mislead the authorities. All other historical accounts o f Toote's life indicate that he was born in Nassau, Bahamas.

Statement of George Tobias New York, Jany. 16, 1922 PRESENT: O . B. WILLIAMSON, P.O.

INSPECTOR,

M . J . D A V I S , S P E C I A L A G E N T , B U R E A U OF

INVESTIGATION

S T E N O G R A P H I C M I N U T E S BY M . J . D A V I S , [ B U R E A U OF INVESTIGATION]

By Mr. Williamson: Q. What is your full name? A. George Tobias. Q. And you are the—George Tobiasf,] who is Treasurer of the B.S.L.? A. Treasurer of the Black Star Line, yes sir. Q. And this is your picture on the circular headed "The Negro in the Realm of Co[mm]erce"? A. Yes, that is my picture. Q. What was that circular used for? A. For advertising the Black Star Line. Q. Sent out by mail, was it not? A. All over the country. Q. What are your duties as Treasurer? A. [Rejceiving funds and depositing in savings bank, etc. Q. [Yo]u are familiar with the way the funds were received and disp[erse]d? A. [Fo]r the Black Star Line, y[e]s sir. Q. [OJnly? A. That is, of the Black Star Line only. Q. [H]ow much stock did you sell? A. Up to now I think it is about over 17,000 shareholders, but the [SJecretary has the exact [figjures. Q. [H]ow much mon[e]y have you [taken?] in? A. [A]bout $[8]oo,ooo or thereabouts. Q. This money has been practically all spent now?

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A. W[e]ll, there is some money invested in the ships. Q. Aside from that? A. Yes, [a]ll in the ships. [Q.] [And the] r[e]st of it has [go]ne in other ways, to run the [corporation] in [g]eneral? Now, you have a small e[q]uity in each of these ships? A. Yes, a lar[g]e one I should say. Q. [W]ould you have an idea o[f ] about what it would amount to? A. The figures I do not know. Mr. Garcia keeps all those figures. Q. Who did the circularizing? A. It was done, I think—I really do not know—some department of the o f [ f ]ice. I do not know whether—probably from the President. Q. What is your salary? A. Fifty dollars ($50) a week. Q. You are not one of the high priced officers? A. N o sir. Q. Did you authorize the use of Black Star Line funds in financing any o [ f ] Garvey's trips? A. N o sir. Q. [W]as any fund so used? A. Not from my department[.] Q. From any other depa[r]tment? A. I do not know what they did in the other departments. Q. What do you mean by "other departments"? A. I mean the U.N.I.A. Q. We are talking about the Black Star Line? A. All business for the Black Star Line—he gets his expenses for going on that business[.] Q. You required strict accounting from him? A. Yes. Q. So that we have all the vouchers covering that? A. Yes. Q. He never made any expenditure that you did not have covered properly by vouchers? A. Those papers go to the Secretary. Q. You are the [Treasurer? A. Yes. Q. As Treasurer you must look out for disbursements? A. Any money I spent is recorded in the cash book. Q. You attended the Directors['] meetings? A. [ O f ] the Black Star Line? Q. Yes[.] A. Yes. Q. You recall they wanted to buy the "Yarmouth" so as to make a kind of propaganda ship? A. N o sir.

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Q. Were they buying it for the purpose of making money out of it? A. Yes sir. Q. And they bought it with the idea of making a stock selling feature [ou]t [of] it? . . . [Four lines mutilated.} A. So far as I can remember we got the boat for trading business. [GEORGE TOBIAS]

DJ-FBI, file 61. TD.

Statement of Hubert H. Harrison New York, Jan. 16, 1922 PRESENT: O . B . W I L L I A M S O N , P . O . INSPECTOR, M . J . D A V I S , S P E C I A L A G E N T , B U R [ E A U ] OF INVESTIGATION S T E N O G R A P H I C M I N U T E S BY M . J. D A V I S

By Mr. Williamson: Q. What is your full name? A. Hubert H. Harrison. Q. Your home address? A. 570 Lenox Avenue, New York. Q. And your business now? A. Associate editor of the "Negro World"—one of the contributing editors. Q. How long have you been in that position? A. Since November, 1920, antecedent to which I was editor of the "Negro World". 1 Q. Who were the first owners of the "Negro World"? A. The same people who are the owners of it now, that is, the U.N.I.A. and A.C.L. Q. The paper has always been owned by the U.N.I.A. & A.C.L.? A. Yes—one name. Q. Where did Garvey get the money to buy the paper? A. What do you mean? Q. Didn't he pay the paper some money? A. I guess you are referring to that statement. . . [words missing]. Q. Yes? A. That is bunk. No such transaction ever occurred. Q. Did Garvey ever use any Black Star Line funds to make payments to that paper? A. Prior to my going there in January, 1920, I do not know. Between January, 1920[,] and November, 1921 [7920?], when I gave up the editorship, I

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can but say I do not believe so. I saw no signs of it, and on the contrary, the paper's money was being used to pay for Black Star Line work and things of that sort. They owed the paper money. The paper did not owe them any. Q. Does Garvey and his agents, in selling Black Star Line stock, hold out the hope of colonizing Africa or some part of it? A. Always. Q. Is that one of the main inducements? A. Yes. Q. And the Black Star Line is to run the ships? A. Oh, yes. Q. Now, have you ever seen a report made by Garcia to Garvey as to the feasibility of this plan? A. I have seen the report made by Garcia to Garvey when Garcia came back in 1920 from Africa in August or July. I do not know that the report could be fairly described as a report on the feasibility of his invasion of Africa, but in the course of the report he [g]ave information which indicated that they had no base to work from or on. Q. Did it indicate that Garvey owned nothing in Liberia? A. Yes. Q. What were the objections raised as to colonizing that part of the world by the Liberians? A. The opposition of the Liberians themselves. And he advised if they wanted to exert any influence in Liberia they must soft-pedal and rather persuasively permeate the situation than buck it. Q. And eventually get control of the Government? A. I do not think Garcia's words in that report ran to any such an explicit conclusion, but the gab is abundantly furnished at Liberty Hall. One more thing—there happens to be a certain issue of the Negro World in 1920 about March or April, and in that issue they opened up at Liberty Hall and told all that they intended to do in Africa and what they were going to say to the Chiefs, and Garvey was chump enough to put it in the paper. Q. As you understand it, the Garcia report discouraged the colonization project? A. Yes. Q. You have heard some of Garvey's lectures in the coursfe] of which he was trying to sell stock in the Black Star Line? A. Yes. Q. What representations did he hold out and what promises did he make? A. He ar[g]ued that the race needed ships and needed to be in commerce. He told them that they had to free themselves from the domination of the whites and if they could do that by owning ships; that at the same time Africa was to be redeemed and that part of the work of redeeming Africa would be done by the Black Star Line by building it into a great big thing, and he assured them that there was wealth in Africa, that the wealth was

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waiting for our people, and that all our people needed to do was to go over there and get it. As to the method of getting in there, he explained that all he had to do was to drive the British out. Q. The seat of Government was to be in Liberia? A. Yes[,] of the Garvey [government. Q. You know that Garvey [h]ad nothing there? A. Yes, I know Garvey [ha]d nothing. Q. Did you ever hear him make his speech in furtherance of this c o n s t r u c t i o n loan? A. No. Q. Did you ever hear him make any representations as to the ownership or c[on]trol or operation of any ships? A. Yes. Q. What did he say about actual ownership or possession of ships? A. He said—more than said—that they owned the S/S Yarmouth, to be rechristened the "Frederick Douglas[s]"; that they owned the "Kanawha" which they called the Maceo; that they owned the Shadyside, and I have read the circular showing that they owned—had taken over the S/S Phyllis Wheatley. Q. You heard him make those statements in speeches? A. Oh yes. Q. Can you give me approximately the dates when he made such statements as to the Phyllis Wheatley? A. About February, i92i[,] I heard Garvey, in Liberty Hall, make these statements as to the Phyllis Wheatley: That he had been examining the ship; that the ship suited him and the company and that the sole reason why he did not take her over then was that it was a Sunday on which he was looking her over. Furthermore, that at the time of his looking her over the Black Star Line funds stood so strong in six banks that they could have bought the Phyllis Wheatley any time, and in the same speech he made the statement that if they wanted to raise a million dollars any time they could do it in less than a month. Q. Were these representations made for the purpose of influencing stock sales? A. I could only infer as to that. Q. They were selling stock at the time? A. Yes. Q. Have you seen the printed representations as to the ownership or [c]on[t]rol of the Phyllis Wheatley? A. Yes, insofar as they were a reproduction of this speech. He further [than] that, coming down to 1921 I think, read the statements [ma]de in Liberty [H]all. Subsequent to this, I heard, in [F]eb. 1921, to the effect that they had the Phyllis Wheatley. [HUBERT H.

426

HARRISON]

JANUARY 1922

DJ-FBI, file 61. TD. 1. According to the Negro World's masthead, Harrison was never listed as its editor, although he served as an associate editor from March until December 1920 and as its contributing editor from 1 January 1921 until 25 March 1922 ( W , 6 March 1920, 1 January 1921, 25 March 1922).

Report by Special Agent Mortimer J. Davis New York City 1/20/22 IN R E : U . S . v s BLACK STAR L I N E , INC., MARCUS GARVEY, ET A L . , V I O . S E C . 2 1 5 , U S I N G T H E M A I L S TO D E F R A U D N E G R O ACTIVITIES

Continuing this case: Following the return to Pittsburgh of Post Office Inspector Williamson, Agent made an investigation of the purchase by the Black Star Line of its various boats. Re: S/S "Yarmouth» This boat, which is described as being built at Dumbarton, Scotland, in 1877 of steel, 1452 tons gross, 725 tons net, cargo capacity 60,000 ft., length 220 ft., breadth 35 ft., depth 21 ft., bunkers capacity 300 tons, average speed 9 knots, passenger accommodations for about 25 persons, rebuilt in 1917, and electric lights, wireless and towing machine added, was, at the time the Black Star Line started negotiations for her acquisition, the property of the North American Steamship Corp., of Canada. The stock of this company had been acquired by the firm of Harriss, Irbe & Vose, presently located at 15 William Street, New York City. I have interviewed Mr. W. L. Harriss, who was formerly a member of the firm Harriss, McGill & Co.[,] 35 So. William St., which firm originally acted in a brokerage capacity for the North American S/S Co. in the sale of the "Yarmouth." He states that the firm of Harriss, Irbe & Vose originally paid about $350,000 for the boat, but that they purchased it during the war, when boats of any description were at a premium. Furthermore, the firm covered the purchase price from the profits of the first several trips of the boat with cargo. At least two of such trips, states Mr. Harriss, were transAtlantic, on each of which she developed boiler trouble, was forced to return to port, but finally completed the trips. The original contract between the Black Star Line and Harriss, Irbe & Vose for the purchase of the "Yarmouth" is dated September 18th, 1919. It calls for delivery to be made to the purchaser between October 31st and November 10th, 1919. The purchase price was $165,000, ten percent of which (or $16,500) was paid upon signing this contract. It provided further that

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$83,000 was to be paid upon delivery of the boat to the purchaser, and the balance to be paid in installments within ten months. This contract was sig[n]ed for the Black Star Line by Marcus Garvey, President, and E. D. Smith Green. On October 20th, 1919, the Black Star Line notified Mr. Harriss that they were not prepared to take delivery of the boat. The general reason given was that they were not in a position to make the necessary payment at the time. A supplemental contract was then entered into, according to which the purchase price was raised to $168,000.00. The sum of $3,500 was paid by the Black Star Line upon the signing of this contract, and $50,000 was to be paid upon delivery of the boat to them. On October 31st, 1919, the Black Star Line again made a plea of poverty, stating they were not yet prepared to take delivery. They requested Harriss, Irbe & Vose to permit them to charter the boat and make one round trip to the West Indies, promising to take delivery upon completion of this voyage. Mr. Harriss recalls that the general reason for this request advanced, he thinks by Garvey, was so that the Line could make a profit from the carrying of cargo and passengers sufficient to meet part of the balance due, and in addition it would make good propaganda for the raising of money by the sale of stocks. Mr. Harriss agreed to this arrangement, and accordingly a second supplemental agreement was entered into embodying this arrangement, and calling for the payment upon signing of $50,000 (which was met by the B.S.L. on Nov. 8th). Also, it provided that the balance due on the boat was to be paid in ten equal monthly installments starting thirty days after delivery. On Nov. 25th the Line made another payment of $22,000. On January 10th, 1920, after the ship had completed its round trip from the West Indies under the agreement just mentioned, Garvey again came to Mr. Harriss to ask another deferment of the delivery date. Thereupon, a third supplement contract was entered into, according to which $20,000 was to be paid by the Line upon signing (which was done), and the balance to be met in ten equal monthly installments commencing thirty days after delivery. Up to this point, it will be noted, a total of $112,000 had been paid on the "Yarmouth" by the Black Star Line, leaving a balance of $56,000, covered by the arrangement just explained. Between January 10th, and May 17th, 1920[,] Garvey was able to meet but $6500 of this balance, and this, states Mr. Harriss, was paid irregularly in small amounts of $500 and up. Therefo[r]e, on May 17th, 1920, Mr. Harriss accepted from Garvey a series of ten notes for the $49,500 balance, each note calling for the payment of $4,950, dated a month apart, the first one dated May 17th. On this date, also, Harriss[,] Irbe & Vose gave to the Black Star Line a bill of sale, so that it therefore became the actual date of delivery and is so recorded in the records of the former concern. It is not to be understood, however, that title to the ship passed to the Line with this bill of sale, for such was not the case. In

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an interview with Mr. Leo Healy, 44 Court Street, Brooklyn, attorney for Harriss, Irbe & Vose, he advises that title has never passed to the Black Star Line, and that the ship is to this day registered under the name of his clients. He further explains that the reason for this is due to the unwillingness of the Department of Commerce, Canada, to transfer the registry, based upon an investigation by that Department of the Black Star Line, and their finding that it was not officered by responsible parties or managed with proper care. This, states Mr. Healy, was not only made known to himself and his clients, but was also well understood by Garvey and other officers of the Black Star Line, who, in an effort to circumvent this ruling, formed what was known as the Black Star Line of Canada, for the purpose of taking the ship over. However, when the Canadian authorities again investigated, and found that this new corporation was officered by the same persons entrusted with the affairs of the Black Star Line, Inc. in this country, they again refused to transfer registry. There are several letters from the Dept. of Commerce, Canada, in Mr. Heaiys possession, addressed to Harriss, Irbe & Vose, which I did not have an opportunity to read, but which I believe contain the information above outlined. Since May 17th, 1920, the date upon which Garvey gave his ten notes in payment for the $49,000 then still due on the "Yarmouth," the Black Star Line has, up to the present date, met but $17,500 of this balance, and this in small, irregular payments. Messrs. Harriss, Irbe & Vose hold a mortgage for the balance. This mortgage, of course, could not be recorded because of the fact that H.[,] I. & V., being the registered owners, could not file a mortgage against their own ship. Mr. Healy states that his clients are not worried about the balance due and have no intention of taking any action to recover, because of the fact, as already stated, whatever they received from the Black Star Line was clear profit. Mr. Healy states that his clients were continually annoyed by Garvey^s pleas of poverty, and he believes the Black Star Line has been insolvent for a long period. Mr. Harriss verifies Mr. Heal/s statements, and, with refe[r]ence to the balance due, adds that even if they should recover the "Yarmouth" it would cost about $100,000 to repair her, whereas at present, conditions are such in the shipping industry that they could not obtain more than a few hundred dollars if they attempted to sell her. Despite Mr. Heal/s statement that his clients are the registered owners of the "Yarmouth", I have learned, by communicating with the U.S. Marshal for the Eastern Districtf,] that the ship was sold by court order on December 3rd, 1921, to one Robert F. Townsend, for $1,625.00, while lying in the National Dry Docks, Port Richmond, S.I. The Marshal[']s explanation of this situation is that the Black Star Line must have furnished some satisfactory evidence that they were the owners of the ship. It is my intention to review the papers in this case at the first opportunity. Attention, however, is called to the fact that the Black Star Line, according to their books and the

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Statement made by Elie Garcia, Secretary, is carrying the "Yarmouth" as a $200,000.00 asset, whereas, as just stated, she was recently sold for $1625.00. I have also been informed that there are libels against the "Yarmouth" approximating $200,000. At the first opportunity I will obtain the history of such actions filed in this and the Eastern Districts. Re: S/S "Kanawha" I have interviewed Capt. Leon R. Swift, ship broker and mariti[m]e consultant, #68 Broad Street, this city, who acted in a brokerage capacity between Marvin Briggs, Inc., of 168 Sixth Street, Brooklyn, and the Black Star Line, Inc., in the sale of the S/S "Kanawha". I have, also, interviewed Briggs. Capt. Swift is openly sympathetic toward Marcus Garvey, stating that he believes him to be honest and sincere, but has been made the victim of double crossing by dishonest associates. Just who these associates are Capt. Swift does not seem to know, however. Swift offered the "Kanawha" to the Black Star Line on April 19th, 1920. Thompson and Garvey did the negotiating for their company. The records indicate that the ship was built in 1899 at New York, is 3200 h.p., 375 tons gross displacement, 330 tons net, 2 0 8 V long, 2 4 ' + " wide, i 4 ' 8 " deep, classed as a yacht. Takes crew of 37 to man. Swift states also that it will carry about JJ passengers and 150 tons of freight. The purchase price to the Black Star Line was $60,000. The formal contract was entered into on April 24th, 1920, according to which the Line, per its President, Garvey, agreed to pay $5,000 down, $10,000 upon delivery, and the balance to be arranged in installments and to be paid within six months. Marvin Briggs states that title passed with the second payment, at which time a bill of sale was delivered to the Line. Mr. Briggs has been paid in full, but states he was not paid within the contract time limit. From time to time Garvey and Thompson came to Briggs' office and pleaded for time extensions, claiming they were in all kinds of difficulties and very short of cash. On one occasion, states Mr. Briggs, Garvey almost wept upon telling of the trouble he was experiencing with the financial matters of the Line. On another occasion Thompson came to Briggs and asked the latter to forego, for a period of time, his mortgage claim against the "Kanawha" in order that necessary repairs could be made upon her, explaining that the Morse Dry Docks would not make these repairs under any other arrangement (evidently not being satisfied with the financial condition of the Line). Briggs refused to do this. After the Black Star Line took over the "Kanawha", Capt. Swift went into their employ in the capacity, he states, of consultant and Captain. His employment with them started about May 1st, 1920, continuing until about the middle of August, 1920, with the exception of about three weeks during which Swift was on jury duty. Swift states that he supervised the repairing,

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refitting, painting, etc., of the ship while in this port, and then went aboard her as Captain, taking her to Norfolk, Va., where he turned the ship over to Capt. Richardson and a colored crew. While in the employ of the Black Star Line[,] Swift received $100 a week while in port and $275 per month when at sea. Swift further states that in his opinion $60,000 was a bargain price for the " K a n a w h a " ; that she was able to make trans Atlantic voyages, could develop a speed of about 22 knots, and could have made the trip to Africa in about 9 days. He states he never heard Garvey or any of his other associates state that this ship was to be used in the African trade, but it was his understanding that it would ply between the U.S. and the West Indies, carrying freight and passengers. Swift could not give any idea of the approximate present worth of the "Kanawha", but assumes she is little better than worthless due to deterioration caused by the brimy waters around Cuba, where he understands the ship is now tied up. Swift is particularly antagonistic toward Capt. Richardson, alleging that he wilfully neglected the "Kanawha" and is responsible for much of her mechanical troubles. I asked Swift whether or not he had dealt with anyone in the Black Star Line, among the officers, who knew anything about running ships. He replied that outside of Thompson, who he stated had a limited knowledge of such matters, there appeared to be none. I also asked Mr. Briggs, who is presumed to be thoro[ugh]ly familiar with the mechanical operation of ships, the same question. He stated that he met no one connected with the Black Star Line who appeared to have the slightest knowledge of running ships. Re: S/S Shadyside: This boat was sold to the Black Star Line by Captain Swift. It was owned by the latter, who states he originally got it for "one dollar and other valuable considerations" from parties he did not name. It is[,] he states, a river excursion boat, built in 1873 in New Jersey and originally had a book value o f from $26,000 to $27,000. When Swift took it over he states it was practically worthless and way lying at Stamford, Conn. He completely overhauled her, claiming he spent upwards of $20,000, personally supervising this work. Swift experienced much trouble getting a permit to operate the boat after the repair work was completed, and according to his story he "went over the head" of the inspector who made the examination in order to get the necessary permit. Swift states that when he learned the Black Star Line was in the market for a boat, he drew up a prospectus of the "Shadyside", advancing therein the idea o f their purchasing this excursion steamer to run up the Hudson so that they could not only make a profit, but could also show their stockholders they were actually running a ship, thereby enhancing the prospects for

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further stock sales. In Swift's own words, "it was good propaganda for their stock salesmen". Garvey and Thompson, after going over the prospectus, agreed, and entered into contract for the purchase. The formal contract was signed on March 24, 1920, and delivery of the ship was made on April 10th, 1920. The purchase price agreed upon was $35,000, $2,000 to be paid upon signing of the contract, $8,000 more upon delivery of the bill of sale. The balance was covered by a mortgage and a series of 12 notes signed by Garvey, each for $2,000, the twelfth for $3,000, interest at 6%. At the present time $17,000 is still due on the boat, in addition to interest, in other words, but four notes have been met, the last of these being paid during November, 1920, which, however[,] had been due previously. Swift states Garvey and Thompson continually pleaded poverty, and he was willing to wait[,] believing in their honesty. During the Winter of 1920-21 the "Shadyside" was damaged by ice and storm, and is now at Ft. Lee, N.J., states Swift. He has inspected her since this accident and pronounces her a total loss. Swift states that he does not intend to foreclose his mortgage. When I asked him how he expects to collect the balance due him, inasmuch as he believes the Line to be bankrupt, he called my attention to the fact that when he sold the ship to the Line an insurance policy was taken out in some London company whose name he cannot recall, 1 covering the boat to the extent of $35,000. The insurance company, he says, placed a $+5,000 valuation on her, but he admitted that the valuation took into consideration general shipping conditions at the time, and that the "Shadyside" had a market value approximating that, which, however it would not have at present even if in good condition. After the Line took out the policy, they [d]rew up and signed an agreement with Swift, appointing him their agent to hold, survey and do everything pertaining to the collection of the insurance. This agreement also contains the following clause: It is understood and agreed that during the life of this steamer the said steamer is not to be removed from New York or vicinity without written consent of the owner. It is also understood and agreed that insurance is to be placed on the said steamer. This insurance is to apply as interest may appear. Premium on this insurance to be paid by the purchaser. Thus, Swift states he intends to take the balance due him out of the insurance money. He is now suing the company for full insurance,2 claiming, as stated above, that she is a total loss. What he intends to do with the amount above that due him he did not say. Re: S/S "Orion" I have interviewed both Mr. Julius W o l f f 3 and Mr. Stephanie, of the firm Wolff & Stephanie, ship brokers, # 2 Rector Street, New York. They state their firm and the Black Star Line were brought together by mutual

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friends for the first time on October 24th, 1921. Joseph Nolan, acting as Attorney for the Line, in company with Garvey, Thompson and Garcia, came to their offices in Rector Street. Nolan stated that the Black Star Line had already paid deposit of $22,500 on the S/S "Orion", then at Norfolk, Va. and owned by the U.S. Shipping Board. The purpose in interesting Wolff and Stephanie was to get them to raise $135,000 balance so that the ship could be purchased for cash. The price asked by the Shipping Board Mr. Wolff understands to have been $175,000, $22,500 of which had already been deposited by the B.S.L., who agreed to provide at once an additional $20,000 or thereabouts, leaving the approximate balance of $135,000 for Wolff & Stephanie to raise. Mr. Wolff stated to me that he clearly understands that the only reason he was approached in the matter was because the Black Star Line was short of cash and had no immediate prospects of raising it, and the further fact that no bonding company would issue a surety under present shipping conditions. Mr. Wolff states that he was able to raise the cash needed thru clients, but decided to first investigate the Black Star Line's ability to make it good. Mr. Wolff stated to me that Garvey told him a new company, known as the Black Star Steamship Co., Inc. had already been chartered in the state of New Jersey, which company was to create a bond issue to the amount of from four to five hundred thousand dollars, the bonds themselves to be deposited with any institution named by Wolff & Stephanie. The bonds were to carry 7% interest. The Black Star Line was to sell the bonds to its customers, and as the sale progressed the depository was to be instructed to turn the proceeds over to Wolff & Stephanie until the amount of $202,500 (this is the balance on the boat, including interest and commission bonuses, apparently) was paid. Wolff states that after superficial investigation by him he decided that he did not care to entrust the boat to Black Star Line management, so it was agreed to place it under operation of a shipping concern to be agreed upon by both, the profits accruing from the carriage of freight and passengers to the west coast of Africa, after deducting expenses, to be added to the first proceeds of the bonds, in liquidation thereof. During all this time, and up to the end of December (28th) 1921, all these negotiations were made verbally, no contracts of any kind being drawn, and the consent of Wolff & Stephanie being given conditionally. On December 28th, 1921, Wolff & Stephanie received from attorney Nolan a letter, outlining the entire proposition. Copy of this letter which I obtained from Mr. Wolff, reads as follows: December 28th, 1921 Dear Sir: The following is the proposition which we have to present to you on behalf of the Black Star Line. The Black Star Line has contracted with the U.S. Shipping Board for the purchase of the SS. "Orion" at a price of

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$225,000. [00], payment of this amount to be made by giving a Surety Company bond, mortgage on the ship, etc. I am satisfied that we can purchase this ship for the sum of $175,000 cash, or best price possible, payment to be made as follows; $22,500.00 already paid to the Shipping Board by the Black Star Line. $20,000 additional to be provided by the Black Star Line. $135,000.00 to be furnished by your parties. In addition to the proposed purchase price of $175,000.00 the repairs of the ship will approximate $35,000.00. Outfitting, stores, supplies and crew's wages for the first voyage will approximate $30,000.00. Insurance for the first quarter will approximate $7,500.00 making a total disbursement of $247,000.00 of which the payments of the Black Star Line already made and to be made will total $42,000.00, and $100,000.00 expected to be realized on the first voyage from freight and passage money. The net cash investment, therefore, of your clients, would be $105,000.00, although it would be necessary, in order to get title to the ship from the Shipping Board, for your clients to put up $135,000.00 as an initial payment. The Black Star Line will secure the repayment of your clients' advances, as well as the payment of the sum of $67,500.00 by creating a bond issue upon the SS. "Orion" covered by a first mortgage, the bonds to carry 7% interest. The bond issue will be either for Four or Five hundred Thousand Dollars. The bonds themselves will be deposited in escrow with a depository to be named by your clients, the Black Star Line to sell these bonds to its customers, the proceeds of the sale to be turned over to the depository and the bonds released as the cash is paid to the deposit[o]ry. Under an appropriate agreement the depo[s]itory will be instructed to turn over the proceeds of the sale of these bonds to your clients until the full amount due your clients, $202,500.00, has been received by your clients. In addition to this the "Orion" will be managed and operated under the direction of a proper shipping concern to be agreed upon between your client and the Black Star Line, and the freight and passage money, after payment of the expenses of the ship, to be turned over to your clients in further reduction of the amount due, so that the first proceeds of the bonds, as well as of the freight moneys, shall be paid in liquidation of the amount due your clients. After your clients have been paid in full the depository will be instructed by the Black Star Line with regard to the disposition of the balance of the bonds in its hands.

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For your information I would say that the SS. "Orion" is a steel screw steamer, is a German built vessel, formerly known as the "Prinz Oscar", and is approximately 9100 tons deadweight. Lloyd's Book will give you fall advice as to this. She has been appraised since she was in the hands of the Shipping Board and within the last few months by the Insurance Underwriters as being worth $80.00 a ton, so that her appraisal value for insurance purposes has been fixed at $720,000.00. She is now at Norfolk, Va., where she is being used by the Government as a supply ship for the fleet of ships tied up there, consequently she has not been allowed to run down in her various departments as would happen to a vessel tied up in idleness. Of course you will understand that there are to be no commissions due from the Black Star Line unless the transaction goes through. Very truly yours [JOSEPH P. N O L A N ]

The original of this letter is in Mr. Wolff's possession. According to this communication, Mr. Wolff appears to be mistaken as to his understanding that a Black Star Steamship Co. of New Jersey had been formed to take over the "Orion". Mr. Wolff characterizes the statement that the delay in obtaining this boat was due to the Shipping Board changing the form of contract, as untrue. It will be recalled that Thompson, in his statement to Mr. Williamson and the writer, gave tha[t] as the only reason he could not obtain the ship. All that was needed to procure it, stated Mr. Wolff, is payment of the balance. The letter above quoted has not been replied to by Wolff & Stephanie. Following receipt of it they went personally to the offices of the Black Star Line at 56 W. 135 St. for the purpose of satisfying themselves further that the resources of the Line were sufficient to take care of a proposed bond issue. At the offices they were shown the income of the Line and the Association, and from their story I take it that Garvey and Garcia did everything to make the Line's financial status as bright as possible. Wolff & Stephanie were shown by Garcia and Garvey that the Line had sold[,] during 1921 alone, some $600,000 worth of stock, and the former were given the impression from their visit that several millions of dollars must have been collected from all sources since Garvey started operations. They were told by Garvey tha[t] the U.N.I.A. had "several million members", practically all of whom would buy the new bonds merely upon command from Garvey. They were also told tha[t] the same officers who controlled the steamship Line controlled the U . N . I . A . and other collection enterprises headed by Garvey, and intimations were made by Garcia and Garvey that they would manipulate the funds so received to go toward payment of the "Orion". As Wolff stated, "they

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seemed to have a flood of money coming in". Both he and Stephanie were fully satisfied after this visit that the money would be easily raised by Garvey. Mr. Wolff admitted he had no idea of the present bank account of any of the Garvey organizations, except that "they showed him four or five bank books showing vast deposits", he also admitted he was not shown how the moneys received had been disbursed. Wolff states he was not interested [in] what had become of monies collected, but was solely interested to know whether it could actually be raised. Even if they failed to make good, stated Mr. Wolff, he would be protected by the bond issue in escrow, and he was further satisfied that there is sufficient passenger and freight trade to make the boat payAfter the visit mentioned Wolf [f ] & Stephanie were about to accept the proposition when they read of Garvey's arrest in the newspapers, since w[h]ich time they have refused, and will continue to refuse to consider it any longer. Neither [M]r. Wolff [n]or [M]r. Stephanie [can} recall [e]ver hearing the "Orion" referred to by Garvey or any of his followers as the "Phyllis Wheatley". There is, however, in Mr. Wolff's possession a typewritten list of repairs to be made on the "Orion", written across the top of which in pencil are the w[or]ds "Phyllis Wheatley." Upon calling Mr. Wolff's attention to this, he stated it is Thompson's handwriting, and that the list is one prepared by Thompson after his visit to Norfolk on [a]n inspection trip. The Shipping Board in New York is unable to furnish any up to date data on this matter, and refer us to the Division of Contracts and Sales in Washington. I would suggest that the Washington off [i]ce of this bureau procure photostatic copies of all papers showing the negotiations between the Black Star Line, or its agents, and the Shipping Board, for the purchase of the "Orion", for the use of the writer. If possible, also, it would be of assistance to have from the Shipping Board a photograph of the "Orion" if one is available. The "Orion" sometime ago was operated by the Kerr Steamship Co. under auspices of the Shipping Board. I submitted the circular showing the alleged "Phyllis Wheatley" to Mr. Smith of that Company, and he identifies it as the Orion. The above data is submitted for the assistance of Post Office Inspector Williamson and Asst. U.S. Attorney Joyce, for the purpose of showing that during the period the Black Star Line was advertising itself as "the most prosperous industry of all time, etc., etc.", it was as a matter of fact a bankrupt organization, without any prospect of realizing its published intention of running a successful steamship line. Continued. MORTIMER J. DAVIS

DJ-FBI, file 61. TD. i. S w i f t had taken out six insurance policies on the Shadyside; five of them were with British companies (Black Star Line, Inc., andLeonR. Swift v. Baltica Insurance Co. etal., no. 3529, N.Y. State Supreme Court, Appellate Division, February 192$).

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JANUARY 1922

2. In February 1925 Captain Swift and the Black Star Line sued six insurance companies that had insured the Shadyside but refused to pay after the boat was damaged. According to testimony in the lengthy trial and appeals, the Shadyside was damaged in a storm on 24 January 1921 while docked near Fort Lee, N.J. The insurance companies objected to the long delay between the damage to the ship and the time the insurance claim was submitted, on 4 March 1921. They also accused the owners of the Shadyside of storing the boat at a pier that was a "graveyard for boats" and securing the boat to the dock in a way that caused increasing damage over a period of several months. Captain Swift and the Black Star Line won the first trial. They were awarded judgments on 30 June 1925. The insurance companies appealed; in August 1926 the New York State Supreme Court denied the insurance companies' request for a new trial and once again ordered judgments to be paid to Swift and the Black Star Line (BSL, Inc., and LeonR. Swift v. Baltica Insurance Co, et at.). 3. Julius Frederic Wolff (b. 1885) was later the author of an article entitied "Some Shipwrecks on the Pioneer North Shore of Lake Superior," which was published in Inland Seas (vol. 17, no. 2) in 1961.

James Weldon Johnson to Marcus Garvey [New Tork] January 20, 1922 Sir: In the Negro World of January 21, 1922, on page 5, column 2, occur the following statements: All the troubles we have had on our ships have been caused because men were paid to make this trouble by certain organizations calling themselves Negro Advancement Associations. They paid men to dismantle our machinery and otherwise damage it so as to bring about the downfall of the movement; You are aware, of course, that the name "Negro Advancement Associations" is sufficiently like that of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People to lead some persons, in spite of the absurdity of the accusation, to believe that it is this Association which is being referred to. We do not know of any other organization with a similar name. We must therefore ask you, in justice to your readers and to the members of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, to make it clear that you did not intend to accuse this Association of employing men to injure or dismantle any machinery whatever on any ship whatsoever. As you know, such a statement applied to the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People could be characterized only as a malicious falsehood of the most contemptible sort. JAMES W . JOHNSON

Secretary DLC, NAACP. TLS, carbon copy.

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Marcus Garvey to James Weldon Johnson N E W Y O R K , U.S.A. J a n u a r y 2 1 s t , 1 9 2 2

Sir: Your letter of the 20th instant is now before me. I am at a loss to know why you should write me on the matter you have quoted. If any statement appears in the Negro World, referring to Advancement Associations, and does not specifically mention the name of yours, I do not see why you should waste my time to send me a letter on the matter. Those who have clean consciences are not disturbed when anything not relating to them is said or published. But since you have written to me on the matter, and I have to reply to you because courtesy demands it, I may hereby state something that is more positive than the subject on which you have written. A " W o r l d " Reporter stated to me, in an interview this week, that you have informed his paper that the Organization I represent and I are organized for the mischievous purpose of creating antagonism between black and white people. If you made such a statement, you know it to be "a malicious falsehood of the most contemptible sort". MARCUS GARVEY

DLC, NAACP. TLS on UNIA letterhead, recipient's copy.

Anonymous Letter to the Department of Justice Jacksonville, Fla. Jan. 21, '22 Gentlemen: In regard to the incarceration o f MARCUS MC GARVEY it may be o f

interest to advise that: [According

to the CHICAGO DEFENDER page 8 of the issue of

Jan[.] 15th 1921: It was at a meeting of the Universal Negro Imp' Ass'n 4300 State ST[.], Chicago, ILL that the "Abysinnian Prince" planned the burning of the AMERICAN FLAG and the resulting murder of T w o white American Soldiers. 1 L A Y it on H I M SOUTHERN COLORED M A N

DNA, RG 60, file 198940-277- TL, recipient's copy. 1. The article in the Chicago Defender actually read, "[James Briggs] first met Redding at a meeting of the Universal Negro Improvement Association at 4300 State Street, of which he was a member." The article made no mention of plans to burn the American flag having been formulated at the meeting.

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Report by Special Agent Mortimer J. Davis New York City 1/21/22 I N R E : B L A C K S T A R L I N E , I N C . , M A R C U S G A R V E Y , ET A L . , V I O . S E C . 2 1 5 , U . S . C . C . , U S I N G T H E M A I L S TO D E F R A U D

On this date H U B E R T H . H A R R I S O N brought C Y R I L C R I C H L O W , #92 Ege Avenue, Jersey City, N.J., also #28 W. 44 St., New York City, to the Bureau office. Harrison, it will be recalled, made a statement to P.O. Inspector Williamson and the writer during the past two weeks, and brought Crichlow in today to have him make a statement of his knowledge of Ga[r]vey's affairs. I have deferred taking such statement until Mr. Williamson returns to New York. However, Crichlow advises me that he is willing to testify to: 1. 2. j.

Conditions in Africa Speeches delivered by Garvey in the U.S. The purpose of Garvey's trip to the West Indies during 1921.

Crichlow was for a long period Official Reporter of the U.N.I.A. In this capacity he travelled throughout the United States with Marcus Garvey, reporting stenographically his various speeches, many of which subsequently appeared in the "Negro World" verbatim. He is willing to testify to any of the speeches so reported, and believes he can produce the original notes of many. During 1920, I believe, Crichlow was selected by the U.N.I.A. to head a delegation of its members, which made a trip to Liberia, Africa. Crichlow's findings there are embodied in several letters, photostats of which are in possession of this office. He is willing to testify as to the African situation. In general, he found that neither Garvey [n]or the U.N.I.A. had any standing or holdings in Liberia; that the Liberian Government was antagonistic to Garvey's proposed colonization scheme; that climatic and economic conditions were such that this scheme would be impracticable, and that he notified Garvey in writing and in person of these facts. 1 It is of course well known that not only did Garvey sup[p]ress Crichlow's report,2 but, in addition, continued to publicly misrepresent the facts after receiving it. Crichlow is now suing Garvey for $1300 back pay, which he claims is due him from the African trip. Regarding Garvey's trip to the West Indies during 1921, Crichlow states that the former freely discussed it with him prior to leaving the country, and while they were both travelling around the U.S. visiting different divisions of the U . N . I . A . Garvey, states Crichlow, told him that things looked very bad financially for the Black Star Line at the time and that a crash was imminent. Therefore, Garvey is alleged to have said, he intended leaving the country so that should anything happen he could claim ignorance because of his 439

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absence. This is probably true, for I have received information from several sources duri[n]g the past week that Garvey's defense in this case, so far as it refers to the phantom "Phyllis Wheatley" will be that all transactions regarding it took place during his absence from the country. Harrison today submitted voluntarily the following memoranda: Mrs. P A R R I S , 3 1 1 7 - 1 1 9 West 1+2 St., one flight up, front, east side. Bought passage for Africa (for herself and family). Sold land in Yonkers and in St. Croix, V.I. Also sold household furniture in preparation for trip. Constant attendant at Liberty Hall. Sick of Garvey's lies and crookedness, but has pathetic regard for "welfare of movement" for which reason she is slightly inclined to rally round him until they on the inside can deal with him themselves. Rich in witness stand possibilities. I could coach you somewhat on line of questioning her. Capt. Joshua Cockburn, 201W. 128 St. Very valuable person, from whom could be had the addresses of Edward Smith Green, former Secretary of Black Star Line, and Mr. Johnson, former passenger and Traffic Agent. All three "have it in" for Garvey. Perhaps they would be more valuable for Dept. of Justice than for restricted limits of P.O. case. Their names might be passed on. Capt. Jones, of Negro World. If privately examined, could give name and address of man to whom passage to Africa on the phantom "Phyllis Wheatley" was sold as late as Dec. 6th, i92i[,] for $230. At any rate, he talked in office with many to whom such passage was sold in summer of 1921. He too, could be benevolently "forced." Cyril A. Crichlow, 92 Ege Ave. Jersey City. Eager to testify. Went to Liberia for Garvey in 1921. Can expose the whole swindle and prove that Garvey has no U.N.I.A. lands or concessions in Liberia and never had. In re Negro World of Jan. 21, 1922. Garvey seeks to shift responsibility by pretending that he was not here when certain things were planned. But the series of "book your passage" ads (now in the hands of Mr. Spewak4 of New York World) began as early as Jan. 1921 when Garvey was here, and ran uninterruptedly to Dec. 17th of same year. If you look up Negro World for April and October 1921 you will find statements of ownership of paper (African Communities League). This was sworn to, and proves that there has been no transfer of ownership as alleged by Garvey, and Garcia, in print, to explain peculations and wastage of funds of Liberian Construction Loan (about $46,000) as payment for the Negro World. 440

JANUARY 1922

Harrison bought a bond of this loan which was advertised for months as a "Liberian Loan". In speeches printed in the Negro World, Garvey first convey[ed] impression that it was a loan to Liberia. Harrison paid in weekly instalments of a dollar each, missing many weeks, and taking about 20 weeks to pay. So that during all that time he was under impression first created by Garvey. Then, when he had paid, he received bond and noted that Liberia's name never occurred once on it, and the word "Africa" only once, near the end. It had been transformed into a loan to "The Parent Body of the U.N.I. A . " All the office employes were forced to buy bonds, even the poor typists on $12 and $15 a week. The money was simply taken from their pay envelope without any precedent explanation. So also in Harrison's case. Re African Construction Loan "Bonds": Garcia's report made to Garvey on his return from Liberia in 1920 before first convention shows that Garvey knew that U.N.I.A. had no lands or concessions of any sort when he launched this swindle. Harrison was head of a delegation to go to Liberia and could be "forced" to show in his testimony that Garvey had no plans whatever for getting concessions up to time set for sailing. In New York World of Sat. Jan. 14, 1922, Garvey said to Spewak that the figures showing that only about $6,000 out of $144,000 went to Liberia, were the lying work of an enemy. One of the Negro World issues for August shows that these were Garvey's own official figures given by Chancellor Stewart and "explained" in a 2 column article by Garcia as Auditor Genl. The printing was forced by Noah D. Thompson, delegate from Los Angeles, Calif. Copy of this report is being furnished to P.O. Inspector Williamson for his information. MORTIMER J. DAVIS

DJ-FBI, file 61. TD. 1. It these were Crichlow's findings, for some reason he did not include them in the reports that he prepared and sent to Garvey. The original reports will be published in the African Series of the Garvey Papers. 2. Crichlow's reports were confidential, so there was never any question that they should be made public by Garvey. 3. Nancy Paris immigrated to the United States from the Virgin Islands. With her husband, Thomas Paris, and their daughter, Eudora, she was an early member of both the U N I A and Rabbi Arnold Ford's synagogue in Harlem. The Paris family became prominent among the black Jewish community in Harlem, and in 1930 they moved to Ethiopia, where Eudora Paris, an accomplished singer, performed at Haile Selassie's coronation. In 1935 Thomas Paris returned to New York for medical treatment and subsequently died there. When Arnold Ford died in Ethiopia in 1935, Eudora Paris became the leader of the community of Afro-American immigrants living in Ethiopia. Nancy and Eudora Paris became favorites of the Ethiopian elite, establishing close friendships with high officials and members of the royal family. In 1936, after

44-1

T H E M A R C U S GARVEY AND U N I A PAPERS the Italian occupation of Ethiopia, Nancy Paris and her daughter returned to New York (William R. Scott, " A Study of Afro-American and Ethiopian Relations, 1896-1941" [Ph.D. diss., Princeton University, 1971], pp. 121-133). 4. Samuel Spewack (1899-1971) began working for the New York World in 1919. He later became the journal's Russian correspondent. During the period from the 1930s to the 1950s, Spewack was a prizewinning author of Broadway plays (NTT, 15 October 1971).

Edward J. Brennan to William J. Burns NEW YORK, N.Y.

January 21, 1922

Dear Sir: U . S . vs. M A R C U S

GARVEY.

V I O L A T I O N S E C T I O N 215,

U.S.C.C.

In connection with the investigation of the above entitled case, it is respectfully requested that a representative of the Washington Office of [the] Bureau confer with the Division of Contracts and Sales, of the United States Shipping Board in your city, for the purpose of obtaining from said Board photostat copies of all letters, contracts and other papers concerning negotiations between the Black Star Line, Inc., and the Shipping Board, for the purchase of the S.S. "Orion". It is further requested that the Shipping Board furnish the exact dates upon which such negotiations first started, and also the present status of the matter. The United States Attorney in this district is desirous of ascertaining the reason why the Shipping Board failed to turn over the "Orion", as it is claimed that the Black Star Line had already paid the sum of $22,500 for the vessel. Garvey's hearing is scheduled for Thursday, January 26th, and it would be appreciated if the information requested be in this office prior to that date. It is further requested that this office be advised as to whether or not any complaints have ever been filed against the Black Star Line by dissatisfied stockholders, with the various offices of our Bureau throughout the United States, and if such complaints have been filed, Assistant United States Attorney Joyce, who is handling the matter against Garvey, is quite anxious to learn the names and addresses of the persons making said complaints. Yours very truly, EDWARD J.

BRENNAN

Special Agent in Charge DJ-FBI, file 61. TLS, recipient's copy.

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JANUARY 1922

Confidential Informant 800 to George F. Ruch New York, Jan. 22, 1922 Sir: I will report that Attorney Mathews was here to see Garvey, but has returned to Boston. It seems that Garvey will not put up the amount of money that they want and they are all disgusted with him. During his conversation with Mathews Garvey said that he was going to defend himself in court. Mathews tried to show him the absurdity of such actions but it had little effect on Garvey, so as the case now stands Garvey will go into court as his own attorney. 1 The hearing that was to have been held Thursday was continued for one week as Mr. Williamson was out of the city. Mr. Davis is very much pleased over the fact that Garvey is using me as a witness for the defense as it will give him a chance to ask me questions that he wouldn't be able to [d]o otherwise. I am keeping Mr. Davis posted as to all of Garvey's plans and actions. Hubert Harrison gave him some valuable information and is now securing the names and addresses of some of the discontented stock holders; work that would not do for me as it is best that I not be seen mixing with any discontented stock holders. Harrison will also write a series of articles for the New York World under the name o[f ] "Spewak" disclosing the inner workings of the association. I will send you these articles as soon as they appear. Harrison told me this and it was confirmed by Mr. Davis. Garvey seems to be under the impression that his members will so influence the court that the court will release him. Thursday when he was to have his hearing Garvey told the members that he wanted them to be down to the court, as a result the halls of the court were crowded with his members. He knew that they could not get into the hearing but he thinks that the crowd will so influence the court that they will be afraid to convict him. This sounds rather unreasonable but nevertheless it is true. He expects the court to release him more on these grounds than on the question of his guilt. I would advise that when the indictments are returned, Garvey be rearrested and the maximum bond be required in each separate count. This action is necessary to show Garvey's members that Garvey is not greater than the Gover[n]ment, as they believe him to be. Then again, if Garvey is put in jail and he can't raise the bond you will find that it will kill Garvey's defiant spirit as well as that of his members. I was talking to Burke last night and he said that Garvey was so unreasonable that he doubted very much whether he would be able to help him in this case. During our conversation Burke told me that Lincoljn] Johnson and Perry Howard were in on the deal with Henry Ford to purchase Muscle Shoals, 2 that is[,] to use their influence to help him put through the deal and if it is put through he will be given a good job with Ford. He said

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that Ford was spending a million dollars to buy members of Congress to help him put the deal over. I shall keep in touch with Mr. Davis and inform him of any new developments in Garvey's case. Respectfully, "800" DJ-FBI, file 61-826-X26. TLS, recipient's copy. 1. Garvey dismissed his defense attorney after the first full day of the trial (Marcus Garvey v. United States, no. 8317, Ct. App., 2d Cir., 2 February 1925, p. 184). 2. Ford submitted an all-or-nothing bid of $5,000,000 to the U.S. government for nitrate plants at Muscle Shoals, Ala., in July 1921. He also agreed to pay for the exclusive use of the electrical power that would be developed after the U.S. government completed two large hydroelectric plants on the Tennessee River (New York World, 14 January 1922). In 1924 a bill to authorize the lease of the facilities to Ford was blocked in Congress.

Speech by Marcus Garvey [[New York, Jan. 22, 1922]] Hon. Marcus Garvey spoke as follows: My subject for tonight is, "The Rise of a Great Movement." Today we are at our strongest point because the battle rages; and out of the conflict will come victory to the one or the other. The Universal Negro Improvement Association in its growth has become so strong, has become so powerful that it takes the combined forces of the world to fight it—and not in the open, but under cover. Only cowards fight in ambush; and we occupy such a position in the world today that nobody can fight us in the open; they have to fight us under cover. But whether they fight us in the open or fight us under cover, there is one thing I know—the colors of the Red, the Black and the Green shall never, never go down in defeat. (Applause.) A P E R I O D OF T E S T F O R T H E M O V E M E N T

This is a period of test, as all great movements have had their period of test. Christianity had its period of test. Mohammedanism had its period of test, and this first great movement among Negroes—I will say spiritual movement, because, indeed, it is—is now having its period of test, and in the test of the work of the Universal Negro Improvement Association surely we are as prepared as the Christian religion was prepared in its test; as Mohammedanism was prepared in its test. This movement and its principles have been scattered so that it cannot die at any point. Since the under-current of organized public opinion we have tried in a small way to test out the spirit and the strength of the movement throughout the world, and let me say that there is not one corner of the world that has disappointed us; every section of the globe where the colors of the Red, the Black and the Green floats has responded at this hour. The last cable I received was one from Puerto Barrios

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[1Guatemala], Central America, saying, "We are with you to the last with blood and money." (Great Applause.) S U P P O R T C O M I N G F R O M A L L PARTS

All over the world we have had response since the news went out that the fight is on; and as I said here last Sunday night, the fight is on not in New York alone, the fight is on throughout the Universe. It is no longer a New York cause, it is a universal movement, and when you attempt to interfere with its progress in any one point you but arouse throughout the world the spirit and determination to fight on to the bitter end. F O U G H T BY O U R O W N

RACE

We are being fought at this moment by men of our own race who have in many ways used powers that they do not possess to somewhat interfere with our success and to environ and embar[r]ass us. But let me say: take away government and we crush any organized force in the world. The Negroes in this country who are fighting us and the Negro organizations that are small and petty that are fighting us, let me say: take the government away for one minute and let us go for them and in ten days we will crush them out of existence. They know it and that is why they are hiding behind the government; but the government will find out its mistake as they found it their mistake before and we will be left alone again. They attempted this not for the first time now, but they attempted before to interfere with the success of this organization, and when the government found out the mistake that it was only a question of jealous Negroes fighting the movement and the government withdrew, we swept the country and we will sweep the world again whether Garvey goes to jail or not. T H E MOVEMENT CANNOT

DIE

Just at this time we have a few organizations and a large number of Negro newspapers lined up against us who have been laying propaganda for months to kill the Universal Negro Improvement Association; but the Universal Negro Improvement Association cannot die (applause); it cannot die. (Renewed applause.) They have done everything. You have seen the big headlines about what happened to me. The Chicago Defender had it in big headlines six inches deep in red. They have been sitting up for that kind of propaganda by which they believe they can persuade the members of the Universal Negro Improvement Association to tear themselves asunder; but as you demonstrated your loyalty in New York so has that loyalty been demonstrated all over the country and all over the world. And why? Because the four years of our existence have been those of preparation for the people. The education that our people got through the lectures in the various Liberty Halls throughout the country was of such a nature as to make them ready for any emergency—ready for any condition; and that is why they cannot in any 44S

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way interfere with our strength and our position in this country and nowhere today. They have manufactured all kinds of wilful, malicious, wicked propaganda. T h a t paper organization known as the African Blood Brotherhood has sent o u t releases (which we are going to deal with) saying that there was a great besieging in New York of the Black Star Line; that the people clamored and fought to get into the building, everybody trying to get back what they had in the Black Star Line. That news they have sent all over the country so as to frigh[t]en and scare the people into believing that something w r o n g was going on in New York. The truth is that not one man has bee[n] to our office about the Black Star Line and the return of money. They sent o u t releases saying that the place was besieged by hundreds and thousands of stockholders trying to get in. Everybody knows how big a lie that is. I do not know if they did see Prof. Ferris, but they said that they saw Sir William Ferris with shaking knees. (Laughter.) I do not know how true that is, but you can pass your own judgment on that. I can tell you that nothing of the kind ever happened as far as the besieging of the office of the Black Star Line is concerned. There is much to tell about this conspi[r]acy which will be told, and when it is told I feel sure the Universal Negro Improvement Association will not be the worse off for the tale.

POWER OF MOVEMENT BEING

FELT

I say to you men and women that you are being fought at this moment because your power is being felt. Organizations, movements, individuals, governments, seen and unseen, do not fight things that are not of any account, because they do not waste energy and time and money for nothing. You have built up such a movement that you have caused many of the European governments to be scared; they are having nightmares. (Laughter.) Great alarm is being manifested in Europe at this time through the g r o w t h of this movement of the Universal Negro Improvement Association, and so they are organized to embarrass us or hold us up to ridicule; but that is the reason why you should fight on the more. As I have heard it—they have f o u n d out that there is one strong man in the movement and they want to remove that one strong man, believing that in removing him the movement will die. I do not know if you could be such silly, good for nothing people as t o allow this movement to stop for one moment if one man goes. I would be very much disappointed and very much disgusted, in life or death, if four million people of this organization would allow themselves to be scattered and rent asunder because of the absence of any one man. I have the confidence that if the time comes for any one man or two or three men to be taken away and put to jail or electrocuted or hanged, there are hundreds of others more determined and more able [who] will spring up to lead the people. (Applause.) I think these periods of test are meant for us to find out o u r strong men. We do not want weak-kneed men—men who will start

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trembling in the knee when they see anything like trouble. But there is no trouble. Where is the trouble? The time when trouble comes will be the time when we march out on the battle plains to live for freedom or to die for freedom. (Applause.) There is no trouble when one or two men go to jail. Why, hundreds of men—thousands of us—will have to go to jail before we see a free and independent Africa; and if they send me to jail they will only give me time to rest up to do some more work. (Applause.) Here Mr. Garvey, in an effort to dissuade his hearers from the popular belief that the organization was having trouble with the government and that the government was something to be feared, took occasion to explain the origin and function of government. "Government," he said, "is but the expression of the will and sentiment of the people; and as you are the people, you cannot be afraid of yourself. Some people think that government is some almighty power—some almighty force. Government is only your own expression, and you are not going to interfere with yourselves; you are not going to do anything that will hurt yourselves, because that would be crazy. If you make up the government, surely you would not do anything against the government, because you would be doing something against yourselves. So we need not fear the government, because we have nothing to do against the government." Continuing, he said: This movement has no need to fear anyone, because we realize that we make up one of the strongest forces in the world. We are 400,000,000 people. We have a cause, first of all, and we have discovered it to be a righteous cause. We believe it to be righteous and we are going to fight for it to the bitter end. The fight of the Universal Negro Improvement Association is not against races or against governments; the fight is for the liberation of 400,000,000 oppressed souls; but other individuals, because of jealousy, have tried to misrepresent us to governments and tried to misrepresent us to races. I do not know how true this is, but if it was said it is a wicked lie: Weldon Johnson, secretary of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People[,] is alleged by one of the reporters of the New York World to have informed the New York World that Marcus Garvey and the Universal Negro Improvement Association are organized to stir up disturbance between white and black people. If such a statement was ever made, it is a wicked lie, because everybody knows that the Universal Negro Improvement Association is organized not to interfere with any other race, but to protect ourselves. We have talked it openly, we have written about it, and I do not see why anyone—especially a Negro—should lie to any other race about the aims and objects of this great movement. But those are the metho[ds certaijn people use when they cannot come out in the open and fight you on their merits; those are the methods certain people use to undermine [thi]s organization. They desire to stir up prejudice against the movement and prejudice against me. No true-hearted white man would believe that this organization is organized for the purpose of creating

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disturbance between races. It is only a waste of time for anyone to seek to create disturbance between two races. But we are organized without any compromise—without any apology to fight for our own liberty; [for] our own freedom, for our own dear Africa; and in that we are not going to compromise any [thing], we are not going to apologize to any race, let that race be white, yellow or black. The program of the Universal Negro Improvement Association must be put over, and whether anything is done to Marcus Garvey—whether he lives o[r di]es, your one duty is to put over this program. Marcus Garvey will remain as long as life lasts; but if Marcus Garvey dies, or if they succeed in their efforts to put Marcus Garvey in jail, remember that the movement is not Marcus Garveyf's], the movement is yours; the movement is belonging to 400,000,000 of us, and if one falls out of line by dying, or becoming otherwise unable to carry on the work, it is for you to lift up from among you men and women worthy enough to carry on this fight. I feel sure that men and women will rise from the ranks as time goes on. After all, we do not know how many leaders we have until one who leads is put out of the way permanently. I believe that among the people there are more leaders than we had thought for or imagined, and I feel sure that we are going to disappoint those who think that by temporarily embar[r]assing Marcus Garvey it will hurt the movement. That is the idea. They believe if they can embar[r]ass Garvey or discredit him or get him out of the way the movement will be affected. But they will be disappointed, for within the Universal Negro Improvement Association there is a loyalty, patriotism and determination that cannot die. (Applause.) B A T T L E OF S U R V I V A L OF THE F I T T E S T

Men, I want you to realize that you are fighting a battle for the survival of the fittest. It is a battle to be won not under easy circumstances. You cannot win this battle on a bed of roses. You have to win this battle through sacrifices, through hardships of all kinds. Some of you will have to suffer and some will have to die; and those whom you are expecting most of are those who pretend to be your leaders. I counted the cost when I gave my life over to the cause of the Universal Negro Improvement Association. So nothing can disappoint me; nothing in the world will disappoint me, as far as the work of this great movement goes. I dedicated my life to it, and every drop of blood I have, every bit of energy and ability I possess, will be given to no other cause but this, to which all of us profess abiding loyalty. So there is no need for anyone to look to me for cowardice or weakness during the time of trial. COWARDS SHOULD DIE

Those who are cowardly should die. Be he leader or follower, if for one moment he gets fear into his heart he ought to die. He was never intended

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for this movement. How do you expect you can win a battle in fighting others if you are faint-hearted or afraid[?] Soldiers are not supposed to be faint-hearted; soldiers are supposed to be ready to die at any time. And what of the generals? Can the generals be more cowardly than the soldiers? Then what kind of an army can you have if both soldiers and generals are cowards? Let me tell you: If you come across any of your generals during this crisis shaking the leg and playing the fool, knock them down! (Laughter.) This is no time to shake the leg and be scared; this is the time for every man to get ready to step into the other man's shoes. T H E F I G H T IS O N

The fight is on! It must continue. I have to compliment you of New York for the splendid spirit you have shown at this time. With all the metropolitan dailies against us; with the Negro papers of the country lined up against us, with few exceptions; with undercurrents here and undercurrents there, you have demonstrated a morale that I believe cannot be duplicated anywhere. In the past week, instead of becoming alarmed, you demonstrated a loyalty that any r[a]ce, any people, any nation should be proud of. The Germans had no such loyalty during the bloody conflict of 1914-1918. The Allied Powers had no such loyalty during those fateful years as that which you demonstrated during the pas[t] week. Your loyalty to this movement was superb. Instead of your carrying out the expectation of the papers and our enemies to make a "run" on the organization, you gave more support financially to the organization than you have ever done before. (Applause.) That is a sad disappointment to our enemies. If you will take our records for the last week you will find that the New York local and all the divisions contributed more than they did in any two months prior to that time. (Applause.) That is proof of the loyalty and strength of this movement. So that we are going to disappoint our enemies. If you will look around in Liberty Hall you will see the same faces as heretofore; nobody has gone away. I repeat, we are going to disappoint our enemies, and when the fight is over, whether Garvey is in jail, or out of jail, we will simply start anew and work all the harder and become even larger and stronger than what we are today; for if Garvey goes to jail the fight will be just a little hotter. A F R A M E - U P TO G E T G A R V E Y O U T OF T H E W A Y

There is a great frame-up to do away with me in some sort of way, by way of causing me to commit some offense whereby they can [ge]t a loophole to execute or to deport me. I know the game they are playing; I see every step they make. They will not disappoint me one bit, and I am sure this government will not let itself be held up to ridicule, because Marcus Garvey shall [n]ever di[e]; that is, in the sense of the spirit of the Universal Negro Improvement Association. I know all the tricks our enemies are up to

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(referring to the enemies of the movement), and when they close my mouth my pen shall write and expose the tricks and dirty games they have been playing to crush a great human uplift cause. I feel sure when it comes to the test, whether it be in the Supreme Court o[r] the court of lower jurisdiction, the skirt of the government, or of the law will not be soiled to please tricky, dirty, scheming politicians and malicious scoundrel Negroes. The history of the Universal Negro Improvement Association is to be written, and all the incidents in the history of the movemen[t] shall be brought before the people and taken to the people. R E I T E R A T E S A B S U R D I T Y OF C H A R G E S

The idea of accusing me of the fraudulent] use of the mails! What that means, anyhow, I don't know, and won't know, I suppose till I get into court. When I get there they will tell me what fraud I have ever committed. I have never consciously or unconsciously committed any fraud upon anyone at any time or in any place. Somebody came to me, or rather somebody relayed the news to me that someone said that they thought Garvey would have done something desperate by now. For what? There is only one life I have to give, and when I die, you can rest assured that that life will be given for something that concerns the welfare and success of the Universal Negro Improvement Association. (Applause.) And the place that I am expecting to give up that life is on the battle plains of Africa; but if they want to take it before that time, whether in Harlem, or anywhere else, it matters not, because the cause must live, even if some of us die. Here the speaker assured his hearers that there was no need for anxiety on the part of anyone concerning the movement, or concerning him personally, for he was engaged in a righteous cause and a just cause, and there was therefore nothing to fear. God is the only being one should fear; not man, and even if the enemies of himself and of the movement were legion, or were the battalions of hell itself, he would stand unafraid, unmoved, conscious of the righteousness of the cause he espouses and for which he is willing, if necessary, to give even his very life blood—the redemption of Africa, and the emancipation of the 400,000,000 Negro people of the world from economic, industrial and political slavery. This spirit of fearing no one should actuate every Negro; no longer should he act as a coward, or in a cringing way, exhibiting fear wherever he goes, but in a law-abiding, peaceful manner assert his manhood, and let the world know that he intends to fight for his rights and for his ideals. Then, and then only, will he be universally respected as a man, and treated with equality as such. No harm, said he, in conclusion, can ever come to Negroes if they are solidly united, with all due regard to law and order, determined to let no one intimidate them, or insult their manhood. That is why, despite all the recent happenings, and the still more sensational and exaggerated reports given by the press regarding those happenings, Harlem still enjoys peace and quiet and 4S0

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remains unmolested. "That," said the great leader, in his closing words, "is the spirit I want each and everyone o f you to'have. I want you to feel that you were created by God, to whom alone you are responsible; that you should fight for the things that are right and righteous; that you should stand up for them like men, and, if need be, die for them. That is my message to you tonight." (Great applause.) . . . D R . SINGH SPEAKS

Dr. Singh, an East Indian, and member of the Mahatma Gandhi party, spoke on the movement of the great East Indian leader for the independence o f the people o f India, [who], as Mr. Garvey pointed out, is the most talked-of and the most written-of man in the world today. He said that the present success o f the movement was due largely to the putting into practical application the meaning o f the word unity, and in comparing the achievements o f Mahatma Gandhi with the accomplishments of Marcus Garvey within the brief period of the history of the Universal Negro Improvement Association, the work done by the latter was wonderful. EAST INDIAN IN SYMPATHY WITH NEGROES

The people o f India, Dr. Singh said, are in sympathy with the Negro peoples o f the world in their aspirations for a free and independent Africa, and the same sinister forces in the form of propaganda are at work against both the freedom o f the East Indian and the freedom of the Negro. Influences also are at work to create feelings of antagonism on the part of the East Indians against the Africans and Negroes in general; but those efforts will not succeed, for all East Indians believe that the two people are fighting for the same principles, and instead o f taking a stand of opposing the black people o f the world, they are anxious to co-operate with them, since the two have a common aim and a common purpose. "We will never stand to fight against Africa," said he, amidst great applause. EAST INDIA H O M E R U L E QUESTION

A proposition for home rule in India, Dr. Singh declared, is being offered to the East Indians, but this is not acceptable to them, for the reason that if put into effect it would simply mean that India would have selfgovernment, but at the head o f the government would be some British white man, and that they would never be satisfied to have it that way.1 "We might be called upon at some time to fight against one another, and that is one reason why we are not going to accept home rule in India." This is the time for all East Indians to stand together, and this they are doing under the lead o f Mahatma Gandhi, and the cry of the word, "swaraj," which, interpreted, means something stronger even than independence. The speaker then told that Mahatma Gandhi was a lawyer, having graduated from Cambridge University, after which he went down to Cape 4SI

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Town, South Africa, where he practiced law and fought a case against the government. This case he won, and because of his victory the government endeavored to bring him into bad repute, which was accomplished by a false arrest and trumped up charge[s] of intoxication. Because of this he was deported to the Fiji Islands, after which he returned to his native land,2 and has from that time down to the present been engaged in propagating the cause of the freedom of India from the yoke of the British government. In conclusion Dr. Singh made a strong plea for unity, both of the East Indians to uphold the leadership of Mahatma Gandhi, and for the Negroes of the world to support Marcus Garvey, and each of the two peoples help shoulder the respective burdens of their great leaders; "for," said he, "if the 400,000,000 Negroes of the world come together and join hands with the 350,000,000 East Indians of the same race, this great alliance of the two peoples will be so strong, so all powerful, that, unless justice be done to them, they can and "'ill stop the world itself from turning on its axis, for they are determined that they shall be free." (Great applause.) Printed in NW,

28 January 1922. Original headlines omitted.

1. At the height of the noncooperation movement in India in 1921, the viceroy of India, Lord Reading (Rufus Daniel Isaacs, [1860-1935]), called for a round table conference that would include Indian moderates and Mohandas Gandhi. Reading's attempt to negotiate with Gandhi was not welcomed by the British cabinet, who believed that the risk involved would not match the potential benefits. It was generally believed that at the conference the British would concede full responsible government to the provinces of India. Gandhi finally agreed to accept the invitation only if no previous conditions, such as the ending of the noncooperation movement, were imposed. Reading did not agree to Gandhi's terms, and when Reading met with the moderates on 21 December 1921, Gandhi did not attend. Reading promised the British cabinet that he would have Gandhi arrested and he carried out the promise in March 1922 (D. A. L o w , "The Government of India and the First Non-co-operation Movement, 19201921," Journal of Asian Studies 25, no. 2 [February 1966]: 241-259). 2. After leaving South Africa, Gandhi went to England and then to India. Available evidence does not indicate that he attended Cambridge University. He was not convicted of intoxication nor was he deported from South Africa. Finally, there is no evidence that he went to the Fiji Islands.

Report of Brooklyn UNIA Meetings [[Brooklyn, 23-24 January, 1922]] What was really a big time for the members of Brooklyn Division of the Universal Negro Improvement Association was the occasion of the visit of His Excellency the Hon. Marcus Garvey, Provisional President of Africa, and Lady Henrietta Vinton Davis, International Organizer, on the evenings of January 23 and 24. At an early hour on January 23 the building was packed to overflowing by members and friends of this the greatest Negro organization in the world,

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who were waiting with anxious hearts for the arrival of the distinguished visitors. Promptly at 8 o'clock the signal was given that they were near, and the colonel commanding officer, Mr. Wilfred F. Brazil, commandeered his uniformed Legions to the entrance, from whence they escorted the dignitaries to our meeting place. The hall was fittingly decorated for the occasion with the colors o f the Red, Black and Green and the Stars and Stripes of America. It was indeed an impressive militaristic ceremony, when as they entered the building the hymn dedicated to His Excellency, entitled "Hail to the Lord's Anointed," was solemnly played on the piano, while the procession wended its way slowly through the aisle. At the conclusion of this the commanding officer gave his military orders for standing at attention with the military salute, while Mr. William R. Miller, executive Secretary of the Brooklyn Division, played the Ethiopian National Anthem on the piano. During the playing o f this anthem the entire audience stood in silent attention, proving that all minds were engrossed with the thought that Africa shall be free. At the end o f the anthem the chaplain of the division, the Rev. C. Hurley, led in the devotional exercises, the people still standing, and at their conclusion the officers and Legions retired while the audience sat. Mr. William R. Miller, executive secretary, then introduced the president of the Brooklyn Division and called upon him to read the address of welcome to His Excellency and Lady Henrietta Vinton Davis. This was a well-worded address, which spoke o f the loyalty of the members of Brooklyn Division to the cause o f "Africa for the Africans"—those at home and those abroad. Next followed the musical and literary part of the program, which was as follows: Recitation, "Africa Shall Be Free" Mr. Jerome Anthem, "Into Pastures Green" By the Choir Piano and violin duet Mr. and Mrs. Dowell Baritone solo, " I Come to Thee" Capt. Armstrong (Brooklyn Legions) Recitation Master Dowell Duet, "Fairies" Mrs. Dowell and Mrs. Husbands Recitation, "Legions o f the Hour" Corporal Grant (Brooklyn Legions) Recitation, "Mother Africa" Miss Emma Simmons (Motor Corps) The president then introduced Lady Henrietta Vinton Davis, international organizer, who said in part:—"Your Excellency, Provisional President of Africa,

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Lady President o f Brooklyn Division, Legions, Motor Corps and Black Cross Nurses, Officers and Members o f Universal Negro Improvement Association— It is indeed a pleasure for me to be here this evening (she said that she was just back from the Far West o f the United States where duty had called her). As international organizer I went to California, the beautiful land o f sunshine, then to Chicago, where I received a royal welcome. I noted that they were progressive there and working in harmony for the redemption o f Africa. I am here to congratulate the members o f Brooklyn division upon their loyalty to this cause, and to our great leader because he is used as an instrument in God's hands, to land his children to freedom. Although we are passing through critical times, stand by your colors! Stand by the U.N.I.A.! Stand by Marcus Garvey! We know that these are the troublous and troublesome times, as every Negro knows—not only here in New York, Philadelphia and Baltimore, but wherever Negroes dwell. There is trouble, not brought about by us, but by those conditions o f Chaos in Europe. We have got to prove our mettle now, for if we lose this opportunity o f show[in]g to the world our ability for business it will never come back to us again. Therefore in all our difficulties we should resolve to fight and die for the great principles o f this organization. As I travel from place to place, from city to city, I find great industrial unrest existing everywhere, and in this unrest I find that Negroes are the first to lose their jobs. This should not [b]e, in the spirit o f fairness, but it is invariably so. It behooves us therefore to open factories for the employ o f our own people. As long as we depend on the white man for a job, so long will we be his football. The new Negro is tired o f that sort o f thing, so in the spirit o f justice and fair play we must become united for our own welfare. And so our wonderful leader is bringing a plan for Brooklyn Division by which you will be better able to conserve your own money in your own interest. Would to God he had been born fifty years ago, because the eyes o f the Negro would have been opened long ago. We brought up families and left them to die un[p]rotected, without ever thinking o f the future o f our children o f our posterity. Because the white man thinks thus they have a republic. They plan for unborn generations. So our leader is spending wakeful nights, planning for the development o f his people, o f our country, Africa. Because we believe that God will provide, we are apt to sit quietly and wait upon God, but we must remember that God helps those who help themselves, and the time is when we must help ourselves, or else be abandoned by God Himself. We must help ourselves here, so that we can better help ourselves when Africa has been redeemed.

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I feel that every Negro should stand firmly and show his stamina now, henceforth and forever. This is the time for true men and women; time to weigh ourselves in the balances. These are the times through which we are passing, yet with the characteristic buoyancy of spirit and optimism of the Negro, we shall even go through the valley of the shadow of death, and will fear no evil." MARCUS GARVEY

SPEAKS

The next speaker introduced was His Excellency, the Hon. Marcus Garvey, amid tumultuous applause, the entire audience standing and the guard of honor with drawn sabres. His Excellency said in part: "Once more it becomes my pleasure to find myself in your midst. I have come here this evening to speak to you and if possible to inspire you. As members and as friends, as members of the race, you must have been watching the great work of this great organization. The Universal Negro Improvement Association c[a]me upon the scene a few years ago with a big program of uniting four hundred millions into one solid body. For ages it was said to be impossible; for to unite them men worked, labored, died without fortunately succeeding. But we, in course of time, were able to reach the hearts of millions of our race. And tonight the movement has a following loyal and true; a following loyal and true in the civilized known world. Some of you do not appreciate it, but when I tell you that millions are working for the same cause, not only in New York, but in the +8 States of the Union, every country on this western hemisphere, in Africa, Asia and Europe, then you will realize the great power and worth of the Universal Negro Improvement Association. In the space of four years it has made the circuit of the world and planted the Red, the Black and Green wherever Negroes live. Others did not make us; we made ourselves. We are first in the history of the race, with the scope and power to be found in the U.N.I.A. You will realize that this movement is being assailed by great forces, but you must also realize that it is only things which are worth while that are dreaded by others. They desire to suppress this movement because of fear. If the Kaiser and the Central Powers were like Haiti the powers of the world would not have combined their forces to fight them. But because the Germans and Central Powers were so dangerous they brought fear upon the world. Let me tell you that the U.N.I. A. has the combined forces of the world fighting it, because the program is a free and independent Africa. Africa has become the danger sign of the world. All nations are looking to Africa. The bankrupt nations of Europe, unable to rehabilitate themselves through their own countries, are looking to Africa as their hope.

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British East Africa must support Britain, Frcnch West Africa must support France with resources to rebuild. Italian Africa must also serve the same purpose. Then since this is so every attempt to free Africa must meet with opposition. What organization wants to free Africa? (Cries of "The U . N . I . A . " from audience.) That is why un[s]een forces of government are fighting us. The world took us as a joke when we started. They called us a bunch of illiterate, fanatic Negroes. But as we have stood fast in our principle of "Africa for the Africans," we have startled the world. Tonight as you sit here, so hundreds are [sjitting in Africa concentrating on the same thought of freeing Africa. This evening as I was about to leave the office, a cable came to me from Cape Town, saying, "We are holding the fort—we have stirred Africa." Shall we faint under opposition? And we know how to fight[,] because we fought in France and Flanders, in Egypt and Mesopotamia. Some of us may be faint-hearted, but I say unto you faint-hearted ones, "You shall die." Brave men shall g o and take the colors of the Red, the Black and the Green on the hilltops of Africa. We shall not be serfs; we shall be free We care not what may come! "Give me liberty or give me death!" Some preachers are against us, saying we are too radical. But only radicals will find a place in the sun. The age for turning the right cheek if you are hit on the left is past. This is a Jack Johnson age, when the fittest will survive. For over fifty-odd years we had lost hope and heart, because we saw no hope for our ambitions. We saw millions pushing us back. But, thank God, Negroes have changed. Their ability is being used for the greater glory of Africa. We shall so work that one day we shall be free. We shall not be afraid of our own flag; we are going to get it and hold it, and make it the greatest flag in the world. They laugh and say that I am spectacular. Who is more spectacular than the Pope? These are the very people who were laughed at in ages past. The Anglo-Saxons were whipped and serfed by Rome. The Britons have risen; so shall the Negro rise to be the proudest nation of the world. We are working for our children. You of Brooklyn, continue! The fight is long. All true warriors know no fear. Our friends are faint-hearted but Jesus Christ was the greatest radical the world ever saw. Jesus opposed wrong. His program was to lift up humanity and save mankind. We are exhorting our people to rise. And, I say, uphold your own program. I feel that we are to live out our own program, and march out and do things.

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You must advance your own leadership. We have demonstrated to the world that Negroes are able to carry a program of their own. A program of warfare to make us true men indeed. GOD CREATED M E N EQUAL

Lead out as generals to map out our own course of victory. We are different from others; we have a great program. Why should we allow others the access to all the pleasures of life, and we be as peons, serfs, slaves? Are you not children of the Common Creator? Some don't believe that God made them. Who made you? If God made you and other people, then he made you for an equal purpose—to be lords of creation. He could not intend you to worship Him in s[pi]rit and in truth if you were created to be slaves. God made [u]s His masterpiece—yellow, brown, black, to be equals of all men. If he intended you to have a lower place, he would not have given you the position of being men. He would have created you with the lower animals. But "man" meant equal of all men. Then let us make a comparison between white and black men. White men—heads of governments, heads of nations, having towering cities. When God created you equal of all He gave you ability to do things for yourself. That you occupy your present positions is not God's fault but yours. God is vexed with you because you have hidden your talents. As other men have built great cities, so will we build them in the great Empire of Africa. As other men have the United States of America so shall we build the great United States of Africa. Can it be done? (Cries of yes!) Some of you have no hope, no confidence. Will power is all. Some will to do and some will not to do. Some men will scare death itself to get at some desired object. White men willed that the forest shall be cleared for himself and the trees went down. This spot on which this building is erected was a swamp and wilderness hundreds of years ago, today there is a house on it. The Negro must do or die. The man who cannot find his purpose in life ought to die. There is work for each and everyone of us to do in life. You must find it out for yourself. Search your consciousness. From the time I got sense and was able to read my first duty was to find out what I was best fitted for. And I found out that I am to make trouble in the world. (Outbursts of laughter.) Some of us are fitted to be good musicians, bricklayers, tailors, lawyers. Discover yourself. This is the thought I want to leave with you. Discover yourself. Find it out tonight. God never meant you to sweep and carry poles. God made you and was through. It is for you to do the rest. He handed you the world and said, "You are the Lord of creation. If you want to be drawers of water and hewers of

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wood, it is your business." He gave you two hands, two eyes, a head and body, and He was through. If you have no better use for your hands than t[o] be drawers of water and scrub the floors, that is your business. How long will you allow this to be? God never cursed you, you cursed yourself. And the U.N.I.A. wants to say, No man can make you do what you don't want to do. You do as you like. The fake idea that God said it must be cut out, for it is a lie. Colored woman[,] there is a better place for you in the world, a place of honor in the black man's palace in Africa. To decorate the legislative palaces in Africa. We had men enough to fight in France and Flanders; we have men enough to fight for Africa. You fought and died for England and France, in the name of God and reason, go out and preserve the Republic of Africa for yourselves and for your children. Others have done it, you must do it. It must be accomplished. The world in which we live is reorganizing. Every race is seeking a place of its own. Japanese is looking for a greater Japan, India—a free India, greater India; Egyptian, a free and independent Egypt. The Irish, who had been clamoring for 750 years for a free and independent Ireland, have got an Irish Free State. It means that all must realize that we who are unorganized must be and will be the serfs and peons of the stronger of the world. While America, England, France are protected throughout the world; so shall we struggle for the protection of our people, wheresoever they may dwell. Struggle for a greater Africa, and accept no compromise. Some preachers and others [say we] are too aggressive. How can we sit by? Can we allow it? Our fathers suffered because they had no vision. If you have no vision you perish. Our vision must be that of a free and independent African commonwealth, strong enough to protect Negroes everywhere. I am going to strive and struggle until Africa is free. (Applause.) Shall I shut up? (Cries of " N o ! " ) If I should die, and there is any truth about ghosts coming back, I will [b]e one bad ghost until Africa is free. (Great laughter.) We cannot give up. How can we? With the inspiration of the past stick closely together. Encourage no antagonism. Be loyal to yourself and to your race. Don't give up; you are strong numerically. There shall be no kicking around. If you kick one you kick 400,000,000 of us. I thank you for your support in the past. There shall be many conflicts before freedom, before liberty. You have got to make sacrifices. I thank you for your loyalty. The time will come when all preachers will have to preach the doctrine of the U.N.I.A. or shut up. Those who are organized to fight us are fighting God because God has said that a Princess shall come out of Egypt. And she is now stretching out her hands unto God. No preachers can stand in our way. The U.N.I.A. with Jesus as our leader is preparing a program which shall startle the world until

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we plant the colors of the Red, the Black and the Green upon the battle plains of Africa. ["] The President-General then announced that his subject for Tuesday evening, January 24, will be "The Call of the Hour," to which all were invited. Thus a memorable event in the annals of Brooklyn Division was brought to a close at 11 o'clock P.M. Tuesday, January 24 The proceedings of this meeting were carried out in the same order as on the preceding evening, with many new faces visible, coming to get fed at the fountain. The musical program this evening was as follows: Piano solo—Miss Hinds (juvenile) Song, "The Holy City"—Mrs. Dowell Piano solo—Mr. D. R. Miller Recitation—Little Miss King Song—Capt. Armstrong (the legions) Piano solo—Master Bridgewater Several officers of this division addressed the people, after which the Rt. Hon. International Organizer swayed the crowd again with her eloquence, followed by His Excellency, who, in a masterly way, delivered his subject, "The Call of the Hour." A banquet was served to His Excellency, Lady Davis and their staff immediately after, the officers of Brooklyn Division accompanying. The president of Brooklyn Division took opportunity of thanking His Excellency and Lady Davis for their visit to Brooklyn Division and introduced the officers of the division to them. His Excellency fittingly replied. Thus a never-to-be-forgotten period in the history of Brooklyn Division was brought to a close, His Excellency and Lady Davis, with their attendants, leaving for New York at 12 P.M., escorted by members of the Brooklyn legions. WILLIAM R. MILLER

Secretary Printed in NW,

4 February 1922. Original headlines omitted.

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Confidential Informant 800 to George F. Ruch New York, Jan. 25, 192(2] Sir:

I will report that Garvev3s case was continued for another week, today. As this is the second continuance there are two rumors that are going the rounds of the office, one is that the Gover[n]ment has found that they have no case on Garvey, and the other is that they had reached some one higher up and the case is over. Garvey has i[n]timated to me that the case was over. Enclose[d] you will find a letter that is an answer to one of the many telegrams that Garvey has sent out appealing for funds for defen[s]e. They have raised nearly two thousands for this purposje]. I don't think that the case has taken any such turn as they claim but if it has you will find that Garvey will be more defiant than ever, and it will mean that Garvey will be stronger and greater in the eyes of his followers than ever. Tomorrow Garvey and myself are summoned to court in violation of Section 1142A of the Penal Code. This is in regards to a violation of the law covering advertis[e]ments. We have been inserting an advertis[e]ment for the cure of venereal d[is]eases which is a violation of section 1142A of the Penal Code. Because of my position with the paper a summons was served on me, but this is only a matter of form. Garvey will have his case continued for a week but I will go up tomorrow and explain my position with the paper and Garvey will be the only one to be tried. This is Briggs' work I learned tonight. Of course I shall remain [undercover] in this case as here to fore. I will get in touch with Mr. Davis in the morning and explain the case to hi[m], Garvey will speak in Philadelphia tonight but will return to New York at midnight. Crichlow's case against Garvey came up today but I have not been able to find out the result as yet. Enclose[d] you will find an editor[i]al on Garvey from the New York Journal of Jan. i8[.] Will be at your office at 4:00 P.M. Sunday as per instructions. Respectfully, "800" DJ-FBI, file 61-826-X27. TD.

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Enclosure R. }. #65 Wetumka Okla Jan 18, 1922 Mr. Marcus Garvey Dear Sir Your telegram cam[e] to hand and the contents noted am sorry to hear of your arr[e]st we are going to send defense funds as soon as we can and send to your office we must have freedom of african and Negro liberty—from Yours truly T . J.

BROWN

For Racial Uplift DJ-FBI, file 61-826-X27. ALS, recipient's copy.

Enclosure [New York Journal, 18 January 1922] PICTURESQUE MR.

GARVEY

S P A R E H I M AS Y O U W O U L D AN O I L - L E S S O I L

WELL

Marcus Garvey has been arrested for using the mails to defraud, and it is too bad. He calls himself "African President," signs after his name the magic initials, " D . S . O . E . , " and he makes the world more interesting than before he came. " D . S . O . E . , " as you will at once guess, stands for "Distinguished Son of Ethiopia." Mr. Garvey, the Distinguished Son, was selling stock of the Black Star Line of steamships, intended to carry his dissatisfied colored fellow citizens from this country to Liberia. And according to the post office he was selling passages to Liberia on the good ship "Phyllis Wheatley." The post office arrested him because there is no such ship as the Phyllis Wheatley and [no] sh[i]p at all in the "Black Star Line." However, the Black Star Line has as many S H I P S as the average wildcat oil well has OIL. If white men can sell oil-less oil wells, why cannot a Distinguished Son of Ethiopia sell shipless ship lines? Mr. Lasker, of the Shipping Board, has T O O M A N Y ships. That causes him trouble. Mr. Garvey has NO ships, and that causes him trouble. Mr. Hays, Postmaster General, should arrange a meeting between Mr. Lasker and Mr. Garvey, and something might come out of it. To jail Marcus Garvey would dim romance, like jailing a rainbow. Printed in the New York Journal, 18 January 1922.

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William J. Burns to Edward J. Brennan [Washington, D.C.] January 25, 1922 Dear Sir: Referring to your letter of January 21, 1922, concerning the case of United States versus Marcus Garvey, alleged violation of Secton 21j of the Criminal Code, please be advised that the Bureau obtained for temporary examination, the complete file on this matter from the Shipping Board and after examination it appears that there never was a contract entered into between the Black Star Line and the Shipping Board for the purchase of the steamship Orion. The file indicates, however, that the Shipping Board has now on deposit and held in escrow the sum of $22,500.00, and that the negotiations leading to the purchase of this vessel were carried on between the Shipping Board and the United States Ship Company of New York. Arrangements were made with Mr. Frank Burke, Manager of the Investigation Division, Shipping Board, with the approval of the Director of this Bureau, to transport the Shipping Board file for the use of Assistant United States Attorney Joyce in the Garvey hearing at New York on Thursday, January 26, 1922, in the custody of a Special Agent of this Bureau, if the papers in this file were considered to be of great importance. This Bureau, however, is of the judgment that a prima facie case can be made out against Garvey sufficient to hold him for Grand Jury inquiry without the introduction of the Shipping Board file as evidence before a United States Commissioner. Referring to the last paragraph of your letter of January 21, 1922, in which it is requested that this Bureau get into communication with the various field offices, in order to ascertain whether or not complaints have been filed against Garvey in the various field offices of the Bureau, it is suggested to you that this [pjhase of the investigation be taken up with Post Office Inspector Williamson, as it is thought that if complaints have been filed heretofore against Garvey from different sections of the country, a record of such complaints is now available in the office of the Chief Post Office Inspector and it is assumed that evidence with respect to complaints[,] and the direct representations made by Garvey to the public, is being assembled by Inspector Williamson. If, after taking the matter up with him, it is still desired to have this Bureau get into communication with the various field offices in this connection, please so advise. Yours very truly, W [ I L L I A M ] , J. B U R N S

Director DJ-FBI. TLS, carbon copy.

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Speech by Marcus Garvey [[NEW YORK,

January 29, 1922]]

Mr. Garvey announced that he would speak on the subject, "The Changes That Will C o m e . " Said he: Since the advent of the Universal Negro Improvement Association into the life o f the Negro peoples of the world, great changes have come over us. However, few o f us seem to realize and appreciate the good that has come out of it; for some people regard it as an evil, wrongfully so, o f course, especially those who, without mercy, criticize us for everything we do and everything we say. But those who are thoughtfill, those w h o are willing to investigate for themselves and be truthful, will readily admit that more beneficial changes have come over the Negro world within the last two years than we had experienced in the last fifty-six. R E F E R S TO THE D Y E R A N T I - L Y N C H I N G

BILL

As an illustration o f the changes that come to us, it is for me to announce that last week, o f all that has been thought in this country for over fifty years, and for which no proper step was taken, that is, to curb it, the House of Representatives o f this country passed a bill by the name of the Dyer Anti-Lynching Bill, which in itself, when embodied into law, will be an earnest effort to stop that great evil, that great crime practiced upon our race, and especially in the southern part of the United States. Some people will ask, ["]What connection has the Universal Negro Improvement Association with the passing of the Dyer Anti-Lynching Bill[?"] M y answer is: The great emphatic impression that the Universal Negro Improvement Association, through its organization throughout the world, has made upon the minds and hearts o f the statesmen of the world and the governments o f the world, is responsible for every change that is brought about favorable to the Negro today. (Applause.) The passing of the Dyer Anti-Lynching Bill was but a continuance of the program of President Harding in his advocacy for better consideration for the Negro people, in that he pointed out that the question was no longer merely a domestic one, nor confined alone to the southern section of the country, but was becoming a world-wide question, and had to be settled from that point of view. The passing o f the Dyer Anti-Lynching Bill was not because there was any sudden conversion in the hearts of Southern legislators and other legislators w h o make up the House o f Representatives, but it was caused through something that presented itself to them which they could not under any circumstances ignore, and that was the sweeping force and determination of Negroes everywhere to be free one day (applause) and the attitude of Negroes everywhere to return a blow for a blow. That has made more impression on the hearts o f statesmen everywhere than all the prayers we have sent up since emancipation. (Applause.)

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I don't care who takes credit for the Dyer Anti-Lynching Bill; I care not who takes credit for the changes that come to you. When you come to analyze the whole thing, the cause of these things, what has brought them about, there is but one conclusion, and that is the advent of the Universal Negro Improvement Association. (Applause.) Not only in the United States of America have we brought about wholesome changes in the interest of our people, but even in the heart of South Africa, where we have compelled the southern "crackers" (if we may so call them) to change their attitude toward the natives there. So that you will realize that as we go from one age to the other, as we pass from one state to the other, great changes will come about, through the influence of this great universal movement. S H O U L D APPRECIATE IMPORTANCE OF CAUSE

You men, you people of Liberty Hall, you people who make up the movement, cannot appreciate the importance of your cause as much as the people who view you from the outside. As proof of it, as was said to you tonight by Mr. Watkins, a visitor from Chicago, 1 who asked you if you appreciate the value of the work you are doing, you cannot comprehend its vastness and greatness, because of your nearness to the fountain head from which flows the plans and the ideas that direct and control the organization, and because of the great part you yourselves are playing in its wonderful program. He wondered whether you really appreciate its importance and significance, and whether you understand its great meaning. Well, that is the way that the world sees us; not so much the way the Negro world as the way the alien peoples and alien nations view your program, which is so big and comprehensive, for the things you are attempting to do are so massive and important that other people who are inspired to the accomplishment of such things are rating you at your own estimation, and, because of that, they will as time goes on be willing to concede to you the things that you want, as far as you back up those things by your determination. (Applause.) N E G R O R A C E B E I N G P U T TO T H E T E S T

But they are not going to yield those things to you simply because you ask for them. They are going to put you to the test, if you are men enough to demand and take the things that you ask for or believe to be yours; and to show you the spirit that has come over the country, the spirit that has come over the world since the advent of the Universal Negro Improvement Association, I will take your memory[;] I will take your thoughts back to the scene in the House of Representatives when the bill I have spoken of was being discussed on the floor by the great statesmen of this country. What happened? There were some Negroes in the gallery. You remember what they said. You remember their actions as reported by the newspapers. Ah! then,

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go and search for the cause of such action on the part of men who have taken on a new vision. It was the determination of those men; it was the spirit of those men that drove home the conviction that what Negroes have been asking for the last four years they meant to have, because they carried the fight even to the House of Representatives. (Applause.) W I L L B E R A T E D B Y W O R L D AT O U R O W N V A L U E

Negroes, let me tell you that the world is going to rate you at your own value. If you prove the cowards you have always been, then you will get the deserts of cowards; but if you prove yourselves the men you have made up your minds to be, then the world will yield to you the thing of men. And I am saying that, whether they think evil or good about the Universal Negro Improvement Association, we have accomplished much, but not even a hundredth part of that which we desire; and as the years grow older, as time passes on, you will see many more changes, not only in this country, but all over the world. And why? Because Negroes everywhere are determined that the program for human liberty must be put over. (Applause.) E F F O R T S OF M E N W H O P A S S E D T H E B I L L

APPRECIATED

As an institution, as an organization, we appreciate the efforts and the stand taken by the House of Representatives. We compliment the men who voted to pass the bill[.] We complimented the government for the support given to the measure. I hope lynching will cease after the law has been put on the statute books; but it is an indication, however, of the new thought that now possesses, that now has taken possession of the nation. We have been begging this question for mercy, for better consideration, for a long, long time; and there were men who said that it never would be possible for any such bill as this to become a law, to stop lynching, to pass through the House; but, thank God! we have lived to see the time, we have lived to see the day, when a Congress, not of black men, but a Congress of white men did pass such a bill to be just, to be fair to all men within the nation, and especially where Negroes suffered the most from the injustice and brutality of that accursed practice of lynching. R A C E STILL NOT

SATISFIED

That you have made that impression and have caused so many men of other races to vote in your consideration shows that you have made an impression upon the world. You have touched the hearts of the world. But are you satisfied? (Cries of "No!") No, we are not satisfied, because much more, much more is left for us to get; much more is left to be accomplished, and, above all, we have before us the great objective of Africa, which must be considered. I hope when the time comes for the vote on the African question they will vote with a like majority as they did in the House of Representatives in the passing of the Dyer Anti-Lynching Bill, because we are more serious

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even on the African question than we have been on any other question yet before us. P L A N N I N G FOR B E T T E R C O N D I T I O N S

We are preparing in this new year for a great effort to bring about a better condition, a better state of affairs in Africa as well as throughout the world where our people live. Our program for the coming convention is being laid, is being planned, and I feel sure that many and great changes will take place in this year of 1922, as far as such changes will affect this race of ours. P R O G R A M M U S T B E C A R R I E D TO F I N A L C O N C L U S I O N

We have reached the point when we must unitedly, without any compromise, without any apology, carry this program to its final conclusion. The world, as I have often said, is undergoing a change—is being readjusted— and in this change—in this readjustment—you have to find your place. Now is the time for you to find your place and to hold it. If you do not find that place and if you do not hold that place you will be lost to all the world; you will be lost to yourselves. And we now more than ever should determine that we shall find our economic, industrial and commercial place within these United States of America and within the West Indian Archipelago; we are determined to find your place and hold it on the great African continent. (Applause.) A F R I C A T H E G O A L OF A T T R A C T I O N

When it is considered that Africa is becoming the goal of attraction for all nations (especially the bankrupt ones) it is time for you to stop and seriously think about the future of your own country. When it is considered that France owns territory in Africa twenty times as large as France—France controls territory in Africa twenty times as large as France in Europe—and when it is considered that Great Britain owns territory in Africa larger than all Europe combined and larger than the whole of North America, you will realize how big the game of plunder is in Africa. M A N Y EMBARRASSMENTS

EXPECTED

You will have many embarrassments at this time as you press more and more the question of African freedom. You will have embarrassments coming from all quarters. Why? If there should ever be the slightest hope of your success in this African program it will mean the loss of billions and billions of dollars of wealth to other people who are looking toward Africa for their solvency. As I have said to you before, the whole world, with the exception of the United States of America is now bankrupt; the whole of Europe is looking to Africa for its solvency. France in Europe is bankrupt

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and is looking to France's colonial possessions in Africa—twenty times as large as France in Europe—for her solvency. Italy is bankrupt and is looking toward her colonial possessions in Africa to make her solvent. Bankrupt Great Britain is looking toward her colonial possessions in Africa and in Asia to make her again solvent. Can you count the [c]ost? Can you appreciate the embarrassments and difficulties placed in your way when you determine and say to the world that Africa is for the Africans and that you are striving for that? A F A L S E C O N C E P T I O N OF L E A D E R S H I P

You mus[t] learn to appreciate afresh the fact that you are confronted with terrible odds and you must make up your minds to bear whatsoever the hardships be, whatsoever the persecutions be. There are some of us who claim to be leaders of the Negro race, who are supposedly fighting for the higher development of the race and the higher freedom of the race and the higher liberty of the race who have a peculiar conception of leadership. Some of us believe that we can lead with silk stockings and with beautiful drawing rooms and happy homes all the time. Leadership does not mean anything of the kind. Leadership means sacrifice; leadership means giving up one's comforts, one's life, one's last drop of blood, that those whom you love may be free. Take the history of movements, whether they be secular or religious, and you will find that those who have led were not men who had the idea that it meant happiness and comfort all the way; but men who always counted the cost and who have measured up to the cost. In the Christian religion, Jesus Christ, the leader of it, did not come to the world with the idea of having comforts and enjoying them throughout his career and his life. He counted the cost and i[t] was suffering, sacrifice and death. The great Mohammed, the leader of the Mohammedan faith—the man who swept the Asiatic world with that new cult, the new religion of Allah—he counted the cost and in his lifetime paid the price. Mohammed suffered many reverses; Mohammed suffered many defeats at certain times; half of the people, two-thirds of the people, nearly all the people, forsook Mohammed, but Mohammed stuck to his faith and ultimately triumphed and Mohammedanism was given to the world. And as Mohammed did in the religious world, so in the political arena we have had men who have paid the price for leading the people toward the great light of liberty. We need not go so far back into history. Just within the last two centuries we have had some splendid examples of true leaders in America. Within a couple of centuries we had the great father of this great republic in the person of George Washington. In this twentieth century we have had great leaders of the Irish cause. Coming down the ages for 750 years we have had Irish leaders who have paid the price—the supreme price—so that Irishmen could be free. So you must count the cost when you talk about leaders and leadership. Leadership means that at any hour, any time, you must be ready for sacrifice, caring not what the sacrifice is.

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Some think it unbecoming for a leader to be radical. Any leader who thinks he can win his cause without being radical is a misguided fellow—a poor, misguided man he is. Any man who believes that he can win a cause of human liberty sitting in a drawing room and wearing silk stockings and refusing to soil his shoes or his shirt or his collar is a misguided man. In order to lead you must be rough. (Laughter.) You must be unyielding; you must be uncompromising; you must be fearless; you must have no fear but the fear of God. Because the moment you fear man you have lost your cause. (Applause.) Some leaders say that you can win a cause by going easy; no cause has ever been won for human liberty—for the freeing of a people—by going easy; you have always had to go strong. (Applause.) If you are fighting an enemy the moment you show any inclination to yield to that enemy or to go easy on that enemy, in the twinkling of an eye that enemy downs you. A splendid example of what it means to fight for a victory was demonstrated to us in the last bloody war. When on the one side they cried out "Ease up!" the other side pressed the more. That is what human liberty and human victory means. If you have a cause that is worthwhile winning it is worthwhile fighting for well; and I say that any leader who believes that he can lead this cause by not offending others is one who is not even fit to follow. You are bound to offend. How can you be conservative when you have nothing to conserve except slavery, peonage and serfdom[?] You can only conserve that which is to your interest and benefit. That is to say, if I have a good suit of clothes, it is to my interest to conserve it—keep it; because it is good. If, on the contrary, I have a bad cold, knowing that if I keep that cold it might develop into something that will mean death, I would be a fool to conserve it. (Laughter.) I will conserve that suit because it is good; it is pleasing to have the suit; but because the cold I have is affecting my physical strength— my physical vitality, I would be a big fool to conserve that cold; I would get some radical medicine and break up the cold, and if I tried one medicine and I did not succeed I am going to try another. That is the difference between conservatism and radicalism. Conservatism means that you must keep that which you have because you are satisfied. If you are satisfied with your condition you can be conservative but if you are not satisfied with your condition the reverse is radicalism. And when our leaders tell us we must go easy and be conservative they are only telling us we must keep the chains that make us industrial slaves and peons. As for me, I have nothing in that direction to conserve. I am saying, therefore, that radicalism is the only means and method by which the Negro can extricate himself from the condition imposed upon him by the others who desire him to be conservative. Jesus Christ was the greatest radical the world ever saw. He came and saw a world of sin and His radical program was to inspire it with the spiritual feeling. He was, therefore, a radical. All men who call themselves reformers are perforce radicals; they cannot be anything else because they are revolting

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against the conditions that exist. Conditions as they exist reveal a conservative state and if you desire to change these conditions you must be radical. U . N . I . A . CANNOT G O

EASY

T[ha]t is the position and the situation of the Universal Negro Improvement Association today. We cannot go easy on this program; we cannot talk about not offending anybody; if anybody stands in your way and you have to offend to get him out of the way, it is your duty to offend. We are not offending anybody on their rights; we are not offending anybody for any misunderstanding; we are only saying that we want the chance and opportunity of all men—each and every one of us. We are only saying that we want the chance and opportunity of all races and nothing more. If it is right for the great white race to rule and govern itself in its own way, to have its own social forms and its aristocratic forms, then it is also right for the Negro to have his own forms in society, in religion and in every way. A Q U E S T I O N OF E Q U A L I T Y

The world is so unfair that one people—one race and one nation— would desire for themselves certain benefits and advantages and deny that others are entitled to the same rights, advantages and benefits. For instance, they criticize me and in that way they criticize the Universal Negro Improvement Association for having social orders and for wearing robes in office. They call it spectacular. They say Mr. Garvey is spectacular. Now what does that mean, anyway? There is no such word in the African dictionary as spectacular. Therefore, if Mr. Garvey is spectacular he has copied it from them. Then why should they be offended at Mr. Garvey's being spectacular[?] That will show you how unreasonable and unjust some men are. Some white people in Europe and America say Mr. Garvey likes colors and robes and titles. Can you tell me where you can find more titles and robes than in Europe? If you would just take up the "Pictorial Review" you will find that the English people when they are about to open their Houses of Parliament you will see the King and Queen with more robes of more colors than you have seen in the rainbow. (Laughter.) They talk about wearing robes. If you watch the picture well from Buckingham Palace to the House of Commons in Westminster you will see hundreds of men with all kinds of uniforms, all kinds of turbans, all kinds of breeches (laughter), all kinds of uniform—the whole thing looking like one big human show and everybody going to the circus to see. (Laughter.) We have never attempted anything of the kind, yet they say that we are spectacular. They are spectacular in the political sense and they do not want us to be spectacular in the political sense. As far as their society is concerned, if you want to hear about titles, just cross the channel. White folks like titles so much that they pile up millions of dollars for a lifetime so that they can buy a title on the other side of the

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[channel]. [They send ] their daughters abroad in order that they may marry a lord or a duke or some other person of nobility. Yet they say Mr. Garvey likes titles. So much for the political and aristocratic aspect of being spectacular. Turn now to the religious phase of it. You will find it in the Catholic Church. If you want to see something spectacular just wait until they are coronating a pope or burying a pope, or just wait until they are enthroning a cardinal or an archbishop or a bishop, and then you will see something spectacular. Why, therefore, should some folks want to be spectacular and do not want Negro[e]s to be spectacular[?] We say, therefore, that since they have found some virtue in being spectacular we will try out the virtues there are in being spectacular. But this is human nature. One never likes to see the other indulge in the same advantages and benefits they are enjoying, and that is why this propaganda is waged against us to hold us up to ridicule. But I thank the members o f the Universal Negro Improvement Association throughout the world for the splendid sense and intelligence they have exhibited in sticking to the movement the more they criticize it and the more they try to hold it up to public ridicule. C H A N G E H A S C O M E O V E R THE R A C E

Let me say to you men and women that I am more satisfied now than ever that a change has come over this great race of ours. Five years ago when the guns o f opposition turned against any Negro organization that Negro organization would have gone down into defeat. M O V E M E N T GAINS M O R E A D H E R E N T S D E S P I T E OPPOSITION

Five years ago if any organized campaign was waged against any Negro organization as is waged against the Universal Negro Improvement Association within the last few weeks certain institutions would have gone down. But what has happened? The opposition we have encountered has made us stronger. It shows that a change has come over the Negro race everywhere and not only in New York, but throughout the length and breadth of the country, the Universal Negro Improvement Association has been strengthened by the outrageous attack made against us at this time. M E S S A G E S OF LOYALTY R E C E I V E D FROM A L L PARTS

Throughout the length and breadth o f Africa we have received messages o f the loyalty and devotion of the people in the motherland to the cause of the association. Throughout the length and breadth of the West Indies, Central and South America we have received cablegrams of loyalty and devotion not only in words, but in money they have contributed largely to the defense fund o f this organization. Therefore we have every cause to be satisfied.

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JANUARY 1922

COMPLIMENTED FOR VICTORY W O N

Men and women of the race, I have again to compliment you on the great victory. The trouble in the past was that we could not get men who made earnest efforts to lead us because they calculated the cost would be too expensive. In the past we have deserted our leaders in times of trouble and left them to stand alone, which caused men to be disinclined to risk too much in the interest of the race, but, thank God, you have within the last few weeks demonstrated to the world that you are prepared to stand by your leaders, come weal, come woe. (Applause.) That is the greatest victory you have won. The propaganda of the last three weeks was engineered for the purpose of seeing if you would desert Garvey, and thus Garvey would be left alone, and, having lost the faith and hope of his people, the whole thing would have gone down. But you have surprised the whole world. (Applause.) They have sent out feelers not only in New York, but all over the country trying to break the morale of the people, and they are surprised to know that the membership has been still 100 per cent, for the cause of African freedom. I thank you for all you have done in the past and I trust you will continue in the future. (Applause.) Printed in NW,

4 February 1922. Original headlines omitted.

1. A reference to a previous speaker, S. A. Watkins, a Chicago attorney and UNIA member (NW, 4. February 1922).

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Salary List by Marcus Garvey

f l - t r w ) / Í err-c

(Source:

G. 0. Marke

v. UNLA,

no. 38300, N e w York State Supreme Court, 13 March 1927.)

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Reports by Special Agent Mortimer J. Davis NEW YORK, N.Y. 2/L/22 R E : U . S . v s BLACK STAR L I N E INCORPORATED M A R C U S GARVEY, ET A L . — V I O L A T I O N SECTION 2 1 5 , U . S . C . C . U S I N G MAILS TO D E F R A U D .

Supplementing my previous reports, after a careful search of the Admiralty records in the Eastern and Southern Districts of New York, I find the following libels on file against the S/S Yarmouth. EASTERN DISTRICT:

Name

Amount

For Towing Coal Pilotage Pilotage Towing Repairs Repairs Breach of Contract

Hudson Towboat Co. Joseph J. Keough H . M . Clark W. J. Hurrell Olsen T o w i n g Co. Irvine Engineering Co. National Dry Dock Co. Burnheim Distilling Co.

$ 365.00 270.00 40.77 54.08 575.00 3500.00 2317.80 4038.59

SOUTHERN DISTRICT:

Date: 1/16/20 8/24/20 8/26/20 5/15/20 5/28/20 11/24/20 11/29/20

Name

For

Broad Steamship Joshua Cockburn Nitrate Agencies Co. Anthony Oches Co. Produce Trading Corpn. P. Rinelli et al. U.S. of America

Services Wages Services Damage & Loss Food Labor Collision

Amount $ 342-70 1310.92 4610.02 3212.00 159.22 500.00 2500.00

The Steamship KANAWHA appears to have had the following libels filed against it in the Southern District. Date: 6/16/20 5/28/21 11/20/19

Name

For

Lee's Towing Co. Produce Trading Co. Edw. M. Timmerman

Towing Food Damage

Amount $ 265.00 426.31 joo.oo

The excursion steamer "SHADYSIDE" has recorded against it in the Southern District a libel dated May 28th, i92i[,] filed by the Produce Trading Co. covering delivery of food in the amount of $315.76.

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T H E MARCUS GARVEY AND U N I A PAPERS

On the 2jth of January Marcus Garvey upon request, came to the U.S. Attorney's office in company with his attorney MR. MATTHEWS. An informal conference between Assistant U.S. Attorney Mattuck, Post Office Inspector Williamson and the writer was held, and the minutes of which were reported stenographically and will be forwarded to Washington as soon as prepared. In effect, Garvey appears to be sticking to the charge that "A group of willful men has caused the Government to bring this unfounded charge against him." He admitted among other things the mailing of the circular bearing the picture of the S/S Phyllis Wheatley. On the 26th of January, Assistant U.S. Attorney Mattuck presented the matter to the Grand Jury, calling Inspector Williamson as his witness. The indictment contains eight counts and names as defend[a]nts, M A R C U S G A R V E Y , E L I E G A R C I A , O R L A N D O M. T H O M P S O N a n d G E O R G E TOBIAS. U p t o

the present time an indictment has not been returned. MORTIMER J. DAVIS D J - F B I , file 61-50-41. T D .

N E W YORK, N . Y .

2/3/22

On this date [ J I January] T H O M A S H. CORT, a stockholder in the Black Star Line, came to the Bureau office voluntarily, and made in substance the following statement: My name is T H O M A S H. CORT; I reside at 100 West 141 Str., Apartment 34 c/o B A N C R O F T ; I am married, and have one child nine years old. I formerly lived in Galveston, Texas, at 2513-1/2 Market Street. I have been in the U.S. for about twenty five years, served in the Red Cross, Philip[p]ines, during the Spanish-American War, 1 although I have never been an American citizen. I am a subject of England. I am not a member of the U.N.I.A. While residing in Galveston, where I had my own business as a contractor, doing ship repair work for the U.S. Shipping Board, I heard of the Black Star Line. A colored man employed on one of the Mallory Line steamers whom I met in Galveston gave me a copy of the "Negro World" from which I learned that the Black Star Line was selling shares at $5.00 each. The man who gave me this paper stated it was a good investment, and I learned that he also subsequently became a stockholder. He was not in the employ of the Black Star Line, however. His name is C A R R I N G T O N but I do not know his present whereabouts. This happened on or about November 20th, 1919. After reading the copy of [the] "Negro World" I became convinced that the stock would pay dividends and I thought it would be a good thing to prepare for old age. Finally,

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in about December 1919, I came to New York and went to the offices of the Black Star Line on 135th Street. My purpose in coming here was to investigate the Line, and, if satisfactory, purchase stock. I had an interview with M A R C U S G A R V E Y , who, however, immediately turned me over to G E O R G E TOBXAS, who I believe is Treasurer of the Line. I asked Mr. Tobias about the condition of the Black Star Line, and whether or not he considered the purchase of stock a safe investment. He praised the Line highly. When I asked him if they had a ship [h]e replied that they had the S/S "Yarmouth" and said it was somewhere in New York at the time. He said that ship was running and doing business. From this talk I was convinced that the Black Star Line owned the "Yarmouth." He further said that they intended to run ships between the United States, Africa, Central and South America, and the West Indies, and that they expected to add a ship a year to the Line. I also interviewed MR. S M I T H - G R E E N at the Black Star Line office, and I asked him when, in his opinion the stock would pay dividends. He replied that the stock would pay from forty to fifty cents a share within the next year. After hearing from these men of the Line's good condition and being assured of the security of my investment by their statements, I purchased 40 shares, paying $200. cash. I have never received any dividends on the stock. After purchasing the stock, I returned to my home in Galveston. From there I kept in almost constant correspondence with the Black Star Line, receiving letters from Garvey, Garcia, D. W. Sasso, Traffic Manager, many of which letters I still have and will turn over to the Government willingly for its use. In one of my letters to the Line I offered my services to them, inasmuch as I have been in the shipping business for twelve years, particularly on the repair end. In about June, 1921,1 received a letter from the Black Star Line, stating that they could use my services, and asking me to report to their offices whenever I came to New York. Upon showing this letter to my wife she stated "It is as good as a position" and we therefore decided to remove our home to New York, which we did, on July 9th, 1921, paying our own way. Enclosed with this letter were several subscription blanks, and [a] copy of a circular, on the front page of which is a picture of a ship bearing the name "Phyllis Wheatley. ["] It was my understanding from this circular that this ship was to be used by the Line in the African trade, and that it was undoubtedly the ship upon which they intended to utilize my services. I hand you herewith the envelope in which this circular was received by me, also a copy of the circular. I have been unable to find the accompanying letter, but hope to do so at my home.

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Upon arriving in New York on or about July 9th, 1921,1 went to the Black Star Line offices and was treated very coldly. I first interviewed THOMPSON. [H]e said that they have no ship running at the present time, but had paid a deposit to the Shipping Board on one, which they expected to obtain in about a week. This ship, I was given to understand, would be called the Phyllis Wheatley. I was told that they had no po[si]tion for me, although I kept calling at the office continually for a long period. Finally I went into the ship repair business for myself but failed. I then went into the laundry business, but also failed in this. I had a horse and wagon used for delivery purposes, and when I gave up business the Universal Steam Laundry, which is a Garvey enterprise, hired it from me. They had a truck of their own, but this had been damaged. I spoke to the driver at the time and he said the truck was repaired but the Universal Steam Laundry could not get it for lack of $100. to pay the bill. I have also heard that the employes of the Laundry have, on several occasions, had to wait for their salaries. Finally they offered me $100. for my horse and wagon, which I accepted. Garvey gave me a check on a Tuesday, and told me not to cash it until the next Saturday for he would not make a deposit until that day. The check was signed by FERRIS, but I cannot remember on whose account it was issued. During October, 1921, I attended a meeting of stockholders of the Black Star Line, at Liberty Hall. There were from three to four hundred persons present. I did not vote on anything except the election of the officers, because I did not see any other matters submitted to vote. From the discussion that took place I got the impression that the Line was losing money, and that their ships were not operating and that they had had exceptionally large expenses in connection with them. I learned there that one ship, the Shadyside, was condemned; that the Kanawha was in the West Indies due to a bad boiler, and that the Yarmouth was unseaworthy. I might state here that I never met any officer of the Black Star Line who seemed to have the slightest knowledge of the practical running of steamships, and I met almost every one of them from Garvey down. Finally I went broke in about October, 1921, I went to see Garvey, told him I would like to withdraw as a stockholder, and asked for the return of my money. He said he could not start doing anything like that, because if he paid me out, there would be others who would want him to do the same thing for them. I kept after him from time to time but was always turned down. Finally, last week, I went to see him again. He refused to interview me and turned me over to a fellow named CARTER,2 who appeared to be one of his confidential advisers. I explained the

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matter to him and he promised to take it up with Garvey. Carter telephoned me on Tuesday last and said Garvey told him he could not do anything for me. I then threatened to take this matter up with the U.S. Government, upon which Carter asked that I come over and see Garcia, which I did yesterday, January 30th. Garcia after going over the matter, finally told me there was no way to get my money back and that he could do nothing for me. I am willing to testify, if called upon, as to the above facts. Cort has promised to obtain for me the name and address of a man in Harlem who purchased passage for himself and family upon the mythical "Phyllis Wheatley." MORTIMER J. DAVIS

DJ-FBI, file 61. TD. 1. The Spanish-American War was fought between 1898 and 1900. 2. G . Emonei Carter.

J. J. Hannigan to the Director, Office of Naval Intelligence [San Francisco] 4 February 1922 GANTI A N D

GARVEY

The present Hindu revolutionary movement has definite connections with the Negro agitation in America. And both of these movements have leaning, at least for political reasons, to Bolshevik Russia. Ganti, the leader of the Hindu Revolutionary movement, and Garvey, the leader of the American Negro Agitation, were class mates while they were studying in England and in India. Garvey has remained ever since the closest friend, most ardent admirer and the handiest co-worker of Ganti, even though they live thousands of miles apart. Both Garvey and Ganti are strong believers of socialism and the revolutionary methods for realizing it. Garvey is the leader in all Negro movements here and elsewhere, and he is the world character among Negroes. He is the original organizer of the African Legion, of the Universal Negro Improvement Association, etc. He bases his teaching on the Trotzkyan type of socialism, together with biblical passages used as seasoning. (This report is based on the report of Farr. Farr is the local agent of the Negroes' Universal Improvement Association.) J. J.

DNA, RG 38, file 2op64-2i94g- TD.

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HANNIGAN

T H E M A R C U S GARVEY AND U N I A PAPERS

Bureau of Investigation Report [New Tork] FEB. 4, 1922 The Negro World for January 28th, which it was expected would not make its appearance, has been published, due to [Garvey's] strenuous efforts in obtaining money to pay the printer. This issue is almost entirely concerned [with Garvey's arrest?] and makes strenuous appeals to the readers not to lose faith in the movement. Under the heading "Judas Iscariots Wage Cowardly Warfare Against Leader of U.N.I.A.", Garvey makes the charge that his trouble has been brought about by personal enemies who are jealous of his success and power. In a speech at Liberty Hall, which is quoted in full in the Negro World, he endeavors to pacify his hearers by stating "there is nothing to the charge against me" and that he stands ready to prove that he has never used the mails to defraud. These articles are, of course, concluded with the usual appeal for funds. It is noticed, however, that advertisements of the Black Star Line have been discontinued but in their place appear advertisements of the U.N.I.A. for a $ 2 , 0 0 0 , 0 0 0 campaign, the proceeds of which are to be used "to start building a Nation for the Negro Peoples of the World," and advertisements of the Negro Factories Corporation, the purposes of which have previously been explained. Both these ventures are stock propositions and it is immediately seen that. . . [remainder missing]. UNIVERSAL NEGRO

IMPROVEMENT

ASSOCIATION

This organization is sending out from its New York Headquarters, a mimeographed letter dated February +th, addressed to various negroes throughout the South, asking that they secure shipments of produce to be sent to New York, where they will be disposed of and part of the proceeds returned to the shipper. This letter states "that the U.N.I.A. has a chain of stores in New York City," which, of course is untrue.1 It further asks that the consignor make the shipment without receiving a definite price quotation and permit the U.N.I.A. in New York to obtain "the best possible price." Attached to each such form letter sent out is a copy of a press release, . . . [line excluded]. We are confidentially informed that the reason for attaching this press release to the form letter is to reassure the persons addressed that the condition of [Garvey's] enterprises is much better than generally supposed since his arrest. DJ-FBI, file 61. TD. 1. T h e parent body of the U N I A operated several businesses in N e w York City. The 8 July 1922 issue o f the Negro World reported that three grocery stores, a meat market, two restaurants, a laundry, and a printing plant were owned and operated by the New York division. Together they employed seventy-five U N I A members.

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F E B R U A R Y 1922

Speech by Marcus Garvey [[New York, Feb. 5,

1922]]

Hon. Marcus Garvey spoke as follows: My subject for tonight is: Propaganda to Trap the Negro. About three weeks ago I was arrested for some frivolous charge and immediately the occurrence was made an international matter. When I was arrested, you will remember, the New York papers came out immediately with big headlines and with news matters stating that the career of Marcus Garvey had come to a close and that the dream of an African Empire was lost. Some of you little understood the wish behind that thought. Some of you little realized the tremendous effect of that stage setting. The arrest of men is a matter of every second in the world, and especially in these United States of America; and it does not mean that every person who is arrested becomes a subject of international news; but in this case, as I wanted to bring to your mind, the stage was set for an international drama—a drama to be played not only in New York but simultaneously throughout the world. I was arrested on a Thursday afternoon at 5 o'clock; on Friday morning every newspaper (I mean the white daily newspapers in New York) carried a news item of the arrest and other things quite foreign to the arrest, of over a column and some two columns. At the time they published the news in New York that Marcus Garvey's career had come to a close the news was published in Rome, in Venice, in Berlin, in London, in Paris, in every European capital, and in South America and every section of European Africa as well as in Central America and the West Indies. The clippings have just reached my hands from Europe which relate word for word all that the New York World published on the morning of the i+th of January, which further convinces me—because I knew what it was; I knew just the plot; I had all along anticipated it—but I was further convinced of the great effort that is being made to create a disintegration among Negroes—a disunity among Negroes, by which Negroes will be kept permanently in that position laid out for them by the so-called superior race. For centuries we have been the underdogs of the world; for centuries we have been regarded as less than men; but within the last few years a serious attempt was made by an organization known as the Universal Negro Improvement Association to lift the Negro from his ancient position as forced upon him by his so-called superior master to that of a man's place in the world. It was too big a program; it was too big an idea—too big indeed for the arrogant masters of our civilization to allow to succeed to any extent. The result was that skilful plans were laid by which it was intended that the mass of the people of the race who fell under the teaching and doctrine of this organization would be suddenly pushed back from that dream of theirs of a brighter future to the conditions that have been created for them for these centuries by those who have been our economic as well as political masters.

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T H E M A R C U S GARVEY AND U N I A PAPERS C O L O S S A L S U C C E S S OF U . N . I . A . N O T A N T I C I P A T E D

The Universal Negro Improvement Association succeeded in uniting men of the Negro race more than any movement or effort has ever done within the last 500 years, but very few expected that the success of the Universal Negro Improvement Association in organizing Negroes would be permanent, in that the Negro for centuries demonstrated that the characteristic of the race was to change its attitude every other day and to have no permanent belief in anything or to stick permanently to any movement. That has been the characteristic of the race known to us and known to the world at large. So that no one paid much attention to the ultimate success and permanent success of the work of the Universal Negro Improvement Association in organizing Negroes everywhere. But in the recent observation given to the movement everybody seemed to realize that there is no falling off in this Universal Negro Improvement Association; there is no going back on the organized membership of the Universal Negro Improvement Association, but that there is a steady growth, and that the growth is becoming more and more universal, more and more catholic in its scope, and then everybody started to see the danger of the Negro lifting himself from the position of a peon, a serf, a slave, to the position of a man, and that is just where the great conflict comes in at this time. The Negro must not be a man; the Negro must not exercise the functions of a man; and anything that would lead the Negro to believe that he is a full man and to exercise the functions of a man, that thing must be curtailed; that thing must be destroyed at all costs—at all hazards. Hence the international plot to bring about a mistrust of the intention of the Universal Negro Improvement Association and a mistrust of the leadership of the movement. P R E S S R E P O R T S OF G A R V E Y ' S D O W N F A L L

DISPROVED

The newspaper clippings that have come to me from Europe, from the West Indies and Central America emphasize this statement: "Marcus Garvey's career has come to a close." A very big suggestion or statement! A man is not dead; a man is not even in jail; a man has not been convicted of crime; a man has not lost his intelligence; has not lost his senses; has not even lost one pound of flesh; still in possession of his faculties; still robust in his mind and his physical body—yet his career is brought to a close. (Laughter.) It is the strangest assumption I have ever seen and read of. I do not know; there must be two Marcus Garveys. First of all I have to question myself to find out it I am still Marcus Garvey; perhaps I am Prof. Ferris; I don't know. (Laughter.) But if I am Marcus Garvey I want to say to the world that I have just started my career. (Great applause.) If I am the Marcus Garvey they have written about and published about, they are very much mistaken if they believe that anything permanently damaging has happened to the Universal Negro Improvement Association and [to] the Black Star Line[.]

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N o E A R T H L Y I N F L U E N C E C A N D I S A B L E W O R K OF U . N . I . A .

From their way of thinking—from their way of seeing things—they may imagine that some great harm—some great damage—has been done, and that this harm and damage will act as a permanent deterrent against Negroes putting through the program of this organization; but there is another way of thinking besides theirs, and the other way of thinking is this, among those who make up the Universal Negro Improvement Association: That nothing can happen between heaven and earth except through the influence of God and the intervention of God that can permanently disable the work of the Universal Negro Improvement Association. (Great applause.) When Gabriel appears in the heavens and blows his trumpet and says to the world: "Peace, perfect peace"; when Gabriel appears in the heavens and gives notice to humanity (including white and black and all the races); when Gabriel appears and serves a special notice to Negroes, not until then will Negroes stop their agitation for a free and redeemed Africa and a complete emancipated Negro race. (Applause.) But anything in the person of man; anything made up in physical human form that appears between heaven and earth to tell Negroes to stop their agitation for their complete emancipation and the freedom of Africa, we have to beg your pardon; we cannot hear and we cannot listen to you. (Applause.) A PREPOSTEROUS CONCLUSION

The idea of suggesting that the cause of a race can be suddenly brought to a close through the frivolous arrest of any one individual in that race when there are 400,000,000 people who make up that race and the individual is only one in that 400,000,000! How dead, how impotent a race of 400,000,000 would be to bring to a close their efforts and their career because one man happens to be disabled in the march toward freedom and the march toward liberty! Why is it that the world seems to rate the Negro differently from other races? In the fight for English freedom did the English lose their cause because one man was disabled—because they caught one man on the firing line and incarcerated him or shot him? In the case of the late wa[r] between the Allies and the Central Powers, did the Allies lose their cause because Kitchener went down? 1 They why should they suggest that Negroes are different from other people—that there should be some alarm because of anything that happens to any one man, even though nothing has happened to the man, because the man is still going strong, like "Johnny Walker"? (Laughter.) PLOT TO D E S T R O Y THE N E G R O ' S H O P E

As I said in my opening remarks, the stage has been long set for an international drama—call it a tragedy or whatsoever you wish—by which they would permanently put out of existence the rising hope of this race of

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ours. They calculated that by publishing some false report about Garvey, the Universal Negro Improvement Association and the Black Star Line everywhere where Negroes live, they would succeed in casting a damper over the spirit of the people universally and this great movement would fall to pieces—would fall asunder. But how misguided they have been, because even though we are—as far as the headquarters of the U.N.I.A. is concerned—removed from Europe in a space of thousands of miles, yet when that news was published the Negroes of England refused to believe one word of it (applause); and simultaneously with the sending of the papers from Europe to me, came letters from Negroes in different sections of Europe saying: " I f you want help, send to us; we will fight the stronger, because we realize that it is all a lie." (Applause.) Now what can they do with a people so made up and so determined? They have only killed themselves; because the world knows that the Universal Negro Improvement Association is still here and so long as it is still here the career of the movement is still before them. NEWSPAPERS HAVE CONTRADICTED

THEMSELVES

They calculated to have done great harm to the movement in trying to misrepresent me and misrepresent what happened to the whole world. Pages of newspapers were printed, columns were devoted to editorials telling how Garvey has millions of dollars and no ships and all kinds of things. They made it as black as the devil so that they could persuadje] Negroes of the belief that there was no virtue in their own race—that there was no good in their own race; but it is strange how men contradict themselves and make fools of themselves just to carry out their evil intentions and evil designs, not knowing there are other sensible people in the world who are watching them and listening to them. They have come out and said that the Black Star Line never had any ship, yet they were the same people who in 1919, when we had that whisky trouble, made all the noise that the Black Star Line ship was seized with a cargo of whisky and the ship was "shimmying" out in the harbor with all the crew on board drunk. (Laughter.) The very New York papers that said just a couple of weeks ago the Black Star Line had no ship were the very papers which published that news two and a half years ago because there was some fun in it for them. The fun was that Negroes had a ship; that the ship had whisky on board; that the ship sent out SOS distress signals; that the crew was made up of Negroes; that the crew was drunk and the ship was shimmying out in the harbor. Now after two and a half years have rolled by these very people come back and say that we never had any ship and that it is all a fake. Now, which of the news is right, the first one or the last? There is an old Latin saying which interpreted into English means: "False in one, false in all," and you have had enough experience of newspaper propaganda to know that you can place no reliance on what you read in certain newspapers, and especially anything that relates to Negroes. There has always been some exaggeration—something foreign to the truth, and that has been the means and methods of a large number of newspapers

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toward those whom they have no particular interest in. You know the white papers have no interest in Negroes, anyhow, except to show them up as dice shooters, moonshiners and bootleggers and everything that is hideous and monstrous; but the virtues of the Negro are seldom published—seldom brought to light, while the virtues of their own race have always been played up and have always been forced upon us to be accepted without question. H U M A N L I B E R T Y A S A C R E D POSSESSION

The real intention of the Universal Negro Improvement Association— the intention to emancipate a down-trodden race—and the freeing of one's country from alien domination—they have always held such a cause dear unto themselves. The people who try to ridicule us today have always held human liberty dear and priceless. They have always held the freedom of mankind as the sacred possession of the individual, the people or the race as well as of the nation, but they are only willing to concede that to themselves and deprive others of it; hence we find them bolstering up the cause of Ireland; bolstering up the cause of Palestine; bolstering up the cause of human liberty as pertaining to other races; but when it comes to the Negro seeking the same thing he must be held up to ridicule; he must be held up to the scorn and contempt of the world. M U S T F I G H T O U R O W N BATTLES

You will realize therefore that the battle that you have to fight is your battle; the battle you have to fight must be fought by yourselves; the battle that you have to fight is one that others will oppose you in and therefore you need not look to them for guidance; you need not look to them for consideration; you need not look to them for help of any kind, and I have to again thank the members of the Universal Negro Improvement Association throughout the world for the splendid spirit they have maintained amidst the world-wide propaganda and opposition and hostility. D E S P I T E PROPAGANDA M E M B E R S H I P L O Y A L

Not one section of the great movement has faltered in the least; but every section of the great movement has rallied to the cause 100 per cent. It proves that we are going to rely upon our will, upon our determination, upon our courage to carry this movement to its ultimate success. But in journeying toward the great objective amidst the opposition of the world we must realize that the greatest danger confronting us is evil ones amongst us. Half of our troubles in this struggle upward for the emancipation of the race and for the freedom of Africa comes not so much from without as from within this race circle of ours. If I were to explain to you the designs and machinations of men—members of this race, some of them calling themselves leaders—that they have engineered under the instruction of others and through their own maliciousness and spite and envy to destroy this move-

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ment, you would wonder that a race could be so wicked and evil toward itself. T H E EVIL O N E S A M O N G THE RACE

Men in this city; men in different parts of this country; men in different parts of the world of our race, claiming to be leaders, claiming to be great teachers, have been used at this time by those who desire to keep us at the very foot of the great human ladder for the purpose of preventing us from achieving the object we have in view, and at a time when all people, when all nations are seeking to secure themselves as against threatening disaster which everyone can see. P A S S I N G T H R O U G H A P E R I O D OF W O R L D

REORGANIZATION

We are passing through a period of world reorganization, when no race, no people, no nation, can afford to ignore its future, because its future is largely dependent upon the attitude of the race today in this reorganization o f world affairs. You who have been reading your papers and magazines will recall the great international struggle among races and nations for power, for freedom, for independence, for position in the world. We have had troubles and struggles of our own. Egypt, India, Palestine, Poland, Russia, all have had struggles. What is the meaning of all this, men of different races, of different nationalities, of different points of view, uncompromisingly fighting for a political place, fighting for a political position in the world? It means that all nations and all races realize that if an attempt is not now made to secure one's position, that individual, that race, or that nation will be lost to the world. As I have often said from the platform of Liberty Hall and from different platforms of this organization throughout the country, we are now facing that period in human existence of the "survival of the fittest." F U T U R E S T R U G G L E OF T H E

RACES

In another three hundred years only the fittest of this great human family of ours will be found peopling this world; all other races not sufficiently prepared, not sufficiently organized, not sufficiently protected, will be wiped off the face of the globe, either by political or military slaughter, or by economic disaster. We are traveling toward that point now, and if you, as one of the great groups of this human family, do not make the effort now, do not take the step now, to protect yourselves against the threatening disaster o f the future, you shall march up to that disaster and seal your own doom. You realize, you students of history, you men and women of ordinary intelligence, who have passed through the elementary schools, that this world has changed quite a bit within the last one thousand years. We are living in a different world from the one in which our forebears lived five hundred years ago. We are living in a world much more populated in its area than it was five hundred years ago. As an illustration of what I want to bring

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out clear to your mind, you arc now living in a country called the United States of America, quite different to what it was four hundred years ago. Four hundred years ago, three hundred years ago, two hundred years ago, one hundred years ago, there were not so many people in New York; there were not so many buildings and beautiful edifices in New York; we had no subways; we had no elevated cars; no railroads were then here; we had no automobiles on the streets of New York. New York, the very spot that we now occupy, was a vast, barren waste. But you see the great change that has come over New York; you see the great change that has come over the whole country. Millions of people now occupy the space that was vacant a hundred years ago, two hundred years ago, four hundred years ago. Part of the country that then held but two and three and five men four hundred years ago, three hundred years ago, holds six million men now; holds five million men now; holds four million men now. It shows to us the great improvement made in this country and in this world since five hundred years ago, since a thousand years ago. Many more people are in the world today than there were five hundred years ago, than there were four hundred years ago, than there were two hundred years ago. So, as we have more people in the world today than we had five hundred years ago, so will we have in another three hundred years twice as many, probably three times as many, people in the world as we have now. The world is not growing larger; the world is remaining the same size. New York will be the same size; Pennsylvania will be the same size; the United States of America will be the same size. Europe will be the same size; Asia will be the same size; Africa will be the same size. But more of us will be here; two, three, four men for every one that is here now will be here then. A L E S S O N TO B E T A K E N

Can you take a lesson from your economic suffering now, and see what it will be in another two or three hundred years, when three tim[es] as many people will be here to compete with you as are competing with you now, and what the consequence will be? Can you successfully compete with other men now? You cannot; y[et ther]e is hardly a surplus in population. And if you cannot economically, industrially compete successfully when there is hardly a surplus population, what will happen to you when you have to compete against an overwhelming surplus population] in the world? That is what the Universal Negro Improvement Association wants to draw to the attention of the 400,000,000 Negro people of the world. C O N Q U E S T OF T H E N O R T H A M E R I C A N INDIAN

A couple of hundred years ago a certain number of innocent people lived in this country, called America. These people were called North American Indians. Some other people who were dissatisfied with their condition in another part of the world, after that part of the world had become too 4&S

T H E MARCUS GARVEY AND U N I A PAPERS

over-stockjed] with people to satisfy everybody—a few dissatisfied people who were not well accommodated in their own habitat—stepped across the ocean, came here, saw these naked people in their innocence. And what did they do to them? They shot them; they killed them; they buried them; the[y] took away their country. They buried them because they could not stand the competition o f these people; there was not enough room for two great people to occupy the same place and exist together, and, therefore, one had to die, to make room for the other. SAME FATE A W A I T I N G T H E NATIVE A F R I C A N

The same design is now being [centered?] upon Africa. Men and Negroes o f the world, can you see it? The same intention is about to be practised upon Africa. The same intention is going to work itself out, except you get up in your majesty throughout the universe and stop these aliens in their mad intentions and wicked designs. The idea o f a so-called superior race, the white race, saying that " I [h]ate you; you are inferior to me!" And the very fact that that idea is growing all over the world, and that these people are trying to people Africa and possess it, shows that, if you allow t[h]em to get possession o f it, you will die fro[m] the prejudice o f [t]hat race. What is the idea o f certain [p]eople wa[nt]ing to go from Europe into India, into North an[d] South Africa to take possession o f it? It is simply that that race [bjelieves that no other ra[ce] has a right to live, to exist. You must not expect to see this intention on their part w[ritt]en down; it would never do to put it into writing, for to write it would be to create an antagonism against the intention. But the intention is deep down in their hearts. [ S A M E ] PLANS AND D E S I G N S B E I N G D I S C O V E R E D

Thank God, however, the Asiatic has aroused himself and has discovered the plot, the wicked design. The Japanese has discovered it, the Sleeping Chinaman, at last, has awakened from his slumber and discovered it (appla[use)] and the sleeping, superstit[i]ous Indian and Hindu Moslem has discovered it, through Mahatma Gandhi. And, thank God, the Universal Negro Improvement Association has discovered it, through the new Negro. (Great applause.) R E I T E R A T I O N OF A R E D E E M E D A F R I C A

Men, do you wonder why there is such a propaganda to hold up Marcus Garvey and to prophesy that Marcus Garvey's career is now coming to a close? It would suit certain people to bring Marcus Garvey's career to an end. But so long as God is God, so long as there is a Heaven, so long as there is a world planet, so long as man is man, there shall be a redeemed Africa and an emancipated Negro race. Whether Marcus Garvey lives or dies it is immaterial to the issue; it is immaterial to the question. The spirit o f the movement is already planted deep down into the hearts o f black men; and I want

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to warn black men, you Negro men, you are flirting with your future, you are flirting with your destiny. You black men have suffered much in the past. The moment, the second you forget the sufferings of the past, that very moment you become defeated in the struggle of life. Every time that a bit of discouragement comes to Marcus Garvey, Marcus Garvey remembers the injustice done to him last year, the year before, and still the year prior to that, as far back as when he was a child; and that inspires him to fi[g]ht on the harder. (Applause.) You black men under the sound of my voice, can you not remember the injustice of the past? Can you not remember the time when because you were black you were pushed back, and told to stay there and never to lift your head in ambition and not hope to be a man? Can you forget that? (Cries of " N o ! " ) You men from America, you men from the West Indies, can you remember, can you forget the time when you were pushed back because of your color? Why then should you ease up one bit in this great fight, when you see the hope of making yourselves permanently men? R A C E D O O M E D I F IT Y I E L D E D

NOW

I am appealing to you black men and women of the Negro race, and you Negro men and women throughout the world, that it is a question of the "survival of the fittest." If you yield now, let me tell you that you are doomed; your death is sealed. It is because the world sees your determination and realizes the possibility of it, the achievement of what you are aiming at, that it is seeking to destroy this great movement. But, thank God! there seems to be a greater influence guiding the destiny of the Universal Negro Improvement Association than the influence or the genius of man; because, miraculously, it seems that every wicked intention and design aimed at it ultimately finds the association in the position of the victor. There must be some spiritual influence guiding this great cause of ours; and I say at this time, when we are supposed to be passing through trouble, forget not to pray for the success of this movement; forget not to pray to your Heavenly Father, and especially to our Elder Brother, Christ Jesus, to help you, to remember you, now that you are passing through your Gethsemane. You helped Him when he climbed Calvary. Now that we are climbing our Calvary, let us appeal to Him to help us up the heights. No

R E A S O N F O R R A C E TO B E

ALARMED

There is a great bugaboo being held up—a bugaboo of fear—"I am almighty; I am all powerful, and anything I say you must do; you must obey; I am the all powerful and you all my subjects, and you must hearken to my will." We have heard it for long; we have listened to that for hundreds of years and we have analyzed it and have discovered that all his might is based upon bluff; all his power is based upon bluff, and we are going to challenge this bluff in this twentieth century. We challenged it in France and Flanders and came out with flying colors, and we are going to challenge it again on the battleplains of Africa. (Applause.) 4*7

T H E MARCUS GARVEY AND U N I A PAPERS A F R I C A N N A T I O N N O T AN IMPOSSIBILITY

Negro students—some of them Negro collegiates—some of them tell us that the program of the Universal Negro Improvement Association of an African nation is impossible. Those fellows have read history upside down. The great sages of Harvard and Yale, though brilliant some of them, come and tell us in open forum that it is impossible for the Negro to build up a nation in Africa, when those very fellows, if they read history at all, must have read how impossible it was for George Washington to have founded a United States of America; how impossible it was for the Revolutionists to have a French Republic; how impossible it was for Cromwell and those who followed him to have laid the foundation for a real monarchial democracy in Great Britain; how impossible it was for the Russian revolutionist to have turned down the despotism of the Czar and built up the Soviet Republic; how impossible it was for a few Irish[m]en to have agitated for centuries to have made possible an Irish Free State. How impossible were those things. And in the same way it becomes impossible for 400,000,000 Negroes to make an African Republic of their own. George Washington to them was a myth; Cromwell to them was a myth; Voltaire, Mirabeau and Mme. Roland were myths to them; Tolstoi was a myth; Kerensky was a myth; Trotsky was a myth; Lenin was a myth; Robert Emmet was a myth; Roger Casement was a myth; McSwinney, Lord Mayor of Cork, was a myth; and, yes, Marcus Garvey is a myth, and that is why they have said his career is brought to a close because he is a myth and he is no longer here; he has gone somewhere else; but as we have often said, "The more you look the less you will see." (Laughter.) So do not be discouraged one bit by the vaporings of some of our would-be leaders who try to discourage you because they are paid to do it. Again I warn you to beware of those Negro leaders who are too much in the company of the othe[r] fellow; watch him, then; they are up to some tricks. Any Negro whom you see too much in the company of the othefr] fellow is a dangerous Negro. I believ[e] in myself; I believe I am a man and that it is impossible for any other man to outdo me under the same circumstances, under the same conditions and under the same environments. I have that much confidence in myself, and I feel that no other man can put it over me. But I do not believe there is one man in this twentieth century of the race who can successfully throw off the influences of the other man if he keeps always in the company of that other man. The idea of superiority has become a second part of our nature; it is deeply imbedded into our hearts, into our minds and into our very bodies and we can hardly get away from the influence. We were taught that in our childhood, which was the most dangerous period of our existence, because the impressions we get as children are the impressions that remain with us through life. In our childhood we were taught to look up to somebody else even on the playgrounds and even in the neighborhood where we lived next

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FEBRUARY 1922

door to the other fellow; and those impressions have grown up in us and are hard to throw off. Therefore, when you see any Negro too much in the company of the other fellow he is a slave to him because he has not yet successfully thrown off his influence. Negroes, I am warning you and I trust that you will realize and appreciate the intention of the advice I give. I want you to realize that we are facing the battle of the survival of the fittest race, and in another 300 years the truthfulness of this warning will be realized. We will be dead, but we do not die completely; we only transform ourselves from the physical into the spiritual and I believe the spiritual has as much knowledge of the affairs of this world as the physical. In the next hundred years we will be satisfied, wherever we be, to see the changes that have come over the world and which by our actions now we will have helped to bring about. Printed in NW, 11 February 1922. Original headlines omitted. 1. Horatio Herbert Kitchener, Great Britain's secretary of war in 1914, organized Britain's forces for World War I. While on a secret mission to Russia on 5 June 1916, Kitchener's ship, H.M.S. Hampshire, was sunk off the Orkney Islands (WBD; EWH).

Report by Bureau Agent Harold Nathan Baltimore, Md. Feb. 8, 1922 MARCUS GARVEY—UNIVERSAL NEGRO IMPROVEMENT ASSOCIATION

Upon instructions from Agent in Charge McKean, based upon telephonic advices received from the Bureau to the effect that the above mentioned subject contemplated making an address in this City on the evening of February 1, arrangements were made to secure the services of a competent and reliable negro informant to cover any meeting or meetings at which subject might appear. On the night of February 1, 1922, subject spoke, at the Trinity Baptist Church (Colored), this City, to an audience of approximately 200 persons. The pastor of this church, one JOSEPH DIGGS, 1 who is the head of the local branch of the UNIVERSAL NEGRO IMPROVEMENT ASSOCIATION, made a few introductory remarks, referring to the distinguished honor that was to be conferred upon the audience by the universally known and loved speaker of the evening in addressing them; referred to the great services that said speaker had rendered his race, stating that the services rendered in the past were but a fraction of those he could and would render in the future, provided he were properly supported. The pastor of the church then introduced H E N R I E T T A WINSTON [ Vinton] DAVIS, who, he said, would make a few remarks preceding the principal address. Her address was preceded by [a]

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march through the church o f a number o f negro women garbed in white, who were followed by MARCUS GARVEY and the DAVIS woman, the last named two passing on to the pulpit under two flags, the American flag and a flag purporting to be that o f the African-Negro Republic. T h e address o f the DAVIS woman was almost entirely a panegyric o f the merits and character o f GARVEY. She dwelt upon his work for the advancement o f his race, referred to the enemies he had made, both black and white, because o f his unselfish labors, and stated that it behooved all true negroes to support him. GARVEY w a s i n t r o d u c e d as t h e PRESIDENT-GENERAL o f t h e UNIVERSAL

NEGRO IMPROVEMENT ASSOCIATION. His remarks, which consumed about an hour's time, were without particular significance, following the lines laid down in numerous addresses by subject during the past four years. He did not refer to any o f his various projects or organizations other than the U . N . I . A . , and made no attempt to secure members for any other organization or to sell stock or solicit subscriptions or contributions in any o f his other enterprises. He did, however, appeal to his hearers to join the UNIVERSAL NEGRO IMPROVEMENT ASSOCIATION f o r t h e i r o w n benefit a n d f o r

the benefit o f the negroes in general throughout the world. He made a single reference to the BLACK STAR LINE, stating that the "pride" of the BLACK STAR LINE fleet was now at Hampton Roads, where she might be seen by all those who scoffed at the efforts o f the negro in this or any other enterprise. He referred to his recent arrest in New York, stating that he must return to New York on the night o f the first, so as to appear in court on the morning o f the following day, but that he would again conquer his enemies and reappear in Baltimore for a further address on the night o f the second, as well as on the night o f the third. He stated that the negro race must win back Africa from the hands o f the alien races who had stolen it from them; that the negro race would predominate in Africa, ruling the entire Continent, under a negro president; that in order to conquer Africa, it will be necessary to "spill rivers o f blood," but that he was ready and hoped all his hearers possessed the same feeling—to serve their race as true patriots. He stated that one could die but once, and that he was ready to die in behalf o f his race. He referred to the successful accomplishments o f those who had struggled for freedom in Ireland, to the martyrs who had died in the Easter rebellion, stating that they had sacrificed their lives for Ireland, and that all true negroes must be ready likewise to sacrifice their lives for the Negro Fatherland and for their people. He spoke o f the suffering o f the negroes throughout the world, stating that when a white child is born the world is ready and willing to receive it, but that the negro child must struggle against all adverse conditions—prejudice, hate, malice and envy; that a white child might some day become President o f the United States, but not a negro child; that, therefore, the true home o f the negro is in Africa, where a black child might be born, grow up and go through life with every possible advantage, even that o f becoming President o f the African Continent; that there must be a greater spirit o f self-sacrifice

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manifested on the part of all loyal negroes; that he had always adopted the policy of "going fifty-fifty" with all of his race—if he had a dollar his hearers could have half of it—and that this is the spirit that must animate them all—they must be ready to share all that they have with their brethren. He stated that not only the whites, who hated him for his efforts in behalf of the negroes, but hypocritical and self-seeking negroes as well had been combatting his efforts and ridiculing him; that the Government had spent thousands of dollars in opposing him; that when he was arrested recently there were negro papers, as well as white, that could not find headlines big enough to announce to the world that MARCUS GARVEY had been arrested, but that he would conquer them all and live to lead the negro race to victory. He stated that he had been arrested three times before, but that they could not conquer him, and he assured his hearers that he would be back from New York a free man the following evening to address them again. He spoke of the small cost o f j o i n i n g the UNIVERSAL NEGRO IMPROVEMENT ASSOCIATION, stating that

the initiation fee was only 35 cents, and that all extras only amounted to one dollar. He expressed the hope that every negro in Baltimore would join the local Association in order that it might do truly effective work for the negroes of Baltimore and elsewhere. He closed by stating that in order to truly prepare the negroes for service everywhere, and in order to secure for them well-paying positions, he had organized a "Civil Service Board," and all those desiring to secure good Government positions would be taught by competent instructors engaged by this Board. GARVEY'S remarks were fairly enthusiastically received, although it is apparent that not all of the persons present were members of the Association, a number having attended whose motive in so doing was nothing but pure curiosity. On the night of February 2,1922, GARVEY again spoke at the same place. His address was practically a repetition of that of the previous night. He stated that it was only a matter of time before the whites would drive the negroes out of this country; that even at the present time, those who read understanding^ would notice that white immigrants of all races were being received for the sole purpose of taking the place of the negroes; that the negro is not welcome anywhere; that he is not wanted here in Baltimore, referring specifically to McCulloh Street. (There has been some trouble in that neighborhood during the past few years due to the negro invasion in that section of Baltimore City.) He further stated that he did not blame England or the United States for not having colored representatives, colored Congressmen and colored Senators, but that he blamed the negroes themselves; that they were not willing to stand up for their rights, consequently suffering all the indignities that were heaped upon them at all times and all places. He stated that due to economic and other conditions, the colored race in this country was not increasing. He repeated that the true home of the colored race is in Africa, and that in order to regain the Colored Fatherland,

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it would be necessary to "wade through blood." He spoke of the negroes whose only desire it was to secure from their race political power, adding that these were the negroes who had always opposed him and the UNIVERSAL NEGRO IMPROVEMENT ASSOCIATION, because they knew that the latter organization aimed solely to benefit its members, and not to secure political power of any kind. He stated that four years ago the U.N.I.A. started with 13 members, and that they now have four million and over; that there are over four billion members of the black race throughout the world; that this great mass of colored humanity is now going to demand fair treatment of this country and of all other countries, and they are going to get it. He referred to the rapid advancement of Japan in the last decade, stating that what the yellow race did the black race could also do; that the black race would soon join hands with the yellow race, possess warships and all the paraphernalia of war and make itself a real power in the world. He again appealed for increased membership in the U.N.I.A. A collection was taken up, netting twenty-eight dollars and some cents. He stated that he would make a further address on the night of the third, and that there would be a "civil service examination" in the basement of the church on the morning of the third for those desiring to secure Government positions. There were about 250 persons present at this meeting, GARVEY'S remarks were fairly enthusiastically received. The third and last address of subject was held at the same place on the night of February 3. There were about 300 present. There was the usual "theatrical" opening of the proceedings, the singing of "Onward, Christian Soldiers," the grouping of the American and supposed African flag, etc. H E N R I E T T A W I N S T O N DAVIS delivered a short, but fervent address along the lines of her address on the occasion of the first meeting on February 1. She spoke of the so-called Tulsa atrocities, stating that she had been there shortly afterwards and was greatly surprised to see the male members of her audience gradually dispersing. She inquired the reason for this withdrawal, and was informed that the Ku Klux Klan was holding a meeting that evening and that it was not considered safe for any negro to be seen either in the hall or on the streets. She drew from this alleged incident the inference that the negro race was everywhere oppressed and subject to the ill-treatment and abuse of the white race in all parts of the country, and attributed these conditions to the fact that the negroes had not asserted themselves racially and had no country or home that they could call their own. She appealed to her hearers to continue the struggle for better conditions here, but not to forget that their true home was in Africa and to uphold the great PRESIDENT-GENERAL of the U N I V E R S A L NEGRO IMPROVEMENT ASSOCIATION in his e i f b r t s t o a d v a n c e t h e

interests of his race, stating that he was a true leader of the race—a modern Toussaint l'0[u]verture. She regretted that the U.N.I.A. was so weak in Baltimore, stating that the order was stronger in Philadelphia and elsewhere; that the negroes of Baltimore must awake from their slumbers and unite. She concluded by warning her hearers that they must make sacrifices before any

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actual good can be accomplished. A cornet solo followed, MARCUS GARVEY then spoke. At the beginning, GARVEY stated that his topic would be "The Laziness of the Negro," by which he meant to imply that the only thing that prevented the negro race from attaining real leadership was their apparent inertia and lack of desire to free themselves from the disabilities by which they were enslaved. He stated that the negroes of America were asleep and that they would have to "get a move on themselves". He stated that he had been endeavoring to wake them for some years, and in his efforts has encountered opposition not only from individuals, but from the Government of the United States; that the United States Department of Justice has a room in Washington loaded down with MARCUS GARVEY'S speeches and literature; that they had been following him everywhere he went; that white men had occupied seats in the rear of churches and halls where he spoke in order to hear what he might say, and that negroes had also been employed for this purpose; that everything that he had said had been collected by the Department of Justice, and "what good does it do them?"; that they do not follow him any more, but that if they continue to do so they will not only need one room but that they will need a whole building in order to keep his speeches and addresses. He appealed to those present to redeem Africa, stating that they could never find a real home in this country. He stated that the Ku Klux Klan had been organized ostensibly to oppose the Jews, the Catholics and the Negroes, but that, in reality, they are not opposing the Catholics or the Jews,—their real object is to crush the negro. He stated that Africa, the home of the race, had been conquered by the whites for three hundred years, but that it would not take the negro race that time to win it back; that sooner or later the flag of the African Republic will wave from Cairo to Capetown. He attacked those of the negro race who had opposed him, stating that they were but self-seeking politicians and jealous because he served the true interests of his race. He stated that while he was abroad in South America they sent a petition to the Government asking that he be barred from reentering this country, that if he came back he would ruin them. He stated that he would ruin them, because they were not true leaders of the race— they are only the white man's lackey and the white man's slave, and would sell their race for a few dollars; that his intention is to have the race free not only from political oppression, but free from adverse economic conditions; that he wants the negroes here to own and operate factories, banks, stores, steamship lines, railroad lines and public utilities of all kinds, but they must never forget that Africa is their real home and that the time was soon coming when they would have a country of their own, their own military forces and their own navy, and should any other nation ever oppose them, it would do so at its peril; they would then be respected throughout the world. He further stated that on a trip to England, 2 the English Government assigned two men-of-war to lay alongside his ship in the harbor, the purpose of which was to watch MARCUS GARVEY and his every movement; that it cost the

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English Government thousands of dollars to watch him—all because he brought a message to those of his race which signified freedom from oppression; that the fight upon which he has entered is going to continue in spite of all obstacles, and that three hundred years from now the world will know that MARCUS GARVEY was right, and all that he had said and done was right; in less than one hundred years the world would know that he was right; that unless the negroes of this country unite, they will be herded together like sheep and driven out; that every nation has its flag, and the African Republic must have its flag, which will wave in the Capital of Africa. He stated that there was no negro delegate to the Conference on Limitation of Armaments, which showed that the negro was not wanted anywhere by the whites. He referred, in a humorous vein, to colored secret organizations, stating that they were useless and of no service to the race. He stated that he was leaving Baltimore for New York and was going to rest a short time and then proceed to the headquarters of the organization in Chicago to meet members of the various locals there; that he had lots of work to do, and they could rely upon his being active in behalf of the cause; that it would be some time before he could return to Baltimore, but that if he did not return they would know that MARCUS GARVEY was working day and night in their interests. He congratulated his hearers on the success which had marked their efforts in establishing a clubhouse here in Baltimore, and hoped that they would energetically continue to secure new members and make the organization in Baltimore one of which they might be proud. At all of the above referred to meetings an admission fee of 35 cents was charged. Only one collection was taken up—at the second meeting. The proceeds of the three meetings, therefore, were not very large. This organization has been in a somewhat moribund condition here, and it is probable that GARVEY'S visit to Baltimore was for the purpose of bringing new life into it. The exact membership is not known, but it is estimated to be not over 300. They have, however, raised $1,000, as payment on [a] piece of property on Pennsylvania Avenue near Mosher Street, Baltimore, Md., which property is to be utilized as a clubhouse or meeting place for the members of the UNIVERSAL

NEGRO

IMPROVEMENT

ASSOCIATION.

General

developments

along these lines will be kept in touch with, GARVEY, however, having left the City, this report is concluded. HAROLD NATHAN

DJ-FBI, file 61. TD. 1. Probably James Robert Lincoln Diggs, pastor of Trinity Baptist Church in Baltimore and president o f the Baltimore division of the U N I A . 2. T h e r e is no record of such a trip.

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Ganesh Rao to the Editor, Negro World [[Care of Liberty Hall, 1516 Russel street, Detroit, Mich.]] [ca. 11 February 1922] Sir:

Would you kindly publish the following article in your leading Negro paper? I am one that has greatly interested himself in the growing Negro problem, which I consider not as a local, or family, or communal, or even national question, but as a portentous universal problem—the problem of the twentieth century. I am hailing from that distant charming land of perpetual sunshine— India. I am one of those millions that are being oppressed by the imperialistic English government. My interest, my responsibility, my duty, have thus impelled me to study the tragic tale of other oppressed peoples, e.g., the Negro, and his future. From my humble study so far I have confidently felt that the U.N. I. A. is doing the real work for the uplift of the Negro, and the U stands for, in word as in action—Universal. To know the Negro thoroughly I thought it necessary to see him in his normal state—in his every-day life. Therefore, in the disguise of a peddler (selling hair tonics and herbal preparations for complexion, or those for internal troubles, and fragrant perfumes for which India is famous), I visited the homes of the poor workers, the middle class with a little leisure; I also met the educated men—lawyers, doctors, social workers, etc. I have studied and closely observed the New Negro in church and in school, in social gatherings, [and] in club meetings, in office [and] in factory. I have myself been on various occasions the honored guest at the family table, the speaker of the evening to young men and women. After a close, and intimate, and careful observation, I find there is a new spirit in the Negro, which craves not for a mere shadow but the true substance of liberty. That the Negro is inferior racially is a revealed falsehood—when we look at the names of Toussaint L['0]uvert[ure], the liberator of Haiti; of Coleridge-Taylor, the Divine musician; of Paul L. Dunbar, the poet-philosopher; of Booker T. Washington and Du Bois, the great recognized scholars of international fame. And last, but not least, Marcus Garvey, whose name will pass on to posterity as the unifier, the redeemer, and the master architect of the structure of the republic of Ethiopia. The spirit of Marcus Garvey is filling daily the despaired hearts of hundreds of Negroes. Garveyism is a passion—a new religion that is filling the souls, and spreading faster and winning new converts. The tenet, though simple, is fervently voiced and re-echoed, "One God, One Aim, One Destiny." Indeed, it has surprised me after knowing the Negro as I do—self-reliant and self-respectable; gentle and polite; brave and straight-forward and true; 49S

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generous and hospitable; that yet withal, so often his intentions should be mistaken—his motives should be misconstrued, the color of his skin be attributed to his heart. When his voice, actions and his movements were restrained, the Negro produced the admirable Negro-songs. Now that soon he shall have equal chance and human opportunities, his destiny shall be still great by the artistic works he will contribute to civilization. India is in her birth-throes; she soon shall be free. Ethiopia, selfconscious, is working for her independent and unhindered progress. Peace shall not dawn on this world until Asia and Africa and their ancient peoples are free and enjoy all human rights. Oppressed peoples of the world, unite. Lose no time. Unite! Yours truly, GANESH

Printed in NW,

RAO

n February 1922. Original headlines omitted.

Speech by Marcus Garvey [ [ N E W YORK, F e b . 13, 1 9 2 2 ] ]

M A R C U S GARVEY L A U D S B I L L INTRODUCED IN M I S S I S S I P P I LEGISLATURE B Y SENATOR M C C A L L U M T H A T U N I T E D STATES S E C U R E BY TREATY O R O T H E R W I S E S U F F I C I E N T TERRITORY IN A F R I C A T O ESTABLISH N E G R O NATION Hon. Marcus Garvey spoke as follows: My subject for tonight is "The Hidden Spirit of America." Before I speak on the subject I will read to you a bit of news. It is important because it strikes at the vitals of the great question confronting this nation, in the matter of the Negro problem—the solution of it. Those of you who are readers of The Negro World will remember seeing in the paper this week that bit of news that comes from Mississippi which reads as follows: JACKSON, Miss., Jan. 31—Senator McCallum 1 today introduced in the State Senate in session here a concurrent resolution providing for the Legislature of Mississippi to memorialize the President of the United States and the national Congress to secure by treaty, by purchase or other negotiation sufficient territory in Africa to make a suitable and final home for the American Negro, where, under the tutelage of the American Government, he can develop for himself a great republic, to become in time a free and sover-

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eign State and take its place at the council board of the nations of the world. Senator McCallum proposes to use such part of the allied war debt as may be necessary to acquire such territorial possessions to the end that America shall become a nation of one blood, as it is in spirit, and, as he says, " T o give the American Negro opportunity for the development of racial rights under the most advantageous circumstances." The subject, " T h e Hidden Spirit of America," is brought out forcibly in this bit o f news that recounts Senator McCallum's intention for proposing that this nation seek in some way or other to establish for the American Negro a sovereign State of his own—a nation of his own in Africa—because he desires that America shall become "a nation of one blood as it is in spirit." I trust you will readily grasp the meaning of that sentence of Senator McCallum's intended resolution. T H E S A M E D O C T R I N E P R E A C H E D BY T H E

U.N.I.A.

It brings out without any camouflage the very thing that the Universal Negro Improvement Association has been preaching for four and a half years—that America in spirit at the present time is a white man's country, and it is going to be so in fact; and as far as it will be in fact that is why Senator McCallum is trying in his way to solve the great problem by having the President and Congress decide that America shall establish for the Negroes o f America a sovereign State somewhere in Africa. After all, the Universal Negro Improvement Association is not so crazy in thinking about the possibility of an African nation for Negroes. We find that we have a crazy Senator who is trying to get the President and Congress and the whole nation crazy also. So that it would appear that the whole country is going crazy with this idea of an African nation for the Negroes of the world. U . N . I . A . IN SYMPATHY WITH M C C A L L U M ' S IDEA OF A F R I C A N NATION

The same reason why Senator McCallum desires a nation in Africa for the American Negroes is the same reason why other Negroes in other parts of the world who are outside of Africa desire a nation also in Africa; so that we are not only going to have a nation for the American Negroes or a nation for the West Indian Negroes, but we are going to have a nation for all Negroes, and the Universal Negro Improvement Association, I say now without any reserve, is very much in sympathy with Senator McCallum's resolution, because that has been our program for the last four and a half years. We of the Universal Negro Improvement Association realize that for the Negro to encourage himself in the belief that the future will mean peace and happiness

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for him in these parts o f the world where he is hopelessly outnumbered by another race that is prejudiced towards him, is for him to encourage a vain hope. As we can see it, as the two races continue to live side by side in this Western world, and as competition becomes keener between the two races, industrially and politically, that prejudice that is being demonstrated and acted against us now will increase and will increase to such an extent that we will suffer the more and we will die the quicker from the results o f the prejudice that I have outlined to you. COMPETITION BETWEEN RACES BREEDS PREJUDICE

The thoughtful Negro leader o f today will naturally look down the future not only o f a day, a week, a month, or a year, but the future o f many decades o f centuries—as touching our condition. The thoughtful leader can come to no other conclusion than that in another 100 years America will be a changed country, quite different to what it is; that America's attitude towards a weaker race, if that race happens to be here, if that race works in competition with the stronger one that will always be here, that it will mean death for the weaker race. The thoughtful leader realizes well that industrial, economic and political competition among peoples o f different races breed prejudice, hatred and end generally in massacres, in civil wars, to the detriment o f the weaker group. It has been so in all history; it is so now and it will be so in the future. T h e stronger group o f any race living in any country, let it be America, Europe or anywhere, will not tolerate the keenness o f competition industrially or politically with a weaker race within the same bounds. As that stronger race multiplies in numbers, that stronger race will perforce adopt an attitude o f hostility toward that weaker race that seeks to compete industrially and politically. America, as I have said, will be a different country as far as the number o f inhabitants is concerned in another 100 years. You are going to have probably three times as many white people in this country in another hundred years as you have now. It will mean that industrial rivalry and competition among them as a people will be the keener then and that they will perforce have to protect their own interests as against the interests o f any other competitive group, and whether that group happens to be Negroes, Chinese or Japanese, they are going to fare very badly in that day when competition will force the other people to protect their interests industrially, economically and politically. As we grow more numerous and more determined in demanding our rights in these times when the nation is not fully developed, we will politically arouse the ire and indignation o f our fellow citizens o f the other race because o f our determination to hold political offices that render us politically competitive with the other people who believe that America is theirs if not now in fact, in spirit.

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FEBRUARY 1922 B E L I E F T H A T R A C E P R O B L E M W I L L A D J U S T ITSELF A FALLACY

Some o f us as leaders flatter ourselves into believing that the problem o f black and white will work itself out in America in another few years and that all the Negro has to do is to be humble and submissive and do what he is told to do, and everything will work out well in "the sweet by-and-by." But the keen student will observe this: that a terrible mistake was made then as far as other people were concerned. There was a state o f disorganization, and in that state o f disorganization certain things happened just by mere chance, and in the chance dozens o f black men became Senators, State Senators and Congressmen, 2 and opened up to the eyes o f the nation the possibility o f the black man governing the white man in these United States o f America—the possibility o f the black man making laws to govern the white man in these United States o f America. The possibility drove them to madness—almost madness—in suddenly rejecting the spirit o f the Constitution and the declaration o f Lincoln that "all men are created equal," 3 and a determination was arrived at that never again would it be possible for a race o f slaves to govern a race o f masters within these bounds. 4 Some o f us now flatter ourselves to believe that this slave race o f ours will live right in the United States o f America and in the future be lawmakers for the race o f our slave masters o f sixty years ago. Now let me tell you that nothing o f the kind has ever happened in all human history. You students go back in history as far as you possibly can and you cannot show me one instance where a slave race living in the same country—within the same bounds as the race o f masters that enslaved them—that slave race being in numbers less than the race o f masters and that race has ever yet ruled and governed within the same territory the race o f slave masters. It has never yet been in history and it will never be, and the hidden spirit o f America is determined that that shall never be; caring not what hopes or promises we get it will never be. But history recalls where a race o f slaves, through evolution, through progress has risen to the heights where they ruled and dominated those who once enslaved them. But that race o f slaves has always had to betake themselves to other habitats (probably their own native habitats), and there apart from those who once enslaved them, developed a power o f their own, a strength o f their own, and in the higher development o f that strength and o f that power they, like others, have made conquests, and the conquests sometimes have enabled them to enslave those who once enslaved them. In all history you can show me no one instance where a race o f slaves ever rose within that nation to govern their masters when their masters outnumbered them as hopelessly as they do now in the United States o f America. A VAIN HOPE

So that for us to encourage the idea that one o f these days some Negro will be the Attorney General o f the United States—for us to encourage the

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idea that one of these days a Negro will be Postmaster General of these United States or that a Negro will be Vice-President of the United States of America or that a Negro will be Secretary of State of the United States of America, is only to encourage a vain hope that will take you from here into eternity without being realized. If you have any ambition—and all of us (the 15,000,000 who make up the nation at this time) should have some ambition and that ambition should not be less than that of any other men in the nation—if we have ambition, the best thing for us to do is to accept the principles of the Universal Negro Improvement Association—the ideals of the Universal Negro Improvement Association—and that is: All Negroes the world over get together and build up for the race a nation of our own on the continent of Africa. (Great Applause.) And this race of slaves that cannot get recognition and respect in the country where they were slaves, by using their own ability, by using their power, their genius, would develop for themselves in another country—in their own habitat—a nation of their own and be able to send back from that country—from that native habitat—to that country where they were once enslaved, representatives of their own race that will get as much respect in that country where they were enslaved as any other ambassadors that ever entered that country from any other nation or from any other race. (Applause.) What a Southern Senator would not concede to the Negro in the United States he is willing to give to Negroes in Africa. That same Southern Senator who moved this resolution that the President of the United States and the National Congress secure by treaty or purchase, a home in Africa for the American Negro where he can develop a free and sovereign state—a nation that will take its place at the council board of the nations of the world—that Southern Senator who moved that resolution in the Senate of Mississippi is the same Southern Senator who would object and stand behind the objection with his whole life and with the last drop of his blood, for a Negro in the United States of America to dine with the President of the United States at the White House. He would die first than see a Negro in the United States under present conditions, be an Attorney General of the United States of America; he would die first than stand and see without protesting, that a Negro was Vice-President of the United States of America; yet he says that he wants to see the American Negro develop a nation of his own in Africa that would cause him to take his place at the council board of the nations of the world. P R E J U D I C E N O T AGAINST C O L O R BUT CONDITION

The prejudice of the white folks of the United States of America is not so much because they hate your color; it is because they hate your condition; and it is because they are human beings why they hate us. Should you reverse the positions you would do the same thing as they did to us. Why do I say that? There is no man in this hall tonight—no Negro man or woman in this hall tonight—because all of us are human—who would for a whole life time

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labor and work himself industrially, and thriftily to save everything that you possibly can to build up a home of your own and save a little fortune of your own to make yourself happy, and that after you did all of that—you have your children; you have your own family to take care of and to look after with that which you individually worked for—there is no one of you who would go out into the street and see a tramp and take that tramp and bring him into your house and let him sleep in the same bed with you; let him occupy your drawing-room, let him enjoy all the comforts of it, and later on have him say to you, "Let me tell you how to run your house." There is no one human being in this building who would do that. Yet that is what we expect the white man to do—we expect the white man to discover his America, to lay the foundation "of his nation, to give for his nation, to die for his nation, to build up his nation, and then to say to you who were his slaves, ["]Come and govern me, go and sit in the Capitol and tell me what I should do." Although they have not said as much to you, that is how they feel over the question. That is the bone of contention—not because you are black, but because they believe that they are entitled to al[l] the benefits that America can give because they built up America to suit themselves and whatsoever we have done to build up America we did it as slaves and they having used us as slaves they are not responsible for our condition. SLAVE MASTERS N O T TO BLAME

I want you to consider tha[t] deeply. We have been talking a lot of things about our slave masters and so forth. The slave masters are not so much to be blamed as those who sold us to the slave masters; therefore the obligation of the slave masters is not so much to you; your trouble—my trouble is with the fellow who sold me; that is to say if I buy a dog from someone, I do not know where that dog comes from; he may have picked the dog up somewhere in South America or Central America, but the man brought the dog to me in New York, and being in need of a dog I pay him $5.00 for it. Now the dog's trouble is with the fellow who caught him down in South America, not with me. (Laughter.) I wanted a pet dog and that dog must be satisfied with what I do—what food I give it and if it has any kick coming at all he ought to kick with the fellow who caught him. (Laughter.) When we get down to a close study of the question of race relationship those are the arguments that the other fellow puts up and we cannot very well defeat him, and those are the arguments that actuate him in acting towards us as he has been doing. As I have said it is a human question, and if the situation was reversed you would do just what he is doing. When we go to Africa, as we will, build up our civilization, build up our superior government and everything, do you mean to tell me you will allow another class of people to tell you how to run you[r] own government? It is not human, therefore those who tell us a better time is coming and Negroes are going to

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have big opportunities are endeavoring to deceive us, according to the spirit of the country and the spirit of the nation. I agree with Senator McCallum and I am going to give every support possible to his resolution and to his program. The quicker we can get this national idea into the minds of white folks and black folks in America, the better it will be for us as a people. It is bound to come if we are to be saved; it must come, and if it does not come and we do not get away from here we are doomed, not as o [ f ] today, but as for the time that is to confront us. A V I C T O R Y W O N BY T H E

U.N.I.A.

I feel that the Universal Negro Improvement Association has scored a great victory in having a senator, not even in the North, but in the heart of the South, to move such a resolution, because the problem is in the South more than anywhere else; and when the Southern white man reaches the point when he or himself will say, let the Negro laborer go from the South; let the peon leave the farm—it means that our case has gone forward. I am not prophesying—because I am not a prophet—but I am going to make this statement, and whether I am alive [o]r not you will remember it: that if things remain as they are—normal—in another 25 years this government will perforce adopt a program of the Universal Negro Improvement Association, whether they give the credit to the organization or not: because it will be the only solution of the great problem. The solution must either come that way, or some of us must make up our minds to die—to die of economic pressure. Some of us boast that we are 15,000,000 and we are going to be more than 15,000,000 in the future, and therefore the white man cannot get rid of us. The white man can get rid of every Negro in the United States of America in three months. It took McSwiney 75 days to die by starvation, but I don't know the Negro could last that long. We are so unprepared, we are so unprotected, that when the other race will have become independent of us, that is, economically independent—independent of Negro help in every way—when he arrives at that point, when he has a man for every job and is independent of Negro help, when he gets there—and he is getting there more and more every day—it is only a question of 60 days when the Negro problem is solved. Instead of 15,000,000 Negroes you will have 15,000,000 coffins, and the epitaph will be "Died from starvation." A P R O G R A M OF E C O N O M I C

PREPAREDNESS

I am telling you that is the situation as it is. It is no use any leader coming around telling us the proper time is coming without preparing for that proper time. What we have to do if we desire to ward off economic disaster is to prepare economically for our future, and that is the program of the Universal Negro Improvement Association—the higher industrialization of the Negro as he marches on to his higher political status. Politics without industry means insecurity. A man who is going to talk politics without

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working is going to be a charge on the state. You cannot live on politics alone; you have to live on industry; industry must be the foundation of your politics, and I am saying to the Negroes of the world that the thing for us to do now is to prepare ourselves industrially, so that if an industrial pressure is brought to bear upon us i[n] the future we will be in a position through independence to pr[o]tect our own interests. U . N . I . A . PROGRAM NOT UNDERSTOOD

Some people do not understand t[he] program of the Universal Negro Improvement Association—why we hav[e] so many different branches and wh[y] we want to start steamships and f [ac]tories, etc. Those are essentials to the existence o f the Negro. Industr[y] is necessary and therefore we have to lay out a program by which we can insure protection to all the people o f f ] our race. I am saying to you now th[a]t while we are here let us follow th[is] Universal Negro Improvement Association program, caring not wh[at] others say to you about the promis[e] of the future, because you have absolutely no assurance o f the intention and attitude o f the future towards you. You cannot expect the other fellow to work for you, to labor for you, to build up a civilization and then hand it over to you. He is not going to do it, because it is not human. The time has come now when we as free men can do for ourselves, and when we start out to do for ourselves this prejudice against us will cease. T H E CAUSE OF PREJUDICE

Again I repeat, the prejudice against us is not so much because we are black; it is because we have accomplished nothing, and when you, by the encouragement of those who wish you well, go out and do for yourselves, build up a nation, build up a government, you will be as much respected in the country where you were once slaves because then you will be in your own homes. Many nations o f today represented a race of slaves. The great British nation was once a race o f slaves; in their own country they were not respected because the Romans went there, brutalized and captured them and took them over to Rome and kept them in slavery. They were not respected in Rome because they were brought as slaves to Rome. What happened? Throughout the world the Britisher is respected today because he went back to his dear Britain and built up a civilization of his own and by his selfreliance and his initiative he forced the respect of the world and he maintains it today; yet he was once a slave, and the position which the Britisher has attained, coming up through slavery, you can attain if you will go out and assiduously work for the development of your race and nation as the Briton has done. That is my message tonight, and I am saying to you, "Be not weary in well doing." s In carrying out and spreading the propaganda o f the Universal S03

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Negro Improvement Association we have waited for four and one-half years to have a Southern Senator to take this step. We will wait another four years, when the Congress of the United States of America will give its support; and I believe that the time will come, probably [wjithin another decade— another 25 years—when this very country—when the white people of this country will h[e]lp Negroes to found and establish a government of their own in Africa. I believe that because there are many within the nation who wish us well; but they are not going to wish us well if we remain here and compete with them. I am not going to encourage another man to come into my house and boss me, my wife and my children and everybody in there, but I wish him well from a distance. The fellow i[s] my friend if he ha[s] his home, but when [h]e comes to my home and wants to [mjeddle into my domestic affairs we are [go]ing to fight it out. That is the [p]osition: The other fellow wishes you [wjell away from him; if you are going [t]o go into his house and rule him you [a]re going to be at [log]gerheads; he is [g]oing to hate you; and that is the situation. . . . Printed in NW, 18 February 1922. Original headlines abbreviated. 1. T . S. McCallum was a Mississippi state senator. 2. During the Reconstruction after the American Civil War, blacks served in both the U.S. Senate and the House of Representatives. Between 1869 and 1901, 2 blacks served in the Senate and 20 in the House. Blacks also held positions in all of the state legislatures of the American South, with 4 0 serving in Mississippi's first Reconstruction legislature and 133 serving in Louisiana between 1868 and 1896. This shift in black political fortunes occurred because of the reforms brought about by the Republican-controlled U.S. Senate and House, which ended the conservative program for Reconstruction that President Andrew Johnson had begun in 1865 through 1867. With the encouragement of the Republicans, blacks voted and held public office in considerable numbers during the period from 1867 to 1877, and even thereafter, blacks held public office in many areas of the South (John Hope Franklin, Reconstruction: After the Civil War [Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1961]). 3. In his famous Gettysburg Address, Lincoln quoted this statement by Thomas Jefferson. 4. The Reconstruction reforms ended quickly in some areas and gradually in others. The combined effects of antiblack terrorist organizations like the Ku KIux Klan, increasing black peonage, the resumption of political control by the southern white elite, and the increasing apathy of the federal government brought about a decline in black political influence. The famous Plessy v. Ferguson U.S. Supreme Court decision of 1896, which officially recognized racial segregation by ruling that "separate but equal" facilities for blacks were legal, defined federal policy regarding blacks for decades to come (Rayford Logan, The Betrayal of the Negro [New York: Macmillan Co., 1965], pp. 119-121). 5. A paraphrase of Gal. 6:9, " L e t us not be weary in well doing."

Editorial Letter by Marcus Garvey [[Albany, N . Y . February 14, 1922]] Fellow Men of the Negro Race, Greeting: It becomes my duty as President General of the Universal Negro Improvement Association—the movement that seeks the liberation of the entire N e g r o race industrially, commercially, socially, religiously and politically—

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to bring to your attention certain things bearing upon the difficulties, embarrassments and ultimate rise of great movements, such as will be encountered by our o w n organization in our efforts to reach the pinnacle of success. AN UPWARD

STRUGGLE

Every race and nation that has struggled upward has had to do so amidst the setbacks and discouragements and villainy o f some of their own people. Naturally, therefore, the Universal Negro Improvement Association will not escape a like experience. Since the advent of our movement into the activities o f the world, great have been the attractions and inducements to many who have been mere self-seekers and opportunists in finding a way into the circle o f our mighty cause. CONSCIENCELESS

GRAFTERS

Every successful movement carries with it at some time or other a certain number o f self-seeking parasites to whom nothing appeals but that which they can gain for themselves. The attachment of these persons are not confined only to movements, but to governments also. We have had grafters in governments, in corporations and in organizations who have so often placed such governments, corporations and organizations in difficulties. In this case the Universal Negro Improvement Association, and especially its auxiliary corporation, the Black Star Line, have suffered through the skillful maneuvering o f a class o f men whose souls and consciences are positively dead, even though they live. PERFIDIOUS

EXPLOITATION

The idea o f money appeals so much to some men that in the acquisition o f it they will murder their mothers—anyone, even an entire race—although they are members of that race. The Negro race has eve[r] since emancipation been suffering from that perfidious exploitation that has caused it to become almost stagnant in the great purpose of life. A great resurrection in the race came in the advent o f the Universal Negro Improvement Association, when a universal revival took place among the four hundred millions. Men and women o f the race everywhere longed for the new light, and in the sweeping success o f this mighty movement an opportunity was presented to dozens of those w h o were called to leadership to misuse their power and to divert to their o w n personal benefit all that should have been done in the interest of the race. In the conflict between right and wrong those who stood for the right in the cause of the Negro became open enemies of those who stood for the wrong. This division has created an opposition to the work of the Universal Negro Improvement Association, fostered by a group of dishonorable and discredited men scattered in different parts. Their work of destruction is becoming more visible from day to day, and it is good fortune that has

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led us to discover, see and know some of them, thereby rendering ourselves able to cope with the situation. A N INTER-STATE

CAMPAIGN

There are a number of Negroes, well organized and scattered between New York, Chicago, Philadelphia and Washington, who have entered into an agreement by which they would unitedly, yet in a separate and distinct way, carry out a campaign of opposition against the work of the Universal Negro Improvement Association and its auxiliary, the Black Star Line, for the purpose of destroying the usefulness of this great cause of human liberty. The motives that actuate them are in some cases different. A certain set desire to see the downfall of the Universal Negro Improvement Association because of petty spite and jealousy and because they themselves desire to build up an organization of their own. Another set fights the movement because they are paid to do so by those who do not intend to assist the Negro to liberate himself and be a real man. Another group fosters its opposition against the organization because of their disappointment in not being able on previous occasions to rob and exploit the movement in their own interest. Still another group fights the organization because they do not desire to see any other leadership succeed among Negroes other than their own, but the most dangerous group of all is that group that has robbed the Black Star Line and desire to cover up their robbery, in that within recent months a thorough investigation has been started to find out what has been done in the matter of over $25,000 which is said to be deposited with the United States Shipping Board for the purchase of a ship, and the continuous deception of the said parties in promising the president of the Black Star Line, the Board of Directors and stockholders that a ship by the name of the S.S. Orion, which should have been named the S.S. Phyllis Wheatley, should have been delivered [sin]ce April of 1921 and is not yet delivered up to the time of writing, and for which over a thousand and one excuses have been given. A B I T OF H I S T O R Y

As everybody will remember, I left the United States of America on the 28th of February, 1921, for a business trip to the West Indies and Central America. The real purpose was to carry out an arrangement that had been made whereby the Black Star Line Steamship Corporation, the auxiliary of the Universal Negro Improvement Association, would have acquired a ship and have her sail from New York in April or May of said year for Africa, carrying passengers, immigrants and materials. The directors of the Black Star Line arranged that a certain part of the money for the purchase of the ship should have been raised in America and the other portion in Central America and the West Indies. Plans were, therefore, laid for the raising of certain sums of money in America by certain representatives of the corpora-

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tion, and that I, as President of the corporation, would raise a substantial part of it in Central America and the West Indies. Whilst I left, feeling assured that those left behind would have maintained a good intention towards the plans laid, it has been discovered that immediately after I left the country certain parties who assumed the active management of affairs of the Black Star Line in the United States planned, in conjunction with others, that I should never return to America, and that during my absence from the country, plunderings of all kinds would have been indulged in, and if a collapse came, I would have been blamed for i[t] away in the West Indies, without even having an opportunity of finding out what was wrong, nor have a voice to express my point of view. Immediately during my absence from the country changes were made in the plans that were laid out for the acquirement of the African boat; new arrangements were made, contracts were signed and for four months, whilst all these changes had been going on, not even a word of information was sent to me, to acquaint me of what was being done.

A TREACHEROUS

PLOT

Effort was made the more to [s]eal my doom in preventing me from returning to the United States of America. A great state of demoralization went on, not only in the Black Star Line, but in the Universal Negro Improvement Association, during my absence, and when, by good fortune, I was able to return around the 15th of July 1921, just fifteen days prior to our international convention, I was confronted with a state of disorganization which was most alarming. My reappearance in the United States of America was a great surprise to many and some of those who were said to be my associates, and especially in the work of the Black Star Line. The S.S. "Phyllis Wheatley" that should have been secured since April, and which I had every reason to believe was either at anchor in New York, or had sailed for Africa, was nowhere to be found! The money that I sent from the West Indies and Central America, as well as other funds raised in my name, and in the name of the Black Star Line in my absence, were supposed to be deposited with the United States Shipping Board by certain parties, and that it was expected that the boat would be awarded at any time, even though the directors of the Black Star Line, placing their reliance on one who represented the corporation in my absence, had promised them every day that the boat would be awarded tomorrow, which tomorrow extended over a period of three months, information of which was supplied me two day[s] after my arrival in New York. Because of the urgency of the convention, I had to concentrate most of my time on regulating the program for our big event, and had to sit in convention for three days for the carrying through of our big program, during which time, however, I made every effort to find out just what had been done in my absence in the matter of the Black Star Line. I, like the rest

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T H E MARCUS GARVEY AND U N I A PAPERS

of the directors, was told that the boat would be in New York tomorrow. Tomorrow came and went, and still it was tomorrow. Finally notice was served that either the boat or the money must be delivered immediately, and the communications were brought to show where the boat was on the way, and everything would be well in another couple of days. T H E P A R T OF T H E N E G R O

PRESS

Patience dragged on and on, until I took definite steps to locate either the money or the ship, and then to my surprise where $25,000 should have been only $12,500 was credited, and after the individuals found out to what extent my investigation had gone, then a most vile and wicked propaganda, started in several Negro newspapers and magazines, lambasting me for things I knew nothing about, for the purpose of covering up the responsible parties, and then anonymous communications started to reach the government from all directions, and complaints were also made, for the purpose of causing my immediate arrest, the collapse of the Universal Negro Improvement Association, and then the covering up of all that had happened in the matter of the Black Star Line during my absence from the United States of America. " H O N E S T Y IS T H E B E S T P O L I C Y "

Selfish, wicked groups of Negroes, at different points, have contributed to this vile and wicked plan, some without even knowing consciously what they were doing, and thus this reveals the attempt made by dishonest and dishonorable people of our own race to interfere with the success of a movement that aims at the liberation of four hundred million Ne[g]roes. Every effort between heaven and earth has been made within the last two months to discredit me and put me out of the way so as to cover up the dirt of others. After certain individuals found out that their misdeeds were coming to light they have been using every means possible to cause the authorities to suppress the Universal Negro Improvement Association, which would act as a cloak to their many sins against the race, and especially against the Black Star Line. But these poor corrupt individuals seem to think that dishonesty of any kind can be covered permanently. One dishonest act will lead you from one crime to the other until you are completely found out and placed before the bar of justice. P L A Y I N G TO T H E

CRIMINAL-MINDED

The cause of the Universal Negro Improvement Association cannot be interrupted in any way, it is too great and mighty a cause, so that any effort to damage its power will be futile. We who lead this mighty movement know that such things as related above are to be expected, and when they do happen they will not discourage

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F E B R U A R Y 1922

us in the least, but will only place us in a better position to know even our own, and to deal with them as they do deserve. Several Negro newspaper editors have most wickedly encouraged propaganda against the Black Star Line, to the loss of the good will of the race, and to the satisfaction of the criminal-minded, who have planned just such a result. The plots to defeat the Black Star Line are many, and the plotters seem to think that they have succeeded in a way in embarrassing the corporation; at least one of the plotters, in Philadelphia, a Negro lawyer, has been making the rounds of that city, trying to collect the stock certificates of stock holders, that he tried to make disgruntled and dissatisfied for the purpose of bringing a bankruptcy suit against the Black Star Line, so as to carry out the intention of the organized enemies of which he is one, so that they may rejoice in the success of their scheme. O N L Y S E C O N D A R Y TO T H E L A R G E R P L A N

But the idiots do not seem to realize that the Black Star Line is but a small matter compared with the bigger object of the Universal Negro Improvement Association; that the Black Star Line bears the same relation to the Universal Negro Improvement Association that the Shipping Board bears to the United States Government, and that even though $300,000,000 may be lost in the Shipping Board the government will still conduct the affairs of that corporation for the benefit of the nation. And so, even through the tricks and dishonesty of a few employes of the Black Star Line, the corporation cannot be permanently damaged, because there are 400,000,000 Negroes who are determined that the work of the Universal Negro Improvement Association shall go on, and nothing like a million dollars, or even ten millions, can permanently interfere with its mighty program. All the loyal stockholders of the Black Star Line have nothing to fear, because the Universal Negro Improvement Association will, if the enemies try to do anything to the corporation, make every effort to secure the interest of every loyal stockholder, who believes in the cause of Africa for the Africans and an emancipated Negro race. The effort of this Philadelphia lawyer has opened the eyes of the Universal Negro Improvement Association to the danger of having the stock of the Black Star Line in the hands of people who may use it in the interest of the enemy. So, if the Negro lawyer wants to do what he and his associates have plotted to do, they may be only helping the Universal Negro Improvement Association to confine the affairs of the Black Star Line in the future to the association alone and to those faithful stockholders who[m] we shall always protect and who shall be benefited by the future success of this Negro steamship line. A MIGHTY WORLD

FORCE

Some people are [s]o little minded that they cannot see beyond the immediate present, but all true Negroes of vision can foresee nothing else but

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THE MARCUS GARVEY AND U N I A PAPERS

success for the Universal Negro Improvement Association and its auxiliary corporations. Let me say to the Negro peoples o f the world that this is the hour when we shall stick together the more to put over the mighty program which seems to be causing universal consternation. The Universal Negro Improvement Association stands at its strongest point. It is a recognized world force. We have spent millions o f dollars to reach the position we now occupy, and it is only a question o f a few more years when untold benefits will be derived from the successful operation o f this great movement. We have done the pioneer work, we have cleared the way for that brighter day that is to come, and, now that we have reached this point, with our beautiful plans, I hope that no real Negro in the world will feel that for one minute that anything o f failure or disappointment can come about t[o] permanently wreck the good work o f this organization. L E T 'EM FIGHT!

Let our enemies fight; let the traitors within our own ranks fight as they may; let them do whatsoever they desire to do, there is one thing we are assured of; that the Universal Negro Improvement Association shall stand the test o f time! A W O R D OF C H E E R

We are [succeeding more and more every day. From every corner o f the world comes a loyalty that bears no question. Everybody knows the plots that have been laid for the embarrassment o f this our movement, but everybody is the more prepared to carry the cause to victory. So my message to you this week is " B e o f good cheer. Nothing can happen to the Black Star Line that will permanently affect the object we have in view. We may be disappointed today in not getting dividends and immediate profits, but remember, men and women, we have an object in view; that we have built up a mighty movement that is now world wide, and that it is only a matter o f sticking together, keeping our colors flying, and then everything will come to us in good time." Let those who want to do evil do as they may. I am appealing to those who are loyal and true to the cause to stick solidly by, and surely victory will perch upon our banners. With very best wishes I have the honor to be, Your obedient servant, MARCUS GARVEY

President-General Universal Negro Improvement Association Printed in NW,

18 February 1922. Original headlines omitted.

SIO

FEBRUARY 1922

A. W. Bennett to the Crisis

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T H E MARCUS GARVEY AND U N I A PAPERS

First Indictment of Marcus Garvey, Elie Garcia, George Tobias, and Orlando M. Thompson [New Tork, is February 1922] I N T H E D I S T R I C T C O U R T O F T H E U N I T E D STATES O F A M E R I C A , FOR T H E DISTRICT O F NEW

YORK

Southern District of New York, ss: The grand jurors for the United States of America duly empaneled and sworn in the District Court of the United States for that district, upon their oaths present: That at all times from June 27, 1919, to the time of the filing of this indictment, the Black Star Line, Inc., was a corporation organized and existing under and by virtue of the laws of the State of Delaware with an office in the City of New York and Borough of Manhattan; that the capital stock of said corporation at the beginning was $500,000 divided into 100,000 shares of the par value of $$ each; and that on December 22,1919, the capital stock o f said corporation was increased to $10,000,000 divided into 2,000,000 shares of the par value of $5 each; That on, to wit, the dates specified in the last paragraphs of the counts o f this indictment, at the Southern District of New York and within the jurisdiction o f this Court, Marcus Garvey, Elie Garcia, George Tobias and Orlando M. Thompson, named as defendants herein and hereinafter referred to as the defendants, had theretofore devised a scheme and artifice to defraud Louis Schench, J. Simon Scott, T. S. Smith, Mrs. R. Stewart and Addie Still, and divers other persons whose names are to the grand jurors unknown (a class of persons residing within the United States and not susceptible by reason of their great number and lack of information on the part of the grand jurors o f being named herein, but comprising any and all persons whom the defendants could induce to purchase stock of the Black Star Line, Inc., said persons being hereinafter referred to as the victims) of their money and property in and by inducing by fraudulent representations, pretenses and promises and by deceptive artifices and devices said victims to part with their money and property in the purchase o f shares of the capital stock of the said Black Star Line, Inc.; said scheme and artifice being more particularly set forth as follows: It was intended by said defendants as a part of said scheme and artifice that one or more ships should be secured, and an excursion boat should be purchased; that said ships and said excursion boat should be operated by said corporation and that, in substance, it should be falsely and fraudulently represented, pretended and promised, in literature circulated by mail and direct by representatives of said corporation, that the operations of said ships and said excursion boat were the visible evidence of the prosperity and

SI2

F E B R U A R Y 1922

success of said corporation, when, in truth and in fact, said ships and said excursion boat, as said defendants then and there well knew, were and at all times would be operated at a loss, it being the intent and purpose of said defendants in so representing, pretending and promising that said victims should be deceived into believing that the stock of the said corporation wa[s] and would be worth the price at which it was being sold and offered for sale; It was intended by said defendants as a furth[er] part of said scheme and artifice that it should be represented, pretended and promised that a steamship larger than any which they, the said defendants, had theretofore intended to secure and to be known as the "Phyllis Wheatley" should be taken over by the said corporation after inspection and that such steamship should sail for Africa with passengers and freight; when, in truth and in fact, no such steamship existed, it being the intent and purpose of said defendants in so representing, pretending and promising, to secure money and property from said victims for freight and passage to Africa and to deceive said victims into believing that the stock of said corporation was and would be worth the price at which it was being sold and offered for sale; It was intended by said defendants as a further part of said scheme and artifice that a financial statement should be prepared and should be spread upon the minutes of said corporation, that said financial statement should be false and fraudulent in that [it shjould be made to appear that said corporation had an organization expense of $289,066.27 when, in truth and in fact, as said defendants then and there well knew, no such sum had been so spent; and in order that such statement should create a belief that a great corporation had been built up, and should be effective in stimulating stock sales and should deceive said victims and the public generally, it was intended further by said defendants that it, the said false and fraudulent financial statement, should be copied into and circulated by "The Negro World," a newspaper controlled by said defendants; It was intended by said defendants as a further part of said scheme and artifice, to sell, offer for sale and cause to be sold and offered for sale to said victims shares of the capital stock of the said Black Star Line, Inc., and for the purpose of inducing the said victims to part with their money and property in the purchase of said stock so intended to be sold and offered for sale, the said defendants (in remainder of this paragraph referred to as "we" or "our"), in substance, intended falsely and fraudulendy to represent, pretend and promise to said victims and each of them that the Black Star Line afforded a grand opportunity to every Negro to insure himself against misfortune; that there would be a monster demonstration at Madison Square Garden October 30, 1919, to celebrate the launching of the Black Star Line steamship, S.S. "Frederick Douglass"; that the S.S. "Frederick Douglass," the first ship of the Black Star Line, has been launched on the 31st day of October, 1919, and made history for the Negro; that three ships were afloat and that we must float one every three months until we build up a great merchant marine, second to none; that amidst great difficulties we are able to

SI3

T H E M A R C U S G A R V E Y A N D U N I A PAPERS

bring into real existence a corporation that now holds a high place among the great business institutions of the day; that we have placed the Race 100 per cent among the great commercial institutions of the world; that we now have under our control three ships and we are making a desperate effort to acquire the greatest ship of all, and one that is to convey to Africa our workmen and materials, for the building up of the great Republic of Liberia for the Race; that the Black Star Line S.S. Corporation has startled the world; that we are making special efforts to add ships of large tonnage to the ships now under and controlled by this concern; that the proceeds of the dollar drive will be used to donate our mother ship, all necessary equipment and make it specially and conveniently fitted for the African trade; that all our time, all our energy, all our ability, will be centered in building up of Africa as the greatest nation in the world; that between these three agencies, The African Redemption Fund, the Black Star Line S.S. Corporation and the loaning to the Universal Negro Improvement Association's Construction Loan, you (referring to the victims) will enable us to cement the finances of our race as to make it possible for us through this organization not only to build a nation, but to bind ourselves as one industrial power among the other races and nations of the world, and that whatever might have been the errors of the past, the present administration of the Black Star Line is composed of trained business men and specialty service help, unquestionably equal to their responsible tasks; And each of the aforesaid representations, pretenses and promises, as said defendants and each of them then and there well knew, was and would be false and fraudulent, and the said defendants, in making them, intended thereby to deceive and defraud said victims by inducing them to part with their money and property in the purchase of said stock as aforesaid; And it was a further part of said scheme and artifice that the said defendants should each appropriate and convert to his own use in the form or guise of salary, drawing account, expenses, commissions and profits, a part of the money and property which would be paid by said victims in the purchase of said stock of the said Black Star Line, Inc., as aforesaid; but the exact form or guise in which each said defendant intended thus to convert and appropriate to his own use such part of said money and property and the exact amount thereof that each said defendant intended thus to appropriate and convert, is to the grand jurors unknown; And said defendants so having devised and intending to devise the aforesaid scheme and artifice, did, on or about the nth day of November, 1919, at the Southern District of New York and within the jurisdiction of this Court, for the purpose of executing said scheme and artifice and attempting so to do, unlawfully, knowingly and wilfully place and cause to be placed in a Post Office of the United States, that is to say, the Post Office in the City and County of New York, in the Southern District of New York, to be sent and delivered by the Post Office establishment of the United States to the

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F E B R U A R Y 1922

addressee thereof, a certain letter enclosed in a post-paid envelope addressed to Mrs. Lelia Rogers, which reads as follows: Mrs. Lelia Rogers 43 Grove Street Port Chester, N.Y. Dear Madam: We acknowledge with thanks the receipt of your favor of recent date, together with postal money order for $50.00, covering your investment in ten shares of stock of this corporation. Enclosed herewith we beg to hand you a certificate of stock, together with a receipt which is intended to acknowledge on your part the receipt of the stock certificate. Kindly sign this receipt and return to us at your earliest convenience. That you have become a shareholder in the Black Star Line Steamship Corporation reveals the fact that you are to be numbered among the thoughtful ones of our race who are endeavoring to carve a way to a brighter future. We feel sure that your shares will be worth ten times their present value in the near future. Our first ship bearing the name ["]Yarmouth,["] but to be re-christened the ["]S.S. Frederick Douglass[,"] will sail from New York in a few days time, and will trade between Cuba, Panama and America. We are sending you some subscription blanks, and ask that you get your friends to subscribe for as many shares as they can afford. Each person can buy from one to two hundred shares at $5.00 each. Trusting to hear from you again, and with best wishes, we remain, Yours faithfully, BLACK

Per E. D.

STAR L I N E

CORP.

Secretary SMITH-GREEN

against the peace of the United States and their dignity and contrary to the form of the statute of the United States in such case made and provided (Section 215 U.S.C.C.). SECOND

COUNT.

And the grand jurors aforesaid on their oaths aforesaid do hereby reaffirm, reallege and reincorporate as if herein set forth in full all the allegations of the first count of this indictment, except those allegations contained in the last paragraph thereof;

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T H E M A R C U S GARVEY AND U N I A PAPERS

And the grand jurors aforesaid do further present that on or about the 21st day of February, 1920, at the Southern District of New York and within the jurisdiction of this Court, the defendants so having devised and intending to devise the aforesaid scheme and artifice and for the purpose of executing said scheme and artifice and attempting so to do, did unlawfully, knowingly and wilfully place and cause to be placed in a Post Office of the United States, that is to say, the Post Office in the City and County of New York, in the Southern District of New York, in College Station thereof, to be sent and delivered by the Post Office establishment of the United States to the addressee thereof, a certain letter enclosed in a post-paid envelope addressed to Mr. Marcus Evelyn-Graham, which reads as follows: Mr. Marcus Evelyn-Graham 60 Kinnard Street, Cambridge, Mass. Dear Sir: We acknowledge with thanks the receipt of your application blank filled out for one hundred shares of stock of this corporation, together with remittance of $500.00 to cover. Herewith enclosed we beg to hand you a certificate of stock, together with a receipt which is intended to acknowledge on your part the receipt of stock certificate. Kindly sign this receipt and return to us at your earliest convenience. We appreciate very much the confidence you have placed in this corporation by your investment. That you have become a shareholder in this great movement reveals the fact that you are to be numbered among the thoughtful ones of our race who are endeavoring to carve a way to a brighter future. We feel sure that your shares will be worth very much more in the near future. Our first ship, now bearing the name ["] Yarmouth, ["] but soon to be re-christened the ["]S.S. Frederick Douglass[,"] is now on her second trip to the West Indies and Panama. The dividends of the corporation will be declared once a year and payable to shareholders every three months. Trusting to hear from you again, and with best wishes, we remain, Yours faithfully, B L A C K STAR L I N E CORPORATION

Per E. D.

Secretary SMITH-GREEN

against the peace of the United States and their dignity and contrary to the form of the statute of the United States in such case made and provided (Section 215 U.S.C.C.).

SI6

F E B R U A R Y 1922 THIRD

COUNT.

And the grand jurors aforesaid on their oaths aforesaid do hereby reaffirm, reallege and reincorporate as if herein set forth in full all the allegations of the first count of this indictment, except those allegations contained in the last paragraph thereof; And the grand jurors aforesaid do further present that on or about the 13th day of December, 1920, at the Southern District of New York and within the jurisdiction of this Court, the defendants so having devised and intending to devise the aforesaid scheme and artifice and for the purpose of executing said scheme and artifice and attempting so to do, did unlawfully, knowingly and wilfully place and cause to be placed in a Post Office of the United States, that is to say, the Post Office in the City and County of New York, in the Southern District of New York, in College Station thereof, to be sent and delivered by the Post Office Establishment of the United States to the addressee thereof, a certain letter or circular enclosed in a post-paid envelope addressed to Benny Dancy 3 + W . 131 St. N.Y.C.; against the peace of the United States and their dignity and contrary to the form of the statute of the United States in such case made and provided (Section 21s U.S.C.C.). FOURTH

COUNT.

And the grand jurors aforesaid on their oaths aforesaid do hereby reaffirm, reallege and reincorporate as if herein set forth in full all the allegations of the first count of this indictment, except those allegations contained in the last paragraph thereof; And the grand jurors aforesaid do further present that said defendants, Marcus Garvey, Elie Garcia, George Tobias, Orlando M. Thompson, continuously throughout the period of time from June 27,1919, up to the date of the filing of this indictment, at the Borough of Manhattan, City, County, State and Southern District of New York and within the jurisdiction of this Court, did unlawfully, wilfully, knowingly and feloniously conspire, combine, confederate and agree together and with divers other persons to said grand jurors unknown, to commit divers offenses against the United States, to wit, the divers offenses charged against the said defendants in the divers counts of this indictment preceding this count and made offenses by Section 215 of the Penal Laws of the United States; and that said defendants did thereafter do divers acts to effect the object of said unlawful and wilfull conspiracy, to wit, not only the several acts of placing letters, circular letters,

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T H E M A R C U S G A R V E Y A N D U N I A PAPERS

advertisements and publications in the Post Office of the United States in the City, County, State and Southern District of New York, aforesaid described in said several preceding counts, but numerous acts of preparing said letters, circular letters, advertisements and publications for mailing; of making the false and fraudulent representations, pretenses and promises in the first count of this indictment described and obtaining by means thereof the money and property of persons belonging to the class of persons in said first count mentioned as well as certain other overt acts now here specified; that is to say: OVERT

ACTS.

In furtherance of said conspiracy and to effect the object thereof, the defendants, Marcus Garvey, Elie Garcia, George Tobias, Orlando M. Thompson, in the Borough of Manhattan, City, County, State and Southern District of New York, did, on the nth day of September, 1919, hold a meeting of the Board of Directors of the Black Star Line, Inc., at 120 West 138th Street, New York, New York; And further to effect the object of said conspiracy and pursuant thereto, the defendants, Marcus Garvey, Elie Garcia, George Tobias, Orlando M. Thompson, in the Borough of Manhattan, City, County, State and Southern District of New York, did, on the 22nd day of December, 1919, hold a meeting of the stockholders of the Black Star Line, Inc., at Liberty Hall, 120 West 138th Street, New York, New York; And further to effect the object of said conspiracy and pursuant thereto, the defendants, Marcus Garvey, Elie Garcia, George Tobias, Orlando M. Thompson, in the Borough of Manhattan, City, County, State and Southern District of New York, did, on the 10th day of February, 1921, deposit and cause to be deposited in a Post Office of the United States, that is to say, the Post Office in the City of New York, in the College Station thereof, to be sent and delivered to the Post Office establishment of the United States to the addressee thereof, a certain letter enclosed in a post-paid envelope addressed to Mr. Charles Cornwall, Port [L]im6n P.O. Costa Rica, Panama; against the peace of the United States and their dignity and contrary to the form of the statute of the United States in such case made and provided (Sec. 215 U.S.C.C.). And further to effect the object of said conspiracy and pursuant thereto, the defendants, Marcus Garvey, Elie Garcia, George Tobias, Orlando M. Thompson, in the Borough of Manhattan, City, County, State and Southern District of New York, did, on the 2nd day of June, 1921, place and cause to be

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FEBRUARY 1922

placed in a Post Office of the United States, that is to say, the Post Office in the City of New York, in the Grand Central Station thereof, to be sent and delivered by the Post Office establishment of the United States to the addressee thereof, a certain letter enclosed in a post-paid envelope, addressed to Mr. David Fipps Pt. [L]imon Costa Rica, C.A.; against the peace of the United States and their dignity and contrary to the form of the statute of the United States in such case made and provided (Sec. 215 U.S.C.C.)[.] WILLIAM HAYWARD,

United States Attorney Marcus Garvey v. United States, no. 8317, Ct. App., 2d Cir., 2 February 1925, pp. 2-14.

John E. Bruce to J. R. Ralph Casimir NEW Y O R K , U.S.A. F e b r u a r y 1 6 , 1922

My dear Mr. Casim[i]r:' It is comforting to receive your sympathetic and gracious letter of February 3, 1922, in which you express your sincere interest in the arrest of the President General of this Organization by the Postal Authorities upon a charge of defrauding the mails, a charge of which Mr. Garvey is as innocent as yourself. He is very much pleased with the interest which the members of Divisions all over the Country and the World are showing in his behalf and feels as they do that the matter will find a solution when the true facts are brought out. There is more in this charge than appears on the surface, and we strongly suspect that local politicians are more directly interested in putting the U . N . I . A. out of business because of its large influence with the masses who vote than is the Post Office Department. At the last local election held here in the City of New York, the successful candidate for Mayor, who is a Democrat, 2 addressed a large gathering at Liberty Hall a few days before the election, and by a strange coincidence, when the election came off he was elected by an overwhelming majority. Mr. Garvey was at this meeting and he was called upon to make a few remarks but he adroitly evaded this attempt to bring him into American politics and only spoke inform[al]ly, expressing the hope and wish that the people would use

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T H E MARCUS GARVEY AND U N LA PAPERS

their best judgment and support the candidate whom they believed would best serve their interests. The Republicans subsequently held a meeting in Liberty Hall, at which Mr. Garvey was not present because of illness and this meeting broke up in a row. The local Politicians who are interested in the various candidates of the more important City offices, and especially the Republican Politicians, have attributed the election of the Democratic candidate for Mayor to the personal influence, exerted on the masses of the Colored voters in Harlem through the U.N.I.A., of Mr. Marcus Garvey. They are looking to the future, not only as regards New York, but other States where the U.N.I.A. is strong, and are fearful that in coming State and National elections, the U.N.I.A. may prove to be a dangerous factor to the Republican Organization throughout the Country, consequently, the scheme is to frame up Mr. Garvey on the charge of using the mails for fraud. If you know the game of politics, you can perfectly understand the meaning of this recent attempt to discredit the founder of the Universal Negro Improvement Association and destroy the organization. It is safe to assume that neither the one nor the other will be accomplished by those who have undertaken the task. The examination into the merits of the case has been postponed three times thus far by the Government, because of its failure to find any incriminating evidence against Mr. Garvey personally or the Organization generally. Certainly, if it had any facts whatever, upon which to base its action, these postponements would not have occurred. The President General directs me to thank you most cordially and sincerely for your kind and sympathetic interest in this matter, and to assure you that he appreciates more than you can ever know, the fine spirit that has prompted you to write him so sympathetically. Yours fraternally, U N I V E R S A L N E G R O IMPROVEMENT A S S ' N .

Pres.-Gen'l. per John E. Bruce Special Sec'y to Pres.-Gen'l.

M A R C U S GARVEY,

[Address]

Mr. J. R. Ralph Casim[i]r, Roseau, Dominica, B.W.I.

J R R C . T L S , on U N I A letterhead, recipient's copy. i. J. R. Ralph Casimir (b. 1898) is a West Indian poet who was among the founding members of the Roseau, Dominica, division of the UNIA in 1919. He served as its secretary from its inception until its dissolution in 1923 and traveled by foot throughout the island to organize other branches. He also acted as the Dominican agent for the Negro World as well as for other black periodicals such as the Crisis,, Challenge, Promoter, and Crusader. Casimir, whose joetic career was inspired by his reading of Paul Laurence Dunbar, corresponded with several eading U N I A figures including Garvey, John E. Bruce, and William H. Ferris, and accumulated a rich archive of communications with such other prominent black figures as Cyril V. Briggs, Joel A. Rogers, J. E. Casely Hayford (to whom he regularly supplied copies of the Negro World, since the paper was banned in the Gold Coast—now Ghana—where Hayford resided), and, later, with the black American poet Langston Hughes. Emanating from his U N I A and other political activities, Casimir was the assistant secretary of the Dominica Conference of 1932, a meeting devoted to advocating the democratization of Britain's rule of its West Indian colonies as a first step toward their independence. Along with other members of

f

520

FEBRUARY 1922 the Roseau U N I A division, Casimir remained loyal to Garvey during his trial and imprisonment and thereafter retained his devotion to Garveyite ideals throughout his life (C. F. Bahmueller, interview with J. R. Ralph Casimir, Roseau, Dominica, August 198+). 2. A reference to Mayor John F. Hylan. See Garvey Papers 5:145-146.

Report by Special Agent J. G. Tucker [Nffli

York]

FEB. 18, 1 9 2 2

N E G R O ACTIVITIES

It has been learned that Marcus Garvey plans to shortly make two addresses at Rochester, New York. From a confidential source it has been also learned that the police of that city will in all probability refuse to permit Garvey to fill his engagements. B L A C K STAR L I N E O n t h e 1 6 t h i n s t a n t , M A R C U S G A R V E Y , E L I E G A R C I A , G E O R G E TOBIAS

and ORLANDO M. THOMPSON, all officers of the Black Star Stea[m]ship Line were indicted by the Federal Grand Jury for violation of Section 215, U.S.C.C. Garvey was not present but the others appeared before the United States Commissioner and were released on $2,500 bail for a hearing ten days hence. It is un[d]erstood from a confidential source that Garvey intends to blame Thompson for the present financial condition of the steamship line as the latter handled all financial affairs. J. G. TUCKER

DJ-FBI, file 61-23-102. TD.

Report by Bureau Agent W. L. Buchanan Buffalo, N.Y. 2/24/22 Reference is made to letter from Special Agent in Charge Brennan, New York City, February 15, 1922, initialed CJS-FJK, in which he states that MARCUS GARVEY, negro radical leader, is scheduled to make an address at Rochester, New York[,] on February 22nd. Information having been received that MARCUS GARVEY was to speak in Miller's Hall, 264 East Genesee Street, Buffalo, N.Y., on Sunday night, February 19th,—pursuant to instructions Agent proceeded to this hall at 7.30 P.M. to cover same. There were about 750 negroes present, and they seemed to be of the better class of Buffalo's colored people. An admission of

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T H E MARCUS GARVEY AND U N I A PAPERS

35«t was charged. After being in the hall a short time, Agent heard voices from an adjoining hall, where the doors were closed, and the voices sounded as if military orders were being given. Agent opened the door and went into the next room, which was a large banquet hall, and there were a number of colored men and women drilling. They were all lined up; about twenty men were not in uniform; about 16 women were dressed in motor corps uniforms, of [d]ark color[,] and about thirty women were dressed in white, representing the African Black Cross. Agent learned that the men are to receive uniforms later and will be known as the African Legion. At promptly 8 o'clock they marched into the large hall and formed a double line down through the center aisle to the stage, through which MARCUS GARVEY and LADY HENRIETTA VINTON DAVIS, clothed in flowing robes, with several

attendants in uniform, marched to the stage. GARVEY was introduced by President Alfred A. Boykin, of Local 79, of the Universal Negro Improvement Association and African Communities League, Buffalo, New York, under whose auspices the meeting was held. Garvey then addressed the gathering and his remarks, although not very radical, were carefully chosen. In substance, he spoke as follows: In opening, he stated that in these times a person speaking had to be very careful about his remarks; that is, to see that the correct meaning was conveyed; that the object of the organization was misunderstood in Buffalo to some extent, and by some clergymen as well as the ordinary colored people; that there were three types of people: white, yellow and black; that recently the white race had become power crazy and almost challenged the power of God; that the yellow race was nearly the same, and both these races exchanged compliments; that the black race had been 300 years in doubt and struggled along doing the bidding of the Caucasian race; that there were 400,000,000 colored people in the world, and what any white or yellow race had been able to accomplish the black race could also do; that the white race had built the present great empires from the fall of other empires; that there were now rivals in race and rivals in nations, and that while the colored people had been slaves in the past, the negro himself was responsible for his present inferior position, and if they wished to go on being called apes, monkeys, missing links and niggers, it was up to them, but the time had come when they should rise from slavery, both economic and industrial; that one of the great handicaps of the colored race has been its inability to know itself and its powers; that the new negro has discovered that he is a man, a lord of creation, recognizing no master except God; that the white race should not be blamed as long as the negro submitted to his present treatment. He stated that the white race had built their greatest empires in Europe and America, and that it was now hard getting them out or getting equality; that Americans were prejudiced against the negro, not because he was black, but because of his conditionf;] that the Japs were disliked, but respected, because of their condition; that England was feared but loved because of her condition; that both of these nations had hundreds of battle-

522

FEBRUARY 1922

ships, battle cruisers and troops, and nothing happens to the English or Japs, but everything to the negroes. Therefore, he stated, it was up to the negro to improve his position socially and politically, because a race with nothing could expect nothing. He then related some American history, from the landing of the pilgrims, referring to the war with Great Britain for independence of the colonies, citing Washington, etc., further saying that the world would only recognize the colored people when they had an African Commonwealth of their own; that in Africa, almost every large nation, except the United States, had possessions; that Africa was the motherland of the negro and they should take possession of it, and build the greatest empire on the face of the earth. In connection with these remarks, Garvey referred to the return of the Jews to Palestine, of the nationalistic movement in India and Egypt, the Irish Free State, and said if it was right for the Caucasians to rule and govern Europe, for the yellow races to rule and govern Asia, that it then was equally right and proper for the black race to rule and govern Africa. He added that this was the psychological time to strike; that the negro did not wish anything but peace and friendly relations with their white brethren; that the training which the negro troops had received in Europe would be of much value to them in Africa. He closed his address abruptly, stating that he had received an urgent call somewhere else. Agent afterwards learned that he went to New York City, although he was to remain in Buffalo until Monday night, February 20th. It may be well to include in this report that President, Alfred A. Boykin, stated in his remarks that in his belief, the Washington disarmament conference was not called for peace purposes, but was called for the sole purpose of disarming Japan, as the white nations realized that they were unsafe as long as the colored, or yellow, races were as strong as Japan, and the white races also realized that another war among themselves would give the colored races, including yellow, the upper hand in the universe. Agent again attended a meeting on Monday night, February 20th, and a telegram was read purporting to come from GARVEY in New York, stating that it was impossible for him to be present, but he would be present to speak on Tuesday, February 21st. LADY HENRIETTA VINTON DAVIS addressed the meeting o n Tuesday

[Monday] night, and after eulogizing GARVEY talked along lines similar to GARVEY'S the night previous. She stated that GARVEY was 34 years old; that he was born in St. Ann's parish, Jamaica, West Indies; that he had studied in several colleges and had travelled around the world; that he was a second Douglas [s], an emancipator; that he came to New York about four and one-half years ago, and after speaking on the streets of New York, where he commanded much attention, he organized the Universal Negro Improvement Association, and African Communities League, in Lafayette Hall, in N e w York City, beginning with thirteen members, and that t[he] organization had extended around the world, and now had 4,000,000 members. She

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T H E MARCUS GARVEY AND U N I A PAPERS

is the National Organizer for the association, and is a very eloquent speaker. She also stated that there was an Egyptian in New York City at the present time whom GARVEY met in Europe, 1 and he was now working with the Universal Negro Improvement Association for the freedom of India. GARVEY returned to Buffalo on Tuesday night, February 21st, and again addressed the association in Miller's Hall. There were about 500 negroes present, including men and women, and the meeting was covered by Agents Harrigan and Curtin. They report that his speech and that of Lady Henrietta Vinton Davis, who also addressed the meeting, were along the same lines as at the previous meeting. T h e officers o f L o c a l 79 o f the UNIVERSAL NEGRO IMPROVEMENT

ASSOCIATION,2 Buffalo, New York, are as follows:

Alfred A. Boykin, President ist Vice President, C. W. Thomas 2nd Vice President, Joseph K. Browliea Treas. Jno. H. Harris, Sr. Fin. Sec'y, Mrs. Sadie Murray Assistant Treas., Mrs. Irene McCullough Recording Sec'y, Mrs. Lottie Adams Associate Sec'y, Mrs. Delois Harris ist Lady Vice President, Mrs. Mack 2nd Lady Vice President, Mrs. Hattie Briggs Lady President, Mrs. Beatrice Washington3 General Sec'y, Mr. H. M. Brockington As the letter of Agent in Charge Brennan of New York City stated that GARVEY was to speak in Rochester, New York on the night of February 22nd, Agent proceeded to Rochester, N.Y. on this date, and learned that GARVEY and MISS DAVIS had addressed meetings of the Universal Negro Improvement Association in that city on Friday and Saturday nights, February 17th and i8th[,] in the Zion A.M.E. Church of Fabre Street. About 500 negroes attended the meeting on each night, and an admission fee of 35$ was charged, as in Buffalo. Their speeches were practically the same as the Buffalo speeches. Agents Curtin and Harrigan interviewed GARVEY on Tuesday night, February 21st, in Buffalo, under the pretext of being newspaper reporters, and he informed them that he was on a speaking tour and was scheduled to speak in Detroit, Michigan, on February 22nd, 23rd and 24th. Closed. W . L . BUCHANAN

DJ-FBI, file 61. TD. 1. A reference to Duse Mohamed Ali. 2. For additional information on the UNIA in Buffalo, see Ralph Watkins, "The Marcus Garvey Movement in Buffalo, New York," Afro-Americans in New Tork Life and History 1, no. 1 (January 1977): 37-48.

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FEBRUARY 1922 3. Beatrice Washington was the lady president of the Buffalo UNIA prior to November 1921. She later served as a delegate to the 1922 UNIA convention (NW, 5 November 1921 and 28 August 1922).

Report by Special Agent Mortimer J. Davis New York, N.Y. Feb. 25/22 R E : BLACK STAR L I N E , INC.: V I O L . SECTION #215 U . S . C . C . ( U S I N G T H E M A I L S TO D E F R A U D )

Asst. U.S. Attorney Mattuck telephoned the writer on the afternoon of the 16th inst., and stated that he had requested Marcus Garvey's attorney to bring Thompson, Garcia and Tobias to his office on the following morning. Garvey's attorney replied that he would produce the last two named, but was afraid THOMPSON would make his getaway. Mr. Mattuck therefore requested that inasmuch as he held a bench warrant for THOMPSON, he be picked up. Accordingly, the writer, accompanied by Agent Amos, 1 proceeded to THOMPSON'S home, #35 W. 129th St., at 8:00 A.M., Feb. 17th. He was about to leave the house with his wife, on the way to the funeral of his foster father. After verifying this, Agents permitted THOMPSON to attend the funeral, following which he appeared at Mr. Mattuck's office in company with his attorney, a Mr. Nolan of #25 Broad Street. GARCIA and TOBIAS were arraigned before Judge Thomas, pleaded not guilty, requested a ten day delay to file motions, which was granted, and were held in $2500. bail each, which they raised. THOMPSON entered no plea, due to the fact that he did not arrive in time to do so, however, he also furnished $2500 bail and was permitted a ten-day delay. M . J. DAVIS D J - F B I , file 61. T D . 1. James E. Amos (1879-1953), a black bodyguard to President Theodore Roosevelt and later an agent with the Bureau of Investigation, was born in Washington, D.C. As Roosevelt's valet, Amos was also the head of Roosevelt's household staff, both at the White House and his Oyster Bay, Long Island, home. Amos joined the Bureau of Investigation as a special agent in 1921. He had previously worked for the William J. Burns Detective Agency. Garvey also accused Amos of conspiring with W. A. Domingo and others to encourage lawsuits against him and the U N I A . Amos later became the most famous of the handful of black FBI agents serving in the 19+os and 1950s (NTT, 29 December 1953; "G-Man for 26 Years," Ebony 2, no. 11 [October 1947]: 9-13; Baltimore Afro-American, 16 January 1954; New Tork Amsterdam News, 2 January 1954)-

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T H E MARCUS GARVEY AND U N I A PAPERS

Associated Negro Press Report [Negro World, 25 February 1922] H O N . MARCUS GARVEY REPLIES TO WILLIAM

PICKENS1

Among the many men called Negro leaders, William Pick[e]ns is one whom I hold in high regard, because I believe him to possess an honest intention toward his race. I believe he is above meanness of any kind, but while I think thus highly of him, I cannot say that I hold in the same regard and opinion some of those with whom he is associated. Life is a conflict of wits, and the man who knows his opponent and his characteristics is the more fortunate of the two, and I think I do know the opponents of the Universal Negro Improvement Association, because it is my duty to know men and to analyze them, especially if they are competitors in any way. My reference to the machinations of certain "advancement associations" was well intended. I, for one, do not intend any harm to the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, because I believe that the association can be managed in a way to be of real benefit to the Negro race, but I would state that there are men in certain "advancement associations" who are mere professional leaders, who have stooped and are still stooping to the use of the lowest methods in their endeavor to suppress, and put out of business, if possible, the Universal Negro Improvement Association, and its auxiliary corporations. Mr. Pickens is probably too honest to understand meanness in others, but good generalship means a complete understanding of the good and bad in human nature, thus I do not apologize for the efforts at least I do make, in understanding certain people who have been saying and doing things under cover against the movement I represent. I am glad that Mr. Pickens knows that the Director of Publicity of his association, the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, has written vilely against the Universal Negro Improvement Association, the Black Star Line and me.2 If he would go a little further, he would find out also that his editor has also put down Garvey and the Black Star Line in the February number of his magazine as a "liability" to the Negro race for the present year, 3 and that, with a full knowledge of all that the Universal Negro Improvement Association, the Black Star Line and Garvey have done for the uplift of the race, while, at the same time, the honorable editor who, no doubt is not of a "low-down" type, has put himself down on the credit side of the race for 1922, with the thing known as the Pan-African Congress, which Garvey interprets to mean the Pan-European agency of controlling and gaining control of all Africa by deceiving the new Negro, who has, through the leadership of the Universal Negro Improvement Association, made up, in his mind, that Pan-Africa shall mean all black and not all white.

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FEBRUARY 1922

I trust my friend Mr. Pickens will pay a little more attention to the psychology, the ways and manners of men as well as organizations. When he does that, he will be better informed and will more readily understand what is meant by my stating that "all the trouble we have had on our ships, has been caused because men were paid to make this trouble by certain organizations calling themselves [']Negro Advancement Associations. [']" They paid men to dismantle our machinery and otherwise damage it, so as to bring about the downfall of the movement. Printed in NW, 25 February 1922. 1. Pickens's article " A f r i c a for the Africans: T h e Garvey M o v e m e n t " appeared in the 28 D e c e m b e r 1921 issue o f the Nation (113, no. 2,947: 750-751). The article was written during the p e r i o d w h e n Pickens contemplated leaving the N A A C P . The editors o f the Nation apparently suspected that Pickens intended to use the highly favorable article to secure Garvey's a p p r o v a l ; consequently, they delayed publishing it. Pickens claimed, however, that he had w r i t t e n the article before considering the possibility o f joining Garvey and that he would have w r i t t e n the same article regardless o f his status with the N A A C P . In the article Pickens d e f e n d e d the use o f parades and rituals in the Garvey movement. H e also wrote favorably o f the U N I A ' s business ventures, although he pointed out the need for more participation by blacks w i t h business training. His strongest compliments related to Garvey's call for a republic o f A f r i c a . H i s only criticism was that when Garvey "sees colored Americans contending for exact citizenship equality between the t w o races, he suspects them o f trying to bring about a m a l g a m a t i o n between whites and blacks." Pickens attributed this view to Garvey's Jamaican background. 2. A reference t o " N e g r o C o n q u e s t , " an article written by Herbert J. Seligman, the N A A C P ' s publicity director. It was published in The New York World magazine on + December 1921. ). In the February 1922 issue o f Crisis, D u Bois published a list with the title "The Year in A c c o u n t w i t h the American N e g r o . " H e divided the list into t w o categories, "debit" and " c r e d i t . " U n d e r debit, he listed twelve items, which included "Fifty-nine Negroes Lynched in T u l s a , " " H e l p l e s s H a i t i , " " H a r d i n g at Birmingham," and "Delay o f Liberia L o a n . " Also i n c l u d e d o n the debit list was "Garvey and the Black Star Line" (Crisis 23, no. 4 [February 1922]: IJI).

UNIA Circular Letter NEW YORK, U.S.A.

[ca. January-February

1922]

W R I T E D O W N Y O U R SUBSCRIPTION FOR THE F I G H T FOR N E G R O LIBERTY T H E BATTLE A G A I N S T THE E N E M I E S OF OUR R A C E T H E P L O T TO D E F E A T M A R C U S G A R V E Y IN HIS F I G H T FOR FOUR HUNDRED MILLION

NEGROES

Dear Friend and Comrade:— Y o u must have heard of the attempt to hold up Marcus Garvey to the ridicule o f the world in trying to make out that he used the mails to defraud in his effort to help the Negro Race in establishing the Black Star Line.

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T H E M A R C U S GARVEY AND U N I A PAPERS

Enemies of our own Race have been trying for a long while to handicap the great work of this leader of men. They have resorted to all kinds of ways to defeat this champion of human liberty. Not being able to do anything themselves, they have succeeded in having Mr. Garvey, and two others of the Black Star Line, indicted for misuse of the Mails. The enemies are working hard to turn sentiment against Mr. Garvey before the trial of the case. The trial comes up about the second week in October. 1 We are therefore appealing to all the friends of our Movement to make a great rally in raising sufficient funds to defend our leader through all the Courts, up to the Supreme Court. You are hereby asked to write your contribution to the fund on attached list. You can subscribe any amount to this cause. Do it now as the whole race will be responsible for the result of the case. Thanking you in advance for your contribution to the Defense Fund. Yours truly, U N I V E R S A L N E G R O IMPROVEMENT ASSOCIATION ROBT. L.

POSTON

Secretary-General J. B .

YEARWOOD

ist Asst. Secretary-General P.S.—Write your name, your address and the amount of your subscription on attached list. U.N.I.A. J R R C . TLS, recipient's copy. i. Garvey's trial on these charges began on 18 May 1923.

Bureau of Investigation Report [New York] NEGRO

MARCH 4 , 1922

ACTIVITIES

[Marcus Garvey] is at present on a speaking tour in an effort to raise funds to keep the Universal Negro Improvement Association and the Black Star Line going and also in order to inspire renewed confidence into members of both organizations. The former large office force of the Black Star Line has been reduced practically to about two or three people and those who were laid off when the recent difficulties with the government arose were all creditors of the company to the extent of from two to five weeks salary. It is understood from [confidential sources?] that [Garvey's] efforts are meeting with very little success and the fact that he is occasionally drawing fair sized audiences is due more to curiosity on the part of the stockholders in order to learn the exact status of the financial condition of the company than S28

T H E M A R C U S GARVEY AND U N I A PAPERS

Enemies of our own Race have been trying for a long while to handicap the great work of this leader of men. They have resorted to all kinds of ways to defeat this champion of human liberty. Not being able to do anything themselves, they have succeeded in having Mr. Garvey, and two others of the Black Star Line, indicted for misuse of the Mails. The enemies are working hard to turn sentiment against Mr. Garvey before the trial of the case. The trial comes up about the second week in October. 1 We are therefore appealing to all the friends of our Movement to make a great rally in raising sufficient funds to defend our leader through all the Courts, up to the Supreme Court. You are hereby asked to write your contribution to the fund on attached list. You can subscribe any amount to this cause. Do it now as the whole race will be responsible for the result of the case. Thanking you in advance for your contribution to the Defense Fund. Yours truly, U N I V E R S A L N E G R O IMPROVEMENT ASSOCIATION ROBT. L.

POSTON

Secretary-General J. B .

YEARWOOD

ist Asst. Secretary-General P.S.—Write your name, your address and the amount of your subscription on attached list. U.N.I.A. J R R C . TLS, recipient's copy. i. Garvey's trial on these charges began on 18 May 1923.

Bureau of Investigation Report [New York] NEGRO

MARCH 4 , 1922

ACTIVITIES

[Marcus Garvey] is at present on a speaking tour in an effort to raise funds to keep the Universal Negro Improvement Association and the Black Star Line going and also in order to inspire renewed confidence into members of both organizations. The former large office force of the Black Star Line has been reduced practically to about two or three people and those who were laid off when the recent difficulties with the government arose were all creditors of the company to the extent of from two to five weeks salary. It is understood from [confidential sources?] that [Garvey's] efforts are meeting with very little success and the fact that he is occasionally drawing fair sized audiences is due more to curiosity on the part of the stockholders in order to learn the exact status of the financial condition of the company than S28

FEBRUARY 1922

to any belief they have in [Garvey's] ability to extricate him and them from the present difficulties. The officers of the Black Star Line made every effort to dis[s]uade [Garvey] from leaving at this critical moment and even hinted to him that in their opinion he was trying to avoid the consequences of his mismanagement, but notwithstanding their best endeavors he left the city and the time o f his return indefinite, as from his latest statements it is his intention to travel West as far as Denver. [Elie Garcia], Secretary-General of the Black Star Line[,] has called in all stock certificate books of the company and the sale of stock has[,] therefore, been stopped. DJ-FBI, file 61. TD.

Report by Bureau Agent Emil A. Solanka ST. L O U I S , MO. 3/6/22 U N I V E R S A L N E G R O IMPROVEMENT ASSOCIATION & AFRICAN COMMUNITIES LEAGUE M A R C U S GARVEY & HENRIETTA V I N T O N DAVIS (COLORED) N E G R O RADICAL ACTIVITIES M A R C U S GARVEY a n d H E N R I E T T A VINTON DAVIS, n e g r o e s , t h e f o r m e r o f

whom is the "President-General" of the Universal Negro Improvement Association (Headquarters, $6 West 135th Street, New York City), and who are traveling over the country in the interest of GARVEY'S organization, arrived in St. Louis March 1st for a series of negro meetings. These meetings were held on the evenings of March 1, 2 and 3rd at the St. Paul's Baptist Church (colored), 19th and Morgan Streets; with an attendance at each of from two hundred to three hundred negroes. At each of these meetings LADY DAVIS preceded GARVEY with an exposition of the aims of the Universal Negro Improvement Association, declaring that negroes should no longer "/bow/ down in suppression and segregation"; that the negro is superior to the white, etc., and ended by shouting: "Beware! Ye stumbling blocks, for Marcus is coming." She was followed by GARVEY, who cajoled the audience by declaring that it was composed of the intellectual leaders of the community and that through them the negroes would be saved, GARVEY recounted the growth of his organization, claiming a membership of over four million and declared for the necessity of organizing the 400,000,000 negroes of the world for the establishment of a negro government in Africa. GARVEY collected about $400.00 in admission fees and left St. Louis on the morning of March 4th for Kansas City, Missouri, where he is to speak at S29

T H E MARCUS GARVEY AND U N I A PAPERS

several meetings. He is scheduled to return to St. Louis about April 15th next. The local headquarters are at 2623 Olive Street; the officers are as follows: s. R. WHEAT, president

MRS. B. VENERABLE, "Lady" president ERNEST E. /MAIR/, executive secretary

Employee interviewed WHEAT AND MAI[R], both of whom claimed that the local branch #162 has a membership exceeding 2,000. The attendance at the meetings however would indicate that this figure is a gross exaggeration. The membership in all probability does not exceed four hundred. Meetings are regularly held on Sunday afternoons at 2623 Olive Street. The "Negro World," weekly published in New York City[,] is distributed. It is not deemed necessary to incorporate herein any information relating to the aims and national activity of the Universal Negro Improvement Association, as the Bureau undoubtedly is already in possession of the same. Copy to New York and Kansas City for information and file. Investigation concluded. E M I L A . SOLANKA

DJ-FBI, file 61-746. TD.

E. Powis Jones, Assistant Counsel, to Sanford H. E. Freund, Chief Counsel, United States Shipping Board [Washington, D.C.] March 6, 1922 SUBJECT: S S ORION

The files from the Ship Sales Division disclose the following facts: Letter from the New York Ship Exchange to the Board, dated July 8, 1921, as follows: On behalf of the Black Star Line, Inc. we hereby offer to purchase t h e s t e a m s h i p O R I O N , e x P R I N Z OSKAR " a s is w h e r e i s " f o r t h e

sum of $225,000, on terms of 10% cash on delivery of vessel and 10% each month thereafter until the entire purchase price is paid, with interest on deferred payments at 5% per annum. We further propose furnishing a performance bond satisfactory to the Shipping Board guaranteeing the fulfillment of our contract * * *.

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FEBRUARY 1922

Letter from Manager Ship Sales to the Board, dated July 8, i92i[,] explaining the situation and recommending acceptance of the offer. Memorandum from the Board for the Ship Sales Division, dated July 10, 1921, to the effect that the Board considered the recommendation of the Ship Sales Division and deferred action thereon pending receipt of detailed report of the financial responsibility of the proposed purchasers. Letter from Manager Ship Sales to Black Star Line, dated July 19, 1921, advising them of this fact and requesting information as to financial responsibility. Memorandum Manager Ship Sales to Credit Department, dated July 23rd[,] transmitting financial statement. Letter from New York Ship Exchange to the Board, dated July 26th[,] requesting that inquiries b[e] made direct to them and "meanwhile we have received certain advice from E. G. Duff and have transmitted to him definite assurance of the Black Star Line, Inc. that performance bond will be given immediately[. W]e are in receipt of your formal acceptance of our offer and pro f[o]rma purchase contract which of course are required by the bonding company before any definite agreement as to the bond can be sent you. Your formal acceptance will of course state that the agreement enclosed is subject to the performance bond being satisfactory to the Board. We trust that there will be no further delay in closing this matter on which we have worked for almost four months." Memorandum Ship Sales to Board, dated July 22nd[,] transmitting financial statement, etc., also letter from the Credit Department to General Comptroller stating It will be noted that in the offer of the Black Star Line, Inc. it is stated that the proposed purchasers agree to furnish a performance bond satisfactory to the Board guaranteeing performance of our contract. However, they further state that they are unable to make necessary arrangements for the bond until the Board has formally accepted their offer. Memorandum from the Board to Manager Ship Sales to the effect that the following resolution was that day adopted (August 2, 1921): Resolved that the United States Shipping Board hereby accepts the offer of the New York Ship Exchange, on behalf of the Black Star Line, Inc. to purchase the ex-German steamship ORION (ex PRINZ OSKAR) "as is where is" for the sum of $225,000, payable 10% cash on delivery of vessel and 10% each month thereafter until the entire purchase price is paid, with interest on deferred payments at 5% per annum, the purchaser to furnish a performance bond satisfactory to the Shipping Board guaranteeing fulfillment: of the contract.

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T H E MARCUS GARVEY AND U N I A PAPERS

Further resolved that the Law Division be and it is hereby authorized and directed to prepare the necessary papers to carry the provisions of this resolution into effect. Memorandum, August 3, 1921, Ship Sales Division to General Counsel requesting preparation of necessary legal documents. Telegram, Ship Sales Division to New York Ship Exchange, August 3, 1921:

Board on August 2nd approved your offer on behalf Black Star Line, Inc. to purchase ORION stop details follow by mail. Memorandum, August 3rd, Manager Ship Sales Division to Treasurer enclosing check for $12,500 and Before delivery of the vessel, however, it is necessary for the purchasers to furnish a performance bond, satisfactory to the Board, guaranteeing fulfillment of their contract. Will you kindly hold the check transmitted herewith in escrow until you receive further advice from this office. Letter from Ship Sales Division to New York Ship Exchange, August 3rd: I have to refer you to your communication of July 8,1921, offering to purchase on behalf of the Black Star Line, Inc. the ex-German steamship ORION.

I have to advise you that on August 2, 1921, the Board by formal resolution accepted the offer of the New York Ship Exchange on behalf of the Black Star Line, Inc., to purchase said s t e a m s h i p O R I O N , e x P R I N Z O S K A R , " a s is w h e r e i s " f o r t h e s u m o f

$225,000, payable 10% cash on delivery, and 10% each month thereafter until the entire purchase price is paid; interest on deferred payments at 5% per annum; the purchasers to furnish a performance bond satisfactory to the Shipping Board to guarantee fulfillment of contract. Prior to the delivery of this vessel to you, it will be necessary for you to deposit with the Board a certified check for $10,000 covering the balance of the initial 10% payment. Furthermore, the requisite performance bond guaranteeing the fulfillment of the contract must be furnished, together with cover notes indicating that appropriate insurance has been arranged in favor of the Board. Upon receipt of the performance bond, the same will be submitted to the Legal Division for examination following which

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FEBRUARY 1922

appropriate documents will be prepared for execution covering the transfer of this ship to you. I am requesting the Director of Insurance to advise you of the requirements of the Board concerning the form of policy to be obtained. After the foregoing details have been attended to, arrangements will be made by this division to effect immediate delivery of the O R I O N to the buyers. Letter New York Ship Exchange to Ship Sales Division acknowledging receipt of telegram. Letter Director of Insurance to New York Ship Exchange, dated August 4th, advising as to form of insurance. "Kindly exp[e]dite the cover notes and certification as delivery of the vessel will be withheld until the receipt of same." Memorandum from A. J. White, New York to Director of Insurance, dated August 6th, to the effect that Mr. White has been in communication with Mr. Silverston, representative of the New York Ship Exchange and advises that Johnston & Higgins have been directed to proceed with necessary covers. Letter from New York Ship Exchange to United States Shipping Board, August 9th, Your insurance department called me up on long distance phone last Saturday as did also Mr. White of 45 Broadway, in reference to cover notes * * * Mr. Barnett, of the Clinchfield Navigation Company has taken the matter up with Messrs. Johnston & Higgins of No. 49 Wall Street. Their Marine Department are awaiting advices * * * as to present basis of valuation * * *. I expect to have the insurance matter as well as the bond matter settled within a few days and promptly forward to you certified check for $10,000 to complete first payment and complying with your request, we will notify you to telephone as soon as the insurance matter has been settled to give you plenty of time to clear the ss O R I O N of the stores and goods belonging to the Shipping Board. Letter from Manager Ship Sales to New York Ship Exchange, August nth: I shall await your advice to the effect that performance bond is ready before issuing instructions to have surplus material removed from this vessel. Telegram Ship Sales Division to New York Ship Exchange, August 15th: Kindly advise expected date completion arrangements for consummating O R I O N purchase.

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Letter, A. J. White, New York, to Director of Insurance, August 22nd: We immediately got in touch with Messrs. Johns[t]on & Higgins, the brokers for the purchasers of this vessel and they advised that Mr. Barnett stated that it would not be necessary to arrange any insurance on this vessel until a performance bond had been submitted to the Shipping Board and this was not expected to be done for at least a week. Letter Jos. P. Nolan (Attorney for Black Star Line) to Manager Ship Sales, August 26th: This is to advise you that the power of attorney given by the Black Star Line to Mr. Rudolph Silverston has been cancelled and a new power of attorney has been issued to Charles M. Barnett. Duplicate original stated to be enclosed. Memorandum, Insurance Division to Mr. A. J. White, September 1st: We beg to advise that in talking with Mr. Malone of the Ship Sales Division he informed us that the matter has been submitted to the Board and it was his impression that the sale would be cancelled. Telegram—Massachusetts Bonding & Insurance Company to Ship Sales Division, September 2nd: Re ss O R I O N are considering performance bond for Black Star Line[.] Will rea[c]h decision Tuesday. Memorandum—Ship Sales Division to the Board, September 6th: More than one month has elapsed since the offer was accepted, and no indications have yet been received that the purchasers will be able to carry out their offer. Several opportunities have arisen whereby this ship might have been disposed of, and under the circumstances I do not believe that any further time should be extended to the Black Star Line, Inc., in which to conclude their arrangements. From what I have learned, they are unable to obtain the requisite performance bond protecting the Board in the payment of the deferred installments. I recommend that the Board formally cancel this sale so that further offers may be solicited, and that the $12,500 now in its possession be retained by the Shipping Board as liquidated damages for failure of the buyers to conclude the transaction.

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FEBRUARY 1922

Memorandum Ship Sales Division to General Counsel, September 7th[,] quoting from letter of Mr. Nolan in regard to power of attorney and adding: As a matter of fact, I have requested the Board to cancel this sale since the buyers have apparently been unable to qualify under the terms of their offer. Itemized letter of expenses, dated September 14th, for shifting stores, offices, personnel, etc. from the ORION to the ss YOMACHICHI on account of the ORION being sold to the Black Star Line. Total is $875.34. Telegram from Beardsley, authorized surety company agent, to Ship Sales Division, September 21st: Have agreed with Nolan, Counsel, Black Star Line, on issuance surety bond ORION[.] Please mail us immediately copy final agreement and bill of sales with form required bond. Memorandum—Ship Sales Division to General Counsel, September 30th[,] quoting telegram above mentioned and asking to be advised as to whether this case should be reopened and the buyers given another opportunity to fulfill. Memorandum—General Counsel to Ship Sales Division, October 5th (signed GPL, initialed s. H. E. F.) Referring to your memorandum of September 30th asking whether the Black Star Line should be given another opportunity to carry out this agreement for the purchase of the steamship ORION, I am of the opinion that, as the agreement has not yet been cancelled by the Board and as the Black Star Line has now apparently made arrangements for furnishing a surety bond, it would be advisable to give the Black Star Line another opportunity to carry out its contract, unless it is regarded as very desirable that the Board should be relieved from the contract. While there has been considerable delay, it is impossible to state with any degree of certainty that this delay has been so unreasonable that a court would hold that the Board might withdraw from the contract, consequently an attempt to so withdraw might result in the Board's being compelled not only to give up the good faith deposit, but also to pay damages in addition. I suggest that the Black Star Line be given one more chance to comply with the contract and that in order to protect ourselves against further delays by the Black Star Line they be notified in writing that unless a bond with satisfactory surety is furnished promptly the sale will be cancelled.

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T H E M A R C U S G A R V E Y AND U N I A PAPERS

Memorandum—Manager Ship Sales to General Counsel, ber 8th[,] acknowledging foregoing opinion and adding:

Octo-

Before a final demand can be made upon the Black Star Line, it would seem that the Board should furnish them with purchase agreement, mortgage, etc., and with a form of bond required. Underwriters who are handling the issuance of the bond have requested this action, and doubtless they are entitled to see these documents before committing themselves to the faithful performance of the contract. Memorandum from the Board to General Counsel, October 8th: The Board of Trustees of the Emergency Fleet Corporation, at a meeting on October 7, 1921, directed that the bond to be furnished by the Black Star Line, Incorporated, in connection with its offer for purchase the ss O R I O N and the action of the Shipping Board thereon, be referred to the Law Division, for its consideration and decision as to the sufficiency thereof. Memorandum—Vice President Farley to General Counsel, December 2nd[,] requesting advice as to why the papers covering the transaction have not been tendered for execution, (endorsed as follows:) "Having discussed this with you, I am returning your memo. s. H. E. F." "Philbin: I don't know what the status is now find out for me. E. P. F." "Explained personally 2/4/22 j. H. P." Receipt, December 22nd, as follows: Received of E. H. Duff, by request, certified check No. 7585, dated August 30, 1921, drawn on the New York Trust Company, in amount $10,000.00, deposited with the Board as additional earnest money on the proposal of the Black Star Line[,] Inc., to purchase the s.s. O R I O N . Memorandum—Manager Ship Sales to Treasurer, Jan. j[,] 1922; transmitting the above check and Please hold this check in escrow until further advice from this department. The Legal Division is now engaged in drawing up appropriate legal documents upon the completion and acceptance of which final details for the closing of the sale will be arranged.

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FEBRUARY 1922

Letter—Quartermaster General to Manager, Operating Department, January 20th: Referring to telephone conversation of this date, the War Department desires a combination passenger and cargo vessel of the approximate size and capacity of the s.s. ORION. It is understood that this steamer was sold to the Black Star Line, which recently defaulted payment, and the vessel is again in possession of the Shipping Board, laid up at Norfolk, Va. Understanding that the vessel is now available for sale or transfer, it is requested that the ship be tentatively withheld from disposal until a survey can be made as to her condition and suitability for transfer to the War Department for the Inter-Island service of the Philippines. Letter, Ship Sales Division to Quartermaster Corps, February 3rd: The ex-German steamer ORION, about which you inquire, was sold some months ago to the Black Star Line, Inc. We expect to learn within the next few days whether or not this sale will be consummated, and we shall advise you at that time as to whether the O R I O N will be available for your requirements. Letter—Jos. P. Nolan to Clinchfield Navigation Company, February 3rd: I beg to confirm suggestions which I made to you at our recent interview and although they are clear in my mind, I should feel better to put them definitely in writing. The Black Star Line bid for the ss ORION the sum of $225,000 and the ship was awarded to it. It paid to the Shipping Board 10% of the purchase price, or $22,500.00. At the time its bid was accepted and the ship awarded to the Black Star Line they proceeded to arrange for the usual bond for the balance of the purchase price, and made certain financial arrangements. The matter of getting a bond was a difficult one as the experience of the Bonding Companies on performance and other bonds affecting ships had been a highly unsatisfactory one in every respect. However, the Black Star Line had, and still has, a very loyal organization, so that we were finally able to make satisfactory arrangements to take care of our contract with the Shipping Board. Unfortunately, owing to changes in the administration of the Shipping Board and in its personnel, many months elapsed

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T H E MARCUS GARVEY AND U N I A PAPERS

from the time of the award of the ship until the proposed contract of the Shipping Board was received by the Black Star Line. You know all about the delay that intervened, and its causes, and the efforts made by yourself and Mr. Duff to speed up the drawing of that contract. You can imagine our surprise, when the contract finally arrived, to find it was not in the terms that we had fully expected it to be, and that instead of a bond for $200,000 we were requested to give a bond for $450,000. This halted the financial arrangements temporarily. In the meantime, during the months that have elapsed from the awarding of the ship and the receipt of the proposed contract the enemies of the Black Star Line and of the Universal Negro Improvement Association had been active, both by word of mouth, and in the public prints, and these rival colored organizations, through their leaders, sowed suspicion and dissension among the colored people, suspicion to such an extent that among many of the stockholders of the Black Star Line and the Universal Negro Improvement Association there has grown grave doubt as to whether or not such a ship as the O R I O N exists, or, if she does exist, whether or not she was ever awarded to the Black Star Line, and whether or not they ever paid to the Shipping Board the sum of $22,500.00 on account of her purchase price. This suspicion has resulted in legal proceedings all of which has increased the difficulties of the Black Star Line to such an extent that the financial negotiations, outside of the organizations themselves, have now fallen through. However, the members of the Black Star Line, and of the Universal Negro Improvement Association are still loyal and have pledged themselves that if satisfactory proof can be given of the awarding of the ss O R I O N to the Black Star Line, and of her actual existence as a ship, they will again back the proposition, and carry it through. I have talked with various of the officials and am firmly convinced that if we can have the ship brought here to New York City where she can be seen by the rank and file of both these organizations that we can complete the purchase of the ship and go on with the original contemplated arrangements. I, therefore, suggest to you that you take up the whole situation with the Sh[i]pping Board and request that they have the O R I O N towed to New York, somewhere in the vicinity of 135th Street, that the expense of towing the ship to New York shall be deducted from the deposit of $22,500, which the Shipping Board now has, and that the Black Star Line be given thirty days from the arrival of the ship at the port of New York to complete the deal, and that if, at the end of thirty days, the Black Star Line is

S3*

FEBRUARY 1922

not prepared to complete the deal then the deposit money now in the hands of the Shipping Board be forfeited. This would see[m] to me to be an equitable and a fair arrangement, and one which I hope the Shipping Board will consent to, because after all, my dear Mr. Barnett, you and I both know that if it were not for the extraordinary delay in the forwarding of the contract the rival organizations of the Black Star Line would not have been able to publish [and] broadcast their doubts and their suspicions of the honesty of purpose, and the good faith, of the Black Star Line officials, and that we would have been able to carry through the deal but for that delay. Failing to obtain the consent of the Shipping Board to such an arrangement I think that the Shipping Board should return to the Black Star Line the deposit of $22,500 already made, but I trust that you will not have to suggest that alternative, but instead will be able to have the ship brought to New York. Telegram—Jos. P. Nolan to Ship Sales Division, February 7th: Mr. Duff has advised me Board refused send ORION to New York but will return deposit forward check for deposit and any papers to me and I will immediately return contract. Letter—Jos. P. Nolan to Ship Sales Division, February 7th; confirming telegram and adding: I very much regret that the Board cannot see its way clear to permit the ORION to come to New York, but at the same time I do appreciate the Board's attitude in returning to me the deposit made on behalf of my client. Memorandum—Manager ary 23rd:

Ship Sales to General Counsel, Febru-

Appended hereto please find executed release from the Black Star Line, Inc., in connection with their request that they be relieved from the purchase of the ORION. Please advise me if this meets with your approval and if the Board may cancel this sale without claiming liability on the part of the Black Star Line. The War Department has made a request for this vessel in addition to which we have several inquiries for her from private sources and we should like to get her legal status cleared up as quickly as possible. I have discussed the matter with Mr. Philbin of the Ship Sales Division. He feels the Board delayed unreasonably in carrying out the sale and for that

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T H E M A R C U S G A R V E Y AND U N I A PAPERS

reason the earnest money should be returned. He adds that the War Department desires this ship. As to the $875.34 paid by the Board for expense in connection with shifting stores, etc. on the O R I O N in order to make her deliverable, he states that the Board would have to bear this expense in any event before turning the vessel over to the War Department. He recommends that the earnest money be returned to the Black Star Line. He has not yet taken the matter up with the Board and requests the opinion of the Legal Division before doing so. In reviewing this case I cannot help feeling that the proposed contract of sale and form of bond should have been submitted promptly to the purchaser. Apparently it was August 3, 1921 when the purchaser was advised of the acceptance of the offer. At the same time it appears on December 22nd the purchaser paid an additional $10,000 on account of the earnest money. By doing so it must be assumed that the purchaser waived any delay on the part of the Board up to that time. Since then it would appear that the Buyer is now unable to go forward with the sale. I cannot say the purchaser is legally entitled to a refund of the earnest money. At the same time there may be many considerations which would justify the Board in making a refund. There is some indication in the papers that the number of stockholders of the Black Star Line runs into the thousands. It is probable that they are for the most part negroes and largely ignorant of business transactions. If the matter comes to their attention they will feel that the Board is taking their money and that they have not received their ship, and thus a prejudice may be created among a large number of citizens in a matter in which the Board may not be entirely without fault. Secondly, it is reasonable to assume that if the Board now cancels the sale and refuses to return the earnest money that litigation will ensue. There may be other considerations in connection with this matter of which I know nothing. Specifically answering the inquiry of the Division of Ship Sales, it is my opinion that if in good sound business judgment of the Board the best interests of the United States Government would be served by a return of the earnest money it is in their discretion to cancel the sale and return the money. The purchaser has submitted a form of release. The release does not meet with my approval either in form or execution. I call the matter to your attention at the present time so that should the Board act favorably on the application of the Black Star Line, the matter may not be overlooked. In such case also I would add that it is essential in connection with this matter to have certified copies of the resolution authorizing such a release. E. Powis J O N E S Assistant Counsel DNA, RG 32, file 605-1-653. TMS, recipient's copy.

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F E B R U A R Y 1922

E. Powis Jones to Sanford H. E. Freund [Washington, D.C.] March 7, 1922 In accordance with your memorandum of today I have seen Vice Presidents Smull and Farley. It is their idea that the best thing to do is to let the Black Star Line have back its earnest money less whatever charges the Board has been put to on its account. E. Powis J O N E S Assistant Counsel DNA, RG 32, file 605-1-653. TMS, recipient's copy.

Report by Special Agent Mortimer J. Davis New York City 3/8/22 U . S . vs B L A C K S T A R L I N E , I N C . , V I O . S E C . 215,

U.S.C.C.

( U S I N G M A I L S TO D E F R A U D )

Continuing this investigation: My last report indicated that Orlando M. Thompson, a defendant in this case, had come to the Bureau office and stated his willingness to give a statement. I learned that Thompson had been advised to do so by his attorney Louis [Joseph] P. Nolan, 25 Broad St., this city. On Feb. 21st Thompson came to the Bureau office again, and the writer, in presence of Agent Amos, took a stenographic statement from him, copy of which is attached hereto. This statement supplements the one Thompson gave P.O. Inspector Williamson sometime ago. At the same time Thompson turned over to us all letters, telegrams, and memoranda regarding his official acts while [with the Black Star Line]. These were looked over carefully and returned to Thompson on the promise that they would be available to us at any time. As matters have developed, Garvey, through the medium of his newspaper "Negro World" and public speeches in various parts of the country, is claiming that the blame for the phantom "Phyllis Wheatley" is on Thompson's shoulders, inasmuch as negotiations for it, and the publication of the circulars in [qjuestion occurred during the time Garvey was in the West Indies: also, Garvey is claiming that Thompson has made away with $25,000. This, un[do]ubtedly is th[e] amount now held by the Shipping Board as deposit on the S/S "Orion," which is well known to Garvey but which he is apparently misrepresenting for his own purposes. This situation, therefore, has led to Thompson's attitude, and his offer to help the Government is of course a matter of self-protection.

HI

T H E M A R C U S G A R V E Y AND U N I A PAPERS

Feb. 27th Orlando M. Thompson came to the Bureau office again today voluntarily, and was dismissed after a short talk. Cyril Crichlow, who has been refe[rr]ed to previously in this investigation also came to the office, upon my request. This individual is important to the case inasmuch as he is the man who went to Africa for the U.N.I.A., and knows of their doings there; likewise he has been the official reporter for the association, and reported stenographically many of Garve/s public speeches. Crichlow, as has been shown previously, had a disagreement with Garvey, and upon his return to the U.S. entered a suit against the association for $1300 salary, obtaining recently a judgment for $750.00.1[t] was rumored that the association would settle the judgment in an effort to prevent Crichlow from testifying against them, which, however, Crichlow stated he was ignorant of, reiterating today that nothing would prevent him from testifying as to the truth. On March 7th, however, I was confidentially informed that the association had handed Crichlow $550 in settlement of his judgment, on the promise that he would not testify against them at the trial. This promise, I understand was extracted from Crichlow by a Bishop Gainse [Rev. E. L. Gaines?]. This would appear to place the association in the light of endeavoring to buy up witnesses, and I am working on this point with a view to obtaining evidence of same which may be used if required. On this date, also, I learned confidentially that Elie Garcia, being in charge of the Black Star Line during the absence of New York of Marcus Garvey, ordered, on Feb. 20th, that the sale of stock be stopped. The reasons for this undoubtedly are, first, all stock certificate books are being recalled upon request of Expert Bank Accountant Merril[e]es, and secondly, because Thompson has notified the Line in writing that he no longer consents to the use of his name on the certificates (several stock books had been signed by him in blank and sent around the country). I learn from Mr. Merril[e]es, however, that while the sale of stock of the Black Star Line has continued since the indictment, the monies so received have been deposited to the account of the Black Star Steamship Co., Inc., a New Jersey corporation the history of which I have previously given. They are then transferred to the Black Star Line by cash or check. This is being done to avoid the attachment which the National Dry Docks of Staten Island, N.Y. has obtained against the bank account of the Black Star Line for unpaid bills. Feb. 23rd On this date Agent Amos invited to the Bureau office one Louis L[a]Moth[e], former purser on the "Yarmouth." After a short conversation I arranged for his appearance at the office on a later date, at which time a statement was taken and will be reporte[d.]

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FEBRUARY 1922

On request of Mr. Merril[e]es, I endeavored to check up several of the incidents surrounding the insurance on the boats of the Black Star Line, which do not appear on their books. S/S "YARMOUTH":

On July 5, 1920, Messrs. O'Keefe & Lynch, 45 John Street, N.Y. City, Insurance Brokers, placed the following insurance on the "Yarmouth" through Jas. Hewitt & Co., Ltd., London, England: $50,000 freight & earnings 30,000 disbursements

(total loss) it

I trip to W.I. only

11

50,500 hull & machinery 59,500

The first three policies were issued by the National Benefit Co., and the last named by the British Dominion General Mar[i]time Co., both of London, England. O'Keefe & Lynch, according to insurance custom, paid to the London brokers the premium on this insurance, intending to collect same in turn from the Black Star Line. Much difficulty was experienced in this, the Line, through Garvey, Thompson and Wilford H. Smith pleading shortage of funds and it was not until very recently that the brokers here were paid the money they had laid out for the insurance premium. I have been informed that there were other policies on the "Yarmouth" covering her three trips, but O'Keefe & Lynch state they did not write them. Neither are they able to advise from their records whether there are any assignments against the insurance on the Yarmouth. S/S "KANAWHA":

During June, 1920, the Black Star Line requested O'Keefe & Lynch to obtain a policy on the "Kanawha" covering a trip to the West Indies. Upon cabling London on this, O'Keefe & Lynch received a reply stating in effect that not only was the "Kanawha" unclassified, but that she was too old to insure. The cable and confirming letter containing these statements are available if needed. Insurance on the boat was finally secured by O'Keefe & Lynch, however, as follows: 1st Policy dated 6/16/20—$36,000 covering Hull, total constructive loss, rate 1%, one trip only. 2nd Policy dated 6/16/20—$15,000 covering freight and profits, total constructive loss, rate 1-1/4%, trip only.

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3rd Policy dated 6/16/20—$9,000, covering disbursements, total constructive loss, rate 1-1/4%, trip only. The total premium amounting to $622.56 was paid by the Black Star Line on August 2,1920. On the books of O'Keefe & Lynch appears a proviso that "loss, if any, payable to J. M. Briggs, or Black Star Line, as interest may appear." (Briggs sold them the boat). Subsequently, the Black Star Line requested that O'Keefe & Lynch consent to having any loss made payable to the Massachusetts Bonding Co., which request was refused. When the "Kanawha" finally left New York under these policies (about Feb. 1921) to the West Indies, she was forced to return, not completing the trip. They then requested return of part of the premium, which, when taken up with the London company which obtained the policies, was met with the reply that instead of part premium beig returnable, a penalty was due the insurance company inasmuch as the boat had been laid up in New York an unreasonable time following date of the policies, and, in fact had not left port within the time limit set down by the insurance company after this delay had been called to their attention. Later, the Black Star Line requested that similar policies be issued covering one year's operation, but London refused. S/S

"SHADYSIDE"

This excursion boat was insured through Frank B. Hall & Co., brokers, 67 Wall Street, as follows: 1st Policy dated 4/19/20, period of 1 year, $10,000. Beneficiaries Black Star Line and Leon R. Swift (Joint) Covers Hull, tackle, fixtures, machinery, total constructive loss. Distributed as follows: City of N.Y. Insurance Co. 1/4 interest) Baltica Insurance Co., 3/4 " j $10,000 2nd Policy dated 5/28/20, period of 1 year, $25,000 Covers hull, machinery, tackle, fixtures, etc. Total loss. Distributed with London, England, companies Under these policies the movement of the boat is limited to the harbor of New York, as far north as Poughkeepsie. The policies also show that the agreed (between underwriters and B.S.L.) value of the boat was $45,000 at that time. This, I am informed, was agreed after inspection by the underwriters. Assignments against the insurance on the "Shadyside" are as follows: Massachusetts $5,000.00

Bonding

Co.

6/20/21 filed by

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Thompson—

FEBRUARY 1922

Garcia Sugars Corp., filed by Thompson & Garcia consisting of a scries of promissory notes, viz: 7/6/21 $280.20 8/5/21 500.00 9/4/21 500.00 10/4/21 500.00 II/3/2I

500.00

$2,280. [2]0

(N.B.—These notes have since been satisfied, per B.S.L. books) Independent Wireless Te[I], Corp., filed by Thompson $1150.13 I previously reported that Leon R . Swift, who sold the Shadyside to the Black Star Line, is now suing the underwriters direct through his attorneys, Foley & Martin, for the entire $35,000 insurance, claiming the boat a total constructive loss. Swift has in his possession an agreement signed by Garvey and Thompson, giving him the right to sue for same. There is a balance on the original purchase price of the "Shadyside" of about $18,000 still due Swift. U p o n taking the matter up with Thompson, he advises that this agreement was given Swift, first because of the money due him, and secondly because he was more familiar with such matters than officials of the B.S.L. Questioned as to what measures the Line has taken to obtain from Swift the difference between $18,000 and $35,000 (if full insurance is collected) Thompson states that "we depended upon Swift's good faith to pay us." I have learned that since my talk with him he has had his attorney, Mr. Nolan, take the matter up with the underwriters, who have agreed that no monies will be paid to Swift without representatives of the Black Star Line being notified. As to the assignments, it will be noted they have been filed with the brokers, and not with the underwriters. As Swift is suing the latter, I am informed that these assignments will not be effective; Thompson states the Line intends to satisfy them out of the insurance they collect on the boat. The above information is for the use of Mr. Merril[e]es. Feb. 24th On this date Agent Amos located A. R U D O L P H SILVERSTON, formerly proprietor of the New York Ship Exchange. This is the man who was dealing with the Shipping Board on behalf of the Black Star Line in its attempts to secure the " O r i o n , " which was to be renamed the "Phyllis Wheatley." Silverston came to the Bureau office willingly and gave a statement, copy of which is attached. I am convinced that Silverston has been dishonest in his dealings with the line and is responsible in some measure for the present difficulties. Feb. ¿sth On this date, in company with Agent Amos, called at the Standard Engraving Co., 225 W. 39th St.[,] and interviewed the President, Mr. Chill i

T H E MARCUS GARVEY AND U N I A PAPERS

ton, and a Miss MacDermott. This is the concern which prepared the plate used for the printing of the circular containing picture of a boat named "Phyllis Wheatley." Upon referring to the records of this concern, a bill dated May 2, 1921, was located, made out to O. M. Thompson, containing a charge of $7.50 for "plate and art work." Miss MacDermott, who handled the transaction, described Thompson, and stated that he requested the name "Phyllis Wheatley" to be painted on the picture in his possession, and also asked that the Black Star Line flag be likewise painted thereon, which was done. Continued. MORTIMER J. DAVIS

DJ-FBI, file 61. TD.

Enclosure 15 Park Row, New York City February 21, 1922 STATEMENT O F ORLANDO M . THOMPSON PRESENT:

MORTIMER J. DAVIS, SPECIAL AGENT JAMES AMOS, SPECIAL AGENT

F. J. KILMARTIN,

STENOGRAPHER

Q. Mr. Thompson, you understand fully that the statement which you make is given voluntarily; that we make you no promises of immunity. To the questions which we ask you here you have the right of replying or not; is that satisfactory? A. Yes. Q. You are the same Mr. Thompson who some time ago gave a statement to Mr. Williamson, Post Office Inspector, in my presence? A. Yes Q. D o you know whether or not Marcus Garvey or any of the other officers of the Black Star Line have any personal bank accounts anywhere? A. This is what I think, not that I know: I have seen a check from Mr. Garvey on [t]he bank at 125th St. I think it is the Corn Exchange Bank. I have seen checks from Mr. Garcia on the Chelsea Exchange. Q. D o you know whether Mr. Garvey has an account in either Canada or West Indies? A. I don't know. Q. D o you know that it has been alleged that Garvey has gotten away with funds which he has placed either in Canada or the West Indies?

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A. I don't know. Let me say for your information, during my fifteen months with the Company I have been detailed on the downtown work of the shipping department, so that I have little or no knowledge of the book workings of the office. Q. Have you any bank account yourself? A. No sir. Q. This girl, Amy Jakes [Jacques], do you know whether she has a bank account or not? A. I really don't know. Q. Did Miss Jakes have anything to do with disbursing funds of the Black Star Line? A. As far as I know, only as advised by Garvey. Q. Who had the power of authorizing expenditures of the Black Star Line funds? A. Marcus Garvey. Q. Anyone else? A. No one else. Let me illustrate that. There wasn't any person who could order a bill paid for any new indebtedness; that is, the Treasurer might and even that was under Garvey's instructions—pay regular bills. Q. You mean, that even with the approval of the Treasurer, Garvey's approval was also necessary? A. Yes. Q. Who else besides Garvey had the power to make such approvals? A. I should say no one person. Q. During Mr. Garvey's absence from New York City who had power to make disbursements—Mr. Garcia, the secretary? A. Mr[.] Wilfred H. Smith. Mr. Garvey appointed him and gave him power of attorney and made him his personal representative when he was leaving the country for the specific purpose of seeing nothing was done in the matter of paying bills without his knowledge and approval so that no bills were paid without Smith's approval. Q. Was that arrangement agreed to by either the officers of the corporation or the Board of Directors or was it a personal action by Garvey? A. It was a personal action. Q. Wasn't this considered a rather peculiar procedure for a corporation? A. Absolutely. Q. Did anyone ever question Garvey's retention of the right to give personal approval to expenditures? A. Well, it wasn't an open question, but a free discussion among the directors. Q. Do you know that the Yarmouth has been sold by the U.S. Marshal at public auction? A. I heard it several weeks after it was done. Q. Does Garvey know this? S47

T H E M A R C U S G A R V E Y A N D U N I A PAPERS

A. Yes. Q. Why was the boat sold? A. I heard to satisfy a debt. Q. Do you know the price the Marshal sold it for? A. I saw a record of it in the Marine News, $15,000 and some cents; I can't recall the exact figure. Q. D o you know whether a record of that was ever made on the books of the Company? A. I don't know. Q. Were you ever present at a meeting of stockholders where it was decided to claim the steamship Yarmouth as an asset? A. At this meeting the contention was that the propaganda in favor of the organization was helped by the three trips of the Yarmouth, but the Yarmouth as a physical asset was nil. Q. When was that meeting held? A. October 2[9]th, 1921, I think it was. Q. Were all the officers present at that meeting? A. Yes sir. Q. And it was generally admitted that the Yarmouth was not a physical asset, but merely an asset so far as propaganda was concerned? A. Yes sir. Q. Do you know whether or not some time ago the District Attorney in New York City t[h]reatened Garvey with suit if a ship was not obtained by a certain date? A. I heard about it, but I was not with the Company at the time. Q. What did you hear about that? A. I heard that Marcus Garvey had been collecting moneys and promising a ship and that they were expecting it every day. Q. Apparently someone had complained to the District Attorney? A. Yes sir. Q. Approximately when were arrangements made to insert advertisements in the Negro World regarding the sailing of the Phyllis Wheatley? A. About some time in January, 1921, an advertisement came out in the Negro World advising of regular sailings to Africa, but it didn't state the name of the boat; although I cannot understand why such an advertisement was put in unless the man who put it in knew something about his plans for obtaining a boat or he may have been thinking that the present boats he had could have made these trips. Q. Who wrote that advertisement? A. I don't know. Q. Was Mr. Garvey in the United States when that advertisement appeared? A. Yes. Q. Was he in New York City?

54*

F E B R U A R Y 1922

A. Yes. Q . Do you know whether or not he had previous knowledge that the advertisement was to appear? A. I don't know, but I drew it to his attention when I saw it. Q . And what did he say? A. He made some excuse for its appearance and I told him that that would have to be changed unless you intend to run the Yarmouth to Africa. Q . You informed him that the Company had no boat which could be run to Africa? A. Yes, I did. Q . And what did he reply? A. He told me to go out and try to get such a boat whether by charter or purchase. Q . Was Mr. Garvey in the United States when the first advertisement specifically mentioning the Phyllis Wheatley appeared in the Negro World? A. No sir. Q . Who prepared those advertisements? A. I think I had something to do with them. Q . Did Mr. Garvey have anything to do with the preparation of those advertisements? A. Not those specifying the boats. Q . Before leaving the United States did he issue any instructions regarding inserting such advertisements? A. The advertisements were in the papers before he left, not about the Phyllis but about the sailings to Africa. Q . Before Garvey left the United States was the acquisition of a boat to be known as the Phyllis Wheatley discussed? A. Yes sir, we were actually negotiating for the Tennyson. Q . When you called to Mr. Garvey's attention the fact that the Company did not have a boat which could make the trip to Africa, did he cancel the insertion of the advertisements referred to? A. No sir, I insisted on him cancelling the sailing dates, which he consented to, the dates being taken out, but the sailings to remain, not on a specified time, but on or about such and such a time. Q . Without the mention of any particular ship? A. Yes sir, but it was after we had signed a contract with the New York Ship Exchange for a definite delivery that the advertisement came out announcing the sailing on or about such and such a date. Q . Where was Garvey then? A. I think in Central America. Q . Was Garvey kept informed of negotiations in New York while in the West Indies and Central America? A. Not through me, because it was hard to get him; he was in one place and then another.

S49

T H E M A R C U S G A R V E Y AND U N I A PAPERS

Q. When Garvey returned to the United States did he object to the advertisements bearing a specified name and sailing dates having been inserted in the Negro World? A. The objection was before he came back, because we withdrew these publications that announced the Phyllis Wheatley after the broker failed to deliver the ship. Q. Do you know whether Mr. Garvey made any representations while out of the United States regarding the steamship to be known as the Phyllis Wheatley? A. N o sir. Q. He knew, however that the ship which you intended to acquire for the African trade was to be called the Phyllis Wheatley? A. Yes sir. Q. Who suggested that name? A. Mr. Garvey. Q. When he first inserted advertisements regarding sailings to Africa, with the mention of a specific ship, did he have in mind the steamship to be known as the Phyllis Wheatley? A. I really don't know, that's just what I asked him myself. Q. Who sold the passage on the Phyllis Wheatley? A. People were depositing—this I would like to be clearly understood: It was the volition of the people to deposit money to take care of passage in case the ship became an actuality and people often withdrew their funds week in and week out. It wasn't actually a case of the passage being sold, as moneys were received on deposit when the trip could be procured and the people were told of that, because out of over eight hundred applicants only about forty o[d]d actually deposited money[.] Q. Was the money returned? A. Some has been returned and some is still being returned as fast as the[y] call for it. Q. Did the Company start returning such passage money before or after action by the U.S. Government against the Black Star Line? A. Before. Q. Since the arrest of Marcus Garvey on January 1(2], 1922, has the Black Star Line continued the sale of stock? A. I don't know. Q. What do you know regarding the formation of the Black Star Line S.S. Co. of New Jersey? A. Yes, I know of that. It was done in October, 1920. Q. What was the purpose of forming that corporation^ ] A. Specifically for the purpose of controlling one ship. Each ship would be under a different corporate name to avoid the possibility of not making the sailing in case one other ship got into trouble.

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Jean Joseph Adam

Grace Campbell

Thomas W. Anderson

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Marcus Garvey after his indictment

Liberty H a l l , N e w York

Marcus Garvey and Amy Jacques Garvey

Richard Hilton Tobitt

Reviewing stand for UNIA convention parade

Black Cross Nurses

FEBRUARY 1922

Q. Was that corporation formed for the purpose of taking over any specific ship? A. N o sir, not at the time of formation, but when the Phyllis Wheatley was actually to be bought, it was suggested that it should be under the clear corporation so that any litigation or judgments would not affect that particular sailing. Q. Whose suggestion was that? A. My suggestion. Q. Was that corporation formed or in your mind, so far as you know, to see that the people got their money ba[ck] in any way? A. Just what I was going to do, to see that the people who had invested their money should be properly taken care of. Q. Was it not on the suggestion of Wolf [ f ] & Steffani that the Black Star Line of New Jersey was formed? A. N o sir, I only met them recently and this thing was done in October, 1920. Q. Wolf [ f ] & Steffani were the brokers who orally agreed to raise the funds to purchase the Phyllis Wheatley, is that correct? A. Yes sir. Q. Did they make any inspection of the condition or ability of the Black Star Line to meet its obligations? A. Yes sir. Q. After such inspection were they satisfied? A. Yes, they expressed their satisfaction. Q. What sort of an inspection did they make? A. Mr. Steffani and Mr. W o l f [ f ] came to the office one night. They said they were particularly interested in our ability to dispose of or sell bonds and they could only estimate it according to how we impressed them that we could sell the stock of the Black Star Line, provided we had the same clientele, and that we had records that we could finance and that we could dispose of these bonds. Q. When was this inspection made, approximately? A. About the last week in December. Q. At that time the Black Star was practically insolvent, was it not? A. Yes sir. Q. Was that fact pointed out to Wolf [ f ] & Steffani? A. Oh, yes. Q. They understood it? A. Yes. Q. Up to that time, however, nothing had actually been obtained? A. No, it was not in our possession. Q. What is the status of the Phyllis Wheatley today? A. Well, the Government refused to let us have the ship unless we put

SSI

T H E MARCUS GARVEY AND U N I A PAPERS

up the bond they require and I think they are negotiating now in Washington for the return of the money. Q. Being satisfied that they cannot raise the bond? A. Yes sir. Of course the indictment and the arrest of Garvey practically [kijlled every chance we had of raising the bond. Q. In what way? A. The people said, if your Company is disintegrated we cannot talk finance with you. Q. What people are you referring to, are you referring to stockholders? A. The financiers, people who might have been willing to put up the bond. Q. Wolf [ f ] & StefFani have refused? A. They say, if your organization is coming apart, it was the means through which we were sure you could dispose of the bonds; therefore, we don't think it is a good business proposition. We haven't stopped there. There is an arrangement that if the Government will return the ship they will refund the money. There is a firm, a party waiting to turn it over. Q. What firm is that? A. The Northeastern Bond Finance Co., 150 Broadway. The man's name that I have been talking with is Mr. Avarutus. Q. Was the New York Ship Exchange ever paid any money by the Black Star Line to procure the ship[?] A. The New York Ship Exchange had $25,000. Q. What has become of that? A. What I have been hearing is that $12,500 of that has been deposited with the Shipping Board and the last I heard of Silverston's account was that it required excessive expenditures to procure that particular boat for the Black Star Line and he, as power of attorney, used moneys in connection with procuring the award. Q. With reference to what boat? A. The Orion. Q. Did Silverston actually deposit $12,500 with the Shipping Board? A. Yes sir. Q. When was the balance added to make up the $22,500 which the Shipping Board now has? A. Sometime during August. Q. Through whom was the balance paid? A. Through Mr. Joseph P. Nolan, 25 Broad Street. Q. Has any accounting ever been received from Silverston for the $12,500? A. It has been asked for, but not received in writing. Q. Where is Mr. Silverston now? A. I don't know.

SS2

FEBRUARY 1922

Q. What agreement, as to commissions in compensation, did the Line have with Silverston? A. The Line offered Silverston a flat sum of $350,000 for a boat not under six thousand tons, to be approved by the[m], and the Orion was considered to be bought; that is, this boat was to be delivered ready for the ocean in every way, seaworthy and fit. Q. Have Wolf [ f ] & Steffani ever been paid any commissions, bonuses or compensations? A. No, the only money that has been used is the $25,000. Q. In what capacity did Mr. Nolan act in these transactions? A. Marine Adviser to the Black Star Line. Q. [W]as his compensation on a fixed basis? A. Yes sir. Q. D o you know approximately what it was? A. $250 a month. Q. Did Mr. Nolan receive any bonuses, commissions or compensation of any other kind for any transaction? A. N o sir. Q. Were any compensations, bonuses, etc., paid to Captain Swift for any services rendered? A. N o sir. Q. Captain Swift was at one time in the employ of the Black Star Line? A. Yes sir. Q. On a salary basis? A. I don't know. Q. D o you know of anyone who ever got any money out of the Line which has never been accounted for by services or proper explanations? A. N o sir. Q. Have you any idea of or know as to what has become of the large part of the funds collected by the Black Star Line? A. I have been interested to find that out myself and I am satisfied that bad boats and claims for short delivery of cargo and expenses of that kind has consumed a lot of money. Some very big claims have been paid that I know of. There is a firm in Water Street that we brought coconuts from Jamaica for and they got a claim for $2,400. Q. Do you know generally that you are accused of having received moneys from the Black Star Line without giving proper accounting? A. A man came to my house last night and said that he was in a barber shop and heard that I made away with $22,000. I told him we were hearing lots of things, but I am pretty sure that if I could get my salary it would be enough. Q. Do you know how much money Garvey took with him on his trip to the West Indies?

SS3

T H E MARCUS GARVEY AND U N I A PAPERS

A. N o sir, I don't know. Q. You do know there was a collection taken up that night and Amy Jakes took the money herself [?] A. Yes sir, before, and after, when he came back, they gave him a bag of gold. ORLANDO M . THOMPSON

Subscribed and sworn to before me this [21st] day of February, 1922. Notary Public DJ-FBI, file 61. TD.

Enclosure IJ Park Row, New York City February 24, 1922 STATEMENT O F A N T H O N Y RUDOLPH SILVERSTON PRESENT: MORTIMER J. DAVIS, SPECIAL AGENT JAMES AMOS, SPECIAL A G E N T F. J. KILMARTIN, STENOGRAPHER

Q. What is your full name and address? A. Anthony Rudolph Silverston, Park Avenue Hotel. Q. What is your business? A. I am a ship broker, a ship builder. Q. What is your business address? A. R o o m i2[4]o, 17 Battery Place. Q. H o w long have you been in the shipping business? A. About seven or eight years. Q. Are you a United States subject? A. I am. Q. Have you ever had any dealings with or for the Black Star Line? A. I have. Q. Will you kindly explain exactly what dealings? A. I met Mr. Garvey the first time somewhere during the beginning of the War when I was at 25 Beaver St. I am doing business under the name of the New York Ship Exchange, a fictitious name registered at the City Hall. Y o u know to comply with the law, if you want to do business under a certain name you have to incorporate or register. I believe somewhere in 1915 Mr. Garvey, through some broker, approached me to sell him some oil tankers and I believe, if my m[em]ory serves me right, he claimed at that time to be a lawyer with an office somewhere on Broadway. I refused to do any business

SS4

F E B R U A R Y 1922

with him, because during the time of war we had to be careful. I had to know [what] his principles] were, and, of course, I wanted to know where his money came from. I could not get any satisfaction from him. He had a miserable office with a little desk; you could not call it anything else but a hole. I had practically forgotten all about it until I saw in the newspapers an advertisement of a great parade in Madison Square and the name Garvey was the leading figure there. I thought I remembered the name. Of course, I read his statements, don't you know and so on, and also the idea that he wanted to establish a steamship line. At the time I had an interest in a British boat, a British steam tra[w]ler that I had had already for two or three years previously in my [hands?]. I believe it was in 1920 when it occurred to me that it might be a boat that could be used by Garvey. I was given to understand that he was in the market for steamers. That's the seconfd] time I met him. He ordered a man—[I] for[g]et his name—supposed to be his Chief Engineer— to [g]o with me to make an inspection of the steamship. I think it was a fellow by the name of Smith, a young man, and I took him over to where I had the boat. That was the last I heard of it. I never heard from him again. The next I heard of the Black Star Line—Oh! yes, I might [a]dd that I tried to get in communication with Garvey at the [t]ime in [reference to the steamer; her [na]me was the . . . [word mutilated]. However, I could never get him on the telephone so I concluded there wa[s] nothing doing. I dropped it. Then the next I knew of—when I met Mr. Thompson. I met him in the office of a [Scotchman, a marine [engineer?], accidentally. His name was [H]arris. He was a very prominent [engineer?]. He was in [partnership] with United States . . . [several words mutilated]. I had had some business dealings with that man and I accidentally [met?] Thompson there. Of course, you see I have been dealing in machinery. [Three pages missing from original.] Q. Did you submit to them a detailed estimate of the repairs needed? A. Well, yes, I had the Government survey. That survey was obtained from the people that I was recom[m]ended to in Norfolk. I obtained it there; the official survey made on behalf of the Government and I obtained from the same party a photograph, a large one, of the Orion. Q. Did you furnish a copy of that photograph? A. I gave him, Mr. Thompson, the photograph and he never returned it. Q. Do you think you could recognize the picture of the Orion if you saw it today? A. I think I can. Q. I show you a circular headed, "the Black Star Line," containing a picture of a boat supposed to be the Phyllis Wheatley, and ask you if that is the Steamship Orion? A. Yes, I think it is. I also remember that the name was to be changed to the Phyllis Wheatley, because, in honor of a woman from Boston.

SSS

T H E M A R C U S GARVEY AND U N I A PAPERS

Q. Have you any idea as to how the name Phyllis Wheatley got on the pictures? A. Well, I suppose they went ahead and re-photographed it. Q. As a matter of fact did the Black Star Line have any authority to publish a picture of the S.S. Orion as be[l]onging to them? A. No. Q. As a matter of fact has the Black Star ever owned the steamship Orion? A. No[,] the boat could not be owned unless they furnished a bond. Q. Did the Black Star Line at any time put up through you any money as deposit on the steamship Orion? A. Yes. Q. What was the amount? A. $22,500. Q. They paid that money to you and you in turn paid it to the Shipping Board? A. Yes. Q. What other moneys have been paid to you by the Black Star Line? A. I received from the Black Star Line about $25,000—let's see, somewhere around that. Q. Did the Black Star Line ever pay you any money which was to be applied to the S.S. Hong [Kh]ong? A. They paid me. I received a check I believe for $500, yes, to cover [my] expenses, to be returned to them and taken out of my profits. Q. Did they ever place any money in escrow? A. Yes. Q. Approximately how much? A. About sixteen or seventeen thousand dollars. Q. Representing what? A. That was to cover the payments. Q. Ha[s] that money ever been returned to them? A. That was paid to the Shipping Board. Q. That money was later turned over to the Shipping Board through you? A. Through me, yes. Q. And makes up part of the $25,000? A. Yes. 1 [ANTHONY RUDOLPH

SILVERSTON]

DJ-FBI, file 61. TD. 1. Since this document ends rather abruptly, portions of it may be missing.

SS6

MARCH 1922

Report by Special Agent Mortimer J. Davis New York City 3/8/22 I N R E : U . S . v s B L A C K S T A R L I N E , I N C . , V I O . S E C . 215, U . S . C . C . ( U S I N G M A I L S TO D E F R A U D )

On the 6th inst. Miss Gwendolyn Campbell, 2441 Seventh Avenue, New York, who was formerly in the employ of the Black Star Line, as chief stenographer, came to the Bureau office voluntarily and gave a statement of which a copy is attached. Miss Campbell expresses her willingness to assist the Government to the extent of her knowledge and ability, but declines to be called as a witness, stating that she fears for her personal safety. N o threats have been made to her, the fear being based mainly upon what she believes might happen should she testify against Marcus Garvey. She states Garvey has roused his followers to such a pitch that they will do most anything at his mere intimation. This was illustrated in the case of O. M. Thompson, who has been branded as a "traitor" and who, since Garvey's attack upon him[,] has been visited several times and threatened with bodily harm to such a degree that he has been [injformed to remove himself and family to another part of the city. In this connection I might call attention to the fact that since his indictment Garvey has made this matter a race issue, advising his followers that this is an attempt by foreign governments to thwart the progress of the negro race and prevent the capture by them of Africa. I have taken to Asst. U . S . Attorney Mattuck copies of the Negro World in which such statements have recently appeared but am advised by him that nothing can be done to prevent Garvey's making such assertions. Louis L[a]Moth[e], former purser of the "Yarmouth[,]" also came to the Bureau office on the 6th inst. and gave a statement, copy of which is attached. 1 His testimony I consider of importance. Also on the 6th I obtained from the Post Office Dept. about 100 replies received from the 500 form letters sent to stockholders following the indictment. O f the 100 returned, about 15 state they are not satisfied and give reasons, which, added to the witnesses already interviewed and listed, bring the total up to about 35. On the 7th inst. I was advised from a confidential source that the U . N . I . A. had received a tax bill from the City of New York on Liberty Hall, amounting to $3,000, and that they had furnished an affidavit to the effect that this hall is used exclusively for religious and charitable purposes. This, of coursef,] is not true, and upon taking the matter up with the Tax Dept. I was shown copy of an affidavit signed by Geo. Tobias and one Paul, Chaplain of the U . N . I . A . [ , ] containing the statements mentioned above, made, of course, for the purpose of being exempted from tax. Later in the day a representative of the Tax Dept. called at the Bureau office and was permitted to go over the accounts of the U.N.I.A., after which he stated that they

SS7

T H E M A R C U S GARVEY AND U N I A PAPERS

would now have to pay the tax inasmuch as he was convinced that the Association had received a revenue from the use of the hall. On the 8th inst. P.O. Inspector Williamson, who has been out of New York since January, returned to New York today and went over the case with the writer. Mr. Williamson, who left the city again tonight, states that Asst. U.S. Attorney Joyce has advised that the case can go to trial about the end of April, at which time Mr. Williamson expects to return to New York City. Mr. Williamson states that he is not satisfied with the manner in which the U.S. Attorney's office is handling this case here, stating that their attitude is one of disinterestedness and that the Assistant to whom it has been assigned has shown little or no willingness to study the details. Mr. Williamson states further that he will take the matter up with Washington for the purpose of securing the aid of a Special Attorney to prosecute the matter. Continued. MORTIMER J. DAVIS

DJ-FBI, file 61. TD. i. See Garvey Papers 2.624-625; 3:38.

Enclosure [New York] March 6, 1922 On this date G W E N D O L Y N C A M P B E L L , residing at 2441 Seventh Avenue, New York City, came to the Bureau office upon request, and made, substantially, the following statement: That she is a West Indian; she knew Garvey in Jamaica, where he was doing journalistic work in about 1914, at which time she did stenographic work for him from time to time. She understands that Garvey developed the idea of the Universal Negro Improvement Association himself, and came to America around 1915. She was sent for by Garvey during March, 1920, at which time he asked her to take charge of the stenographic force in his office, which position she accepted at $20 per week, later receiving $2j. She states she was in the employ of both the U.N.I.A. and Black Star Line at the same time, but was paid by the Black Star Line. She, during her employment, purchased ten shares of stock of the Line, paying $50, but states that subscription was not compulsory among employes. Employes were, however, to subscribe to the African Construction Loan, the purpose of which, she states, was to build factories in this country and in Liberia, Africa. Other funds collected which Miss Campbell recalls are the Negro Factories Corp., Liberty Hall building fund, Black Star Line and . . . [line excluded]. Miss Campbell states that the S/S "Yarmouth" was purchased as a propaganda ship, with no idea of making profit. This understanding she

SS8

M A R C H 1922

received from conversations between Garvey and other officers of the Line, and from talk about the Black Star Line office. Garvey, states Miss Campbell, drew $100 weekly from the Black Star Line, $50 weekly from the U.N.I.A. and $50 weekly from the Negro Factories Corp., as Salary. Miss Jacques, his Secretary, drew $30 weekly from the Line and $10 weekly from the Negro Factories Corp. Garvey was given permission from the Board of Directors, states Miss Campbell, to draw money for his expenses without giving itemized statements. Upon his trips out of town, he merely submitted a slip on his return stating that so-and-somuch was spent [f ]or expenses, and so-and-so-much collected, turning in the balance (if there happened to be any) without itemized explanations. When Garvey went on the road he was invariably accompanied by Miss Jacques, [w]ho took care of all collections and expenditures. She was very particular to see that no one else attended to this feature, states Miss Campbell. Miss Campbell states that one of her duties was to order all checks drawn on the account of the Black Star Line for the payment of all debts, salaries, etc., etc. She could not draw such orders, however, without proper authority from Garvey. When Garvey left the country in 1920 [1921] (February) he gave written instructions that Wilford H. Smith was to have complete control of the funds of the Black Star Line. Miss Campbell has in her possession the let[t]er issued to her at the time containing these instructions. Questioned as to the activities of O. M. Thompson during Garvey's absence, she states that no checks were issued to the former by Smith without complete and detailed explanations and investigations. This feature was taken up with Miss Campbell because of Thompson's apparent [e]ase in securing checks for payment on various ships during Garvey's absence. Miss Campbell believes that Thompson is sincere and honest. Miss Campbell states that she saw the report on Africa which Cyril Crichlow sent to this country and that she personally gave it to Garvey and saw him read it. This report, she states[,] was generally unfavorable so far as the aims and objects of the U N I A were concerned. Questioned as to the use of the various funds collected Miss Campbell states that all funds were interchang[e]able, that is that officers, particularly Garvey, drew promiscuously on each and every fund available regardless of whether or not the use of the money had any direct connection with same. Regarding Garvey's trip to Jamaica, Miss Campbell states that no one knows exactly how much money he took, but it was the general understanding that he was handed $1,000 for expenses before leaving. The report which Miss Jacques turned in when they got back to this country indicated that they had sold about $12,000 worth of stock, whereas but a few hundred dollars were turned into the treasury of the Line. The only accounting given for the trip was "collections, so-much, and expenses, so-much" without details. Miss Campbell wishes to make it very clear that she will assist the Government to the extent of her [ajbility, but objects strenuously to being called to the witness stand, having fear for her personal safety. Arrangements

SS9

T H E M A R C U S GARVEY AND U N I A PAPERS

have already been made to avail ourselves of her assistance, as the reports of Agent Amos will show. Miss Campbell is now employed in the office of a colored stock broker in Harlem, named Mead. 1 Many persons have come to that office recently endeavoring to dispose of their Black Star Line stocks. Mead is forced to tell them that they are not worth the paper they are written on and that there is no market, despite the fact that most of these people are willing to accept jotf on the dollar. The names of such persons are being obtained. MORTIMER J. DAVIS and JAMES E . AMOS

DJ-FBI, file 61. TD. i. Probably Claudius Meade.

Confidential Informant 800 to George F. Ruch New York, March 9, 1922 Sir: Enclosed you will find three letters, the contents of which will give you some information. The letter addressed to Hon. M[r.] Edun, 1 you will notice is signed by Duse Mohamed Ali. You will remember in my last report I spoke of such a letter. The letter is self explanatory. This is a sample of the many letters that Mohamed is sending out. Now sir, I put much stress on this leftter] because of the fact that should things work out as Mohamed planfs] you will find that the whole policy of the U.N.I. A. will change[.] In the first place Mohamed will surround himself with men of intellect, something that Garvey has never had around him. He will have the moral and financial support of the best class of negro[es,] not only in this country but of the West Indies, Central and Sou[th] America, Africa and what few are in Europe. Through Mohamed's magazine (The Oriental Times Review, which publication England ha[s] stopped) he became very well known to the better class of negro especially in the West Indies, South and Central America and Af[rica.] These same negroes contributed $25,000 (twenty five thousands dollars) for Mohamed to start his magazine.2 I have this inform[ation] authentic. Should Mohamed's plans carry out you will find that [the] U.N.I.A. will become an organization that will really have [to be] reckoned with. The other two letters, one from Africa will give you an idea [of] the effect that Garvey and his propaganda have upon the African natives. The other letter is from a negro soldier now in the Army of the U.S. You will note that this Sgt. Nan[c]e was preparing to spread Garveyism in the Hawaii Islands and the Philippines.

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MARCH 1922

N o w sir, I would advise that the state authorities, through advice from y o u r office, get after the U . N . I . A. The violation they can get them for is that the death fund that the law says must be kept intact has not been done. A t one time I thought the downfall o f Garvey would mean the end o f the organization, but, at that time I did not reckon on any such man as M o h a m e d . It is true that Mohamed is not the organi[zer] nor propagandist that Garvey is, but, for intellect, and real abi[li]ty there is no comparison between the t w o men. I realize the fact that the Gover[n]ment does not want to appear as a persecuter in the case o f Garvey, but at the same time some action should be taken to stop this organization before it bec[om]es a real menace. I shall report to our office Sunday at 4:00 P.M. as per instructions. Respectfully, "800" [Endorsements]

M . I . D . 3/22/22

DJ-FBI, file 61-826-1. TLS, recipient's copy. Handwritten endorsements. 1. A d e g b o y e g a Edun was secretary o f state to Alake Eke, Abeokuta, Nigeria. He also was secretary o f the African Institute, established in 1901 in Nigeria to provide a means by which the educated African elite could express their views to the British colonial government (E. A. Ayandele, Holy Johnson: Pioneer ofAfrican Nationalism, 1836-1917 [London: Frank Cass and C o . , 1970], p. 318)2. Duse M o h a m e d Ali had published the original African Times and Orient Review with the help o f John Eldred Taylor, a Sierra Leonean businessman he had met at the Universal Races Conference in L o n d o n in 1911. When Taylor failed to pay the printer's bill for the first issue, Ali was unable to continue the journal without help. A group o f West Africans residing in London rescued the journal by taking shares in the Review company. Among them were J. E. Casely H a y f o r d , the prominent barrister from the Gold Coast (Ghana) (Ian Duffield, "The Business Activities o f Duse Mohamed Ali: An Example o f the Economic Dimension o f Pan-Africanism, 1912-1945," Journal of the Historical Society of Nigeria 4, no. + [June 1969]: 571-573)-

Enclosure 56 West 135th Street N e w York City March 6th, 1922 D u s e M o h a m e d Ali to HON. EDUN, Secretary of State to the Late Alake Ake, A b e k u t a , Nigeria MY DEAR FRIEND: —

It is a very long time since I have communicated with you and I sincerely trust that all goes well with you. Y o u will observe that I am at present in the U n i t e d States and since coming here I have been in touch with Mr. Marcus Garvey[,] w h o m I think you know was for some time with me in my office in Flee[t] Street. I have had many and frequent opportunities of observing the work he has undertaken at close quarters and I am now in a position to speak with a

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considerable measure of positiveness in regard to the comprehensive work he is doing. I consider it absolutely necessary that every member of the Negro Race should use his best endeavors to promote the interest of the Universal Negro Improvement Association, which is my excuse for writing you upon this subject. You are aware that for a period of some fifteen years, I have been actively identified with movements connected with the non-European races of the earth, and therefore, any legitimate scheme which is calculated to ameliorate any branch of the colored human family, socially, economically and politically, must of necessity appeal to me, and now that I am fully convinced of the bona-fides of the Association which has Mr. Marcus Garvey as its head, I feel it my duty, not only to help him in every possible way, but also, to induce those of my friends who have always supported me in my work to do likewise. I, ther[e]fore, feel that in approaching you to support this movement, I shall not appeal in vain. The Convention which begins on the first of August next, not only requires the moral support of such Race leaders as yourse[lf] but it also requires your presence. I hope, therefore, that if you can make it humanly possible to be in New York for this Convention that you will use every means in your power to do so. [I] am appending hereto, a list of the many things to be discussed [a]t the Convention, for your further information and I shall be o[nly] too happy to answer any questions you may see fit to put to m[e in] reference to the Convention or you might write to Mr. Marcus G[arvey] on the matter so as to save time, because in the ordinary course of the mails, it will be several weeks before this letter reach[es] your hands and it is absolutely essential that we should all march shoulder to shoulder so that there shall be no failure of the movement which deserves the highest commendation at the hand[s] of the Negroes of the world. I think that I am safe in leaving this matter in your able hands for I feel certain that you will [do] all and more than you have been asked. Many pernicious stories have recently been in circulation about Mr. Garvey and his movement, in the pages of the European Press. As I am on the spot, I have reason to know that the accusations are absolutely unfounded. I state this for your information and reassurance. With all good wishes to you and yours, believe me to be Yours sincerely, DUSE MOHAMED

DJ-FBI, file 61-826-1. TLS, carbon copy.

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Enclosure [New York, ca. 6 March 1922.] A m o n g the many things to be discussed at the Convention will be: 1.

Better relationship within the Negro Race.

2.

T h e fostering o f an international race confraternity.

3. T h e establishing o f better commercial relationship between the N e g r o peoples o f the World. 4. Africa.

Discussing the plans for better Government of the Negro peoples of

5. Discussing better international representation and protection for the N e g r o peoples o f the World. 6. Discussing ways and means o f fostering and protecting independent N e g r o nationalities in Africa and elsewhere. 7.

Discussing the future educational policy o f the Negro.

8.

Discussing the future religious faith and belief of the Negro.

9. Discussing ways and means o f improving the industrial output o f the N e g r o . 10. Discussing ways and means o f better steamship communication between the N e g r o peoples o f the world, and expansion o f the Black Star Line. 11. Electing and appointing o f competent leaders for the administrative control o f the work o f the Universal Negro Improvement Association and its auxiliary movements. 12. Drafting an international political program for the Negro peoples o f the world. 1 j. A p p o i n t i n g delegation to represent the Negro Race at the Supreme C o u n c i l o f the Nations to present claims. 14.

A p p o i n t i n g international advocate[s] on behalf o f race rights, etc.

DJ-FBI, file 61-826-1. T D on U N I A letterhead.

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THE MARCUS GARVEY AND U N I A PAPERS

Enclosure Gold Coast 1 21st January 1922

ADAWSO. VIA ACCRA,

Kweku Amissah to A W Manager Sir/ On reading the "Negro World" issue of December 24 I came across a notice of a Special Edition "Xmas Number of the Negro World[.]" Having the hope that the issue may contain useful and interesting matters of great importance, I have decided to remit you herewith in British Postal Order Serial Number [ ] the Sum of one Shilling for a copy. It seems to me that my order will reach your office late to meet Supply owing to the great distance between us. For this reason and for your probable printing trouble I have sent you the Shilling. I have all hope you will do your possible best to get me a copy. Being a Subscriber of the Negro World, I pray God may bless the Hon[ora]ble Marcus Garvey and all his Elders whose efforts the U N I A has become possible. Take my word that the Negroes in West Africa are paying keen attention to the U N I A and its movement. Du [B]ois and Garvey are balanced. The former has a defect unless he ceases to be a white Negro. 2 Wishing You all Succfess]. . . . [KWEKU AMISSAH] D J - F B I , file 61-826-1. A L , recipient's copy. 1. The address listed was care of Dan W. Sey. 2. The statement was an echo of the many anti-Du Bois letters that were published in the Negro World during late 1921.

Enclosure Remont Depot, Camp Lewisf,] Washington February 26th, 1922 Sgt. Mack C. Nan[c]e to Marcus Garvey Most Honorable Sir:— I am exceedingly pleased to inform you that wife and I, are and always will be followers of your grand and noble Association. As a soldier, can not give the time to the movement that I wish to. Still wife and I have contributed money towards the B.S.L. and other projects pertaining to the U.N.I.A., since 1920. You may be sure sir, that we are, and expect to stay in the movement until victory at least is in sight. I do not mean that we will quit at the sight of victory, because I notice that the most d[e]spicable enemy (many of them within our ranks) is distributing malicious propaganda in order to tear down

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March 1922 the good work established by you, which is to me convincing evidence that victory is in sight. As a soldier I must fight on until victory is won. I was ordered to the Philippines last month, but at present I have not heard any more about the transfer. It was my aim to distribute Garveyism in Hawaii and the Philippines, especially at the lat[t]er place. I have spent many years in the Islands, and consider this a field for distribution of the U.N.I. A. & A.C.L. In case I am not transferred as was anticipated, I will send you the address of many prominent Negroes in and around Manila. At one time sir; I soldier[e]d merely to be a soldier; but today I am soldiering for the benefit of my race. I have decided since the introduction of your organization, that my humble service can, and shall be used to properly train young men of my race in my fatherland. At one time I carried a "whats the use" disposition, today I am anxiously looking forward to the time when I shall be called on to don the uniform of a Negro Republic, on the precious shores of our fatherland (Africa) leading our own black troops to victory, holding aloft the Red[,] Black and green, so that her folds shall never t[o]uch the ground. You will please find enclosed a p.o.m.o., subscription for the Negro World. No answer required. Allow me to remafin], Yours fraternally [M]ack [C.] Nance Sgt. Q.M.C.U.S.A. DJ-FBI, file 61-826-1. TLS, recipient's copy.

Sanford H. E. Freund to the Ship Sales Division, United States Shipping Board [Washington, D.C.] March 9, 1922 [ifc:] ss "ORION" I advise you that my division has taken up with two of the Vice Presidents the question of cancelling the sale of the " o r i o n " and a refund of the purchase money. While, of course, I cannot say in advance what action the Board may take upon the matter it seems possible that the Board may consider it to the best interest of the United States in view of all the circumstances to cancel the sale and refund to the purchaser the moneys it has paid to date less whatever expense the Board has been put to. Apparently the representatives of the Black Star Line seem under the impression that they should get all the money back. I suggest that you communicate with the Division of Operations and ascertain exactly what expense the Board has been put to date on account of this matter. In the files appears a memorandum, dated September 14th, showing the amount of $875.34. It is possible that these figures may be too small and it is also possible

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that the amount has been augmented since that date. Having ascertained the correct amount, I suggest that you write to the Black Star Line advising them that while you are not in a position to state what the Board will do at the same time if they will consent to a deduction of the expense the Board has been put to from the amount they have placed in the Board's hands that you will recommend to the Board a cancellation of the sale and a refund of the balance due them. You should add that in such event it will be necessary to have a release in form acceptable to the Board, together with a certified copy of the resolution authorizing it and such other documents and information as the Board may require. May I suggest at the same time you ascertain from outside sources if necessary the present legal status of the Black Star Line. Rumor has had it that some of their officers are under indictment and it has occurred to me possibly that the company may be in the hands of a receiver. On obtaining the written consent of the Black Star Line to a settlement of the matter along the lines I have indicated I will be glad to prepare a suitable resolution for the Board and present it for such action as the Board may choose to take upon it. SANFORD H . E . FREUND

Chief Counsel D N A , RG 32, file 605-1-653. T L , carbon copy.

Editorial in the Christian Recorder [[Philadelphia, ca. n March 1922]] " T H E GARVEY

MOVEMENT"

A G R E A T many people seem to be in glee because Marcus Garvey is having some trouble in New York courts. This is wrong. We are frank to say we hope Mr. Garvey will overcome all his enemies, and they will not be able to prove anything against him. His is [a] gigantic program, fraught with many dangers. For many reasons a large group of people want him to fail. To our mind it would be a great calamity for him to fail. We do not say that everything Mr. Garvey has done has been wise or politic or even financially profitable. But we do say our prayers are with him, and should his project fail we say we should feel it as though it were a great personal loss. Should he succeed in one-half of his undertaking, within the next ten years, he will have accomplished the greatest thing in Negro history since Richard Allen established the A.M.E. Church. 1

Reprinted in NW, 11 March 1922. 1. Richard Allen (1760-1831) began attending St. George's Methodist Episcopal Church in Philadelphia in 1786. He soon brought other black members to the church through his lay

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MARCH 1922 ministry. The church elders, however, opposed his plan to establish an independent black congregation. Finally, by 1816, Allen's work had resulted in a number of African Methodist congregations, which met together that year to form the African Methodist Episcopal denomination (Carol U. R. George, Segregated Sabbaths: Richard Allen and the Emergence of Independent Black Churches, 1760-1840 [New York: Oxford University Press, 1973]).

Speech by Marcus Garvey [[New York, March 12, 1922]] Hon. Marcus Garvey rose to speak amidst thunderous applause. His remarks at this time alluded to the recent arrest o f Mahatma Gandhi, 1 leader o f the Indian Nationalist movement, which is pursuing a campaign of "passive resistance" against alien rule in India. He spoke as follows: News has come to us that India's great leader, Mahatma Gandhi, has been arrested for advocating the cause o f 380,000,000 Indians—the cause o f the freedom o f his country. He has been arrested by an alien government that seeks to disrupt, to destroy the freedom of 380 millions of people. You are well acquainted with the work of Gandhi. For twenty-five years Gandhi has been agitating the cause of his countrymen. Within the last three years he became very active. He organized a movement that has swept the entire country of India—a movement that has united the different c[a]ste[s] of India that have been apart for centuries. The British people are now feeling the pressure of Gandhi's propaganda. It is customary for them to suppress the cause of liberty. It is customary of them to execute and imprison the leaders of the cause o f liberty everywhere. Therefore Gandhi's arrest is nothing unexpected to those o f us w h o understand what leadership means. Leadership means sacrifice; leadership means martyrdom. Hundreds of thousands of men as leaders have died in the past for the freedom o f their country—the emancipation o f their respective peoples—and we will expect nothing else from Gandhi but that self-sacrifice and martyrdom that will ultimately free his country and his countrymen. G A N D H I O N E OF N O B L E S T C H A R A C T E R S

Gandhi, as you know, is one of the noblest characters of the day. Like McSwiney [MacSwtney], I believe he will pave the way ultimately for India's freedom. McSwiney's death a couple o f years ago paved the way for an Irish Free State, and I believe that the sacrifice—the imprisonment of Mahatma G a n d h i — w i l l ultimately pave the way for a free and independent India. I am in deep sympathy with Gandhi and with the new movement in India. As Provisional President o f Africa I pledge the support of all the Negroes of the world w h o support the principles of this organization to the cause of India's freedom. (Applause.) And I am pleased at a bit of news that has come to me just within the last twelve hours. It came from the island of Jamaica—where,

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as is the custom of the people I have mentioned, they called upon the West Indian regiments to go out to India—the black soldiers who have always fought for them in their wars of conquest—to fight the Indians, and they refused to go. (Loud and prolonged applause.) T H E E F F E C T OF U . N . I . A .

PROPAGANDA

This is the effect of the propaganda of the Universal Negro Improvement Association and the Bill of Rights of the first Convention of 1920, when we declared that no Negro shall take up arms against other men and especially against men of his race and those with whom he is in sympathy, without first knowing what he is about to fight for. (Applause.) The Negroes of the world have no cause against India. The Negroes of the world, on the contrary, are in sympathy with India (applause) and there are 400,000,000 Negroes who are prepared to stand behind 380,000,000 Indians to see that they get their freedom. (Renewed applause.) CAB[L]ES BRITISH

AUTHORITIES

The time for dividing and conquering is past; therefore, in the spirit of the movement we represent, I am about to send this cable to David Lloyd George, British Premier: To David Lloyd George, British Premier, 10 Downing Street, London. Four hundred million Negroes are in sympathy with Mahatma Gandhi, whom you have arrested. We are for the freedom of India and the complete liberation of the African colonies, including the Nigerias, Sierra Leone, Gold Coast and Southwest and East Africa. We wish your nation all that is good, but not at the expense of the liberties of the darker and weaker peoples of the earth. Rome, Greece, Spain, Germany fell because of imperialistic designs and aggression. May you profit by their experience by acting now to avert the bloody conflict that threatens all humanity. Let us have P E A C E by being just, is the prayer of four hundred million Negroes. MARCUS

GARVEY,

Provisional President of Africa George V , King of England, Buckingham Palace, London:— Sir:—Four hundred million Negroes ask for the release of Mahatma Gandhi, the freedom of India and the complete liberation of the African colonies, including the Nigerias, Gold Coast, Sierra Leone, East and Southwest Africa. We believe there shall be an abiding peace only when all peoples are treated fairly. We

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respect and honor your race. We expect you to do likewise to others. MARCUS

GARVEY,

Provisional President of Africa Madras Mail, Madras, British India:— Four hundred million Negroes are in sympathy with Mahatma Gandhi. We hope for the freedom of India. MARCUS

GARVEY,

Provisional President of Africa . . . Upon resuming the chair, Mr. Garvey addressed the audience as follows: My subject for tonight is "The Path of Liberty." For four and a half years the Universal Negro Improvement Association has been actively engaged in spreading a propaganda among the Negro peoples of the world, from whom it is hoped we will one day emancipate ourselves and free the country of our forefathers. Within that period of time we have met with opposition from within, as well as from without, but because of the righteousness of your cause, you have triumphed, and tonight it is for me to tell you that your organization cannot be estimated from your performances in New York alone, from your demonstrations in New York alone. For you to appreciate the true worth of the Universal Negro Improvement Association, you must travel into other parts, where the spirit of liberty, the enthusiasm for this movement, knows no limits, knows no bounds. As the President General of the movement, I am brought into touch, through correspondence and otherwise, and by personal contact, with the supporters, the members, the followers of this great organization everywhere. There is no part of the world where Negroes live from which we haven't received a hearty response in support of this great programme of ours. GOOD NEWS FROM THE WEST

I have just returned from a trip to the West, in which trip I took in some of the Eastern States as well, going through New York, the State of Michigan, Illinois, Indiana, Missouri and Kansas, and it is for me to tell you that the enthusiasm, the loyalty of our members in other parts can be equalled with yours in Liberty Hall at any time. (Applause.) Your enthusiasm does not stand above that of other members in other sections of this country, or in other parts of the world. I was very much surprised—and you know how much faith and confidence I have in the strength of this organization and in the membership of this organization—but when I struck the outlying branches of this association I was more than surprised to see the demonstration of loyalty manifested to the colors of the Red, the Black and the Green, and especially at a time when the whole country, the whole world, as it were,

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is organized against us in a wicked propaganda to discredit our efforts and to discredit our doings. As the West Indian leader2 said about new members enrolling under the colors of the organization in Cleveland, immediately after my arrest, such also was the attitude and action of the people of the city of Detroit. I appeared in Detroit three nights. I spoke two nights at a hall by the name of Turner Hall, wherein there were jammed 2,000 people to hear me each night, and there were turned away twice as many on both occasions. On the third night I spoke in the Arcadia, to 4,000 Negroes, each one of whom paid 50 cents admission, and they stayed there that night until 12 o'clock, as they did [a]t the two previous meetings, to give their moral and their financial support to the work of the Universal Negro Improvement Association. The same kind of enthusiasm was maintained all through the Western States, in Indiana, in Illinois, in Missouri and in Kansas; the people were as loyal to our programme and to our organization as you and I could desire; and since my return to New York I have discovered that the same kind of loyalty is manifested by the foreign divisions of the organization. The moment I landed in New York I received a cable from Sydney, Australia, where we have a division, 3 who manifested their loyalty 100 per cent, after hearing and reading in the Sydney papers of my arrest here a few weeks ago. This, therefore, proves to you that there is absolutely no cause for you to slacken one bit in your loyalty and devotion to this great cause. There are some of us—I mean not members of the organization, but merely members of the race—who seem to become downhearted and discouraged because certain things have happened to the movement, as happens to other movements that seek the liberation of the oppressed people of the world as well as our own race. There are many people who believe that the cause of the Indians is lost because of the arrest of Mahatma Gandhi. They do not understand the psychology of great movements. They do not well appreciate the valuable records of history; records that attest the struggles, the sacrifices made by leaders for the rights and liberties of their people. Those of you who are students of history know that all reform movements—I mean reform movements that are worth while—have had to pay—as far as the leaders are concerned—have had to pay the price of the liberty of the people in whose interest and for whose freedom they were begun. The Universal Negro Improvement Association, like other great reform movements, will have to pay the price, through its leaders; and, as I have often said to you, the leaders of this movement must not expect to lead on a bed of roses. They will have to lead as McSwiney led; they will have to lead as Gandhi is leading now; they have to lead through sacrifice and sometimes, it may be, through death. C A U S E OF U . N . I . A . L I K E N E D TO O T H E R G R E A T C A U S E S

The cause of the Universal Negro Improvement Association stands out even as the East Indian cause stands out; even as the Egyptian cause stands out; even as the Irish cause stands out, and you know the history of the Irish

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cause, which is a history of 750 years of sacrifice. You know the history of the cause of Egypt, which is a cause of sacrifice of many decades. You know the history of the cause of India, which is a cause of sacrifice of centuries; and if you expect the freedom of Africa, if you expect an emancipated race, your leaders must be prepared to pay a similar sacrifice as paid by the leaders of other great movements for the uplift and liberty of other peoples. The Universal Negro Improvement Association, therefore, is cognizant of the fact that, whether Marcus Garvey or any other leader be the one to do it, the price must be paid, and some of us are pre[pa]red to pay that price at any time. There are some of our leaders who believe that we can lead with silk stockings and living in beautiful parlors at home and settle the question in that way. We have to settle it, some of us, perhaps, in jail; we have to settle it, some of us, perhaps, on the gallows; and those of us who lead the Universal Negro Improvement Association are well prepared for whatever eventuality, in the form of a sacrifice, that we may have to meet. As I went throughout the country, especially on my Western tour, and to the Eastern States as well, every time I boarded a train, or was about to board a train, to go into another State, I would get a report that I am to be arrested on my arrival. I was to have been arrested a hundred times since I left here. But that news was brought to me on the eve of my departure for the express purpose of intimidating me and to frighten me away from going to that place; and that is the kind of propaganda they, our enemies, have endeavored and are endeavoring to work on the minds of the people all over this country. But you see me here again in New York, and I have gone as far as Kansas City, Kans. In some of the meetings I addressed we were well supported by the stalwart cops, as well as by the secret service men of our government, and other officials of the city and State. But, as you know, the program of the Universal Negro Improvement Association is of such a character that those of us who lead can always take care of ourselves. Some of us, however, are fearful of consequences; but those of us who lead, know that the only consequence to be counted, is the consequence of a free and redeemed Africa, the consequence of an emancipated race. (Applause.) Yes, as I have gathered since my return, you have done splendidly by your support of the organization during my absence. I want you to continue that support during the present month, because I will have to spend all of that time in going over matters of great importance affecting the welfare of the organization, and that will require my personal attention. I am again contemplating a trip through the nation which will probably take a longer period of time than I have spent before, and I want you in New York to do as the people in Michigan, Illinois and the other States are doing. They are determined to roll up an organization three times as strong as it is now between now and the next convention. We want you in New York to play your part; to do your duty. The work is becoming so burdensome; the work is so great; the program is becoming so big that it is very hard and difficult for us to find the kind of people to lead this big movement, and we

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hope that the next convention will bring to us not only the old men who have always been with us, but will bring to us from the scattered parts of the world men who are able—men who are prepared to cope with this bigger work that confronts us now. U . N . I . A . AN INTERNATIONAL MOVEMENT

You will realize that your movement is no longer a State movement or a national movement; it has become an international movement that is being respected today not only by individuals but by government—a movement that you must present to the world men with brains and minds and hearts big enough to handle the big questions that confront us from time to time. We have therefore to do the best we can in spreading the work and scattering the propaganda and at the same time to bring in among us men who are prepared, men who are able to lead this bigger cause to victory. M U S T P R E S E N T O U R B E S T TO T H E W O R L D

You will realize that this is the time [for] the Negro to present his best to the world in intellect, in ability, in everything. This is the time when all the races of the world whether they be white or yellow, are presenting their best in intellect. In so far as leadership is concerned, England has presented to us the great Lloyd George and the great Arthur J. Balfour. Japan has presented to us the great Ishii and Baron Kato; France has presented to us Clemenceau and Briand; Italy has presented to us Sonnoni and Marconi 4 ; therefore the time has come for the Negro to present his biggest minds, his biggest brains, his biggest intelligence to the world, because you have to cope with the bigger minds of the world for the cause that you have dear to your heart. I am therefore asking you to be encouraged in every way. Your association stands tonight the strongest movement among Negroes; there is no question about that; there is no dispute about that. Even our enemies admit the power and force and strength of the Universal Negro Improvement Association. And although you live next door to its headquarters in New York you cannot thoroughly appreciate—you cannot thoroughly understand the value and scope of this great movement. It is for those who are outside— away from you to value the work that you have undertaken in the last four years. We are being written about; we are being talked about not by the ordinary man but by the bigger minds of the world; statesmen and diplomats are speaking and writing about the influence of the Universal Negro Improvement Association upon the minds of Negroes everywhere; and the news that comes to us from our motherland Africa is enough to encourage us and to strengthen] us. If we have accomplished nothing more in four and half years we have organized Africa from coast to coast. (Applause.) If we have accomplished nothing more in +-1/2 years we have been able to say to a body of armed military men of our own race: " D o not go out to fight for any other race without first consulting the Universal Negro Improvement Asso-

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MARCH 1922 c i a t i o n , " a n d t h e y h a v e d o n e that. ( G r e a t applause.) I f w e have accomplished n o t h i n g m o r e in 4 - 1 / 2 years that is e n o u g h to satisfy us. B u t w e have d o n e m u c h m o r e than that: W e have practically caused an unrest the w o r l d over a m o n g the darker peoples and it is g o i n g t o end in the freedom o f the weaker a n d o p p r e s s e d peoples. Y o u r time is c o m i n g ; it is near at hand. Ireland's time c a m e t h e o t h e r d a y ; E g y p t ' s time came just a w e e k a g o , 5 and I feel sure that in a m o n t h o r so India's time will c o m e , and between n o w and the convention w e are d e t e r m i n e d that A f r i c a ' s time shall come. (Applause.) A l l that y o u h a v e t o d o is t o stick t o y o u r g u n s ; stick as y o u have been d o i n g for the last 4 - 1 / 2 years. I f it c o m e s t o a s h o w d o w n then let 4 0 0 , 0 0 0 , 0 0 0 N e g r o e s die; a n d that is g o i n g t o be s o m e s h o w d o w n because if 4 0 0 , 0 0 0 , 0 0 0 N e g r o e s die there w o n ' t be a n y b o d y left around the globe. T h e r e are s o m e o f o u r leaders at the present time in the m o v e m e n t w h o s e e m t o h a v e the shaking knee. I m a y say to them that to us, shaking knee leaders are w o r s e t o us than the c o m m o n enemy. T h i s is the time for men t o stand u p w i t h b r o a d backbones and shoulders and fight the issue to the bitter e n d . I a m p r e p a r e d t o d o m y part. It can be n o w ; it can be 2 0 or 50 years f r o m n o w ; it can be the jail o r the gallows or anything. M y one determination is that there m u s t b e — t h e r e shall be an emancipated race and a free and redeemed Africa. (Applause.) . . . Printed in NW,

18 March 1922. Original headlines omitted.

1. Gandhi was arrested on 10 March 1922 for publishing seditious articles in the periodical Young India. Eight days later he was put on trial; he pleaded guilty and was sentenced to six years in prison. The Negro World covered Gandhi's arrest and trial in considerable detail. In its 6 May 1922 issue, the famous speech Gandhi delivered before sentencing was published in full. In the same issue an article extolling Gandhi's virtues appeared, written by Haridas Muzumdar, an avid supporter of the noncooperation movement. Muzumdar was scheduled to speak at Liberty Hall on 3 May 1922 on the topic "Gandhi and the Future of India." A week later he was to give an illustrated talk on India, also in Liberty Hall (NW, 6 May 1922). 2. A reference to Rudolph Smith, U N I A leader of the Western Province of the West Indies, whose speech preceded Garvey's. 3. Besides West Indian sailors who stopped at Australian ports, there was a small black population in Australia whose origins dated to the gold rush of 1852 and 1853. Although most of the West Indians who went to Australia in search of gold were white, some were black. The West Indian population in Australia reached about two thousand in i860 and declined thereafter. U N I A records from 1925 and 1926 indicate that U N I A Division 646 was located in Sydney, Australia (Barry Higman, "Jamaicans in the Australian Gold Rush "JamaicaJournal 10, no. 2 [December 1976]: 38-43; NN-Sc, " U N I A Foreign Divisions," Central Division U N I A Papers, 1925-1926). 4. Guglielmo Marconi (1874-1937), developer of wireless telegraphy. 5. On 1 March 1922 the British proclaimed an end to the protectorate they had formed in Egypt in 1914 (EWH).

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T H E MARCUS GARVEY AND U N I A PAPERS

Article in the Negro World [18 March 1922] A L L N E G R O E S IN T H E U N I T E D S T A T E S A R E R E Q U E S T E D TO S U P P O R T M O V E FOR E S T A B L I S H I N G N E G R O

GOVERNMENT

IN A F R I C A

The Universal Negro Improvement Association calls upon all raceconscious Negroes in the United States to give their support to the resolution of Senator T. S. McCallum of Mississippi in his effort to have the President of the nation and Congress acquire sufficient territory in Africa for the establishing of a national home for Negroes, where they will be able to set up and control a government of their own. The effort of Senator McCallum is a praiseworthy one and is supported by the millions of members of the Universal Negro Improvement Association. Different race leaders will oppose this splendid move of Senator McCallum from narrowmindedness and political selfishness, but all thoughtful students of politics and economics know that the establishment of a government for Negroes in Africa will be the only solution of the race problem. The Universal Negro Improvement Association calls upon the 15,000,000 Negroes of America to fall behind Senator McCallum and push the proposition to success. Divisions and branches of the Universal Negro Improvement Association everywhere are requested to support the measure. Approach your Congressman and your Senators and ask them to support the cause. This is the time for the masses of our people to think for themselves. Think the matter over independently and don't be influenced by the ravings of the selfish leader or leaders who would assure you that all will be well for us here in another hundred years, when everything points to the contrary. Negroes, do your own thinking. . . . Printed in NW, 18 March 1922. Original headlines abbreviated.

Thomas P. Merrilees to William J. Burns New York City, N.Y. March 18, 1922 Sir: Reference is made to your letter of December 12, i92i[,] -WWG-ASaddressed to the New York office of the Treasury Department in re Marcus Garvey, which was shown to me some time ago. In order that you may be in a position to supply the Treasury Department with such of the information gleaned from the books of the Black Star Line, Inc.[,] and the Universal Negro Improvement Association as pertains 574

MARCH 1922

to their Department I beg to enclose herewith a statement o f the amounts paid to Marcus Garvey, as salary, by the concerns named during the calendar years 1919-1921 inclusive. Respectfully, T H O S . P . MERRILEES

Expert Bank Accountant DJ-FBI, file 61. TLS, recipient's copy.

Enclosure N e w York City, N . Y . March 18, 1922 Statement o f amounts paid to MARCUS GARVEY, as salary, by the Black Star Line, Inc. and the Universal N e g r o Improvement Association during the calendar years 1919-1921 inclusive.

1919 B y Black Star Line, Inc. as president August 12-December 22, 1919 B y Universal N e g r o Improvement Ass'n as President General

$1,175.00 -o-

$1,175.00

1920 By Black Star Line, Inc. as president By Universal N e g r o Improvement Ass'n as President General

5,168.84 1,016.68

6,185.52

1921 By Black Star Line, Inc. as president By Universal N e g r o Improvement Ass'n as President General

-o7,950.14

7,950.14

T h e checks and Cash Books with entries establishing above are in possession o f the writer. N o t e : D u r i n g part or all o f the above period Marcus Garvey was also M a n a g i n g Editor o f the N e g r o World (newspaper). What compensation he received, if any, in that capacity is not known as the books o f that concern were not obtained. Miss G w e n d o l y n Campbell (Garvey's stenographer) states that Marcus Garvey also received a salary o f $jo. a week from the Negro Factories C o r p o r a t i o n , an affiliated concern. THOS. P . MERRILEES

Expert Bank Accountant DJ-FBI, file 61. TD.

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T H E MARCUS GARVEY AND U N I A PAPERS

Marcus Garvey to David Lloyd George, Prime Minister of Great Britain [[New York, 19 March 1922]] Four hundred million Negroes through the Universal Negro Improvement Association hereby register their protest against the brutal manner in which your government has treated the natives of Kenya, East Africa. You have shot down a defenceless people in their own native land for exercising their rights as men.1 Such a policy will only tend to aggr[a]vate the many historic injustices heaped upon a race that will one day be placed in a position to truly defend itself, not with mere sticks, clubs and stones, but with modern implements of science. Again we ask you and your government to be just to our race, for surely, we shall not forget you. The evolutionary scale that weighs nations and races, balances alike for all peoples; hence we feel sure that some day the balance will register a change. MARCUS GARVEY

Provisional President of Africa Printed in NW, 25 March 1922. Original headlines omitted. 1. On 16 March 1922 colonial police and European civilians opened fire on a crowd of several thousand Africans, mostly Kikuyu, who had assembled at the Nairobi police station to demand the release of the African political leader Harry Thuku, who had been arrested on charges of sedition. Thuku, one of the founders and secretary of both the Young Kikuyu Association and the East African Association, is known to have corresponded with Garvey and to have received U N I A literature. Over one thousand Africans, "many with large sticks," had gathered outside the police station on March 15, but the crowd dispersed when bayonet-carrying police arrived (NW, 25 March 1922). The next day Nairobi "houseboys" and other African workers went out on strike, and the numbers of the demonstrators gathered in front of the police station swelled accordingly. It was reported that the demonstrators began to hurl stones at the police, after which the police fired upon the crowd from the front (NW, 25 March 1922). A group of European settlers, who had gathered at the Norfolk Hotel, spontaneously joined in the shooting from the rear. Official reports listed twenty Africans dead and thirty wounded; an independent source, however, claimed that the dead numbered nearer sixty, the majority of whom were women (Kenneth King, "Early Pan-African Politicians in East Africa," Mawazo 2, no. 1 [June 1969]: 7; Harry Thuku and Kenneth King, Harry Thuku: An Autobiography [Nairobi: Oxford University Press, 1970], p. 33; DNA, R G 84, file 810.8).

Marcus Garvey to Albert D. Lasker New York, U.S.A. March 20th, 1922 Dear Mr. Lasker: I am commissioned by the members of the Universal Negro Improvement Association, the majority stockholders in the Black Star Line Inc., to write to you asking your help and consideration in the following matter.

S76

M A R C H 1922

As a poor struggling people, we have been trying in our own way to see what we could do to help in the improvement of our own economic conditions. For that reason, we co-operatively started the Corporation known as the Black Star Line Inc., with the intention of purchasing several steamships to run them as passenger and cargo vessels between the United States of America, the West Indies, South and Central America, and Africa. Our intention really was to encourage the members of our race in industry by helping them to find markets for their produce and at the same time assisting in race development, making ourselves a little self-reliant thereby lifting the burden off the shoulders of our good friends who have been helping us for many centuries. Unfortunately we were not able to subscribe immediately the capital that was necessary to purchase the many ships that we desired, and especially when it is considered that we started operations during the war period when tonnage was very high. Because of our inability to find immediate capital to put our enterprise on a sound footing, we had to negotiate with middle men who promised to have done wonders for us. Unfortunately we have been deceived, and even though we have been able to acquire several ships thjey] were sold to us in such condition as to have rendered it impossible for us to have continued successfully operating them. The last effort we made was to secure a ship from the Shipping Board, and this ship was awarded to us after a great deal of delay as we have been informed. The securing of the award from you, was placed in the hands of certain brokers in New York, who had used undue influence on our representative to get him to place the order with them, the result is they extracted from us $25,000.00 which we could ill afford and a part of which money is now lodged with you after great effort to locate it. We understand that the award of the S.S. Orion has been made to us, and that the period for taking over the said boat has somewhat elapsed. We are not in a financial position now, to meet the requirements of a contract from you covering the purchase of the S.S. Orion. We are therefore asking if you will not help us in securing the $22,500.00 that the Board is supposed to have in hand for us by either holding it to our credit for some new purchase, from the Shipping Board, or for refund so as not to have it forfeited. You will understand that we are a poor people struggling to help ourselves, and we feel sure that the Board as well as the Government would not do anything to hamper us in this our little effort. The bearer of this letter, Attorney William C. Matthews[,] will further explain to you our situation, after which we feel sure that you will extend to us all the help that is possible for you to give. We have been badly deceived by those who have represented us with the Shipping Board, in that they directly used our money for a long time in New York before it was ever placed with you, which caused our corporation great embarrassment and trouble.

577

THE MARCUS GARVEY AND U N I A PAPERS

Any help that you will vouchsafe us through conversation with Mr. Matthews will be highly appreciated by the millions of Negroes in this country who are interested in the success of the Black Star Line through our effort. I am, Yours truly, MARCUS GARVEY

President General Universal Negro Improvement Association and President, Black Star Line, Inc. Marcus Garvey v. United States, no. 8317, Ct. App., 2d Cir., 2 February 1925, defendant exhibit DD.

Marcus Garvey to Albert D. Lasker NEW YORK, U.S.A. March 20th, 1922 DEAR SIR: —

This letter introduces to you Attorney William C. Matthews[,] who has been delegated by the Black Star Line to interview you in the matter of an award you made to this Corporation some time ago, of the ship S.S. Orion on which we have been informed that $22,500.00 was paid. We desire to protect the payment of this [$2]2,500.00 because of efforts that are being made to deprive us of same through unscrupulous persons who have unfortunately been representing us. Any favour shown to Mr. Matthews will be highly appreciated by us. Yours truly, MARCUS GARVEY

President Black Star Line Inc. [Endorsements] Henry Lincoln Johnson Defds Exh c c 1 copy File/j D P D N A , R G 32, file 605-1-653. T L S on B S L letterhead, recipient's copy. Handwritten endorsements.

S78

MARCH 1922

William J. Burns to J. W. H. Crim, Assistant Attorney General [Washington, D.C.] March 20, 1922 MEMORANDUM FOR M R . CRIM1

I invite your attention to the marked editorial in the "Negro World," which is the official organ of Marcus Garvey and his organization, including the Black Star Line. Garvey, as you will remember, is being indicted for a misuse of the mails in a wholesale fraud in which he has stolen the life savings of many old Negroes throughout the country. He is the most prominent Negro agitator in the world today and we have been "on" him for over two years. The Post Office Inspector has reported that he is dissatisfied with the attitude of the Assistant United States Attorney in New York who is handling the case, and protests his inability to arouse the interest of the official.2 He has indicated that the Post Office Department intends to make [a] formal request that a special assistant be assigned to this prosecution. Therefore, I consider this editorial in Garvey's paper of particular interest to you. Very truly yours, W[ILLIAM] J. BURNS

Director DJ-FBI, file 61-50-59. TLS, carbon copy. 1. John William Henry Crim (1879-1953) was a spccial assistant U.S. attorney in 1921, investigating income tax fraud. Later that year he became assistant attorney general (NTT, 3 July 1933). 2. Post Office Inspector Oliver P. Williamson later denied this. After interviewing Williamson, William Hayward, the U.S. district attorney, reported: "Mr. Williamson denied that he has ever been dissatisfied with our attitude in this case or that he has ever indicated his inability to arouse our interest. He says, of course, they are always pressing for trial in all the mail fraud cases, but he realizes that we have our backs to the wall in this District on all classes of cases owing to lack of judges" (William Hayward to Rush L. Holland [assistant attorney general], 13 April 1922, D N A , R G 60, file 198940-279).

Enclosure [Negro World, 11 March 1922] EDITORIAL NOTES 1

Mr. Mattox [Mattack], the Assistant District Attorney for the eastern district, who is representing the case of the Federal Government against Marcus Garvey and three of the officials of the Black Star Line, is a Harvard man and a classmate of Attorney McClendon, who is representing Mr. Garvey and his associates. Mr. Mattox has shown Mr. McClendon and the defendants unusual courtesy and consideration. The literary editor of The S79

T H E MARCUS GARVEY AND U N I A PAPERS

Negro World desires to express his appreciation of the courtesy and consideration which Mr. Mattox has shown Mr. McClendon and the gentlemen he represents. W[ILLIAM] H .

F[ERRIS]

Printed in NW, n March 1922. 1. Actually Maxwell S. Mattuck (1893-1957), a 1917 graduate of Harvard University Law S c h o o l , who became an assistant U.S. attorney after World War I and later headed the criminal division of the district attorney's office. He successfully prosecuted Marcus Garvey for mail fraud in 1923 and later became head of the commercial frauds division of the district attorney's office (NTT, 8 November 1957)-

Confidential Informant 800 to George F. Ruch New York, March 21, 1922 Sir: There seems to be very little to report. Everything seems to be at a standstill waiting for Garvey's trial. Duse Mohamed is now editing a section of the paper under the title 'Foreign Affairs.' You will notice that this section is very much Anti-British. Miss Jacques told me that Duse Mohamed was visiting Miss Lamos (Garvey's new secretary) at night, trying to get a line on Garvey's confidential communication. I found this was not true, but only propaganda of Jacques trying to put both Miss Lamo[s and] Mohamed in bad, knowing, that should Mohamed run the organization] after Garvey is sent up, she would be put out. Jacques is doin[g] everything that she can to bring about a break between Garvey and Mohamed. Jacques told some one in my office that Garvey had beaten her, and that she was tired of his beatings. If there is ev[er] a break between Garvey and Jacques you need never worry about the outcome of the case as she knows enough to hang him. You can rest assurefd] that anything that I can do to bring about this condition will be done. Mr. Ruch I have not received my check for the 15th of March, I notify you for fear that it may have been lost in the mails. Respectfully, "800" [Endorsement]

NOTED W.W.G.

D J - F B I , file 61-826-3. T L S , recipient's copy. Stamped endorsement.

New York, March 23, 1922 Sir: . . . Garvey's latest move is to boost Senator T. S. McCallum of Mississippi efforts to have the President of the United States, through Congress,

S80

M A R C H 1922

to acquire land in Africa for the establishment of a negro colony. To accomplish this end, he is sending J. W. H. Eason to Mississippi tomorrow, hoping to stir the negroes to support this move of his. Eason will lecture in all negroes ['] centers in the State of Mississippi on this subject. You will find an article on this subject on page twelve of this week[']s issue of the Negro Wor[ld.] I saw a detailed] report from Sydney Duburgh [de Bourjj], Garvey's West Indi[an] representative, about his arrest in Santo Domingo. It seems that [this] man Duburgh held a meeting in defiance of an order not to hold a meeting. For holding this meeting he was arrested, tried, convictefd] and sentenced to pay a fine of $300 or five months in jail. The [organization] paid his fine, but he was protesting to Garvey that his arrest was illegal and wanted Garvey to take the matter up with the authorities in Washington and have his fine remitted[.] Garvey is not inclined to take the matter up in Washington. Will report to your office at +:oo P.M. Sunday as per in[struct]ions. Respectfully, "800" DJ-FBI, file

61-826-2.

TLS, recipient's copy.

Duse Mohamed Ali to W. E. B. Du Bois NEW YORK, U.S.A.

March

27, 1922

My dear Prof. Du Bois: Mr. Marcus Garvey has requested me to ask you whether you would be good enough to read a paper at the forthcoming Convention of the Universal Negro Improvement Association, which will be convened on the first (1st) of August next, for one month. It is intended to devote one or two days to the views of such eminent thinkers as yourself who are outside of the Movement, on questions affecting the Race. Your well-known enthusiasm for matters Racial, must be the excuse for infringing upon your valuable time. It is quite unnecessary to go into a lengthy statement in this communication. I first desire to know whether you are prepared to come and speak at the Convention, after which I shall be happy to furnish you with any particulars which you might require. It is written, "Blessed are the Peacemakers." Thanking you in anticipation, with all good wishes, believe me Yours faithfully, DUSE MOHAMED

MU, WEBDB. TLS on UNIA letterhead, recipient's copy. S8l

ALI

T H E MARCUS GARVEY AND U N I A PAPERS

Wilbur J. Carr, Director, Consular Service, Department of State, to William J. Burns WASHINGTON March 29, 1922

Sir: Referring to your letter dated March 7,1922, requesting certain information relative to the steamship KANAWHA, which is supposed to be at the port of Antilla, Cuba, the Department encloses for your consideration a copy of a despatch dated March 21, 1922, from the Consul at Antilla furnishing the information desired. I am, Sir, Your obedient servant, F O R T H E S E C R E T A R Y OF STATE: W I L B U R J. CARR

Director of the Consular Service DJ-FBI, file 61. TLS, recipient's copy.

Enclosure AMERICAN CONSULATE, Antilla, C u b a ,

March 21, 1922 SIR:

I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of the Department's instruction dated March 10,1922, instructing me to obtain, for the use of the Department of Justice, certain information relative to the s.s. KANAWHA, which is owned by the Black Star Line, Incorporated; and, in connection with a remittance of $1100.00 made to this office on August 31, 1921, for the use of the vessel, I am requested to state the purpose for which this money was to be used. In reply I have the honor to report that the s.s. KANAWHA is at the present time in this port, having arrived here in a disabled condition on August 25, 1921, from Kingston, Jamaica, with nine passengers on board and one stowaway from Jamaica. On the evening of August 24th, this office received a cable from the Black Star Line in New York, stating that the captain and crew of the KANAWHA had diverted the vessel from its course in violation of orders and were bringing it to Antilla, and that the company refused to be responsible] [for] them in any manner. On August 26th, the master presented himself at this office /and/ entered a protest stating that the vessel had to enter here because of the defective condition of the boilers, after having spent two weeks in Baracoa, Cuba, which port the vessel had to leave because it was impossible to obtain the necessary repairs for the machinery or proper food and water for the pas-

582

M A R C H 1922

scngcrs and crew. The captain further stated that he had received cables from the company to the effect that they would furnish no more money for the crew nor for the continuance of the voyage, and that he was therefore without means to buy supplies or to pay the crew their wages. As the articles of the ship had expired, the crew was entitled to discharge and transportation to the United States. On August 29, 1921, the Black Star Line cabled this office as follows: Owing to disloyalty of crew on KANAWHA we are asking you to tranship to New York on first ship leaving Antilla at our expense all passengers who sailed from Jamaica for New York. This does not mean the crew. Cable us how much money is needed to tranship passengers. T o this the following reply was despatched by cable: Cable Eleven hundred dollars send passengers New York. Your attitude forces crew abandon ship. Steamer threatens total loss unless looked after. On September 2,1921, this office received a telegram from the Black Star Line, dated August 31, 1921, reading as follows: Eleven hundred sent today Royal Bank of Canada for transhipment of passengers to New York. Protest is being lo[d]ged here and in Washington against conspiracy and destruction by crew. On September 3, 1921, this office shipped the nine passengers of the s.s. KANAWHA to New York on the s.s. MUNAMAR of the Munson Steamship Line[.] The stowaway was shipped to Jamaica a fortnight later. Inasmuch as no provision was made for the discharge and transportation to New York of the crew, who had become destitute, all of them, with the exception of the master and chief engineer, were shipped to New York on September 3, 1921, as destitute seamen at the expense of the United States Government. The Black Star Line was advised by this office of the shipment of the passengers and crew above referred to in a letter from this office dated September 3, 1921, requesting that they refund to the Munson Line the cost of transporting the crew from here to New York in order that this expense might not fall on the government, and I understand that the request was complied with. The Black Star Line was also requested to immediately send to Antilla some one fully authorized to settle up all matters pertaining to the s.s. KANAWHA and to take charge of the vessel which, at that time, was understood to be in good shape with the exception of the boilers, which appeared to be in an entirely unserviceable condition. It was pointed out to

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T H E M A R C U S G A R V E Y AND U N I A PAPERS

the company that if the vessel were permitted to remain here without being well looked after it was liable to be stripped of all articles of value that could be removed and, in any event, would sooner or later become entirely worthless. On September 23, 1921, this office received a cable from the Black Star Line requesting that the master of the vessel be returned to New York; that the chief engineer be retained on board to care for the vessel and that a watchman be employed to assist him, all expenditures to be paid from the funds remaining on hand after the shipment of the passengers above referred to to New York and to Jamaica. The master was accordingly returned to New York and the chief engineer together with one watchman were retained on board until the funds on hand were exhausted as well as additional funds supplied during December, January and February, aggregating $400.00. In response to repeated requests from this office, the company refused to make any further remittances and on March 10th, the date on which I took charge of this office from Consul H. C. von Struve, there were no hands on hand with which to pay the chief engineer and watchman for their further services. I was accordingly obliged to return the chief engineer to New York as a destitute American seaman and to dispense with the services of the watchman, who had been employed locally. I have the honor to enclose copies of the accounts rendered to the Black Star Line by Consul von Struve under dates of December 15, i92i[,] and March 10, 1922, which show the disposition made by him of the funds remitted to him by the owners on account of the vessel. The original vouchers accompanying these accounts are in the hands of the Black Star Line and it is not thought necessary to furnish them to the Department at this time. The accounts, I believ[e ha]ve been approved by the company, which has on severafl] occasions expressed its appreciation of the services rendered by this office. Should I receive any further remittances from the Black Star Line, I shall endeavor to secure the services of a watchman to look after the ship. So far as I have been able to learn, there are no libels attaching to the vessel at the present time. I understand, however, that the chief engineer upon his arrival in New York will present his claim for wages which were in arrears even at the time the vessel first arrived in Antilla on August 25th, last. In this connection, I may state that under date of September 3, 1921, the United States Shipping Commissioner at New York was supplied with a copy of the pay roll of the s.s. K A N A W H A as furnished this office by the master of the vessel, who provided each man with an order on the company for the wages due him. The wages on the pay roll were stated by the captain to have been calculated up to and including September 3, 1921. As regards the present condition of the vessel, I may say that no official survey has been made upon the ship since its arrival in Antilla, and any statement I might make would scarcely be of any value. If it is the Depart-

SH

MARCH 192Z

ment's desire that such a survey be made, I shall be pleased to issue the necessary warrant upon the receipt of instructions to do so. The cost of the survey would be about $75.00. I may say, however, that a very cursory examination of the vessel reveals that she is in a very uncleanly condition and the engine room appears to be in anything but a creditable state. The machinery is rusty and several steam pipes appear to have been wrenched from their places and otherwise damaged. It is also probable that some of the portable property on board has been stolen, although I understand that the chief engineer locked up such of it as could be secured in this way prior to his departure for New York with the keys in his possession. Should the Department desire any further information in connection with the case, I shall be pleased to furnish it. I have the honor to be, Sir, Your obedient servant, HORACE J. DICKINSON1

American Consul DJ-FBI, file 61. TD. 1. Horacc J. Dickinson (b. 1885) was assigned to Antilla as the U.S. consul in February 1922 (U.S. Department of State, Register, 1924, p- 117).

Enclosure Antilla, Cuba December is, 1921 AMOUNTS PAID O U T BY H E N R Y C . V O N STRUVE, AMERICAN C O N S U L , F O R A C C O U N T O F T H E S . S . KANAWHA 1921

Sept. i,/2i "

Cables

2, "

$6.08

"

S.IJ

Nov. 21, "

"

1.90

Nov. 30, "

"

2.85

Dec. 11, "

"

2.09

$ 18.05

PASSAGE MONET: Sept. 8,/2i 9 Passengers to New York " 17, " 1

"

$568.90

" Jamaica

10.50

" 30, " 1 Passage supplied to master to New York

56.10

MONET FOR SUBSISTENCE, ETC. Subsistence money to master and Chief engineer to Sept. 17, 1921

S8S

$ 32.00

$635.50

T H E M A R C U S GARVEY AND U N I A PAPERS

Subsistence money to master to Sept. 30, 1921

15.00

Cash to Master Sept. 30, 1921

25.00

P i l o t a g e F e e O c t . 13, 1921

22.40

Subsistence money to Chief Engineer to Nov. 25,1921 Cash for oil

199.00 3.00

Watchman

150.00

446.40

TOTAL EXPENDITURE

$1,099.95

DJ-FBI, file 61. TD.

Enclosure Antilla, Cuba, March 10, 1922 S . S . K A N A W H A IN A C C O U N T WITH H . C . VON STRUVE, AMERICAN

CONSUL

DEBIT D e c e m b e r 14, 1921-By Balance

$

" Remittance January 13, 1922 February 10, 1922

"

0.05 200.00

Remittance "

CREDIT

100.00

Remittance

100.00

T o payments made to Sydney Tullock as per $ 45-00

receipts herewith "

payments made to John Garrett 1 as per 239.48

receipts herewith "

payments made to Donald Moore, as per receipts herewith

1-33

D e c e m b e r 31, 1921—Cost o f cable

1.14

January 9, 1922 "

1.71

23,

February 2,

105.00

1.14

"

"

13,

"

"

25,

"

4-37 .88 S400.05

$400.05

DJ-FBI, file 61. TD. 1. John O . Garrett was the chief engineer on the Yarmouth during its first trip under Black Star Line control; he was also the chief engineer aboard the Kanawha during its last voyage

586

M A R C H 1922

from Jamaica to Cuba in 1921 ( W , 12 August 1922). Garrett stated in trial testimony that he began work aboard the Yarmouth in February 1920 and that he worked for the Black Star Line for two years. When Garvey fired the captain and the chief engineer of the Kanawha while in Jamaica in 1921, he sent for Garrett, who served during the ship's brief voyage to Cuba (Marcus Garvey v. United States, no. 8317, Ct. App., 2d Cir., 2 February 1925, pp. 1,279-1,290). In 1924 Garrett was vice-president of the Pyramid Lumber and Realty Co., which was newly incorporated in the state of Delaware and was organized to develop timber resources in Liberia. The new company published a pamphlet highlighting industrial opportunities in Liberia and encouraging readers to buy stock in the corporation, which offered 1,000 shares of stock at $ioo each (DJ-FBI, file 61).

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a u e u u C O Ö bû C u w

M A R C H 1922

Article in the New Tork Sun [29 March 1922] W H I S K Y C A R G O SPOILED

CREW

A jury in the Bronx Supreme Court before Justice Gavegan returned a verdict of $8,508.38 against Marcus Garvey's Black Star [L]ine to-day after hearing unfolded the tale of the cruise of the Yarmouth, the line's flagship, with $3,000,000 worth of Green River whisky aboard. The action against the line was brought by the Pan Union Corporation of 115 Nassau street, a trucking concern which had contracted through Garvey's line to get liquor from warehouses in New York and land it at Havana before January 16, 1920, the day the Volstead [A]ct went into effect. The Black Star Line was not represented in court to-day and Justice Gavegan ordered that an inquest be held. Anton Gronich of 309 Broadway, representing the Pan Union Corporation, then told the jurors how the Yarmouth failed to reach Havana as per contract. She sailed with the whisky from a pier in South Brooklyn in ample time to reach Havana, he said, but the negro crew couldn't keep sober.

CRAPS ON PILOT HOUSE

He said that they must have been down in the hold splashing around in the Green River most of the time after the Yarmouth got outside the three mile limit, for when the flagship reached a point off Cape Hatteras she was w[o]bbling around like a drunken sailor, with no one to guide her. Her queer antics were noticed by the revenue cutter Seneca, which hastened to her side. Gronich said that the officers of the Seneca found everybody aboard the Yarmouth gloriously pickled. The captain had left his wheel to take part in the party, he said, which accounted for the fact that the Yarmouth knew not whither she went or cared. Wild scenes greeted the eyes of the Seneca's officers. They were shooting craps on top of the pilot house and a chorus of ten was on the after deck warbling darky melodies.

VESSEL BROUGHT

BACK

From the hold there came weird noises and the most raucous of raucous laughter. It was plain to be seen that the Yarmouth didn't know where she was going, but she was on her way. The ship was taken in tow by the Seneca and brought back to her Brooklyn pier. There, after two successful attempts had been made to unload her, the crew in each instance becoming so "lickered up" that they had to be

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THE MARCUS GARVEY AND U N I A PAPERS

bounced forthwith, the Black Star Line's cargo (considerably diminished) was taken back to the warehouse from which it came. In the meantime prohibition had spread itself over the land. Printed in the New York Sun, 29 March 1922. Original headlines abbreviated.

Confidential Informant 800 to George F. Ruch New York, March 31, 1922 Sir: I will report that Garvey leaves for Detroit at midnight. He expects to return to New York on the 15th of April. While away he will speak in Cleveland, Cincinnati, Pittsburgh], Buffalo and several of the smaller towns of the central West. Garvey seems to be losing support of his following here in New York. The meetings here in New York are not as largely attended as here-to-fore. Some of his most loyal members are deserting him. Burke, the man Garvey brought here from Washington[,] has resigned, Ferris, the editor of the Negro World[,] has handed in his resignation, and things in general seem to be going against him[.] He lost a verdict in court for $8,508.30 (inclose[d] find clipping) 1 an[d] the Green River Distilling Co. has entered suit for $52,ooo[,] for which, they will no doubt, get judgement. Garvey is making a desperate effort to collect all the money that he can before his trial. Tomorrow all the Executive Council will go on the road speaking. They will be gone for about one month, during which time they will visit all negro centers, speaking and collecting what money they can. Garvey is making great preparations for the convention in August. He is sending out thousands of circular letters asking people to contribute to the convention fund. Garvey seems to have lost all interest in his coming trial just as though he knew that he would be out in August[.] I could have gone on the road with one of the members of the council had you so desired, as I reported to you. Respectfully, "800" [Handwritten endorsement] FILE GFR [Stamped endorsement] NOTED W.W.G. D J - F B I , file 61-826-4. T L S , recipient's copy. 1. Confidential Informant 800 enclosed a clipping from an unidentified Chicago newspaper dated 29 March 1922 (DJ-FBI, file 61-826-4).

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APRIL 1922

Duse Mohamed Ali to R. R. Moton NEW Y O R K , U.S.A. A p r i l 4 , 1922

My dear Major Moton: Mr. Marcus Garvey, at my suggestion, is requesting you to contribute a paper at the Convention to be held during the month of August, among those eminent gentlemen of like importance to yourself, who are outside of the movement and who have something relevant to say in regard to the Race at large and that branch in America in particular. Until the names are all in, it will be impossible to fix a day in August, but no doubt the date can be arranged to meet your convenience. If for any reason you have engagements in August which would preclude the possibility of your coming to New York for the Convention, I would suggest that you might prepare your paper, in any case, which could be read by another. I think, however, that it would be in the highest interest of yourself and the Institution you so ably represent, if you could find it consist[e]nt with your convenience to be present. Thanking you in anticipation, believe me Yours very truly, DUSE MOHAMED A L I

[Endorsement] No reply Mr. [Monroe] Work: Opinion on this matter just now.—No ATT, RRM, box 73, folder 561. TLS on UNIA letterhead, recipient's copy. Handwritten endorsement.

O. M. Thompson to the United States Shipping Board NEW YORK, U.S.A. A p r i l s, 1922

Gentlemen:— A T T E N T I O N OF M R . J . H A R R Y P H I L B I N

Our attorney Mr. Joseph P. Nolan has called our attention to Mr. Philbin's letter to him of April 1st. and in conformity therewith we hereby request that your Board cancel the sale of the ss "ORION" to the Black Star Line: that the Board return to Joseph P. Nolan attorney for the Black Star Line, check for ten thousand dollars ($10,000), amount paid to the order of the Shipping Board by him, and to Joseph P. Nolan as attorney for the Black Star Line, check for twelve thousand five hundred dollars ($12,500), less

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T H E M A R C U S GARVEY AND U N I A PAPERS

amount of the Board's expenses amounting to eight hundred and seventyfive dollars and thirty-four cents ($875.34). We agree hereby that upon the return of the monies as above stated, less expenses of the Board amounting to ($875.34) eight hundred and seventy-five dollars and thirty-four cents, the Black Star Line will release the Shipping Board from all liabilities. Yours truly, BLACK STAR L I N E INC. O. M.

THOMPSON

Vice-President [Endorsement]

NOTED R.W.M.

D N A , R G 32, file 605-1-653. T L S on BSL letterhead, recipient's copy. Stamped endorsement.

Editorial Letter by Marcus Garvey [[CLEVELAND, OHIO,

April

5, 1 9 2 2 ] ]

Greeting: The time has come for us to face the Negro problem in the Western World with all the seriousness that it demands. For nearly eighty-five years we have been speculating on the outcome between the contact of white and black in the Western World. Some of our leaders have advanced the belief that in another few years the white people will make up their minds to assimilate their black population, thereby sinking all racial prejudice in the welcoming of the black race into the social companionship of the white. Such leaders further believe that by the amalgamation of black and white a new type will spring up and that type will become the American and West Indian of the future. Some of us think, and the Universal Negro Improvement Association is among them, that this belief is preposterous and will never be realized at least for another two hundred years. We believe that white men shall be white, yellow shall be yellow, and black shall be black in the great panorama of races for many more centuries, until each and every race by its initiative lifts itself up to the common standard of humanity as to compel the respect and appreciation of all and to make it possible for other races to stretch out the hand of welcome without being able to be prejudiced against the inferior and unfortunate condition of the race to be so accepted into the new bond of equal fellowship. F E L L O W M E N OF THE N E G R O RACE,

AN UNFLINCHING

BELIEF!

The Universal Negro Improvement Association believes in the manhood and initiative of the Negro, that whatsoever other races, let them be white or yellow, have done, the Negro will do, and that after the Negro has S92

A P R I L 1922

successfully done for himself, not only in this Western World, but throughout the world, what others have accomplished, he will be lifted to the common stand[ar]d of human progress and there enjoy fellowship and companionship with all those who have even advanced before him. ETERNAL

DIFFERENCES

The question of race relationship in America is one that will be very disappointing to the Negro who believes that the question will be settled by assimilation. The white man of America will not to any organized extent assimilate the Negro, because in so doing he feels that he will be committing racial suicide. This he is not prepared for. It is true, as you will argue, that illegitimately he carries on a system of assimilation, but after reflection you will come to the conclusion that the assimilation as practiced is one that he is not even prepared in secret to support, because he becomes prejudiced against his own offspring, if that offspring is the product of black and white; hence, to the white man the question of racial differences is eternal; nothing will change his attitude in regard to it. So long as the Negro occupies an inferior position among the races and nations of the world, just so long will they be prejudiced against him, for it will be profitable for them to keep up their system of superiority. But when the Negro by his own initiative lifts himself from his low state to the highest human standard, he will be in a position to stop begging and praying, but to demand a consideration that no individual race or nation will be able to deny. STARTLING FACTS

The attitude of the great white race is to subjugate, to exploit, and, if necessary, to exterminate the weaker peoples with whom they come in contact. They will subjugate them first, if the weaker ones will stand for it; then exploit them; then, afterwards, if they will not stand for the subjugation or exploitation, the other recourse is extermination, as with the North American Indian and the aborigines of Australia and the natives of the many countries now inhabited by the great white race. T H E " S U P E R I O R I T Y " OF R A C E S

As far as the United States is concerned, the Negro need not hope for any day of friendly, sympathetic, social fellowship with the other fellow, because the other fellow is not inclined toward such an attitude. He believes in the superiority of race. You will not blame him for it, because today he is all-powerful, he is progressive, he is advancing on every hand, and whatsoever he has accomplished has been done on his own initiative and not by the leadership of any race that is alien to him. It is human, it is natural that the successful man will hold himself above the unsuccessful individual; so of the race, so of the nation. The greater the nation, the haughtier the people of the

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T H E M A R C U S GARVEY AND U N I A PAPERS

nation; the greater the race, the prouder the people who make up the race. Therefore, we will not blame the white man of America for being prejudiced against the Negro, because to him the Negro has accomplished nothing. The Negro has been a slave; the Negro has been a lackey, a parasite, a ward, a child to be sympathized with, and this white man has nurtured him for three hundred years; he therefore refuses to give to this child of his cradle[,] of his own sympathy and charity the recognition that he would give to himself. Surely he would not accept this ward to his society on equal terms. O U R PRIMAL

DUTY

These are things that are deeply planted by way of prejudice in the mind, the heart, the soul of the great white man of America, and no appeal to reason or to mere humanity, to the mere conscience of the individual will cause the white man to change his attitude of prejudice towards us as a people. The first thing th[at] we will have to do is to remake ourselves, lift ourselves from the conditions of slavery, of being lackeys, parasites or wards, to the position of real men, men of initiative, men of brawn and power, men of great accomplishments. We will have as four hundred millions of people the world over, and as fifteen millions in America, to go out and win our spurs in the great race of life. If Negroes live in America for another fifty years or one hundred years without taking the initiative to do for themselves as white men have done from the time of the Pilgrim Fathers to the present day it will mean that for fifty years more Negroes will be lynched, not only in the Southern States but in the Northern States, even as our poor, unfortunate brother was lynched in Indianapolis but fourteen days ago. WHEN LYNCHING WILL BE

STOPPED

Men and women of the race, can you not see that the prejudice against us is not because we are black, but because of our condition? Can you not realize that the white man's attitude towards us will never change until we have changed our condition? Do they lynch Germans? Do they lynch Frenchmen? Do they lynch Englishmen? Do they lynch Japanese? Do they lynch white Americans? The answer is NO. And why? Because these people are represented by great governments, mighty nations and empires, strongly organized; yes, and ever ready to shed the last drop of blood and spend the last penny in the national treasury to protect the honor and integrity of a citizen outraged anywhere. Not until the Negro reaches the point of national independence, not until the Negro has built up for himself successfully his strong and powerful government, not until the Negro has become a great industrial power, not until the Negro has lifted himself from the position of a serf, a peon and a slave to that of a real man, a great African citizen, not until then, I say, will lynching be stopped; not until then will white men cease their prejudice against us; not until then will the black man receive the recognition and enjoy the respect of the world. 594

A P R I L 1922 A C H A I N OF M I N D S

EMANCIPATED

As far as the Universal Negro Improvement Association goes, we are working toward this end. We are determined that the American Negro shall link his hand with the West Indian Negro, the African Negro, the South and Central American Negro, and as one mighty band of four hundred millions we shall agitate and fight for the freedom of our Motherland Africa and the emancipating of ourselves everywhere. CREATE A NEGRO

ENVIRONMENT!

We need a new emancipation; we need to be emancipated from alien education, alien influence, alien environment; we need to build up a culture and civilization of our own. Any people who accept the culture and civilization of another are bound to fall as slaves and subjects to that race from which they accepted these influences. So long as the Negro continues to bask in the intellectual culture and civilized sunshine of the white man, so long will he take on the ways of the white man, and play a second part in everything done within this civilization; but whenever the Negro gets to the point where he will create his own environment, build and do for himself, at that very hour the Negro's stock in trade is gone up 100%. At that time not only Nature will accept him as a man, but God the Creator will be pleased that the four hundred million black souls He created in His own image have at last stretched out their hands and sent forth their Princes. A N D W E A R E H E R E TO D O IT!

The work for African redemption, the work for the emancipation of the race must be done, and we are to do it—now! The Universal Negro Improvement Association is preparing to do it in 1922, through the great convention which will be held in New York from the 1st to the 31st of August—for 31 days and 31 nights. Negro delegates and representatives from every known part of the world shall assemble themselves in Liberty Hall, New York, there to discuss the great problems that confront us, there to decide on the great questions that have been puzzling the race for over five hundred years. Our statesmen, I say, shall come from the four corners of the world, from Central America, South America, Australia, Asia, Canada, from the West Indies, from the 48 States of the American Union. Let us all get ready for the great opening day of the convention. Let every Negro steel himself with the true spirit of manhood to do his part for the reclamation of the race and the freeing of our Motherland Africa. Wheresoever you be, as you read this message, buckle on your armor of service, go out and advocate the cause of the Universal Negro Improvement Association, tell everyone you come in contact with of your race that this organization seeks to link up four hundred million Negroes, to make them one, so that when you touch one in any part of the world you touch the other four hundred million at the same time. This is the kind of organization that we want to bring into being; S9S

T H E MARCUS GAR VE Y AND U N I A PAPERS

this is the kind of movement we will use for freeing this great race of ours. Come, men; let us support the work. You should, right now, go out and enroll one hundred new members in the Universal Negro Improvement Association, see to it that you make an effort every day between now and the ist of August. Can it be done, men? Yes, it can be done if you will make up your minds to do it. With the Universal Negro Improvement Association there is no "can't," there is no " i f " ; it must be done! Negroes, you have doubted yourselves for three hundred years; you have believed in the almighty potency of the other man for five hundred years; you have believed God to have created you to the condition that you now live in. It is a lie, it is not so! God never created you to an inferior position. He made you the equal of all men. You are the equal of the white man, the equal of the yellow man, and the brown man. The white man has no right of way to this green earth of ours, neither the yellow man, or the brown man. All of us are entitled to this great inheritance. All of us were created lords of the creation and whether we be white, yellow, brown or black, Nature intended a place for each and every one. If Europe is for the white man, if Asia is for brown and yellow men, then surely Africa is for the black man. The great white man has fought for the preservation of Europe, the great yellow and brown races are fighting for the preservation of Asia, and four hundred million Negroes shall shed, if need be, the last drop of their blood for the redemption of Africa and the emancipation of the race everywhere. T H E C R Y OF A F R I C A ' S

MILLIONS!

Again I say, go out, wipe all doubt from your mind, destroy the belief that it cannot be done, because as there is a God, as there is a creation, there sh[a]ll be a free Africa, there shall be an emancipated race. Let there be a greater France for Frenchmen, let there be a greater Britain for Englishmen, let there be a greater white America for white Americans, let there be a greater Germany for the Teutons, surely there shall be a greater Africa for the Africans, at home and abroad. I appeal to you, Negroes from everywhere, to fall behind the Universal Negro Improvement Association at this time, support it morally and financially. Morally, you can go out and talk the program to everyone with whom you come in contact; financially, you can contribute by sending in your dollar, $5, $10, $50, $100, either to the African Redemption Fund or the Convention Fund, so as to carry on the great work. With very best wishes, I have the honor to be, Your obedient servant, MARCUS

GARVEY

President General Universal Negro Improvement Association Printed in NW, 8 April 1922. Original headlines omitted. S96

APRIL 1922

Secretary of W. E. B. Du Bois to Dusé Mohamed Ali [New York] April 11, 1922 Sir:

Dr. Du Bois directs me to acknowledge your letter of March 27th and to express his regret that he will be unable to accept the invitation contained therein. Very sincerely yours, SECRETARY

MU, WEBDB. TL, carbon copy.

Confidential Informant 800 to George F. Ruch New York, April 12, 1922 Sir:

. . . Garvey will return to the City on the ijth of April. I understand that he is not having the success that he expected to have in the West. The meetings are not as largely attended as formerly, nor is he getting the money he expected. . . . John Mitchell1 from Richmond, Va.[,] an influential colored man in that section of the country, spoke at Liberty Hall Sunday night[.] This man was there as a result of an invitation from Duse Mohamed[.] During his speech he said, "if you people here at Liberty Hall are not satisfied with your leader, get another one". This is [a] move on Mohamed's part to prepare the people for what is coming later. This also gives you an idea of the class of people that Mohamed is going to get into the Association. Mitchell has been in New York several times before since I have been here but [has] never spoken at the Hall before. I shall see that Garvey gets thi[s] information about Mitchell's speech, also the object of the speech[.] Jacques will do the informing and you can rest assure[d] that it will be well done. Respectfully, "800" DJ-FBI, file 61-826. TLS, recipient's copy. 1. John R. Mitchell, Jr. (1863-1929), was born on the outskirts of Richmond, Va., to slave parents. He managed to obtain an education at the Richmond Normal and High School, and after graduating in 1881 he became a correspondent for the New York Globe. Three years later he gained control of the Richmond Planet and soon made it a leading black newspaper. His crusade against lynching in the Planet soon brought the disapproval of local whites, and his political ambitions suffered as a result. He served on the Richmond City Council between 1888 and 1896 but lost his seat because of voter fraud on the part of the Democrats. His treatment at the hands of white Republicans was little better, and he soon grew discouraged. He founded the Mechanics Savings Bank of Richmond in 1902 and rapidly accumulated considerable wealth in real estate, especially business properties. In 1921 Mitchell entered politics for the last time,

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THE MARCUS GARVEY AND U N I A PAPERS unsuccessfully running for governor of Virginia. The next year his bank went into receivership, and Mitchell was indicted for mismanagement. Although never convicted, Mitchell was unable to recover his reputation as a sound businessman (DANB).

J. Harry Philbin to Sanford H. E. Freund [Washington, D.C.] April 13th, 1922 Subject: Black Star Line, Inc. For your information I have received the following telegram dated April 12th: By resolution of Board of Directors Vice President O M Thompson and Attorney J P Nolan Power of Attorney has been revoked They are no longer authorized to deal with Shipping Board on any business for Black Star only legal representative is Attorney William C Mat[t]hews who will be in Washington soon to confer with Shipping Board B L A C K STAR L I N E I N C M A R C U S GARVEY P R E S I D E N T

If Mr. Mat[t]hews calls at this office I shall advise you before making any arrangements with him. J. HARRY PHILBIN

Manager, Department of Ship Sales United States Shipping Board Emergency Fleet Corporation D N A , R G 32, file 605-1-653. T L S , recipient's copy.

Frank Burke to J. Edgar Hoover WASHINGTON

April

1 4 , 1922

My dear Mr. Hoover: The Black Star Line, Incorporated, entered negotiations for the purchase of a steamer from the Shipping Board in August 1921. Through a series of circumstances the purchase was not completed and the corporation is asking for the return of its good faith deposit. We have been confidentially informed that the corporation is now involved in legal entanglements and that several of its officials are under indictment for using the mails to defraud. Before taking any action in the way of either completing the sale of the ship or in returning the good faith deposit, it would be appreciated if you S98

A P R I L 1922

will advise me if there is any truth in the information regarding the indictment of any of the officials of that corporation or other legal entanglements. Yours very truly, FRANK BURKE,

Manager, Division of Investigation U.S.S.B. Emergency Fleet Corporation DJ-FBI, file 61. TLS, recipient's copy.

Bureau of Investigation Report [New York] April 15, 1922 N E G R O ACTIVITIES

[Marcus Garvey] is at present on a tour of the West in the interests of the Universal Negro Improvement Association and is not expected to return until the early summer months. In his absence, there is considerable activity in the organization, preparations being under way for the annual convention, which is to take place from August 1st to 31st. It is understood that practically every Negro church, fraternal organization and society in the United States is being communicated with by [Garvey's] followers and requested to have a representative present during the convention. During [Garvey's] absence, it appears that two factions of the Universal Negro Improvement Association have developed, one being led by [name deleted] and the other by [name deleted], the former High Chancellor. It is further understood that the financial condition of the organization is healthy at this time, the presumption being that the money which is being forwarded for convention purposes, is actually being expended to carry on the various [word deleted] enterprises. DJ-FBI, file 61. TD.

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Statement by Marcus Garvey [Negro World, 15 April 1922] VIOLATION O F CONSTITUTION B Y A

DIVISION

A L L M E M B E R S S H O U L D S E E K TO P R O T E C T I N T E R E S T OF A S S O C I A T I O N

In the last issue of the Negro World, a news article was published from the Montreal[,] Canada, Division of the Universal Negro Improvement [Association] through its Literary Club and written by Mr. V. M. Langston. The article was a report of a meeting that was held at 153 Guy Street, on Thursday, March 23. From the report it was shown where the members of the association allowed one Mr. Hancock to organize a society by the name of the Ethiopian United Building Society in a meeting of the association among its members. The publication of the news in the Negro World was really an oversight on the part of the editor, in that the whole transaction of the meeting was irregular and unconstitutional. The President-General desires to inform the Montreal Division of the unconstitutionality of the act that caused Mr. Hancock to have organized the Ethiopian United Building Society at a meeting of the Universal Negro Improvement Association. The President-General further desires to inform all divisions of the association, that any such act on their part will be regarded as an open violation of the Constitution of the organization, and a violation of their charter rights. The Universal Negro Improvement Association is an international corporation, and cannot allow its name to be tampered with by having individuals organizing within it other corporations and organizations that may prove a failure, and thereby reflect against the honor and reputation of the Universal Negro Improvement Association. All members are requested to take a decided stand against any such attempt on the part of any individual at any of the meetings of the association. MARCUS GARVEY

President-General Printed in N W , 15 April 1922.

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A P R I L 1922

Speech by Marcus Garvey [[New York City, N.Y., April 16th 1922]] F R I E N D S A T T E N D E A S T E R C E L E B R A T I O N IN L I B E R T Y H A L L

The Lord is risen! A little over nineteen hundred years ago a man came to this world called JESUS. He was sent here for the propagation of a cause—that of saving fallen humanity. When He came the world refused to hear Him; the world rejected Him; the world persecuted Him; men crucified Him. But a couple days ago He was nailed to the cross of Calvary. He died; He was buried. Today He is risen; risen the spiritual leader of creation; risen as the first fruit of those who slept. Today that crucified Lord, that crucified Christ sees the affairs of man from His own spiritual throne on high. After hundreds of years have rolled by—[after nearly two thousand years] 1 the doctrine He taught has become the accepted religion of hundreds of millions of human beings. He in His resurrection triumphed over death and the grave; He by His resurrection convinced humanity that His cause was spiritual. The world felt the truth about Jesus too late to have accepted His doctrine in His lifetime. But what was done to Jesus in His lifetime is just what is done to all reformers and reform movements. He came to change the spiritual attitude of man toward his brother. That was regarded in His day as an irregularity, even as it is regarded today. The one who attempts to bring about changes in the order of human society becomes a dangerous [creature—a dangerous] imposter upon society, and to those who control the systems of the day. T H E D E S I R E TO E N S L A V E O T H E R S .

It has been an historic attitude of man to keep his brother in slavery—in subjection for the purpose of exploitation. When Jesus came the privileged few were taking advantage of the unfortunate masses. Because the teaching of Jesus sought to equalize the spiritual and even the temporal rights of man, those who held authority, sway and dominion sought His liberty by prosecution, sought His life by death. He was called to yield up that life [for the cause He represented;] for the cause He loved—because He was indeed a true reformer. T H E E X A M P L E S E T BY C H R I S T

The example set by our Lord and Master [1900] years ago is but the example that every reformer must make up his mind to follow if we are indeed to serve those to whom we minister. Service to humanity means sacrifice. That has been demonstrated by our Blessed Lord the Redeemer whose resurrection we commemorate this day. As Christ triumphed nearly two thousand years ago over death and the grave, as He was risen from the dead, so do I hope that 400,000,000 Negroes of today will triumph over the 601

T H E MARCUS GARVEY AND U N I A PAPERS

slavishness of the past, intellectually,2 morally and even religiously, that on this anniversary of our risen Lord, we ourselves will be risen from the slumber of the ages; risen in thought to higher ideals, to a loftier purpose, to a truer conception of life. [ W H A T IS L I F E ? ]

[What is life? Life is that existence that is given to man to live for a purpose; to live to his own satisfaction; to live to his own pleasure, providing he forgets not the God who creates him and who expects still a spiritual obedience and observation of the moral laws that He has given to us. Life to man is absolute, and he, as man—man the individual is created in the image of his God, to whom man owes sovereignty and to whom man owes obedience. Man owes obedience to God because man himself is a sovereign master, a lord, such as he was created by his God.] T H E H O P E OF T H E

U.N.I.A.

It is the hope of the Universal Negro Improvement Association that the 400,000,000 Negroes of the world will get to realize that we are about to live a new life—a risen life—a life of knowing ourselves. How many of us know ourselves? How many of us understand ourselves? The major number of us for ages have failed to recognize in ourselves the absolute masters of our own destiny—the absolute directors and creators of our own fate. To-night as we think of our risen Master, 3 may we not also think of the life He gave to us—the life that made us His instruments, His children—the life that He gave to us to make us possessors of the land that He himself created? 4 How many of us can reach out to that higher life; that higher purpose; that creative world that says to you you are a man, a sovereign [man], a lord—lord of the creation? But on this beautiful spring day, may we not realize that God made nature for us; [that God made the world for us;] God has given it to us as our province, our dominion? May we not realize that God has created no superior being to us in this world, but Himself? May we not know that we are the true lords and creators of our own fate and of our own physical destiny? The work of the Universal Negro Improvement Association for fourand-a-half years has been that of guiding us to realize that there should be a resurrection in us, and if at no other time I trust that at this Eastertide we will realize that there is a great need for a resurrection—a resurrection from the lethargy of the past—the sleep of the past—from that feeling that made us accept the idea and opinion [and belief] that God intended that we should occupy an inferior place[—an inferior position] in the world. Men and women of Liberty Hall, men and women [of Liberty Hall, men and women of the Universal Negro Improvement Association], do you know that the God we love, the God we adore, the God who sent His Son [Jesus

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Christ] to this world nearly two thousand years ago never created an inferior man? That God we love, that God we worship and adore has created man in His own image, equal in every respect, wheresoever he may be; let him be white; let him be yellow; let him be red; let him be black; God has created him the equal of his brother. He is such a loving God, He is such a merciful God, He is such a God that He is no respect[e]r of persons, that He would not in His great love create a superior race and an inferior one. The God that you worship is a God that expects you to be the equal of other men. The God that I adore is such a God and He could be no other [God]. N o S U P E R I O R I T Y OR I N F E R I O R I T Y

Some of us seem to accept the fatalist position—the fatalist attitude that God accorded to us a certain position and condition, and therefore there is no need trying to be otherwise. The moment you accept such an attitude, the moment you accept such an opinion, the moment you harbor such an idea, you hurl an insult at the great God who created you, because you question Him for His love, you question Him for His mercy. God has created man, and has placed [man] in this world as the lord, as the sovereign of everything that you see, let it be land, let it be sea, let it be the lakes, rivers and everything therein. All that you see in creation, all that you see in the world, was created by God for the use of man, and you four hundred million black souls have as much right to [their] possession in this world as any other [man]. Created in the image of the same God we have the same common [future]; and tonight I trust that there will be a spiritual and material [and temporal] resurrection among Negroes everywhere; that you will lift yourselves from the doubts of the past; that you will lift yourselves from the slumbers of the past, that you will lift yourselves from the lethargy of the past, and strike out in this new life—in this resurrected life—to see things as they are. S E E L I F E AS O T H E R S S E E IT.

The Universal Negro Improvement Association desires that the four hundred million members of our race see life as the other races see it. The great white race sees life in a [position] 5 of sovereignty; the great yellow race sees life in [the position of sovereignty] 6 ; that is to say that man, let him be white [man, let him be] yellow, 7 sees that he is master and owner and possessor of everything that God has created in this world, and given to us in Nature; and that is why by knowing himself, by understanding himself, and by understanding his God, man has gone, throughout the length and breadth of this world, conquering the very elements, harnessing nature and making a servant of everything that God placed within his reach. As he has done that for thousands of years pleasing God and justifying his existence, so we are appealing to the members of our race to do that now in this risen life, and if

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vou have never made up your minds before I trust on this Easter Sunday you will do so. M A S T E R S OF Y O U R O W N

DESTINY

I repeat that God created you masters of your own destiny, masters of your own fate, and you can pay no higher tribute to your Divine Master than function as man, as He created you [to be]. The highest compliment we can pay to our Creator—the highest respect we can pay to our risen Lord and Savior—is that of feeling that he has created us as His masterpiece; a perfect instrument of His own existence because in us is reflected the very being of God; because when it is said that we are created in His own image we ourselves reflect His greatness, we ourselves reflect the part of God the Father, God the Son, and God the Holy Ghost, and when we allow ourselves to be subjected and create others as our superior, we hurl an insult at our Creator who made us in [His likeness and image].8 I trust that you will so live [tonight] as to realize that you are masters ofvour own destiny, [you are] masters of your [faith;] 9 if there is anything you want in this world it is for you to strike out with confidence and faith in self and reach for it, because God has created it for your happiness wheresoever you may find it in nature. Nature is bountiful; nature is resourceful, and nature is willing to obey the commands of man. Man the sovereign lord, man who is supposed to hold dominion and take possession of this great world of ours. T H E D I F F E R E N C E BETWEEN STRONG AND W E A K RACES.

The difference between the strong and weak races is that the strong races seem to know themselves; seem to discover themselves; seem to realize and know fully that there is but a link between them and the Creator [and] that above them there is no other but God and anything that bears human form is but [our] equal in standing and to that form there should be no obeisance; there should be no regard for superiority. Because of that feeling they have been able to hold their own in this world, have been able to take care of the situation as it confronts them in nature; but because of our lack of faith and confidence in ourselves we have caused others created in a like image to ourselves, to [have taken] advantage of us for hundreds of years. For hundreds of years we have been the footstool of other races and nations of the earth simply because we have failed to realize, to recognize and know ourselves as other men have known themselves and felt that there is nothing in the world that is above them [ex]cept the influence of God. [The only influence that is above him is that spiritual influence directed through God himself. God never in His created plan and His created purpose intended that man should be above man, but He intended that man should be the equal of man, the brother of man throughout the world and if you occupy an inferior position in the world today you will blame it not to the God who

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created us but to yourselves because He has created the world with all the beauties therein for our comfort and happiness. If we fail to make the best of life and reach out to the things of nature it is not blamable to our divine master, but is blamable to ourselves.] [Let us from this Easter-tide feel that we are masters of our own destinies, that we are architects of our own fate. Go from Liberty Hall tonight throughout the length and breadth of the world and realize that you are masters of your own destiny; whatsoever you desire life to be that much shall life be to you. If you desire to occupy an inferior place in the world that shall be your place. Some of us seem to feel that God created us to be hewers of wood and drawers of water; that He created us to be always in a menial position. God never created any man to occupy any one position; but God created man as master of his own faith for him to take advantage of every chance that is presented to him within nature. If some men have not risen above others it is because they have failed to grasp the opportunities of life.] The understanding that others have gotten out of life is the same understanding that 400,000,000 Negroes [ought to] 10 get out of this existence of ours. I pray that a new inspiration will come to us, [that as members of the Universal Negro Improvement Association] 11 we will think of nature as our servant; that we will think of man as our partner through life, 12 [that we will not think of man as our superior and think of ourselves as inferior; because G o d Almighty has never created a superior man; He has never created an inferior man. God Almighty created all men equal, because He created man in his own image. That is my message to you. I trust throughout this season you will try to realize that upon you depends your own existence, depends your own future. (Applause.)] Printed in W , 22 April 1922. Original headlines omitted. Reprinted, with some variations in punctuation, in P&O 1: 87-92. 1. The material printed within square brackets appeared only in the version of the speech printed in NW, 22 April 1922. This version has served as the copy text; any significant variations that occur in the version printed in P&O are indicated in the document's notes. 2. In P&O the word physically was added. 3. In P&O this reads Lord. 4. In P&O the phrase "through His Father" was added. 5. In P&O this reads attitude rather than position. 6. In P&O this reads "a similar way" rather than "the position of sovereignty." 7. In P&O this reads "white or yellow." 8. In P&O this reads "the fullness of ourselves" rater than "His likeness and image." 9. In P&O this reads fate rather than faith. 10. In P&O this reads must. n. In P&O this phrase reads "as a race." 12. In P&O the sentence ends with the words, "and go through the length and breadth of this world achieving and doing as other men, as other nations and other races."

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Confidential Informant 800 to George F. Ruch New York, April 16, 1922 Sir: I will report that on Saturday [is April], I saw affidavit, that had been made out, waiting for Garvey's signature, giving Attorney Mathews [Matthews] power o f attorney to act for the Black Star Line in securing $22,500 (twenty t w o thousand five hundred dollars) now held by the U.S. Shipping Board as part payment on a ship. This affidavit goes on to say that fro[m] this amount will be paid the sum of $851.30 (eight hundred fifty one dollars and thirty cents) to the Shipping Board as payment for labor performed in moving stores from this ship when it was thought that [the] deal had been closed for the ship. N o w sir, this money has been reported to the stock holders as having been lost to them, and if it gets back in the hands [of] Garvey it will either be appropriated to his own funds or go for propaganda. There have been more than enough judgements secured again[st] the Black Star Line to consume this money. If the fact was made know[n] to some o f these firms that hold these judgements, when the Black Star Line came in possession o f this money they would immediately garnishee it. O f course I know that the Department czn[not] afford to do this but I can find a way to do this and no one [will] be the wiser. I will take the matter up with y o u Sunday when I report to your office. Until then I shall not take any action [on] this line. I have acquainted Mr. Davis, 1 with the above facts in regards to the affidavit. He said that he would keep tab on this money to see if Garvey turned it over to the organization. I am sure that none o f the Council know of his actions in regards to this money. In fact, some, if not all of them, believe that this money had been lost to the Company. Garvey returned to the City Saturday but only remained for a very short time, going from here to Philadelphia. He will return to New York tonight or tomorrow. Respectfully, "8 00" DJ-FBI, file 61-826-6. T L S , recipient's copy. 1. M o r t i m e r J. Davis, Bureau o f Investigation special agent.

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Marcus Garvey to Albert Beacon Fall,1 Secretary of the Interior NEW YORK, U.S.A.

April

17, 1922

Dear Sir: I take the liberty of approaching you as representing the department of the Interior for the United States of America. Without unduly infringing upon your valuable time, inasmuch as I a[m] positive that you possess considerable knowledge of the Universal Negro Improvement Association^] of which I have the honor to be President General, and regarding which it would be superfluous for me to discuss, inasmuch as the objects are clearly stated at the head of this communication, I will, as briefly as possible, proceed to state my object for writing this letter. The Universal Negro Improvement Association is holding its annual Convention in New York during the month of August next. A day has been set apart for the discussion of Colonial matters insofar as they affect the policy of the various Governments on the African Continent and those African majorities who reside in the British and United States West Indies as well as on the Continent of South America. We are most anxious to obtain the co-operation of the United States Government in the direction of the political amelioration of these voiceless millions over whom the United States hold[s] dominion.2 Consequently, I respectfully beg that you send an Official representative to the Convention upon the date in August which will be subsequently named and for which special tickets of admission will be issued upon the receipt of your reply signifying your intention to have the United States Government represented at our Convention. Thanking you in anticipation and awaiting the favor of your reply,3 I have the honor to be, Sir, Your obedient Servant, M A R C U S GARVEY

President-General DNA, RG +8, file 1907-53, 1-180. TLS, recipient's copy. Shorthand endorsement on the document is indecipherable. Garvey enclosed a list of the fourteen points to be discussed at the convention which are printed above as an enclosure to a report from Confidential Informant 800 to George F. Ruch, 9 March 1922. 1. Albert Beacon Fall (1861-1944) was a Republican U.S. senator for New Mexico from 1913 until 1921, when he became secretary of the interior in the Harding administration. He resigned

in 1923 (WWWA).

2. The Department of the Interior included the Division of Territories and Island Possessions. 3. Secretary Fall's administrative assistant acknowledged Garve/s letter on 21 April 1922 and stated that he would call Secretary Fall's attention to it when he returned from his trip to the West (DNA, R G 4 8 , file 1907-53, 1-180).

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Marcus Garvey to Giovanni Amendola, Italian Secretary of State for the Colonies1 N E W YORK, U . S . A .

April 17th, 1922

Mr. Secretary of State: I take the liberty to begin to communicate with you in your capacity as His Majesty's Secretary of State for the Colonies in the Government of Italy in Rome. I am persuaded that your Excellency already knows precisely enough about the Universal Negro Improvement Association[,] of which I have the honor of being President-General, and so far as this organization is concerned, I think it is not necessary in the present circumstances to speak of it further, because the aims of the Association are clearly stated in the heading address of our letter. Thus without wasting time I will state in brief the objectives that I am pursuing by asking your indulgence. The Universal Negro Improvement Association will have its Annual Convention in New York City during the month of August. A specific date has been fixed for the discussion of colonial affairs as they affect Italian policies regarding the People of Color living in the African continent. Imbued in the belief that the time is imminent for the Italian Government and her subjects of Negro Race and Negrophiles to come to a friendly agreement, on the basis of the formation of an equitable Government, I am very anxious to have the cooperation of the Italian Colonial Secretariat in the question regarding the political improvement of those millions who are silent and who are living under Italian domination. Therefore, I respectfully ask your Excellency to send an Official Representative to the Convention which will take place during the month of August. Its specific date will later be fixed and special tickets for admission will be sent as we receive your letter expressing your willingness to participate in the Convention. 2 I hope that my opinion regarding your Excellency is very well founded, because surely you have the vision and imagination necessary to those human beings who claim to be statesmen. Being conscious of your qualities I dared to approach you and discuss with you the subject which is enormously full of International consequences for the Italian Empire and for the African continent. I am, in advance, very thankful and hoping to be honored by your reply. I have the honor to present you, Mr. Secretary, the assurances of my highest consideration. MARCUS GARVEY

[Endorsement] Ministry of Colonies, 7 May 1922 ASMAE, MC. TLS, recipient's copy (translated from French). Stamped endorsement. 608

APRIL 1922 1. Giovanni Amendola (1882-1926) was a deputy in the Italian parliament who led the liberal-conservative faction; he was also a professor of theoretical philosophy at the University of Pisa. As Benito Mussolini's fascist movement grew, Amendola increasingly came under attack. After Amendola's verbal attack against Mussolini in 1925, a crowd of hundreds of Fascists attacked Amendola; he died as a result of his injuries (Denis Mack Smith, Mussolini [New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1982], pp. 70, 74, 85, 90). 2. Garvey sent a similar letter of invitation to the French colonial secretary on 21 April 1922 ( A M A E , 21 April 1922). In a letter to the French consul general in New York written on 25 May 1922, the French minister of foreign affairs stated: Taking into consideration the tendencies of the Society (UNIA) presided over by Marcus Garvey, the French Government will not reply to this invitation. It is of supreme interest to us to have precise information on discussions held and decisions which might be taken at this Congress. Please follow very closely the development of the debates and send me all information received of interest from a French point of view. (R. Poincaré to Mr. Liebert, 23 May 1922, A M A E ) On 3 May 1922 Garvey also invited Charles Evans Hughes, U.S. secretary of state, to attend the convention (DNA, R.G 59, file 811.108 G 191/28).

Editorial Letter by Marcus Garvey [[New York, April 18, 1922]] Greeting: For four and a half years the Universal Negro Improvement Association has been advocating the cause of Africa for the Africans—that is, that the Negro peoples of the world should concentrate upon the object of building up for themselves a great nation in Africa. When we started our propaganda toward this end several of the so-called intellectual Negroes who have been bamboozling the race for over half a century said that we were crazy, that the Negro peoples of the western world were not interested in Africa and could not live in Africa. One editor and leader went so far as to say at his Pan-African Congress that American Negroes could not live in Africa, because the climate was too hot. All kinds of arguments have been adduced by these Negro intellectuals against the colonization of Africa by the black race. Some said that the black man would ultimately work out his existence alongside of the white man in countries founded and established by the latter. Therefore, it was not necessary for Negroes to seek an independent nationality of their own. The old time stories of "African fever," "African bad climate," "African mosquitos," "African savages," have been repeated by these "brainless intellectuals" of ours as a scare against our people in America and the West Indies taking a kindly interest in the new program of building a racial empire of our own in our Motherland. Now that years have rolled by and the Universal Negro Improvement [Association has made the circuit of the world with its propaganda, we find eminent statesmen and leaders of the white race coming out boldly advocating the cause of colonizing Africa with the Negroes of the western world. Not more than two months ago Senator McCullum of the F E L L O W M E N OF T H E N E G R O R A C E ,

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Mississippi Legislature introduced a resolution in the House for the purpose of petitioning the Congress of the United States of America and the President to use their good influence in securing from the Allies sufficient territory in Africa in liquidation of the war debt, which territory should be used for the establishing of an independent nation for American Negroes. Just a few weeks ago Senator France of Maryland gave expression to a similar desire in the Senate of the United States during a speech on the "Soldiers' Bonus and the Allied Duty." He said: "We owe a big duty to Africa and one which we have too long ignored. I need not enlarge upon our peculiar interest in the obligation to the people of Africa. Thousands of Americans have for years been contributing to the missionary work which has been carried out by the noble men and women who have been sent out in that field by the churches of America." G E R M A N Y TO T H E F R O N T

This reveals the real change on the part of prominent statesmen in their attitude on the African question. Now comes another suggestion from Germany, for which Dr. Heinrich Schnee, a former Governor of German East Africa, 1 is author. This German statesman suggests in an interview given out in Berlin and published in New York on the 16th inst.,2 that America take over the mandatories of Great Britain and France in Africa for the colonization of American Negroes. Speaking on the matter, he says[,] "As regards the attempt to colonize Africa with the surplus American colored population, this would in a long way settle the vexed problem, and under the plan such as Senator France has outlined, might enable France and Great Britain to discharge their duties to the United States, and simultaneously ease the burden of German reparations which is paralyzing economic life." With expressions as above quoted from prominent world statesmen, and from the demands made by such men as Senators France and McCullum, it is clear that the question of African nationality is not a far fetched one, but is as reasonable and feasible as was the idea of an American nationality. A . — A . " P R O G R A M " AT LAST?

I trust that the Negro peoples of the world are now convinced that the work of the Universal Negro Improvement Association is not a visionary one, but very practical, and that it is not so far fetched, but can be realized in a short while if the entire race will only co-operate and work toward the desired end. Now that the work of our organization has started to bear fruit, we find that some of these "doubting Thomases" of three and four years ago are endeavoring to mix themselves up with the popular idea of rehabilitating Africa in the interest of the Negro. They are now advancing spurious "programs" and in a short while will endeavor to force themselves upon the public as advocates and leaders of the African idea.

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It is felt that those who have followed the career of the Universal Negro Improvement Association will not allow themselves to be deceived by these Negro opportunists who have always sought to live off the ideas of other people. T H E D R E A M OF A N E G R O E M P I R E

It is only a question of a few more years when Africa will be completely colonized by Negroes, as Europe is by the white race. It is for us to welcome the proffered help of such men as Senators McCullum and France. Though their methods are a little different to that of the Universal Negro Improvement Association, yet it is felt that the same object will be achieved. What we want is an independent African nationality, and if America is to help the Negro peoples of the world establish such a nationality, then we welcome the assistance. It is hoped that when the time comes for American and West Indian Negroes to settle in Africa, they will realize their responsibility and their duty. It will not be to go to Africa for the purpose of exercising an overlordship over the natives, but it shall be the purpose of the Universal Negro Improvement Association to have established in Africa that brotherly cooperation which will make the interest of the African native and the American and West Indian Negro one and the same, that is to say, we shall enter into a common partnership to build up Africa in the interest of our race. O N E N E S S OF INTEREST

Everybody knows that there is absolutely no difference between the native African and the American and West Indian Negroes, in that we are descendants from one common family stock. It is only a matter of accident that we have been divided and kept apart for over three hundred years, but it is felt that when the time has come for us to get back together, we shall do so in the spirit of brotherly love, and any Negro who expects that he will be assisted here, there or anywhere by the Universal Negro Improvement Association to exercise a haughty superiority over the fellows of his own race, makes a tremendous mistake. Such men had better remain where they are and not attempt to become in any way interested in the higher development of Africa. The Negro has had enough of the vaunted practice of race superiority as inflicted upon him by others, therefore he is not prepared to tolerate a similar assumption on the part of his own people. In America and the West Indies, we have Negroes who believe themselves so much above their fellows as to cause them to think that any readjustment in the affairs of the race should be placed in their hands for them to exercise a kind of an autocratic and despotic control as others have done to us for centuries. Again I say, it would be advisable for such Negroes to take their hands and minds off the now popular idea of colonizing Africa in the interest of the Negro race, because 611

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their being identified with this new program will not in any way help us because of the existing feeling among Negroes everywhere not to tolerate the infliction of race or class superiority upon them, as is the desire of the self-appointed and self-created race leadership that we have been having for the last fifty years. T H E B A S I S OF AN A F R I C A N A R I S T O C R A C Y

The masses of Negroes in America, the West Indies, South and Central America are in sympathetic accord with the aspirations of the native Africans. We desire to help them to build up Africa as a Negro Empire, where every black man, whether he was born in Africa or in the Western world, will have the opportunity to develop on his own lines under the protection of the most favorable democratic institutions. It will be useless, as above stated, for bombastic Negroes to leave America and the West Indies to go to Africa, thinking that they will have privileged position to inflict upon the race that bastard aristocracy that they have tried to maintain in this Western world at the expense of the masses. Africa shall develop an aristocracy of its own, but it shall be based upon service and loyalty to race. Let all Negroes work toward that end. I feel that it is only a question of a few more years before our program will be accepted not only by the few statesmen of America who are now interested in it, but by the strong statesmen of the world, as the only solution to the great race problem. There is no other way to avoid the threatening war of the races that is bound to engulf all mankind, which has been prophesied by the world's greatest thinkers; there is no better method than by apportioning every race to its own habitat. The time has really come for the Asiatics to govern themselves in Asia, as the Europeans are in Europe and the Western world, so also is it wise for the Africans to govern themselves at home, and thereby bring peace and satisfaction to the entire human family. I am calling upon Negroes everywhere to lend all the support necessary to the Universal Negro Improvement Association for putting over its great Convention program of August of the present year. A G A I N , THE CONVENTION

As has been outlined in another part of this paper, it is planned to make the immediate establishment of an African nation one of the features of our legislative demands. The best thing that the race can do is to create just at this time a universal sentiment in support of the work of the forthcoming international Convention, so that when our demands are presented to the various Governments that have possessions in Africa, there will be no doubt as to the potency and force of the demands. We have decided to ring the changes in 1922 as never was done before. This year is regarded as a year of racial and

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national changes. Egypt and Ireland have already secured their freedom for 1922, and it is most likely that before the close of the year India will have gained a larger modicum of self government. We cannot, therefore, allow the cause of Africa to lag behind. It is for us to force it. Thus the Universal Negro Improvement Association shall leave no stone unturned to win for Africa and the four hundred million Negroes of the world a new position in the racial, national and political affairs of the world. All that is necessary is the moral and financial support of the race everywhere for this great organization. You can contribute your mite now to help this great cause. If you have not done so before, and even if you have, it is your duty to sen[d] a donation to the Universal Negro Improvement Association, $6 West 135th Street, New York City, N.Y., U.S.A., to help this great work for the redemption of Africa and the emancipation of the race. With very best wishes for your success, I have the honor to be Your obedient servant, Marcus

Garvey

President-General Universal Negro Improvement Association Printed in NW, 22 April 1922. Original headlines omitted. 1. Heinrich Schnee (1871-1949) was governor of German East Africa from 1912 to 1919 (International Who's Who). 2. The New York Times reported in its 17 April 1922 issue that Dr. Schnee commented on a statement attributed to Sen. Joseph I. France of Maryland suggesting that Allied war debts to the United States be paid by the transferal of former German colonies, then under the control of Great Britain, France, and Belgium, to the United States. Schnee commented: "Doubtless the German African colonies would support thrice the present native population. Indeed, there is room there for 50,000,000 colored people now, and there will be more room as development progresses." He concluded, however: "But this subject [Afro-American colonization in Africa], however interesting in the perspectives it opens, presents enormous difficulties. Remember the failure in colonizing Liberia."

E. Powis Jones to Sanford H. E. Freund [Washington, D.C.] April 19, 1922 Subject: ss "orion"—Black Star Line, Inc. Mr. L. U. [Joseph] Nolan, representing the Black Star Line as attorney, called on me about ten days ago. I was about to prepare and send to him releases for execution by the Black Star Line for the purpose of expediting a contemplated settlement in connection with the negotiations looking to the sale of the ss " o r i o n " . Before I had an opportunity to send the releases to Mr. Nolan, the Ship Sales Division received a telegram, purporting to come from the Black Star Line, to the effect that Mr. Nolan's authority had been terminated. I have just received the attached memorandum from the Ship Sales Division, accompanied by the three documents submitted to you herewith. 613

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The Ship Sales Division simply asks whether these documents constitute sufficient evidence of the authority of Wm. C. Matthews, or his designated agent, to conduct negotiations with the Shipping Board for the settlement of the "Orion" matter. The documents in question consist of (a) Certificate of election of officers 28th October 1921.—It would seem to me that the certificate in question should show that the meeting of directors was regularly held on proper notice; that a quorum was present, etc. I do not think that the usual words quoted "duly and regularly elected" should be sufficient to satisfy us in case of this particular Company that everything in connection with the election was properly done. (b) Extract of the minutes 31st March 1921 setting forth a resolution to the effect that "exercising the statutory power, the board of direct[or]s of the Black Star Line does remove O. M. Thompson from his official position of Vice President * * * . " There is nothing to show that the meeting of the board of directors was held pursuant to proper notice or regularly convened; that a quorum was present, etc. Furthermore, the removal of an officer is a rather technical matter and I am not certain that the resolution is sufficient on this point. However, as I do not deem it particularly material, I say nothing further on it. The resolution likewise appoints Wm. C. Matthews as attorney to represent the Black Star Line in its dealings with the Shipping Board in connection with the "Orion" and also authorizes him to execute all necessary instruments. What I have just said in regard to lack of evidence that the meeting was properly held, applies with equal force to the appointment of Matthews as attorney. Otherwise I have no criticism of the resolution. (c) Power of attorney appointing Matthews attorney in fact to collect the moneys deposited with the Board on the "Orion" and to execute all instruments necessary to accomplish it. This power is not executed by the Black Star Line; on the contrary it appears to be executed by the Secretary and President. Furthermore, it bears no notarial proof of execution. I disapprove of it entirely. There has been apparently a great deal of internal difficulty in the Black Star Line. They seem to keep changing their attorneys from time to time and it behooves us to be particularly careful in our dealings with them. I think the most we can do is to be willing to discuss the matter with Mr. Wm. C. Matthews. I do not approve of accepting the papers as sufficient authority to do anything beyond that. I imagine you will agree with me in this. I have accordingly prepared a memorandum from you to the Department of Ship Sales which I submit to you herewith.

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D o you care to have me prepare a general release as you indicated last week in this connection? Do you think we need the release of anyone beyond the Black Star Line? I have not looked up the law on the matter but I have in mind the question of attorney's lien. E . P o w i s JONES

Assistant Counsel [Endorsement]

Approved SHEF

D N A , R G 32, file 605-1-653. T L S , recipient's copy. Handwritten endorsement.

A. Rudolph Silverston to the United States Shipping Board NEW YORK A p r i l 20th, 1922 ATTENTION M R . J . HARRY PHILBIN

Gentlemen:— On August 3rd, 1921, you advised the undersigned that your Board had formally accepted the offer of the New York Ship Exchange to purchase the SS. "Orion" for the sum of $225,000.00, payable 10% cash on delivery, and 10% each month thereafter, and you advised the undersigned that prior to the delivery of the vessel it would be necessary to deposit with the Board $10,000.00 to cover the balance of the initial payment. Prior to the passing of this resolution by the Board the undersigned had deposited with you for account of the purchase price of the vessel, by three checks, the sum of $12,500.00, the first check in the sum of $5625.00, being a check of the New York Ship Exchange drawn on the American National Bank of Washington, D . C . ; the second check payable to the order of the Shipping Board in the sum of $1875.00, also a check of the New York Ship Exchange. This check was deposited in connection with the proposed purchase of the SS. "Porto Rico", but was afterwards applied to the purchase of the SS. "Orion". The third check was in the sum of $5000.00, drawn on the Chelsea Exchange Bank New York City and was also a check of the New York Ship Exchange. This is to advise you that since it has been determined to cancel the proposed sale of this ship that the funds so deposited with you should be returned to the undersigned, and to no other, and formal demand to that effect is hereby made upon you. Very truly yours, NEW YORK SHIP EXCHANGE A . RUDOLPH SILVERSTON [Endorsement]

NOTED R.W.M.

D N A , R G 32, file 605-1-653. T L S on New York Ship Exchange letterhead, recipient's copy. Stamped endorsement. 6IS

T H E MARCUS GARVEY AND U N I A PAPERS

Report by Special Agent Mortimer J. Davis New York City 4/20/22 IN RE:

U . S . vs. BLACK STAR LINE, INC.

V I O . S E C . 2 1 5 , U . S . C . C . , U S I N G M A I L S TO D E F R A U D

On the last 15th inst. Agent received information from Confidential Employe #800 that Marcus Garvey, who had been in Detroit, rushed into town on this date and signed a power of attorney giving W. C. Matthews, attorney for the Black Star Line, authority to collect from the Shipping Board, Washington, D.C. the sum of $22,500 deposited there last year as first payment on a tentative contract for the S/S "Orion". This being an unusual procedure, Agent interviewed Orlando M. Thompson, now under indictment in this case, and learned from him that the money in question had been originally deposited with the Shipping Board by A. Rudolph Silverston, who in 1921 had been given a power of attorney by the Black Star Line to represent them in the deal. Silverston has been referred to previously as a ship broker who operated the now defunct New York Ship Exchange, US Broadway. It appears that Silverston was originally given, in checks of various amounts, $25,000 by the Black Star Line, to be used by him at his discretion in the procuring of a boat. When the opportunity to obtain the "Orion" presented itself Silverston had but $12,500 of this amount left, which he handed to the Shipping Board. It has been impossible up to this time to obtain a clear explanation from Silverston or anyone else as to just what happened to the difference between that $12,500 and the original $25,000 in his possession, outside of the statement that "there were large expenses". (See statement of Silverston 2/24/22 regarding this). When, within a short time the Shipping Board demanded an additional $10,000 deposit, Silverston appealed to Louis [ Joseph] Nolan, then admiralty attorney for the Black Star Line. Mr. Nolan at this time informs me that he borrowed that amount from the International Finance Corp. of this city, and then gave his personal check to Silverston, which later found its way to the Shipping Board and now makes up part of the $22,500 there. It was agreed between Silverston and Nolan that the latter would be reimbursed by the former when Silverston collected his commissions on the sale of the ship. Therefore, Mr. Nolan at this time is also making strenuous efforts to have the Shipping Board return the deposit to him so that he may collect his loan. In this connection Nolan advises that he has been down to Washington but recently and has been assured by the Shipping Board that his money will be protected. In the meantime he has been trying to obtain a resolution from the Board of Directors of the Black Star Line authorizing him [to] obtain this money, which resolution they have promised him but state they are unable to give due to the absence of the President, Garvey, from the city. Thus it will be noted that the Black Star Line is apparently double-crossing Nolan and trying to get the money itself; at least Garvey and Matthews are. 616

A P R I L 1922

I understand that originally the deposit was placed with the Shipping Board by Silverston either in his name or the name of his defunct company, but that the Board subsequently learned that he was acting for the Black Star Line, and that at least one of the deposit checks was made payable to the Shipping Board direct by the Line. It would appear interesting to trace these developments, inasmuch as they relate directly to the violation in this case. MORTIMER J. DAVIS

DJ-FBI, file 61. TD.

U N I A Convention Fund Announcement [Negro World, 22 April 1922] CONVENTION

FUND

OF

UNIVERSAL

NEGRO

IMPROVEMENT

A S S O C I A T I O N FOR 1 9 2 2

For the purpose of meeting the expenses of the Third International Convention of the Negro peoples of the world, the Universal Negro Improvement Association today opens its "Convention Collecting List," asking every Negro in the world to contribute a dollar or more to meet the expense of this gigantic movement. The program of the Convention this year will be far in advance of that of the two preceding conventions. Important Commissions will be sent abroad from the Convention, and a great deal of constructive work will be sent to different parts of the world to carry out the commands of the Convention. Therefore, it is incumbent upon every Negro to contribute his or her bit to meet the tremendous expenses that will be inflicted upon the Universal Negro Improvement Association. The demonstration this year will surpass anything of its kind ever staged by any race. It is expected that several hundred thousand delegates and members will attend the opening of the Convention on the first of August. Delegates will be coming from all parts of the world to take part in the deliberations of the Convention, and the British, French, United States, Italian, Belgium, Spanish and Portuguese Governments have been requested to send representatives to the Convention for the purpose of stating their social policies in regard to their government of Negro and Negroid peoples under their dominion. Please send in your dollar, two, five, ten, twenty, fifty or one hundred, to help in the work. Address your communication to Registrar, Universal Negro Improvement Association, 56 West 135th Street, New York, United States of America. All donations sent in will be acknowledged week by week in the columns of this paper.

617

THE MARCUS GARVEY AND U N I A PAPERS CONVENTION F U N D 1922

Marcus Garvey

$25.00

Elie Garcia

10.00

J. E. Bruce

5.00

Du[s]e M[o]h[a]med Ali

5.00

J. B. Yearwood

10.00

N. G. G. Thomas

1.00

J. Swift

5.00

D. S. Robinson

5.00

G. Emonie Carter

5.00

Rudolph Smith

10.00

J. D. Gibson

10.00

A. H. Maloney

5.00

George Tobias

5.00

C. A. Wright

2.00

Theodore Stephens

5.00

A. Lemington Woodley

5.00

Charles Adams

2.00

Amy Jacques

5.00

Total

$120.00

Printed in NW, 22 April 1922.

Sanford H. E. Freund to J. Harry Philbin [Washington, D.C.] April 24, 1922 Re: ss "ORION" Black Star Line, Inc. I have examined the accompanying papers from the Black Star Line, which you have submitted to me. In my opinion they are not at all satisfactory. Under no circumstances should you rely upon them as authority to make any payments. I do not see any harm however in your using them as sufficient authority to discuss the matter with Mr. Matthews should you care to do so. I suggest that you write the Black Star Line a letter somewhat as follows: Black Star Line, Gentlemen: We acknowledge receipt of papers purporting to be extracts from the minutes of the meetings of your board of directors and a 618

APRIL 1922

power of attorney appointing Wm. C. Matthews your attorney in fact. Our Legal Division finds these papers unsatisfactory. However, we have no objection to discussing the matter with Mr. Matthews should he care to do so. Please advise me of the reply that you receive to this letter and I will then take the matter up with you at further length. SANFORD H . E . FREUND

Chief Counsel DNA, R G 32, file 605-1-653. TL, carbon copy.

William J. Burns to Frank Burke [Washington, D.C.] April 26, 1922 Dear Mr. Burke: Confirming telephone conversation of the 17th instant and in reply to your letter of April 14, relative to the officials of the Black Star Line, Inc., I beg to advise that the records of this office show that on February 17, 1922, indictments were found by the Federal grand jury at New York City against Marcus Garvey, president, George Tobias, treasurer, Elie Garcia, secretary, and O. M. Thompson, charging them with a violation of Section 215 of the United States Criminal Code or Using the Mails to Defraud. Yours very truly, [WILLIAM J. BURNS]

Director [Address] Mr. Frank Burke, Manager, Division of Investigation, United States Shipping Board, Washington, D.C. DJ-FBI, file 61. TL, carbon copy.

Confidential Informant 800 to George F. Ruch New York, April 28, 1922 Sir: Enclosed you will find a clipping giving an account of Garvey's trial before Justice Panken.1 Garvey has closed a deal today for the purchase of a printing plant at 2305 7th Ave. He is to pay $i2[,]ooo (twelve thousand dollars) for it, at the rate of $750 (seven hundred fifty dollars) on the first day of each month. With 619

T H E MARCUS GARVEY AND U N I A PAPERS

this plant he will be able to put out a vast amount of propaganda. He bought it as a commercial adventure but the fact is that it will be used more to print his own propaganda than for any other purpose. Garvey is going ahead making arrangements for his convention] in August just as though he had not been indicted. He sent. . . [words mutilated] to make arrangements to secure Madison Square Garden for August in order to open the convention there. He was unable to secure [it] though he offered double the price. The Garden had been previously] engaged. He then tried to secure the Hippodrome, but after look[ing] the place over he decided it would not do. I was told that in the case of Orr, mentioned in the clip[ping,] that Judge Panken said, if he found that Garvey was guilty of [fraud?] he would not only fine him, but would send him to jail also. Respectfully, "800" [Endorsement]

NOTED W.W.G.

DJ-FBI, file 61-826. TLS, recipient's copy. Stamped endorsement. 1. Jacob Panken (1879-1968) was a pioneer in the Socialist movement and the first Socialist judge in N e w York City. He was elected to his municipal court post in 1917 and held the position for twenty years. Panken was one of the founders of the Ladies Garment Workers U n i o n , the Amalgamated Clothing Workers Union, and other labor organizations ( N T T , 5 February 1968).

Enclosure [New York?, ca. 28 April 1922] M A R C U S G A R V E Y , " B A C K TO A F R I C A " L E A D E R , G I V E N

SEVERE

R E B U K E BY J U S T I C E P A N K E N

A severe rebuke was given to Marcus Garvey, the leading spirit in the "Back to Africa movement," by Justice Panken in the Seventh District Court, 125th St. and St. Nicholas Ave., when it was brought out that the $600,000 invested in the Black Star Line by thousands of small investors among the colored people was practically wiped out. Garvey was defendant in three actions, the most important being the case brought against him by Edward Orr, 290 W. 137th St., in which decision has been reserved. Orr charges fraud against the "Provisional President of Africa" and claims he is liable to arrest. The other actions were brought by James D. Brooks, one of the high salaried officers of the Universal Negro Improvement Association, for wages and a loan. Brooks and Orr were represented by Robert Louis Waring1 as counsel, and during the trial Justice Panken showed intense interest in the case. Garvey was suave of manner and proved a shrewd witness when questioned

620

A P R I L 1922

about the finances of the Black Star Line and many of the other enterprises which he has fostered. GARVEY NOT A CITIZEN

Garvey admitted he was not a citizen, having resided here less than five years, but was going to make application.2 In that short space of time, through his exploits of various money-making undertakings he had persuaded millions of people of his race to invest their life savings in his projects. When on the stand[,] Garvey said the Black Star Line represented an investment of $600,000, which was all gone. He told the court the "Yarmouth" cost $145,000 and lost $300,000 on her first trip, while the "Mac[e]o" was purchased for $65,000 and on her maiden voyage for the colored organization met with a loss of $75,000. The "Shadyside," the old ferryboat, was also mentioned, but the price paid for it was not stated. The mythical ship "Phyllis Wheatley," named after the Negro poetess, was never seen. Advertisements were carried of the passage to Liberia on this steamship. Garvey denied knowing anything pertaining to the advertisements about the "Phyllis Wheatley," of which an investigation has been conducted by the Federal Government. Orr asserts he attended one of the meetings in Liberty Hall and heard Garvey tell the audiences how he would double, within 60 days, the money they invested in the first steamship line run by colored people. Orr put in $105 and has not even received a dividend. Garvey vehemently denied the accusation that he would guarantee any such thing as the return of the money in two months. BROOKS U N D E R INDICTMENT

Brooks, who is now under indictment for misappropriating funds of the Universal Negro Improvement Association, was a former officer of that organization at $6,000 a year. He sued for $750 wages, and a verdict for that sum was granted in his favor, while on the loan of $1,000 Justice Panken decided against him, as no proof was shown he had given the money. Brooks claimed it was deducted from his salary.3 Brooks asserts the officers of the association, which had a membership of 4,500,000 people, were permitted to draw whatever money they desired for expenses. At the finish of the trial Justice Panken, in addressing his remarks to Garvey, said: "It seems to me that you have been preying upon the gullibility of your own people, having kept no proper accounts of the money received for investment, being an organization of high finance in which the officers received outrageously high salaries and were permitted to have exorbitant expense accounts for pleasure-jaunts throughout the country. I adv[ise] these

621

T H E M A R C U S GARVEY AND U N I A PAPERS

'dupes' who have contributed [to] these organizations to go into c[ourt] and ask for the appointment of a [re]ceiver. You should have taken [the] $600,000 and built a hospital [for] colored people in this city inste[ad o f ] purchasing a few old boats. Th[ere is] a form of paranoia which manif [ests it]self in believing oneself to be a [great] man. "From the evidence brought [here?"] said Justice Panken when lat[er seen?] in chambers, "these various mo[vements] that have been fostered by [Garvey?] have taken millions of dollar[s out o f ] the pockets of the colored pe[ople. For?] the Universal Negro Improvement Association he claims a membership o f ] 4,500,000, who have been paying [dues.] He says nothing is left of the [Black] Star Line, a corporation he [formed?] which told of wonderful shipping developments among his own people. [All] the officers cared about was ha[ving a] salary they would receive [and having] enormous expense accounts." DJ-FBI, file 61-826. Unidentified newspaper article, possibly the 26 April 1922 issue of the Harlem Home News. 1. Robert Louis Waring was a black lawyer and the author of As We See It (Washington: C . F. Sudworth, 1910), a book which examined life among the black achievers of the South and contrasted it with life among the white lower class. His thesis was that the white lower class presented the South with its most severe problem. Waring was admitted to the New York State bar in 1913 (Clerk's office, State of New York Court of Appeals, to Robert A. Hill, 16 May 1983; Betty Gubert [Schomburg Center, New York] to Robert A. Hill, 4 May 1983). 2. Garvey filed his first papers for citizenship on 1 September 1921. 3. Bureau of Investigation Special Agent James E. Amos reported on 28 March 1921 that Bishop George McGuire, the former U N I A chaplain general, told Amos that he bought $1,000 worth of stock in the Black Star Line. According to Amos, McGuire "was forced to buy stock as all officials o f the company were—money for same being taken from his salary each month" ( D J - F B I , file 61).

E. Powis Jones to Sanford H. E. Freund [Washington, D.C.] April 29, 1922 Subject: "ORION"—Black Star Line. I returned such papers as I had in this matter to you /today./ No sooner had I done so when the Ship Sales Department asked me to go into further discussion of it with the present attorney of the Black Star Line, a Mr. Johnson, a colored lawyer. 1 I did so. It now appears that not only does the Black Star Line claim an interest in the fund deposited with the Board on the "Orion" but likewise the New York Ship Exchange, represented by Mr. Silverst[o]n, and I believe also Mr. Nolan. I told Mr. Johnson in substance as follows: that while any action in connection with the matter would necessarily have to be the action of the Shipping Board and that I did not presume to attempt to bind them in any way or to suggest what they should or should not do[,] that at the same time in my opinion they could not make any return of the deposit money to any

622

APRIL 1922

body without full releases from every claimant. I told him that the papers that had been submitted to the Board were unsatisfactory and I pointed out to him the particulars in which they were unsatisfactory. I told him that if he could obtain the withdrawal of /claims of/ all claimants in the fund and /their/ releases and that of the Black Star Line that the matter could be properly presented to the Board for suitable action. He said he would try to do so. I told him that if he was able to obtain such result that the Legal Division would want to prepare all the necessary papers in connection with it. Will you refer this letter to whoever is to handle this matter in the future. For his benefit I state that the documents and releases in this case require particularly careful supervision. As to whether or not the Board will approve of refund I of course do not know. I took the matter up with Vice President Smull and, I think, also Vice President Love some time ago and at that time they seemed to view the matter favorably. The fact that it was represented that there was some 30,000 stockholders, all of them negroes, who claim to have been imposed upon, is something to which the Board may care to give weight. E . P o w i s JONES

Assistant Counsel D N A , R G 32, file 605-1-653. T L S , recipient's copy. 1. Henry Lincoln Johnson.

W. E. B. Du Bois to D. J. Steyn-Parve, Consul General for the Netherlands, New York [New York, ca. April 1922] M y dear Sir: Regarding your letter of April 13th number 1609, I have to say that the head office of the U N I A is at 56 W 135th St., New York City, where official information can be furnished you. Personally I think this organization is ineffective, foolish and even dangerous. It started out with some good ideas, the establishment of commercial intercourse between colored people of the eastern and western hemispheres, but its business methods were from the beginning faulty if not fraudulent and recent disclosures show grave inefficiency together with wild and silly plans and propaganda. I am sending herewith two articles which I published on the organization some time ago. 1 If I were writing them today, I should make a much less favorable statement. 623

T H E M A R C U S G A R V E Y AND U N I A PAPERS

I have no knowledge of the branch of this association in Santo Domingo. Very sincerely yours, [W. E. B. D u B o i s ] MU, WEBDB, reel 10, frame 1276. TL, carbon copy. 1. Probably the articles published in the December 1920 and January 1921 issues of the Crisis.

Confidential Informant 800 to George F. Ruch New York, May 4, 1922 Sir: I will report that Garvey will leave New York for his trip west on Monday the 8th. This trip will last about eight weeks, during which time he will go as far West as California. He will return about two weeks before the convention opens. I was present today when he was negotiating for the purchase of a press to print the paper. The press that he recently bought only does job work. He told the sales-man that he would not be able to take this press until some time in July, but that he would make a payment enough to bind the agreement. I learned today, that Senator Calder, of New York, 1 has been approached in behalf of Garvey, by John Bruce[,] who i[s] known as Garvey's confidential secretary. It seems that Senator Calder is an old friend of Bruce, and Bruce is using this friendship in behalf of Garvey. Bruce is an old politician and held a job here in the Custom House for many years.2 Bruce is very well known and has some political influence. Garvey seems to have lost sight of the fact that he has ever been indicted, or that he will ever be tried. To talk with him you would think that he has never been in court. Will report to your office Sunday at +:oo o'clock P.M. as per instructions. Respectfully "800" [Endorsement] FILE GFR

DJ-FBI, file 61-826-8. TLS, recipient's copy. Handwritten endorsement. 1. William M. Calder (1869-1945) was a Brooklyn-born builder and Republican politician who served a decade in the U.S. House of Representatives before he ran successfully for the U.S. Senate in 1916, where he served one term (NTT, 4 March 1945). 2. In April 1921 the State Department searched for information on John E. Bruce, believing that he had been employed by the Customs Service. The request came from R. P. Skinner of the U.S. Embassy in London and was prompted by the suspicion that Bruce was connected with Garvey. A Bureau of Investigation agent finally reported that on 24 November 1903, Bruce was employed by the Customs Service authorities in New York City as a laborer and that in April 1921 he was still employed there, working as a messenger (J. H. Reedy [Bureau of Investigation special agent] to R. S. Sharp [special agent in charge], Department of State, New York office, 22 April 1921, DNA, RG 59, file 880-L-2).

624

T H E M A R C U S G A R V E Y AND U N I A PAPERS

I have no knowledge of the branch of this association in Santo Domingo. Very sincerely yours, [W. E. B. D u B o i s ] MU, WEBDB, reel 10, frame 1276. TL, carbon copy. 1. Probably the articles published in the December 1920 and January 1921 issues of the Crisis.

Confidential Informant 800 to George F. Ruch New York, May 4, 1922 Sir: I will report that Garvey will leave New York for his trip west on Monday the 8th. This trip will last about eight weeks, during which time he will go as far West as California. He will return about two weeks before the convention opens. I was present today when he was negotiating for the purchase of a press to print the paper. The press that he recently bought only does job work. He told the sales-man that he would not be able to take this press until some time in July, but that he would make a payment enough to bind the agreement. I learned today, that Senator Calder, of New York, 1 has been approached in behalf of Garvey, by John Bruce[,] who i[s] known as Garvey's confidential secretary. It seems that Senator Calder is an old friend of Bruce, and Bruce is using this friendship in behalf of Garvey. Bruce is an old politician and held a job here in the Custom House for many years.2 Bruce is very well known and has some political influence. Garvey seems to have lost sight of the fact that he has ever been indicted, or that he will ever be tried. To talk with him you would think that he has never been in court. Will report to your office Sunday at +:oo o'clock P.M. as per instructions. Respectfully "800" [Endorsement] FILE GFR

DJ-FBI, file 61-826-8. TLS, recipient's copy. Handwritten endorsement. 1. William M. Calder (1869-1945) was a Brooklyn-born builder and Republican politician who served a decade in the U.S. House of Representatives before he ran successfully for the U.S. Senate in 1916, where he served one term (NTT, 4 March 1945). 2. In April 1921 the State Department searched for information on John E. Bruce, believing that he had been employed by the Customs Service. The request came from R. P. Skinner of the U.S. Embassy in London and was prompted by the suspicion that Bruce was connected with Garvey. A Bureau of Investigation agent finally reported that on 24 November 1903, Bruce was employed by the Customs Service authorities in New York City as a laborer and that in April 1921 he was still employed there, working as a messenger (J. H. Reedy [Bureau of Investigation special agent] to R. S. Sharp [special agent in charge], Department of State, New York office, 22 April 1921, DNA, RG 59, file 880-L-2).

624

MAY 1922

Report of the Office of Naval Intelligence [San Francisco] May 4-11, 1922 NEGROES:

Marcus Garvey, President General of the Universal Negro Improvement Association, Honorary President of the Black Cross Society, and Honorary President of the African Legion, is now engaged on a special lecture throughout the United States for the propagation of The Universal Negro Improvement Association. He will be in San Francisco June 2nd and 3rd, and will speak in the Civic Auditorium under the joint auspices of the U.N.I.A. and the African Legion, He will visit Oakland the following two days. San Francisco Branch of the African Legion: L. Alexander Captain W. Handy ist Lieut. W. Gullen 2nd Lieut. Frank Pyers is the publisher of the "Pacific Appeal", 1 which is the organ of the San Francisco Branch of the U.N.I.A. He seems to be a special investigator for the Association. He renders reports on all State and Federal legislation which in any way affects the Negroes. (12th NAVAL DISTRICT.)

DNA, RG

165,

file

10218-436.

TD.

1. Probably a reference to the Pacific Coast Appeal, which was published by William H. Blake and George Watkins between 1898 and 1925. There had been a newspaper called the Pacific Appeal, founded in 1862 by Philip A. Bell of San Francisco. Bell's newspaper became the leading black journal of the northern California area. Bell also founded the Elevator in 1865, which merged with the Pacific Coast Appeal in 1898 (Douglas Henry Daniels, Pioneer Urbanites: A Social and Cultural History of Black San Francisco [Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1980], p. 217).

Marcus Garvey to William Pickens NEW Y O R K , U.S.A. M a y 5th 1 9 2 2 1

My dear Mr. Pickens:— I have to write you again in the matter of our organization. As you are doubtless aware, our 3rd International Convention comes off from the 1st to the 31st August of the present year. We are expecting the biggest gathering of Negroes ever assembled at this Convention. Our Delegates will be coming from the four corners of the globe. The matters to be discussed will be of vital interest and importance to this race of ours. We are to elect and appoint our new leaders, and knowing your feeling on the matter 62s

T H E M A R C U S GARVEY AND U N I A PAPERS

o f N e g r o progress, I feel it my duty to write you asking that you arrange to be a Delegate to this Convention, and to give us your time for the month of August. Y o u will remember the conversation I had with you bearing on the work o f the Organization. 2 We have lined up some of the ablest men of the country for our new administration, and I am counting on you as one of those to be in our new cabinet. I feel that a bigger work awaits you in the Universal N e g r o Improvement Association, than in any other movement of the race at this time, in that our program is so colossal, so far reaching, and [a]fFects so many hundreds of millions of people, that it is necessary to have the biggest minds o f the race, to direct its destiny. You will have absolutely no cause for not throwing in your lot with the Association in this great world movement. Please be good enough to consider the matter, and let us expect you at our Convention as one of the future forces of this great international movement. As you know, there is always a place for you in the Universal Negro Improvement Association, and not at the foot, but at the very head, in that w e can appreciate service, and feel that there are very few Negroes today who are better able to serve the race than you. I write to you in a friendly way, because I know that your heart beats right, and I feel the same toward you. I will be leaving town for a trip to the far West and the South, which will keep me out until the 6th July, but you will please reply to this letter immediately, and address it c/o Miss Amy Jacques, who is my Private Secretary, and she will forward it to me, so that I can communicate with you f r o m afar. Understand that we are looking forward to your presence at the Convention, and we are planning to have you be one of the biggest leaders of the movement. I trust no entanglements will prevent you from serving at that time. With very best wishes, I have the honor to be, Your obedient servant, MARCUS

GARVEY

President-General Universal Negro Improvement Association MG/L

P/S Enclosed is a circular 3 with a few of the questions that will be discussed at the forthcoming Convention. [Address] Mr. William Pickens, 260 West 139th Street, New York City. NN-Sc, WP. TLS on UNIA letterhead, recipient's copy. 1. William Pickens had joined the N A A C P as an associate field secretary in 1920. By the spring of 1921, however, he was dissatisfied with what he regarded as an inadequate salary. He submitted a letter of resignation in September 1921; the N A A C P board of directors responded by increasing his salary and granting him a larger role in the direction of the organization. Although Pickens decided to remain with the N A A C P , he continued to write and speak of

626

MAY 1922 Garvey in favorable terms. He joined the "Marcus Garvey Must G o " campaign, spearheaded by A. Philip Randolph and Chandler Owen, after Garvey's fateful meeting with the acting imperial wizard of the Ku Klux Klan in June 1922 (Tony Martin, Race First [Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1976], pp. 312-315). 2. Pickens claimed that Garvey approached him about accepting a position with the UNIA well before the August 1921 convention. Amy-Jacques Garvey later said that Pickens called Garvey and followed up by visiting their apartment twice, complaining about the low pay and scarce rewards of the N A A C P . It is clear from both testimonies that Garvey had previous contact with Pickens (Amy Jacques Garvey, "Who Caused Garvey's Imprisonment?" NW, 27 August 1927). 3. Not printed.

List of Contributors to African Redemption Fund [Negro World, 6 May 1922] T H E FUND

Brought forward U. S. Tebbs, St. Louis, Mo. Adolphus Tucker, Newton Center, Mass. William S. Purcell, Norfolk, Va. Ishmael A. Lewis, Camagüey, Cuba R. A. Samuels, Miami, Fla. Joseph Owen, New York city Rosa McDonald, Costa Rica, C.A. Ralph Thornton, Pittsburgh, Pa. Samuel Lee, Costa Rica, C.A. Caleb Johnson, Costa Rica, C.A. Charles Clarke, Costa Rica, C.A. Hattie Rowland, Brooklyn, N.Y. Joseph Vanriel, Guatemala, C.A. F[r]ederick Harvey, Guatemala, C.A. William J. Campbell, Guatemala, C.A. Wilfred Sinclair, Guatemala, C.A. Thomas Esson, Guatemala, C.A. John E. Morgan, Guatemala, C.A. Levi Johnson, Guatemala, C.A. Audley Fletcher, Spanish Honduras, C.A. James Nathaniel Parris, Spanish Honduras, C.A. Geo. Sylvester Williams, Spanish Honduras, C.A. James Brown, Chicago, 111. Joanises Alleyne, Republic of Panama Ashton Alleyne, Republic of Panama Joseph Turner, Spanish Honduras, C.A.

627

$16,43$.80 5.00 5.00 25.00 5.00 10.00 5.00 5.00 j.00 5.00 5.00 5.00 5.00 5.00 5.00 5.00 5.00 5.00 5.00 5.00 5.00 5.00 5.00 5.00 5.00 5.00 5.00

T H E M A R C U S G A R V E Y A N D U N I A PAPERS

Ruth Smith, Spanish Honduras, C.A. Berisford Beckles, Spanish Honduras, C.A. N. B. Douglass, Spanish Honduras, C.A. J. Murphy, Spanish Honduras, C.A. R. M . Stockhausen, Spanish Honduras, C.A. Mrs. Francis Stirrup, Fla. Addington Rahming, Fla. Charles Robinson, Los Angeles, Cai. Black Cross Nurses, Carolina Division, Carolina, W. Va. John Nicholson, Carolina, W. Va. Black Cross Nurses, Ida May, W. Va. Choir, Ida May, W. Va. Legions o f U.N.I.A., Ida May, W. Va. Ida May Division, W. Va. Ruth Palmer, New York city Joseph Thompson, California Elliott Bradwell, Philadelphia, Pa. J. A. M., British Guiana, S.A. I. M . James, Denver, Col. T. F. W. Walls-Alis, Mexico John Phillips, Denver, Col. David Marshall, Cuba Theliphous Thomas, Oriente, Cuba Hilliard Foreman, Wichita, Kan. J. M . Newsam, Camagiiey, Cuba Mary Deade, Atlantic City, N.J. John Wilson, Atlantic City, N.J. James T. Maitland, Republic of Panama Willie Minor, New Orleans, La. Total

10.00 5.00 5.00 5.00 5.00 5.00 5.00 j.oo 10.00 5.00 15.00 10.00 10.00 25.00 5 00 5.00 5.00 5.00 25.00 5.00 5.00 5.00 5.00 10.00 5.00 5.00 5.00 5.00 5.00 $16,810.80

Printed in NW, 6 May 1922. Original headlines omitted.

Confidential Informant 800 to George F. Ruch New York, May 8, 1922 Sir: In making a more detail [ed] report in regards to John Bruce's visit to Senator Calder there is very little more that I can state. I am told that John Bruce visited Washington several weeks ago and while there saw Senator Calder in behalf of Garvey. The object of this visit was to have the Senator use his influence in having Garvey's case put off until after the Convention in

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1922

August. I do know that Bruce was in Washington several weeks ago. Just what promises were made I do not know but I am told that Calder was promised a large vote from the U.N.I.A. here in New York at the next election if he succeeded in having this case put off. I am sure that none of the members of the council know of this v[isit,] that is, the purpose of Brace's visit to Washington. Garvey does not let the members of the council know any of his inside business. . . . Garvey left today for Detroit at 2:00 P.M. His itinerary will be governed by what success he has in the different cities. Respectfully, "800" D J - F B I , file 61-826-9. T L S , recipient's copy.

William H. Beck to Marcus Garvey [Washington, D.C.] May 13, 1922 Sir:

Your letter of May 3d addressed to the Secretary of State has been received and he directs me to say that he cannot aid you in the matter to which you refer. Very truly yours, WM. H. BECK1

Private Secretary D N A , R G 59, file 811.108 G 191/28. T L S , carbon copy. 1. William Hopkins Beck (1894-1957) became a special assistant to Secretary of State Robert Lansing in 1920, and during the subsequent ten years he also served Secretaries of State Bainbridge Colby, Charles Evans Hughes, Frank B. Kellogg, and Henry L. Stimson (NTT, 31 March 1957)-

Report by Special Agent James E. Amos NEW YORK NY M a y 15, 1922

. . . Agent interviewed Wilf[or]d Smith, 251 W. 128th St.[,] who was chancellor for the Garvey movement from Nov. 1, i92o[,] to Nov. 30, 1921. Smith said he was born in Mississippi May 11,1863; that his salary was $7000. a year and that when he resigned they owed him for four weeks pay—he had signed same over [to] the corporation because he was anxious to get away. He said his reason for resigning was that he found Thompson, Garcia, Silverston and Nolan crooked and he did not feel that he could stay with a concern that was crooked. He also stated that he was going to Galveston, Texas and that his office would be located at 2311 Avenue E and his home 629

T H E M A R C U S GARVEY AND U N I A PAPERS

address was 1211 29 St. He said all he knows about the Philis Wheatley (steamship) was that Thompson had carried on the business for same and he did not know very much about it. Agent asked him if it was not a fact that Thompson or anyone else could not make any contract without his O.K. on it and he said yes, that it was true. Agent then said "Then you do know about the whole transaction" and he said yes. Agent asked him if he was connected in any way with the Garvey movement now and he answered no. Agent asked him why did he go to Garvey's office every day and he said to get his mail. He said Crichlow was honest and straight forward—that Garvey had sent Crichlow to Africa so that he[,] Garvey[,] could get a foot hold there. He said he had never sold any stock for the Black Star Line; that he was present when the last $5,000. was paid to Silverston on the S.S. Ori[o]n. That it was a certified check made payable to the U.S. Shipping Board. Agent feels that Smith came back to New York to try and get the moneys from the U.S. Shipping Board, in fact agent was so informed by Capt. Cockburn. Smith told agent he was willing to help the U.S. but from Smith's way of putting questions and making answers agent feels he could not be trusted. . . . JAMES E .

AMOS

DJ-FBI, file 61. TD.

Confidential Informant 800 to George F. Ruch New York, May 16, 1922 Sir: Enclosed you will find the front page of this week[']s issue of the paper. From this article one would infer that the U.N.I.A. is going to help Liberia pay back this loan. Just another one of Garvey's ideas of getting money from the poor illiterate negroes. I am also enclosing [for] you Duse Mohamed's article under the caption "Foreign Affairs". 1 In these articles you will find both anti British and Mohammedan propaganda. Each week Duse Mohamed sends twenty copies of the paper to the officials of the Turkish and Egyptian gover[n]ments. It is purely a case of Garvey using Mohamed, and Mohamed using Garvey['s] paper to spread his propaganda. Garvey makes use of Mohamed's acquaint a n c e s in securing delegates to his convention in August. This fact I have reported before. Other than these few facts, everything seems to be going on in the usual manner. Garvey is at present in Milwaukee, Wis. Respectfully,

"800"

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P.S. A m enclosing under separate cover this week[']s issue of the paper. [Endorsements]

FILE GFR W.W.G.

D J - F B I , file 61-826-10. T L S , recipient's copy. Handwritten endorsements. 1. Duse Mohamed Ali's articles particularly objected to the "capitulations," which were agreements that American and European powers could try their own nationals in their own consular courts if they were accused of offenses in Turkey and Egypt. Ali viewed this as an affront to Turkish sovereignty. In addition, Ali objected to the role that the British were thought to have played in supporting Greece in conflicts with Turkey after the war (NW, 6 May and 13 May 1922).

Enclosure [[Milwaukee, Wis., May 16, 1922]] L I B E R I A G E T S L O A N O F F I V E M I L L I O N DOLLARS FROM A M E R I C A NEGROES O F T H E WORLD MUST ORGANIZE TO R E P A Y L O A N IN SHORT T I M E T O M A K E B L A C K R E P U B L I C F R E E

Fellow Men of the Negro Race, Greeting: It is with a great deal of pleasure and satisfaction that we learn of the passage of the bill in the United States Congress authorizing the Government to loan the Black Republic of Liberia five million dollars for her internal development. 1 This loan comes at a time when Liberia is in sore need of general assistance, the kind that will help her to develop her resources and improve herself as an independent national unit. CAPITALIST G R E E D

The avaricious and greedy white nations of Europe have been trying for quite a while to rob Liberia of her autonomy. Under the guise of friendship they have been trying to get her so obligated as to ultimately deprive her of her liberty. The thing looked dangerous, and some of us thought that the only hope of the Negro for national freedom on the Continent of Africa was about to pass away, through the guile of a superior white statesmanship in Europe, as against the narrow-mindedness of some of those who have tried to guide the destiny of the Black Republic. A M E R I C A TO THE FRONT

But through a stroke of good luck or diplomacy, those who have been true to the history and traditions of the Republic, when they found out that assistance was needed, immediately sought that assistance, not from the ravenous white nations of Europe, but from philanthropic and liberalminded America, whose honesty of purpose in international politics should be better trusted than any other nation's.

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America has come to the rescue in loaning Liberia five million dollars so as to put her house in order, thereby making a new start toward the goal o f national security. Some o f us calculated that America would loan this money only for the purpose o f exploiting and ultimately subverting the wealth and liberties o f the Black Republic; but the thoughtful o f us refused to believe that this could be the real motive for America loaning this amount o f money. Even if it were, in that the amount is only five million dollars, and since that would be the cause o f the obligation, it would become the duty o f every Negro in the world, under proper organization, such as the Universal Negro Improvement Association is about to give, to raise this amount o f money and help Liberia to repay the loan in as short a time as possible. For the time being, through disorganization, the Negro is unable to do anything for himself, and that is why Liberia has gone a begging for the last two years for the paltry amount o f five million dollars. T H E VALUE OF ORGANIZATION

The Negro never appreciated the value o f organization, but every intelligent student o f human affairs knows that organization is the motive power that controls the activities o f the world. Without organization we can do nothing; hence, we were unable to assist Liberia, Haiti, Santo Domingo, Abyssinia, or any other Negro country in their struggle for national existence. But the Universal Negro Improvement Association has come upon the scene with a program o f world organization among Negroes, and we say that it is our duty to assist these black nations to develop and become strong and recognized powers among the governments o f the world. And why not concentrate upon the building up o f Liberia as a great nation in Africa? Why cannot Liberia become as impregnable in Africa as England is in Europe? The Universal Negro Improvement Association sees absolutely nothing impossible about the matter, if four hundred million Negroes will get together with their educational, financial and industrial resources, and concentrate upon the building up o f the great republic. We can see in another five or ten years a powerful black nation rising up on the West Coast, a nation that will lend assistance and protection to Negroes not only within her own confines, but Negroes everywhere. It becomes the duty o f the American Negro, as well as the West Indian and Central American Negroes, to do the best they can at this time to help Liberia develop herself. But[,] you will say, how can we help Liberia when Liberia is controlled by a large number o f narrow-minded men who will not admit into the country new blood that will help them to build the nation? Yes, this might have been the cause o f Liberia's stagnation in the past, but can we afford to allow Liberia to continue in that way? Liberia is not only belonging to those who were born there, within recent times, but Liberia, like any other part o f Africa, is belonging to the black man. Liberia was founded over one hundred years ago for the purpose o f helping the refugee slave and the exiled African to re-establish a foothold in his native land;

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therefore, no Liberian, neither at home nor abroad, has any moral or other right preventing Negroes to return to their home to do the best they can for its development. O N THE U P W A R D PATH

We are expecting to see in another short while the broader kind of statesmanship in Liberia, the statesmanship that will concentrate upon the building up of the nation, and not keeping Liberia in the hands of a few to have her stagnate and ultimately to lose her national liberty. There is no room today for fifth, fourth and third rate nations, even as there is no room in the world for fifth, fourth or third rate people. We are living in a progressive age, an age of rapid changes, and only those peoples and nations that are able to rise with the tide of progress can hold their own in modern human affairs. It becomes, therefore, the duty of Negroes everywhere to assist Liberia in developing herself. The trouble with us Negroes is that we are jealous of each other and the one man thinks that if the other fellow can help and the community is to be benefited thereby that he is going to get too much appreciation and credit, and, therefore, " I will not help him; I will not encourage the idea that he does something for the good of the community!" That has been the attitude and feeling of Negroes toward each other all the time. So long as we feel that way the great white man will kick us around like a football, so long will other races of the world look down upon us as a race of inferiors, incapables, as a race of slaves. We are going to help Liberia, and not only Liberia, but Haiti, Santo Domingo, Abyssinia, and all other independent Negro countries, to rise to a higher national standing. We desire to have first rate Negro governments, just as we have first rate white governments in Europe, in America, so should we have first rate Negro governments in Africa and the West Indies. The Universal Negro Improvement Association throws out, therefore, the opportunity to every Negro to fall in line and help us put over this big program, the program of an emancipated race, and a liberated country. T H E B I G G E S T E V E N T OF T H E

YEAR

We are looking forward to the Third International Convention that will open in New York on the 1st of August and continue for 31 days and 31 nights to bring us great results. As our delegates come from every known part of Africa, the West Indies, South and Central America, Asia, Europe and the 48 States of the American Union, we feel that they will bring to us a new message, a new hope. We shall at this convention tackle all the important and serious questions of the day that do affect us, and among the things that we hope to discuss and settle once and for all is the future attitude of the race toward racial nationalism. 633

T H E M A R C U S GARVEY AND U N I A PAPERS

Let Negroes everywhere prepare to lend whatsoever assistance they can to this great movement of the Universal Negro Improvement Association. D o everything wheresoever you be to enhance its progress and prepare to do your best financially and morally for making the forthcoming International Convention a success. You can do your bit now by subscribing liberally to the African Redemption Fund. You can send $5, $10, $20, $50, $100 to this fund, addressed to the Secretary-General, Universal Negro Improvement Association, 56 West 135th Street, New York City, N.Y., or you can contribute to the Convention Fund for 1922 by sending your donation of $1, $2, $5, $10, $20 to the Registrar, Universal Negro Improvement Association, 56 West 135th Street, New York City, N.Y. With very best wishes for your success, I have the honor to be, Your obedient servant, MARCUS

GARVEY

President- General Universal Negro Improvement Association P . S . — I hereby beg to remind all Divisions and Officers of the Universal Negro Improvement Association to send in immediately and regularly every month their Divisions' report. See to it that your members become financial and be in good standing for the convention. See that every member pays his and her dues regularly and the annual assessment tax. Please remember to emphasize to each member that no one will be counted financial except the annual assessment tax is paid. All Divisions should get financial with the Parent Body so as to enable the Secretary-General to register your Division as among the loyal ones who have supported the organization for the current year. M.G. Printed in NW, 20 May 1922. Enclosure to DJ-FBI, file 61-826-10. 1. The Republican-controlled U . S . House of Representatives approved the Liberian loan on 10 May 1922. The Senate rejected it on 28 November 1922. Opposition in the Senate came primarily from Democrats, especially southerners who were hostile to the Dyer antilynching bill, which was then under consideration. There was also substantial opposition among Republicans representing farming states, who felt that their requests for assistance should be given preference over Liberia's (Nancy K . Forderhase, "The Plans That Failed: The United States and Liberia, 1920-1935" [Ph.D. diss., University of Missouri, 1971], pp. 22-36).

John E. Bruce to Charles Evans Hughes NEW YORK, U.S.A. M a y 18, 1922

Sir: Mr. Marcus Garvey is in receipt of your letter of the 13th instant and regrets that you do not see your way to aid in the matter of the Convention, which he feels to be as vital to the United States as it is to the peoples of the Republics and the Colonies in the New World where the United States either

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holds dominion or is in occupation. I have the honor to be, Sir[,] Your obedient Servant, JOHN E. BRUCE

Special Secretary to Pres.-Gen'l., Universal Negro Improvement Ass'n D N A , R G 59, file 811.108 G 191/28. T L S on U N I A letterhead, recipient's copy.

Article by E. Ethelred Brown [ Jamaica Times, 20 May 1922] G A R V E Y I S M , A DISPASSIONATE, UNPREJUDICED APPRAISEMENT.

It may be that a brief [,] dispassionate and unprejudiced appraisement of the movements organized in this country1 by Mr. Marcus Garvey will be useful to and appreciated by your readers. At the start I wish to state in fairness to Mr. Garvey that I did not resign my position as Assistant Treasurer of the Black Star Line Corporation because I had discovered any misappropriation of funds or any other dishonest act on the part of Mr. Garvey or any other officer of the Corporation. I resigned because (a) the business was not being run as a business, and (b) because my position on the staff of the Corporation and on the platform at Liberty Hall was being interpreted (not without reason) as an endorsement of Garvey's bitter anti-white propaganda which was dia[met]rically opposed to the principles of the Community Church of which I am the minister. I have no personal ill-will against Mr. Garvey—none whatever. There is much in the Universal Negro Improvement Association that appeals to me, as all Jamaica knows, and its impossibilities [possibilities] for doing good to the race are almost unlimited. But personal likes and personal bias must not stand in the way of impartial judgment. It is that judgment I have set out to pronounce. Garvey at first organized in this city an Association similar to that he organized and led for a few years in Kingston. Out of that grew the business venture of T H E B L A C K STAR L I N E CORPORATION. Now this is a business proposition and as such must it be judged. One and, to any mind, the chief cause of the failure of this venture, is its too close association with a mad anti-white propaganda. The trips of the two boats were not business trip[s]; they were propaganda tours. If I have been rightly informed this Corporation is still being boosted in Jamaica and shares are still being offered for sale as if nothing had happened. According to an announcement made by Mr. Garvey himself at Liberty Hall the business of the Corporation has been suspended, and according to his evidence recently given in Court every cent paid in for shares is gone. A

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shareholder has sued Garvey for the recovery of $105 paid for shares. T h e H o m e N e w s o f 26th April reports Garvey as stating among other things that the Black Star Line represented an investment of $ 6 0 0 , 0 0 0 which was all g o n e ; that the " Y a r m o u t h " cost $ 1 4 5 , 0 0 0 and lost $ 3 0 0 , 0 0 0 ($30,000?) on her first trip, and that the " M a c e o " was purchased for $65,000 and lost $ 7 5 , 0 0 0 on her maiden voyage. H e referred also to the "Shadyside" which was a failure from the start, and denied responsibility for or knowledge of the advertisements offering passage on a mythical "Phyllis Wheatley." The rebuke administered by Justice Panken to Mr. Garvey at the conclusion of the case o f Orr and also of the dismissed Secretary of the U . N . I . A . , w h o sued for $725 salary and received a judgment in his favorf,] is worth q u o t i n g : — " I t seems to me that you have been pr[e]ying upon the gullibility of your o w n people, your organization being one of high finance in which the officers received outrageously high salaries and were permitted to have exorbitant expense accounts for pleasure jaunts throughout the country. I advise these dupes w h o have contributed to these organizations to go into court and ask for the appointment of a receiver. Y o u should have taken this $ 6 0 0 , 0 0 0 and buil[t] a hospital for colored people in this city instead of purchasing a few old boats." Let this suffice. Other Corporations have failed, why not this? Well, I have no intention of discussing the wisdom of a steamship venture or o f analysing the causes which have brought about the failure of the first steamship line owned by negroes. M y object is simply to call the attention of Jamaicans to the fact apparently unknown to them that in the words of Garvey himself [,] "the $ 6 0 0 , 0 0 0 invested are all gone and the Co[r]p[o]ration has suspended operations." I next turn my attention to the UNIVERSAL NEGRO IMPROVEMENT ASSOCIATION. This has grown from the simple beginning of an improvement association to a full-fledged "Back to Africa movement." A s such it is now k n o w n as [ " ] G a r v e y i s m . [ " ] Other leaders in the movements have saner ideas but the bulk of the membership stands behind Garvey. "Garveyism" aims to free Africa from European domination and to hand it over to negroes for the establishment o f a negro republic. Let me say only this in reference to this aim that it can only be accomplished by force of arms, and to this Garvey has not proved his seriousness of purpose by even beginning to make the most elementary preparations for this invasion of Africa. L e t me admit that Garvey is a propagandist of the first order. H e has done a remarkable piece of work in getting together so many negroes, and in m y opinion he deserves credit for wakening in thousands of negroes that race consciousness and personal self-respect which have been for too long obviously and painfully lacking and which are so necessary for the advancement o f any people. Thousands of these awakened negroes believe that Garvey is their G o d — a p p o i n t e d deliverer—the Moses of their race. Their confidence in him is unbounded and unshakable. In this blind uncritical confidence lies the tragedy. H e swears in Court that $ 6 0 0 , 0 0 0 are all gone, but he still

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promises in his impassioned speeches at Liberty Hall to pay back cent for cent with dividends. And his hearers forget the sworn evidence in Court and accept the promise made in their hearing by their leader. And so they believe that the only remedy for all their troubles is a redeemed Africa, and they as truly believe that Marcus, their Moses, will somehow and somewhen lead them out of this land of Egypt into the promised Canaan of a redeemed Africa. A few—a very few—have been asking how and when? and some of these, foolishly denounced as spies and traitors, have been awakened from their dream to realize that Garvey will never lead them to Africa, because everything seems now to point away from Africa to dismal failure—failure and b[i]tter disillusionment. One is bound after this to ask, "Is Garvey serious? is he in earnest? is he honest? does he really believe that his programme can be carried out? or is he simply, nay, cruelly, playing upon the needs of an oppressed people for his own selfish ends?["] Such questions are inevitable. I have asked them time after time but I have not been able to answer them. Let me however touch b r i e f l y o n THE FINANCIAL PHASE.

Judge Panken's criticism of the outrageous salaries is justified especially, in the case of the high officers of the U.N.I.A. At the last Convention the salaries voted to these men were simply ridiculous. I have not the figures before me but I think I am safe in saying that they ranged from $5,000 to $20,000 a year. The report of the High Chancellor of the U.N.I.A. as presented at the last Convention shows that for the year ended 31st July, i92i[,] the receipts of that organization amounted in round numbers to $90,000 and the expenditure to $87,000. The special death tax brought in $19,000. This ought to have been earmarked to meet death claims but as the total balance at the end of year amounted to $3,000, it is clear that the death dues were used up in the general expenses. The report shows that $45,000 or 50 per cent of the receipts went in salaries. At this rate when will the Association accumulate enough funds to start its preparations for the invasion of Africa[?] Another item under this head must be examined. By authority of the Convention of 1920 a "Liberia Construction Loan Fund" was started. At the last Convention (August 1921) the financial report showed the following in round numbers— Notes sold

$144,450

Salaries

$16,947

Travelling expenses

10,872

Advertisements

6,400

General expenses

2,238

Purchase of Black Star Line Shares

34,440

Purchase of the Goodwill of "Negro World"

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46,555

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Building Liberia

4,000

Sawmill for Liberia

+,464

Balance

$135,916 $8,534

From this it will be seen that of $144,450 collected for the especial purpose of carrying out reconstruction work in Liberia only the sum of $8,464 was used for that purpose, if the sawmill did eventually reach Liberia. Collection expenses amounted to $46,457. Shares in the Black Star Line Corporation claimed $34,400 and a highly questionable and unexplained transaction entered up a[s] purchase of the goodwill of the "Negro World" swallowed up $46,000. (["]The Negro World["] owns no printing plant. The paper [»] printed at so much an issue by a Jewish printing establishment[.]) Why should money contributed to re-construct Liberia be spent on a New York weekly? At this rate of expenditure when will the Liberian construction work be started? CONCLUSION.

I discovered no misappropriation of money during my term of service in the office of the Black Star Line, but since then the evidence of misuse of funds in all the organizations started by Garvey is too clear to be winked at. Salaries have been ridiculously and outrageously out of all proportion to the revenue collected and the services rendered. In the case of the Liberian Construction Fund money asked and given for a definite purpose has been wasted in salaries and other collecting expenses and wrongly diverted to keep off the evil day of a bankrupt corporation and help the revenues of a weekly paper. My judgment is that the Black Star Line Corporation has failed for lack of efficient management, and the Universal Negro Improvement Association has in its "Back to Africa" programme set itself—if it is all earnest about it—an impracticable task. There is a real pressing Negro problem especially in these States. No negro has ever had the opportunity that Marcus Garvey has had in money and in confiding loyal followers to solve that problem. He has elected to turn his attention from the near and practical to the remote and visionary. In this he has sentenced himself to the loss of the fame he is apparently seeking, his followers to bitter, cruel disappointment, and his race to the humiliation of hearing the funeral march played once again over one more pretentious negro reform movement ended in dismal, ludicrous failure. So I feel; but in spite of my feeling I ask, is it too late? Will Garvey come down to earth at this eleventh hour when he is still the hero of his crowd? Will he know that his best friends are the outside critics and not the inside flatterers? The Black Star Line seems to be dead. Is there not hope that the Association which gave it birth may yet live to fight sanely and effectively the real grievances of the race?

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Printed in the Jamaica Times, 20 May 1922. Original headlines abbreviated. 1. Brown was writing from the United States. (For information on Brown's life, see Mark D. Morrison-Reed, Black Pioneers in a White Denomination [Boston: Beacon Press, 1985], pp. 31-112.)

Marcus Garvey to President Warren G. Harding [New York, ca. 20 May 1922] Honorable Sir:— I hereby beg to return thanks to you and your Secretary of State on behalf of the four hundred million Negroes of the world for the support you have given to the bill providing for a loan of five million dollars from your government to the Republic of Liberia. The loaning of this amount of money reveals the friendship of your government toward the black race, in that Liberia is the only hope of the Negro in the exercise of the art of higher government. The republic was founded through the assistance of your countrymen for the purpose of helping the Negro to re-establish himself on his own native soil, and now that a large number of the race in America is looking homeward with interest, it is but for us to express our appreciation for the further help you have given in granting this loan. Believe me, sir, to be your obedient servant. MARCUS GARVEY

President-General, Universal Negro Improvement Association Printed in

20 May 1922. Original headlines omitted.

Marcus Garvey to Sir Eric Drummond NEW YORK, U.S.A.

May 23rd 1922

HONORABLE S I R : —

I have it in command from the High Executive Council of the Universal Negro Improvement Association and African Communities League, an Organization with six million members scattered in Africa, the West Indies, South and Central America, North America, Europe and Asia, representing the interest of the four hundred million Negroes of the world, to bring to your attention the following:— This International Organization is to hold its 3rd Annual International Convention of the Negro peoples of the world in the city of New York, 639

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United States of America, from the ist to the 31st August inclusive, of the present year. From this Convention will be elected a Delegation of representative Negroes from the different parts of the world, who are subjects and citizens of the various Governments that exercise sovereignty over the Negro race, to attend the sitting of a meeting of your League either in September or October of the present year as you will advise, for the purpose of laying before you the desires of the Negro peoples of the world who happen to be subjects and citizens under the various Governments that form your League. The delegation will comprise men who are well acquainted with the needs and desires of the four hundred million Negroes of the world. As you are aware, the Negro race is no longer disposed to be treated as children, but that they shall be heard on all matters affecting their existence as men. For that reason it is felt that your League will give us as a people, the consideration we ask. We would be pleased if you will set a date in September, October or at any time of the present year, that the League will be willing to hear the Delegation. Feeling that the League of Nations desires an amicable settlement of the great issues that now confront the human race, and that the League takes into consideration that four hundred million Negroes are no longer voiceless makes us assured of a favorable reply. With very best wishes, I have the honor to be, Your obedient servant, MARCUS

GARVEY

President-General Universal Negro Improvement Association LNA,

1/30405/21159.

TLS on UNIA letterhead, recipient's copy.

Report by Special Agent James E. Amos NEW YORK, N.Y. M a y 2 4 ,

1922

Agent in interviewing and visiting a number of witnesses called on Bishop McGuire, colored, 224 W. 135th St.[,] who informed agent that Wilf [or]d Smith had called on him and told him he was in sympathy with Garvey and that he had promised Garvey to come back when his trial was on to help him in any way he could. Smith is the man Agent spoke about in his last report and although he, Smith, told agent he was willing to help the government it can be seen that his intentions are to help Garvey if he can do so without causing himself any embarrassment. Smith is very much afraid of being disbarred. Agent also called on Garrett and Marshall, 2295 Seventh Ave; Anna Carrington, 120 W. 137th St; Capt. Cockbum, 201 W. 128th St; French & French, 139 W. 135th St; Claudius Meade, 2376 Seventh Ave; Mrs. A. E.

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Johnson, 17 W. 132nd St; Jas. S. Watson, 240 Bway; Louis LaMothe, 221 W. 141st St; Martha Perry, 6 Lawrence St, and all of these witnesses have told agent that Garvey has given everyone the idea that nothing can be done with him, that he is bigger than the government and that William C. Matthews[, who] was at one time U.S. Attorney in Boston and who is now acting, as I have been informed, as Garvey's attorney, has been able to fix it for Garvey so that he will never be brought to trial. Everyone that Agent has talked with has told agent the same thing and all have said if he is never tried it will just put the negro back another fifty or hundred years as Garvey has made all the good thinking white men turn against the negro now and that he should be put away as an example to other negro croo[ks.] Agent interviewed Harry Watkiss, 80 Wall St. Watkiss was stock sales manager for Garvey from Feb. 1920 to Oct. 1920; that he started the duplicate receipt also the triplicate receipts for stock sales and his reason for doing so was because he had found shortage of from three to four thousand dollars a week. That he had personally found Eli[e] Garcia short and that he had gone to Garvey about it and Garvey had made Garcia Secretary of the Black Star Line even after he[,] Watkiss[,] had pointed out Garcia's theft. Watkiss also told agent that after he had been away on a trip[,] on his return he had found his desk broken open and papers he had of Garcia's crookedness gone. He also told agent that when he was away with Garvey and Amy Jacques on one of the trips that he was in the habit of counting the money after each meeting but Garvey had instructed Amy to take all the moneys in his[,] Garvey'sf,] room and they, Garvey and Amy[,] would count it, but they never made any return to him. These moneys were for stock sales. Watkiss further stated that he knew of seven thousand dollars that was never turned in to the corporation. Miss Campbell[,] who was assistant secretary[,] and a Tina McDonald knew of all the transactions that were carried on by Garvey & the other members of the corporation. Agent feels that Watkiss will make a very good witness for the government. Agt. will also try to get in touch with Miss Campbell and Tina McDonald as soon as possible. JAMES E . AMOS D J - F B I , file 61. T D .

J. J. Hannigan to the Director, Office of Naval Intelligence SAN F R A N C I S C O , C A L I F O R N I A 2 7 M a y

1922

Marcus Garvey, the President-General of the Universal Negro Improvement Association and president of the African Reclamation League; also General of the African Legion and Provisional President of Africa,—will be in San Francisco on June 2nd and 3rd. He will address a negro audience in

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California Hall, at the corner of Polk and Turk Streets. An admission charge of seventy-five cents to one dollar will be charged. A big gathering is promised. Negro sentiment is rather strongly aroused because they planned to get the Civic Auditorium but could not get it. They attribute their failure to the racial prejudice of the "whites." On Sundays, May 14 and 21, the main program of the regular lecture meetings was devoted to the preparation and discussion of the coming of the "savior" as the colored people please to call him. On May 14th, the Informant was told, a certain Fisher, a colored physician and preacher was the speaker. He expounded the injustice of the "whites" as the argument for the necessity of reclaiming Africa, which he thinks will in a short time be lost into the hands of the "whites." There was similar agitation on May 21st, the next meeting. . . . [J. J.

[Endorsement]

HANNIGAN]

CONFIDENTIAL

DNA, RG 38, file 20964 2194m- TD. Stamped endorsement.

Confidential Informant 800 to George F. Ruch New York, May 28 1922 Sir: Enclosed you will find a release that is being sent out by the U.N.I.A. I saw the letter that was received from Moseley, and from this letter I would say that there had been a lynching averted only by accident. Since this whipping of Moseley, Garvey has been advised by his friends here to stay away from Texas on his return to New York. He had contemplated a trip through the South on his return trip from California. He will arrive in California about the first of June. I saw a clipping from a California /paper/ saying that the Oakland[,] California, Police Authorities were going to investigate Garvey when he arrived in their city with the idea of putting a ban on Garvey and his organization in the State of California. Things here in New York seem to be going on as usual with the added preparations for the coming convention in August. Some of the members here in New York have started a drive for contributions to get money to buy Garvey an automobile to [be presented to him at the convention. Members all over the country [have been] asked to contribute. I am on the committee to select the [automobile.] Respectfully, "800" [Endorsement]

NOTED W.W.G.

DJ-FBI, file 61-826-12. TLS, recipient's copy. Handwritten endorsement.

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Enclosure NEW YORK CITY M a y Z7th, 1922 IMMEDIATE RELEASE:

The Universal Negro Improvement Association at its American Headquarters, 5 4 - 5 6 West 135th Street, New York City, through its Publicity Department, today releases the following startling news: M O B V I O L E N C E A N D L Y N C H - L A W A G A I N R I F E IN T E X A S . T E X A S C R A C K E R S BEAT, HORSEWHIP, JAIL A N D OTHERWISE M A L - T R E A T R . B . MOSELEY, H I G H COMMISSIONER O F T H E U N I V E R S A L N E G R O IMPROVEMENT ASSOCIATION F O R T H E STATE O F T E X A S . E S C A P E W I T H L I F E . M O B V I O L E N C E M U S T C E A S E IN A M E R I C A B Y ENACTMENT INTO LAW T H E D Y E R ANTI-LYNCHING BILL GIVING FEDERAL P R O T E C T I O N A N D CONTROL.

Authentic confirmation of the report that another lynching nearly happened in the great State of Texas has been received at Headquarters of the Universal Negro Improvement Association. Of course as usual the victim was a N E G R O , but this time he happens not to be of the types they usually report broadcast as having committed alleged heinous and brutal offenses against the peace and dignity of Society of murder and rape, etc., but in this instance the victim is a reputable, law-abiding man, courteous and refined as well as race loving. He is an appointive officer and Field worker of the Universal Negro Improvement Association for the State of Texas, being the State High Commissioner of the organization and was in the pursuit of his duties as such when assailed. The facts as reported and verified are as follows: Mr. R. B. Moseley, left Dallas, Texas, in accordance with his itinerary . . . [line mutilated] that a "charge" of V A G R A N C Y was placed against him and in order that he might get away without being K I L L E D , it would be best for him to plead " G U I L T Y , " and then he could be fined and released so he could take train to his home in Dallas. No lawyer was permitted him, being informed "it was no use." He was taken back to Jacksonville, from Rusk for "trial" and " F I N E D " $ 1 9 . 4 0 and then brought back to Rusk after the payment of the fine and released from custody by the sheriff. He was told to go directly to the R.R. Station to catch the 2:30, it then being 1:30 P.M. On the way to the station Moseley was overtaken by Eight men in two Hudson Cars or autos. After some parleying with them he tried to evade them but was detained and forced into one of the cars and driven to a lonely

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wooded section. Moseley tried to attract attention by yelling and shouting, but he was silenced by several punches in his face and kicks in his ribs. He was jerked from the car on arrival at the edge of a dense woods, taken to a secluded spot and forced to undress. His arms and legs were held each by a big bully while the leader[,] a fellow weighing over two hundred pounds[,] proceeded to apply the lash with much zest and energy. After appeasing their bloodthirsty passions, he was ordered out of town and told to stay out. Moseley was compelled to walk back to town three miles to the Railroad station named Delmis in order to catch a train for Dallas. Mr. Moseley is now confined in bed under the care of a physician[,] the result of his harrowing experience. Much interest is attached to this case owing to the fact that this organization is the largest in existence among Negroes and of which Marcus Garvey is the head. Th[ei]r membership number over Five Million members scattered all over the world. [Endorsement]

H v PLUMMER BUREAU OF P U B L I C I T Y & PROPAGANDA

DJ-FBI, file 61-826-12. TD on UNIA letterhead. Stamped endorsement.

J. Harry Philbin to Sanford H. E. Freund [Washington, D.C.] May 31st, 1922 Subject: S.S. ORION—Sold to Black Star Line, Inc. Prior to the resignation of Mr. E. P. Jones, there was under consideration the question of the disposition of the deposit of $22,500.00 which had been made against the purchase of the O R I O N by the Black Star Line, Inc., which purchase was never consummated. It had been contemplated that this Department would recommend the refund of said deposit, less expenses incurred by the Board, provided correct evidence was furnished that the money would be returned to its proper owners and that suitable releases, etc., from all parties concerned were furnished to the Board. At your request, the Company was advised that a set of releases which it previously submitted was not acceptable. The attached papers have now been filed and it is quite apparent that they are equally valueless. These papers were presented by Wm. C. Mathews [Matthews], a colored attorney, in company with Joseph P. Nolan, said to have been the Company's attorney in fact, but whose Power-Of-Attorney we were advised had been revoked in favor of Mathews. After Mathews had assumed the role of the Company's attorney, this matter had been placed in the hands of H. L. Johnson, a local colored attorney and Mathews' correspondent attorney in this city. Johnson's inter-

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est in the matter appears to be thoroughly honest and after final discussion of the matter with him, I am convinced that the efforts of Nolan to obtain this refund /are/ not based upon any justifiable facts. I informed Johnson that no action on the part of the Board could be expected until clear evidence had been presented reflecting Company's entire activities in this transaction. Johnson readily acquiesced in this and advised as a matter of information that the office of the District Attorney at New York was investigating the status of the Company, pending the completion of which he believed this matter should be held in abeyance. If this meets with your approval the attached papers will be retained in our file with the rest of the correspondence in this case. J. H A R R Y PHILBIN

Manager, Department of Ship Sales United States Shipping Board Emergency Fleet Corporation [Endorsements] NOTED AW. Original releases & fees returned to Ship Sales 6/5/22

D N A , R G 32, file 605-1-653. T L S , recipient's copy. Handwritten endorsements.

Marcus Garvey to President Warren G. Harding NEW YORK, U.S.A. M a y 31st 1922 HONORABLE

SIR:—

I have it in command from the Universal Negro Improvement Association and African Communities League an Organization of five and a half million active members, representing the interest of the four hundred million Negroes of the world, to bring before you the following:— Our Organization is to hold its 3rd Annual International Convention in New York City, New York from the 1st to the 31st August inclusive of the present year. Delegates have been elected by the different Negro communities of the world namely Africa, the West Indies, South and Central America, Asia, Australia, Europe, and the +8 States of the American Union to attend this Convention. During these 31 days and nights, we are to discuss the grave problems that confront our race, and to devise ways and means by which we shall protect our interest as a people. The American wing of the Organization has a membership of three million members, and the Executive Council of our Organization feels that a useful purpose would be served, if Your Excellency would be good enough to receive a Delegation elected from this 3rd Annual International Conven-

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tion, to visit you in Washington, and to lay before you certain facts appertaining to the race. It is felt that Your Excellency takes a kindly interest in the higher development o f our race, and that you are ever willing to extend to us a helping hand in our upward effort toward racial success. W e are asking if your Excellency could find it convenient to receive a Delegation at Washington either on the 16th or 17th August during the sitting o f the International Convention in New York. The Delegation would not consist o f more than eleven or fifteen persons, representative of the scattered groups o f Negroes throughout the world, and especially of the United States o f America. Trusting to receive a favorable reply from Your Excellency. I have the honor to be, Your Excellency's obedient servant, MARCUS

GARVEY

President-General Universal Negro Improvement Association D L C , Warren G. Harding Papers (microfilm). TLS on UNIA letterhead, recipient's copy.

Marcus Garvey to Nicholas Murray Butler N E W YORK, U.S.A. M a y

31st

1922

Dear Dr. B u t l e r : — I have it in command from the Executive Council o f the Universal N e g r o Improvement Association, an Organization o f five and a half million active members representing the interest o f the four hundred million [NJegroes o f the world, to bring before you the f o l l o w i n g : — W e are to hold our 3rd Annual International Convention o f the Negro peoples o f the world in N e w York City, from the 1st to the 31st August inclusive o f the present year. We are expecting an attendance o f between thirty and fifty thousand Delegates coming as they will from Africa, Europe, Asia, Australia, South and Central America, the West Indies, and the 48 States o f the American Union. This Convention will discuss the many problems that n o w confront the Negro race, and there and then devise ways and means o f working in the race's higher development. W e feel that you are one o f the true friends o f our race upon w h o m we can always depend for a word o f encouragement. For that purpose therefore, I am commanded to write to you asking that you would be g o o d enough to honor us with your presence at our Convention mass meeting on Wednesday night the 2nd August at 8.30 O'clock at Liberty Hall[,] 120-148 West 138th Street. This will be the second day o f our Convention. We shall expect you then to say a few words to us from any subject you choose, but it will be preferable if you could give us an address of 30 minutes on the subject o f

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"Republican Government", in that other speakers will have for their subjects at different times, the different forms of Government namely, Democratic, Socialist, Monarchial[,] etc. We are to have several representative men of your race to speak to us at different times during the Convention, and all of us do feel that we could have no better representative of your race than you, to speak to us on the second night of our Convention. Feeling assured of your help in the matter. I have the honor to be, Your obedient servant, MARCUS GARVEY

President-General Universal Negro Improvement Association NNC, NMB. TLS on UNIA letterhead, recipient's copy.

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Meeting Announcement OCCASION

EXTRAORDINARY HEAR

Hon. Marcus Garvey Assemble at 12 o'clock M. at the corner of Fourth street Central Avenue, nnd report directly to Grand Marshal or of his aides who will direct you to your station. The parwill start promptly at 12:45 o'clock P. M. The head will at Fourth street and Central avenue, LINE OF MARCH Beginning at Fourth street and Central Ave., march South on Central avenue to East 21st street, then East on 21st street to Naomi avenue, rest on Naomi avenue and 21st street at St. Paul Baptist Church, Rev. R. N. Holt, Pastor, for informal re. ception to be given the Hon. Marcus Garvey. The parade will continue on 21at street to Hooper avenue, wheel North on Hooper avenue to East 12th street, wheel on East 12th and proceed to Central avenue, wheel North on Central avenue to Eighth street, wheel West on Eighth street to Grand avenue, thence to Trinity Auditorium. COMPOSITION OF LINE OF MARCH 1. Mounted Policement. 2. Grand Marshal and his Aides. 3. Color Bearers ( W a l k i n g ) . 4. U. N, I. A. Legion Band (Walking). 5. Float—Goddess of Liberty and Feminine Deity of Africa. 6. U. N. I. A. Legions. 7. Reception Committee. 8. Hon. Marcus Garvey, his Private Secretary; President and Vice-President of Los Angeles Division. 9. Lady President, Vice-Lady President, Two Visitors from Parent Body and Executive Secretary of L. A. Division No. 166. 10. Officers of the Los Angeles Divison and other Divisions. 11. Officers of t h e Watts Division. 12. Officers of the Victorville Division. 13. Officers of the Sawtelle Division. 14. Officers of the Riverside Division. 15. Officers of the San Diego Division. 16. Black Cross Nurses of Los Angeles and Other Divisions. 17. Black Cross Nurses of Watts. 18. Black Cross Nurse* of Victorville 19. Black Cross Nurses of Sawtelle 20. Black Cross Norses of Riverside 21. Black Cross Nurses of San Diego 22. Ministers and Distinguished Guests. 23. Public and Friends All Autos participating in parade must be decorated with National color* and thow of the U. N. 1. A. Committee in Charge: H. A. Howard I J. W. Coleman; Rev. Gar. riaon; J. W. Dupree, Chairmanj Mrs. J. L. Evtrty, Aas't. Secy.; W. A, Corbin, Executive Secy.; H. Douglas Greer, and one ade rest

President

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JUNE 1922

R. B. Moseley, U N I A Commissioner for Texas, to Marcus Garvey [Dallas, ca. 3 June 1922] M y dear Mr. Garvey:— In reply to your telegram of the 19th inst., I beg to inform you that same was turned over to me by the president of this division for reply, as I was in position to give the information you asked for. On May 8 I left Dallas for Frys Gap, Jacksonville, Rusk and Cushifng], Texas. I arrived at Frys Gap at 12 noon Monday, May 8. That night I spoke in the C . M . E . Church. Tuesday I visited the farmers. In the evening I spoke at the same church and on Wednesday I went to Jacksonville and spoke in a Baptist Church. Leaving Jacksonville I returned to a place called The Mountains, and on Thursday I canvassed every home in that section, covering about fifteen miles. That night (Thursday) I spoke again on the Church Hill Old Farm. Friday I was requested to speak at a Baptist Church on The Mountains on Saturday night. I spent Saturday going among the people, and that night there were 500 Negroes present. I was standing outside talking to a Mr. Bates when a Ford car driven by a white man with two other white men in it came up. As they drove up the driveway they asked for V. G. Ragsdales, stating that they were told that there was to be speaking here and they wanted to hear what the speaker was going to talk about. At 9.15 I began to speak, and the three white men were present. After I had finished the white men shook hands with me and said they were well pleased. I left with Mr. Simmons to go home with him to spend the night. As we were going along the road I heard a car coming. Suspecting that something was wrong we stopped beside the road and the car went past. Upon arriving at the farmer's home the white men asked for me. At this time I was standing behind the house, and as they drove away two men came up and told us that the white men wanted to flog me. I was taken to the home of Mr. Henry Chatman for the night. On Sunday I spoke at the New Hope Baptist Church. On Monday I left for Cushing, and when I arrive at Jacksonville I was taken off the train by three men and placed in jail without any charges being preferred against me. That night the County Attorney took me to Rusk for safekeeping. On Tuesday the County Attorney told me that they had placed against me a charge of vagrancy, and in order that I might get away without being killed it was best to plead guilty and return to Rusk and take the train there for Dallas. I asked for a lawyer, but I was informed that it was of no use, and on Wednesday I was taken to Jacksonville for trial and fined $10.40. They brought me back to Rusk, and on Thursday at 1.20 I was released. The Sheriff took me to the bank to get the money that was sent from Dallas. After receiving the money I paid the fine and the Sheriff told me to go to the station and catch the train that left there at 2.30; it was then

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2 o'clock. As I started down the street two cars came up behind me, with eight men in the two. They got out and ran me down, caught me and put me into a Hudson and drove to the woods. I tried to let out a cry, but was struck in the mouth by a man weighing about 200 pounds. They drove a quarter of a mile from the town, made me get out of the car and took me in the woods about 2,000 yards from the road. There they made me let down my trousers and threw me on the ground. One held my head, one on each arm and one on each leg, while a man weighing about 200 pounds whipped me with a strap about three feet long and three inches wide and about one-quarter of an inch thick. I was then ordered to get out of town and to stay out. I walked about three miles to a station called Delmis. There I caught a train for Dallas. I am as sore and stiff as can be at present and in the care of a doctor, and really in need of aid. Will tell you more about this matter when you arrive in Dallas. Your obedient servant, R . B. MOSELEY1

Commissioner to Texas Universal Negro Improvement Association [Address] His Excellency, Marcus Garvey, President General U.N.I.A. and A.C.L., 2626 Welton Street, Denver, Colo. Printed in NW, 3 June 1922. Original headlines omitted. 1. Robert B. Moseley was listed in the Dallas city directory as a black chef at a local café (Worley's Dallas City Directory, 1923 [Dallas: Worley Publishing Co., 1923], p. 1,227; ibid., 1924, p. 1,268; ibid., 1925-1926, p. 1,400).

Telegrams from Marcus Garvey to the Chairman, Liberty Hall [Oakland, Calif., ca. 3June 1922] Convey to members and friends of Liberty Hall greetings and best wishes of 12,000 members of California. Entire State recaptured for organization; defeated enemies in Oakland and held enthusiastic meeting by enjoining Chief of Police, who was under influence of enemies of movement. Great triumph; splendid loyalty to cause from Frisco to Los Angeles. Entire North and Southwest rallying to colors of organization. Keep up the enthusiasm in New York. Big delegation from the West for convention. GARVEY

[Address] Chairman, Liberty Hall, 120 West 138th street, New York. Printed in NW, 10 June 1922. Original headlines omitted. 6S0

JUNE 1922

[Los Angeles, ca. 4. June 1922] Enthusiastic meeting in Los Angeles this afternoon. Over ten thousand in parade and meeting. Mayor sends greetings to organization, as also colored assembly of this city. Enemies of organization hopelessly defeated. GARVEY [Address] Chairman, Liberty Hall, 120 West 138th street, New York. Printed in NW, 10 June 1922. Original headlines omitted.

William Pickens to H. Claude Hudson1 [New York] June 4, 1922 My dear Friend:— . . . As to the Garvey Movement, i[t] is not perfect. No movement is, but Garvey has the right idea that ALL NEGROES of all countries and especially of the Western World, should be in touch and organization with each other. I know Garvey personally, and I do not regard him as a crook. He is somewhat of a visionary; all such men are. He will not FAIL, altho he himself will not see the great success of his plans. The idea he has injected into the Negro masses will stay, even if Garvey should be jailed or hung. The white world to-day, the large white world, outside of places like Shreveport and Mississippi, are more concerned over the "Garvey idea" than over any other move the Negro has ever made for power in the modern world. They know that to effect an international organization is to reach out for REAL power, especially thru MASSES of men. But I am with the N.A.A.C.P., altho I have been offered as much as TEN THOUSAND DOLLARS a year to join other forces, and the offer still stands. I believe in the EARLIER FRUITION of the sowings of the N.A.A.C.P., for the good of Negroes in the U.S.A. Colored Americans will make regrettable mistakes, if they help white Americans to fight the "Garvey idea". The idea is all right, if only Garvey can get rid of some of the crooks that have infested his organization, and speak plain about ORGANIZATION of the racial group, and not try to fool anybody about the "back to Africa" myth. . . . Hurriedly Yours, [WILLIAM PICKENS] [Address] Dr. H. Claude Hudson, 1058-1/2 Texas Ave., Shreveport, La. N N - S c , WP. T L , carbon copy. 1. H. Claude Hudson (b. 1886) was born in Alexandria, La., and educated at the Howard University dental school, where he graduated in 1913. After opening an office in Shreveport, he became active in the local NAACP. In 1921 he became president of the branch. After warnings from the local Ku Klux Klan, Hudson moved to Los Angeles in 1923, where he soon became

6SI

T H E M A R C U S GARVEY AND U N I A PAPERS president of the local N A A C P . H e remained one of the city's most influential civil rights spokesmen for the next five decades (Los Angeles Sentinel, 28 April 198?; Los Angeles Times, 28 M a y 1974, 17 June 1976, 21 January 1979, and 20 April 1983).

Speech by Marcus Garvey Los Angeles, June the 5th 1922 ADDRESS O F MARCUS GARVEY D E L I V E R E D AT T R I N I T Y A U D I T O R I U M , J U N E 5

Mr. President, Members and Friends of the Universal Negro Improvement Association: Once more it becomes my pleasure to say a few words to you of the great work we are engaged in known as the Universal Negro Improvement Association. We who make up this organization represent a type or a class within our race possessed of faith and confidence in self. Looking at things as they are we realize that the world in which we live is about to reconstruct, to reorganize itself. Humanity everywhere are engaged in the process of reorganization, reconstruction. Out of the chaos of worldly things of human affairs the different races and nations expect to build up a new civilization of their own, whether they be Irish, Ethiopian, Indian, Jew, Russian, French, English or American, each group is seeking in this reconstruction, in this reorganization to build a civilization all its own. We who make up the Universal Negro Improvement Association believe that the time has also come for the Negro to build, to construct a civilization of his own. (Applause) There are those who say our one desire is to destruct and destroy, but those of us who make up the Negro Improvement Association lack faith and confidence in the treatment that has been given us for the last 300 years, we have no more faith and confidence in the other man's civilization, in the other man's probation of human love and brotherhood because of the hypocrisy of it for over 300 years. We are therefore looking to ourselves, to our own efforts to build a civilization of our own; (applause) to re-educate ourselves, because we are not yet properly educated. We have been inoculated with the other fellow's propaganda—not educated, only inoculated by the other fellow for his own convenience, to suit his own purpose; and for 300 years we have been slaves to this other fellow's propaganda—the propaganda that teaches us that there is a superior race and an inferior race. The Universal Negro Improvement Association refuses such an education, rejects such propaganda. The new education that we support is the education of human equality, and for that, the organization that I represent is striving, is struggling day by day. We have been struggling for four and a half years to carry this new education to the 400,000,000

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Negroes of the world. This new education teaches liberty, it is a new education industrially, socially and religiously. This new education industrially teaches us that the Negro must depend on his own sweat and manhood if he is to survive; this new education socially teaches the Negro that beauty is in his own eye, that the Negro is as good socially as any other race in the world. (Applause) This new education religiously teaches us that there is but one God who has no respect of color. The old propaganda taught us that socially the white man was supposed to be the acme of human perfection, that the white man was supposed to be the Lord of industry. Religiously, we were taught that we had a white God and a black devil. We of the Universal Negro Improvement Association are objecting to that propaganda; we know that the God we worship has no respect of person, and if one race is going to make him white, we are going to make him black. (Applause). God created . . . [several words multilated] [this] being so, my God could not look like anybody but like me. The Universal Improvement Association is engaged in the development of a new education, a new culture. We are trying to unite all the Negroes of the world into one great, glorious body. We are endeavoring to unite 400,000,000 people of the world for the purpose of building up a nation of our own on the continent of Africa. The cry has gone out that Africa must be free, A F R I C A S H A L L BE FREE. (Applause) And it is our duty as members of the Universal Improvement Association to carry out this declaration throughout the world; and I have come to your city to let you realize that Negroes all over the world have taken up the cry of "Africa for Africans", those here and those abroad. This glorious cry has resounded around the world. Everywhere colored men are to be found, you will find the colors of the red, black and green, the new emblems of Negro liberty. We have had a hard time carrying our propaganda because we have had to fight down opposition from within as well as from without, and yet tonight we have five and a half million members. You will be able to gauge our success when I tell you that four and a half years ago we had but one branch, tonight we have 900 branches. Today we have the governments of Europe and the government of the United States trembling in their shoes as to the outcome of the Negro Improvement Association. In four and a half years we have changed the world's opinion as far as the Negro goes. Once it was said that the Negro was sleeping, today they are afraid of the Negro, especially the ones who wear the red, black and green, because they realize that he is a new man. Once upon a time we were typified as the Uncle Tom Negro who went hat in hand with shaking knees, looking up to the master; but today through the work of the Universal Negro Improvement Association, everybody feels, whether he be English, French, German or white American, that a new opinion must be formed of the new Negro. Today we have many of the governments of Europe very much concerned about their actions and attitude toward the Negro race. Once upon a time nobody would pay any attention to whatever the Negro said, 6S3

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whether in his church or in his club room or society hall, because everybody knew there was not anything behind it. Do you not know that we have for many years been sending up petitions and prayers to American assemblies— we have been meeting in mass meetings and making protests against our treatment, but the white man has never paid any attention to our prayers or petitions and could not waste time to hear our protests from our mass meetings. Prayers did not reach him at all. So long as we resorted to these methods, so long as he knew we were acting in that way, he was quite all right in acting in his belief that he could pay no attention to the Negro. But when the Universal Negro Improvement Association adopted a new program of not holding mass meetings for protests, not begging anybody for a chance, but declaring to the world that we were going to take a chance, that somebody is going to die, then the whole world got alarmed. I tell you, more attention has been paid to the Universal Negro Improvement Association than to any other Negro organization in years. We told them that we demand our rights and if we don't get them, somebody is going to die, and since that time the whole world has been concerned. If you will study about this union, you will find that more printers ink has been used about us because we encouched that one word in our constitution, that word, "Death". Nobody likes that word. When you start to use that word, people become interested. But the Negro is not disposed to fight anybody or to kill anybody but is prepared to adopt the course followed by everybody who has sought human liberty, and everybody knows there can be no remission of sins unless you know how and somebody will have to pay the price. Now if we think we can sit here and get liberty sent us all parceled up in a package, we are making a mistake—liberty does not come that way. Study human history and you will find it has never been given that way. Every race that has obtained human liberty has had to work for it and some have had to die for it. Liberty where? Not in Europe, not in Asi[a,] but all over the world. In order to be able to protect that liberty, we see that the first duty of the Negro is to build up a government of his own sufficiently strong as to demand that liberty. Some think the Negro problem is an American one—the Negro question is a national one. Prejudice [a]ffects us everywhere. In Europe, Asia, Canada, everywhere the color of us affects us because of our condition and we will never be able to change this world feeling until we better our conditions, and that is what the U.N.I.A. is seeking to do. For fifty years we have been trying to better our condition as people in America and we know the result, you see the condition today. We therefore have made a study of the question, of the problem, an international study and we find that Negroes are abused, maltreated and ill-treated everywhere because Negroes are disunited. Therefore we say if American Negroes are suffering from a common malady, if West India[n] Negroes are suffering from a common malady, if African Negroes are suffering from a common malady, it is our duty to come together and create a union that will relieve us

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of this common malady from which we are afflicted, hence the birth of the Universal Negro Improvement Association. How much we have done is told by the number of branches we have established all over the world. Therefore you will realize that this number represents a strength and force never known by Negroes before, a force that must be recognized by governments and empires. Two years ago they elected me as the first provisional president of Africa, I cannot say why they gave me such a position but I suppose it was because they saw me with shoulders very broad and thought I could measure up to the burdens that such a position would inflict upon such a person called to lead. They have given me the biggest job of the age, bigger than Harding's job, bigger than the job of the president of the United States because President Harding is called to administer the affairs of a government that is already finished, all he has to do is to go in and work a government that has already been established, but they have given me the job of creating a government out of governments—now you know that is a big job. But I believe I can measure up to the job after analyzing the thing properly and I am here to reaffirm the declaration that "Africa Shall Be Free", so long as 400,000,000 Negroes live, Africa must be redeemed. We are not sending up petitions about it, we are just organizing to take it. Some may say we can't do it but if we were men enough to drive the German hosts across the Rhine, we can drive somebody into the Indian ocean or across the Nile, and that some of us are prepared to do. Now, understand the Universal Improvement Association represents a manhood program, a program of unity and love, a program of charity but we say Charity begins at home. We say we love all humanity and expect all humanity to love us, we respect the rights of all men and expect all men to respect us and since we are human beings, we are not going to give to the other fellow more than he gives to us. If he gi^es us love, we will return love. We love the great white man and desire to see him prosper and live because God created him to enjoy happiness of this world; we love the yellow man and hope to see him prosper and live because God created him to enjoy the happiness of this world, and we love ourselves for the same reason. (Applause) We have been helping the white man for the last joo years to establish himself to enjoy life and now we are about to help ourselves and I know he is going to be large enough and broad-minded enough to help us as we have helped him but anyhow we are not going to have him start first helping us—we are going to start first helping ourselves. We are not going to ask him[,] however, if we should have a government of our own. Now this thing of governments is a big idea, very, very big, is the biggest thing of the age, is the thing men are seeking everywhere—independence of government so that they can have a real democracy under their own system of government. We of the Universal Negro Improvement Association are very much dissatisfied with our condition at present, living under the different governments of the world because as we see things, we are just being fitted in for

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convenience of the various people of the world. When they want us, they are glad to see us and when they don't want our services they don't care about seeing us, as during the late war, they were very glad to see us. I came from a country where the black men except by some extra luck could never get the opportunity to live in the atmosphere of the other race; and they kept up their heartless treatment as long as everything was normal, but when an earthquake came and demolished the homes of the people who lived in that high atmosphere and they heard that the next thing to come would be a tidal wave, they came to us, saying, ["]we are all brothers, we are all one." Why? Because they believed in that moment that we were all going across the Jordan and they didn't mind being brothers on that journey. But after waiting for twenty-four hours and the tidal wave did not come, in another twenty-four hours the country took on that same attitude. We were not brothers any longer. Now that happened in the West Indies two years ago but a similar circumstance happened in America in 1914 and 1915, everybody was then a brother to the other fellow, we were all brothers but when this war scare was over, they went right back up into their high atmostphere. N o w the Negro of today refuses to be a convenience for anybody any more. We are either brothers now [or] we will all wait until we get to heaven. But we are not going to let anybody take us for conveniences,—we are brothers in earthquakes and in wars and then when we want positions to make a living for our families, they don't know us. Therefore knowing humanity as we do, that they are only using the black race as a convenience, we have determined to stick by the rule that Charity begins at home. So we come before you with a program that is not intended to offend anyone, endeavoring to build up a union so strong that when you strike one Negro in any part of the world, you strike 40o[,]ooo[,]ooo. That is what this program means, Unity. We can't afford to fall out and be against ourselves because all are links in the chain. We must arrange our affairs so as to have all the people pulling together for a stronger race economically, a greater race socially and a freer race politically. We have been inoculated with all kind[s] of propaganda which causes us to believe among ourselves that we are inferior people. My father and mother died believing they were inferior to somebody, having a wrong conception of that great G o d of us all, but I hope G o d will pardon them and accept them [u]nto his great black throne. Yes, great black throne. So long as we reflect this white man's propaganda, so long will we be slaves. If they are going to have a white throne and white robes, we are going to have [a] black throne and black robes. This other fellow has laid out a skillful propaganda, and that is why Negroes are such slaves physically and mentally. He tells us about his white G o d and beautiful white angels and about the black devil. Who told him the devil was black? If the devil is such a wicked creature he could not have been black at all, he would have had to be just the reverse color because if you go to Texas, you won[']t find one devil, you will find hundreds of devils down there. If G o d is to have color, God looks like me because God created me in

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his likeness. You know what a likeness is—then if God created me in his picture, how could God look like somebody else to me? You know I went into a separate school the other day and asked the children to describe God and they described him as a beautiful white man with long braids. The white man tells us that God is a beautiful, handsome, prepossessing white man with long braids and they have so soaked it into our children until they grow up with that conception and see perfection only in whiteness. If virtue is white and all is black that is evil, what can you feel but that you are an outcast? We allow them to paint that stuff, give it to us and we have had no better sense th[a]n to hang it up in our homes. Have you ever thought of it, how we have swallowed the other fellow's propaganda, followed the other fellow's way of thinking—that is why we are the only inferior race in the world, because we are the only people who have accepted the other fellow's ideals. Go to Japan and see if you see any white God there. Every race if they have to p[or]tray God, and think of Heaven, do so out of their own kind. You say we all worship the same God. That is true, but they have brought God down to look like them and we are only fit to take on the countenance of another God. God is a spiritual being, you understand that, but sometimes we have to paint objects to fit ourselves. The white man knows there is no white God and the yellow man knows there is no yellow God, but in order to focus on their mental visions an image of God, they imagine him as looking like them and we had no better sense th[a]n to accept the other fellow's physical God. Let us make God white just for argument's sake, suppose we have a white God over the millions of white folks over here, what would be that God's business but to look after the affairs of these millions of white folks, so the best thing we could do would be to get us a black God to pray to. Of course we all know that God is not physical, God is spiritual, we simply want to destroy that propaganda that God is a white man. God is a loving, merciful, spiritual being, loving black as well as white, that is the God we have accepted. The Universal Negro Improvement Association teaches a closer kinship of races, not because we desire not to maintain the sacred injunction of Brotherhood of Man and Fatherhood of God, but we realize that God must have had a purpose when he created the races different, when he created the great difference in the animal kingdom, the lion different from the tiger, etc. God must have had a purpose when he made this difference of race and color in the great human family. No chance, no accident, it must have been a purpose when he said, "Ethiopia shall soon stretch forth her hands." God had a purpose for the black folks, he meant that we should find our own leader and that we should have our God because he expects us to worship him under our own vine and fig tree. We should not blame the great white man when he builds up his Australia, America, Europe and Canada nor the yellow man when he builds up his Asia and his Japan and surely the world will not blame us when we build up our own Africa. Now when it becomes unnecessary for the Italians to have Italy, when it becomes unnecessary for

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the Japanese to have Japan, etc., then it will become unnecessary for the black folks to have no black empire—not until then. I know there are some of us who have no manhood, no courage, no hope[,] no vision, we have been so brutalized in slavery until we have lost our manhood, we believe there is no use trying. Every race that lives in the world today passed through slavery at one time or another. The great white man who lynches and burns me below the Mason and Dixon line, who segregates me in different cities, who Jim Crows me, a few hundred years ago he was a slave. When Imperial Rome rose and stood out in her glory Brit[ai]n was a slave nation—Brit[o]ns were slaves to the Romans 55 years B.C. Ten Brit[o]ns bro[ugh]t less money than one Negro bro[ugh]t in Georgia 60 years ago. And who is the Brit[o]n? He is the Anglo Saxon of today, he is the Englishman of today, who in the course of time crossed the Atlantic and settled on this continent and is doing to another race what another race did to him several hundred years ago. It is human history repeating itself. In every age the strong oppresses the weak. Slavery will ever be so long as one race remains strong and the other remains weak; and you and I will never be free until we become strong enough to protect ourselves in the world. Do you know we are the most careless people in the world, not one [bit> ] better off physically than when Abraham Lincoln signed the [Emancipation [Proclamation, or when Victoria of England signed the [Emancipation [Proclamation. Do you know that President Harding can make us slaves again, because we have done nothing to protect our liberty, we have not acted as other people have done to safe-guard ourselves for the future. After being released from slavery by the Romans, the Brit[o]ns did not remain careless about their freedom but got together and said we are going to build up a great nation and those Brit[o]ns applied themselves a s s i d u ously to building up a nation for themselves and what happened? Today we have the great British empire upon which the sun never sets. We hear them singing, "Brit[an]nia, Brit[an]nia rules the world; Brit[o]ns shall nevermore be slaves", and every time he sings that national anthem, he remembers he has been a slave and gathers strength and determination from it; but the Negro forgets his slavery five hours after he gets out of it. I have come across Negroes who attempted to fight when you tell them, their grandfathers were slaves. He begins to deny where his grandfather came from. "Yes my grandfather came from Ireland, why[,] you can see the map of Ireland in my face now." That is the way we try to get away from our race. When did you ever see a black Irishman, if so it is an accident, so don't think too much about it. So[,] therefore[,] I am not an Englishman, I am an African, and if I was given the chance to choose for myself, what I should be, I would say, let me be an African citizen; and I trust in time it will be an honor to be an African citizen as it was in days gone by to be a Roman citizen. And why not? We are made of the same stuff and if anything better because when other men started something, we had to finish it for them, and as we did it so gallantly and with

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our love and kindly disposition for other folks in those days, we are now prepared to do it for ourselves. Now you students and historians, I know you are hard to convince because we have imbibed within you so much of that other fellow's culture that it is hard to believe many things. So many of our people go thru college and don't know that they are studying. So many of us swallow things without digesting it. Before I swallow a thing when I read, I analyze it and if I don't believe it, I reject it. So many of us read things and believe anything we read as true. I refuse to believe anything as true until I apply the gifts God gave me in proper scrutiny so when those folks come and tell me that God made me to be a hewer of wood and a drawer of water, I am not going to believe it. God made me to be a man. Who told you I w[as] to chop wood, who told you I w[as] to draw water and if I want to chop wood, that is my business and I am not going to chop wood all the time. If I want to draw water, I will draw water to my convenience but I am not going to draw water all the time. God created me to be a man. I trust you understand the purpose of the Negro Improvement Association—we teach human love with respect to all mankind. I hope you will never do anything to interfere with the white man's government. Remember, this is a white man's country. Some of us flatter ourselves to believe that because we are here we are going to get everything—we will get certain things up to a time, up to a certain point, that far and no farther. I am just an ordinary student of the times; I see that in another few years we are going to have all kind[s] of indignities heaped upon us in all parts of the world because as the Negro fits himself and enters into competition with the other fellow for what he wants, he is going to kill you before he allows you to take his place. As you and I fit ourselves intelligently, the more we will engender his hatred, he will forget what he is if we rival him for the job he wants, he is going to do anything in the world to get rid of us. Even if he be a bishop, you will find him acting just this way and if a bishop will act in such manner, what will the politician do, what might we expect from the bread-winner, the man who doesn't stop to reason but only to eat; do you think that man is going to yield up his job to you when there is only one job and two men? And if you and I stay here without making any preparation for ourselves, we will soon find such conditions existing. I heard a man say the other day that it would in a little while be as scarce to see a Negro around America as to see a lion in a zoo. He knows what he talks about, he knows economically that the white man can kill every Negro in thirty days. He can take our jobs from us and if we haven't jobs, we haven't money to buy food, and if we can't buy food, we are bound to starve and if we starve, we are bound to die—that is what could happen to you and I in thirty days. We don't need to watch the ordinary white man on the streets, he is harmless for the time being, the ones for you to watch are the leaders. The masses will change their opinions overnight—watch the leaders, study them and you can tell where the race is going. That idea of Mr. Hughes[,] for a greater America 1 means a study. Don't follow the average white man, follow 6S9

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and analyze the leaders. They are not going to come out and tell you what they are going to do, we must find that ou[t] for ourselves, and that is strategy and diplomacy. That is what the Universal Negro Improvement Association is trying to do—find out what is hidden in the gray matter of the leaders of the world. We know it means a bloody conflict between the Orient and Occident so the U.N.I.A. is preparing the minds of 400,000,000 Negroes of the race so that when the clash comes we can fight our fight for African liberty and the emancipation of Negroes] the world over. I am sorry I cannot spend more time in Los Angeles to explain the work of this organization. Keep in touch with the union by reading the Negro World. I may pass this way but once, if I come not again, remember that Marcus Garvey was here and in his humble way tried to convey to you the signs of the times, that which was written on the walls of time. Before I say Good-night and Good-bye, I am going to ask you to join the Association. Buy one of the almanacs for 1922 and you will find there the pictures of all of the twenty-one leaders. I thank you for your presence and trust to meet you again. Good-Night. DJ-FBI, file 61-50-124. TD. Taken in shorthand and transcribed by Edna Greene Smith, stenographer-typist, with the California Eagle. 1. Probably a reference to Charles Evans Hughes's position on foreign policy, which held that "foreign policies are not built upon abstractions. They are the result of practical conceptions of national interest arising from some immediate exigency or standing out vividly in historical perspective." Hughes differed from Woodrow Wilson in taking this view of foreign policy (Charles Evans Hughes, "The Development of International Law "American Society of International Law Proceedings 19 [ 1925 ]: 3-5; Betty Glad, Charles Evans Hughes and the Illusion of Innocence: A Study in American Diplomacy [Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1966], pp. 153-162).

Editorial Letter by Marcus Garvey [[Los Angeles, Cal., June j , 1922]] Greeting: As one journeys through the great United States of America he is bound to come in contact with the white man's progress in industry, science and education. On every side you see evidences of his great work. He has built a civilization upon the surface of a wild and neglected country. He has planted city life where only a desert existence was once manifest. F E L L O W M E N OF T H E N E G R O RACE,

T H E EARLY COLONISTS

Whether you live in New York or in Los Angeles you are sure to come in contact with the civilization that the white man has wrought by his labor, sacrifice and endurance. I am left to think whether the Negro of this twentieth century is able to rise to the heights of the white man. When we

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contemplate America a few hundred years ago, we see a vast wilderness, a forest, a prairie country, unkep[m]t, undeveloped, rude in every element of Nature's make-up. Then suddenly we see a ship crossing the tempestuous Atlantic. It makes port, it anchors off the New England coast, the passengers disembark, they settle at Plymouth. From there I see the beginning of a mighty colonization. I see these colonists land, I see them suffer, I see them die. Their numbers diminish, and yet they are not discouraged. On and on they go, until gradually they become acclimatized. Steadily they made their encroachments upon the rights of an aboriginal race; yes, I see them strengthened in their courage and determination to colonize a new country, to develop a new land. Years passed, decades came and went, and still on and on they go. One hundred years have rolled by, two hundred years have rolled by, three hundred years have gone, and today we see a great civilization standing to the credit of an ancestry most grand, most noble. Can I lay claim to that ancestry? Unfortunately, no! The men and the women who laid the foundation of American nationality and American progress and American civilization were not my forebears. They were the ancestors of another race; yes, the white race. D o you wonder, therefore, that the white man boasts that America is a white man's country? D o you wonder that he takes pride in the development of his own nation? D o you wonder that he Jim-crows, segregates, murders, burns and lynches the black man when the black man shows a disposition to rival him in industry, in politics, in social life in the country that he, the white man, has suffered for, has died for, has built for his own convenience? You may argue that my ancestors worked as slaves to build up alongside of the white man the great American nation. But, ah, when the circum[st]ances under which we were brought here as slaves are [ta]ken into consideration we will immediately realize the [fa]ct that the white man owes no obligation to the Negro. [No]t because I employ the bricklayer or the carpenter to [buil]d my house should I in turn give over my apart[men]ts to him as his property. If he was paid for his work [afte]r the building is erected, he goes; I take possession. [Word multilated ] will say that the slave was not paid for his work. The [whi]te man believes that the slave has been well paid for [whatsoever service he gave, even though not of his free [will] for the building up of the great United States of Amer[ica] in that the white man claims that he has given the [Negr]o civilization and Christianity; the white man claims [he] rescued the Negro from the jungles of Africa, other[wise h]e would still have been a barbarian, a savage, a can[nibal.] The white man claims that he has within the twentieth ce]ntury given the Negro every opportunity to do for [himself] as he, the white man, has done; therefore, he argues, [what] more reward do you want for the labor that you . . . [several words multilated] for 250 years as a slave?" If we are to admit the . . . [word multilated], then we must come to the conclusion that the [white man's] heart cannot be touched even with the most devout prayer, in asking him to share America [and her ri]ghts with the black man. He is not going to . . . [several words multilated] [b]lack man to tell him how to run the city, to run

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[the state, or to?] run the nation. Not after he has suffered so much for the building o f this nation, for the founding of this great republic. The white man who has built New York, who has built Boston, who has built Philadelphia, who has built Chicago, who has built Milwaukee, who has built Kansas City, who has built Washington, who has built Portland, who has built Los Angeles and San Francisco, who has built New Orleans and Atlanta, is not going to yield up to the black man that which he has worked for, suffered for, and died for. A TEMPORAL

AGE

Tell me that a better time will come when there will be an amicable settlement between black and white as far as the life politic, economic and social goes, and I laugh at you in derision, because no sensible student of political economy, sociology or economics could come to any such conclusion. As one studies the country and the people the more, one is bound to realize that this great white man is going to make a death struggle to maintain the civilization that he has founded for his own convenience. If any Negro in America or anywhere thinks that the white man is going to lay down the railroad tracks, put on his Pullman and other cars for the purpose o f conveying himself from one part of the country to the other, to his own comfort and convenience; that he is going to establish his own government, and divide them up into various departments to suit his own convenience and comfort; that he is going to build his own homes, public halls, hotels, theatres and playhouses and adorn them to his own comfort and convenience and allow the Negro to monopolize them, he makes a big mistake. The white man is not thinking about the Negro or any other race but himself, and no sensible human being will blame him in an age so material, in an age so human as this twentieth century. We are not living in a spiritual age; we are living in a temporal, material age, and it is unreasonable for any set of human beings to expect another set to give up to them what they themselves would not give up. It is well we return to reason and thereby understand and know ourselves as a people and as a race. If the Negro wants the comforts of modern civilization, if he wants the happiness of city life, if he wants the privilege o f governmental control, then he must create these things for himself. If he wants to ride in Pullman cars from New Orleans to New York, from New York to San Francisco; if he wants to occupy the orchestra seat in the Metropolitan Opera House; if he wants to sit in the front seats of a trolley car; if he wants the first job on the industrial list; if he wants the opportunity to represent his district in the House of Congress or in the Senate; if he wants to sit in the White House as President of the nation; if he wants to sit in the Department of Justice as Attorney General, he will not expect these things in the United States of America. He shall go out and create for himself the United States of Africa. America is not going to yield these things to the Negro! Great Britain is not going to yield these things to

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the Negro; neither is France, Italy or Germany, so there is no use trying, there is no use aggravating this great white man, because he is not going to do it, simply because it is unreasonable—it is not human. T H E JAPANESE EMPIRE

Negroes, let us take inspiration from the white man's achievement in America and in Europe. If we do not desire to pattern the white man's civilization of Europe and America, then to have a fair and splendid example of what man can do, take the achievement of the great yellow man in Japan. In the space of seventy years a few million Japanese have built up a mighty empire that occupies today not a second place, but is numbered among the first rate powers of the world. England in the space of a few centuries has built up a vast empire where she was but an island kingdom, and if forty-five million Anglo-Saxons could have done that to their own honor and glory, four hundred million Negroes, united under the leadership of the Universal Negro Improvement Association, can do it for themselves in another hundred years. A N A P P E A L TO A F R I C A ' S S O N S

I am appealing to the manhood of the race everywhere in America, the West Indies, South and Central America and Africa to let us get together now and put over this great program of the Universal Negro Improvement Association. Let us take inspiration from our own present day settlements. You who are in the West Indies, you can drink in the inspiration of the life that surrounds you. You in North America, South and Central America can do the same. Let us unitedly then apply our knowledge of western civilization to the development of Africa. Africa needs her mechanics, her scientists, her industrial captains, her teachers, her ministers, her businessmen, her statesmen. Scattered as we have been for the last three hundred years, and educated as we have been in the different schools of adversity, can we not rise with this higher education to save ourselves and our country? Surely we can, and that is why I am this week appealing to every Negro to support the work of the Universal Negro Improvement Association. You can support it morally and financially. Those of you who have the education, it is for you to throw yourselves in body and soul and contribute the little you can mentally to the putting over of the program. Those of you who have no ability educationally, you can help with your money; yes, you can help by donating $1, $2, $5, $10, $50, $100 to help us in the great work. Do so now by subscribing to the African Redemption Fund by writing to the SecretaryGeneral, Universal Negro Improvement Association, 56 West 135th Street, New York City, N.Y., U.S.A., or help us in subscribing to the Convention Fund of 1922. A large sum of money is needed to successfully put over the program of the forthcoming convention. You can help with your $2, $j, $10, $50, $100 by writing to the Registrar, Universal Negro Improvement Asso663

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ciation, 56 West 135th Street, New York City, N.Y., U.S.A. With very best wishes for your success, I have the honor to be Your obedient servant, MARCUS GARVEY, President-General

Universal Negro Improvement Association P.S.—Let every Division of the Universal Negro Improvement Association make a special effort to become financial up to date with the Parent Body. All members should rally to the support of the local Division in paying up their dues, assessment tax and other obligations, and see to it that the Division's Officers make immediately their monthly report to the Secretary General's Office of the Parent Body, so that every Division can be registered as being financial at the opening of the convention. The Parent Body can do very little unless each and every Division carry out their obligation constitutionally. Members should see to it that their officers carry out their constitutional obligations in remitting their reports monthly. Members should see that the Secretary of each local Division reads before the general membership the acknowledgment of their last report from the Parent Body. M[ARCUS] G[ARVEY]

Printed in NW, 10 June-1922. Original headlines omitted.

J. J. Hannigan to the Director, Office of Naval Intelligence [San Francisco] 5 June 1922 N E G R O IMPROVEMENT ASSOCIATION.

The Universal Negro Improvement Association held its special welcome meeting in California Hall on Polk Street, near Turk[,] on June 2, in honor of Marcus Garvey, President-General of the organization and the "President of Africa". Marcus Garvey, J. J. Adams 1 (President of S.F. Chapter), and Dr. Jone[s] (Physician and preacher who recently made an investigation trip to Africa and now is engaged in the propagation of the policies of the U.N.I.A.) were the speakers. There was also a Persian speaker whose speech was filled with inflam[m]atory remarks against the white race and for the Bolshevik idea of equality. Jones related that he had seen in Paris, Garvey's picture among the world's greatest leaders. Garvey's talk, long as it was, had very little of importance in it. It was shallow and even in points vulgar. While he insistently declared that he is not a political agitator in the U.S., he presented in vulgar and mocking sarcasm

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things that are intended to fan up the flame of racial consciousness and racial hatred. Some of the things he said were: 1. God made men equal. Negroes are men, as the whites. Therefore the Negroes are equal to the whites. It is up to the Negro to find out also that they are men. 2. Negroes have [not] been treated as men. Now it is time for the negroes to assert themselves. Before God, there is no "color." 3. God's creation is not aimless. When God made men he made also the material provision for them. So there are Europe and America for the whites and Asia for the yellow. Similarly Africa for the black men. 4. Do not trust men, especially the white men. In this cold practical world, you must fight for your proper share of the material provisions God has made for you or else you will be persecuted. And the Negro race has been persecuted by the whites during the last three hundred years. So, it is now time for the Negroes to rise. According to historical law of destiny, nations and races rise and fall. Now is the time for the white people to find out that there are other human beings but themselves. 5. After the great World War, every people asserted itself. Ireland for Irish, Poland for Poles, Egypt for Egyptians. Everybody attained freedom but the Negroes. Everybody fought for their own freedom, so must the Negroes. 6. Negroes loved white men. They still keep on loving them. But do not love them any more than they love you. 7. Black men won the world war. Kais[e]r could not be moved until two-million Negroes were mobilized to the battle front. Then they only fought for the white men. Now it is time for them to fight for their own. 8. The white men conquered the world with tremendous energy. For example, the White Man came to America. They killed off the Red Men and the wild animals. They cleaned up the forest and the wilderness. So came the U.S. of America, the mightiest of all nations. This method the Negro will use in redeeming Africa. 9. Just as George Washington led the country against England, for freedom, so will Marcus Garvey lead the Negroes to free the Negroes from slavery and build up the United States of Africa. 10. Just as there are statesmen among every people, so must be a statesman among Negroes, and Garvey intends to fill the "post". 11. Marcus Garvey studied in the same educational institutions as the statesmen of Great Britain and the United States, studied with the same text books of political science, and political economy. He is qualified to claim and he is ready to lead.

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12. Negroes have everything. But what they have is not worth anything because they are /not/ politically protected. Political protection is the protection by state founded on sufficient strength. So the negro, first of all, must found a state, a national state, for protection. It is the aim of the U.N.I.A. 13. The aim of the U.N.I.A. is not to lead the Negroes out from every land back to Africa. But i[t] is to found a national state for Negroes of the world on the continent of Africa, which will be strong enough to stand for the rights of life and property of the Negroes throughout the world. 14. At the present time, the rights of the colored people are not protected. Their property is in danger of being robbed any time. Whe[n] they are unwilling to submit it, their lives will be taken away. So, for protection, Negroes must have a state of their own. For that Empire building, the Negroes must fight and die. etc, etc. The speech was disconnected. Although Garvey was a forceful speaker, he made his speech a "Chop Suey". Although on the surface, the things he said were much smoother than his tone and manner indicated. On the whole it is safe to say that he is a revolutionist, anti-Caucasian and anti-Christian. The rest of the program consisted mainly of vocal music and recitations. There were about a thousand people present. Garvey will speak in Oakland on June 3. Garvey mentioned that when he landed at Oakland, the police came to arrest him and said it was due to false reports made by some colored preachers. He said he was accused of instigating racial hatred. J. J.

HANNIGAN

DNA, RG 38, file 20964-219+m. TD. 1. Jean Joseph Adam was born in Haiti and educated in Haiti, France, and the United States, where he attended Tuskegee Institute. He joined the U N I A in San Francisco, and after a year he became president of the local division. Fluent in French, English, and Spanish, at the 1922 U N I A convention Adam was made the secretary and official interpreter of the U N I A delegation to the League of Nations in Geneva (NW, 25 August 1923). In 1931 Adam was listed as a professor o f Romance Languages in Allen University, Columbia, S.C.

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George B. Christian, Jr., to Marcus Garvey [Washington, D.C.] June 7,1922 My dear Sir, Your letter of May 31st has been received and its contents noted with care. I am unable at this time to give a definite answer to your enquiry, and I suggest, therefore, that you again bring the matter to my attention about the first of August. Sincerely yours, [GEORGE B. CHRISTIAN]

Secretary to the President DLC, Warren G. Harding Papers (microfilm). TL, carbon copy.

Nicholas Murray Butler to Marcus Garvey [New York] June 8, 1922 Dear Sir: In reply to your letter of May 31,1 beg to say that at the date mentioned I shall be on the Pacific Coast and, therefore, it will be out of my power to address the important and interesting gathering to which you invite me. Very truly yours, NICHOLAS MURRAY BUTLER

NNC, NMB. TLS, carbon copy.

Article in the Negro World by L. Mann [10 June 1922] E A S O N T E L L S OF I N T E R V I E W W I T H SENATOR MCCALLUM N E W O R L E A N S , La., New Orleans Division No. 149, as well as nearby divisions and chapters of the U.N.I.A. have been gready benefited by the visit of His Excellency Dr. J. W. [H]. Eason, the American leader. Several successful meetings were held and large crowds listened with enthusiasm to the logic and sou[nd arg]uments concerning the aims and objects of the Universal Negro Improvement Association. On April 25 and 26 Dr. Eason spoke at the Pythian Temple on the "Aims and Object of the Association." To promote race pride and love is the

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fraternal side of the movement, hence a world-wide confraternity. Dr. Eason said the hatred that he has been preaching against for many years, as a clergyman, is not the kind of hatred that is most detrimental to the Negro, but it is that disposition in him to help everyone but his own. The meeting at the Longshoremen's Hall on the 27th, demonstrated a spirit of revival and a new life for Division No. 149. In his subject, "Watchman, What of the Night?" the great orator told of life's dark night. In his illustration of life all down the ages he said, "We have had many watchmen upon the wall of time and they have been answering 'All Is Well.' " During the great world war the watchman answered, "All is Well"—Negroes will have equal rights and justice from now on, but at the close of the war came the darkest part of the night—just before day. Our watchman was awake, and the cry went up, "Watchman, What of the Night?" The Hon. Marcus Garvey cried: "Negroes must organize for world confraternity. ["] Negroes are organizing for world power and protection, hence the Universal Negro Improvement Association. On May 7 and 8 Dr. Eason spoke at the Baptist auditorium and at the Longshoremen's Hall, respectively. These meetings were evidence of increased interest, as the crowds were larger than at previous meetings. In those meetings the speaker gave a clear definition of race love. He hinted that the upper class Negroes, while preaching race love, were not patronizing their own tailors, though members of their own church. The American leader also told of the interview with Senator McCallum of Mississippi. He repeated the advice of Senator McCallum to the Negro, telling them to look out for themselves, not because the leaders of the Universal Negro Improvement Association do not know it for themselves, but because Negroes will believe what a white man says, anyhow. " A New Culture Among the Negro[e]s" was the closing subject on Monday night, the eighth instant. With his eloquence the American leader left the members of the association in this section with greater courage to press on until there shall be established a great culture and empire upon the continent of Africa. L. Printed in NW,

10 June 1922. Original headlines abbreviated.

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V . Koreshkov to William H. Ferris, Literary Editors, Negro World [[Meghevo Hocropodckon, Banez, June 10, 1922]] Dear Prof. Ferris: Not all, but many copies of The Negro World come to me and I read them in an old-fashioned cottage of this Russian village, where I was born. Every copy of the Negro World makes me think of the condition of the peoples of Russia and Africa. Only one newspaper comes to our village, and it is The Negro World; so you can imagine how primitive the peasants are. The clouds about my country and yours have been very black. When I read The Negro World and begin to think about the energy and blood-boiling speeches of the leaders at Liberty Hall I feel that some day the light of liberty will break through the clouds and shine upon the people of Africa and Russia. I remember what Mr. Marcus Garvey said last August, ["]We cannot hear in our Liberty Hall Russian, Irish and other peoples, but we will do what we think is best.["] Stay on. Do all you can yourself, Mr. Garvey! Think, think, and think it over again, but do it yourself! At present I am not able to say a word about the Negro question, but I hope to be able to some day. My best wishes to the Third Convention of the Negro race. I am yours, V.

KORESHKOV

Printed in i W , 15 July 1922. Original headlines omitted.

J. J. Hannigan, to the Director, Office of Naval Intelligence [San Francisco] 12 June 1922 U N I V E R S A L N E G R O IMPROVEMENT ASSOCIATION M A R C U S G A R V E Y , the president general of the U.N.I.A., and the provisional President of Africaf,] has just finished his stay in Los Angeles in which place he spoke three times. He has left for Texas. He made a longer stay in Los Angeles than was originally scheduled on account of a certain controversy that rose among the negroes in L.A. concerning the aims and purposes of the U.N.I.A. The point of controversy was that one set or group held the theory that all negroes should go back to Africa and the other held that they

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need not, but they should have the seat of government, which is the source of power and protection, in Africa, irrespective of their residence in any part of the world. Garvey's explanation of the matter was that the latter view is nearer to the truth of the original formulation, while the latter is not without basis [i]n fact. Garvey's argument and appeal is as follows: "If the British Empire or the United States would order all negroes out of their possessions, what would we negroes do? We will go and we will have to go in that case. Then, what would you do if the President of Africa would order you to come to Africa? You must, in fact you should go. Africa needs men of training to develop the country, needs politicians to form and run the government. These men of training are to be found among negroes who are in other parts of the world but Africa. They should go to Africa, not as common laborers, but as leaders and educators and captains of industry." Through this argument the controversy among the negroes of Los Angeles has been satisfactorily pacified. Garvey made two speeches in Oakland after his speech in San Francisco. At the occasion of the first Oakland speech, there were six detectives in the audience. The fellow who told this story said, "These detectives sneaked in. They threatened that in case Mr. Garvey would say a word that would lead to political and racial instigation, he would be arrested. But Garvey did not care, and the detectives would /not/ find any fault with what he had to say. You see that Mr. Garvey is such a courageous and clever man. The detectives could not do anything with him. The[y] encored him along with the others when he commenced to speak." The informant asked if perhaps Garvey were not more cautious when he knew there were detectives ready to arrest him, or if it were possible that the detectives were lenient on account of the possibility of stirring up racial strife. The informer admitted the latter might have been the case, and stated—"You do not know Garvey. He is not the kind of a man who can be bluffed, besides if he were arrested and put in jail, it would be better for the organization. It would make the negroes more conscious of the real situation." Over 400 members have come into the organization since Garvey's visit here. This is for the San Francisco Chapter alone. The meeting was marked by two things—Repetition and interpretation of Garvey's speech and Garvey's message (the latter of which appeared on the first page of the "Negro World" for the present week). The fanning of racial consciousness and exposition of the colored race's wrongs, as administered by the white race not only on the negro race but all colored races. There were short remarks by Harris, a colored physician and preacher, Madison[,] a colored editor, Newton[,] a colored preacher and a student in U.C., Hudsona colored lawyer, Osborn, a colored physician and preacher, and the woman vice president who is a preacher. (The reason that there are so many officers and so many speakers at each meeting is that the negroes are easily displeased whe[n] they think they are slighted.)

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The following arc some of the remarks made by the various speakers: Marcus Garvey started the organization by a speech delivered on a street corner in New York five years ago, upon a soap box. Through many hours speech so delivered he got 13 men. These thirteen men started the organization. We are from slavery. But we are only half free yet. There was a time when we were absolutely subjected to slavery. Then there was a time when we were employed at a nominal wage, such as ten cents per day. Now we are freer, but still we are in the state of s[e]rfdom. White men bluffed us for the last three hundred years. They hindered us from being organized. But we are now organized. Organization is the source of power. That particular word "power", which our honorable president emphasises so much—it is found in our message today. White men accepted the white Jesus two thousand years ago. It is high time now black will accept the black Jesus (meaning Garvey). Look out for the white men. As our president told us, the white men put the Indians into the hole. So they will do with the negroes within the next fifty years. (Many voices in the audience answered in unison—"That is right. It won[']t take long". Black men fought and won the European war. They proved themselves brave soldiers. If they can fight for the white men, certainly they can fight for themselves. We must by our organized effort guard our own interest even in this country. Why should we pay high rent to the white men for example—for this building. We must have our own buildings. Let us contribute some money to that end—that we have a fitting building for our organization. We must by our understanding have a clear conception of power, as our president in his message in the Negro World today, told us today. Some time ago, a Japanese steamer came into port and did not fly the American flag. So the port commission sent a messenger to the boat and demanded the captain to fly the American flag. The captain refused and the man, not being able to fight the whole gang on the Japanese ship, returned defeated. The port commissioner made further demands andfinallysent out soldiers and forced the captain to comply with their demands. The Japanese only a hundred or so could not very well fight the larger number of soldiers, so you see power is measured by military strength, and the negroes must build up a state, an army, a navy, battleships, and guns. We must show the white man that we are able to do as much as they can. Colored people are the earliest civilized people on the earth. So it is told in the Bible. Negroes are the most internal[l]y peaceable.

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Even the voice shows harmony. They were released from slavery only a short time ago and now fully fifty per cent of the patent rights on inventions belong to negroes.2 When we do strike, we must strike hard. Garvey has published a new ritual book.3 He seems to be a religious leader as well as a political one. The negroes seem to have a childish faith in him. This faith in Garvey makes for strength. He has many followers among the educated negroes as well as the ill[it]erate. Dr. Wright, a colored physician said that he would have nothing to do with this Garvey gang, as it was only money making politics. J. J. HANNIGAN

Commander, U.S. Navy Intelligence Officer D N A , R G 38, file 20964-2194.n1. T L S , recipient's copy. 1. Probably Oscar Hudson (b. 1876). He was born in Henry County, Mo., and educated in Missouri and in Mexico City. After working as a Spanish translator for the U.S. Army during the Spanish-American War, Hudson became a real estate agent in Los Angeles. He began practicing law in San Francisco in 1911 and in 1915 was appointed Liberian consul for the Port of San Francisco (WWCR). 2. The Negro Tear Book of 1918-1919 noted that the U.S. Patent Office did not record the race of patentees. However, the Patent Office "verified over 800 patents which have been granted to Negroes. It estimated that as many more which are unverified, have been granted" (p. 3+2). 3. Probably a reference to the Universal Negro Ritual, which contained prayers and ceremonies for use by the UNIA, along with a collection of hymns. It was written by George Alexander McGuire in March 1921. It included readings for divine services on Sunday mornings, an order of service for mass meetings, special prayers, a service for the baptism of infants, and a funeral service.

Editorial Letter by Marcus Garvey [[PHOENIX, ARIZONA,

June

13,1922]]

C H R I S T I A N B O E R S OF S O U T H A F R I C A U S E A E R O P L A N E S TO B O M B HOTTENTOTS

Greeting: So the Hottentots have risen in rebellion in South West Africa,1 and the English are about to use their aeroplanes in bombing them into submission! Not very long ago the natives of Kenya, South East Africa, rebelled, and they also were put down by organized military force. This reveals to us an unhealthy state of affairs. The natives of Kenya were able to fight only with sticks and stones; the Hottentots in this their new rebellion are fighting with wooden spears and leather shields. Surely they cannot put up much resistance against aeroplanes bombing them from the sky and mounted forces F E L L O W M E N OF T H E N E G R O RACE,

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charging them with bayonets and shooting them down the the latest model rifles. The spirit of the people, according to these two rebellions, has arisen to the sense of liberty, but they do not know how to get it. They believe that they can successfully use their sticks, stones, and wooden spears to repel and expel the "vicious alien enemy." It is not practicable. Those of us who have mixed with modern civilization know that the natives of Africa will never be able to redeem their country in this way. If they must expel the invader, and that is expected, then they will have to do so on modern, scientific lines. We cannot fight for our liberty nowadays with sticks and stones; we must have the latest model machine guns, the most deadly gas, and those weapons that have stood the test of modern combat. A B I T OF A D V I C E

Instead of so many of us wasting our time in pool rooms, cabarets and places of evil repute around these modern American cities and the progressive countries of the West Indies, why not put in our time developing ourselves scientifically, learning how to manufacture chemicals that can be applied for useful purposes in such conflicts as do take place in Kenya and in South West Africa? Surely the introduction of chemical gas among the Hottentots and the natives of Kenya would place them in a better position to handle "the alien disturbers of African peace." Surely Smuts and other Boers would not have such an easy time subduing black men if our brothers knew how to apply a little chemical fire to some of these "cold and frigid disturbers of human liberty." Surely the chemical heat would warm them up a bit, and they would get to realize that the whole world is not an iceberg, and that certain parts in Africa can be made as warm even as the borders of Hades! OPPORTUNITY AT O U R DOOR!

It strikes me, with all the civilization that America and this Western World affords, Negroes ought to take better advantage of the course of higher education. In any city we can find institutions of learning where we can develop ourselves technically and otherwise. We could make of ourselves better mechanics, better scientists, better artisans, and if we have no use for the knowledge today, surely we could apply it in the days to come, and in cases where we can help our brothers in Africa by making use of the knowledge we possess, it would be but our duty. If Africa is to be redeemed the Western Negro will have to make a valuable contribution, and there can be no better contribution to African liberty made by us than that which is technical and scientific. A E R O P L A N E S IN A F R I C A

The Hottentots have no aeroplanes, and because of that the Boers and the British can bomb them out of their holes and huts and ultimately subdue 673

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them. But around these American cities and this Western World we have many Negroes who can fly in aeroplanes. Why not build some, and when the Hottentots need aeroplanes to combat aeroplanes, why not give them o f our technical ability and help them to put over the big job that all o f us want done? It is true that we cannot get our aeroplanes from America to Africa; but, after all, we can build aeroplanes anywhere for that matter, even in South West Africa, and it does not take such a long time to build them after all. But first o f all we must get the knowledge; we must have the skill by which we can do these things when the time comes. T H E D U E L OF B R A I N S

This may sound very harsh and cold-blooded, but it is for me to let the world know, it is for me to let the members of the Negro race know, that nobody is going to listen to you if you pray, if you sing, or if you shout. Nowadays the only Being that listens to prayers is our Heavenly Father, and He is quite away in Heaven. We hope to meet Him one day, because, as Christians and believers in the one true and living God, all of us hope to see our judgment; but today we are on earth, and I repeat that man does not listen to prayers; he does not hearken to petitions, and you may hold as many mass meetings as there are days in the year, he is not going to listen to you. Man only feels. I f you can drop a bomb further than he can, and even more deadly, then he is going to listen to your complaint. I f you can make some chemical and produce some explosive by which you can put him out o f commission easier than he can you, he is going to listen to you; so we must not expect our brothers in Africa to save Africa by prayers, petitions and mass meetings; Africa can only be redeemed by the scientific skill of the Negro himself. He will have to match fire with hell-fire; he will have to match science with higher science; he will have to match brains with greater brains. It is well we understand this now. The great white man has held sovereignty over the world through his power in science, in art, and in industry. Negroes, my advice to you is to get that kind o f power that will place you on a par with the great white man. If you think that you can stand on Mother Earth with a bow and arrow in your hand and shoot the man from the plane five miles above you, you make a tremendous mistake, because in two seconds he will put you out of commission by dropping a bomb on your head, and the next thing you know you are on a long trip across Jordan. If you want to meet the other fellow and he has his aeroplane, get one. If you want to hold that which is your own, you have to get the kind o f protection that is necessary. If the other fellow has a long-range gun, you cannot use a bow and arrow, because he will blow you to pieces—you have simply to go and get a long-range gun, and one that can fire at least ten yards further than his. These are cold facts, and it is well the Negro realized that now. We are living in a material age, the age when power rules—not sentiment, not emotion, but power, and the best thing you can do is to get it.

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We are not disappointed, however, because the Hottentots have lost in their effort for freedom, or because the natives of Kenya have lost their chance of liberty. The reverses they have suffered only tend to open our eyes, to make us realize that the age of sticks and stones is past, and the age of scientific combat is here. I trust Negroes nowhere will try to start anything unless they are well prepared, because this is an age of preparedness on the part of all peoples. We want a better system of world organization. We want that common sympathy among us as a race that will cause us to feel over the reverses of the Hottentots as they do themselves. Surely the Hottentots are not related to the Boers or to the Africander [Afrikaner] Bond,2 or even the Englishman; but the Hottentot is flesh of our flesh and blood of our blood. You can hardly distinguish the Hottentot from an American Negro, or the Kenya native from a West Indian Negro. We bear the same semblance because we are of the same race. White men are so loyal to themselves that if Russians are suffering from a famine, American white men will subscribe one hundred million dollars to relieve their needs. Yes, even though Germany and England were at loggerheads, Englishmen will not see Germans starve because they had a fight the other day. Why, therefore, should West Indian and American Negroes be disinterested in what happens to the Negro in Africa? Again I say, we want a closer union in race, we want a deeper and greater love for and among ourselves. Not until we get to realize that the destiny of each and every Negro is linked up with the entire race will we as a people put over that racial program that will cause us to merit the respect of all the other races and nations of the world. I feel so much over the Kenya native reverses, as also the reverses of the Hottentots, that I only wish that I was in a position to give them all the assistance they need to free their country of the "alien pest." Behind the murder of the hundreds of thousands and millions of Negroes annually in Africa is the well-organized system of exploitation by the alien intruder who desires to rob Africa of every bit of its wealth for the satisfaction of their race and the further development of European countries. We can expect no sympathetic approach to Africa from the alien races who are now clamoring for African possession. We have had a fair example of alien Christian control of Africa through the outrages of Leopold of Belgium, when he not very long ago butchered so many millions of our brothers and sisters in the Congo Free State. What Leopold did in the Belgian Congo is what Smuts and other Boers are about to do in German East Africa, South East and South West Africa. If we take no interest in the higher development of the African native, it will mean that in another ten years the world will have a new tale to tell about Africa. Yes, I say in another fifty years historians and writers will tell us that the black man once inhabited Africa, just as the North American Indian once inhabited America. But those of us who have

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our eyes open are determined that the black man shall not be a creature of the past, but he shall be a being of the present, as well as of the future, and he shall live on this planet earth until God is ready to call all men to their judgment. Those of us who are thoughtful can well realize and understand the great plan that is laid out for the extermination of the weaker peoples and races of the world. The killing of a few natives here and there every other day, every other week, and every other month, will mean that in another few years there will be very few natives left, and so long as Negroes or African natives can only protect their lives with sticks and stones and leather shields, so long will they be killed from long distances, from long ranges, and those of us who are well versed in western civilization would be nothing but criminals to fold our hands on the side of God's green earth with all the knowledge that we have of things modern and allow these our brothers to suffer because of lack of proper help. LAFAYETTE

Lafayette came to this country and helped in the freeing, in the development, of this great nation. He was only a white man, not an American. As Lafayette did that from the largeness of his heart for the purpose of helping his race to become free and independent, so can many a black Lafayette go to South East or South West Africa or anywhere to help the natives to get that freedom, that liberty, that God gave to every man when He said, "Let there be light." We must organize the world to suit ourselves. We cannot afford to allow every Tom, Dick and Harry to take advantage of us, and that is why we are asking Negroes everywhere to send to the third annual International Convention of the Negro peoples of the world, to be assembled in New York from the ist to the 31st of August of the present year, as many delegates as they possibly can. We want men of intelligence; we want men of courage, men of character who will devise the ways and means by which we can protect our race now and in the future. The Negro is unsafe anywhere he happens to be. He is suffering all over the world; therefore, if we are suffering in common, we should organize in common for our own protection. Whether we be American, West Indian, South and Central American, or African Negroes, our cause is one; hence, we should unite our forces to bring about the change that we desire universally. . . . With very best wishes for your success, I have the honor to be, MARCUS

GARVEY

President-General Universal Negro Improvement Association Printed in NW, 17 June 1922. Original headlines abbreviated. 1. The rebellion was led by the Bondelswarts, an Afrikaans-speaking people of mixed European and African ancestry who during the second half of the nineteenth century integrated large numbers of Nama-speaking Africans into their society. Under German colonial rule in Namibia, they claimed the whole of Warmbad District as their land, but after their 1906 rebellion against the Germans, the colonial state placed the Bondelswarts on a reserve, alienat-

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JUNE 1922 ing a substantial portion of their land for European use. The recovery of their alienated land remained the central concern of the Bondelswarts. As a pastoral people, the Bondelswarts possessed large numbers of dogs, which they used in herding and in hunting. Under the League of Nations mandate that replaced German colonial rule in Namibia, South African administrators raised the taxes on the Bondelswarts' dogs. Enforcement of this dog tax triggered a rebellion by the Bondelswart people in 1922. Under the leadership of Abraham Morris and Jacobus Christians, the Bondelswarts with some four hundred soldiers began a campaign of guerrilla resistance to South African rule. The South African military responded with superior military power, which included on one occasion the deployment of airplanes. One hundred and fourteen Bondelswarts lost their lives before the rebellion was effectively suppressed (Union of South Africa, Report of the Commission Appointed to Enquire into the Rebellion of the Bondelswarts, Presented to Both Houses of Parliament [Cape Town: Cape Times, 1923]). 2. The Afrikaner Bond party was established in 1880 by S. J. du Toit. Its aim was to unite all of the major organizations supporting Afrikaner interests into one party, although the Bond party also accepted whites who were not Afrikaners. It was primarily a Cape Colony party, but its chapters reached beyond the colony. After the unification of South Africa, the Afrikaner Bond party joined with similar groups in the Transvaal, Orange Free State, and Natal to form the South African National party (Standard Encyclopedia of Southern Africa [Cape Town: WASOU, 1970-1976], 1: 185-188; T. R. H. Davenport, The Afrikaner Bond: The History of a South African Political Party, 1880-1911 [New York: Oxford University Press, 1966]).

Royal Italian Ministry of External Affairs to the General Director for Political Affairs, Royal Italian Ministry of the Colonies Rome, 17th June, 1922 Subject: Annual Convention of the Negroes in N e w York Reference: Y o u r sheet o f the 5th current month[,] N o . 196 I am pleased to communicate to Your Excellency that I have not received any invitation to participate in the annual convention of the Universal Negro Improvement Association which will be held in N e w York next August, nor d o I have any information about the details of the program of the Convention and the propaganda aims o f its organizers. Keeping in mind, however, that the information on the subject might be useful to Y o u r Excellency, today I have asked the Royal Embassy in Washington to transmit it as soon as possible, 1 and I will forward the communication to you as soon as it reaches me. [Typewritten reference] 34924 A S M A E , M C . T G (postal telegram), recipient's copy, (translated from Italian). 1. The Italian Embassy in Washington, D.C., answered that "it had made opportune enquiries and it has been able to find out t h a t . . . it is not advisable that [the] royal government participate officially." In a message to the Ministry of the Colonies, the Royal Italian Ministry of External Affairs added: "It is our understanding that not even the Belgian government intends to participate in any way in the convention. Therefore I cannot but confirm the negative advice" (Royal Italian Ministry of External Affairs to the Royal Italian Ministry of the Colonies, 27 August 1922, ASMAE, MC, file 151/a. 84 [translated from Italian]).

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J. J. Hannigan, to the Director, Office of Naval Intelligence [San Francisco] 19 June 1922 U N I V E R S A L N E G R O IMPROVEMENT ASSOCIATION.

According to George Farr, the Negro who is the Pacific leader among negroes: Now the Universal Negro Improvement Association suffers a great deal of internal trouble. There are certain points of disagreement among the members. There are certain disagreements between the members on one side and the non-members on the other. The non-member trouble makers are mainly the colored preachers. They accuse the U.N.I.A. as instigators of racial hatred of the negroes against the whites. That is the main trouble. In order to counteract these troubles the U.N.I.A. holds business meetings after each week besides. (As to the specific causes of the internal troubles, Farr did evade the question. But, the informant observed among the negroes, they are in a way very easy to satisfy, but in another way very hard to satisfy. It has been noticed that they often quarrel about a thing while they hold exactly the same arguments only in different words. Neither grasps the other fellow's meaning. They are childishly sensitive. This tendency causes much internal strife.) [J. J. H A N N I G A N ]

DNA, RG 38, file 20964-2194111. TL, recipient's copy.

Duse Mohamed Ali to R. R. Moton NEW YORK, U.S.A. June 2 0 , 1 9 2 2

M y dear Major Moton: I think you have overlooked my letter to you of April 4th in which I requested you to contribute a paper to the Universal Negro Improvement Association's Convention if you found it impossible to be present. I shall be very glad if you will let me know your decision because the papers to be read at the Convention are to be printed in book form and time is passing. Thanking you in anticipation, I have the honor to be Your obedient Servant, DUSE MOHAMED ALI

DMA/RG ATT, RRM, box 73, folder 561. TLS on UNIA letterhead, recipient's copy.

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Marcus Garvey to the French Minister of the Colonies N E W Y O R K , U.S.A.

June 2 2 ,

1922

The President-General of the Universal Negro Improvement Association, Hon. Marcus Garvey, presents his compliments to His Excellency, the Secretary of State for the Coloniesf,] and begs that he reply to the letter written him on April 2 1 , I 9 2 2 [ , ] by the Honorable Marcus Garvey.1 A M A E . T L on U N I A letterhead, recipient's copy. 1. Marcus Garvey sent a similar letter to the Italian secretary of state for the colonies ( A S M A E , M C , 22 June 1922).

Cable by Marcus Garvey to Chairman, Liberty Hall [[Atlanta,

zsJune

1922}}

1

Have this day interviewed Edward Young Clark[e], acting Imperial Wizard Knights of the Ku Klux Klan. In conference of two hours he outlined the aims and objects of the Klan. He denied any hostility toward the Negro as a race. He expresses sympathy for aims and objects of Universal Negro Improvement Association. He believes America to be a white man's country, and also states that the Negro should have a country of his own in Africa. He denied that his organization, since its re-organization, ever officially attacked the Negro. He has been invited to speak at forthcoming convention to further assure the race of the stand of the Klan. Interview will be published in Negro World.2 Best wishes to members and friends. GARVEY

[Address] Chairman, Liberty Hall, 120 West 138th street, N e w York. Printed in NW,

1 July 1922. Original headlines omitted.

1. Edward Young Clarke was the imperial kleagle, or principal recruiter, for the Ku Klux Klan and the person most responsible for its growth in the early 1920s. Clarke and his associate, Elizabeth Tyler, were proprietors of the Southern Publicity Association in 1920, when William J. Simmons, the organizer of the revived Ku Klux Klan in 1915, approached them for help in advertising the Klan. The Southern Publicity Association soon became the Propagation Department of the Ku Klux Klan, and Clarke and Tyler put together a system of 1,100 kleagles, or recruiters, nationwide. In 1922 Imperial Kleagle Clarke and Imperial Wizard Simmons were ousted from their positions when a faction led by Hiram Wesley Evans took over the organization (Kenneth T. Jackson, The Ku Klux Klan in the City, pp. 12-13, 16; Charles C. Alexander, The Ku Klux Klan in the Southwest [Lexington: University of Kentucky Press, 1965], pp. 8—11, 36-38).

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THE MARCUS GARVEY AND U N I A PAPERS 2. The interview was never published. Walter F. White, Assistant Secretary of the NAACP, referred to this interview in a letter he wrote to a New York lawyer, hoping to secure his assistance in obtaining the document. White declared: In the first batch of documents regarding the Ku Klux Klan which [William Randolph] Hearst secured through Mr. Castleton, there was a memorandum of the interview held at Atlanta some time ago between Marcus Garvey and Edward Young Clarke. The sense of this interview was an agreement whereby Garvey was to be allowed to come into the South to sell stock to Negroes in his various enterprises, particularly the Black Star Line[,] with the protection and sanction of the Ku Klux Klan[,] while in return Garvey was to seek to break up organizations among Negroes opposed to the Klan, and particularly the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People. (Walter White to Lewis R. Gravis, 28 August 1924, D L C , NAACP)

Joseph P. Nolan to Sanford H. E. Freund NEW YORK CITY

June 26th, 1922

My dear Sir:— Referring to my conversation with you to-day at the office of the Board, 45 Broadway, New York City, I beg to advise you that Mr. Matthews and myself, representing the Black Star Line, called on Mr. Philbin of the Ship Sales Division, on May 25th last and then delivered to him the General Releases executed by the Black Star Line, and the certified copy of the Minutes of the Board of Directors. Later I communicated with Mr. Philbin and was advised by him that the Legal Division stated the papers were not satisfactory in form. Upon inquiry at his office my representative was told that the Legal Division had not expressed any opinion as to in what [w]ay the papers were defective. As soon as I receive from you your letter concerning certified copy of By-Laws, etc., I will have the same executed. Needless to say I will appreciate your courtesy in expediting this matter. Very truly yours, JOSEPH P. NOLAN

DNA, RG 32, file 605-1-653. TLS, recipient's copy.

Report by Bureau Agent J. Tolivar New Orleans, La. June 26,1922 M A R C U S GARVEY: N E G R O AGITATOR.

Subject made application to the Mayor of New Orleans1 for a permit to make an address at a meeting in the Longshoremen Hall at S. Franklin & Jackson Ave. This permit was denied him by the Mayor for the reason that the night previous subject endeavored to deliver an address when the police

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broke up the meeting, because they stated that permit had not been obtained. Friday morning [23 June], a delegation of negroes visited Mayor McShane and the Mayor told them that he would not allow subject to speak here because of his reported "TROUBLE INCITING RESPECTION". The police were instructed that should Garvey attempt to speak to break up the meeting. Late Friday evening, however, GARVEY, through the courts, got out an injunction restraining the Police from interfering with his lecture,2 and Friday night delivered a lecture on the lines that this was a white man's country, and that the white people were entitled to this country for the reason that they had framed the laws that govern this country. He gave as an example the "JIM CROW3' law, and stated that notwithstanding that the white folks had framed this "Jim Crow" law, that they did not object to the negroesridingin their cars; that it was up to the negroes if they did not want to ride in the cars, why[,] they did not have to. On the other hand, if they wanted toridein the cars, that they must be guided by the rules that are made with reference to this law. . . . He set out that A F R I C A was the country for them to go to, where they would frame their own laws and make " J I M C R O W " laws for the whites, if they so desired. The meeting was not of a r[a]dical nature, and was on entirely different lines than the other lectures delivered by subject. Matter closed. J. TOLIVAR

DJ-FBI, file 61. TD. 1. Andrew James McShane (1865-1936) was the Democratic mayor of New Orleans from 1920 to 1925. He was a successful dealer and exporter of hides and wool whose term as mayor was his only major political office (Works Progress Administration, comp., "Mayors of New Orleans," unpublished MS [1940], Tulane University of Louisiana Libraries, New Orleans; New Orleans Times-Picayune, 18 April 1936). 2. The Negro World of 1 July 1922 reported that Judge Porter Parker of the Civil District Court had granted Garvey an injunction restraining the acting superintendent of police from interfering with Garvey's speech at Longshoremen's Hall. According to the report, the injunction was granted "on the ground that the city had no right to interfere with liberty of speech."

Editorial Letter by Marcus Garvey [[Atlanta, Ga., June 27, 1922]] Greeting: A couple of weeks ago a group of white men from Omaha, Neb., affiliated with the Knights of the Ku Klux Klan sent a letter to a Negro newspaper which was subsequently reproduced in the Negro press of America. Since the publication of the letter I have been searching for the comments of the so-called Negro leaders, but I have not yet come across any, FELLOW MEN OF THE NEGRO RACE,

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although the subject matter of the letter was of such vital importance to the 15,000,000 Negroes of the United States of America. The following is a reprint of the letter: Omaha, Nebraska Mr. Negro Editor: Your ideas are all wrong here. What you advocate here must not and shall not be as long as there are any white men in this country. White supremacy is our slogan and we are going to rule this country without the aid or consent of any Negro or bunch of Negroes, no matter how smart they may be. You may as well put away the fool notions expressed. This is a white man's country and we are checking up on you while you are dreaming and having a good time. You've lost out politically and you can't recover. We've put the thin edge of the wedge under Oregon and Omaha comes next. New York will follow, for we white[s] are determined to eliminate the Negro from State and National politics. Your Dyers et al. are just stringing you Negroes for your votes. There is no way to enforce that bill. The white man couldn't live who attempted it. We are one family, North and South, and, like you Negroes, we sympathize with each other; our lives and liberties are menaced by an alien race. Your tall talk will not get the Negro any further than he has gotten. There can be no Imperio in Imperium here. We haven't the space. O L D AS T H E H I L L S

The above statements and declaration by the white gentlemen of Omaha are not strange to the Universal Negro Improvement Association, because in our study of American life we decided five years ago that the above statements and declaration were the policy of white America toward the Negro. We did not wait for the gentlemen of the Ku Klux Klan to make the statement in June, 1922, but we immediately in 1917 organized the Universal Negro Improvement Association and African Communities League with the hope of providing a final home for the Negro after he will have been driven from the American continent by the great white race that now inhabits the continent and intends to do so forever. Negro leadership in the western world is bankrupt. Our Du Boises, Johnsons et al. are living in the air; they are as far from understanding the Negro problem of America and the western world as a monkey in understanding how far Mars is from Jupiter. BLACK AND W H I T E

When men who claim to be sociologists and race leaders cannot see (mixing with American life for the last fifty years) the result of the conflict 682

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between white and black in the United States of America, it shows plainly that they are either blind, willfully negligent or positively selfish. I write of these men not because I have anything against them, because I do not care much about men. I deal with measures, but they, at the present time, are engaged in an insidious propaganda to make the American Negro believe that there is going to be a "sweet bye and bye" in a closer fraternity between black and white. For that reason, therefore, all Negroes should ignore all other organizations and join the one that they are leaders of, leading under the direction of white officers. I desire to bring this to the attention of the Negro in America. Three hundred years ago the black man was at peace with himself and the world in his native home in Africa. He did not disturb or interfere with anyone. White men left their homes in Europe uninvited, went to Africa, seized hundreds of thousands and millions of blacks, shackled them, placed them aboard ships, carried them thousands of miles away into the western world and disposed of them as slaves. They held them as slaves in America for two hundred and fifty years, and in the West Indies for two hundred and thirty years. The Negro, during that period of time, cried to high heaven for help and to white men for mercy. There was no mercy; but, providentially, for the turning of the tide of war in the United States of America, Lincoln emancipated the Negro fifty-seven years ago, not because of his desire to help black humanity, but because of securing the success he desired during the time of war. Eightyfour years ago Victoria of England, through the failure of the West Indian sugar crops and by the introduction into Great Britain of German beet sugar, which ultimately inflicted a loss upon the West Indian Negro planters and slave owners, signed an emancipation proclamation that freed the hundreds of thousands of slaves in the West Indies. T H E L E S S O N OF T H E L I O N

Emancipation was not a voluntary act on the part of the white man in America or the West Indies. In America it was a war measure; in the West Indies it was an economic necessity. After fifty-seven years of freedom in America, and eighty-four years of freedom in the West Indies, we still find Negro leaders, direct descendants of the slaves, advocating that Negroes should place themselves under the leadership of the same man who made him a slave three hundred years ago. Now can you tell me in the name of God where the logic comes in? Can any sociologist, can any great scholar, whether he be from Harvard or Berlin, justify such an act? Now let us place a common sense proposition before you. Suppose a lion was stationed at an alleyway and you attempted to pass that alleyway and the lion seized you and dislocated an arm; providentially you got away without any further injury than the loss of an arm. If you desired subsequently, after losing the first arm, to travel in a similar direction again, and there was another alleyway where there was no lion, while at the first alleyway is the same lion who attempted to devour you; which of the alleyways would you attempt to pass by on the 683

T H E MARCUS GARVEY AND U N I A PAPERS

second venture: the one where the lion is or the one where the lion is not? Even the child would elect to pass by the alleyway where there was no lion, because, bitten once, the child naturally becomes twice shy. Yet we have so-called intelligent and intellectual Negroes who know that three hundred years ago a certain individual made slaves of them and kept them as such for two hundred and fifty years, whipped them and brutalized them without any mercy, and by some stroke of luck or the guidance of Providence they got away and became free, and yet these same Negroes have no better sense than of their own volition to elect today as their leader the same man who made them slaves for the last three hundred years. If that is all the intelligence our sociologists and scholars from Harvard and Berlin can demonstrate, then God Almighty save us from the consequence. A WHITE MAN'S

COUNTRY

The above letter of the Klansmen is sufficiently emphatic to convince every intelligent Negro of the attitude of White America, if the preaching of the Universal Negro Improvement Association for the last five years has not already done so. There is no disputing the fact that America is a white man's country. It has become so by conquest, in that the white man conquered the Indian, exterminated him and took possession of his property. That which he has worked for, suffered for, and died for he is not going to give up to Negroes under any circumstances, caring not how Du Bois and Johnson and that class of men preach, caring not how many Dyer anti-lynching bills are passed. In spirit and in truth America shall be a white man's country. The best thing for Negroes to do is to establish a country of their own. Africa awaits us. So many of us say that we have lost nothing in Africa, yet Africa is the land from which we were robbed three hundred years ago. When we were taken from that grand old country the statement was given out that it was for the purpose of civilizing and Christianizing us with the hope that we ourselves would develop a civilization that would ultimately bestow a benefit upon our own homeland. After Du Bois and Johnson have been in America for three hundred years and have imbibed the white man's civilization, the very man who made us slaves for all that period of time, they now tell us that our only hope and future rest with living alongside of him, when Nature calls us back co our own home, yes, to our own dear motherland, to go back to her and give to her that which we have acquired and imbibed during our three hundred years of sojourn in a foreign land. Can Du Bois and Johnson resist the temptation of occupying an office on Fifth Avenue, New York, and in living in fine apartment houses or private mansions on St. Nicholas Avenue, New York, for the duty of going back to Africa as pioneers and helping, with the higher intelligence they possess, in building up a country of our own? Gentlemen, will you resist the temptation? Will you forget just for a while the beautiful lights of Broadway, the comforts afforded by a 1920 or 1921 model Sedan, and the temptation of a well-furnished parlor with Persian rugs, and go to Africa, even now, and help to fell trees, help to clear the land

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and build up the city, build up the nation and extend the bounds of the empire? When you sociologists can apply your intellectuality to the higher development of your own race, then, and then only, will you be appreciated by those of us who can in a way foretell the dangers of the future if the Negro does not get together now. A N INTERNAL S T R U G G L E

The fight with the American and Western Negro is not with the Ku Klux Klan of America, or with the other white people of America; the fight with the Negro is with himself to bring about a united sentiment, a united race, with a common object in view. My travels throughout America reveal to me that the bitterest enemy of the Negro is not the white man, is not the Ku Klux Klan, but the Negro himself. The many places where I have spoken, and where I have been confronted with embarrassments, where the police captains of this or the other city would try to interfere with the holding of my meetings, were all brought about, not by the white people of those communities, but by jealous, petty, small-minded Negroes trying to create the wrong impression in that community against the Universal Negro Improvement Association simply because they could not tolerate the idea of seeing any Negro movement other than those that they are head of prosper in any way. N O T AN N . A . A . C . P . A T T A C K

This, my message of this week, must not be interpreted as an attack against the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, because I say I deal with measures, not men. I personally believe that the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People can accomplish a great deal in America, but it must be properly guided. I cannot see the reasonableness of fifteen million intelligent black people allowing a few white men and white women to dictate to them through their own Negro organization the policy that they should pursue for their own betterment. It reminds me of the proposition of getting a lion to preside over an organization of cows, or a bear, or a wolf to preside over an organization of sheep, or a tiger to preside over an organization of dogs. Negroes, can't you have better sense? If you are oppressed by somebody and unfairly dealt with by somebody, how can you make that same person the head of the organization through which you are endeavoring to emancipate yourself? Oh, Mr. Sociologist, where is your wisdom? [W]here is your learning? Oh, Mr. Harvard Scholar, where is your profundity? A N INVITATION D E C L I N E D

I desire to bring to the knowledge of the Negro peoples of the world, especially of America, that the Universal Negro Improvement Association three months ago sent an invitation to Messrs. Du Bois and Johnson to

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attend the third annual international convention of the Negro peoples of the world for them to become a part of the great conclave in helping to bring about a better understanding among the Negro peoples of the world, and at the same time to offer themselves as candidates for real race leadership under the new program that will be launched by the duly elected representatives of the four hundred million Negroes of the world. These gentlemen declined the invitation. Yet these gentlemen claim to be race leaders and representatives of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People. If men will not sink their petty differences for the common cause of the race, then whereat will we get off? I trust, however, before the convention opens on the ist of August that Messrs. Johnson and Du Bois will change their minds. . . . With very best wishes for your success, I have the honor to be Your obedient servant, M A R C U S GARVEY

President-General Universal Negro Improvement Association P r i n t e d in NW,

i J u l y 1922. Original headlines omitted.

William C. Matthews to Sanford H. E. Freund BOSTON MASS J u n 2 7 1922 J O S E P H P [ . ] NOLAN A N D I HAVE BEEN A U T H O R I Z E D BY B [ s ] L C O R P OF NY T O S E C U R E F R O M S H I P P I N G BOARD DEPOSITS T H E R E O F $ 2 J [ , ] 0 0 0 F O R P U R C H A S E O F S H I P [ . ] KINDLY ADVISE US O F P R O P E R F O R M O F ALL PAPERS S O AS TO E X P E D I T E MATTERS I N S E C U R I N G S A M E [ . ] WILLIAM C . MATTHEWS D N A , R G 32, file 605-1-653. T G , recipient's copy.

Newspaper Article [[Norfolk, Va., June 29, 1922]] Marcus Garvey, Negro leader and promoter of the Black Star Steamship Line, spoke to a crowd of Negroes at the Attuck Theater in this city last night. He urged his hearers to form fraternal and social organizations. Garvey came here from Georgia. Yesterday he conferred in Atlanta with Acting Imperial Wizard Clarke of the Ku Klux Klan. He said nothing to his hearers about the conference. After his speech he declined to divulge to newspaper men the nature of his talk with the Ku Klux chief. 686

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Charles McElderry o f Washington, secretary to Garvey, says his chief intends to reorganize the Black Star Line shortly, and it is possible Clarke may buy stock in the new company. The question of reorganizing the line will be considered at a meeting of the Universal Negro Improvement Association to be held in New York shortly. Garve/s trip in the South is said to have been for the purpose of getting Negroes to buy stock in the steamship company. Printed in the Gleaner,

11 July 1922. Original headline omitted.

Marcus Garvey to C. V. Saffbrd NEW YORK, U.S.A. J u n e 30, 1922

Honorable Marcus Garvey begs to draw the attention of Mr. C. V . S[a]fFord l to the letter written by Honorable Marcus Garvey to Mr. S[a]fford on April 17th. H e begs to say that since Mr. S[a]fFord's communication of April 21st no further reply has been received. D N A , R G 48, file 1907-53, 1-180. T N on U N I A letterhead, recipient's copy. 1. Charles V. Saftord (d. 1925) was secretary to Albert Beacon Fall from 1912 to 1923 (NTT, 16 April 1925).

Reports by Special Employee Andrew M. Battle N e w York, N . Y . July 3, 1922 R e : U . s . vs. M A R C U S G A R V E Y : A L L E G E D V I O L A T I O N S E C T I O N #215 u . s . c . c . ( U S I N G M A I L S TO D E F R A U D )

I met CLARENCE CARPENTER today [28 June] at my residence, #72 West 131st Street, and the subject of MARCUS GARVEY again came up. CARPENTER stated that he understands GARVEY will endeavor to show his followers that while he was out o f the city in the interest of the BLACK STAR LINE, his associates involved the Organization, and that it was necessary for him to return and right matters. During the course of conversation, CARPENTER told me that he would introduce me to MRS. GRACE CAMPBELL,1 a prominent Socialist. A t 8:00 P.M. I called on the REV. G. E. STEWART, o f #223 West 135th Street, w h o stated that during the last convention of the U.N.I.A., MARCUS GARVEY asked for power over all finances for the year, and that this power

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Charles McElderry o f Washington, secretary to Garvey, says his chief intends to reorganize the Black Star Line shortly, and it is possible Clarke may buy stock in the new company. The question of reorganizing the line will be considered at a meeting of the Universal Negro Improvement Association to be held in New York shortly. Garve/s trip in the South is said to have been for the purpose of getting Negroes to buy stock in the steamship company. Printed in the Gleaner,

11 July 1922. Original headline omitted.

Marcus Garvey to C. V. Saffbrd NEW YORK, U.S.A. J u n e 30, 1922

Honorable Marcus Garvey begs to draw the attention of Mr. C. V . S[a]fFord l to the letter written by Honorable Marcus Garvey to Mr. S[a]fford on April 17th. H e begs to say that since Mr. S[a]fFord's communication of April 21st no further reply has been received. D N A , R G 48, file 1907-53, 1-180. T N on U N I A letterhead, recipient's copy. 1. Charles V. Saftord (d. 1925) was secretary to Albert Beacon Fall from 1912 to 1923 (NTT, 16 April 1925).

Reports by Special Employee Andrew M. Battle N e w York, N . Y . July 3, 1922 R e : U . s . vs. M A R C U S G A R V E Y : A L L E G E D V I O L A T I O N S E C T I O N #215 u . s . c . c . ( U S I N G M A I L S TO D E F R A U D )

I met CLARENCE CARPENTER today [28 June] at my residence, #72 West 131st Street, and the subject of MARCUS GARVEY again came up. CARPENTER stated that he understands GARVEY will endeavor to show his followers that while he was out o f the city in the interest of the BLACK STAR LINE, his associates involved the Organization, and that it was necessary for him to return and right matters. During the course of conversation, CARPENTER told me that he would introduce me to MRS. GRACE CAMPBELL,1 a prominent Socialist. A t 8:00 P.M. I called on the REV. G. E. STEWART, o f #223 West 135th Street, w h o stated that during the last convention of the U.N.I.A., MARCUS GARVEY asked for power over all finances for the year, and that this power

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T H E MARCUS GARVEY AND U N I A PAPERS w a s g i v e n h i m . S T E W A R T c l a i m s t h a t he f o u g h t against g i v i n g G A R V E Y this p o w e r , b u t it w a s c a r r i e d , despite his p r o t e s t s , a l t h o u g h he w a s the T r e a s u r e r o f t h e O r g a n i z a t i o n , S T E W A R T f u r t h e r i n f o r m e d m e that GARVEY is e n d e a v o r i n g t o p u t h i m o u t o f t h e O r g a n i z a t i o n a n d that is the reason he intends t o r e s i g n , as h e has n o v o i c e w h a t s o e v e r c o n c e r n i n g the d i s b u r s e m e n t s o f t h e m o n i e s c o l l e c t e d , as G A R V E Y w a n t s t o run e v e r y t h i n g a n d have his f o l l o w e r s b e l i e v e t h a t h e is the o n l y o n e w i t h a n y sense in t h e O r g a n i z a t i o n . I n f o r m a t i o n h a v i n g b e e n f u r n i s h e d b y A g e n t S c u l l y t o the e f f e c t that a t e l e g r a m w a s s a i d t o h a v e b e e n d e l i v e r e d t o M A R C U S G A R V E Y , said t e l e g r a m h a v i n g b e e n s e n t h i m b y C L A R K , [Clarke]

a p r o m i n e n t m e m b e r o f the KU

K L U X K L A N , in w h i c h C L A R K r e q u e s t e d a m e e t i n g w i t h G A R V E Y , I this d a y v e r i f i e d t h e f a c t that the t e l e g r a m w a s r e c e i v e d b y G A R V E Y , b u t I w a s unable t o ascertain t h e c o n t e n t s o f same. I n a s e c o n d c o n v e r s a t i o n w i t h t h e REV. STEWART, as to t h e n u m b e r o f o f f i c e r s o f t h e BLACK STAR L I N E , he a d v i s e d m e that there w e r e e i g h t e e n . I t h e n a s k e d S T E W A R T h o w it w a s that he h a d r e m a i n e d in office f o r nearly a y e a r , w h e r e u p o n he a n s w e r e d that he r e m a i n e d in o f f i c e o n a c c o u n t o f the p e o p l e p u t t i n g h i m t h e r e , a n d that he c o u l d stay f o u r years l o n g e r if he so d e s i r e d , b u t t h a t he w o u l d resign d u r i n g the c o m i n g c o n v e n t i o n , as he p o s s e s s e d a clean r e c o r d a n d that he d o e s n o t desire to h a v e G A R V E Y lead h i m about. T h e s u b j e c t o f c o n v e r s a t i o n a g a i n r e v e r t e d to the KU KLUX K L A N , a n d S T E W A R T s t a t e d that the REV. W I L L I S M O S E S 2 o f Philadelphia i n d o r s e d t h e p l a n s o f t h e K L A N and that his c o n g r e g a t i o n t h e n c a u s e d h i m t o leave his c h u r c h in P h i l a d e l p h i a . ANDREW M .

BATTLE

D J - F B I , file 61. T D . 1. Grace Campbell was one of the founders of the Friends of Negro Freedom and vice-chair o f the executive committee in May 1920. She was supervisor of the Empire Friendly Shelter in N e w York and a parole officer for the City of New York from 1921 to 1924 (The City Record: Officials and Employees of the City of New Tork 50, no. 14,806 [31 January 1922]: 398). A well-known black Socialist in Harlem, she soon left the Friends of Negro Freedom but remained active in various Socialist clubs around the city. In November 1920 she was the Socialist candidate in the election for the Nineteenth Assembly District of New York. She also campaigned actively for other Socialist candidates in New York. A Bureau of Investigation special employee attending her May 1920 speech on behalf of the Socialist candidate for the Twenty-first Assembly District, reported that she "made a few remarks upon the need of women waking up to the fact that they are being driven to prostitution and other evils by the low scale of wages. She promised to work hard among the women, not only of her race but all o f the w o m e n " ( D N A , R G 65, file O G 258121). In another report, a Bureau of Investigation special employee covered her speech at the New Community Forum: "[She] devoted about twenty minutes condemning all other forms of government but the Soviet, which she claims is the only hope of the workingman" ( D N A , R G 6s, file BS 198940-164; Philip Foner, American Socialism and Black Americans [Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1977], p. 314). In 1923 Grace Campbell was described in a special report to the Bureau of Investigation as "one of the prime movers" of the African Blood Brotherhood ( D J - F B I , file 61). 2. William Henry Moses (1872-1940) was born in Charlotte County, Virginia, and educated at the Virginia Seminary and College at Lynchburg, where he graduated in 1896. After a decade as pastor of the Mount Zion Baptist Church in Staunton, Va., Moses became pastor of Pittsburgh's Metropolitan Baptist Church. Soon he was made field secretary for the Foreign

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JULY 1922 Mission Board in Louisville, Ky. Moses was best known for the prominent role he played for the National Baptist Convention, serving as spokesman for a "peace commission" that settled a thorny dispute within the organization from 1915 to 1918. Moses's book The White Peril, which was published in 1919, reflected concerns for thé survival of blacks as a race which were similar to GarveyV He became a cofounder of the Colored Protective Association while serving as pastor of the Zion Baptist Church in Philadelphia. He was also a close friend of William H. Ferris, who worked in Philadelphia as R. R. Wright's assistant editor at the Christian Recorder, and it is possible that Moses first became a Garvey sympathizer through Ferris. The 28 August 1921 issue of the Philadelphia Record published a letter by Rev. W. H. Moses entitled "In Defense of the Ku Klux Klan." The outraged editors of the Messenger quoted the Moses letter: " I do not believe that colored people have anything to fear from the Knights of the Ku Klux Klan. The organization which operated under the name during Reconstruction days never was as bad as pictured" (Messenger 3, no. 5 [October 1921] : 265). Moses's statement, made months before Garvey's interview with Edward Young Clarke, the acting imperial wizard of the Klan, caused a controversy within his large congregation, but it did not shorten his career as a national figure among black Baptists. In September 1922 Moses preached on the topic "Jesus, Du Bois, Garvey, and the Dyer Bill" (iiW, 9 September 1922). The "Negro World endorsed Moses when he ran for president of the National Baptist Convention in November 1922, a gesture that made him even more sympathetic toward the UNIA. Moses was one of the first of the prominent black clergymen to support Garvey after his indictment on mail fraud charges. He continued to speak in favor of Garvey at Liberty Hall during 1923 and 1924 as well as at rallies for Garvey in Madison Square Garden (Randall K. Burkett, Black Redemption [Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1978], pp. 121-126).

New York July 3, 1922 RE:

U.S.

FS.

MARCUS GARVEY:

A L L E G E D VIOLATION

S E C T I O N # 2 1 5 U . S . C . C . ( U S I N G M A I L S TO D E F R A U D )

Today [1 July] I had a talk with the REV. G. E. STEWART of #223 West 135th Street, MR. STEWART again advised me that the officers of the BLACK STAR LINE and of the U.N.I.A. were disgusted with the methods of GARVEY, as GARVEY was continually neglecting them. He also advised me that GARVEY has been in conference with officials of the KU KLUX KLAN and that some of the officers of that Organization are to speak at the coming convention. GARVEY has recently started a Complaint Department and has ordered that all complaints made against members of his staff be sent to the office of the President General at #56 West 135th Street. Asked as to the purpose of this Complaint Department, STEWART informed me that it was a scheme on the part of GARVEY to have complaints filed against his associates so that he could force them to resign, DR. HILLIGER [Ellegor] of Yonkers stated that he was going to resign his office shortly. I next had a talk with c. H. DUVALL, who informed me that the U.N.I.A. owed him the sum of $800., which amount he was endeavoring to collect. On July 2nd I attended a meeting held at #196 West 131st Street and there conversed with D. E. TOBIAS, 1 GRACE CAMPBELL and CLARENCE ALLISON

and it was remarked that MARCUS GARVEY should be whipped out of the city as soon as he arrives here, for mixing up with the KU KLUX KLAN, as this was about the worst thing he could do. ANDREW M . BATTLE

DJ-FBI, file 61. TD. 689

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I. David E. Tobias was a black political activist in New York City whom the New York Herald described as "a negro printer . . . a college graduate, economist, criminologist and psychologist" (New York Herald, 24 December 1911). He attended Brown University, and in 1911 he formed the Personal Rights League, an organization of fifteen blacks andfifteenwhites pledged to be "free of color, race or religious prejudices" and to follow "the philosophy and reasoning of the new school. . . based upon the principles of a new and practical psychology" (New York Herald, 17 December 1911). Tobias owned the Tobias Press and edited a newspaper called the Independent. He was briefly a member of William Randolph Hearst's Independence League. He worked actively to secure bail for Garvey after Garvey's conviction for mail fraud in 1923. As a member of a committee that met on 6 July 1923 at the White House with Rudolph Forster, a representative of the president, to discuss the question of bail while Garvey appealed his conviction, Tobias strongly argued for Garvey's release. In a letter to Warren Frederick Martin, special assistant to the attorney general, written the day after the White House meeting, Tobias referred to himself as "the chief spokesman for the colored Political Militants here in Harlem." He pointed to the fact that black voters in New York City had supported Democratic candidates in 1921 and 1922, and added: "The treatment Marcus Garvey has received at the hands of the Republicans will have effect unless something is done from the Department of Justice to call Mr. Mattuck [the prosecuting attorney in the Garvey mail fraud trial] off. He has said that he will keep Marcus Garvey in jail one hundred years if it takes that long to perfect the appeal in his case. . . . From the Department of Justice in Washington, I am sure instructions will come to New York to be fair and just" (DNA, RG 60, file 198940-295). On xo July 1923, Tobias wrote to Rudolph Forster to review the recent meeting with him at the White House and declared, "I am leading the fight for bail as a matter of justice and in the interest of the Truth which, when brought to light, will reveal facts in the trial and conviction of Marcus Garvey which will prove that the man did not get a fair and impartial trial in the Federal Court, where he was tried" (DNA, RG 65, file BS 198940-299; NW, 26 August 1922).

Speech by Marcus Garvey [[LIBERTY HALL, July 4 , 1922]] H o n [ . ] Marcus Garvey spoke as follows: Mr. Chairman, may it please y o u r Excellency the West Indian Leader, Members of the H i g h Executive Council, Officers, Members and Friends of the N e w York Division of the Universal N e g r o Improvement Association: I am indeed pleased to be in Liberty Hall once more. I have come back to you after a tour of two months o f the United States o f America, and I understand that you are expecting me to say much about the K u Klux Klan and about the Southern States. I am sorry in a w a y that I will have to disappoint you tonight, in that I have so much to say that it is impossible for me to start with the K u Klux Klan. I may end with the K u Klux Klan, but I have to start with the work of the Universal N e g r o Improvement Association because it is the most important thing to me at this time. (Applause.) T H E ANNIVERSARY OF AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE W e today within the United States of America celebrate the anniversary o f independence. One hundred and forty-six years ago the fathers of this country declared its independence. Whatsoever you see in America t o d a y — and we see much—is attributable to the sacrifice, to the labor, to the patriotism o f the men w h o laid the foundation of this great government. Today as

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one travels throughout the length and breadth of the United States of America one comes in contact with a wonderful civilization. You who are constantly and permanently domiciled at one place can hardly appreciate, can hardly understand, the magnitude and the greatness of this American civilization; but the one who travels from city to city, from State to State, from North to South, from East to West, comes in direct contact with a mighty civilization that stands out as a monument to the labor, the courage, the endurance, the sacrifice of somebody, and today every white American within the bounds of the United States of America, and even throughout the world, feels that he is that somebody to whom that monument stands. I do hope that 1+6 years from today a new race will be able to look back to such a monument and give themselves credit for the construction thereof. (Applause.) AMERICA, A WHITE MAN'S COUNTRY

As I have traveled the United States of America I become convinced the more that this great country is a white man's country and I become convinced the more that this great white man is not going to yield up to any other man in the world, not even if he comes in the person of Jesus Christ, this land that he loves. More and more as I travel through the country I realize the determination of the white man to hold on tenaciously to this civilization that he has constructed for his own convenience, for his own satisfaction and for his own happiness, and more and more I become convinced that the Negro is drifting aimlessly, purposely [purposelessly? ] before a world that does not consider him one bit. That we are not considered in the world today among the great governments and nations of the world is not a new story and it is nothing hard to discover. The student of politics can readily realize, the student of political economy can readily see that, therefore, the work of the Universal Negro Improvement Association becomes more important just at this time—the work of creating a government for a great people and promulgating the doctrines of the emancipation of 4 0 0 , 0 0 0 , 0 0 0 Negroes. U . N . I . A . PROGRAM HEARTILY

WELCOMED

I betook myself to the Eastern and Mid-Western States, the Southern, the Western and Northwestern States of the great United States of America, and wheresoever I have been I have met with a hearty response, a hearty welcome for the great program of the Universal Negro Improvement Association. (Applause.) From Maine to California sentiment among Negroes has gone wild for the program of the U.N.I.A. (applause,) and I suppose you could have seen it and understood it without my telling you that, because of the many things that have been said and written since I left New York. You know a lot of things have been said and written among our own race, among other organizations and in the white press. Every time you find newspapers 691

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publishing something against the U.N.I.A., just at that moment the U.N.I.A. is pressing harder and they feel it the more. (Applause.) We have made them feel the power of the Universal Negro Improvement Association, not only in the North, not only in the South, but in the far West. We have cleaned up the whole country for the Universal Negro Improvement Association. (Applause.) THREATENED WITH ARREST

When I left here every step I made—every mile I went practically— somebody told me that at the next stop I would be arrested; and I have made sixty-five stops since the eighth of May, when I left New York, and I have not been arrested yet. (Applause and laughter.) I suppose they were all prepared for the scene of my arrest or something of the kind in that wheresoever I went, especially in the strong-holds of the Universal Negro Improvement Association, I found groups of local men—colored men, some belonging to the N.A.A.C.P., some as local politicians and some as ministers of the Gospel—who were organized to keep me out of that particular community. Knowing that they had not the power to keep me out of their community, they had invoked the assistance of the civil authorities and the municipal authorities long before, confronting them with the statement that I am coming there for the purpose of starting riots and revolution and so forth, and that the Universal Negro Improvement Association was a revolutionary organization and that I should not be permitted to speak in that particular city. The first place that happened was in Oakland, Cal. When I arrived in San Francisco I was met by a delegation from the Oakland Division, where I think we have 5,000 members. It appears that for three weeks the local authorities, the members of the N.A.A.C.P. and the preachers were organizing to keep me out of that city, in that there were only 10,000 Negroes in Oakland, and they were afraid we would link up all the 10,000 with the Universal Negro Improvement Association. They approached the police chief and asked him to cancel the permit he gave for the people to parade there and for me to speak in the City Auditorium. For three weeks the local division was handicapped and embarrassed, not knowing what to do. When I arrived there the police chief gave out an order that I was not to speak in the city. My first arrangement was made to speak at 8 o'clock, not knowing the distance between Oakland and Los Angeles was so far that it could not be made if I spoke at 8 o'clock. I found it was impossible to speak at 8 o'clock in Oakland if I spoke in Los Angeles at 3 o'clock that Sunday afternoon. So that the arrangement had to be altered. Nevertheless I found i[t] was impossible for me to speak because the police commissioner had said I could not speak in the city, and I instructed the president of the local division to take me to the police commissioner. I went to him, and, as usual (he is a Southerner) his only argument was this: "You shall not speak; you shall not s[p]eak." That was the only argument he could raise, and I realized just there that his only

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authority was mob rule or mob violence. I told him I would speak, and if I did not speak it was simply because I had not the time to test out his authority for saying I could not speak in the city. So I arranged instead of speaking at 8 o'clock—in that I could not make the train for Los Angeles—I would change the meeting for Saturday afternoon, and instructed the president to get the attorney of the local organization to secure an injunction enjoining the police commissioner from interfering with the meeting, and we held in the presence of the police commissioner and his staff one of the biggest Saturday evening meetings I ever addressed in the seven years I have been identified with the Universal Negro Improvement Association. (Applause.) I left Oakland about 5 or 6 o'clock that afternoon for Los Angeles, where again they made an attempt to prevent me from speaking in the city; but we were so strong in Los Angeles that the city officios realized that the organization was not something to be tampered with, and so the Mayor of the city was so appreciative of the work of the association that he sent a special representative to welcome me to the city of Los Angeles. (Applause.) I spoke to thousands of members of the association in the beautiful city of Los Angeles, and today we have a splendid branch, a resuscitated branch, of the Association working there. We met our friend Mr. Thompson, and Mr. Thompson is now as calm as a lamb, and I believe he is a loyal and good member of the Universal Negro Improvement Association once more. (Applause.) I traveled throughout the entire Western States and the Pacific Coast and had splendid meetings and then I stretched over to Oklahoma and to Texas and Louisiana, where [w]e had beautiful meetings, also in the Southern States—beautiful meetings from the point of view that the people turned out by hundreds and thousands in the States of Oklahoma, Texas and Louisiana. In Louisiana I believe they came from all sections of the line; they had special trains running at different sections of the States so as to hear me speak. But again I had another experience in the city of New Orleans—the heart of the South. The preachers there got together and said, "Garvey shall not speak in New Orleans." In New Orleans we have about 5,000 members, and I never knew anything about the matter until about an hour before I was supposed to speak that night. There were about 5,000 people there—2,000 inside the building and 3[,]ooo outside who could not get in. The hall was crowded and the streets around were blocked with people trying to get into the building. About the time I was about to go over the secretary came and told me that the police prohibited the meeting in view of the fact that they had not secured a permit. The president and one of the officers of the Advisory Board ran immediately to see the police chief to get an emergency permit for the meeting. It was about a quarter to nine, and the police chief adopted the same attitude as the one in Oakland, Cal., and even worse—[f ]or he did not know what to say. All [th]at he knew and could say was that "Garvey shall not speak," and that, moreover, a body of men were meeting in the city at that time—white men—who were considering running me out of

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town in the next half hour; they were preparing to carry out a lynching party. I sent back word to tell them that we had 5,000,000 substantial oak trees between Africa and the West Indies (laughter and applause) and we were ready for a lynching party that night if they wanted to start one. It happened that they kept the men for about half an hour, when it was absolutely too late for us to hold a meeting, in that he refused to give the permit, and the men came back and told me that I could not speak in that town. I did not know that it was so serious, otherwise if I had been informed earlier in the evening we would have had two splendid meetings in New Orleans. But the next morning I took the president and secretary to one of the best firms of lawyers in the city and got an injunction granted to us by Judge Parker, a brother of the Governor of the State,1 restraining the Mayor of the city and the acting Police Commissioner from interfering with the meeting and that night we had one of the biggest meetings ever held by Negroes in the South. (Applause.) The police chief was represented that night by several of the captains of the different precincts in his jurisdiction and several dozen Secret Service men and detectives that lined up at the front of the platform—just as these ladies are here now—that near I was to them. Their faces were turned to me and the police chief looked up in my face as I was about to start, and I started with him first. (Laughter.) The remarks I made will be published in The Negro World, because the whole speech was taken down for my protection in that they had men there who were trying to take it down and also special representatives of the different papers. Things got so hot that the police chief rose and said: "If you say one word about the police force I will lock you up." My retort to him was: "Sit down there! Sit down!" (Uproarious applause and laughter.) For the first time we made a Southern police chief eat his own words and sit down in the heart of the South; and we gave him to understand that we were standing on our constitutional rights. He was remonstrated with by a reporter from the Times-Picayune and remained quiet for a while, but then things got so hot for him he walked out and lined up the police force outside, brought a patrol wagon and watched the meeting for about half an hour. There were over 2,500 people inside and about 4,000 outside. It was reported to me that the police chief got so nervous that he rang up his wife and told her he could not come home, as there were about 4,000 Negroes around him. (Laughter.) He also rang up police headquarters and ordered them to keep every man ready for duty. That information was supplied me on the platform, and we warmed up the more. When the meeting was over the police chief lined up a guard of honor for me to march through (laughter) from the building where I spoke (Longshoremen's Hall) to the place where I had my abode, which was just opposite the hall, and the police chief and myself parted the best friends and the Universal Negro Improvement Association is anchored forever, as far as its dignity and honor are concerned, in the city of New Orleans, La. From there I journe[ye]d to Atlanta, Ga.[,] where I had an interview with the acting Imperial Wizard of the Ku Klux Klan (Mr. Edward Young Clark[e]). For two hours on that Sunday we had a conversation among ourselves about the attitude of the Ku Klux Klan toward the Negro race in

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America and the Negro race in general. That interview will be published in The Negro World, and my comment on that interview will be made on Sunday evening of the coming week in this hall. It will take me over an hour to explain the nature of the interview, and I am not prepared for it tonight in that I have ever so much more to speak about. U . N . I . A . H A S M A D E A W O N D E R F U L IMPRESSION

I want you to realize that the Universal Negro Improvement Association has made a wonderful impression on the entire country, and we have changed the attitude and the feeling and the sentiment of a large number of people toward the organization—not only people of our own race, but people of the other race. I want to say that this organization has made a large number of friends through the visit that I have carried out through the Western States, and especially the Southern States. I want you to realize, however, that we are at the point where we have to take a decided stand to put over this big program of the Universal Negro Improvement Association. As I traveled through the country I got to realize the more that the biggest enemies of this race of ours are not to be found among any other race but among our own, and that some of the biggest enemies of this movement are to be found not outside of the movement but inside. As I have traveled throughout the country I have noted with a great amount of pain and disgust the demoralizing influences that have been exercised by some of our very executive officers that we have sent out from this organization at headquarters. They have practically demoralized hundreds of thousands of members by their brutal, beastly conduct on the field, and I want to say this: that for the last two years I have been very observant about the work of the Universal Negro Improvement Association because I wanted to find out and test out the character of the men that we had to depend on; but let me tell you this: that Marcus Garvey between the 1st and 31st of August is going to make a clean sweep from top to bottom. (Great applause.) I want to say this: that all the propaganda that those unworthy skunks (some of them) have carried on in Liberty Hall for the purpose of maintaining their dirty methods is going to be unearthed right in here, whether I die or not. When we rise from this convention on the 31st of August we will have a clean slate to start with. I have listened; I have heard and I have noted all that went on in Liberty Hall during my absence. I sacrificed my manhood; I sacrificed my all; I sacrificed my future as a man to make the Universal Negro Improvement Association, and no human being except he comes in the person of Christ will be able to destroy this organization so long as Marcus Garvey lives. (Applause.) So I am saying to those men who are members of the Executive Council that the tricks they have been carrying on for the last two years are well understood, and they will be cleaned from top to bottom. I would refuse to identify myself with the Universal Negro Improvement Association for one day longer with men who are unprincipled and dishonest, and we have some right in the Executive Council who are worse than men who are in jail.

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I have never discovered until I went into the field, the conduct of those men, and it is God's mercy that has kept those faithful millions of members together because of their love and faith in this great organization. But the time has come for us to take a stand as a race if we are to achieve anything, and there is much to be achieved or a great deal of suffering must be undergone in a short while. Thank God the faith of the members of the Universal Negro Improvement Association has not been shaken anywhere. All that the people are looking for is honesty of purpose, honesty of leadership and honesty of character, as I have found that not only in the Eastern States but in the Western States and the Southern States and all over the country, the millions of people are ready and willing, but the greatest stumbling block in the way of progress of this organization—the greatest stumbling block in the way of the progress of the race, comes from within the race itself. C O L O S S A L PROGRAM FOR CONVENTION

I want you to realize that the program for the convention this year is something so colossal, so great, that it is to be engineered and put over by the biggest minds of the race. Unfortunately some of the men that are in the organization now are unable to measure up to the higher work of the organization. I am sorry for some of them, because they have not prepared themselves for the bigger work; but we cannot afford to allow a gigantic world-wide movement like this to stagnate because of the wrong men in the wrong place, as far as leadership of this race is concerned. There is one consolation I have—that I cannot get away from the race—and so long as I am in the race, and since I have sense and judgment enough to know that what affects the race affects me, it is my duty to help the race to clear itself of those things that affect us in common. We must now realize that the Universal Negro Improvement Association has passed really out of the organization stage; that is to say, where ordinary organization is concerned. You have gone into the stage of higher government; you are really a government in the making. Some of us do not seem to realize the magnitude, the scope, the responsibility of this great organization. What are we trying to do? We are not trying to reorganize a government; we are not trying to control a government; we are not trying to discipline a government. We are trying to create a government. Your task, your responsibility is greater today then the task of any other group of people in the world. Your task is greater than the task of the 95,000,000 white Americans of this country; your task is greater than that of the 65,000,000 Anglo-Saxons who make up the British Empire; greater than the 39,000,000 Frenchmen that make up the French Empire; greater than the 45,000,000 Italians that make up the Italian Empire, because those empires have already been created. Your task is to create a government; therefore your responsibility is greater than the American, than the Frenchman, than the Englishman, than the Italian. Therefore, you have to exhibit a greater

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amount of intelligence in creating your government than is necessary for the white American to show in running his government. You have to exhibit a higher amount of intelligence than the Englishman in creating your government, because all that is necessary is ordinary intelligence to run his government. That means, therefore, we must have men of vision and ability and men of character and, above all, men of honesty (applause), and that is so hard to find. I am sorry, I am disgusted, I am disappointed about this race of ours. It is so hard, it is so difficult to find men who will stick to a purpose, who will maintain a principle for the worth of that principle, for the good of that purpose, and if there is a race that needs such men in the world, God Almighty knows it is this race of ours. What the other people can afford to do we cannot afford to do. If we attempt to do it we will be completely ruined, and it therefore devolves upon the forthcoming international convention to create a new slate for the guidance of the +00,000,000 Negroes of the world. We are going to have the warmest of conventions, and I am prepared for it. I understand more about the methods used at the last two conventions than I understood before. Last convention a lot of things were put over in backroom meetings and upstairs meetings and by politics and slipping somebody something, but that will not happen at this convention. I am aware that some of you members have unconsciously allowed yourselves to be your own stumbling blocks by being the instruments of unworthy individuals who tried to foster propaganda to carry out their ends to your ultimate destruction but to their satisfaction. My study of the situation has revealed to me the fact that we need to a great measure a new class of men who are worthy of the confidence of the 400,000,000 Negroes of the world to carry out this colossal program that we have set before ourselves, and I feel that the many divisions I have visited all over the country will be sending to this convention their most representative men. We have recruited a splendid grade of men throughout the country— men who are well prepared scientifically, educationally and in every way, and these men shall present themselves at this convention, and I feel sure that with the high intelligence we will exhibit there we shall be able to create a new government worthy of the leadership of the +00,000,000 Negroes of the world. So we are looking forward to a greater future—a future that portends all that is good. GOVERNMENTS ARE WATCHING

US

I cannot tell you all that has come to my attention since we have started to prepare for this convention, but I know this, that the governments of the world are watching us now with keener interest than they have ever done before, because the governments of the world are expecting us to do wonderful things at the forthcoming convention, and surely we shall not disappoint them.

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Today I had the pleasure of receiving a letter from the secretary of the League of Nations. He is expecting a delegation from this great convention—a delegation that shall go there to represent the claims of the 400,000,000 Negroes for the restoration of Africa. (Applause.) That will make you realize that we have to have men who are fitted mentally, physically and by character for the proper representation of this race of ours. So that you will realize that the association has really passed out of the ordinary stage of organization; that we have gone into the sphere of government. We hope to do much more for this race than all the other organizations put together are contemplating doing; therefore we must have abler men. The Universal Negro Improvement Association needs now the ablest minds in the world to lead an organization of this kind, because you have the biggest program, the most gigantic task to put over—a task that calls for a bigger mind than that of David Lloyd George, a bigger mind than that of Charles Evans Hughes, a bigger mind than that of Briand of France, a bigger mind than that of Lenin and Trotzky of Russia, to lead and pioneer and blaze the way for the 400,000,000 Negroes of the world under the guidance of the Universal Negro Improvement Association. (Applause.) I want you to understand that you as members of the association and you as friends and sympathizers of the association sometimes by your enthusiasm, by your desire to see the thing go, arrogate to yourselves an attitude that i[s] not reasonable and is not fair. To an organization that is seeking to represent your interests I want you to understand that there cannot be two managements for any one concern. There is an old saying that 'Too many cooks make bad broth." The attitude of Negroes is this: Each individual is his own boss, his own director, and [i]f ten of us belong to one thing the ten must manage it and the ten must rule. You know what that means? It means chaos; it means failure. Nothing in the world in all history has ever succeeded in that way; and I understand that the difficulties of the Universal Negro Improvement Association and its allied auxiliaries have always been individuals interfering with something they knew absolutely nothing about. The thing for you to do at all times is first of all to get the right kind of people to represent you, and when you get the right kind of people to represent you, it is your duty to stand by them and support them in their policy; then if you find their policy is contrary to yours, your duty is to clean them out. I give you—and not only you of the New York Division, but the entire world organization—the right that is due you and the right which is due to a [11] men and members of any organization. At any time you feel disgusted or dissatisfied with Marcus Garvey your duty is to clean him out. I am ready at any time to be cleaned out; and I want to say this, that so long as my conscience is right and clear and my heart is right and my soul is right, I am going to do the best thing I can, irrespective of what the world says. I am not moved by public opinion; I am moved by righteousness and justice. If a man is right and my conscience dictates to me that he is right, and my

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communion with the spiritual part of my life makes me feel that he is right, nothing will make me change my opinion toward that man or individual that I believe to be right; and if public opinion desires me to take a different attitude from that which is righteous and just, I give not a snap of the finger for public opinion, and if public opinion is based upon righteousness and justice I have a high regard and respect for public opinion. LEADERSHIP OF U . N . I . A . CANNOT BE SWAYED

Therefore you will realize that the work of the Universal Negro Improvement Association cannot be swayed by sentiment not founded upon that which is righteous and that which is just. I want you to realize that we have reached the point where we demand a strong leadership—not a leadership that is going to be here today and there tomorrow, not a leadership that is swayed by every passing wind. First of all, I say, find out that your cause is just and righteous, and stand by it if you have to yield up the last drop of your blood. I am convinced that the program and the policy and the work of the Universal Negro Improvement Association are just, and only God Almighty will be able to move me from this conviction. So I thank you for the support you have given the organization. As members and friends and supporters during my absence I want to reassure you that the organization is moving throughout the world like a mighty tornado, like a mighty hurricane, like a mighty storm sweeping everything before it. You have absolutely, as I have often said before, no cause for complaint. When you review your work for four and a half years you will find you started from nothing and today you occupy a place among the great governments of the world because you are a provisional government. What more can you desire? What more do you want? But it is hard to satisfy human nature. Humanity is never satisfied. It takes more than Jesus Christ to satisfy humanity, because when He came and tried to satisfy humanity, humanity got disgusted with Him and crucified Him. And therefore I have made up my mind to this extent: That there is nothing in the world that Negroes can do that can disappoint me. I thank you for your presence here tonight, and I want to see you here tomorrow night and the following night, when I will be here so as to explain the success of my trip. (Prolonged applause.) Printed in WW, IJ July 1922. Original headlines omitted. 1. Judge James Porter Parker (1870-1927) was the brother of Gov. John M. Parker of Louisiana. He was appointed judge of the civil district court in March 1911 (Alcee Fortier, Louisiana [New Orleans: Century Historical Association, 191+], p. 787).

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THE MARCUS GARVEY AND U N I A PAPERS

Report by Special Employee Andrew M. Battle New York, N.Y. July 5, 1922 Today [4July] I called on the REV. G. E. STEWART at No. 223 West 135th Street. This man stated that his reasons for resigning from the office he holds in the U.N.I.A. and in the BLACK STAR L I N E is that he fears that he will be involved in some trouble over the misuse of the funds and that the only means of defending himself will be copies of letters he has sent GARVEY concerning the latter's method of disbursements. He, STEWART, further advised that GARVEY is bringing on to this City, a man named B U N D Y , 1 of St. Louis, Mo., for the purpose of having him take an official position with the B L A C K STAR L I N E , BUNDY is said to have been the leader of the St. Louis riot; that G A S H E R [Garcia] A N D TERVIS [Ferris] the Asst. President will tender their resignations, due to the mishandling of the funds by GARVEY and that at the coming convention both will make known their grievances. Had G A R V E Y consulted his associates on the matter of meeting with C L A R K [Clarke] of the KU KLUX KLAN, the matter would have been fixed up. I believe that either SIMMONS or CLARK of the K.K.K. will speak at the Convention. Went to Liberty Hall, 138th Street & Lenox Avenue, at 7:30 P.M., at which place there were gathered about three thousand colored persons. The first speaker, MR. RUDOLPH SMITH, stated that he supposed that everyone present was anxious to learn about the KU KLUX KLAN of Atlanta, Ga., and that M A R C U S GARVEY would explain everything, GARVEY then made a speech, which in substance was to the effect that he had put over his program in the South by outwitting the negroes, the poor whites and the colored clergy; that in Los Angeles [New Orleans?] an attempt was made to stop him from talking but he secured an injunction restraining the police from bothering him; that he went to Atlanta, Ga., where he had a two hour talk with CLARK and other officers of the K.K.K., and that on Sunday next, he would explain in detail as to his visit with these people. He also made mention that during his absence a great deal of dishonesty had taken place among the whole staff of officers and that he intended to make a clean sweep so that he will have a new staff when the Convention closes on August 30th; that the present officers are nothing but a bunch of crooks and thieves. Meetings will be held at Liberty Hall during the entire week and it is my intention to be present at all. A N D R E W M . BATTLE

DJ-FBI, file 61. TD. 1. Dr. Leroy Bundy (1883-1943) was elected first assistant president general at the 1922 U N I A convention. He was born in Hamilton, Ohio, to a prominent black family. His father was a presiding elder in the A M E Church and a trustee of Wilberforce University, Wilberforce, Ohio. His brother, Rev. Charles Bundy, served at the American legation in Liberia. Bundy was the most prominent black leader in East St. Louis before the riot of 1917, serving as a

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JULY 1922 Republican leader and a member of the St. Clair County Board of Supervisors. He was a dentist by profession but gained a reputation as an astute and independent politician. He became the focus of criticism by the white press of East St. Louis when his political opponents linked him with a nonexistent plan to bring fifteen hundred black voters into Chicago to vote in a Chicago election in 1916. The rumor that this group of blacks, who were to be brought in from the South (or from southern Illinois), would also vote in East St. Louis elections heightened tensions that eventually led to the riot. During the riot, two East St. Louis detectives were said to have been killed by a group of blacks, and Dr. Bundy was arrested and accused of being their leader. Bundy's trial, which received extensive press coverage, ended in conviction, but the Illinois Supreme Court reversed the conviction and ordered a new trial. The prosecution, realizing the weakness of its case, never brought Bundy to trial again. During his trial, Bundy enlisted the aid of the NAACP, but disputes over the accounting for Bundy's defense fund and the strategy for his defense soon created a rift, so that the NAACP withdrew from the trial. When Bundy was finally victorious, he joined the UNIA. In August 1922 Bundy lived in Cleveland and was president of the Cleveland UNIA division. He was knighted by Garvey, who made him knight commander of the Distinguished Service Order of Ethiopia (NW, 19 August 1922; Elliott Rudwick, Race Riot at East St. Louis [Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1964], pp. 118-132, 261).

J. J. Hannigan to the Director, Office of Naval Intelligence [San Francisco] 5 July 1922 U N I V E R S A L N E G R O IMPROVEMENT ASSOCIATION

Marcus Garvey is reported back in New York. J. J. Adams now in San Francisco will leave for New York to attend the annual convention to be held there for a month from August 1 to 31. Adams' departure was scheduled for June 10. He came to S.F. from New York about a year ago, as personal representative of Marcus Garvey on account of internal conflict in the U.N.I.A. S. Bbagfwjan has promised to speak to the U.N.I.A. in the near future. . . . From remarks by Williams, the Vice President of the U.N.I.A., it was learned that there is disagreement, very strong at that[,] of the members of the organization on the point whether the negroes in America should go back to Africa in flocks or whether they should remain here while the government is being set up. A certain "Ross", a colored physician is the leader of the "Exodus" faction. On account of the disagreement, many members who belong to the Exodus faction do not take part in the affairs of the organization at present. The woman Vice President was not present at the last meeting. On this occasion the informant was asked to speak, but did not feel quite safe to say anything there, so he simply said that racial union, of which the U.N.I.A. is the first of its sort, should be made the leading step toward the greater unity, unity of the human race as a whole. There are two kinds of unity, one due to external pressure, and one to internal cooperation

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and that the U.N.I.A. should be the one due to internal cooperation. J. J. Adams was not at all pleased with this idea. The informant could have made an impression by abusing the white man, but did not care to stir up more bad feeling than already exists. From conversations overheard here and there, it is noted that many people know of the race movement and place little importance to it, as they do to other things that are going on in the world, such as the Mexican situation, the German-American situation, the Russian Bolshevik agitation, and the negro movement. They place litde importance on them, passing off the subject as greatly exaggerated. But all of these things are growing, and behind all is the Japanese hand playing the powerful yet silent note. So in the time of emergency, especially when Japan will play a role on the stage, these agitatory elements all united will not be a thing that "amounts to nothing". [J. J . H A N N I G A N ] D N A , R G 59, file 000-612. T D , carbon copy.

Report by Special Agent James E. Amos New York, N.Y. July 6, 1922 Continuing this investigation, Agent, in interviewing witnesses, was called on by C H A R L E S C. H A R R I S , #3 Masterson Street, Pawtucket, R.I., who was first engineer on the " K A N A W [ H A ] . " HARRIS informed Agent that G A R V E Y was aware that the s.s. " K A N A W [ H A ] " was no good; that he, H A R R I S , had informed G A R V E Y that he had examined the engines of the ship and found them in very poor condition; that he had also informed G A R V E Y that the ship had been offered for sale for $100,000. before GARVEY bought it, and the man who had taken the ship over had said he would not pay $100.00 for it; that G A R V E Y had informed HARRIS it was none of his business what he was buying, and intended to use the boat for propaganda, and regardless of what anyone said he would and did buy the old boat. HARRIS says G A R V E Y refused to pay him his wages, but was forced by the American Consul to do so. H A R R I S is willing at any time to come to New York as a witness for the Government, and it is Agent's opinion that HARRIS will make a very good witness, as he is an American negro and has a great deal of respect for our Government. H A R R I S also told Agent that GARVEY had sued the entire crew for $25,000 for trying to destroy the s.s. " K A N A W [ H A ] " ; that before he went with G A R V E Y he was with the U.S. Shipping Board as 1st Asst. Engineer, North Pole, and served with them through the war; that they left or sailed on the s.s. " K A N A W [ H A ] " & a few hours after had to pay $1,000 to be towed to Delaware Breakwater; that the crew and Captain wanted to come to New York, as the ship had to be repaired at New York, but GARVEY insisted on 702

JULY 1922

going to Wilmington with the ship so that he could bring the negroes on board and show the people, so he could sell more stock; that it cost the BLACK STAR LINE $42,000 for new tubes in the boilers on the "KANAW[HA]." Agent also interviewed CAPT. ADRIAN RICHARDSON, #164 West 146th Street, who was Captain on the s.s. "KANAW[HA]"; that Richardson had loaned GARVEY money and his cousin, ALEXANDER FLANDERS[,] had loaned GARVEY $100.00, but when he, RICHARDSON[,] was through on the " K A N A W [ H A ] " he was unable to collect his wages and had to sue GARVEY, but has not been able to collect yet, and that he is willing to be a witness at any time. Agent also interviewed j. H. LUCAS, 4 West 134th Street, who was first pantry-man for GARVEY and will also make a good witness. Agent has, through CAPT. RICHARDSON, made an appointment to meet the rest of the crew and RICHARDSON says he will bring them as soon as they are in town again. JAMES E . AMOS

DJ-FBI, file 61. TD.

Report by Special Employee Andrew M. Battle New York, N.Y. July 8, 1922 Today [sJuly] I met RICHARD B. MOORE at #237 West 135th Street, who stated that he was pleased with MARCUS GARVEY for meeting the officials of the KU KLUX KLAN in Atlanta, Ga., and that the only thing left is for GARVEY to sell out his organization to the KLAN, bringing the entire colored race over, MOORE resides at #211 West 140th Street. I next conversed with M.L. CAMPBELL of #227 West 137th Street, who also approved of GARVEY'S negotiations with the KLAN. J.A. DAVIS of #73 West 131st Street, expressed himself as believing that GA[R]VEY did a very wise thing in affiliating with the KLAN, as the " W I Z A R D " is the richest man in Georgia and if GARVEY is right, he, the " W I Z A R D , " will assist him. MRS. F. M. BLACKSTONE 1 of #490 Lenox Avenue also approved of GARVEY going over to the KLAN, saying that she could see no difference, inasmuch as the white folks are after the colored, and as GARVEY is after the white folks, if they can come together, some good can probably be done. At 7:00 p. M. the REV. G. E. STEWART called me on the telephone, requesting that I come over to his room, which I did, and held a conversation with him. STEWART requested that I become one of the delegates to the coming convention and then I would represent a church, as it has been asked that delegates of the various colored churches be present, GARVEY has a sign up at LIBERTY HALL reading, " T H E NEW NEGRO IS READY FOR THE KU KLUX KLAN."

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At 1 0 : 0 0 P.M. I went to LIBERTY HALL, which is located at #i38th Street, near Lenox Avenue, and there I found GARVEY addressing his audience, which numbered about 1200. July 6th:

Today I conversed with CLARENCE CARPENTER, # 7 6 West 131st Street, and in the course of conversation he advised me that RICHARD MOORE, PROFESSOR SPENCER, HERBERT MOORE, C. BRIGGS a n d F. M. BLACKSTONE

of # 4 9 0 Lenox Avenue, were members of the same organization, known as the "AFRICAN BLOOD BROTHERHOOD," but at the present time no meetings are being held, which is probably due to the fact that BRIGGS, in a recent issue of the " C R U S A D E R " , a negro publication, criticised GARVEY and his associates prohibited the sale of the paper on the streets. M i s s CORA ANNIS of # 2 1 7 + East 85th Street, Cleveland, Ohio, who is in the city as the delegate of the U.N.I. A. again informed me that BUNDY of St. Louis was expected at the coming convention, having been invited by GARVEY. She claims that BUNDY is a crook and that he was under bond in St. Louis on five different charges; that he led the race riot in St. Louis, and then tricked the colored folks in the last election, MISS ANNIS said that she was of the opinion that GARVEY was pleased with this type of man. She said that she was secretary of the Cleveland division of the U.N.I.A., but resigned a month ago. MISS ANNIS further stated that she is going to call a meeting of her organization as soon as she returns to Cleveland, and advise her followers as to GARVEY'S activities. Later met RUDOLPH SMITH, but learned nothing of interest from him. STEWART called at m y house during the night and again requested that I act as o n e o f the delegates to the convention.

July 7th: ARNOLD J. FORD of # 3 3 West 131st Street, Director of Music of the U.N.I.A., told me today that he approved of GARVEY interviewing the officials of the KU KLUX KLAN, but that GARVEY made a mistake in not keeping the matter secret. 1. HOUGHTON of # 4 8 West 136th Street expressed the same opinion about GARVEY and the K.K.K., as did the REV. R. R. 2 WILSON of # 7 2 West 131st Street. At 8 : 3 0 P.M. I arrived at LIBERTY HALL, where SMITH was addressing a meeting and among other things he stated that while it may be said that President Harding is a friend of the colored people, should a race riot start, the President will take the guns away from the negroes and from the negro officers, but will let the white officers retain their arms, therefore we must set up a Government of our own. MARCUS GARVEY next spoke and he stated in part that this Government is not safe for the negro and the only thing fo[r]

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the negro to do is have a Government of his own. There were about 700 people at the meeting. A N D R E W M . BATTLE

DJ-FBI, file 61-50-112. TD. 1. Actually Irena Moorman-Blackston. Moorman-Blackston was an early member of the N e w York local. For additional biographical information, see Garvey Papers 1: 224. 2. Battle conducted additional interviews before concluding on 14 July that "the general impression among American negroes seems to be that Garvey made a mistake in making a public statement regarding his interview with the head of the K u Klux Klan. The West Indian negroes, however, seem to stand solidly behind Garvey and claim to believe that the move he made in making this disclosure was the proper course to pursue" (DJ-FBI, file 61,14 July 1922). A few days later. Battle interviewed the American-born Garveyite minister, Rev. W. H. Moses, who reportedly condemned the Klan (DJ-FBI, file 61, 19 July 1922). Battle also interviewed Rev. E. Ethelred Brown, the Jamaican-born Unitarian minister who had once served as an assistant treasurer of the Black Star Line but who had since left the Garvey movement. According to Battle, "Brown seemed to be of the opinion that Garvey's visits to the Klan mean no harm for the negroes, but rather meant that Garvey was trying to form some sort of a compromise with the Klan. After which he could go to the southern negroes and claim that he had 'put it over 1 on the Klan, and thereby gain many new members for his organization" ( D J - F B I , file 61, 26 July 1922). Coverage of Garvey's statement on his visit with the Klan was particularly widespread in the black American press. The New Era, published in Omaha, concluded a 28 July 1922 editorial with the statement "When, if ever, the future welfare of the Negro in the United States is to be decided and a leader chosen, it will be one who fully understands the heart and aspirations of the thinking part of the race, a son of the soil and not a foreign-born would-be diplomat."

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JULY 1922

Speech by Marcus Garvey [[LIBERTY HALL,

July

9,

1922]]

H O N . M A R C U S GARVEY T E L L S OF INTERVIEW W I T H K u KLUX KLAN

In keeping with my duties as leader of a large movement, as one of the advocates of Negro rights and Negro liberty, as an officer of the largest Negro organization in the world, I became interested in the activities of an organization known as the Ku Klux Klan, not because I wanted to be a member of the Klan, but because I wanted to know the truth about the Klan's attitude toward the race I represent. C O N F E R E N C E WITH H E A D OF K U KLUX K L A N

For that reason a conference was arranged between the Acting Imperial Wizard of the Ku Klux Klan and myself, which took place in Atlanta, Ga., on the 25th of June. The interview or the report of the conference is to be published in The Negro World, the official organ of the Universal Negro Improvement Association, and I believe it will also be published in the Searchlight, the official organ of the Ku Klux Klan. 1 Unfortunately, because of the pressure of business, I have been unable to read the interview as held to send a copy back to the Imperial Wizard for his correction as well as for my own, in that it was arranged that the interview would be handed to each party concerned for his approval or correction before it was made public. Up to now the corrections have not been made, and I am to speak tonight not so much from the reported matter of the intervie w as from my impression of the Ku Klux Klan as gained through contact with the leaders of the Klan. You will understand what it means when two parties enter into an agreement that no public announcements should be made of certain things until the two parties had the opportunity of looking over the copies concerned referring to the matter or the thing; and that has not been done yet; but since my return to New York I discovered that a large number of the colored people here are very curious as to the nature [of the] visit and what happened, and since I returned to New York I have received copies of Negro newspapers that have published me as joining hands with the Ku Klux Klan. I know and you know the attitude of the Negro press in America—a senseless, ignorant attitude—an attitude that does not tend to help educationally in the development of this race of ours in America, especially to a young, growing race as ours. H i s IMPRESSIONS OF THE K u KLUX K L A N

From my impressions, from my observations, from my understanding, the Ku Klux Klan is a mighty white organization in the United States of

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America, organized for the purpose of upholding white supremacy in this country; organized for the purpose of making America a white man's country pure and simple. The organization has absolutely no apology to make as far as its program is concerned—a program of making America a white man's country. In America we have twelve or fifteen million in a population of 105,000,000 people. The Ku Klux Klan to a large extent represents every white man in the United States of America. I want you to realize that. The K u Klux Klan represents the spirit, the feeling, the attitude of every white man in the United States of America. Now what should be the Negro's attitude toward such an organization? NEGRO'S ATTITUDE TOWARD THE

K.K.K.

The Negro's attitude toward such an organization should not be to stand off, not knowing its program[,] not understanding it and saying and writing all kinds of things against it with the intention of aggravating its program and its attitude toward the race, but the duty of the leadership of the Negro race, finding itself in such an unenviable position, is to study the thing, to understand the thing and to get as much information as possible about the thing in your own interests. Aggravating the Ku Klux Klan or aggravating any organization in the world organized for the specific purpose of white supremacy is not going to help the race in America, placed at a disadvantage as it is. There is much more beneath the surface of the Ku Klux Klan than you can see on the surface. Some of us Negro leaders and some of us Negro newspapermen get crazy because the New York World and New York America[n] about two months ago tried to expose the activities of the K u Klux Klan. 2 Now let me tell you that the World nor the American has absolutely no intention to put down the Ku Klux Klan to please Negroes. The World and the American exposed the activities of the Ku Klux Klan for their own set reason, for their own set purpose, without having in mind the good that would accrue to Negroes by the putting down of the Ku Klux Klan; and let me tell you this, that it was not so much the real intention of their expose to put down the Ku Klux Klan. Negro editors and Negro leaders got wild and started to lambaste the Ku Klux Klan, and write all kinds of things against them. Let me tell you this: that the Ku Klux Klan is really the invisible government of the United States of America, and that there are more people identified with the Klan than you think; that there are more people in sympathy with the activities of the Ku Klux Klan than you think, and that there is more sympathy in this country for the Ku Klux Klan than the ordinary illiterate Negro newspaperman thinks and sees on the surface. As proof that the Ku Klux Klan is a worthy organization in the opinion of the white leaders of this country, the expose of the New York World led to what? Led to an investigation of the activities of the Klan by the Congress of the United States; 3 and what has happened up to now? The Ku Klux Klan is still at large, the Ku Klux Klan has grown twice as strong since the expose as before. The expose of the Ku Klux Klan was solely a skillful method of

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advertising the activities of the Klan at very little cost to the Klan. After the activities of the Ku Klux Klan were exposed, California was besieged with the Ku Klux Klan* and New York itself became a stronghold of the Klan, s and if I am to take the words of the acting Imperial Wizard, the Ku Klux Klan is stronger in the Northern States than it is in the Southern States of the United States of America. T H E C O R R E C T A T T I T U D E OF T H E N E G R O

Now what are you going to do about it? Stand off and refuse to investigate and refuse to understand the attitude of the Klan toward you and in that way expect to solve the problem? Our belief is that the leadership of a large group of people must be intelligent enough to be on guard in protecting the interests or the rights of the people. Because of that intention, because of that feeling, because of that attitude, I interviewed the Imperial Wizard of the Ku Klux Klan to find out the Klan's attitude toward the race. You may believe it or not—I made several statements to him, in which he said this: That the Klan is not organized for the absolute purpose of interfering with Negroes—for the purpose of suppressing Negroes, but the Klan is organized for the purpose of protecting the interests of the white race in America. Now anything that does not spell the interests of the white race in America does not come within the scope of the Ku Klux Klan. PURELY A RACIAL ORGANIZATION

I found out, therefore, that the Ku Klux Klan was purely a racial organization standing up in the interests of white folks exclusive of the interests of others. You cannot blame any group of men, whether they are Chinese, Japanese, Anglo-Saxons or Frenchmen, for standing up for their interests or for organizing in their interest. I am not apologizing for the Klan or endeavoring to excuse the existence of the Klan, but I want a proper understanding about the Ku Klux Klan so that there can be no friction between the Negroes in America and the Ku Klux Klan, because it is not going to help. T H E I N V I S I B L E GOVERNMENT OF A M E R I C A

The Ku Klux Klan is not an ordinary social club organized around the corner. The Ku Klux Klan is the invisible government of the United States of America. The Ku Klux Klan expresses to a great extent the feeling of every real white American. The attitude of the Ku Klux Klan is that America shall be a white man's country at all hazards, at all costs. The attitude of the Universal Negro Improvement Association is in a way similar to the Ku Klux Klan. Whilst the Ku Klux Klan desires to make America absolutely a white man's country, the Universal Negro Improvement Association wants to make Africa absolutely a black man's country. (Great applause.) Whether you

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wish it or not, that is not the point, because your wish does not amount to anything. The wish of fifteen million Negroes in America does not amount to anything when 95,000,000 other folks wish the thing that you want. That is the disadvantage. We wish liberty; we wish to be good American citizens; we want to be President of the United States; we wish to be Congressmen; we wish to be Senators; we wish to be governors of States; we wish to be mayors of cities; we wish to be police commissioners. It is a wish, all right, but the other fellow wishes the same thing. Now, is he going to allow you to have your wish? That is the attitude. The white people of this country are not going to allow Negroes—ambitious and educated Negroes—to have their wish, and the wish of the educated, ambitious Negro of America is that the Negro has as much right to be President of the United States as President Harding has. The ambition and wish of the Negro in America today is that the Negro has as much right to be a member of the Cabinet as any white man. Now that is your wish. Will the other fellow accede to your wish? K . K . K . I N T E R P R E T S S P I R I T OF W H I T E

MAN

The K u Klux Klan interprets the spirit of every white man in this country and says "you shall not pass." What are you going to do? You have the wish, but the odds are against you. N E G R O P R E S S A N D L E A D E R S W O R K I N G ON S U R F A C E

Some of us Negro leaders, some of us newspapermen[,] before we get down to a serious study of the question and adopt the best possible means of solving the problem[,] we are working on the surface. My suit is mine, but if a bully comes along and tears it off me it is mine but it is his now. All of us know that America is as much the Negro's as the white man's, but the white man says, " I am going to make this a white man's country." The only thing for you to do is to get hold of him, beat him and take it away. But can you do that? You cannot do that. Therefore the best thing you can do is to get down to a sober understanding of the Klan and try to the best of your ability to solve the question that concerns you. And the Universal Negro Improvement Association says the only way the problem can be solved is for the Negro to create a government of his own strong enough on the continent of Africa that can compel the respect of all men in all parts of the world. We are not going to have any fight as an organization with the Ku Klux Klan because it is not going to help. The Ku Klux Klan, as I said a while ago, is the invisible government of the United States of America. What do I mean by that? The Klan represents the spiritual feeling and even the physical attitude of every white man in this country. There are hundreds of other organizations that feel as the Ku Klux Klan feels. There are millions of individuals in America who feel as the Ku Klux Klan feels, but those individuals, those organizations are not honest enough to make the confession that the Ku Klux Klan makes. I prefer and I have a higher regard for the man

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who intends to take my life who will warn me and say, "Garvey, I am going to take your life," so as to give me time to prepare my soul for my God, rather than the man who will pretend to be my friend, and as I turn my back he ushers me into eternity without even giving me a chance to say my Lord's Prayer. The Ku Klux Klan comes out openly and says this: Negroes, we are going to make this country a white man's country; so long as there is a white man in America a Negro shall not be President of the United States; so long as there is a white man in America a Negro shall never be a member of the cabinet; so long as there is a white man in America a Negro shall never again be a Congressmen or Senator; so long as there is a white man in America a Negro shall never again be a Governor or a Lieutenant-Governor of a State. Now the man that says that gives you enough information about yourself and about him as to enable you to make some plans to help yourself one way or the other; but the other fellow who comes and says nothing to you, but, on the other hand, [fl]atters you and says, "I am your friend and have the same feeling or attitude toward you as the other fellow who told you"— which is the better friend, the one who tells you or the one who keeps the information from you but means the same thing? I asked the acting Imperial Wizard of the Ku Klux Klan whether he was interpreting the spirit of just a few people who make up his organization or not, and he said "no; we are interpreting the spirit of every true white American; but we are honest enough to say certain things that others do not care to say." Now in a nutshell you have the situation. What is the use of staying outside not understanding the attitude and lambasting those people who are in power. Sentiment cannot put down the Ku Klux Klan; newspaper writings cannot put down the Ku Klux Klan. The Ku Klux Klan is expressing the feeling of over 9$,000,000 people. No law can put down the prejudice of a race. You may legislate between now and eternity. If I hate you, no law in the world can make me love you. If I am prejudiced against you for reasons, no law, no constitution in the world can make me change my attitude toward you. K . K . K . R E P R E S E N T S S E N T I M E N T S OF W H I T E P E O P L E

The Ku Klux Klan is therefore expressing the feeling and the sentiment of a large number of people in this country towards us as a race—the attitude of refusing to allow the Negro to enjoy political, economic and social equality. The Ku Klux Klan made me to understand that their attitude is based on the assumption that this country was discovered by white men; this country was first peopled and colonized by white men; that this country's existence was brought about by white men fighting, suffering and dying to create a government of their own and because of the suffering of white men in the past to bequeath to their children of today a country of their own, the children of today are not disposed to give up their rights racially to any other race whether it be Negro, Japanese or any other race on the face of the globe. 711

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Now what are you going to do? This is their attitude. Our lambasting them and publishing all kinds of things without studying them will not help the situation. A lot of Negro leaders are to be found up North who write a lot of stuff, but have not the nerve to go South to give expression to the same sentiments. (Applause.) The largest number of Negroes in the United States of America live below the Mason and Dixon line where the Ku Klux Klan rules. The farmer is a Klansman, the policeman is a Klansman, the police captain is a Klansman, the Mayor of the city is a Klansman; the Governor is a Klansman, and these poor unfortunate black folks live in that town or in that part of the country where the Klan rules. It is all right for the fellow up North who does not live under the influence of the Klan to say things about the Klan, but who is going to pay the price of it? The poor unfortunate fellow who lives next door to the Klan and comes in contact with him every day. The Universal Negro Improvement Association realizes that therefore, and while some of us stand up and say all kinds of things criticizing the Klan, millions of our brothers are suffering because of this criticism up North. We desire to prevent that suffering, and it is for that reason we went down to the South to have a proper understanding to see if we could diplomatically at least help the Negro to throw off the suffering, to throw off this yoke without causing any one to suffer. That is really the attitude of the organization; that is the reason I interviewed the Imperial Wizard of the Ku Klux Klan. He told me this when I put these pointed questions to him. I asked him: "Mr. Clark, [Clarke] you will understand that the Negro of today is quite different to the Negro of sixty years ago. Sixty years ago the Negro was a slave, untutored, unintelligent, uncivilized, so to speak; knew nothing about civilized culture or about civilization, and he was satisfied to be a farmer's help—to be a laborer; even to be a slave. Today we have a cultured, civilized Negro, an educated man, a graduate of the best universities in the country and the world. The Negro of sixty years ago had no ambition because he had no civilization, no culture and could not appreciate the benefits and advantages of civilization. Now that he is civilized and cultured he is ambitious and desires the things that every man desires. Now, Mr. Clark, what is the Klan's attitude toward the Negro who desires to be President of the United States of America?" And he said this: "He shall never be so long as there is one white man living in the United States of America." I said: "Mr. Clark, what is the attitude of the Klan towards a Negro who wants to be in the Senate or Congress?" He gave me the same answer. "What is the attitude of the Klan towards the Negro who wants to be governor of a State?" and he gave the same answer—"Not so long as there is one white man in the United States of America." Again I asked him: "Mr. Clark, does your organization represent only the group of men in it or the sentiment of your race?" The answer was this: "This organization represents the sentiments of the entire white race." Mr. Clark did not tell me anything new; he told me what I discovered seven years ago. He told me the thing that caused 712

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me to have organized the Universal Negro Improvement Association four and a half years ago. So I was not disturbed, I was not nervous at all. I was speaking to a man who was brutally a white man, and I was speaking to him as a man who was brutally a Negro. He had his interests to protect and I had mine to protect. His one idea, his one greatest hope is to see the great white race the masters of civilization. My one dream, my one hope is to see the great black race the masters of civilization. (Applause.) Now I am not going to waste time fighting with the Ku Klux Klan; I am going to use my time fighting for the ideals that we have. And then I asked him: "Mr. Clark, if your organization is organized for the purpose of offending—or killing— Negroes, or suppressing Negroes, what do you think the end will be?" He said: "We are not organized for that purpose." I then said to him: "I want you to understand that the Negro question is no longer a Southern question or a national question. ["] It is as President Harding said in his Birmingham speech—that the Negro question is no longer a Southern or a national question in America; it has become an international question. I said to him: "If you are organized for the sole purpose of suppressing Negro ambition and advancement, do you know that Negroes are getting together all over the world and may return the compliment to you?" He said: "I realized that, and it is because of that we have organized. We are not organizing to be unfair to the Negro; we want to see the Negro develop as the white man has developed. To be fair, I advise every Negro and those who aspire to leadership to form an organization similar to that of the Ku Klux Klan so that the Negroes may be able to look out for their own interests and not continue to be begging white people to do for them what they ought to do for themselves." He spoke to me in that frank and open way. I made him to understand that the Universal Negro Improvement Association adopted this attitude— that if the Ku Klux Klan in America was going to outrage Negroes simply because they are black, we may return the compliment somewhere because some other folks do not look like us. He realized that and said: "We are willing to see a great Negro organization with which we can enter into negotiations and understanding to solve this great question of race, and especially the social question of race." And then we discussed the social side. I said: "Mr. Clark, what is your attitude on white men raping black women?" And he said: "We are as much against that as any self-respecting Negro can be, and we are organized to see that the purity of the race, and especially the purity of the white race, is upheld, and because of that we would not desire to impose upon you that which we do not intend to accept from you." I asked him: "What would be your attitude if a white man was to go into a colored neighborhood and endeavor to take advantage of the womanhood of our race?" and he said that his attitude would be against that white man. "Let me tell you this," he said further, "that I would be in sympathy with any Negro organization that would uphold the integrity of the Negro race even

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as the white organizations are endeavoring to uphold the integrity of the white race." The Universal Negro Improvement Association is carrying out that doctrine splendidly. When I arrived at Baton Rouge, in Louisiana, I was visited by the president and some officers of the near-by division. They brought to me this report: Three nights ago seven white men came into a colored neighborhood. We found them at midnight sleeping in homes where they had no business, and they flogged them and drove them out of the neighborhood, and the next day they brought them before the judge, and the judge, who was a Ku Kluxer, let go all the colored men and said "Do some more of that." So you realize that the Universal Negro Improvement Association is carrying out just what the Ku Klux Klan is carrying out—the purity of the white race down South—and we are going to carry out the purity of the black race not only down South, but all through the world. I intend in another week or so to publish the nature of the interview and you will have an opportunity of reading word for word what was said and what was done. But before you pass judgment on the Klan, before you go out of your way to criticize any white organization, just find out first how much you will be benefited by the criticism you make. If the criticism is not going to help you I advise you to leave it alone. Just at this time it does not help certain Negroes to go on criticizing everybody and everything. You must realize your position in this country. It is hopeless. You cannot, therefore, adopt an attitude of offense and aggression, because in the retaliation a large number of us are going to suffer.

T H E FATE OF T H E D Y E R A N T I - L Y N C H I N G

BILL

Let us take the Dyer Anti-Lynching Bill. I believe that bill would have been very much more successful and would have had the support of more of the leading statesmen of this country if a certain organization had not gone forth and made so many claims to the originality of the bill and to the fatherhood of the bill. You cannot successfully put over anything in this country that seeks to change the white man's attitude toward you by taking up an offensive attitude toward the white man if you are dependent upon him to pass the measure for your satisfaction. As proof of what I mean: Since the agitation of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People about the anti-lynching bill more lynchings have occurred in the Southern States than prior to the agitation of the bill. If more diplomatic steps had been taken we would have had the passage of the bill without anybody knowing who was responsible for it. That we could have achieved by diplomacy without creating any offense. It brings me to this: that our leadership is either ignorant or bankrupt; our leadership has no diplomacy. What is the use of going out of your way to offend somebody whom you cannot discipline or correct? It is like going before a lion and saying, "I am 714

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going to hold you." You know the result—you would be destroyed by the lion. It is for you to study the strategy that will enable you to get around the lion and take away its life. That is my subject to you tonight on the Ku Klux Klan. D o not take it as final, because the interview will be published, as I said in the earlier part of my address. (Applause.) . . . Printed in 15 July 1922. Original headlines abbreviated. 1. The above-mentioned interview was never published. The Searchlight, the official newspaper of the Ku Klux Klan, was based in Atlanta. It first appeared in June 1919 and was jointly sponsored by the Klan and the Junior Order, United American Mechanics. Elizabeth Tyler, who had joined with Edward Young Clarke to direct publicity for the Klan, owned the newspaper. It publicized the Klan's views on Catholicism, immigration, Prohibition, and other issues to a readership that was made up mostly of Atlantans but which also extended to other parts of the United States. It became popular in Atlanta, even among those who were not members of the Klan, and as a result it attracted a considerable amount of advertising. The Searchlight ended publication in 1924 (Kenneth T. Jackson, The Ku Klux Klan in the City, PP- 32-35)2. On 6 September 1921 the New York World began a three-week exposé of the Ku Klux Klan based on research by journalist Rowland Thomas. The stories were carried by eighteen leading newspapers around the United States (Kenneth T. Jackson, The Ku Klux Klan in the City, p. 11). 3. The U.S. House of Representatives began an investigation of the Klan, partly because of the New York World exposé, in late 1921. When the Klan's imperial wizard, William Joseph Simmons, appeared before the congressional committee, he denied all charges of violence on the part of the Klan, claiming that it was organized for patriotic and benevolent purposes. The Congress recommended no punitive action against the Klan (Kenneth T. Jackson, The Ku Klux Klan in the City, p. 12). 4. The Messenger was particularly vigilant in observing the growth of the Klan around the nation. In its April 1922 issue a report appeared asserting that "throughout parts of the State of California the Ku Klux Klan is operating as freely as in Texas" (+, no. 4: 386). In its June 1922 issue the Messenger listed the names of members of the Klan that appeared in a report printed in the Bakersfield Californian. In Bakersfield the members included the chief of police, a justice of the peace, and various members of the sheriff's department and fire department. In the town of Taft, Calif., Klan members included the chairman of the board of supervisors, the justice of the peace, and several city trustees {Messenger 4, no. 6 [June 1922]: 419). 5. In the December 1922 issue of the Messenger a report appeared stating that the Ku Klux Klan had begun recruiting among the congregation of Rev. John Roach Stratton, a popular New York City minister and reportedly one of the charter members of the Evangelical Protestant Society, a new anti-Catholic organization with headquarters in New York (Messenger no. 12 [December 1922]: 531; NTT, 6 April 1922). While it faced opposition in New York City, especially from the Democrats at Tammany Hall, the Klan flourished on Long Island, where Klansmen participated actively in community affairs (David Chalmers, Hooded Americanism, pp. 254-265).

Marcus Garvey to William Pickens [New York] July 10th 1922 M y dear Professor Pickens:— I am directed by the Executive Council of the Universal Negro Improvement Association to extend a personal invitation to you to attend our 3rd Annual International Convention of the Negro peoples of the World to be held in N e w York City from the ist to the 31st August inclusive, of the present year. 7IS

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You will find herein enclosed1 a copy of a partial program of the Convention which will give you an idea of the important things to be discussed; but still I am directed to write to you on a more important matter, that is one that is personal. On the night of the ioth August, His Highness the Potentate of the Universal Negro Improvement Association who is the Honorable Gabriel Johnson of Monrovia, Liberia, will in his official capacity as Potentate, confer certain honors and titles upon certain distinguished Negro characters according to the instructions of the Executive Council of the Universal Negro Improvement Association. Among the men of the race who have accomplished things singled out to be honored, your name appears. We feel that you have done exemplary work in the cause of Africa, and that your services should be rewarded and appreciated by those of us on whose shoulders it fall[,] to take cognizance of the things that are done in the name of scattered Ethiopia. You have been singled out to be honored with a tide in the gift of the Universal Negro Improvement Association. The designation of the title has not yet been announced, as High Highness the Potentate has not yet arrived in the United States of America, and may not arrive until around the 31st day of the present month; but this honor will be conferred upon you at the Court Reception of the race to be given at Liberty Hall, 120 West 138th Street, New York City[,] on the night of the ioth August. You are therefore advised and requested to make every eifort to attend this grand Court Reception to receive the title that will be conferred upon you. If you can attend no other sitting of the Convention, you are requested to attend this one, as several other dignitaries of the race will be honored on the same night. Feeling assured that you will be pleased with the consideration that has been taken of you for the meritorious service you have rendered in the name of Africa. I have the honor to be, Your obedient servant, MARCUS GARVEY

President-General UNIVERSAL N E G R O IMPROVEMENT ASSOCIATION

NN-Sc, WP. TL, transcript. 1. Not found.

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R. Desmond St. Clair to the New York World [[New York, July 10 1922]] A s TO N E G R O MIGRATION

T o the Editor o f The World: I sec in the columns o f your journal that after an interview with the King Kleagle o f the Ku Klux Klan, Mr. Marcus Garvey advises the Negroes in order to avoid the Ku Klux Klan to migrate to Africa. Now, as an American Negro whose father, grandfather and great-grandfather were born in this country, I wo[ul]d say for the American Negro that it wo[u]ld be a blessing if Garvey and the ent[ir]e aggregation o f foreign Negroes who think this country not good enough to become citizens o f would migrate to Africa or some warmer climate and let this race agitation cease. Garvey, like many other foreigners, came to this country penniless, and as soon as they get a few dollars the country is not good enough for them. But they remain here and send for all their kindred. When some foreigners come to America and bring something instead of coming to get something, then some men o f color may consider following them. R . DESMOND ST. CLAIR

Printed in the New York World, 23 July 1922.

Marcus Garvey to James Weldon Johnson NEW YORK, U.S.A. J u l y 1 4 , 1 9 2 2

Mr. dear Mr. Secretary; I am directed by the Executive Council o f the Universal Negro Improvement Association to inform you that the Third Annual International Convention o f the Negro Peoples o f the world will open its session in New York at 10 o'clock A.M. on Aug. ist at Liberty Hall, 120-148 West 138th Street. At one o'clock on the same day, our great parade will take place through the Streets o f Harlem, in which IJO,OOO delegates, deputies, members and friends will take part. I am further directed to invite your Organization to take part in the parade starting at 1 o'clock P.M. on the ist. The parade will start from 56 West I35[th] Street and you are respectfully asked to have your Organization represented. Each Colored Organization in New York is asked to participate, therefore, it is felt that you will not fail us in joining the demonstration. You will please carry a banner with the name o f your Association painted or printed thereon so as to get credit for your representation.

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The parade will be made up of all the principal Negro Organizations in the United States of America, West Indies, South and Central America, Africa, Europe, and Asia. The line of march will extend from i+5th Street to noth Street, making a complete circuit of the Harlem district of Negroes. Please be good enough to have your Organization in line not later than 12:30 so as to be ready for the march at 1:00 P.M. With very best wishes, I have the honor to be, Your obedient servant, MARCUS GARVEY

President-General UNIVERSAL NEGRO IMPROVEMENT ASSOCIATION

P.S. For your particular place in the line of march, please communicate with Mr. H. Vinton Plummer at above address. He is in charge of the line of march of Associate Organizations. [Endorsement] JWJ 7/20 DLC, NAACP. TLS on UNIA letterhead, recipient's copy. Handwritten endorsement.

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Negro World Advertisement

PHYLLIS WHEATLEY HOTE AND BOOKER WASHINGTON UNIVERSITY OF

UNIVERSAL NEGRO IMPROVEMENT ASSOCIATION

The Phyllis Wheatley Hotel and Booker Washington Univer»ity of the Univcn«] Nefro Improvement Association, 3-13 West 130th Street, New York City, Will Be Opened Officially on ilie 31st Inst. All Delegates and Deputies to Convention Can Boole Their Lodging! Now, Accommodation for 130 Persons.

(Source: NW,

15 J u l y 1922.)

Speech by Marcus Garvey [ [ L I B E R T Y HALL,

July

16, 1922]]

Hon. Marcus Garvey spoke as follows: I hold in my hand a clipping from this morning[']s New York World. The clipping is an article by George Harris, editor of a litde colored paper by the name of The New York News, published in Harlem. I am going to read the article, so that you can better follow the comments J will make. . . . 719

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HARRIS

There has been nothing done by one of their race since their emancipation that has angered and alarmed Negro citizens more deeply than the recent effort of Marcus Garvey, an alien and a native of Jamaica, B.W.I., to form an alliance with the Ku Klux Klan. Garvey misrepresents not only the attitude of the native-born colored Americans but 75 per cent, of the foreignborn when he surrenders to the Imperial Wizard of this bloody and bigoted band of outlaws. There is no objection to Garvey and his followers choosing Africa as their adopted home; but there is objection to his pandering to the prejudices of bigots and traitors opposed to the principles] of the Republic. He would sell the birthright of 15,000,000 native-born loyal Americans. Garvey, being a foreigner, does not know that the Ku Klux Klan is the same organization that outraged the mothers of the present generation of colored Americans, murdered its fathers, desecrated the black dead and their graves, and coming into power in reconstruction days, nullified emancipation, established jim-crow cars and riveted political disfranchisement upon the black race in the South. RESENTS GARVEY'S

SLUR

When Garvey says this is not the colored citizens' country in the same sense that it is the country of every other loyal American, black or white, he knows nothing of the history of his race in this country. He does not know that black men played a vital part in the explorations and settlement of this continent, that there were forty black men with Balboa when he discovered the Pacific Ocean and that Balboa found a tribe of black men then living on the shores of South America. 1 He does not know that black men were with all the Spanish discoverers and explorers, with Cortez when he went into Mexico and with Coronado when he went to Kansas in 1541. He does not know that colored men helped establish the first settlement in Jamestown in 1507 and that Africans were with Ponce de Leon at St. Augustine in 1565; that Estevanico, the black explorer with three Spaniards, explored the present State of Texas. He does not know that black men were with George Washington in the French and Indian Wars; that a black man was with Daniel Boone in Kentucky in 1774 and gave up his life as the first one on that expedition; that a black man[,] Crispus Attucks, was the first to shed his blood for American Independence in the Boston Massacre in 177+; that Peter Salem, a black man, was the first to die in the Battle of Bunker Hill at the hands of the British Major Pitcairn; that a black man by the name of York was a vital part of the Lewis and Clark expedition to the great Northwest in 1807 and that York's dry river was named after him. He does not know that black soldiers were paid tributes by George Washington and his Generals in 1776 and by Gen. Jackson for their defense of New Orleans in the War of 1812 and that black sailors were with Commodore Perry 2 in the Battle of Lake Erie in 1812; that black men were with Fremont

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when he discovered gold in California in 18+9; that black men to the number of 178,000, taken from the trenches and the farms of the Rebels, in coats of blue turned the tide of the Union and destruction of slavery. C I T E S H I S T O R Y OF BLACKS

He does not know that the black Americans have played this vital part in American history from its prehistoric beginnings down to the planting of the Stars and Stripes at the North Pole by Commander Pe[a]ry3 with his black companion, Mat Henson, by his side in 1909. He surely cannot know of the 10th Cavalry in the Indian Wars with Gen. Custer nor of their black companions at San Juan Hill in 1898 with Theodore Roosevelt, nor does he remember the service of the "Hell Fighters," the "Buffaloes" and their 400,000 black American companions in the World War. When he says that "America is a white man's country" he does not take into account that black men to the number of unnumbered millions gave 250 years of unrequited toil and martyrdom as slaves to the settlement, the industry and present wealth of the South and the Nation. We say again that this interloper among colored Americans damnably misrepresents them. By all rules of right and reason of history and of justice this is their country. By all the things that men hold dear they are going to preserve this as their common country and they are going to live, and if need to die, to preserve this as their common country. HARRIS ARTICLE CRITICIZED

I have very little time to go into the history of Mr. George Harris,4 because part of it is wrong, and when he goes back to school he will be able to correct himself. But I want to say this: the learned editor and Harvard graduate, as he calls himself, tells us that a Negro was with the expedition that went to California to discover gold. Where is the Negro's portion of the gold that was discovered? (Laughter and applause.) The learned scholar tells us that the Negro was with everybody, but he does not tell us who was with the Negro. Do you know what it means to be with a man? It is quite a different thing being with a man or having that man to be with you. If I employ you to do some work for me, after you have performed that work I discharge or dismiss you and I am no longer obligated to you. The great graduate of Harvard—the great newspaper editor of New York—the great alderman (as he calls himself) tells us in nearly every instance that the Negro was with Columbus and Balboa; the Negro was with this or that person, but he fails to prove to us where the Negro established his claim co-equal with the other fellow when he established his claim. Now, if two individuals go out in conquest on equal terms, whatsoever is conquered is divided equally at that time by the conquerors. If Negroes came with Columbus then it was the Negro's right at the time when Columbus planted his flag for the monarchy of Spain, to have planted his flag 72.1

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for the monarchy that he represented. (Applause.) If this great Harvard graduate will go back to history he will find that no auxiliary of war ever shared equal rights with those for whom he served except by the generosity of those whom they served. If I employ you as an auxiliary of war to fight my war, if there was no understanding that the spoils of war would be divided equally among us, I would pay you for your services as an auxiliary of war and there is no more obligation. And this man who claims to be so educated and claims to be a leader of the race cannot see the difference between a man being with another as a servant—as a lackey—as an auxiliary of war or what not, and the individual by whose initiative the conquest is made or the expedition is carried out. He tells us about a Negro being with Peary at the North Pole. We all know a Negro was with Peary at the North Pole and that that Negro was paid by Peary as an employe or laborer to work for him. When Peary discovered the North Pole he was not obligated to that Negro because the Negro had no hand in fitting out the expedition, nor did not stand half the expenses of Peary's voyage to explore the North Pole. If that Negro had shared in the expenses and shared in everything for the discovery of the North Pole then he would have had an equal right in the discovery of the North Pole. And similarly in the discovery of America. If the Negro who was with Columbus, as Harris makes us believe, had paid part of the expenses of the expedition; if he had shared equally with Columbus the cost of the expedition; if they had entered into a partnership for the discovery of the New World, when the New World was discovered then the Negro would have laid as much claim to the discovery of America as Christopher Columbus did. I am not saying these things of my own opinion; I am saying these things because they are facts, and the white man looks at facts and nothing else. You cannot run this world by sentiment. It is all well for you to say a Negro discovered America; it is all very well for you and I to say a Negro fired the first shot at Bunker Hill; that Negro blood was first shed at Bunker Hill, but was it the Negro on his own volition who instigated the War of Independence? Was it on the Negro's account that the War for Independence was initiated? The Negro was only a secondary consideration in the great ideal of white men to free themselves from Great Britain. Men become possessors of the land by conquest or negotiation. Now this Harvard graduate will have to show me at what time a Negro of his own account started out to discover America and had discovered America and established his flag by right of conquest. When he can prove that to me, then I will say to him that America is the black man's country and not the white man's country. But he will have to go a long way proving to the 95,000,000 white folks that such is the case. What Harris writes sounds well in sentiment. I can write just as beautiful an article as he did to appeal to the sentiment and the emotion of the people, but we have been living on sentiment and emotion all the time. These so-called leaders of ours have fed

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us up with emotion and fed us up with flattery, and where do we find ourselves now in this twentieth century? Being deprived of every right as men. Flattery has taken us nowhere; flattery has not abolished the Jim Crow car; flattery has not abolished segregation; flattery has not abolished lynching. Writing these beautiful things about the past as far as we are concerned is not going to give us the consideration that we want now. If I knew that writing beautiful things would give us the consideration we want, then I would write pages and volumes of such beautiful things, but I know that after I have written pages and volumes of such beautiful things as George Harris wrote for flattery, they will be thrown into the waste paper basket and will not help to solve the Negro question today. We know all about the discovery of America; we know all about the gold fields of California; we know about the present condition of Negroes. Can we solve our problem by what some other Negro did jo years, 100 years or 200 years or 300 years ago? It is impossible for you to solve the problem that way. You have to solve your problem through the action of the present. You have to solve your problem by your manoeuvres and by your ability to cope with the present-day situation. P R O B L E M M U S T B E S O L V E D BY P R E S E N T CONDITIONS

That is what the Universal Negro Improvement Association is endeavoring to do. But let me tell you this: It pays some men to keep an attitude like that. So long as Negroes are being lynched in the United States of America certain organizations will always find reasons to exist and reasons to pay for a few fellows' fat salaries; so that it is to their interest to do everything to perpetuate lynchings if they want to have those salaries continuously. It served certain people to encourage the existence of the Ku Klux Klan and to encourage the barbarity of the Ku Klux Klan by aggravating the Klan, because it gives them something to write about every day so that they can sell their papers for five cents. The Universal Negro Improvement Association does not adopt that attitude. Our attitude is this: That lynching must be stopped. Our attitude is this: That unfairness and injustice to Negroes must stop. Our attitude is this: That Negroes should be free and independent. When those things happen we are ready to go out of business. If that attitude can be adopted tomorrow morning, if Africa can be freed tomorrow, if lynching can be stopped tomorrow and segregation and Jim Crowism can cease tomorrow, then the Universal Negro Improvement Association would have absolutely no cause for continuing its existence. But there are certain organizations and individuals who pretend that they would like to see lynching stop, yet they are praying that another lynching will take place so that they can beg for more money to carry on the good work of the organization. Do you know that if lynching should stop tomorrow morning certain organizations would feel very uncomfortable because they would not know what to do or by what means to raise public subscription or arouse public sentiment to insure philanthropic contributions to pay their salaries?

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As for the Dyer Anti-Lynching Bill, that is worth a milion dollars to certain folks. Why, it is a gold mine on which you can collect at this time for certain folks, and they will do everything out of pretense to keep up the fight. They say they want to pass the Dyer Bill, but underneath they do not want the Dyer Bill passed, because if it is passed it will cut off the revenue they are depending on to carry them on for another few years. Let us analyze these things. Any man, any movement, any government that has great public issues or great public measures to handle—issues and measures that affect vitally on individual, race or nation—do not go about it in a way of advertising. They adopt an attitude of diplomacy; they try to put over that which they desire by diplomacy and not by public advertisement or public notoriety. That is to say, if England wants to get the better of France, the premier of England is not going to advertise in all the papers of England or all the papers of France what he is going to do to France. He adopts a method of diplomacy and tries to put over that which he desires to put over France, and when he has put it over he advertises it to the world and the world is welcome to the information. That is the way intelligent individuals—intelligent statesmen go about matters that affect the nation or the race. But what do our friends on the other side of this Negro movement do? The first thing they do is to advertise to the world what they are going to do, and thus get the other people better informed than they themselves are, which means that they will, never be able to do what they want done. It comes to this; that it is either ignorance on the part of those who [le]ad such movements [or] open hypocrisy—hypocrisy in saying that they want to better conditions, when in their hearts they know they do not desire it. Now what can George Harris, a puny [insignificant Negro, who I believe, can hardly support himself, do with a big organization like the Ku Klux Klan, that he himself admits was so powerful at one time in the history of this country as to be able to disfranchise the Negro; was so powerful as to bring [i]nto existence Jim Crow laws; was so powerful as to bring into existence laws for segregation; was so powerful as to be able to deprive a whole race of its political rights. What can a lonely Negro do with such an organization that is bent on such plans of devilment? Common sense would suggest to him that the thing to do is not to antagonize the organization, but to adopt a method of diplomacy to get around the thing, so as to prevent the thing from doing the harm that it intends, rather than to aggravate and provoke the thing to do you a worse harm than it intended. Now, as I said here last Sunday night [9July], I do not care about the Ku Klux Klan; for that matter I don't care about any folks in the world but the 400,000,000 Negroes in the world, but I realize this: that at this time we have our hand in the lion's mouth, and if you have any sense it is your business to gradually ease that hand out, and then when you are out and you are far away from the lion you can make up your mind to get even with the

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lion; but while you are in the lion's reach, if you have one grain of sense, you will adopt those methods that will preserve your life and let the lion go. M O V E M E N T M U S T B E L E D BY I N T E L L I G E N C E

A movement like the Universal Negro Improvement Association must be led by intelligence; must be led by diplomacy; and I say this: it does not pay us in America to offend any organized group of whi[te] men because we are still a dependent race. Let me tell you this: that every second white man you are employed by in New York city or in the United States of America is a Ku Klux man, who is either actively, physically or spiritually a member of the Klan, and if [a] fellow [like?] George [Harris] continues to aggravate well-organized white organizations like the Ku Klux Klan that have a policy and a program, millions of us are going to pay the cost of it. The Ku Klux Klan has a program. White people when they get together fifty or a hundred million strong always have a program, and if we aggravate them to the point where they say "These Negroes are getting too fresh, too impertinent, too ambitious and therefore, [we] are going to mete out to them what they deserve." [D]o you know what will happen? Throughout the Southland— and especially the Southland—millions of our men, women and children will suffer day in and day out because of the senseless propaganda of fellows like George Harris up North, whose words really mean absolutely nothing because they have not even the manhood to go one mile below the MasonDixon line and give utterance to their Northern bluff. C O U N T THE C O S T

It is the duty of the Universal Negro Improvement Association to count the cost. There are some Negroes who like to follow white folks—anything white folks do is all right. If white folks say let us march up the street, they are ready to organize a group of Negroes to march up the street. If white folks say let us turn to this side of the street, they will organize the group to turn on this side of the street. If white folks say let us attack the Ku Klux Klan, you will find some Negroes following suit. And this idea of attacking the Ku Klux Klan never came into vogue among Negroes until the New York World, for its own good reason—for the reason of increasing its circulation, for the reason of getting even with somebody it hated, for the reason of advertising the Ku Klux Klan—started the attack. Who can tell that is not the motive? Who can tell but what that is the diplomacy of the other man to get the activities of the Ku Klux Klan before the country, because there are millions of people today who never knew of the Ku Klux Klan and who never had an opinion one way or the other until the New York World exposed the activities of the Ku Klux Klan and told what the program of the Ku Klux Klan was? And since that time hundreds of thousands of white Americans who never had in their minds joining the Ku Klux Klan are now members of

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the Klan. I say and I believe that the publication of the World in its so-called expose of the Ku Klux Klan was a means of advertising the activities of the Klan, and since that day, do you know that has happened? Protestants have organized an organization to fight the Catholics. Since the expose of the Ku Klux Klan, which was said to be organized for the purpose of being antiNegro, anti-Jew and anti-Catholic, the Protestant Alliance of America5 has organized a new organization to fight the Catholics and the Holy See. That is the strategy of the white man that poor, weak-minded, water-brained, senseless fellows like George Harris cannot understand. The Ku Klux Klan represents, if not in actual membership, the spirit of nearly every well-thinking white American. After the Ku Klux Klan program was exposed it became so popular that the Protestants who were probably members of the Klan realized that their work of fighting the Catholics might be hampered by the activities of the Klan, and they simply stepped out and organized another organization to carry on the same thing the Klan was organized to do. And later on you will find different organizations probably springing out of the Klan to carry out the designs that the Klan may have upon any one race, upon any one group, upon any one set of people in any community. This thing calls for deep thought—the thought of a statesman and not that of a ward politician. George Harris is a ward politician, and therefore cannot measure up to the highest intelligence of statesmanship. A man who is going to look out for a thousand votes to get him into office, irrespective of the measure that confronts the people, is the fellow that you cannot entrust with the destiny of a race. If fellows like George Harris are to be my leader, then may God Almighty take me now, because I will have absolutely no use for life. L I V I N G IN A S E R I O U S

AGE

I want you to realize that you are living in a serious age. You are living in a serious time. You are surrounded by a serious race of people—a people who are thinking all the time, who are doing all the time. George Harris talks about his intention to live here and die here and to be what he wants to be. I do not gainsay he is going to die here, but all of you know the kind of death we do get here. So that I quite agree with him that he is going to die. He is welcome to that kind of death. When I die I am going to die for something noble, for something that is worth while. I am going to die fighting for a grand and glorious ideal (applause), and that ideal is a country of our own, a government of our own, a nation of our own. (Applause.) George Harris calls me an alien and George Harris is supposed to be a graduate of Harvard. An alien is one who enters a country on his own account without any invitation, and who domiciles himself in that portion of the country because of his own desire. That cannot be said of Marcus Garvey. I never desired to be born in the western world, my desire was to be born in

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the land of my fathers, but all against my will, all against my stubborn protest, somebody seized me, shackled me, and made me helpless, took me away from my own native land and brought me into his own country. How dare you say, therefore, that I am an alien? A German-American is an alien because he came uninvited. The Irish-American is an alien because he came uninvited; the Anglo-American is an alien because he came uninvited. But there is no Negro in the western world who is an alien. (Great applause.) If this so-called newspaper editor had any sense he would know and realize this: that great principles, great issues, great ideals, great movements know no nationality. (Applause.) The principle of human liberty knows no nationality. The ideal of religion knows no nationality. If Marcus Garvey is an alien of America because he teaches the doctrine of human liberty, then Jesus Christ was an alien to the world because he preached the doctrine of Christianity. (Applause.) If Marcus Garvey is an alien because he teaches the doctrine of human liberty, then Martin Luther was an alien because he taught the doctrine of the Protestant religion, and therefore Americans had no right to profess Protestantism; Englishmen had no right to profess Protestantism; the French had no right to profess Protestan [t] ism, because Martin Luther was a German. (Applause.) KNOW N O NATIONALITY

Again I say, great ideals, great principles, know no nationality, and if George Harris had any sense, if his mind was big enough for a leader, if his heart was big enough for a leader, he never would have written the things he wrote here. I will not waste any more time on George Harris because he is not worth it. Outside of the Republican support in Harlem George Harris could not get a hundred Negroes to support him because they know him so well. Yet George Harris makes a big noise about his being an Alderman, because through our loyalty to our race we elected him simply because we wanted a Negro there, not because he was thought to be the proper man. We were so loyal to our race that because we saw the position go vacant for the want of the presence of a Negro we will put him there. 6 1 want you to realize this: he is Alderman because of our desire to see a Negro in the Aldermanic Chamber, not because we thought so highly of George Harris. George Harris thinks me an alien while other folks do not think me an alien. While George Harris and Du Bois try to advertise that I am from Jamaica, 15,000,000 American Negroes do not give one row of pins where Marcus Garvey came from, and I feel as comfortable in New Orleans addressing [3],000 native-born Negro Americans as I feel addressing any crowd in Liberty Hall of 3,000 Americans and 3,000 West Indians. I feel as much at home addressing 10,000 American Negroes in Los Angeles, born [i]n the borders of the United States, as I would feel addressing 15,000 Negroes in my own native city of Kingston, Jamaica. Du Bois and George Harris have harped on the fact that I am a Jamaican and a West Indian and a foreigner

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because they are endeavoring to play on the prejudices of people. Every other effort to down the movement has failed, and they are trying to see if they can appeal to the native loyalty of their own folks to see if they will not think better of them than they think of Marcus Garvey. It is not Marcus Garvey's fault that they think better of him than they do o f George Harris. He had a long time proving his worth and if he failed before Marcus Garvey came it was not Marcus Garvey's fault. I know no nationality; I know no national boundary where the Negro is concerned. The whole world is my province until Africa is free. (Applause.) Wherever Negroes are enslaved politically, industrially, socially or educationally there is my home for the time being. Until they become politically emancipated, whether it is America or the West Indies or Africa, I have a work to perform, and I can do it anywhere with as much pleasure as I am doing it here now. Soil does not matter one bit except that soil is Africa. All soil looks alike to me. I want my good friend George Harris to realize that he has a chance to make g o o d and the Universal Negro Improvement Association affords him the opportunity if he will become a convert o f the right doctrine. (Loud and prolonged applause.) . . . P r i n t e d in NW,

22 J u l y 1922. O r i g i n a l h e a d l i n e s o m i t t e d .

1. Balboa's discovery o f Africans in the N e w World was recorded by Lopez de Gomara in Historia de Mexico (Antwerp, 1554). F. A . MacNutt's translation o f De Orbo Novo: The Eight Decades of Peter Martyr d'Anjjhera, published in 1912, quoted Peter Martyr, one o f the earliest historians o f the Americas: " T h e Spaniards found Negroes in this province [Darien]. They o n l y live one day's march from Quarequa and they are fierce. . . . It is thought that N e g r o pirates from Ethiopia established themselves after the wreck o f their ships in these mountains. T h e natives o f Quarequa carry on incessant war with these Negroes. Massacre or slavery is the alternative fortune o f these peoples" (Ivan V a n Sertima, They Came Before Columbus [New Y o r k : R a n d o m H o u s e , 1976], pp. 19-35). Research on the role o f blacks in the Spanish exploration o f the N e w World came to public attention in 1902, when Richard R. Wright's article " N e g r o Companions o f the Spanish Explorers" was published in the American Anthropologist (4, no. 2 [April-June 1902]: 217-228). The Journal of Negro History issue o f April 1921 rekindled interest in the topic by publishing an article by J. Fred Rippy, "The N e g r o and the Spanish Pioneer in the N e w W o r l d " (JNH 6, no. 2 [April 1921]: 183-189). 2. C o m m o d o r e Oliver Hazard Perry (1785-1819), American naval officer, successfully comm a n d e d the U . S . forces at the Battle o f Lake Erie on 10 September 1813 (WBD). 3. R o b e r t E. Peary (1856-1920), American explorer, reached the North Pole o n 6 April 1909 (WBD). 4 . G e o r g e W . Harris's article appeared in the New York World o f 16 July 1922. In it Harris described Garvey as "an alien and a native o f Jamaica, B . W . I . " 5. Possibly a reference to the Evangelical Protestant Society formed in April 1922 to "defend A m e r i c a n democracy against the encroachments o f Papal R o m e . " T h e head o f the new organiz a t i o n was E. C . Miller, president o f a N e w Y o r k City metals company. The society listed a n u m b e r o f prominent Protestant clergymen among its organizers. With headquarters in N e w Y o r k , the society sent out a call for charter members, claiming that its purpose was to "save A m e r i c a and the world from Romanism" by intensive evangelism, vigorous anti-Catholic publicity, and a political campaign "along the lines employed by the Anti-Saloon League" (NTT, 6 April 1922). 6. In 1920 Harris ran successfully as the Republican candidate for the Twenty-sixth A l d e r m a n i c District o f N e w York; he was reelected in 1922. H e had not been endorsed by the R e p u b l i c a n National Convention o f 1920 because o f what he called "alleged offenses against the machine." H e was, however, nominated in a direct primary held that year (Harvard Class of 1907: Twenty-fifth Anniversary Report [ N o r w o o d , Mass.: Plimpton Press, 1932], p. 314).

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Report by Special Agent James E. Amos New York, N.Y. July 21, 1922 Continuing this investigation, Agent, in company with Agent M. J. Davis, interviewed WILF[OR]D SMITH, 251 West 138th Street, New York City. MR. SMITH informed Agents that GARVEY was trying to get one JOHN

MITCHELL, JR., Banker of Virginia, to take charge of all business transactions for the Black Star Line and U.N.I.A., and that he, GARVEY, would only carry on Propaganda; that GARVEY went to Cuba and Jamaica to carry on propaganda for the Philis Wheatly. This statement coming from SMITH, who was acting in GARVEY'S absence, proves that GARVEY knew all about the Philis Wheatly. GARVEY has claimed that the propaganda for the Philis Wheatly was started in his absence from the country, but SMITH proves that GARVEY knew all about it. SMITH also informed Agents that the "KANAWHA" was to follow GARVEY to Cuba and Jamaica but that it broke down and could only go part way. SMITH also informed Agent that if the Government thought they would stop GARVEY they were very much mistaken, as GARVEY was only a young man and if he was sent to prison, when he came out he would still be a young man, and that he would start where he left off; that GARVEY had thrown away thousands of dollars, buying things he knew nothing about; that Dusi ALI MOHAMAD was to be in charge of a new magazine printed by GARVEY, called the "Black Man" and that he was not to take GARVEY'S place, as Agent had been informed, SMITH also informed Agents that GARVEY was to call a stockholders meeting and offer to redeem all the Black Star Stock by issuing U . N . I . A . bonds, payable in five years. Agent also interviewed [O.] M. THOMPSON, 231 West 135th Street, New York City, who informed Agent, as he had formerly stated, that WILF[OR]D SMITH did know everything that went on, in fact nothing could be done without SMITH having first O.K.'d it. Agent interviewed M. MANOEDI, 124 West 139th Street, who is the son of an African Prince. He claims that he is here for the purpose of starting propaganda to offset anything that GARVEY might say about Africa; that GARVEY had claimed, in his last convention, that Africans were sent here to speak for the African people, but he says it was all a lie, and that no African was authorized to make any arrangements with GARVEY for the Africans. Continued. JAMES E . A M O S

DJ-FBI, file 61. TD.

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Article by William H. Ferris [New Tork, 22 July 1922] C L I N I C OF T H E P H I L A D E L P H I A D I V I S I O N M A J O R W R I G H T ' S REALTY PLANS CONNECTICUT V A L L E Y AND ROCKVILLE DIV.

On the Saturday before the Fourth of July we visited the Philadelphia Division of the U.N.I.A. and were pleasantly surprised at the progress that was in evidence. First, we entered the grocery, and saw Mr. Clarence Norman busy waiting on six or seven customers. Then we went upstairs. Miss Mazie King, the general and financial secretary, informed us that Dr. Lionel A. Francis was in the clinic and dispensary. We descended a flight and saw two neat and elaborately equipped rooms. The clinic takes up the entire second floor. The rear room is the waiting room and contains a sick bulletin board. The front room is large and well lighted. It contains an X-ray outfit, a fluoroscope, gyroscope, electric sterilizer, irrigator, a special chair with adjustable back, side and screws for eye, throat and nose diseases and an adjustable electric light. It is said to be the finest colored clinic and dispensary in Philadelphia. Dr. Wm. B. Ramsey is in charge of the dispensary. Dr. Wm. B. Cooper, the chief physician at the clinic, Mrs. Alice Hatcher, the head nurse, and Miss Sarah McNish, a valuable assistant. Next door Dr. Francis carried us to the U.N.I.A. restaurant, where we partook of refreshments. It is well patronized. Upstairs the carpenters were fixing up the tenements for prospective tenants. The Philadelphia division owns a truck and Dr. Francis a touring car. Mr. John Scott is the expert motor mechanic in the auto department. The officers of the Philadelphia division are: Lionel A. Francis, president; Mrs. Caledonia Young, lady president; Edgar Bland, chairman trustee board; Mazie King, secretary; Sanseric O. Simpson, executive secretary; Mrs. M. E. Coleman, secretary Ladies' Division; Frederick Purnell, chairman advisory board; Harry S. Hamilton, treasurer. M A J O R W R I G H T ' S PLAN

It is planned to erect a large building on the present site, and it is hoped to start work on the new hall immediately after Labor Day. The building will be called "The Liberty Hall" of Philadelphia, will contain halls and stores, and will probably be the largest Negro building in Philadelphia. Major R. R. Wright, Sr., former president of the State College at Savannah, Ga., and president of the Citizens & Southern Bank, addressed the Philadelphia Division on Sunday, July 2. It is rumored that the Metropolitan Life Insurance Company will soon place $5,000,000 in Major Wright's hands to invest

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in Negro properties, and that 100 tenements for colored people will soon be in process of erection. Mr. Thomas Wallace Swan, the friend of Ma[y]or John Hampton Moore, 1 has rendered valuable service to the Philadelphia Division. T H E R O C K V I L L E D I V I S I O N AND T O B A C C O F I E L D S

On Sunday, July 2, we went by train to Vernon and by trolley to Rockville, Conn. The ride was pleasant despite the intense heat. As we looked south and east from the trolley we saw a thickly wooded hill where the shrubbery was very dense. But as we looked north and west we saw a wonderful view. Some fifty or sixty feet below us the Connecticut tobacco valley stretched for a length of five or six miles and for a width of three or four miles. White patches glimmered in the distance. They looked like small lakes. Interspersed between the green fields and meadows and forest crowned hills, they looked very picturesque. But as we drew nearer we saw that they were large white nets spread over the tobacco fields. We alighted from the car at Prospect street and saw a very beautiful green, studded with splendid elm trees. On Elm and Prospect streets, which encircled the green on the north and west sides, the stately elms form an arch, as they did in New Haven on Elm and other streets, before they were cut down to make way for the double track trolley and the trolley wires. Cosy cottages surround this green on every side. Finally, on Elm street, at the corner of the green, we saw a palatial residence on an elevated plot of ground slightly removed from the street. Then we went down a street at right angles to Elm street and saw mansions rising from the hillside to the north. Then we turned west on Davis avenue and passed down a hill lined with homes, suggesting wealth, comfort and luxury. Finally we came to a church at the foot of the hill overlooking the Connecticut Valley and the tobacco fields. And we were ushered into a rousing U.N.I.A. meeting. Rev. Napoleon Hall, the pastor of the Baptist Church and president of the local, was in the chair and Rev. H. C. Lowery, the organizer, was speaking to a crowded house. We were introduced and addressed a rousing meeting. Nearly every member of the church hails from South Carolina and is a member of the U . N . I . A . Through the enterprise and energy of Rev. Hall a splendid site was secured for the church and a cosy building erected. They are busy in Rockville raising the convention fund. The officers of the division are: Rev. Napoleon Hall, president and chaplain; Edward Peters, vice-president; Mrs. Lulu Dunbar, secretary; Mrs. Lela Reedy, lady president, and Mrs. Robert Reedy, treasurer. Mr. I. H. Johnson, a prominent member of the church and the local, is one of the wealthiest colored men in that section. He owns a car and a large farm at Ellington, Conn., has an ambitious wife and a daughter soon to be graduated from the high school. But, best of all, he is a loyal and enthusiatic race man.

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BRICKYARD

On Monday evening, July 3, Rev. Lowery and the writer visited the brickyard at East Berlin and addressed a small gathering in the home of Mr. R. J. Young, a staunch and loyal member of the U.N.I.A. They became interested in the African Redemption Fund. We met Mr. Evans at this time. He owns a large farm in East Granby, Conn. His son, Robert, supervises the farm, and he, Mr. Evans, Sr., owns three trucking teams, which haul for the brickyard in East Berlin and for a lumber mill in Chester, Pa. He handles one team and two of his sons the other two teams. They pay $3.50 to $4.50 a day for wages in East Berlin and from $7 to $9 a day when a man makes double time. Mr. Evans is a noble looking dark complexioned gentleman, very intelligent and full of ambition and energy, and wonderful vigor for a man in his middle fifties. T H E EAST GRANBY

BARBECUE

On the Fourth of July we went to East Granby, Conn., where the Pentecostal Church held religious services in the school and a barbecue in the grove. People came from Tariffville, Middletown, Portland, Windsor and Hartford. Mr. Wakely, a white carpenter, conducted the services, assisted by Rev. and Mrs. Mifflin of Portland, Conn. Then the audience prepared to the lawn, where the tables were spread and where they partook of the delicious barbecue that had been prepared by Rev. Robert Evans. Automobiles were lined up on the grounds. Mr. Seth Sharp and family and friends from Windsor and Hartford had a clam bake and fishing party down by the river. We found Mr. T. A. De Loach, the vice-president of the U.N.I.A., busy with his carpenter work, his store and his splendid farm, where the vegetables stood in even rows. Mr. Thomas Jefferson, the president of the division, left before we arrived. They are planning for a U.N.I.A. meeting next Sunday. PLAINVILLE, N E W BRITAIN AND MIDDLETOWN,

CONN.

Then in rapid succession, we visited Plainville, New Britain and Middletown, Conn. Through Rev. Washington, the brilliant and scholarly pastor of the A.M.E. Church of Plainville, we arranged for a lecture date. Then we visited New Britain, Conn., and found Mrs. A. Burton Tavores, the president of the New Britain U.N.I.A., busy circulating the Negro World and arousing interest in the Convention Fund. Then we visited Middletown and found Rev. John S. Banks collecting money and securing pledges for the Convention Fund. He has aroused a great deal of interest in the convention in Middletown. Over in Portland we found Mr. Willis Holman, the president, striving hard to hold his little flock

JULY 1922

together, handicapped by the fact that several colored people had left Portland because of the scarcity of work. T H E HARTFORD DIVISION

A few weeks ago we addressed the Hartford, Conn., Division, where an interesting program was rendered. Mr. F. D. Smartt, the president; Mr. J. E. Strickland, the vice-president; Mrs. T. B. Dowden, the lady president; Mr. Benjamin Washington, the chaplain; Mr. Horace Smith, the treasurer, and Mr. Campbell, a prominent lay member, were among those present. The speakers were Messrs. Andreas Anderson, Carlton Hinkson, J. E. Brown and Benjamin Washington. Miss Grace Nash sang a solo and Miss Frances Wilson presided at the piano. The choir sang acceptably, and singing of Mrs. E. O. Gaines and Mrs. A. B. Carney was fine. The band under the leadership of Mr. Kenneth A. Roane is coming along in splendid shape. Mr. J. F. C. Cesar, the botanist and agricultural chemist, who is secretary of the division, was prevented by his duties on a farm in Wethersfield from attending the meeting until late. The Hartford division has fifty members who come out rain, shine, storm or blow. T H E PASSING OF A T A L E N T E D YOUTH

Mr. John H. Morris, of 410 N. 59th street, the brother of Miss Martha E. Morris, a clerk in the President General's office, passed away Wednesday morning, June 27, at 8:30 o'clock. He had been ill of bronchial pneumonia since May 28. He was conscious to the last. Mr. Morris came of a fine family. His mother is cultured and refined; one of his sisters, Miss Julia E. Morris, teaches in Camden, N. J., and another, Miss Lydia, in Germantown, Pa. Mr. Morris graduated from the Boy's High School of Philadelphia, Pa., in 1919, at the age of 19. Last summer he attended the University of Pennsylvania. Never very strong physically, he was nevertheless a bright and apt pupil, and showed promise as an essayist and poet. One of his poems appeared in the Negro World in the fall of 1920. Mr. Morris was a young man of very fine character, and had a host of friends. . . . Printed in NW,

22 July 1922. Original headlines abbreviated.

1. A reference to Mayor John Hampton Moore of Philadelphia, who served from 1920 to 1923 and again from 1932 to 1936 (Philadelphia Inquirer, 8 May 1950).

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Marcus Garvey to Sir Eric Drummond N E W YORK, U.S.A.

July 22, 1922

H O N O R A B L E SIR: —

I hereby beg to acknowledge receipt of your letter of the 20th ult., in reply to our communication of May 23rd. I am instructed by the Executive Council of the Universal Negro Improvement Association to thank you for the information conveyed in your communication. I am instructed to ask of you that you be good enough to reserve seats for nine Delegates from the Third Annual International Convention of the Negro peoples of the world to attend the session of the Assembly of the League to be held in Geneva on the 4th September. The delegation will attend the Assembly in keeping with a petition that is forwarded to the League under separate cover. The Delegation will remain in Geneva during the entire sitting of the assembly of the League. I have the honor to be, Sir, Your obedient servant, MARCUS GARVEY

President-General U N I V E R S A L N E G R O IMPROVEMENT ASSOCIATION L N A , file 22354. T L S on U N I A letterhead, recipient's copy.

Marcus Garvey to the League of Nations N E W YORK, U.S.A.

July 22,1922

M A Y IT P L E A S E Y O U R E X C E L L E N C I E S : —

That I am instructed by the Universal Negro Improvement Association acting on behalf of the Third Annual International Convention of the Negro peoples of the world to submit to your Honorable body the accompanying Petition, and ask that Your Excellencies be good enough to give the matter the consideration necessary at the session of the Assembly of the League, to be held in Geneva, on the 4th September 1922. In keeping with the Fourteenth article of the Petition, Your Excellencies are hereby informed that a delegation from the Third Annual International Convention of the Negro peoples of the world will wait upon the Assembly during its entire session from the 4th September, to be available for personally presenting the claims of the Negro race, and to answer all questions that may be submitted by the League. It is felt that the delegation will be given the consideration merited because of the importance of the representation. Your Excellencies are hereby informed, that the Third Annual International Convention of the Negro peoples of the world is a duly elected body

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representing the interest of the four hundred million Negroes of the world, and that the accompanying petition is an expression of the feeling of the Negro race. Feeling assured that Your Excellencies will receive the delegation herein referred to. I have the honor to be, Your Excellencies' obedient servant, MARCUS GARVEY

President-General U N I V E R S A L N E G R O IMPROVEMENT ASSOCIATION L N A , file 22354. T L S on U N I A letterhead, recipient's copy.

Enclosure NEW YORK, U.S.A.

July 2 0 , 1922

PETITION OF T H E U N I V E R S A L N E G R O IMPROVEMENT A S S O C I A T I O N A N D A F R I C A N COMMUNITIES L E A G U E R E P R E S E N T I N G T H E I N T E R E S T OF THE F O U R H U N D R E D M I L L I O N N E G R O E S I N D I G I N I E S OF A F R I C A , THE B R I T I S H S U B J E C T S IN T H E W E S T I N D I E S [ , ] S O U T H AND C E N T R A L A M E R I C A , AND T H E C I T I Z E N S A N D O T H E R N E G R O INHABITANTS OF THE U N I T E D STATES OF A M E R I C A A N D T H O S E OF A S I A AND E U R O P E . TO T H E L E A G U E OF N A T I O N S T H E H A G U E , 1 SWITZERLAND

Your Excellencies:— We, your humble petitioners, representing the racial interests of the four hundred million Negroes of the world, beg to draw the attention of Your Excellencies to this our humble petition: 1. That civilization has reached the point where the different race groups have severally decided to adjust and administer their own racial affairs, and that each race feels that its interest can be best protected under its own direction. For that reason, we find the different groups of humanity seeking a national independence of their own. Basing their policy on such prem[i]s[e]s, it is believed that the great problem of humanity will be solved, wherein all peoples will be allowed to live peaceably under the protection of their own racial Government, and worship according to the dictates of their own consciences. In the practise of each race governing itself, there is every reason to assume that humanity becomes happier, and the cause of war becomes lessened. 2. We, your Petitioners, representing the four hundred million Negroes of the world, desire to bring before you the fact that our race is now 73S

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seeking racial political liberty; that we desire to found a Government of our own, and that we shall be given the opportunity to exercise that liberty that is common to all free men of all races and nations. B[ou]yed with the belief that the opportunity would be presented to us for the formulation of such a Government, we entered into the great war of 1914-1919, fighting under the banners of the Allied nations, with the pardonable hope that as a race we would be able to assist in extending the benefits of democracy to all the peoples of the earth; that we would[,] in our sacrifice of blood and money, help to free the weaker peoples of the world, and help create an ideal civilization under which all humanity would live in peace and happiness. In the belief that we were assisting to bestow a boon upon humanity and civilization, fully two millions of us willingly allowed ourselves to be drafted from the French Colonial possessions in Africa, from the British Colonial possessions in Africa and the West Indies, and from the United States of America. We permitted ourselves to be mobilized and despatched to the various battle fronts in Africa, and Europe, where we fought most loyally for the triumph of the sacred principles of human liberty, democracy and civilization. 3. No one knows more than your Excellencies of the League of Nations, what splendid service we as a race rendered the allied nations during the war of 1914-1919. By our service the Allies were able to defeat Germany in German East Africa, in German Southwest Africa, in Togoland, the Cameroons, and other parts of the great continent, as well as to defeat the common foe in Europe. 4. Your Petitioners were told, as a race, that all peoples who contributed to the war would be considered at its conclusion. We readily appreciate the fact that the League of Nations has taken into consideration the restoration of Palestine to the Jew, 2 and individual Governments which comprise the League of Nations have given concessions to other races under their Government. Ireland has been given the consideration of a Free State Government, Egypt has been granted a form of independence, and there is still a great consideration for India, who was represented at the Peace Conference at Versailles, through and by reason of the splendid service rendered by Indian soldiers.3 We, your Petitioners, as representatives of the four hundred million Negroes of the world, beg to draw to your attention the fact that absolutely no consideration has been given us as a people for the splendid service we rendered during the war. Our men have died by the thousands to uphold the principles of the war, and millions of us in different parts of the world have contributed of our labor and money for the purpose of assisting the allied Governments to successfully conduct their campaign against the late enemy. In America alone, our race subscribed $225,000,000 as loan to the American Government to assist in carrying on the war. In the British Isles and in Canada and Africa, we also contributed millions of pounds to assist our respective Governments during the time of stress. With the sacrifice we have given in blood, labor and money, we have not been justly 73fi

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considered by the League of Nations nor by the individual Governments under whom we live and who are members of your august body. For that reason, therefore, your humble Petitioners further beg to convey to you the following information: 5. There is a growing national racial sentiment among the four hundred million Negroes of the world. We believe that as a people we should have a Government of our own in our homeland—Africa; that we should be accorded the opportunity to demonstrate our ability for Government, even as the other races have been given such an opportunity by the League. We believe we are fully competent and adequately equipped to administer in Africa a Government of our own. Whilst we do not desire to establish a Government on the entire Continent of Africa, we feel that certain sections of Africa should be returned to us as a race, so that we may be able to develop a civilization of our own among ourselves as a distinct ethnic group among the many independent groups comprising the great human family. 6. Your Petitioners beg to draw your attention to the fact that over three hundred years ago the ancestors of the Negroes of the western world were stolen from Africa, and forcibly held as slaves. They were held in bondage in America for two hundred and fifty years, and in the British West Indies for two hundred and thirty years. Fifty-seven years ago, the slaves of America were liberated through the agency of Abraham Lincoln. Eighty-four years ago, the slaves of the British West Indies were manumitted by Queen Victoria. Since the emancipation of the Negroes of America and the West Indies, the race has developed a culture and civilization unexampled in the history of the world, and today our race occupies a high educational and scientific position among the other races of the world, even when measured by Europe[a]n standards. We have produced scientists, educators, lawyers, statesmen, doctors, engineers, soldiers and mechanics. We have in the main developed a high intelligence, and those of us of the Western world are ready and willing to place at the disposal of our brothers in Africa the culture and civilization we have developed for three hundred years. We are willing, most unselfishly, to give to our Motherland—Africa[—]of the intelligence we have acquired in the western world, in helping [i]n her development which must inevitably redound to the highest interests of modern civilization; and now that the opportunity presents itself, your Petitioners pray that the League will consider the uncontrovertible claim of the entire Negro race to a national home and Government of their own in Africa. 7. We, your Petitioners, desire to achieve a sympathetic, spiritual, educational and industrial evangelization of our race in Africa, and we have every justification for holding the opinion that the League will consider our moral and legal claim to rehabilitation in our Motherland—Africa. 8. Your Petitioners pray that you will grant to us, for the purpose of racial development, the mandates now given to the Union of South Africa; namely German East Africa, and German Southwest Africa. 4 We feel that if

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the League will pass over to our control as a race the development of these two late German colonies, we shall be able, within twenty years, to prove to the world and to the League our ability to govern ourselves. 9. We, your Petitioners, are of the opinion that it was with the highest consideration for helping in the development of the race, that the two late German Colonies were handed over to the Union of South Africa as mandatories, but now that your Petitioners have brought to your notice the fact that we, ourselves, as a race, are prepared to assume the responsibility of developing our own country—Africa[—]we have every reason to feel that you will be moved to give us that consideration which justice demands. 10. Your Petitioners feel that you will not fail to appreciate the service that we rendered as Africans, West Indians and American Negroes during the war, and that in recognition of such service you will not hesitate to grant us these two mandatories for their development in the interest of our race. 11. Your Petitioners feel that with sympathetic recognition, as an independent Government, granted from the League of Nations, we would be enabled to develop in Africa a racial-friendly Government that would be ever ready to assist the League of Nations in enforcing its civilized program for the good of the entire human family. 12. Your Petitioners desire to impress upon you the fact that the four hundred million Negroes of the world are no longer disposed to hold themselves as serfs, peons and slaves, but that it is their intention to look forward to the higher benefits of human liberty, human rights and true democracy. We desire also to impress upon you that it is not the intention of the four hundred million Negroes of the world to place themselves at the disposal of any other ethnic group as auxiliaries of war, and meanwhile not be considered as human beings in the distribution of those rights to which the victors of war have ever been entitled; but we shall always be anxious to assist with our blood, and by every means at our disposal that may be necessary, when due consideration is given to our undeniable claims to which we are entitled as human beings, such rights and liberties being common to all other members of the human family. 13. Your Petitioners feel that there should be a better understanding between the races of the world, and that we, who, representing as we do one of the strongest groups of the human race, are entided to the highest consideration in all those affairs that concern our existence as a people. 14. In conclusion, we have the honor to inform Your Excellencies, that a deputation, representing the Negro peoples of the world, from the 3rd Annual International Convention, held in New York City, N.Y., U.S.A., will wait upon the League of Nations at its next convened session at the Hague in the hope that it will be called upon to lay its demands before your Excellencies and to answer any questions which the League might deem fit to put to our deputation before mentioned.

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We respectfully beg to tender our thanks to Your Excellencies in advance, and pray that the League of Nations will give its early attention to the humble petition of Your Excellencies' Humble and Obliged Servants, EXECUTIVE O F F I C E R S OF THE UNIVERSAL N E G R O IMPROVEMENT A S S O C I A T I O N , FOR, AND ON BEHALF OF, T H E T H I R D A N N U A L INTERNATIONAL CONVENTION OF THE N E G R O PEOPLES OF THE W O R L D

G. O. MARKE, Supreme Deputy M A R C U S GARVEY,

President-General

J. W. H. EASON, Leader of American Negroes RUDOLPH SMITH, Leader of Negroes of

the Eastern Province cf the West Indies JOHN

SYDNEY

DEBOURG,

Leader

of

Negroes of the Western Province ofthe West Indies WILLIAM H . FERRIS, Asst. Pres.-Gen. F. A . TOOTE, Secretary-General G . E. STEWART, Chancellor HENRIETTA

VINTON

DAVIS,

Interna-

tional Organizer ELIE GARCIA,

Auditor-General

J. D . GIBSON, Surgeon-General F.

WILCOM

ELLEGOR,

Commissioner-

Gen. VERNAL J. WILLIAMS, Asst.

Counsel-

Gen. U. S. POSTON, Minister of Labor and Industry E. L. GAINES, Minister of Legion J. B. YEARWOOD, 1st Asst. Sec'y-Gen. R. L. POSTON, 2nd Asst. Sec'y-Gen. D u s i MOHAMED ALI, Foreign Secretary

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JOHN E. BRUCE, Special Secretary RT. REV. J. R. L. DIGGS, ChaplainGeneral July 20, 1922 D N A , RG J9, file 800.4016/19. PD. Minor corrections and date handwritten by Garvey. 1. The headquarters of the League of Nations was located at Geneva. In a subsequent printing of the petition on 26 luly 1922, the correct location was used. 2. Garvey is speaking here of the events of April through July 1922, which affected the fate o f Palestine and the League of Nations. The mandate for Palestine had been given to Great Britain at the Conference of San Remo of 25 April 1920. Meanwhile, conflict over the future status o f the region grew. Jewish groups in the United States urged that the British mandate f o r Palestine be ratified at meetings of the League of Nations in April 1922. Objections were raised by the Vatican, however, which wanted assurances that Christian missionaries would be protected and that access to shrines would be maintained. Palestinian Arabs also protested, fearing that the British would carry forward the sentiment of the Balfour pledge of a Jewish homeland. After weeks of negotiations, the League of Nations finally approved the mandate on 24 July 1922 ( N T T , 10 April and 24 July 1922; Melvin I. Urofsky, American Zionism from Herzl to the Holocaust [New York: Anchor Press, 1975], pp. 240, 243; Walter Laqueur, A History of Zionism [New York: Schocken Books, 1976], pp. 454-455; Philip Jones, Britain and Palestine, 1914-1948: Archival Sources for the History of the British Mandate [Oxford: Oxford University Press for the British Academy, 1979]). 3. Representing India at the Paris Peace Conference were E. S. Montagu, secretary of state f o r India; the maharajah of Bikaner; and Lord Sinha, parliamentary under secretary of state for

India (Papers Relating to the Foreign Relations of the United States: The Paris Peace Conference,

1919 [Washington, D . C . : G P O , 1943], 3: 7). 4. The mandate for German East Africa was not given to the Union of South Africa. Rather, it was divided between Britain, which received the territory of Tanganyika, and B e l g i u m , which was granted Ruanda-Urundi (George Louis Beer, African Questions at the Paris Peace Conference [London: Dawsons of Pall Mall, 1968], pp. 439-440).

Report by Special Employee Andrew M. Battle New York City 7/22 to 29 [19] 22 July 22nd: Today I interviewed Mr. J. H. Morris, founder of the Merchant Tailors' Amusement and Industrial Association, who informed me that the K u Klux Klan had sent for Garvey for the purpose of securing all information possible concerning the U.N.I.A., and that Garvey was informed by an official of the aforementioned secret organization that they had no intention whatsoever of harming the negroes, but, to the contrary, they were trying to help them. Morris further stated that he was in sympathy with the Garvey movement and that he attends every meeting that Garvey addresses. I next conversed with Rev. G. E. Stewart[,] Treasurer of the Black Star Line and of the U . N . I . A . , who informed me that he expected to have a conference with McLenard on Monday night when he would be in a position

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to state whether it would be safe for him to remain in the United States after he resigned his office during the coming convention and that he intended to consult a lawyer on the matter. I also interviewed Mrs. M. W . Johnson of 100 West 136th St.[,] w h o [ m ] I found was not at all in sympathy with Garvey's action in interviewing the officials of the K u Klux Klan. July 23rd: Today I attended a radical meeting held at 196 W . 131st St., which meeting was addressed by D. T . Tobias, Mrs. A . K. Lewis and Miss Grace Campbell. The first named, in his address, stated that he supported Garvey in his controversy with Harris; that the latter was endeavoring to break up the Garvey movement so that he, Harris, could obtain more financial support, but that neither of the men showed good sense in referring to the matter of the history of the negro in the newspapers. Clarence Carpenter also made an address in which he stated that the Socialist Party was the only organization that had done anything for the colored folks. Mrs. Lewis stated that the only thing left was for the radicals to gather at the forum which they are operating and with which the Rev. E . E. B r o w n is affiliated. July 24th: Today I interviewed Mr. W . D. Lee, of 17 West 134th St., who brought up the subject of the controversy between Harris and Garvey, saying that both o f them were trying to swindle the negroes, but that Garvey seemed to have the upper hand. Later I spoke with Mitchell, the owner of the cigar store located at 433 L e n o x Avenue, who stated that the only thing left for the negro is to gather so that there can be a revolution that will wipe the other side out. This man is a close acquaintance of Clarence Carpenter and M. L. Campbell and it appears that they discuss with him the doings of the Socialist Party throughout the negro district. Mrs. J. Bushell informed me that Will Moses had preached several times for Garvey and that he, Moses, endeavored to engage her at a salary of ten dollars a day to sing, but that she refused inasmuch as she feared it might injure the reputation of her husband who is the pastor of the Walker Memorial Baptist Church. July 25th: Today I again interviewed Mr. J. H . Morris of 128 W . 134th St. I joined the association which he is conducting in order that I might be able to meet with the younger element of the colored race in this city who are said to congregate in his place. Dr. G . E . Stewart, Treasurer of the U . N . I . A . , called on me today and stated that F. A . T o o t j e ] , Secretary of the organization, was going to try to put a stop to Garvey in the coming convention and that he heard that Garvey would marry A m y Jacques sometime this week. 1 Stewart further stated that at the convention he intends to read the letter he wrote Garvey on November 25, 1921, and the one sent in April, 1922, and that he is certain that these letters will cause Garvey some inconvenience. July 26th: Today I held a conversation with J. A . Holland of 117 West 141st St. [,] who stated that Campbell and others would be in a position some day to compel the capitalists to make way for them.

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I also called at 127 West 135th St., Campbell's place of business, where most of the negro radicals meet, and I succeeded to entering a back room where it is said private discussions take place. July 27th: Today I interviewed F. A. Toot[e], Secretary of the U.N.I.A. and Black Star Line, who informed me that he was going to resign his office as Secretary, as was Gasher [Garcia?] and Stewart; that as soon as he, Toot[e], leaves the organization^] he is going to England. He made mention of the fact that he knew more about the business of the concern than any other person and that he could not afford to remain in office after the Rev. Stewart resigned, as there would be danger for him to do so. He remarked that Garvey was not a clean man, nor is he honest; therefore, he, Toot[e], must get away. I also conversed with Dr. J. A. Holland of 117 West 141st St.[,] who called at my house. During the course of conversation he made mention of the fact that Campbell is quite active in the radical movement and that everyone should be in readiness when they strike a blow at the Government; that the plan may take one or two years, but it will be carried out no matter what it costs. July 28th: Today Arnold J. Ford of 38 West 131st St., who is the director of music for the U.N.I.A., called to see me and in discussing the activities of the U.N.I.A. he stated that the real object of the movement was to line up all of the negroes of America and then use them for a cat's paw to secure a hearing and possible standing in Africa; and, should they be successful they will turn over their commercial business to the West Indies and by so doing they would then have a way to the gold fields; but, that Garvey changed their plans by going over to the Ku Klux Klan in order to make it so disagreeable for the Southern negro that he cannot live in the South or in the North and by those methods the negro will have to go into some other country. Ford also advised that William Ferris intends to resign his office in the coming convention. I also had a talk with Dr. J. A. Holland and the Rev. G. E. Stewart, but secured no information of value from either. July 29th: Today Rev. G. E. Stewart informed me that he had heard that Marcus Garvey was planning to break up meetings that are to be held during the month of August in the vicinity of 131st St. and 7th Avenue, and that he feared if Garvey took this action it would probably be the means of stopping the convention. It appears that Garvey went to Baltimore last Thursday [27 July] where he was married to Amy Jacques, but he made no mention of this fact to any to the officers of his organization. Mr. Mathes [Matthews] of Boston, who was formerly an officer in the Black Star Line, told me of Garvey having fooled the people by selling them tickets for passage when he did not even own a ship. Today there will be an officers' meeting at which time it is expected the board's attention will be called to the false statement Garvey made to Dean Pickens.

742

JULY 1922 I attended a meeting at 133rd St. and Lenox Avenue at which meeting Carpenter spoke against the management o f this government. During the meeting John T . Morris o f 210 West 133rd St. advised me that there was a man coming from Ireland and that he was afraid that this government would make efforts to deport this person as he was coming here in the interests of the Socialist Party. A N D R E W M . BATTLE DJ-FBI, file 61. TD. 1. Garvey married Amy Jacques in Baltimore on 27 July 1922. Rev. J. R. L. Diggs, UNIA chaplain general, officiated at the ceremony (County of Baltimore vital records, folio 120, docket 1922).

Speech by Marcus Garvey [[New York, July 23, 1922]] L I B E R T Y H A L L ATTRACTING H U G E C R O W D S AS C O N V E N T I O N A P P R O A C H E S . . . T o n i g h t I desire to speak for a few minutes on the action of the C o u n c i l o f the League o f Nations. Last Wednesday the Council of the L e a g u e o f Nations assembled in London and made a final distribution o f a portion o f the African colonies taken from Germany during the late war. In the apportionment o f the late German colonies, parts of Togoland and the K a m e r o o n were given to France, and other parts were given to England as mandates. T h e distribution o f the Kameroons and Togoland among the French and English governments brings out the fact that the protests o f the National Congress o f Africa 1 o f 1920 and the protest of the Universal Negro Improvement Association o f 1920 and 1921 were not heeded. PROTESTS A G A I N S T D I S T R I B U T I O N OF A F R I C A N TERRITORY In 1920 a delegation from the National Congress o f Africa made up o f African natives met a committee of the League o f Nations Union in London and a m o n g the many things they protested against in the name of Africa was the parceling out o f Togoland and the Kameroons as mandates of European powers without taking the people domiciled in those sections o f Africa into consideration. 2 T h e league initiated its apportionment, I believe, at the Versailles conference or some time afterwards, but they were not final in this apportionment or distribution. The final act was performed last Wednesday in L o n d o n when a few men from Europe met, headed by Arthur J. Balfour, n o w k n o w n to the world as the Earl o f Balfour. They met and decided among themselves as an alien race that Africans' territory—Africans' land—should

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be apportioned among them—distributed among them without taking the native Africans into consideration or those who have rights in Africa into consideration. The apportionment also included German East Africa, which is given to the English. So that we have the apportionment of the Kameroons, of Togoland, and the late German East African Colonies, and by that act the Council of the League of Nations have determined that they will end the great question of war. Where they got their idea from I cannot tell. T H E F O U N D A T I O N FOR W A R

In their act of last Wednesday they have laid a firm foundation for war and rumors of wars (applause) and tonight I say this from the platform of Liberty Hall: That if Englishmen, if Frenchmen, if Italians, if alien races think they can continue to legislate for Negroes, they make a big mistake. (Applause.) Negroes of this twentieth century are not considering them and whatsoever Balfour and the rest of them may determine, we are determined to ignore, because as far as the apportionment of Africa is concerned no Englishman, no Frenchman, no Italian has any right of way and no say in the matter. It is not a question of the apportionment of England; it is not a question of the apportionment of France; it is not a question of the apportionment of Italy; it is a question of the apportionment of Africa, and when that apportionment of Africa is to be considered only those who are native to Africa—only those who are concerned in Africa from a racial viewpoint have any say in the matter. These white people have bluffed the world for hundreds and hundreds of years, and they seem to think that they can continue to bluff the world for many more centuries; but if they will read the signs of the times they will realize that they are signing their own doom. Negroes not only in America, not only in the West Indies, not only in South America, not only in Canada but in Africa itself are no longer disposed to allow any alien race to determine their destiny. U . N . I . A . E N T E R S PROTEST

The Universal Negro Improvement Association therefore on Thursday protested emphatically against the distribution of those colonies among England and France and whomsoever is concerned. We sent a cable to the Council of the League of Nations through Viscount Ishii, of Japan, laying before them our dissatisfaction of the distribution, and we are not only going to back up our dissatisfaction with mere words, but we are going to organize more rapidly than ever the 400,000,000 Negroes of the world to smash up every mandate they created. (Loud applause.) If black men have no right in America; if black men have no right in Canada; if black men have no right in Australia; if black men have no right in England; if black men have no right in France; if black men have no right in Italy, white men shall have no right in Africa. (Great applause.)

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Wc have stood for this bluff for too long. What right has Arthur J. Balfour to sit down in London with a few of his compatriots and friends and determine the destiny o f Africa? We do not see anything African in Arthur J. Balfour. What right has he to remain in London and decide the destiny o f Africa? That attitude o f nations which has existed in the past cannot continue, and nobody knows it better than Arthur J. Balfour that his act of last Wednesday is nothing else than a huge bluff, and that bluff will continue as long as Negroes remain disorganized throughout the world; but the moment you can get together a mighty force you will turn that bluff upside down. (Applause.) FRANCE HAS PROHIBITED " T H E NEGRO WORLD"

The news has come that France has issued a proclamation that The Negro World shall not be circulated in the French Colonial possessions o f Africa, but it is too late, we have organized already. We have not only organized the French Colonial possessions in Africa, but we have organized the Senegalese troops on the Rhine. (Vociferous applause.) And we tell them without any fear, and we tell them without any desire to recall one word— that since they are looking for trouble they are going to get trouble. Black men have reached the point now where they are going to have their rights or die in the attempt of getting those rights; and we realize that there is no other place on God's green earth for Negroes to claim their rights than on the continent o f Africa. PROPAGANDA AGAINST THE ASSOCIATION

With all the controversy—with all the things said and written about the Universal Improvement Association and about me personally, as far as the African program is concerned, I trust you will pay absolutely no attention, for the simple reason those things are incidental; you will have them in every big movement; you will have them in every big endeavor. You have not yet found in all human history where all the people have ever agreed at one and the same time. Therefore, I do not want the leaders of the Universal Negro Improvement Association to pay much attention to what other Negroes say, because they do not mean what they say anyhow, and there is not much to what they say. The fellow to whom attention should be paid is the fellow who has the intention to rob and exploit us. You can always correct the Negro who wants to do you a wrong, but you cannot always combat the other fellow unless you are strong and prepared as he is. That is why we are preaching this doctrine of preparedness to the Negroes throughout the world. Prepare with financial power; prepare with physical power; prepare with educational power; prepare with scientific power. The only way you can combat the organized powers o f the world now lined up for the exploitation o f Africa and of this race of ours is to keep yourselves in a position where you

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can meet fire with hell fire. That is the only position that is going to help you. If Arthur J. Balfour was the Earl of Haiti or the Earl of Santo Domingo, or the earl of some insignificant country or republic, he would never have [had] the nerve to sit down in London last Wednesday and decide the fate of over 25,000,000 black men in Togoland and the Kameroons and in German East Africa. Why did he do it? Because his country of England represents a mighty physical force; his country represents a military power; his country represents a naval power, and because of those forces Arthur J. Balfour was able to do to Africa what as a representative of Haiti he could not do to Africa; what as a representative of Santo Domingo he could not do to Africa; what as a representative of Panama he could not do to Africa; what as a representative of Mexico he could not do to Africa. What is the difference between Mexico and England in the matter of an African mandate? The only difference is one has a powerful navy to conquer and to enslave, and the other has no powerful navy to do it. In other words, Mexico would have had the same right of parceling out Togoland and the Kameroons and German East Africa as England has, but because Mexico was not an international power respected by all the great governments of the world, Mexico did not give herself the right to do that. It proves to you, therefore, that brute force is the thing that rules the world; not religion, not politics, but brute force, and if you have an organization you will get brute force as quickly as you can. England has parceled out our land simply because England has a big club in her hand and you have nothing. If you would take my advice you would get a club ten times as big. I am saying this without any fear or regard for what has been done, because they have absolutely no more right to do it than I had the right to sit down here and say I am going to parcel out England. What is the difference? The difference is that if you have power your trouble would be to take possession. Now that is the trouble—having possession. You cannot parcel out England because you cannot take possession. And do you know why you cannot get possession? Because you have not the power that gives that possession. What is the power that goes with possession? Brute force—the power to knock somebody out of your way. It is the power that England has, and if you want to retire her you will have to get a superior power, and that is what the Universal Negro Improvement Association is organized for—to get 400,000,000 Negroes together. And one month after that is done 30,000,000 Anglo-Saxons will hold themselves in that little island called England and never show themselves around the 12,000,000 square miles of land called Africa. So long as you keep disorganized, so long will they keep up this bluff, and I trust that the Third International Convention of the Negroes of the world is going to give us an organization that will be perfect in its physical strength, so that when we call upon the entire race we will act as one man. Balfour is going to keep up this bluff as long as you are disposed to accept the bluff, but we say from Liberty Hall that they shall not pass as far as the parceling out of African territory is concerned. They have distributed the

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JULY 1922 lands o f o u r fathers w i t h o u t consulting us. T h e y have exploited Africa for 300 years, a n d the attitude o f the present-day N e g r o is that w e will collect n i c k e l f o r nickel, d i m e for dime. S o m e o f o u r critics may say that is all t a l k — t h a t is all b l u f f . France felt that w a y in 1870, w h e n G e r m a n y levied an i n d e m n i t y o n her, b u t France is laughing at G e r m a n y today. History proves t h a t there is n o permanent security for nations or races. T h e o n e race that is p o w e r f u l t o d a y — t h e o n e nation that is p o w e r f u l t o d a y — m a y become a slave race o r a slave n a t i o n t o m o r r o w . E v o l u t i o n carries one race f r o m one condit i o n t o a n o t h e r , and t o d a y Balfour o f E n g l a n d m a y be e m p o w e r e d to impose his w i l l u p o n the w o r l d , but n o o n e can tell w h a t will happen to his race t o m o r r o w . W e w a n t y o u to realize that the attitude o f the C o u n c i l o f the L e a g u e o f N a t i o n s last w e e k was n o t passed unnoticed. W e have taken note o f everything. . . .

Printed in NW, 29 July 1922. Speeches by Hon. G. E. Carter and Rev. J. W. H. Eason omitted. 1. T h e National Congress o f British West Africa first met in Accra, Gold Coast (now Ghana), in March 1920. The idea o f such a congress originated with several West African newspapers, which called for the congress as early as 1916. The leading exponents were Rev. A t t o h A h u m a , w h o published the Gold Coast Journal, and J. E. Casely Hayford. At the f o u n d i n g meeting in 1920, which was attended by fifty-two delegates, all four British West African colonies were represented. The Gold Coast delegation was by far the largest, with f o r t y - t w o delegates. There were six Nigerian delegates, three from Sierra Leone, and one from Gambia. T h e congress called for West Africa to have the right of self-determination while remaining a part o f the British Empire. One o f its most important accomplishments was the delegation it sent to London in 1920 to lobby in behalf o f its aims. Although it did not call for immediate independence, the congress was the most influential nationalist movement in West Africa and an important predecessor to later independence movements (J. Ayodele Langley, Pan-Africanism and Nationalism in West Africa, 1900-194S [London: Oxford University Press, 1973], pp- 107-194, 243-285; Imanuel Geiss, The Pan-African Movement [New York: Africana Publishing C o . , 1974], pp. 283-293). 2. A m o n g the congress's resolutions were four that were listed under the heading "The R i g h t o f the People to Self-Determination." The second resolution on the list read, "That this Conference condemns specifically the partitioning of Togoland between the English and the French Governments and the handing over of die Cameroons to the French Government w i t h o u t consulting or regarding the wishes o f the peoples in the matter" (J. Ayo Langley, Ideologies of Liberation in Black Africa, 1SS6-1970: Documents on Modern African Political Thought from Colonial Times to the Present [London: Rex Collings, 1979], p. 746).

William Pickens to Marcus Garvey 260 West 139th St., N . Y . C . July 24, 1922 M y dear President G a r v e y : — Y o u r letter o f July 10, 1922, o n behalf o f the Executive C o u n c i l o f the U n i v e r s a l N e g r o I m p r o v e m e n t Association, has been received, w i t h an invit a t i o n a n d a s u m m o n s t o me to be present o n the n i g h t o f A u g u s t 10th, at L i b e r t y H a l l , w h e n " H i s H i g h n e s s the Potentate o f the Universal N e g r o I m p r o v e m e n t A s s o c i a t i o n w h o is the H o n o r a b l e Gabriel Johnson o f M o n -

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rovia, Liberia, will in his official capacity as Potentate, confer certain honors and titles upon certain distinguished Negro characters according to the instructions of the Executive Council of the Universal Negro Improvement Association." The matter is important enough for me to make a definite expression for the sake of clear understanding. I will first say, therefore, what is unnecessary; that I can never deem myself too good, or quite good enough, to receive any distinction from the hands of honest people, however humble they may be, and especially from colored people. On the other hand, I cannot feel myself quite bad enough to accept any honor or alliance with such an organization as the Ku Klux Klan or the Black Hand Society. I would rather be damned or murdered by such an organization than to be honored or rewarded by it. The U.N.I.A. is not (or at least has not been heretofore regarded as) in a class with those criminal organizations, but I gather from your recent plain utterances that you are now endorsing the Ku Klux Klan, or at least conceding the justice of its aim to crush and repress colored Americans and incidentally other racial and religious groups in the United States. You compare the aim of the Ku Klux in America with your aims in Africa,—and if that be true, no civilized man can endorse either one of you. The Ku Klux are boldly proposing to commit a great crime against civilization by turning the world back to the racial geography of fifty generations ago. It makes no differences that they cannot do so: their crime will consist in the trouble they will make trying to do it. It is fair to assume, in the absence of their objection, that your Executive Council approve of your endorsement of the Klan, which proposes to decitizenize the American Negro. But I believe that the rank and file of the U.N.I.A., if they understand it, will disapprove of it as strongly as do the rank and file of the rest of us. If you are trying to fool the Klan, you have employed a losing stratagem. If you are sincere, then you are more unfortunate to the American Negro than the whole Klan. You say in effect to the Ku Klux: All right! Give us Africa and we in turn concede you America as a "white man's country." In that you make a poor deal: for twelve million people you give up EVERYT H I N G , and in exchange you g e t — N O T H I N G . For the Klan has nothing to "give up" in Africa; it does not own or control one square inch of Africa. But the Negro American citizen has everything to give up in America. You might as well tell the Klan: We will give up all our homes, our rights, our lives, our past and our future in our native land, providing the Klan will give us a free and undisputed title to the moon. In fact the Klan can give you a much less troublesome title to the moon today than it can give you to Africa. The moon is, of course, a little further away, but so much the better protection against the long-range guns of England, France and Portugal.—What is the earthly commonsense of bargaining what we have in the United States for what the Klan, and nothing like the Klan, can ever give us in Africa? 74&

J U L Y 1922

If it is ever to be possible for you to negotiate a worse transaction than the Black Star Line, this must be IT. In the deal for the Line, if at a very great expense, you did actually get some boats that are safe when in a good harbor,—but in this K.K.K. deal, you get absolutely nothing for the group, and for yourself, you only get a little freer hand—perhaps—to exploit the more ignorant parts of the group in the Klux-ridden section of the country. And you have no dependable bond for that yet. The oppressor will not feel hostile toward any influence that proposes to fool and discourage the oppressed black folk and divert their minds from seeking rights in America; he wants them so fooled and deluded; it will make them less troublesome to the Klan.—You imply that the Klan is only doing in America what you aim to do in Africa. Well, that is the worse possible recommendation for both of you. Even if the Negroes in Africa should (1,000 years from now,—and we would like to see it earlier) control a territory there, only a very few American Negroes will ever go there, even on a visit,—perhaps one out of a thousand in a decade. There will never be fewer people of Negro blood in these United States than they are at this minute, and never less white blood in Africa than now. Modern science has not done away with races but it has certainly dispensed with racial geography. Now, I believe in law and civilized government, and am therefore against the Klan and all of its principles, yesterday, now and to-morrow. I would not therefore accept any special honor from even black people who believe in Klan principles.—Wherein I have thought Marcus Garvey to be right, I have said so, regardless of the opinions of those opposed to him. Now that I know him to be wrong, I say so. In this Ku Klux attitude he is just about the wrongest black man that ever tried to lead American Negroes anywhere. Perhaps, then, you will understand why I have the temerity to turn down my first, and doubtless my last, chance to become a Knight, or a Duke, or some other breed of Nobleman. I would rather be a plain black American fighting in the ranks A G A I N S T the Klan and all its brood than to be the Imperial wizard of the Ku Klux or the allied Imperial Blizzard of the U.N.I.A. I would accept any title of honor at the hands of Black People more proudly than at the hands of any other people, but I would regard it as more than a dishonor, as even a dishonesty, to so much as indirectly endorse Mediaevalism and crime. I believe in Africa for the Africans, white and black, and I believe in America for the Americans, native, naturalized and all colors,—and I believe that any of these Americans would be foolish to give up their citizenship here for a thousand-year improbability in Africa or anywhere else. WILLIAM

NN-Sc, WP. TLS, carbon copy.

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T H E MARCUS GARVEY AND U N I A PAPERS

W. E. B. Du Bois to Marcus Garvey [New York] July 25, 1922 My dear Sir: I thank you for your invitation of July eighteenth and regret that I shall be unable to take part in your parade. Very sincerely yours, [W. E. B. D u Bois] WEBD/PF MU, WEBDB. TL, carbon copy.

Marcus Garvey to President Warren G. Harding New York,

U.S.A.

July 26, 1922

A T T E N T I O N H O N . G E O . B . C H R I S T I A N , S E C Y , TO P R E S I D E N T HONORABLE S I R : —

On the 31st May last I wrote to you on behalf of the Executive Council of the Universal Negro Improvement Association asking if you would be good enough as to receive a delegation from the Third Annual International Convention of the Negro peoples of the world that is to assemble in New York from the ist to 31st August, to discuss the great problems confronting the Negro race. It is the desire of the Organization that this Delegation meet you to lay before you such matters as may be expressive of the sentiment of the Negro race on national as well as international matters. The Delegation will be representative of the entire Negro race, in view of the fact that those who make up the Convention are duly elected representatives from the four hundred million Negroes of the world. In reply to the letter of 31st May, you requested that I write on the matter again about the ist of August. In keeping with the suggestion I hereby beg to remind you of the request. You will find herein enclosed a copy of a partial program of the Third Annual International Convention of the Negro peoples of the world. If you will find it impossible to receive the Delegation on the 15th August, any time between the 15th and 25th will be satisfactory. With very best wishes, I have the honor to be, Your obedient servant, MARCUS GARVEY

President-General U N I V E R S A L N E G R O IMPROVEMENT ASSOCIATION

P.S. Enclosed please find copy of Petition1 sent to the League of Nations.

7S0

JULY 1922 D L C , Warren G. Harding Papers (microfilm). T L S on U N I A letterhead, recipient's copy. 1. Printed above.

Marcus Garvey to Charles Evans Hughes New York, U.S.A. July 26, 1922 HONORABLE S I R : —

I am directed by the Honorable Executive Council of the Universal Negro Improvement Association representing the interest of the four hundred million Negroes of the world, to submit to you the attached petition forwarded to the League of Nations by this Organization on behalf of the Negro race. It is the desire of the Universal Negro Improvement Association that you be good enough to take up the subject matter of the petition with your Government. It is also hoped that you and your Government will give the matter due consideration. I have the honor to be, Your obedient servant, M A R C U S GARVEY

President-General U N I V E R S A L N E G R O IMPROVEMENT ASSOCIATION D N A , R G 59, file 800.4016/19. T L S on U N I A letterhead, recipient's copy.

Report of U N I A Luncheon [[New York, July 26, 1922]] Wednesday, July 26, was Liberia's Natal Day. It was the seventy-fifth anniversary of her establishment as an independent republic. Although the American Colonization Society sent the first colored pioneers there in 1822, one hundred years ago, it was not until July 26,1847, twenty-five years later, that the little republic made her bow to the world as a real nation. As His Highness, the Potentate, Gabriel M. Johnson, and His Highness, the Supreme Deputy, George O. Mark[e], had recently arrived in New York City from Monrovia, the Executive Council decided to give a luncheon in their honor on Liberia's Natal Day, in the commodious hotel that is managed by Messrs. De Van and Fane. Consequendy, on Wednesday afternoon, July 26, the tables were set and decorated in the De Van for the Executive Council and its distinguished guests. His Highness, the Supreme Potentate, Gabriel M. Johnson, was seated at the center of the central table. His Highness, the Supreme Duputy, and His Excellency, the Right Honorable Marcus Garvey, were seated at his side.

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His Excellency, the American leader, J. W. H. Eason; His Excellency, the West Indian leader, Rudolph Smithf;] and the Assistant President General were seated at the end of the table. Seated at two tables at right angles to the central table were His Excellency, the West Indian leader, Sydney De Bourg, Right Honorable Secretary General Fred A. Toote, Rt. Hon. Minister of Legions Capt. E. L. Gaines, Rt. Hon. High Commissioner F. Wilcom Ellegor, Rt. Hon. Minister of Industry and Labor U. S. Poston, Rt. Hon. Assistant Secretary General J. B. Yearwood, Rt. Hon. 2nd Assistant Secretary General R. L. Poston, Acting Counsel General Hon. Vernal Williams, and the High Chancellor G. E. Stewart. The guards of honor from the Universal Legions stood at the head of the table, and the Black Star Line band regaled the guests with entrancing music, as they partook of the delicious repast. Miss Winifred Pinder presented the Potentate with a handsome bouquet of flowers in an appropriate speech on behalf of the employees of the association, and Mrs. L. L. Lipscomb also presented the Supreme Deputy with another handsome bouquet in another appropriate speech. Then the Rt. Hon. Marcus Garvey, President General of the U.N.I.A., in an eloquent speech, spoke of Liberia's possibilities. The High Commissioner, Dr. Wilcom Ellegor, representing the Rt. Hon. G. E. Stewart and the Rt. Hon. J. B. Yearwood, the other members of the committee, in his introductory speech gave a brief sketch of the history of Liberia in which he referred to Liberia holding her own for 100 years. He said, "The pen is mightier than the sword" in referring to Liberia's diplomatic career. He also referred to Elijah Johnson, the grandfather of ex-Major Gabriel M. Johnson, when the colored colonists faced trials and tribulations, and Commissioner Ayers, the white gentleman in charge of the party, contemplated leading the colonists back to America, it was the heroism of Elijah Johnson that caused them to stand firm.1 Then Dr. Ellegor introduced the High Chancellor, Dr. G. E. Stewart, as the master of ceremonies. The following toasts were responded to: "The Negroes of the World," the Hon. Marcus Garvey. "America," by Rt. Hon. J. W. H. Eason. "Colored Womanhood," Lady Henrietta Vinton Davis. "The West Indians," Rt. Hon. Rudolph Smith. "The Republic of Liberia," His Highness Gabriel M. Johnson. "Sierra Leone," His Highness G. O. Mark[e]. "The Officials of the U.N.I.A.," Hon. F. [T]oote. Very touching was the address of the Supreme Deputy Potentate G. O. Mark[e]. He spoke of the hospitality of ex-Major Johnson and the Liberians, and their kindness and sympathy when his mother passed away. He told how 100 years ago Elijah Johnson was traveling in America organizing colored men to go to Africa, and how today, a hundred years after, his grandson, the 7S2

JULY 1922

ex-Major of Monrovia, was touring America endeavoring to stimulate further interest in Liberia. He alluded to Liberia's famous men and made a flattering reference to Chief Justice D[o]ssen,2 who could hold his own in any international legal circle. He said that he had not a single enemy in Liberia, and would take out his citizenship papers in Liberia upon his return. The Assistant President General moved a vote of thanks to Messrs. De Van & Fane. The Secretary General moved a vote of thanks to Professor Isles, the Black Star Line Band, the Guard of Honor and the employees for their presentations. As the President General said in his address, Liberia and Abyssinia are the only two independent Negro governments in Africa, and their development will mean much to the sons and daughters of Africa. . . . WILLIAM H . FERRIS Printed in N W , 5 August 1922. Original headlines omitted. 1. Elijah Johnson was a black survivor of an unsuccessful expedition of 1820 to an island off the coast of Sierra Leone, called Shebro Island, which was led by a white minister, Rev. Samuel Bacon. When all of the whites and twenty-two of the eighty-eight blacks died of yellow fever, Elijah Johnson and Daniel Coker led the survivors back to Sierra Leone. A second attempt to set up a colony began the following year, when the group of Afro-Americans moved to Cape Mesurado. Meanwhile, Dr. Eli Ayres, along with Christian Wiltberger, had been brought in to take charge of the expedition (both men were white Americans). Ayres soon returned to Sierra Leone; Wiltberger fell ill and was forced to leave as well. Elijah Johnson, however, was determined to remain. He and the remainder of the colonists stayed and cleared the land that was to become the site of Monrovia [Nathaniel R. Richardson, Liberia's Past and Present [London: Diplomatic Press & Publishing Co., 1959], pp. 17-18). 2. James J. Dossen was born and educated in Liberia. In 1908 he was envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary to the United States, and he made an appeal to President Theodore Roosevelt on behalf of Liberia. He was made president of Liberia College in 1913, and he later became chief justice and vice-president of Liberia (DNA, R G 59, file 882.00/692; Nathaniel R . Richardson, Liberia's Past and Present, p. 282).

W. E. B. Du Bois to Albert D. Lasker New York July 27, 1922 Sir:

I write to ask for certain information which I trust that some department of your Board can give. It is alleged that some time early in the year 1921 the Black Star Line, a steamship company of New York City, made negotiations to buy the steamship Orion from your Board and that for some reason the negotiations fell through and the steamship was not delivered to the Black Star Line. I write to ask if it would be possible for you to confirm or deny these allegations or give me additional facts? The reasons for my request are these; large sums of money, amounting to perhaps half a million of dollars, have been collected from the colored people of this country and the West Indies 753

T H E M A R C U S GARVEY AND U N I A PAPERS

during the last three years to finance the Black Star Line. Many promises have been made concerning its future activities. These promises have not been kept and the line is practically bankrupt and the money has disappeared. This magazine [The Crisis], which circulates among colored people, would like to be in a position to know how far these los[s]es are legitimate. For these reasons we want to get the facts concerning the alleged attempt to buy a ship from you. Can you furnish these facts or can you refer us to any one who will? I should be under great obligations for any information that you can give. Very respectfully yours, W. E. B. D u Bois [Endorsement] Freund 7/30. DNA, RG 32, file 605-1-653. TLS on Crisis letterhead, recipient's copy. Handwritten endorsements.

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JULY 1922

Editorial Letter by Marcus Garvey 3

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IW TOM. MTUBAT. ACT m. I H

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3rd Annual International Convention of Negro Peoples Of the World to Assemble in New York August 1st Grttnug:

Fn i"« M i w r THt N»ew> lUct. W hat w ill go do» n in history • • th« greatest event of the Negro race will be the grand opening ( the Third Annual International Con\ cntion of the Negro peoples of the world, to take place in No» York City on August I. Already thmi«..ind\ of delegates ha»e arrived to participate in this great international conclave. When ir !>• i«>itv„tcrcil that the delegates are coming from tt i- tour corner* of the world, namely, \trivi'. Kurope, Vustralia, Smith and Cent n l Nmiriv.i. the W'e*t Indie«. Canada and the ( itifcil Snti v it will he seen that an interest is brin*» ni;inifcMal in the work of the I'nivenal Nei»n» !mpro>cment As*nciation never yet demonvtr.itvd on Klmlf of an\ movement. Thedele».»tcN « ho «ill . t w m h l e in New Vork from the Nt to the J l \ t of August «ill he the true and only nprevntittives of the four hundred million Negroes of the world. They will have been rlected h\ their respective communities to rep r e * n t them at this great congress, therefore w h i i t w v er w ill he said and done will be expressiv r of the feeling and sentiment of the entire Ne«ro r.u r. Once upon a time two or three inifi-nlii.ils Himld get together and map out a pri^rii'ii fliiml pnifrMn (r N'rfm p>rytel M ihc wivld. 11. Ap^eirumi Mtgstim m mumm rtw Segm m if> Suprfmc Council nl th* I^tfvw oi Nimm n> pmrm imtttAtl tdvectm m» bthtlf uf IS. Dittwèig ihe fumi* of die Negro in Amènes. 14. Discuta« rt» fwcurt 0< tkt Negro in ri« Ww

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APPENDIX V

Report of the U N I A Treasurer, i August 192131 July 1922 York Age, 10 October 1922] FINANCIAL SHOWING.

From other sources The Age has come into possession of an alleged copy of the report made by the treasurer to the parent body of the U.N.I.A. and A.C.L. showing a condensed [statement] of resources and liabilities as of July 31, 1922. According to this report, the total receipts from August 1, 1921, to July 31, 1922, were $187,633.54, of which voluntary contributions amounting to $34,165.25, and another item, "Construction Loan Notes," was $23,713.53. Expenditures for the same period totalled $186,921.16, and this sum includes "Construction Notes Rec'd," $10,926.68, with interest on same, [ $ ] 8 2 8 . 8 5 . In the schedule of resources, real estate holdings are given as 52 West 135th street, $14,000; and 54 West 135th street, $4,400. The liabilities show a mortgage on No. 52 for $4,532.64, with an added item, "Sub. on mortgage," of $967.80, totalling $5,500. But in the list of disbursements for 1921-22, the[re] are the following items: "Real estate and mortgages, $25,384.75; payment to B.S.L. lease 54-56, $3,000; advance to B.S.L., account lease, $3,668.98,"—(making a total paid of $32,053.73). Resources and liabilities as of July 31, 1922, are given as $285,718.31 and $260,869.38, respectively, showing a net worth of $24,848.93, but included in the list of resources are items of rather intangible value: 6,888 shares of stock, B.S.L., $34,440, and "Good Will"—Negro World, $60,000, a total of $94,440. The largest single item under "Resources" is a total of $93,707.83, due from branches and sundry debtors for supplies, dues and taxes. A loan to B.S.L. is for $10,000, and deposit and deferred payment on hotel premises, West 136th street, total [$]6,668.98.

1086

APPENDIX V

Under liabilities, the largest single item is under "Notes Payable, Construction notes, $150,209.07," with interest, $6,533.52. Notes to officials amount to $12,456.38, loans from members total $20,835.66, while there is a balance of accrued salaries of $30,691.99. Unpaid death claims are listed at $3,450.

Balance in bank, August 1,1921, was $10,913.67, while the balance shown July 31, 1922, was $20,881.24, but of this sum, $19,667.05 is set down as "Reserve Funds." Printed in the New York Agt, 10 October 1922.

IO87

APPENDIX VI

Marcus Garvey on the Ku Klux Klan The exact relationship between Marcus Garvey and the Ku Klux Klan was and still remains a source of major contention, especially on the part of Garvey's critics. The following document adds an important dimension in evaluating the evolution of that relationship and Garvey's ideas regarding the Klan. The statement was discovered too late to be included as part of the main body of the volume. [New York World, 7 September 1921] N E W Y O R K E R S H A I L E X P O S U R E OF K L A N ; PRAISE THE WORLD L E A D E R S IN M A N Y L I N E S OF C I T Y ' S A C T I V I T I E S 1 D E N O U N C E V E N O M O U S S O C I E T Y AND S E C R E T M E T H O D S .

N e w Yorkers hailed with approbation yesterday the opening chapter o f T h e World's exposure o f the K u Klux Klan. 2 It was obvious from the expressions o f opinon by men and women of various types and stations in life that this metropolis thoroughly disapproves o f any secret organization seeking to array against each other persons o f different races or religious creeds. N o t only Catholics, Jews and negroes—the three classes of citizens to which the Klan is specifically inimical—but all other types o f N e w Yorkers as well united in condemnation o f the Klan and in praise o f The World's action in focusing the searchlight o f publicity upon its dark secrets. T h e World's exposure was pronounced a great public service and the most important piece o f high-grade journalistic work in many years. . . . Following is some o f the comment expressed on The World's expose: . . . MARCUS GARVEY, head o f Universal Negro Improvement Associat i o n — T h e World has rendered and is rendering a splendid service to this great Republic by its expose o f the underhand methods of this anti-American society known as the Knights o f the K u Klux Klan. The people w h o make up this society are no friends of this great country, for when they seek to outrage

1088

APPENDIX V I and endanger the lives and property of others through their unlawful attacks, they only seek to foment civil strife that may ultimately do harm to the peace and g o o d will that n o w exists. . . . Printed in the New Tork World, 7 September 1921. Original headlines omitted. 1. There were a total of twenty-nine respondents; included among them were Col. William Hayward, U.S. Attorney for the Southern District of New York; Judge Otto A. Rosalsky of the Court of General Sessions; John B. Kennedy, editor of the magazine published by the Knights of Columbus; George W. Harris, editor of the New York News and city alderman; Fred R. Moore, editor of the New Tork Age\ Dr. Nehemiah Mosessohn, editor of the Jewish Tribune; Samuel W. Gumpertz, amusement manager; Mrs. Peter Zucker, president of the Women's Harding and Coolidge Club; Miss Mary Wood, president of the Women's State Republican Association; Mrs. Benjamin Harrison, widow of President Harrison; Frank Hague, mayor of Jersey City; Rev. W. W. Brown, pastor of Metropolitan Baptist Church; and several theatrical producers. 2. The World's exposé of the Ku Klux Klan extended over three weeks, running from 6 September until 26 September 1921. Based on research conducted over several months by Richard Thomas, the reports were syndicated by leading newspapers in eighteen cities. In its installment of 19 September, the World provided a chronology of 152 separate outrages committed by the Klan; partly as a result, the following month, the U.S. House of Representatives responded by holding a series of hearings into alleged Klan atrocities that included extensive testimony by the founder of the revived KKK, William Joseph Simmons. The inquiry was stymied in the end by the absence of legal evidence that would have allowed Congress to take punitive action. The most significant effect of the New Tork World's exposé, however, was the free national publicity that it provided the Klan. The result was a spectacular increase in Klan membership, from one hundred thousand to approximately one million, and the chartering of two hundred new local chapters (Kenneth T. Jackson, The Ku Klux Klan in the City, 191s-mo [New York: Oxford University Press, 1967], pp. 11-13; U.S. Congress, House Committee on Rules, Hearings on the Ku Klux Klan, 67th Cong., 1st sess., 1921).

IO89

INDEX

A Note on the Index A n asterisk (*) precedes annotated biographical entries found in the text. A page number followed by an n with a digit indicates that the entry appears in the footnote cited. A n entry that appears both in the text and in a footnote on the same page is indicated by the page number only, except in the case of an annotated entry. Bibliographical information can be found in the annotations that accompany the text. When there are variant spellings of a name, the accepted spelling is used; in other instances, where there is no generally accepted usage, the spelling which seems most correct is given. Variants have not been indexed. Women are indexed under the name that first appears in the text; married names are indicated by parentheses, as, A s h w o o d , A m y (Garvey). Cross-references to both married and maiden names are supplied. Titled persons are indexed by title, except where the name appeared in the text before the title was given, as in the case of Rufus D. Isaacs. Government agencies are listed by name. Cross-references to the appropriate cabinet department are provided when necessary, as, United States Department of Justice, See also Bureau of Investigation. Topics o f speeches and writings are indexed using the actual phraseology of the document. N o attempt is made to present topical information using ideological categories of a later period; thus, "black nationalism" is not an index entry. 527 n. 1, 595, 609, 653, 657, 665, 670, 7 4 9 , 762, 948, 1040; Duse Mohamed Ali on, 831-832; anthem of, 151, 269, 453; as black habitat, 35; black missionaries to, 77 n. 1; black nation in, xxxiii, liii, 283, 496-497, 500, S02, 504, 574, 580-581, 609-610, 611, 612, 666, 684, 7 0 9 , 7 I O , 7 1 4 , 7 3 7 , 775, 7 7 6 , 792, 830-831, 921-922, 947; blood of, 324, 335; Cyril Briggs on, 65-66, 66 n. 4; Canada in, 55; citizenship in, 38, 658; colonization (see Back to Africa movement); Crusader in, 201; described, 54,55; Ethiopian movement in, 76, 77 n. 1; Europe in, 40,53, 77 n. 1, 82, 84,265, 368,455-456, 466-467,576, 608-610, 611, 612, 63:, 676-

Abbey Memorial Fund, 128, 129 Abbott, Robert, 949 n. 3 Abyssinia, 772, 776 n. 3, 834, 1006-1007, 1052 Abyssinian Riot, +38 Adam, Jean Joseph, 664, *666 n. 1, 701, 702, 789, 950 n. 1, 1001, 1069, 1072; as delegate to League of Nations, Iv, 947, 948, 949, 1025 Adams, Charles, 618 Adams, Lottie, 524 Aeronautics, 1048-1049, 1059-1960 n. 1 Africa, 98, 185, 208, 210, 214, 264, 317, }2i, 425, 465, 486, 488, 663, 681, 844, 845; for Africans, 12, 13, 32, 40, 45, 59, 65-66, 66 n. 4, 99, 100, 114, 147, 157, 158, 169, 179, 187, 202, 224, 225, 263, 265, 268, 277, 278, 312, 331, 38o, 453, 467, 490, 491-492, 523,

677 n . 1, 683, 737-738, 7 4 3 - 7 4 6 , 769, 771,

773, 776 n. 2, 831, 833-834, 835, 836, 846, 947; William H. Ferris on, 64-65,66 n. 3;

IO9I

INDEX flag of, 40, 175, 215, 354, 492, 493 , 792, 847, 924; Garvey rumored to go to, 14; Garveyism in, $60, 564, 832; imperialism in, 77 n. 1, 174, 176; independence movements in, 747 nn. 1, 2; independent churches in, 77 n. 1; Islam in, 76, 77 n. 1; League of Nations mandates on, 12, 40, 168, 610, 613 n. 2, 676-677 n. 1, 737-738, 740 n. 4, 743-747, 773; minerals in, 55, 832, 1054-1055; morality in, n o , 112; as New Jerusalem, 84; Pan-African Congress on, 32, 45, 278; Pan-Africanism in, 771-772, 1040, 1041; Paris Peace Conference on, 168; partitioned, 168, 834-836, 1009-1010; William Pickens on, 283, 527 n. 1, 749, 816, 817; president of (see Garvey, Marcus [offices and titles o f ] , as provisional president of Africa); redemption of, xxxi, 20, 26, 27 ; 28,51,59, 64-65, 66 n. 3, 75, 76, 84, 126, 127, 172, 189, 205, 209, 212, 252, 267, 269, 295, 310, 324, 325326 , 335, 338, 356, 364, 366, 367, 370, 378, 379, 448, 45°, 456, 458, 466, 471, 481, 483, 493, 568, 571, 573, 595, 596, 653, 655, 673, 675, 676, 728, 767, 768, 769, 770, 771, 832833, 835-836, 846-847, 856, 857-858, 859, 948, 994, 1004, 1018 (see also African Redemption F u n d ) ; republic of, 38, 213, 35°, 354, 366, 493; titles in, 1009-1010; United States of, 350, 457, 665, 775; UN1A in, 25, 113, 264, 368, 832, 834; U N I A convention (1922) on, 737-738, 785-786, 789, 830-836, 838, 1009-1010, 1018; H . G. Wells on, 261, 262-263, 268, 269 n. 8, 269-270 n. 10. See also Egypt; Ethiopia; Liberia; South Africa Africa for the African, 66 n. 4 African Blood Brotherhood, 65, 66, 137, 140, 191, 228, 232, 688 n. 1, 704; on Africa, 75, 76, 126, 127; aims of, 76, 200, 300; allegiance to, 105; anti-Garvey campaign of, 13, 274, 300; Bureau of Investigation infiltrates, 73, 74, 105, 125, 237-238; Bureau of Investigation on, 22; Communist influence in, 96; Garvey on, 288, 300, 446; Garvey invited to join, 229; on loyalty, 13, 75-76; McGuire in, lii, 199, 200, 299-301; meeting announcement for, 303; meeting of broken up, 298, 299301; membership of, 13, 127; Negro Congress Bulletin and News Serpice of, 22, 75; o n Negro federation, 75, 76, 127; Negro World on, 107, 126; on race unity, 74-75, 126; as secret, 127; self-defense program of, 76; and Tulsa race riot, 76, 127, 196; and U N I A , 75, 76, 126; at U N I A second convention, 62, 75. See also Briggs, Cyril V.; Crusader African Communities League, 239, 270, 402, 413, 893 n. 3; buys Black Star Line stock, 359-360; owns Negro World, 440; IO92

restaurant of, 410. See also Universal Negro Improvement Association and African Communities League African Institute, 561 n. 1 African Legions. See Universal African Legions African Methodist Episcopal Church, 566567 n . 1 African O r t h o d o x Church, li, 170, 199-200, 294 n. i, 793 n. 1 African Redemption Fund, 156, 219, 241, 252, 514, 732; Agent 800 on, 192; amount of, 18, 104, 192, 216, 217 n. 1, 218, 242; contributors to, 16-18, 192, 627-628; Madarikan Deniyi on, 1-2; Garvey on, 19-20,116, 596, 634, 663; Negro World on, 16-18, 192 n. 2, 217 n. 1, 627-628 African Times and Orient Review, lii, 560, 561 n. 2; banned, 114, 115 n. 1, 203; Duse Mohamed Ali at, 203, 831-832 Afrikaner Bond party, 675, 677 n. 2 Agent 800. See Jones, James Wormley Ahuma, Rev. Attoh, 747 n. 1 Akalis, 338 n. 2 Alabama. See Birmingham Albany, N.Y., 504 Alcandre, Mr., 277-280 Alexander, Mr., 22 Alexander, L., 625 Alexander, Lillian, 941 Alexander the Great, 169 Ali, Dusé Mohamed, lii, 524, 561-563, 618, 729, 739, 788, 834, 899, 916,1069,1073; on Africa, 831-832; Agent 800 on, liv, 114, 115, 117-118, 163, 203, 217, 560, 580, 597, 630; and African Times and Orient Review, 203, 831-832; and John E. Bruce, 203; business of, 114, 117, 163, 203; described, 203; and Garvey, 114, 117, 203, 308; invites speakers to convention, 581, 591, 597, 678; at Liberty Hall, 117, 217; at Negro World, 580, 630; and U N I A , 560, 580, 597; o n Turkey, 630, 631 n. 1 Allen, C. E., 825, 1069, 1076 Allen, Cleveland, 851 Allen, Maj. Gen. Henry T., 315 n. 1 Allen, Richard, *566-567 n. 1 Alleyne, Ashton, 627 Alleyne, Joanises, 627 Allison, Clarence, 689 Amalgamated Clothing Workers Union, 620 n . 1 Amalgamation: W. E. B. D u Bois on, 46, 79; Garvey o n , 25, 37-38, 40-41, 46, 79, 94, 157, 158, 159-160, 592, 593; Warren G. H a r d i n g on, 142; J. W. Johnson on, 79; in South Africa, 157-158; G. W. Stevenson on, 135-136 Ambition, 149-150 Amendola, Giovanni, 608, *609 n. 1, 10401041

INDEX Austin, Reynold F., 983, 997, 1069, 1073 Australia, 265, 570, 573 n. 3, 947 Avarutus, Mr., 552 Axtell, Silas B., 70 Ayres, Dr. Eli, 753 n. 1

American Bible Society, 853, 862 American Colonization Society, 751 American National Bank, 615 American-Sumatra Tobacco Plantation, 951 Ames, F. M., 3 Amissah, Kweku, 564 Amos, James E., 373 n. 1, «525 n. 1,541, 542, J4J, 546, JJ4, 560, 622 n. 3; interviews witnesses, 629-630, 640-641, 702-703, 729, 782-783, 916, 951-952 Amsterdam News, 137-138, 140, 191, 999 Amter, Israel, 355, *J62 n. 3 Anderson, Andreas, 733 Anderson, Edward, 22, 31, 196, 361 Anderson, Susie Bell, 18 Anderson, Thomas W., »794 n. 9, 827, 838, 864, 873, 874, 887, 888, 905, 914, 937, 943, 1014, 1027, 1030, 1069, 1073; at J. W. H. Eason's U N I A trial, 972-973; in Garvey's cabinet, 1029, 1046; at Adrian Johnson's U N I A trial, 821-822; on Louisiana, 792793; on lynching, 779 Andrews, George, 1022 Andrews, W. T., 891 n. 1 Angelt, Sir Norman, 279, *28I n. 3 Anglo-Irish Treaty, lii, liii, 260, 269 nn. 2, 4, 5

Bachman, W. S., 46-47 Back to Africa movement, 15, 61, 198, 210, 213-214 n. 1, 233, 234, 272, 353, 354, 383, 401-402, 425, 440, 636, 638, 858 n. 1, 921922, 933; Cyril Briggs on, 63, 238; Bureau o f Investigation on, 302, 359, 414; William Pickens on, 816, 817; A. P. Randolph on, 856-857; Frederick Toote on, 417, 419, 421. See also Wheatley, Phyllis, S. S., passages sold on Bacon, Rev. Samuel, 753 n. 1 Bagnall, Robert W., xxxiv, 254 n. 1, 817 nn. 1, 2, »932 n. 1, 933; Garvey on, 928, 931, 999 Bailey, Miss (in Philadelphia), 820-821 Bailey, Henry, 8 Baka pio, 311, 312 n. 3 Baker, J. Ellis, 228 n. 4 Bakersfield, Calif., 715 n. 4 Bakersfield Californian, 715 n. 4 Balboa, Vasco de, 720, 721, 722,728 n. 1, 803 Balfour, Arthur, 182, 264, 267,572, 743, 744, 745, 746, 747 Baltimore, Md.: black press in, 885, 891 n. 1, 999; Bureau of Investigation in, 489; Garvey in, liii, lv, 216, 219, 274, 489-494, 742, 743 n. 1; U N I A in, 489-494 Baltimore Afro-American, 891 n. 1, 999 (Baltimore) Daily Herald, 891 n. 1 Bank of British West Africa, 47 n. 2 Banks: black, 114, 115 n. 3, 597-598 n. 1; British, 47 n. 2; Garvey on, 1054, 1055 Banks, Rev. John S., 732 Barbados, 892, 893, 894, 901 n. 3 Barber, Mrs. E. M., 941 Barber, J. D., 834, 863, 945, 946, 993, 998 n. 2, 1069, 1072 Barclay, Alexander A., 892 n. 7 Barnes, J. Edmeston, 64-65, 66 n. 3 Barnett, Charles M., 117, 533, 534, 539 Barnett, Claude A., 1015 n. 3 Barrielle, Louis, 30 Bartley, Mr. (of Rochester), 827,1069,1074 Bass, Charlotta, 92 n. 1 Bass, Joseph, 171 n. 1 Bates, Mr., 649 Batouala, 772, 776 n. 2 Batson, J. Milton, 934 Battle, Andrew M., 688, 689; on Black Star Line, 1061; on J. W. H. Eason, 942, 949; on William H. Ferris, 815; on Garvey, 687, 815, 942-943, 949, 1001; interviews delegates, 780, 839-841, 854-855; interviews witnesses, 703-704, 705 n. 2, 740743; on G. E. Stewart, 700, 703,704,918-

Anglo-Japanese Alliance, 776 n. 4 Annis, Cora, 704 Anthem: African, 151, 269, 453; U N I A , 189190, 269, 896 Anthony, Caleb, 10 Antilla, Cuba, 8; American Consul at, 123; S.S. Kanawha at, li, 5, 7, 15-16, 69, 77-78 n. 1, 101, 122, 124, 153, 358, 396, 582-586, 997 Arkansas, 818 n. 2 Armstrong, Capt., 453, 459 Armstrong, Gloster, 375, 1015 n. 1 Arnold, Benedict, 366 Ashantee war, 53 Ashmeal, Thomas, 9, 70, 71, 79 n. 1 Ash wood, Amy (Garvey), 96; Garvey divorces, lv, 783 n. 1, 840, 841 n. 2 Asia: Europe in, 40, 174; Garvey on, 40, 174, 175, 188, 189. See also China; Japan/ Japanese Associated Negro Press, 526-527, 764, 855856 n. 1, 1015 nn. 3, $ Associated Press, 31, 32, 351, 378, 771 Atlanta, Ga., lv, 373 n. 1, 679, 681, 694, 700 Atlantic Steamship Line, 869, 873 n. 4 Attucks, Crispus, 379, 720 Aubert, Senator, 32, 43 n. 7 August, S., 11 Augustine, 898 Austin, Rev. J. C., xxxiv, 778,779,780,800, 1069, 1074; addresses convention, 801804, 854-855, 878-879, 880-882; in Africa, 855-856 n. 1; on Africa, 854-855, 882; Garvey on, 880, 882 IO93

INDEX

Association and African Communities League); patents of, 672; in politics, 499, 864-865, 866, 887-888, 889, 892, 893, 901 n. 2; as primitive, 109; in radical movements, 741, 742, 817 n. 2, 850; as slaves, 768; West Indian v. American, xxxiv, 60, 855, 949; and white women, 109-110, 111 Black and Tan Delegation, 374-375 n. 1 Black and White in the Southern States, too n. 1 Black Cross Navigation and Trading Co., 882 n. 1 Black Cross Nurses, 53, 522, 628, 781, 828829, 901, 1037, 1046 Black Hand Society, 748 Black Legion, 195 Blackman, 842, 886, 893 n. 3, 943 Black Man, 729, 1048 n. 1 Black Star Line, 13, 15, 24, 72, 140, 155, 220, 221, 228, 232, 239, 352, 446, 461, 729, 749, 764-765, 866, 981; advertising by, 198, 474, 475,513; attempts to buy S.S. Orion, xxxi-xxxii, li, liii, liv, 5, 21, 28-29, 96, 101-103, 117, 163, 170, 179, 256, 330-331, 346-347, 397-399, 414, 433-436, 442, 462, 506, 507, 508, 551-553, 556, 565-566, 577, 578, 591-592, 598-599, 606, 613-615, 616, 618619, 622-623, 644-645, 686, 753-754, 757; assets of, 389, 403-404, 430, 548, 10841085; band of, 410, 411-412, 753, 823, 865,

919, 1002, 1042; on U N I A convention, 778-780, 815-816, 838-840, 853-855, 918919, 932, 942-943, 949, 1001—1002, 1042, 1061 Bayne, John, 812, 1069, 1073 Beardsley, Mr., 535 Beck, William H., »629 n. 1 Beckles, Berisford, 628 Belgium: in Africa, 40, 215, 675, 771, 772, 831; at Disarmament Conference, 284; Garvey on, 100, 215, 675 Bell, J. Truman, 914, 980 Bell, Philip A., 625 n. 1 Bellegarde, Louis-Dantfcs, 32, *42 n. 4 Benedict X V , lii, 201-202, *202 n. 1 Bennett, A. W., 511 Bermuda, 893, 901 n. 2 Bernays, Murray C., 355-356, *362 n. 1 Berry, W. H., 852 n. 5 Beveridge, Ray, 108-110, in, 112, »113 n. 1 Bhagwan, S., 701 Bible: Garvey quotes, 182, 211, 212, 213, 503, 770, 924; at U N I A convention, 862, 992 Bird, Dr. J. H., 854 Birmingham, Ala.: Harding's speech xxxii, lii, 141, 142, 143, 145, 161, 205,

310, 853, in, 713,

772

Birth of a Nation, 43 n. 9 Bismarck, Otto von, 222, 826 Black(s): banks, 114, 115 n. 3, 597-598 n. 1; birth rate, 26; buy guns, 118 n. 1; clergy, 67, 342, 343, 344, 688-689 n. 2, 780, 792; condition of, 26, 35-36, 45, 59-60, 119, 120, 202, 207, 213, 215, 226, 333, 466, 499, 594, 604-605, 654, 655-656, 659, 673, 674, 697, 768, 862-863, 887-888, 889-895, 896, 901 n. 2, 921 n. 3, 1019; decreasing population of, 26, 223-224, 227; franchise, 901 n. 2; on Garvey, 295, 296, 526, 609, 610611, 612, 688-689 n. 2, 690 n. 1, 745, 780, 817 n. 1; on Garvey and Ku Klux Klan, xxxiii, 688, 689, 703, 704, 705 n. 2, 741, 781; health of, 1018-1019; in history, 720721, 722, 727, 728 n. 1, 803, 897-899, 1013, 1015 n. 9, 1019; horror, 314, 315 n. 1; leaders, 27,32, 33, 34,36-37,42 nn. 2 , 3 , 4 , 54, 150, 227, 366, 467, 609, 610—611, 612, 665, 682, 685-686, 844-845, 847, 848-849, 866, 928, 931 (see also Du Bois, W. E. B.; Garvey, Marcus; Moton, R. R.; Pickens, William; Randolph, A. Philip; Washington, Booker T.); life expectancy of, toi81019, 1020, 1024 n. 1; missionaries, 77 n. 1; organizations, 13, 32, 36-37, 58, 67, 108, 127, 165, 316, 377, 378, 526, 688 n. 1, 723, 927, 928, 929, 999 (see also African Blood Brotherhood; National Association for the Advancement of Colored People; Universal Negro Improvement

879, 9 0 0 , 914, 942, 947, 980, 995, IOI3,

1014, 1022, 1031, Investigation on, 197-198, 203, 255, 355-362, 382, 410,

1046, 1048; Bureau of 4, 14, 78, 96, 130, 170, 302, 306-307, 308, 332, 411-412, 413, 414, 427-

436, 4 4 2 , 462, 4 7 3 - 4 7 7 , 525, 528, 529, 5 4 1 -

546, 557-560, 6O6, 616-617, 688, 916, 1061; of Canada, 429; criticized, 247-254, 258, 289, 313, 508, 509, 878; in Cuba, 128; W. E. B. Du Bois on, 162 n. 1, 753-754, 757; finances of, xxxi, lv, 78, 96, 141, 170, 203, 242-243,385-386, 399, 4 0 0 - 4 0 1 , 4 0 4 , 408-409, 411-412, 413, 422-423, 428, 429, 430, 439-440, 528, 547, 551, 559, 574-575, 620-621, 635-636, 638, 641, 781, 854, 916, 1077-1085, 1086; funds of attached, 115; Garvey on, 179, 225, 242, 247, 248-249, 253-254, 289, 348, 349, 482, 490,505,506508, 509, 527, 577, 578, 620-621, 853-854, 867-871, 878, 919, 929-930; liabilities of, 1084-1085; officers of (see Garcia, Elie; Garvey, Marcus; Matthews, William C.; Thompson, O. M.; Tobias, George; Toote, Fred A.); in Panama, 355 n. 1; in Pittsburgh, 61; propaganda as purpose of, 241, 258, 357, 577, 868, 869; A. P. Randolph on, 857; redemption/reorganization of, 687, 870, 874-877, 882 n. 1, 887, 1029, 1039-1040, 1042, 1043, 1064; ships of, 152, 197-198, 355, 382, 383, 384-389,

IO94

INDEX 3 9 3 - 3 9 4 , 4 0 6 - 4 0 8 , 4 2 6 , 4 2 7 - 4 3 6 (see also

S.S. Kanawha; S.S. Shadyside; S.S. Tarmouth)-, A. Rudolph Silverston on, SS4556; stock/stock sales of, 104,156,197,198, 2 1 4 , 2 4 1 , 2 4 2 , 255, 272, 3 4 0 - 3 4 2 , 354, 359360, 3 8 3 - 3 8 4 , 3 9 0 , 391, 4 0 I , 403, 4 0 4 , 4 0 5 - 4 0 6 , 4 1 6 , 418, 4 2 2 , 4 2 5 - 4 2 6 , 512-517, 529, 542, sso, 551, 560, 622 n. 2, 637, 638,

641, 854, 919, 1061, 1077-1078;

stock-

Bridgewater, Mr., 459 Briggs, Bertha (Mrs. Cyril), 96 n. 1 Briggs, Cyril V., 105, 300, 354, 460, 520-521 n. 1, 704; accused of being white, 23-24, 107, 125,126; on Africa, 65-66; at Amsterdam News, 137, 140; anti-Garvey camp a i g n o f , XXXÜ, 13, 22, 74-76, 91, 96, 114,

I 3 0 - I 3 I , 163, 192, 197, 199, 217, 237-238, 255, 2 7 4 , 2 9 8 - 2 9 9 , 3 0 1 - 3 0 2 , 355,356; o n B a c k t o

Africa movement, 63, 238; Bureau of Investigation on, 22, 91, 114,130-131, 217,

holders' meeting of, 130, 476, 548; suits a g a i n s t , li, liv, 6 8 - 7 1 , 7 8 , 1 0 1 , 1 2 2 - 1 2 J , 919,

999; suits by, li, 78, 101, 218, 437 n. 2; in Texas, 474; traitors in, 527, 869, 870;

237-238, 255, 2 7 4 , 2 9 8 - 2 9 9 , 3 0 1 - 3 0 2 ; o n

U S S B o n , j , 21, 2 8 - 2 9 , 1 0 1 - 1 0 3 , 256, 3 3 0 331, 375, 565-566, 613-615, 618-619, 6 2 2 -

623, 644-645, 686; UNIA convention on,

8 2 7 - 8 2 8 , 853-854, 865, 867-873, 8 7 4 - 8 7 7 ,

capitalism, 24, 28 n. 1; and Cyril Crichlow, 192, 274; as communist, 24; on destroying government, 24, 28 n. 1; on equality, 63; and William H. Ferris, 6266, 90, 220; on Garvey, 62, 63-64, 65; Garvey on, 23-24, 125, 126, 135, 136, 137,

918, 1029, 1039-1040; and Volstead Act,

138, 140, 179, 191,301; Garvey sued by, Iii,

13. See also Back to Africa movement; Garvey, Marcus, mail fraud case against Black Star Line Redemption Corp., 870,

125, 130, 131 n. 1, 135-138, 1 3 9 - 1 4 1 , 163, 191,

192, 199, 217, 231; Garvey sues, Iii, 140141, 201, 217-218, 219, 232, 238; and J . D .

882 n. 1, 1 0 3 9 - 1 0 4 0 , 1043, 1064

Gordon, 238, 274; on Hindus, 338 n. 1; invites Garvey to join him, 196; and

Black Star Navigation and Trading Company, 1039-1040, 1043, 1064

G . A . M c G u i r e , 198, 238, 274, 298-299;

Black Star Steamship Co. of New Jersey,

on Negro's duty in war, 62-63, 64; on Negro's fighting for whites, 62-63; on Negro's loyalty, 62, 63-64, 65, 75-76; Negro World on, Iii, 107, 228; on next war, 75; on Tulsa race riot, 196; and UNIA convention (1921), 22, 65, 66 n. 2. See also African Blood Brotherhood; Crusader Briggs, Hattie, 524 Briggs, James, 438 n. 1 Briggs, James Marvin, 358, 430, 431, 544 Briggs, William H., 96 n. 1 Britain. See Great. Britain British Central African Protectorate, 191 n. 7

433 , 435 , 5 4 2 , 550-551, 870

Blair, David H., 271 Blake, William H., 625 n. 1 Bland, Edgar, 730 Blease, Cole, 79, 94 Bliss, Reginald, 269 n. 6 Blue Sky Laws, 104 Blyden, Edward Wilmot, 66 n. 4, 998 n. 4 Boas, Franz, 190 n. 1 Boers, 147, 673, 675 Bolshevism, 32, 288-289, 296, 316, 928

Bompart, J., 166 Bondelswarts rebellion, 676-677 n. 1 Bone, J. B., 778 Boone, Daniel, 720, 803 Booth, Joseph, 66 n. 4 Bottomley, Horatio W., 222, *227 n. 1 Boulin, Herbert S., (Bureau Agent P-138), 1 4 , 2 4 4 n. 1 Bourne, Clifford S., 825, 865, 874-875, 877, 903, 9 0 4 , 913, 9 1 4 , 1029, 1046, 1069, 1075 Bows, J. W., 778 Boyce, Matilda, 372 Boycotts, 817 n. 2 Boyde, John J., 372 Boykin, Alfred A., 522, 523, 524 Brad well, Elliott, 628 Braithwaite, Aaron, 825, 1069, 1076 Branch, Sarah, 408 Brascher, Nahum D., 1015 nn. 3, 5 Braxton, Mr. (of Norfolk), 827, 1069, 1075 Brazil, Wilfred F., 453 Brennan, Edward J., 1, 30, 125, 306, 307,

British Dominion General Maritime Co., 543

British Guiana, 893, 901 n. 2, 901-902 n. 4 British Honduras, 893 Broad Steamship, 473 Brockington, H. M., 524 Bronze Cross of African Redemption, 116 Brooklyn, New York, 452-459 Brooklyn Standard-Union, 156 Brooks, Mr. (of Delaware), 1069, 1072 Brooks, Rev. George S., 790, 810 Brooks, James D., 354, 414, 963, 964; accused of theft, 2, 220, 621, 998 n. 1; acquitted, 998 n. 1, 1042; arrested, Iii, 220, 232, 409; on Black Star Line, 405-406, 408-409; Bureau of Investigation on, 360, 382; statements o f , 382, 405-409; on

his salary, liv, 620, 621; on UNIA finances, 408, 409, 621; on S.S. Yarmouth, 406

4 4 2 , 4 6 2 , 521, 524

Brothels, no, in

Briand, Aristide, 297, *298 n. 1, 572, 698

I09S

INDEX Brotherhood, 173, 174, 184, 185, 189, 202, 308, 656 Browliea, Joseph K., 524 Brown, Colin C., 21 Brown, Rev. E. Ethelred, 635-639, 705 n. 2, 741 Brown, Emma, 942 Brown, George, 171 n. 1 Brown, J. E., 733 Brown, James (of Chicago), 627 Brown, James A., 372, 916 Brown, L. H., 983 n. 5 Brown, Pole, 67 Brown, R. G., 985, 1069, 1074 Brown, T. J., 461 Brown, Rev. W. W., 779, 801, 854, 880, 882, 1069, 1073, 1089 n. 1 Bruce, John E. 114, 117, 243, 618, 634-635, 740, 937, 995, 1051, 1069, 1073; and Ali, 203; Bureau o f Investigation on, 624 n. 1, 629; at Daily Negro Times, 893 n. 4; and Garvey's arrest, 519,520, 624, 629; at J. D. Gibson's UNIA trial, 797; at Adrian Johnson's UNIA trial, 821; at Negro World, 203; as secretary, 519-520 Bryan, Arden, 964 Bryan, William Jennings, 267, »270 n. 12 Bryant, Charles H., 18, 828, »830 n. 5, 872873, 877, 944, 952, 1033 n. 1, 1069, 1075 Bryant, Josephine, 18 Buchanan, W. L., 521-524 Buffalo, New York: Bureau o f Investigation in, 46, 521-524; Garvey in, liii, 521524, 590; G. Johnson in, 46-47; UNIA in, 46, 521-522, 523, 524 Bundy, Rev. Charles, 700-701 n. 1 Bundy, Dr. Leroy, xxxiv, »700-701 n. 1, 704, 877, 888, 904, 923, 937, 948, 987, 988, 989, 991, 993. 995, 997, 1046, 1051, 1069, 1074; Bureau o f Investigation on, 1002; chairs convention, 1003-1004, 1016, 1017, 1026-1027, 1028, 1033, 1034; at J. W. H. Eason's UNIA trial, 976-977; in East St. Louis riot, 1034, 1040 n. 2; on industry, 861; on League o f Nations delegation, 949, 1028; salary of, 1034, 1035, 1039, 1042-1043; on UNIA finances, 1033-1034 Bundy, Mrs. Leroy, 1046 Bunyan, George, 11, 79 n. 1 Bureau o f Investigation: on African Blood Brotherhood, 22; African Blood Brotherhood infiltrated by, 73, 74, 105, 125, 237238; agents of, 1, 3, 30, 31, 46-47, 91, 125, 196, 214, 524 (see also Amos, James E.; Davis, Mortimer; Jones, James Wormley; Lenon, H. J.; Tucker, J. G.); on Back to Africa movement, 302, 359, 414; in Baltimore, 489; on black activities, 60-62,118 n. 1, 688 n. 1, 951; on Black Star Line, 4, 14, 21, 78, 96, 170, 197-198, 203,

255, 302, 306-307, 308, 332, 355-362, 382, 427-436, 442, 462, 473-477, 525,528,529, 541-546, 557-560, 616-617, 688, 916, 1061; on Cyril Briggs, 255,258; on J. D. Brooks, 360,382; on John E. Bruce, 624 n. 1, 629; in Buffalo, 46, 521-524; on Leroy Bundy, 1002; on Joshua Cockburn, 358, 440, 640, 782, 916, 952; on Cyril Crichlow, 164, 167, 439-440; on H. V. Davis, 524, 529; on Madarikan Deniyi, 1; on W. E. B. Du Bois, 61; on J. W. H. Eason, 942, 949; on William H. Ferris, 815; on Elie Garcia, 273, îJi, 382,414,529, 619, 916; on Garvey, liii, 4, 14, 21, 30, 61, 72-73, 119, 164, 196, 203, 214-216, 246, 255, 257, 270, 271, 308, 332, 359-360, 382, 439-441, 478, 489-494, 521, 524, 528, 529, 579, 599, 6 4 0 641, 680-681, 687, 688, 689, 702-704, 705 n. 2, 740-743, 782-783, 815, 916, 942-943, 949, 951-952, 1001, 1025-1026; General Intelligence Library of, 3; informant o f (see Jones, James Wormley); interviews witnesses, 439-441, 541, 542, 546-554, 640-641, 700, 702-703, 729, 740-741, 742, 782, 951-952; in Los Angeles, 194195; in Massachusetts, 30, 58, 67, 951; on Negro World, 58-59, 357, 359, 478, 579; in New Orleans, 680; in New York City, 1, 14, 21, 31, 58, 78, 96, 107, 117, 125, 170, 197-198, 203, 255, 306, 308, 316, 332, 382, 427, 442, 473, 478, 521, 525, 528, 541, 599, 629, 640, 687, 689, 700, 703, 729, 740, 782, 916, 918, 951, 1001-1002, 1042, 1061; in Pittsburgh, 15, 60,1025; on G. E. Stewart, lv, 700, 703, 704, 918-919,1002,1042; in Tennessee, 91; on UNIA, 3, 4, 15, 22, 30-31, 46, 78, 96, 107-108, 170, 194-195, 203, 258, 356, 360, 361, 478, 521-522, 523, 529, 530,599, 629-630; on UNIA convention (1922), 778-780, 815-816, 838-840, 853-855, 918-919, 932, 942-943, 949, 10011002,1042,1061; in Washington, D.C., 4, 14, 30, " 3 , 163, 164, 167, 196, 198, 199, 214, 246, 270, 372, 462, 579, 619, 841- See also Burns, William; Grimes, W. W.; Hoover, J. Edgar; Ruch, George Bureau o f Marine Inspections and Navigation, 151-153 Bureau o f Navigation, 197 Burke, Edmund, 898 Burke, Frank, 4, 462, 598-599, 619 Burke, Samuel C., 847, »852 n. 1 Burke, W. S., 331, 372, 373, 374, 443, 590 Burnheim Distilling Co., 473 Burns, William J., 1, 4,30,118 n. 1, 198,372, 373 n. I, 404-405 n. I, 442, 462, 574,582, 619, 1025; detective agency of, 525 n. 1; on Garvey's mail fraud, 246, 270-271,579; on State Department, 119 Burr, Supreme Court Justice, 21

1006

INDEX

Burreil, Ben E., 96 n. 1 Burrcll, Theophilus, 96 n. 1 Burrows, P. £,., 17 Bushell, Mrs. J., 741 Bushneil, Eifa, 840 Butler, Nicholas Murray, 646-647, 667 S.S. Byron, 384, 398 Caesar, Julius, 169 Cain, Reginald, 10, 69, 79 n. 1 Calder, William M., »624 n. 1, 628-629 California: Asian minorities in, 227-228 n. 3, 236; H. V. Davis in, 454; Garvey in, liv, 92 n. i, 624, 625, 641-642, 648, 650, 651, 652-660, 664-665, 666, 669, 670, 671, 692, 693; Ku Klux Klan in, 709, 715 n. 4; U N I A in, xxxi, 91, 92 n. 1, 132-135, 164165, 170-171, 194-195, 669-670. See also Los Angeles; Oakland; San Francisco California Eagle, 132-135, 164-165, 170-171, 660

Charity, 326, 366, 655, 656 Charlton, G. T., 151—153 Chatman, Henry, 649 Chelsea Exchange Bank, 546, 615 Chicago, 313-314; Abyssinian riot in, 438; H. V. Davis in, 454; Garvey in, 225, 494, 570; U N I A in, xxxi, 258, 438, 796 Chicago Daily News, 818 n. 2 Chicago Defender, 438, 445, 878, 882 n. 2, 885, 9 4 9 n. 3 Chicago Whip, 799 Chilembwe, John, 77 n. 1 China: British in, 190 n. 4; and Disarmament Conference, 187, 191 n. 6, 205, 284, 339 n. 4; division of, 186,190 n. 4; Garvey on, 186-187, 189, 336, 337, 365, 486; Germany in, 190-191 n. 5,339 n. 4; Japan and, 186, 190-191 n. 5, 339 n. 4; Open Door policy in, 191 n. 6; United States in, 190 n. 4 Chrichlow Coal Co., 117 Christian, G. R., 997 Christian, George B., Jr., *i6i n. 2,667,883 Christian Recorder, 566, 688-689 n. 2 Christians, Jacobus, 676-677 n. 1 Church: African, 77 n. 1; Liberty Hall as, 292; U N I A , 129 n. 1 Church and Kingdom of God in Christ, 998 n. 2 Churchill, Winston, 901-902 n. 4 Church of the New Age and Triumph, 998 n. 2 Cincinnati, Ohio, 590 Citizenship: African, 38, 658; Garvey's, 6, 251, 252, 270, 671, 726-728 Civilization, 181, 184-185, 188, 652, 660-661, 662, 663, 766, 897 Clark, H. M., 473 Clarke, Charles, 627 Clarke, Edward Young, »679 n. 1, 680 n. 2, 687; Garvey meets with, xxxiii, Iv, 626627 n. 1, 679, 680 n. 2, 686, 688-689, 694695, 700, 705 n. 2, 707, 709-711, 712-714, 717, 757-758, 759; invited to U N I A convention, 679, 700 Clemenceau, Georges, 572, 768, 770 Cleveland, Ohio: Garvey in, 590, 592; U N I A in, 570,700-701 n. 1,704,987,1017 Clinchfield Navigation Co., 537 Cochran, Florence, 879, 914, 936, 947,1014, 1069, 1074 Cockburn, Joshua, 22, 394, 420, 473, 630; Bureau of Investigation and, 358, 440, 640, 782, 916, 952; Garvey and, 238, 301 Coker, Daniel, 753 n. 1 Colby, Bainbridge, 629 Coleman, Bessie, 948, * 9 4 9 n. 3 Coleman, J. W., 165 Coleman, Mrs. M. E., 730 Coleridge-Taylor, Samuel, 495

Cameroons, 743, 744, 746, 747 n. 2, 773 Campbell, Mr. (in Connecticut), 733 Campbell, Benj. A., 9, 70, 71 Campbell, Grace, 687, *688 n. 1, 689, 741, 817 n. 2 Campbell, Gwendolyn, 557,558-560,575,641 Campbell, M. L/, 703, 741, 742 Campbell, William J., 627 Canada, 365, 947; in Africa, 55; ambassadors of, 84, 90 n. 1; Black Star Line in, 429; British titles in, 84, 90 n. 2; Dept. of Commerce of, 394, 429; Dept. of Marine and Fisheries of, 375; independence for, 83, 84; U N I A in, 292, 600 Candace, Gratien, 32, 37, *42 n. 3, 46, 99, 277, 278, 279 Cape Mesurado (Liberia), 753 n. 1 Cargill, Mr. (of New York), 872, 1069, 1073 Carnegie, Andrew, 1054, 1055 Carnegie Hall, 931 Carney, Mrs. A. B., 733 Carpenter, Clarence, 687, 704, 741 Carr, Wilbur J., 582 Carrington (of Black Star Line), 474 Carrington, Anna, 640 Carroll, H. F., 808, »812 n. 2, 823, 833, 888, 904, 909, 914, 979, 9 9 4 , 1069, 1072; on black press, 884-885 Carter, G. Emonei, 18, 372, 476-477, 618, 747, 8n, 828, 991, 995, 997, IO69, IO72 Casement, Roger, 259, 364, 378, 488 Casimir, J. R. Ralph, 193,519, *520-52i n. 1 Cattway, Joseph, 784, 1069, 1075 Cawley, Thomas J., 892 n. 7 Central Japanese Association of Southern California, 236, 237 nn. 1, 2 Cesar, J. F. C., 733 Challenge, 520-521 n. 1 Chamberlain, Joseph, 139

1097

INDEX go in, 153-156; William H . Ferris on, 66 n. 2; Garvey on, 291; on Garvey, 13-14 n. 2, 23, 24, 91, 126-128, 141, 192, 229-230; on S.S. Phyllis Wheatley, 230; staff of, 96 n. 1; o n Tulsa riot, 127; in West Indies, 201. See also Briggs, Cyril V. Crusader (of Joseph Dorsey), 891 n. 1 Cuba: Baracoa, 582; black revolution in, 894, 902 n. 5; Black Star Line in, 128; condition of Negroes in, 862, 894, 895, 902 n. 5; Garvey in, 729; Havana, 152, 902 n. 5; S.S. Kanawha in (see Antilla, Cuba); race war in, 902 n. 5 Cumberbatch, N., 1014 Cunning, Arnold, 18 Cunningham, John B., 841 Current History, 225, 228 n. 4 Curtin (Bureau agent), 524 The Cushites, 1013, 1015 n. 10 Custer, George, 721

Collins, E. M., 372 Collins, Harold, 876-877, 1069, 1075 Colonization, 27, 838 n. 3; and church movements, 77 n. 1; by France, 42 nn. 2, 3; Garvey o n , +6, 188, 209, 210; Lincoln on, 28 n. 2. See also Africa, Europe in; Back to Africa movement Colonization Coal, Coke and Power Co., 902 n. 6 Colored Peoples' Union, 236 Colored Protective Association, 688-689 n. 2 Columbus, Christopher, 722, 727 Commonwealth, 891 n. 1 Communist International, 362 n. 2 Communists, 24, 96, 362 nn. 2, 3 Communist-Workers party, 362 n. 3 Conference of San Remo, 740 n. 2 C o n g a m o n d Tobacco Plantations, 951 C o n g o , 215, 772 C o n g o Free State, 831 Connecticut, U N I A in, 731-732, 733 Connors, E. R., 5, 7, 71, 152 Cook, Agatha, 941 Coolidge, Calvin, 257-258 n. 1 Cooper, Herbert E., n , 69, 71, 79 n. 1 Cooper, Dr. William B., 730 Corbin, Wm. A., 195 C o r n Exchange Bank, 546 Cornwall, Charles, 518 Coronado, Francisco de, 720 Cort, Thomas H . , 474-477 Cortez, Hernando, 720, 803 Costa Rica, 872-873 Cox, J. R., 271 n. 1

Da Costa, Altamont E., 892 n. 7 Dail Eireann, 269 nn. 2, 5 Daily Negro Times, 706, 886, 891 n. 4, 996 Daly, Thomas R., 916 Dancy, Benny, 517 Darwin, Charles, 205 Daugherty, Harry M., 313, 883 n. 1 Davidson Brokers Co., 384 Davis, Dr. (of Florida), 840 Davis, Henrietta V., 17, 92 n. 1, 452, 459, 489, 522, 752, 788, 790, 808, 888, 937, 940, 997, 1037, loji, 1069, 1073; in Baltimore, 490, 492-493; in Brooklyn, 453-455; in Buffalo, liii, 523-524; Bureau of Investigation on, 524,529; in California, 454; in Chicago, 454; on Garvey, 523-524; in Jamaica, 894; on new Negro, 454; on new social policy, 935; resigns, 919, 921; in Rochester, liii, 524; in St. Louis, 529; as U N I A officer, 739, 995, 1003, 1046; on women, 935 Davis, J. A., 703 Davis, Mortimer J., 197-198, 255, 374, 390, 404-405 n. 1, 410, 415, 422, 424, 443, 444, 460,541-546,554, 606, 729; on Black Star Line, 427-436; on Garvey's mail fraud case, 306-307, 355-362, 382, 427+36, 439-441, 473-477, 525, 557-560, 616617; statements made to, 382, 439-440 Deade, Mary, 628 Death benefits fund (UNIA), 114, 154-155, 273, 360,401,409,412,420-421,637,1067 de Basco, Bertha, 96 n. 1 de Bourg, John Sydney, 5, 292, 739, 752, 790, 896, 906, 907, 908, 909, 915,943, 995, 1061, 1069, 1075; on his salary, 854; on S.S. Phyllis Wheatley, 854, 919; in Santo Domingo, 581, 919; on West Indies, 890891

Creese, George D., 292, 903, 935,1069,1075 Crichlow, Cyril A., 298, 299, 354, 460; on Black Star Line, 439-440; and Cyril Briggs, 192, 274; Bureau of Investigation o n , 72, 73, 74, 92, 105, 164, 167, 273-274, 331, 439-440, 542; in Crusader, 192, 219, 238, 273-274; Garvey on, 273-274, 293, 300, 301; on Garvey, 439; in Liberia, 7273, 220, 439; Liberian report of, 72, 73, 74, 164, 167, 273-274, 331, 559, 630; State Department and, 201; unpaid salary of, 72, 92, 93, 105, 201, 219-220, 542 Crier, Miss, 963 Crim, John W. H., 373 n. 1, »579 n. 1 Crisis, 43 n. 6, 46 n. 1, 61, 162 n. 1, 253, 511, 520-521 n. 1, 754, 923; on Garvey, 381 n. 1, 527 n. 3 Cromwell, Oliver, 488, 898 Crone, J. T., 151—153 Crum, Rolfe, 196 n. 1 Crusader (of Cyril Briggs), Iii, 28 n. 1, 6266, 90, 96, 114, 137, 140, 190 n. 1, 191, 197, 199, 220, 228, 231, 232, 300, 355, 520-521 n. 1, 704; in Africa, 201; Cyril Crichlow in, 192, 219, 238, 273-274; W. A. Domin-

IOO8

INDEX

de Gomara, L o p e z , 728 n. 1 Deism, 998 n. 3 Delaware, 219, 274 de L e o n , Ponce, 720 Delilla, Philip, 30, 58 della Chiesa, Giacomo, 201 n. i D e Loach, T . A., 732 Demery, Moneta R . , 942 Deniyi, Madarikan, 1-2 La Dépêche coloniale et maritime, 921 n. 3 La Dépêche politique, 42 n. 2 D e r o o y , Harold C . , 9, 69, 71 Detroit, Michigan: Garvey in, liv, 524,570, 590, 629; N A A C P in, 932 n. r; U N I A in,

sader, 153-156; on equality, 154; on Garvey, 153-156; at U N I A convention (1921), 153, 154

Dominica, 220, 520-521 n. 1 Dominica Conference of 1932, 520-521 n. 1 Dominican Republic. See Santo Domingo D o n Quixote, 933 Dorsey, Joseph, 891 n. 1 Dossen, James J., »753 n. 2 Douglass, Frederick, 80, 94, 847 S . S . Frederick Douglass. See S.S. Tarmouth Douglass, N. B . , 628 Douglass, Vivian, 829, 836, 879, 941, 942 D o w d e n , Mrs. T . B., 733 Dowell, Mr. and Mrs. (in Brooklyn), 453,

7 9 3 - 7 9 4 n. 4 , 873 n. I

Deutsche-Liberia Bank, 47 n. 2 de Valera, Eamon, 14, 259-260, 269 nn. 2,5, 336, 3J2 n. 10, 365, 378 D e Van and Fane (hotel managers), 751,753 Diagne, Blaise, 32, »42 n. 2, 46, 99, 100,

459

D r u m m o n d , Sir Eric, *i2 n. 1, 639-640, 734, 950, 1024

D u Bissette, Hyacinthe, 58, 67 D u Bois, W. E. B., xxxii, 103, 154, 254 n. 1,

277, 278

Dickinson, Horace J., *j8s n. 1; on S.S. Kanawha,

261, 270 n. 11, 278, 374-375 n. 1, 381 n. 1,

495; on amalgamation, 46, 79; on Black Star Line, 162 n. 1, 753-754, 757; Bureau of Investigation on, 61; described, 279; Gar-

582-58$

D i g g s , Rev. James Robert L . , xxxiv, 489, * 4 9 4 n. I, 7 4 0 , 743 n. I, 778, 786, 787, 806, 807, 808, 818-819, 867, 879, 886, 895, 9 0 4 , 1001, 1029, 1033, 1047, 1069, 1073; on

vey o n , li, 25, 26, 32, 33, 34-35, 36, 37, 38, 4 0 , 4 1 , 4 5 - 4 6 , 52, 54, 59, 60, 79, 89, 9 4 , 9 9 , 100, 1 4 4 , 145, 150, 153, 1 8 3 , 2 2 3 , 224, 225, 2 2 7 , 2 5 1 , 252, 2 5 3 , 2 6 4 , 6 0 9 , 682, 684, 685-

black press, 885; on Black Star Line, 866; on delegation fund, 1022; on industry, 861; on salary, 1034; swears in officers, 1046; on titles, 1011-1012 Dingwall, James A . , 1033 n. 1, 1069, 1072 Diplomacy, 177, 178, 714-715, 724 Disarmament Conference, lii, 39, 19:, 219, 315, 776 n. 4; blacks at, 205, 284; on China, 187, 191 n. 6, 205, 284, 339 n. 4; Europe at, 284; Garvey on, 142, 143, 167-

686, 727, 848-849, 931; on Garvey, 277, 279, 527 n. 3; influence of in Africa, 564; invited to U N I A functions, 42, 162, 581, 597, 750; and Labour Party, 279, 280; on Negroes in Africa, 32, 43 n. 6; Negro World on, 564 n. 2; and other black leaders, 277; in Paris, 61 (see also Pan-African Congress); William Pickens on, 926; as reactionary, 45; on social equality, 46; as Uncle T o m , 264; on U N I A , 623-624; U N I A on, 46. See also Pan-African Congress D u f f , E . G . , 330, 531, 536, 538, 539 Dunbar, Lulu, 731

169, 173-174, 1 7 5 , 1 7 6 , 1 7 7 , 1 7 8 , 1 7 9 , 1 8 1 - 1 8 2 , 183, 184, 186-187, 189, 190, 192, 194, 201, 202, 2 0 4 , 205, 208, 210, 215, 265, 267, 314,

494, 772-773; Warren G . Harding at, 142; Japan at, 186-187, 205, 215, 270 n. 13, 284, 523; William Pickens on, 284; shipscrapping by, 186, 190 n. 3; H . G. Wells on, 261, 269 n. 7, 270 n. n Discrimination, 80, 95. See also Race prejudice Disfranchisement, 154, 768, 889, 892 Disraeli, Benjamin, 139 Distinguished Service Order of Ethiopia,

Dunbar, Paul Laurence, 495, 520-521 n. 1, 899

Duncan, William, 18 D u Toit, S. J., 677 n. 2 Duvall, C. H . , 689 Duvall, Mrs. M . M . J., 18 Dyer, R e p . , 323 Dyer Antilynching Bill, 327 n. 1, 374-375 n. 1, 634 n. 1; Garvey on, 322-323, 4 6 3 464, 684, 714, 724; K u Klux Klan on, 682; N A A C P on, 714; William L . Sherrill on, 791; U N I A on, 328, 329, 643

7 0 0 - 7 0 1 n. i

Divorce, 112; Garvey's, lv, 783 n. 1, 840, 841 n. 2 Dixon, Charles, 796-797, 812, 823, 1069, 1073; addresses convention, 894, 10231024

Eason, J. W. H . , 92 n. 1, 107, 154, 171, 195,

D i x o n , Emma, 790 Dixon, M. L . , 825, 1069, 1076 Dixon, Thomas, 89, *90 n. 3 D o m i n g o , W. A . , 525 n. 1, 950 n. 1; in Cru-

329, 7 4 7 , 752, 778, 784, 786, 787, 799, 807, 822, 855, 888, 919, 920, 922, 985, 1069,

1074; accused of drunkenness, 963-964,

IO99

INDEX 974, 978; as American leader, 739, 910911; Bureau of Investigation and, 942, 949, 951-952; on condition of blacks, 921 n. 3; expelled, 987-988; finances of, 944, 945; forms Universal Negro Alliance, 921 n. 3; found guilty, 979, 980, 988; on industry, 861-862; on Ku Klux Klan, 108, 961-962, 980, 981; in New Orleans, 581, 667-668, 972; on prejudice, 103; salary of, 921, 961; splits with Garvey, xxxiv, 793794 n. I, 944-945, 946, 949, 951-952, 953, 958-963, 979, 980, 981-982, 986; as unfinancial, 981-982; on U N I A , 667-668; U N I A trial of, xxxiv, lv, 921 n. 2, 945946, 952-979, 980; on West Indian v. American blacks, 949 East Africa, 831 East African Association, 576 n. 1 Easter Uprising (1916), 269 n. 2, 490 Eastman, Crystal, 852 n. 4 Eastman, Max 213-214 n. 1, 852 n. 4 East St. Louis, 111., race riot in, 700-701 n. 1, 1034, 1040 n. 2 Echo de Paris, 42 n. 2 Education: in Barbados, 893, 901 n. 3; black, 893, 894, 901 n. 3; Garvey on, 652653; new, 652-653; U N I A convention on, 1009-1010, 1019 Edun, Adegboyega, 560, *j6i n. 1 Edwards, Agustin, 1033 n. 2 Egypt: Britain in, 83; independence for/ nationalism in, 184, 267, 333 , 3 34-335 , 3 36, 337, 338, 365, 379, 458,523, 570,571, 573,613, 736, 769, 773; Nationalist Party of, 334335, 338-339 n. 3; at Paris Peace Conference, 338-339 n. 3 Eke, Alake, 561 n. 1 Elevator, 625 n. 1 Ellegor, F. Wilcolm, 18, 138, 752, 787, 788, 937, 938, 993, 1001, 1069, 1073; on Africa, 833-834, 835; as delegate to League of Nations, 778; resigns, 13,689, 919, 920; as U N I A officer, 13, 739, 1047 Emancipation, 27, 206, 247-248, 322, 323, 326, 327, 328, 338, 595, 596, 658, 683, 737, 845 Emancipation Proclamation, 27, 28 n. 2, 322, 323, 326, 327, 658, 683 Emmet, Robert, 259, 364, 378, 488 Empire: African, 82, 83; British, 82, 83-84, 2jo, ioio-ioii; fall of, 81, 82-84, 85; Garvey on, 48, 81-84, 85, 175, 209, 210, 265, 266, 268; Negro, 48; U N I A on, 81 Empire Friendly Shelter, 688 n. 1 Encyclopedists, 998 n. 3 Enright, Richard, 852 n. 4 Equality, 3, 67; Cyril Briggs on, 63; W. E. B. Du Bois on, 46; Garvey on, 39, 45, 80, 94-95, 97, 99, 145-147, 150, 151, 154, 204-205, 206, 457, 469, 595, 603, 604, 605,

IIOO

652, 653, 665, 721-722, 767; Warren G. Harding on, 142-143, 145, 146, 148; Gabriel Johnson on, 763-764; Pan-African Congress on, 33, 43 n. 8; political, 204205; social, 39, 46, 80, 94-95, 97, 99, 145147, 150, 151, 154, 763-764 Equal Rights League. See National Equal Rights League Esson, Thomas, 627 Estenoz, Evaristo, 902 n. 5 Estevanico (explorer), 720 Ethiopia, 326,327, 496, 834,1059-1060 n. 1; anthem of, 453; black colonies in, 838 n. 2; in Kenya, 776 n. 3 Ethiopian movement, 76, 77 n. 1, 998 n. 2 Ethiopian United Building Society, 600 Europe: in Asia, 40, 174; in Africa (see Africa, Europe in); Garvey plans trip to, 40, 141. See also Belgium; France; Germany; Great Britain Evangelical Protestant Society, 726,728 n. 5 Evans, Mr., 732 Evans, Frederick R., 892 n. 7 Evans, Hiram Wesley, 679 n. 1 Evans, Maurice S., 97, 100 n. 1 Evans, Rev. Robert, 732 Evelyn-Graham, Marcus, 516 Evening Journal, 222, 223 Evening News of London, 156 Evolution, 113, 241, 324, 499, 747 Ewen, Guy S., 892 n. 7 Exclusion laws, 237 n. 2 Fabius, Quintus, Maximus Verrucosus, 879, *882 n. 3 Fag an, Mattie, 941 Fall, Albert Beacon, *607 n. 1, 687 n. 1 Farley (of U S S B ) , 536, 541 Farr, George, 233,234, 3», 312,339, 477, 678 Fauset, Jessie, 381 n. 1 Ferris, William H., 91, 243, 329, 446, 476, 520-521 n. i, 669, 688-689 n. 2, 739, 787, 788, 808, 888, 889, 995, 997, 998, 1000, 1001, 1069, 1073; addresses convention, 815-816, 837-838; on African redemption, 64-65, 66 n. 3; on black press, 887; and Cyril Briggs, 62-66, 90, 220; Bureau of Investigation on, 81$; as delegate to League of Nations, 778, 900; on loyalty, 64; at Negro World, 64, 66 n. 2, 220-221, 730-733, 943; resigns, 590, 700, 742, 943; runs for office, 837, 838 n. 3; on U N I A , 730, 731-733, 751-753 Figrer, A., 197 Fipps, David, 519 The Fire in the Flint, 818 n. 2 Fisher, Dr. (in San Francisco), 642 Flag: African, 40, 175, 215, 354, 492, 493, 792, 847, 924; loyalty to, 229; U N I A , 40, 42, 90, 103, 175, 176, 183, 195, 267, 294, 353,

INDEX

n. 1, 932 n. 1; anti-Garvey movement of, 814, 815, 816-817, 856; denounces Garvey, 932-933; Garvey on, 927, 928, 930; U N I A on, 822 Fujii, Sei, 236, *237 n. 1

4 4 4 , 453, 456, 459, 4 9 4 , 569, 653, 792 Flanders, Alexander, 703 Fletcher, Audley, 627 Flournoy, J. T . , 14, 214-216 Foch, Marshal Ferdinand, 182 Foley & Martin, 358, 545 Forbes, Bruce, 964-965 Ford, Arnold J., 372, 441-442 n. 3, 704, 790, 808, 812, 836, 853, 877, 896, 900, 992, 993, 1069, 1074; on condition o f blacks, 892-893; on Garvey and Clarke, 742 Ford, Henry, 443-444 Foreign Manufacturers Sales Corp., 118 n. 1 Foreign Mission Board, 688-689 n. 2 Foreman, Hilliard, 628 Forster, Rudolph, 690 n. 1 Fortune, T . Thomas, 886, 893 n. 4, 893-894 n. 5

Gadsby, J. E., 827, 834, 872, 896, 912, 984, 997, 1014, 1069, 1075; on condition o f blacks, 894; on Garvey, 839, 1014; on resignations, 943-944; on U N I A , 1043 Gaines, E. L., 18, 53, 164-165,542, 739, 752, 790, 811, 822, 829, 888, 914, 938, 945, 985, 987, 988, 1032, 1069, 1074; Bureau of Investigation on, 1002; on delegation fund, 1022; as Minister o f Legions, 133, 170, 171, 194-195, 1029, 1046; v. H . V. Plummer, 819 Gaines, Mrs. E. L., 18, 940 Gaines, Mrs. E. O . (of Connecticut), 733 Galloway, Miss L. M., 941, 942 Gambia, 747 n. 1 Gandhi, Mohandas (Mahatma), liii, 52, 338 n. 1, 451, 891; arrested, 567, 573 n. 1, 773; Garvey compared to, 14, 447; Garvey on, liv, 333, 334, 335, 379, 486, 567, 568-569, 570, 773; Negro World on, 573 n. 1; noncooperation movement of, 338 n. 2, 452, 773 Garibaldi, Giuseppe, 169, 768 Garcia, Elie, 154, 155, 302, 359, 362, 387, 389, 407, 411, 419, 423, 430, 433, 435, 440, 475, 477, 547, 618, 629, 742, 997, 1032, 1069, 1074; and Black Star Line, liii, 390, 391, 393-394, 397-399, 400-402, 403-404, 542, 641; Bureau o f Investigation on, 273, 331, 382, 414, 529, 619, 916; indicted, xxxii, liii, 474, 512-519, 521, 525, 619; Liberian report of, 273, 414, 425, 441; on Negro World, 402; resigns, 700, 919, 920; statement o f , 390-404; subpoenaed, 361; on U N I A , 392-393, 401, 402; as U N I A officer, 390, 405 n. 2, 739, 1029, 1046 Garcia Sugars Corp., 545 Gardner, J. W . , 390, 410 Garner, Lucy, 801, 1022 Garrett, John O . , 10, 71, 152, »586-587 n. 1, 640

Fowler, John W . , 791-792, *794 n. 7, 810811, 812, 828, 878, 889,979, 997,1016,1029, 1046, 1069, 1072 France, 247, 770; in Africa, 42 nn. 2, 3, 84, 456, 466-467, 679, 743, 745, 769, 771, 772, 773, 774, 831; A m y Ashwood (Garvey) in, 96; blacks in army of, 42 nn. 1, 2, 3, 99, 108-110, h i , 112, 269 n. 2, 314-315, 745, 774; colonial policies of, 42 nn. 2, 3, 679, 745, 774; at Disarmament Conference, 284; Garvey on, 99-100,190, 333, 337-338, 350, 351, 365, 488, 609 n. 2, 679, 745, 774, 846, 847; and Haiti, 186; Minister of the Colonies of, 679; President of, 166; race relations in, 99-100, 774, 947; revolution in, 898 France, Joseph I., 610, 611, 613 n. 2, 776 La France, 276, 281 n. 1 Francis, Lionel A . , 213, 730, 830, 911, 1029, 1044, 1069, 1074; at J. W. H . Eason's U N I A trial, 964-965 Franklin, Miss H . , 1031 Franklin, Irv., 3 Franklin, S. A . , 3 Fraser's Magazine, 998 n. 4 Freedom, 51-52, 54, 174, 175-176, 177, 206, 208, 295, 296, 297, 333, 334, 363, 364, 365, 366-367, 368, 376, 378, 379, 380, 483, 569, 654, 658, 735-736 , 738, 766-767, 768, 769, 775 Freedom League, 951 Freeman, 103 Freethinkers, 991, 998 n. 3 Fremont, John C . , 720 French & French, 640 French Equatorial Africa, 772 Frerarie, Mr., 171 n. 1 Freund, Sanford H . E., 530, 541, 613, 622, 644, 680, 686; on purchase o f S.S. Orion, 565-566, 598, 618-619 Frey, A. J., 4

Garvey, A m y Ashwood. See Ashwood, A m y (Garvey) Garvey, A m y Jacques. See Jacques, Amy (Garvey) M A R C U S GARVEY:

asks for Christmas messages, 161, 162, 166,188, 282; auto for, 642; buys printing press, liv, 619-620, 624; Christmas message o f , 308-310; and Edward Y. Clarke, xxxiii, lv, 626-627 n. 1, 679, 680 n. 2, 686, 688-689, 694-695, 700, 705 n. 2, 707, 709-711, 712-714, 717, 757-758, 759, 93i;

Friends o f N e g r o Freedom, lv, 92 n. 1, 688

IIOI

INDEX danger f o r , 2 4 2 , 2 4 3 ; editorials by, 47-48,

580-581, 609-610, 611, 612, 666, 684, 709, 710, 714, 737, 768, 775, 776, 830-831, 9 4 7 ; on Europe in Africa, liv, 174, 176, 265,

9 3 - 9 5 , 156-161, 2 4 7 - 2 5 4 , 294-298, 375-481,

504-510, 592-596, 609-613, 660-664, 672676, 681-686, 755; enemies o f , 13,318-320, 322,528, 760; finances o f , 57, 92, 104-105, 113-114, 141,154-156, 225, 258, 271, 272-273, 330, 332, 354, 359-360, 4 0 2 - 4 0 3 , 546, 559, 687-688, 986; as his own lawyer, 443,981, 982, 983; influence of (see Garveyism); invites speakers, xxxii, 607, 608, 609, 646-647, 685-686, 687, 716, 717-718; Mann Act violation alleged, 4 , 29, 30, 218; resigns, xxxiv, 920-921, 924-925, 933; salary o f , 391-392, 575; sued, lii, 13, 21, 93, 125, 130, 131 n. 1, 135-138, 139-141, 163, 191, 192, 199, 201, 217, 219-220, 231, 542, 590, 857; suits by, lii, 1 4 0 - 1 4 1 , 201, 217-218, 219, 228, 232, 238, 999; speeches by, xxxv, 23-28,31-42,51-55,81-90, 97-100,108-113, 119—122, 141-151, 172-190, 204-213, 221227, 259-269, 285-294, 322-327, 332-338, 363-370,

496-504, 652-660, 743-747,

444-452,

463-471,

843-850,

on Liberia, xxxiii, 15,155, 241, 359,631-632, 633, 752, 774, 986-987; on partitioning o f Africa, 773, 834-835; on South Africa, 97, 1 4 6 - 1 4 7 , 151, 156-161, 464, 672-673, 675; on United States o f Africa, 350, 665, 775 ON B L A C K L E A D E R S A N D BLACK ORGANIZATIONS 2 7 , 2 4 1 , 316, 3 4 2 - 3 4 3 , 3 4 4 , 3 6 6 , 3 7 7 , 378,

437, 4 4 5 , 4 4 7 , 4 4 9 , 4 6 7 , 470, 483-484, 488-489, 4 9 0 , 4 9 2 , 493, 505-506, 508, 573, 6 1 0 - 6 1 1 , 612, 665, 723, 999; on African B l o o d Brotherhood, 288, 300, 446; on black press, 291; on Cyril Briggs, 23-24, 125,126,135,136,137,138,140,179,191,301; on W. E. B. D u Bois, li, 25, 26, 32, 33, 3 4 - 3 5 , 3 6 , 3 7 , 38, 4 0 , 4 1 , 4 5 - 4 6 , 52, 5 4 , 5 9 ,

479-489,

567-573, 601-605, 690-699, 707-715, 766-775,

3 6 8 , 4 5 5 - 4 5 6 , 4 6 6 - 4 6 7 , 6 1 0 , 6 3 1 , 6 7 3 , 675, 6 8 3 , 7 4 3 - 7 4 4 , 7 4 6 , 7 6 9 , 7 7 1 , 835, 8 4 6 , 9 4 7 ;

60, 79, 89, 94, 99, 100, 144, 145, 150, 153, 183, 223, 224, 225, 227, 251, 252, 253, 254, 609, 682, 684, 685-686, 727, 848-849, 93i; on Friends o f N e g r o Freedom, 927, 928, 930; and G e o r g e Harris, 719-721, 721-728,

631-634, 719-728,

923-931;

at

U N I A convention (1922), xxxiv, 766-775, 778, 780, 781, 788, 805, 806-807, 809-810, 811, 818, 820, 824, 827, 830-831, 833, 836, 843-850, 858, 864-865, 867, 880, 882, 884, 895, 896, 897, 902, 904, 905, 906, 9 0 7 -

7 4 1 ; o n J. W . J o h n s o n , 9 3 - 9 5 , 4 3 8 ,

447,

682, 684, 685-686, 717-718, 848, 849, 931; on R . R . M o t o n , 183, 223, 224, 227; on N A A C P , 41, 108, 249, 250, 251, 152, 253, 526, 685, 686, 692, 714, 928, 929, 930; on Chandler O w e n , 848, 999; on Pan-African Congress, xxxii, li, 25, 32, 33, 34-35, 5 4 , 5 9 , 7 9 , 9 4 , 9 9 , IOO, 121, 153, 227, 526, 609; on William Pickens, lv, 253, 8 4 4 -

9 0 8 , 9 0 9 , 9 1 1 - 9 1 2 , 913, 9 1 4 , 915, 9 3 4 - 9 3 5 , 9 3 7 , 9 3 8 , 9 3 9 , 9 4 3 , 9 4 4 , 9 4 7 , 9 7 9 , 980, 981, 983, 984, 985, 988, 9 9 2 , 9 9 3 - 9 9 4 , 9 9 5 - 9 9 6 ,

997, 1004, 1022, 1029, 1030, 1038, 1043, 1044—1045, 1051-1052, 1055-1059, 1069, 1074; U N I A trial o f , 981-983, 985, 986; warnings o f , 170, 297-298, 316-317

8 4 6 , 8 4 8 , 8 4 9 , 853, 9 2 5 - 9 2 7 , 9 2 8 , 9 2 9 , 931,

999; on A. P. Randolph, 848, 849, 999; on B. T . Washington, 35, 94, 119-120,

ON A F R I C A

847, 938,

35 , 5 4 , 55, 98, 113, 185, 208, 214, 264, 317,

321, 327, 465, 486, 488, 658, 681, 772, 844, 845, 1054-1055; on Africa for Africans, 12, 32, 4 0 , 4 5 , 5 9 , 100, 114, 1 4 7 , 158, 169, 179, 187, 202, 224, 225, 263, 265, 268, 277-278, 380, 467, 490, 491-492, 523, 595, 609, 653, 657, 665, 670, 948, 1040; on African flag, 175, 215, 847, 924; on African mandates,

940

ON B L A C K S / N E G R O E S / R A C E

on amalgamation, 25, 37-38, 4 0 - 4 1 , 46, 79, 9 4 , 157, 158,159-160,592,593; on black soldiers, 36, 4 0 , 205, 265, 266, 337, 363, 3 7 9 , 4 5 6 , 4 5 8 , 487, 665, 722, 736, 7 4 5 , 7 7 4 ; on conditions/status o f blacks, 26, 45, 5 9 - 6 0 , 1 1 9 , 120, 202, 207, 213, 215, 226,333, 466, 4 9 9 , 594, 604-605, 654, 655-656, 659, 673, 674, 697, 768, 887-888; on decreasing N e g r o birth rate, 26, 227; on future of race, 25, 221-227, 484-485, 487, 4 9 8 , 775, 836-837, 839; on N e g r o , 53, 122, 189, 259, 289, 324, 493, 633, 987; on N e g r o as balance o f power, 120; on N e g r o contributions, 213; on N e g r o endurance, 35-36,54, 177; on N e g r o intelligence, 180, 187; on Negro's lack o f achievement, 39, 45, 59-60, 213; on Negro's morals, 110-112; on N e g r o in politics, lv, 120; on Negro's

12, 4 0 , 1 6 8 , 6 1 0 , 7 4 3 - 7 4 5 , 7 4 6 - 7 4 7 , 773; o n

African redemption, xxxi, 20, 26, 27, 28, 51, 59, 84, 172, 189, 205, 209, 212, 267, 269, 2 9 5 , 3 1 0 , 3 2 4 , 3 2 5 - 3 2 6 , 335 , 338, 3 6 4 , 3 6 6 , 367, 3 7 0 , 3 7 8 , 3 7 9 , 4 4 8 , 4 5 0 , 4 5 6 , 4 5 8 , 466, 4 7 1 , 4 8 1 , 483, 4 9 3 , 568, 571, 573, 595, 5 9 6 ,

653, 655, 673, 675, 676, 728, 767, 768, 769, 770, 771, 846-847, 859, 9 4 8 , 9 9 4 , 1 0 0 4 ; on African Redemption Fund, 19-20, 116, 596, 634, 663; on African republic, 38,213, 350, 354, 366, 493; Back to Africa movement o f , 15, 63, 210, 213-214 n. 1; on black African nation, xxxiii, liii, 500, 502, 504,

1102

INDEX rights, 265, 654, 666, 721, 722, 745 ; on Negro's speaking for himself, 173, 180, 204, 205, 206; on new Negro, 40,112,113, 120, 121, 139, 144, 175, 180-181, 204, 206, 208, 264-265, 266, 345, 348, 349, 363, 364, 376, 378, 486, 522, 653, 712, 768, 775; on race competition, 342, 498-499,522, 775; on race fellowship, 86; on race integrity, h i ; on race loyalty, 139; on race organizing, 89,144,150,175,176,178,183-184,188, 209, 210, 225, 298, 368, 458, 632, 652, 655, 668, 676, 746; on race prejudice, 25-26, 27, 28, 3J, 36, 37-39, 45, 54, 59-60, 97, 143, 222, 486, 487, 488, 490, 491, 498, 500-501, 503, 522, 592, 593-594, 654, 661-663, 682683, 710, 711-712, 774, 947; on race pride, 38, 160, 370; on race purity, xxxii, xxxiii, 14, 41, 79, 160, 713, 714, 775; on race relations, 97, 99-100, 143, 146-147, 151, 156161, 222-223, 296, 464, 501, 593, 672, 673, 675, 774; on race superiority/inferiority, 332-333 , 334, 335, 336, 488-489, 604, 611612; on race unity, 139, 158, 159, 160, 184, 298, 336, 342, 370, 450, 480, 492, 4 9 4 , 595, 6 u , 653, 654-655, 656, 663, 675, 676, 685, 746, 807-808, 867, 869; on racial unrest/ race war, 51-53, 54, 82, 84-85, 175, 181; on rising tide o f color, 183, 184

o n lion, 683-684, 714-715, 724-725; on place in the sun, 12,120; on playing foolish to be wise, 36, 187; on striking the shepherd to scatter sheep, 344, 369, 376; o n Uncle T o m , 36, 54, 653; on worms turning, 51, 168, 368 OFFICES AND TITLES OF as managing editor o f Negro World, 153, 270, 575; as president o f Black Star Line, 21, 29, 31, 77, IOI, 124-125, 270, 321, 371, 375-376, 390, 430,575,999; as president of N e g r o Factories C o r p . , 153, 239, 270,575; as president-general o f U N I A , 79, 87, 92, 116, 129, 153, 162, 202, 239, 254, 270, 321, 329, 365, 375-376, 392, 490,504, 575, 607, 608, 739, 988, 1046; as provisional president o f Africa, 153, 202, 239, 240, 251, 352, 353 , 354, 366, 655, 816, 1004-1005 OPINIONS OF OTHERS ON African Blood Brotherhood on, 229; Bureau A g e n t 800 on, 92, 104-105, 113— 114, 125, 191-192, 200-201, 225, 272-274, 298-299, 302, 316, 330, 331, 373-374, 410, 4 4 3 , 46o, 590, 597, 606, 619-620, 624, 628-629, 630, 642; as agitator, 4, 29, 313; black leaders on, 1 - 2 , 1 2 , 1 4 n. 3, 32-33, 35, 42 nn. 2, 5, 153-156, 295, 296, 426, 437, 440-441,526, 609, 610-611, 612, 635, 636, 637, 688-689 n. 2, 690 n. 1, 740, 745, 780, 942-943; as (black) Moses, 2, 350, 636, 637, 778, 802, 841, 853, 881; black reaction to meeting with Edward Young Clarke, xxxiii, 686, 688, 689, 703, 704, 705 n. 2, 717, 719-721, 740, 741, 742, 748-749, 757758, 759, 781, 816, 817, 839, 840-841, 857, 858, 932-933, 980; black press on, xxxiv, 13-14 n . 2, 23, 24, 9i, 126-128,137-138,141, 192, 229-230, 352-354, 381 n. 1, 527 n. 3, 686, 688-689 n. 2, 705 n. 2, 717, 719-721, 757-758, 759, 891 n. 2; as black savior, 103, 671; Cyril Briggs on, 62, 63-64, 65; Cyril Briggs' campaign against, xxxii, 13, 22, 7 4 - 7 6 , 91, 96, 114, 130-131, 163, 192, 197, 199, 217, 237-238, 255, 274, 298-299, 301302, 355, 356; Bureau o f Investigation on, liii, 4, 14, 21, 30, 61, 72-73, " 9 , 164, 196, 203, 214-216, 246, 255, 257, 258, 270, 271, 306-307, 308, 332, 355-362, 372-383, 4 2 7 436, 4 3 9 - 4 4 1 , 473-477, 478, 4 8 9 - 4 9 4 , 5 2 1 , 525, 528, 529, 557-560, 579, 599, 616-617, 640-641, 680-681, 687, 688, 689, 702-704, 705 n. 2, 740-743, 782-783, 815, 916, 942943, 9 4 9 , 951-952, 1001, 1025-1026; compared to Eamon de Valera, 14; compared to D o n Quixote, 933; compared to Mohandas Gandhi, 14, 447; compared to Toussaint L'Ouverture, 492; Cyril Crich-

AND FORMER UNIA EMPLOYEES 285, 291-294, 345-3+7, 354, 377, 505-508, 509; has J. D . Brooks arrested, lii, 2, 220, 232, 409, 621, 998 n. i, 1042; on Cyril C r i c h l o w , 273-274, 293, 300, 301; breaks with J. W . H . Eason, xxxiv, 793-794 n. 1, 9 4 4 - 9 4 5 , 9 4 6 , 9 4 9 , 951-952, 953, 958-963, 979, 980, 981-982, 986; on J. D . Gibson, xxxiii, lv, 778, 779, 789-790, 795-796,799; breaks with Hubert H . Harrison, 13, 14 n. 3; on Adrian Johnson, xxxiv, lv, 778, 789-790, 805, 820, 821; breaks with G . A. M c G u i r e , 128-130,198,199, 200, 286-287, 290, 291-292, 298-301, 322 n. i MAIL FRAUD CASE AGAINST liii, 72, 197-198, 2J7, 271, 302, 306-307, 316, 322 n. i, 332, 340-342, 355-362, 371, 381, 382, 4 2 7 - 4 3 6 , 439-441, 473-477, 512519, 521, 525, 527, 541-546, 549-550, 557-560, 579, 616-617, 619, 620-622, 628, 636-637, 687, 690 n. 1; a r r e s t e d , 519, 520, 624, 629; d e f e n s e f u n d o f , xxxii, 370, 374, 460,461, 528; o n his arrest, 341-352, 353 , 354, 363, 364-365, 369-370, 378, 379, 4 4 9 , 450, 474, 478, 479, 480, 481, 490, 491, 508, 557, 570, 592; in p r i s o n , 793-794 n . 4 METAPHORS USED BY o n f o o l i n g all t h e p e o p l e all t h e t i m e , 41;

1103

INDEX

empires/imperialism, 48, 81-84, 85, 175, 209, 210, 265, 266, 268; on equality, 39,45,

low on, 439; W. E. B. Du Bois on, 277, 279, 527 n. 3; Friends of Negro Freedom campaign against, xxxiv, 814, 815, 816-817, 856, 932-933; I R S on, liii; M I D on, 12-13; N A A C P on, xxxiv, 231, 817 n. 1, 858; Naval Intelligence on, 625, 641-642, 6 6 4 665, 669, 670, 671; Chandler Owen on,

8 0 , 9 4 - 9 5 , 9 7 , 9 9 , 1 4 5 - 1 4 7 , 1 5 0 , 151, 154,

204-205, 206, 457, 469, 595, 603, 604, 605, 652, 653, 665, 721-722, 767; on evolution, 241, 324, 747; on France, 99-100, 190, 333, 337-338, 350, 351, 365, 488, 609 n. 2, 679, 745, 774, 846, 847; on freedom/ liberty, 51-52, 54, 174, 175-176, 177, 206, 208, 2 9 5 , 296, 2 9 7 , 333, 3 3 4 , 363, 3 6 4 , 365, 366-367, 368, 376, 378, 379, 380, 483, 569,

x x x i v , 7 5 7 - 7 5 8 , 7 5 9 , 8 1 7 n. 1; P a n - A f r i c a n

Congress on, 32, 45,59, 61, 276-278, 380; William Pickens on, xxxiv, lv, 527 n. 1, 626-627 n. 1, 651, 715-716, 748-749, 815, 816-817, 858, 934; press on, xxxi, 238-239, 244, 258, 371, 461, 781; A. P. Randolph on, 817, 856-857, 933; Herbert Seligman on, 239-244, 249-251, 252, 258, 304, 305, 312-313; State Dept., on, 29, 30, 113-114, 119; U N I A on, xxxiv, 317-322,371-372,517, 986, 994-995, 1004, 1029-1030

654, 658, 735-736, 738, 7 6 6 - 7 6 7 , 768, 769,

775; on Germany, 27, 108, 365, 379, 455, 481, 774, 826, 947; on G o d , 211-213, 265, 602-603, 604-605, 656-657, 665; on government, xxxii, 24-25, 75-76, 82, 85-86, 87, 121, 139, 207, 229, 4 4 7 , 665, 923, 924, 1056; on Great Britain, 27, 82, 83, 85, 100, 190, 208, 209, 210, 263-264, 267, 282, 336, 337, 350, 351, 365, 481, 488, 493-494, 503, 522-523, 567, 576, 658, 663, 672, 673, 846, 859, 1 0 1 0 - 1 0 1 1 ; on Haiti, 186, 1055; on his enemies, 138, 139, 179, 248, 291-293, 343-

P E R S O N A L L I F E OF

accused of immorality, 217-218, 228, 232; assassination plot against, 922; birthday o f , 896, 897, 901; citizenship o f , 6, 251, 252, 270, 671, 726-728; described, 240, 243, 933 n. 1; divorces Amy Ashwood, lv, 783 n. 1, 840, 841 n. 2; marries Amy Jacques, lv, 741, 742, 743 n. 1, 782-783

344, 345-348,

3 4 9 , 3 5 0 - 3 5 1 , 354-355,

367,

376-378, 379, 4 4 7 - 4 4 8 , 449-450, 478, 481-482, 484, 486-487, 493, 569, 692, 6 9 3 - 6 9 4 , 774, 8 4 3 - 8 4 4 , 849-850, 924-925,

930, 931; on hope, 326, 372; on Hottentots, 672-675; on insincerity, 285-294; on Italy, 100, 190, 365, 846; on Japan/ Japanese, 174, 175, 183, 186-187, 188, 189, 208, 213, 214, 267, 326, 365, 458, 486, 492, 522,523, 657, 663; on Jesus, 25, 37, 173, 185, 308,309-310, 467,468, 487, 601, 602, 699, 727, 767, 771; on Jews, 217, 342, 343, 365, 523, 826, 848, 859, 864; on jimcrowism, 35, 52, 54, 658, 661, 681, 723, 724; on justice, 94-95, 99, 1 4 9 , 1 6 0 , 1 7 4 , 1 7 5 , 1 7 7 , 206, 207, 266, 326, 342, 366, 775; on K u Klux Klan, 33, 34, 35, 493, 681-682, 684, 685, 690, 707-715, 723, 724, 725-726, 931, 987, 10881089; on latent talents, 175; on League of Nations, xxxiii (see also Garvey, Marcus, on African mandates); on love, 85, 86, 326; on loyalty, 75-76, 139, 229, 449, 4 7 0 - 4 7 1 , 5 6 9 , 5 7 0 ; on lynching, 52,54,113, 322-323, 345, 465, 594, 658, 661, 723, 768, 840, 918, 929, 1054; on membership loan system, 1021, 1053-1055; on mercy, 326; on nationalism/independence movements, lii, 51, 52, 83, 84, 184, 259-260, 267, 268,

T O P I C S IN S P E E C H E S A N D W R I T I N G S OF

on ambition, 149-150; on America as white man's country, xxxiii, 35, 223, 225, 266, 497, 499-500, 659, 661, 662, 684,691, 710, 711, 837, 947; on Asia, 40, 174, 175, 188,189; on Australia, 265, 947; on banks, 1054, 1055; on Belgium, 100, 215, 675; on Bible, 182, 211, 212, 213,310,503, 770, 924; on Black Star Line, liii, 77, 179, 225, 242, 247, 248-249, 253-254, 289, 346-347, 348, 3 4 9 , 3 5 7 - 3 5 9 , 4 2 6 , 4 8 2 , 4 9 0 , 505, 5 0 6 , 5 0 8 ,

509, 527, 541, 577, 578, 620-621, 636, 680 n. 2, 853-854, 867-871, 878, 919, 929-930, 1043; on brotherhood, 173, 174, 184, 185, 189, 202, 308, 656; on charity, 326, 366, 655, 656; on China/Chinese, 186-187, 189, 336, 337, 365, 468; on civilization, 181, 184-185, 188, 652, 660-661, 662, 663, 690691, 766, 897; on colonization, 46, 188, 209, 210, 609, 611, 612; on conservatism, 468-469; on cowards, 448, 465; on Congress, 464, 465; on destiny, 241, 602-605; on diplomacy, 177-178, 714-715, 724; on Disarmament Conference, 142, 143, 167-

333, 3 3 4 , 3 3 5 - 3 3 6 , 337, 33«, 3 4 2 , 3 4 3 , 3 4 5 , 364, 365-366, 378-379, 4 4 4 , 4 4 6 , 4 4 7 , 450,

458, 467, 484, 486-487, 490, 505,523, 567, 568, 570, 571, 573, 613, 633, 655, 7 3 6 , 7 6 9 770, 771, 7 7 3 , 848, 864, 9 2 3 , 9 2 4 , 9 2 5 , 1057-1058; on oppression, 174; on Palestine, 267, 483, 484, 523; on peace, 206, 207, 215, 267-268, 308, 768-769; on power, 27,38, 671, 674, 745, 746, 771, 850;

169, 173-174, 1 7 5 , 1 7 6 , 1 7 7 , 1 7 8 , 1 7 9 , 1 8 1 - 1 8 2 ,

183, 184, 186-187, 189, 190, 192, 194, 201, 202, 204, 205, 208, 210, 215, 265, 267, 314, 4 9 4 , 772-773; on Dyer Bill, 322-323, 4634 6 4 , 6 8 4 , 714, 724; on education, 652-653; on emancipation, 27, 206, 247-248, 322, 323,326, 327, 328,595,596,658, 683, 845; on

IIO4

INDEX

on preparedness, 88-89,119-120,225,502503, 675, 745-746, 826, 847-848, 859, 918; on press, 222, 223-224, 225, 291, 344, 351, 369, 377, 378, 379, 445, 449, 479, 4 8 0 , 481,

2 2 1 - 2 2 7 , 259, 285, 316, 322, 332, 363, 375, 444, 4 6 3 , 479, 4 9 6 , 567, 601, 6 0 9 , 6 9 0 ,

707; in Norfolk, Virginia, lv, 686-687; in O h i o , 590, 592; in Philadelphia, 172-179, 225, 460, 606; in Phoenix, 672; in Pittsburgh, 327 n. I, 590; in Rochester, liii, 521, 524; in Washington, D . C . , Iii, 4 , 1 4 ,

4 8 2 - 4 8 3 , 4 9 1 , 508, 509, 526, 691—692, 7 0 7 ,

878; on propaganda, 48, 242, 247, 248249, 253-254, 288, 289, 294-295, 35i, 363, 368, 377, 4 7 1 , 4 7 9 , 4 8 1 - 4 8 3 , 4 8 6 , 568, 569, 572, 652, 656-657, 683, 8 4 4 , 845, 927;

167 n . I, 1 9 1 - 1 9 2 , 201, 2 0 4 - 2 1 3 ,

quotes Patrick Henry, 54, 264, 456, 767768; on radicals/radicalism, xxxii, 24-25,

630, 631

32, 4 7 - 4 8 ,

288-289, 2 9 6 , 316,

214-216,

219, 225, 245, 247, 274; in Wisconsin,

468-469,

ON U N IA

850, 864, 927, 928; on religion, 444, 727, 767, 771, 992-993, 1058; on retribution, 268, 290; on R o m e , 81, 175, 328, 332,503, 658; on Russia, 85, 86, 488, 846; on sacrifice, 337, 366, 467, 567, 570-571, 601, 768, 847; School o f African Philosophy of, 1048 n. 1; on segregation, 35,52, 661, 723, 724; on Herbert Seligman's article, 249253, 377, 379, 526; on slavery, 247-248, 249, 323, 324, 325, 327, 332-333, 499, 500,

120, 121, 2 2 4 - 2 2 5 , 285, 292, 344, 348, 4 6 9 ,

568, 848, 929, 1056, 1059; on achievements, 144, 147-148, 376, 463, 464, 4*o, 492, 572-573, 653, 654, 695, 774; on aims/ p u r p o s e s , 25, 26, 35, 36, 37-38, 4 7 - 4 8 , 131, 138, 1 4 4 , 162, 207, 208, 213, 214, 2 2 6 - 2 2 7 , 2 4 8 , 334, 335, 337, 367-368, 4 4 8 , 455, 4 5 7 , 479, 483, 497, 500, 502, 503, 5 0 4 , 508, 509,

571, 592-593, 595, 602, 603, 609, 610, 611, 613, 632, 633, 652, 653, 655, 657, 659, 6 6 0 , 663, 6 6 6 , 682, 691, 699, 7 0 9 , 71°, 714, 723, 725, 7 4 6 , 7 6 6 - 7 6 7 , 7 7 0 , 808, 867; o n

501, 503, 5 9 4 , 6 0 1 , 656, 658, 661, 683, 6 8 4 ,

768; on Spanish, 52-53, 84, 100, 771; on survival o f the fittest, 28, 448, 484, 487, 489; on students, 211; on titles, 469-470; on traitors within race, 294, 295-296,297, 316, 364, 365, 366-367, 376-377, 378, 379, 380, 4 4 5 , 4 8 4 , 488, 505, 506, 508, 510; on trying to be white, 23,150-151; on unemployment, 88; on uplift, 594; on Wall Street, 929, 1053, 1054, 1055; on war, 41, 52, 53, 612, 769, 815, 847, 853; on whites,

branches, 87, 88, 113, 192, 367, 444-445, 600, 653, 655, 692, 693; on civil service, 86, 88-89, 491, 492; on critics, 23, 24, 2 4 7 - 2 4 9 , 254, 2 9 4 , 2 9 5 - 2 9 6 , 745; o n d e l e -

gation t o League o f Nations, lv, 6396 4 0 , 6 9 8 , 7 3 4 , 7 3 5 - 7 4 0 , 751, 785-786, 788, 7 8 9 , 9 0 0 , 9 4 7 - 9 4 8 , 9 7 9 , 950, 980, 9 9 5 -

996, 1024-1025; on dishonesty/disloyalty w i t h i n , 2 7 3 - 2 7 4 , 2 8 6 - 2 8 7 , 290, 2 9 1 - 2 9 4 ,

2 6 - 2 7 , 36, 38-39, n o , HI, 112, 177-178, 184-185, 2 2 5 - 2 2 6 , 6 6 0 , 6 6 1 - 6 6 2 , 663; o n

295, 296, 297-298, 300, 301, 345-347, 350351, 354-355 , 363, 364, 366, 380, 505-506, 507, 509, 510, 541, 695-696, 700, 778, 779, 789-790, 795-796, 799, 805, 820, 821, 904, 919, 998 n. 1; on dues (being unfinancial), 634, 664, 805, 815, 820, 984; on Executive Council, xxxiii, 904, 919; on flag, 90,175, 176, 183, 2 6 7 , 294, 444, 456, 459, 494, 569,

W o r l d War I, 168, 181, 379, 455, 481, 736, 769

TRAVELS OF

African trip rumored, 14; in Albany, $04; in Atlanta, lv, 679, 681, 694,700; in Baltimore, liii, lv, 216, 219, 274, 489-494,742, 743 n. 1; in Brooklyn, 455-459; in Buffalo, liii, 521-524, 590; in California, liv, 92

653; as g o v e r n m e n t , 85-86, 350-351, 6 9 6 -

697, 698; as great movement, 444, 445, 4 4 6 , 4 4 7 , 4 4 8 , 4 5 0 , 4 8 6 - 4 8 7 , 505, 508, 510,

570-571, 572, 923, 924, 925; on loyalty to, 449, 470, 569, 570; on membership of, 248, 349, 529, 639, 645, 653; membership drive by, xxxii, 91, 92, 299; on privy council, xxxiv, 1029, 1046; on second convention of, 45, 47, 59, 346; on third convention of, 88, 572, 595, 612, 618, 620,

n . 1, 6 2 4 , 62$, 6 4 1 - 6 4 2 , 6 4 8 , 650, 651, 6 5 2 6 6 0 , 6 6 4 - 6 6 5 , 6 6 6 , 6 6 9 , 6 7 0 , 671, 692,

693; Caribbean tour o f (1921), xxxii, 14 n . 3, 22, 31, 138-139, 196, 374, 413, 4 3 9 ,

506-507, 549-55°, 559; in Chicago, 225, 494, 570; in Delaware, 219, 274; European trip proposed, li, 29, 40, 73, 141; in Kansas, xxxii, 570, 839, 840; at Liberty Hall, liv, lv, 322, 338, 344, 353, 367, 426,

6 3 3 - 6 3 4 , 6 3 9 - 6 4 0 , 6 4 5 - 6 4 6 , 663, 6 7 6 , 695, 6 9 6 , 6 9 7 , 6 9 8 , 716, 7 1 7 - 7 1 8 , 750, 825-826,

1055, 1057, 1059; on university, 938, 939-

4 6 3 , 4 7 8 , 6 9 0 , 7 0 4 - 7 0 5 , 7 0 7 , 719; in L o u i s i a n a , l v , 6 8 0 - 6 8 1 , 6 9 3 - 6 9 4 , 7 1 4 , 757,

940

792-793; in Michigan, xxxii, liv, 524,569, 570, 590, 629; in Missouri, xxxii, liv, 529, 570; in N e w Jersey, 588; in New York C i t y , 23, 60, 81, 87, 97, 108, 119, 141,180,

ON W O R L D LEADERS/STATESMANSHIP 52, 176, 182-183, I87-I88, 2 0 4 , 212, 259, 286,

378, 66O, 743, 744, 745, 746, 747i on O t t o

nos

INDEX

Glover, James, 67

von Bismarck, 222, 826; on Mohandas Gandhi, liv, 333, 334, 335, 379, 486, 567, 568-569,570, 773; on Warren G. Harding, xxxii, 141-150, 168-169, 205, 213, 223, 265, 4 6 3 , 639, 655, 713, 750, 772, 848; on William R. Hearst, 222, 223-224, 226; on Charles E. H u g h e s , 265, 267, 297, 659; on Jesus, 25, 37, 173, 185, 308, 3 0 9 - 3 1 0 , 4 6 7 , 4 6 8 , 4 8 7 , 601, 6 0 2 , 6 9 9 , 727, 767, 77i; on Kaiser Wilhelm, 175, 455; on Marquis de Lafayette, 676, 768; on Abraham Lincoln, 499, 683, 767, 897; on David Lloyd

G o d , 211-213, 265, 6 0 2 - 6 0 3 , 6 0 4 - 6 0 5 ; pose of, 656-657, 665 Gold Coast, 55, 520-521 n. 1, 7 4 7 n. 1

Gold Coast Journal, 747 n. 1 G o n c o u r t , E d m o n d de, Prize, 772 Goodridge, C. A., 1069, 1074 G o o d w i n , William, 135 G o r d o n , J. D., 13, 73, 195, 298, 354, 408; Cyril Briggs and, 238, 274; Garvey on, 300, 301

G o r d o n , L. R., 861, 1069, 1075 Government: Cyril Briggs o n , 24, 28 n. 1, 62, 63, 6 4 ; destroyed, 2 4 - 2 5 , 28 n. 1; Gar-

G e o r g e , l i i , l i v , 139,185, 2 5 1 , 2 6 0 , 2 6 4 , 2 6 8 ,

297, 333, 568,572; o n M o h a m m e d , 467; o n

Napoleon, 212, 264, 333, 826; on Theodore Roosevelt, 27; on sacrifice of leadership, 4 6 7 , 567, 570-571, 6 0 1 ; on Queen Victoria, 323, 683, 767; on George Washington, 174, 215, 264, 365, 467, 488, 523, 665, 768, 770, 847, 897; on H . G. Wells,

v e y o n , 24-25, 75-76, 82, 85-86, 87, 121, 139, 207, 229, 4 4 7 , 665, 923, 9 2 4 , 1056;

loyalty to, 6 4 , 7 5 - 7 6 , 139, 229; U N I A as, 85-86, 350-351, 6 9 6 - 6 9 7 , 698

Governor's Island, 12 Graham, Adolphus, 316, 414 G r a h a m , C . A . , 827,865,877,899,1069,1075 G r a h a m , J. G . , 825, 862-863, 1069, 1074

260-265, 266, 267, 268, 269; o n W o o d r o w

Wilson, 222, 251, 252, 848 Garveyism, 166, 1 7 0 - 1 7 1 , 213-214 n. 1, 214,

Granady (pioneer in Kansas), 803 Grant, Cpl. (in Brooklyn), 453 Grant, Rev. E. B., 827, 828, 1069, 1075 Graves, Walter, 3, 1026 Great Britain, 770; in Africa, liv, 47 n. 2,53,

2 4 3 , 4 9 5 , 566, 635, 6 3 6 - 6 3 7 , 651, 7 6 5 - 7 6 6

n . 2, 879; in A f r i c a , 100 n . 3,560,564,832;

in Harlem, T2, 60, 520, 780; in Hawaii, 560, 565; in Philippines, 565; in Pittsb u r g h , 1025-1026

Garvey

Papers,

editorial

77 n . 1, 82, 8 4 , 1 9 1 n . 7, 456, 4 6 6 , 4 6 7 , 672,

principles

673, 743, 746, 769, 771, 773, 7 7 6 , 831, 833834, 836; banks of, 47 n. 2; in China, 190 n. 4; at Disarmament Conference, 284; in Egypt, 83; empire of, 82, 83-84, 210,

of,

xxxvii-xlix Garvin, Edwin L., 246 Gavegan, Justice, 589 George V, 282, 568-569 Georgia, 917, 918 n. 1 German East Africa, 737-738, 7 4 0 n. 4 , 7 4 4 ,

IOIO-IOII; G a r v e y o n , 27, 82, 83, 85, 100, 190, 208, 2 0 9 , 210, 2 6 3 - 2 6 4 , 267, 282, 336,

337, 3SO, 351, 365, 481, 488, 493-494, 503, 522-523, 567, 658, 663, 672, 673, 846, 859,

IOIO-IOII; in Haiti, 186; in India, 51, 52, and Irish, 83-84 (see also Anglo-Irish Treaty); Labour Party in, 279, 280; in Palestine, 740 n. 2; scraps ships, 190 n. 3; socialism in, 315 n. 1; titles in, 84, 90 n. 2, IOIO-IOII; in West Indies, 890, 892-893; in World War I, 247 The Great Illusion, 281 n. 3 Green, Jow., 9 7 7 - 9 7 8 Green River Distilling Co., 394, 589, 590, 999

7 4 6 , 1001

German Emergency League, 314 Germany, 769; in Africa, 47, 82, 84, 610, 6 7 6 - 6 7 7 n. 1, 737-738, 7 4 0 n. 4 , 743, 744, 746, 1001; brothels in, n o , i n ; in China, 1 9 0 - 1 9 1 n. 5, 339 n. 4 ; French African troops in, 1 0 8 - 1 1 0 , HI, 112, 314-315, 745, 774; Garvey on, 27, 108, 365, 379, 455, 481, 774, 826, 947; in Haiti, 186; postwar, 108109; Socialists in, 362 n. 3; used propaganda, 247 Ghana. See Gold Coast

53, 83, 567;

G i b s o n , D r . J. D . , 618, 739, »804 n. 3, 820,

Green Star Line, 871, 873 n. 5 Grey, Edgar, 23, 163, 331 Griffith, Arthur, lii, 260, »269 n. 3, 269 nn. 4 , 5, 378 Griffith, D . W., 43 n. 9 Griffiths, Percy, 10 Grimes, Warren W., 72, »73 n. 1, 114, 125,

1069, 1073; Bureau of Investigation on, 916; disloyalty of, xxxiii, Iv, 778, 7 7 9 , 7 8 9 7 9 0 , 7 9 5 - 7 9 6 , 799; trial of, 7 7 9 , 7 9 4 - 8 0 0 Gill, J. C „ 74 Giradeau, W. L., 67 Gittens, Mrs. (of New York), 828-829,

163, 1 6 4 , 167, 199, 257, 273

1069, 1076

Gronich, Anton, 21, 589 Guadaloupe, 32, 42 n. 3 Guatemala, 4 4 4 - 4 4 5 Gullen, W „ 625 Gumpertz, Samuel W., 1089 n. 1

Gladstone, William, 139 Glashen, T. C., 878, 916, 954, 990, 1044, 1069, 1075

Glass, Mr. (of Arkansas), 827, 1069, 1072 Gleaner,

pur-

686-687

IIO6

INDEX

441, 443; on Liberian loan, 441; at Nejro World, 13, 14 n. 3, 424, 427 n. 1; as "Spewak," 443; statement of, 331-332, 424-426, 439,440-441, 443; When Africa Wakes of, 14 n. 3 Harriss, W. L., 355, 427, 428, 429 Harriss, Irby & Vose, 355, 427, 428, 429 Harriss, McGill & Co., 357, 393, 427 Harvey, Frederick, 627 Hatcher, Alice, 730 Havana, Cuba, 152, 902 n. 5 Hawaii, 560, 565 Hayes, Cardinal (of New York), 162 n. 1 Hayford, J. E. Casely, 520-521 n. 1,561 n. 2,

Hague, Frank, 1089 n. 1 Haiti, 32, 76, 186, 455, 1055 Hale, Nelles & Shorr, 355, 362 n. 1 Hall, Mr. (of Oakland), 787, 1069, 1072 Hall, Gertrude E., 96 n. 1 Hall, Frank B., and Co., 544 Hall, Rev. Napoleon, 731 Hall, Rev. Thomas, 214 Hamilton, Harry S., 62, 730 Hancock, Mr. (of Montreal), 600 Handy, W., 625 Hanes, Rosa, 811, 812, 1069, 1073 Hannah, Dr. Walter S., 827, 828, 865, 887, 937, 1069, 1074 Hannibal, 169, 899 Hannigan, J. J.: on Garvey, 62$, 641-642, 664-665, 669, 670, 671; on Negro activi-

747 n . 1

Haynes, Samuel A., 827, *830 n. 4, 899, 914, 947, 985, 1003, 1034, 1069, 1075; on lynching, 893 Hays, Postmaster General, 373, 461 Hayward, William, 12, *I3 n. 1,519,579 n. 2, 1089 n . 1 Healy, Leo, 428 Heard, Bishop W. H., 951 Hearst, William Randolph, 680 n. 2, 690 n. 1, 886; on armistice, 227 n. 2; Garvey on, 222, 223, 224, 226; on Japanese, 224, 227-228 n. 3; on lynching, 223 Hemmings, Mr., 980 Henry, I., 797, 1069, 1076 Henry, John, 11 Henry, Patrick, quoted, 54, 264, 456, 767-

ties, 233-237, 311-312, 6 4 1 - 6 4 2 , 664-666,

669-672; on U N I A , 339, 477, 642, 664, 6 6 9 - 6 7 0 , 678, 701-702

Harding, Warren G., 190 n. 3, 227 n. 2, 257258 n. 1, 374-375 n. I, 658, 774, 873 n. 3;

Birmingham speech of, xxxii, lii, 141,142, 143, 145, 161, 205, 713, 772; at Disarmament Conference, 142; on equality, 142143, 145, 146, 148; Garvey on, xxxii, 141150, 168-169, 205, 213, 223, 265, 463, 639,

655, 713, 750, 772, 848; on labor strikes, 883 n. 1; on Liberian loan, 639; U N I A delegation to, 645-646, 750

H a r l e m , 4 2 , 108,163, 239, 299, 3 ° ° , 352,353, 397-398, 450-451, 78i, 866, 922; black

768

clergy in, 780; black organizations in, 14 n. 3, 66 n. 4 , 688 n. 1, 838 n. 3, 950 n. 1, 998 n. 5 (see also African Blood Brotherhood; National Association for the Advancement of Colored People; Universal Negro Improvement Association and African Communities League); Garveyism in, 12, 60, 520, 780; Jews in, 217; parade in, 717-718; racial tension in, 60; Renaissance, 818 n. 2; U N I A businesses in, 849; West Indians in, 60. See also New York City

Henson, Mat, 721 Herald, Pearl B., 941 Herodias, 132 Hertzog, Gen. J. B. M., 146,147,151,156-161 Hewitt, Charles W., 892 n. 7 Hewitt, Jas. & Co., Ltd., 543 Hewitt, Mrs. James S., 372 Higgins, Rev. R. H., 839, 1070, 1072 Hinds, Miss, 459 Hindus, 51,52,54, 233, 338 n. 1, 477. See also India Hinkson, Carlton, 733 Hippodrome, 620 Hitchcock, Samuel M., 340, »342 n. 1, 361,

(Harlem) Home News, 622, 636, 851 Harrigan (Bureau agent), 524 Harrigan, Ludwig, 372, 1044, 1069, 1074 Harris, Mr. (of San Francisco), 670 Harris, Charles C., 79 n. 1, 151, 702-703 Harris, Mrs. Delois, 524 Harris, George, 1089 n. 1; as alderman, 727, 728 n. 6, 866; on blacks in history, 720-

372

Hobbs, Allen, 18 Hodge, Henry, 787, 897, 908, 1001, 1070, 1073, 1074; on Black Star Line, 871; as League of Nations delegate, 778,788, 827, 1025

721; and G a r v e y , 719-721, 721-728, 741

Hodge, Robert J., 372 Hogue, Mrs. (of Chicago), 1038,1070,1072 Holder, Wesley McD., 971-972, 973-974,

Harris, Jno. H., 524 Harrison, Mrs. Benjamin, 1089 n. 1 Harrison, Sen. Byron P., 142, 148-149, 150, •151 n. 1 Harrison, Hubert, 66 n. 4, 273, 307, 374, 382; on Black Star Line, 425, 426; on

888, 889, 1017, 1070, 1074

Holland, 40, 284 Holland, J. A., 741, 742 Holly, Mrs., 900 Holman, Willis, 732

G a r v e y , 1 3 , 1 4 n. 3,331-332, 425-426, 4 4 0 -

IIO7

INDEX

Indian Nationalist movement, 567 Indians, American, 484-485 Inter-Colonial Corp. Ltd., 114,115 n. 2, 203 Internal Revenue Service, liii, 271 International Conference on the Limitations of Armaments. See Disarmament Conference International Finance Corp., 616 Ireland, 269 n. 2, 769, 773; bonds for, 352 n. 1; British and, 83-84; independence for/nationalism in, xxxi, 83-84, 184, 259-

Holmes, Mr. (of Kansas), 86+, 1070, 1073 Holyoke, Massachusetts, 30, 58, 67 Honduras, 873 n. 2 S.S. Hongkhong, 384, 388,399,400,407,556 Hoover, Herbert, 257-258 n. 1 Hoover, J. Edgar, 113,163,164,167,196,198, 598; on Garvey, 372-373, 841. See also Bureau of Investigation Hopkins, A. A., 194-195 The Horror on the Rhine, 315 n. 1 Hotel, UNIA, 719, 822, 942 n. 1 Hottentots, 672-675 Houghton, I., 704 House, Mr. 896 Houston, Marie Barrier, 790, 810, 823, 900, 936, 941, 942, 980, 995, 1022, 1046; at J. W. H. Eason's trial, 963-964 Howard, Joseph, 852 n. 4 Howard, Perry W., 373, *374-375 n. 1, 443 Howard University, 166, 231, 277 Howe, Edward D., 852 n. 5 Howell, Mr. (of California), 827, 828,1070, 1072 Hudson, Eleanor, 941, 942 Hudson, H. Claude, *65i-6j2 n. 1 Hudson, Oscar, 670, *672 n. 1 Hudson Towboat Co., 473 Huggins, Rev. (of North Carolina), 829, 1070, 1074 Huggins, J. W., 1033 n. 1 Hughes, Charles Evans, 92, 138, 139, 186, 190 n. 3, 629, 634, 660 n. i, 698, 751, 774; Garvey on, 265, 267, 297, 609, 659 Hughes, Langston, 520-52: n. 1 Hughes, Revella, 823 L'Humanité, 298 n. 1 Hunt, John, 8 Hunton, Addie W., 254 n. 1 Hurley, Rev. C., 453 Hurley, William L., 29, 115 n. 3, 119 Hurrell, W. J., 473 Hurst, Lula May, 790, 839, 840, 1070, 1073 Hylan, John F., 519, 520 n. 2, 778 Hyman, Mr. (of Florida), 827, 1070, 1072 Hynes, Phyllis, 941

2 6 0 , 2 6 7 , 2 6 8 , 333, 334, 335-336, 337, 338, 3 4 2 , 3 4 3 , 345, 3 6 4 , 365, 3 6 7 , 378, 379, 4 5 8 , 4 6 7 , 4 8 3 , 4 9 0 , 523, 567, 5 7 0 - 5 7 I , 573, 6 1 3 ,

736, 848, 864 Irish Free State, xxxi, 259, 260, 333, 337,338, 458, 488, 523, 567; Act, 269 nn. i, 2 Irvine Engineering Co., 473 Isaacs, Rufus D., 452 n. 1 Ishii, Viscount Kikujara, 572, 744 Islam, 444, 467, 992, 998 n. 4; in Africa, 76, 77 n. 1; in India, 51, 52, 54 Isles, William, 18, 372,412, 753, 823,833, 865, 873, 900, 980, 1022, 1046, 1070, 1074 Italy: in Africa, 82, 84, 456, 467, 608, 769, 771; colonial ministry of, 608, 677, 679 n. i, 812-813, 1001, 1040; Garvey on, 100, 190, 365, 846. See also Rome Jackman, Philip, 9, 69, 71 Jacques, Amy (Garvey), 4, 23, 327 n. 2,361, 559, 618, 793-794 n. 4; accompanies Garvey, 14, 30; Bureau Agent 800 on, 580, 597; and Black Star Line stock, 641; as Garve/s secretary, 626; marries Garvey, lv, 741, 742, 743 n. i, 782-783; on William Pickens, 627 n. 2; O. M. Thompson on, 5 4 7 , 554

Jacques, Cleveland, 22-23 Jackson, Andrew, 720 Jackson, Bertha, 941 Jackson, C. D., 979, 1070, 1073 Jackson, Rev. John, 825, 1070, 1076 Jackson, M. L., 989 Jackson, Mary, 968 Jakira, Abram, 355, 362 n. 3 Jamaica: condition of Negroes in, 889-890, 892 n. 7, 894, 895; H. V. Davis in, 894; Garvey in, 729; S.S. Kanawha in, 68-69, 122, 124, 152, 582; Negro World banned in, 950 n. 1; UNIA in, 950 n. 1 Jamaica Progressive League, 950 n. 1 Jamaica Times, 635 James, I. M., 628 James, Naomi, 879

Illinois. See Chicago Independence League, 690 n. 1 Independent, 690 n. 1 Independent Party of Color, 902 n. 5 Independent Wireless Tel. Co., 545 India, 496, 573 n. 1, 891; British in, 51,52,53, 83,567; Hindus in, 51,52,54, 233, 338 n. 1, 477; independence for/nationalism in, xxxi, 51, 52, 184, 267, 333, 334, 335, 336, 337, 338, 365, 379, 451, 452, 458, 486, 523, 567, 568,570,571, 573,613,736,773; Islam in, 51, 52, 54; West Indian soldiers in, 567-568 Indiana, 594, 830 n. 2 Indian National Congress, 338 n. 2

Japan/Japanese, 55, 227 n. 2, 235, 803, 854; in California, 227-228 n. 3, 236; in China, 186, 190-191 n. 5, 339 n. 4; at Disarmament Conference, 186-187, 205, 215, 270 n. 13, 284, 523; exclusion laws against, 237

IIO8

INDEX

n. 2; Garvey on, 174, 175,183,186-187,188, 189, 208, 213, 214, 326, 365, 458, 486, 492, 522, 523, 657, 663; William R. Hearst on, 224, 227-228 n. 3; Naval Intelligence on, 233, 236, 339, 702; possible war against, 62, 63, 64; ships scrapped by, 186, 190 n. 3; and UNIA, 56, 236, 339, 1013 Japanese Chamber of Commerce, 311, 312 nn. 1, 2, 339 Jefferson, Blanche, 1048, 1070, 1076 Jefferson, Thomas (in Connecticut), 732 Jefferson, Thomas (president), 499 Jeffries, J., 1034, 1070, 1074 Jenkins, Florida Lee, 18 Jerome, Mr. (of Brooklyn), 453 Jesus, 671; Garvey on, 25, 37, 173, 185, 308, 309-310, 467,468, 487, 601, 602,699,727, 767, 771 Jethro, 252 Jewish Tribune, 1089 n. 1 Jews, 217, 342, 343, 365, 523, 826, 848, 859, 864 Jimcrowism, 63, 80, 95,154, 801; Garvey on, 35, 52, 54, 658, 661, 681, 723, 724 John Bull, 227 n. 1 Johnson, Dr. (of Philadelphia), 812, 1074 Johnson, Mr. (of Black Star Line), 440 Johnson, Mrs. (of Baltimore), 1038 Johnson, Rev. (of Pennsylvania), 1025-1026 Johnson, Mrs. A. E., 641 Johnson, Adrian, 780, 784, 806, 865, 874, 888, 892 n. 8, 910, 912-913, 915, 986, 993, 995, 997, 1003, 1009, 1044, 1070,1074; on British, 890; Garvey on, xxxiv, lv, 778, 789-790, 805, 820, 821; on UNIA salaries, 1031-1032; UNIA trial of, lv, 805, 807, 815, 819, 820-822 Johnson, Andrew, 504 n. 2 Johnson, Bertha, 17 Johnson, Caleb, 627 Johnson, Elijah, 752, »753 n. 1 Johnson, Gabriel, xxxiii, 92,93,716,751,752, 778, 937, 938, 1028, 1052, 1070, 1075; addresses convention, 760-765; on assimilation, 764; on Black Star Line, 764-765; in Buffalo, 46-47; on Garve/s enemies, 760; on Liberia, 760-761, 762, 939; on Negro World, 763; on race unity, 762-763; on religion, 764; on social equality, 763764; as UNIA Potentate, 747-748, 760765; on UNIA, 761-762, 765; on Women's Exhibit, 939 Johnson, Geraldine, 18 Johnson, Henry, 53 Johnson, Henry Lincoln, 372, 373,374, 443, 578, 622, 644-645 Johnson, I. H., 731 Johnson, J., 1070, 1073 Johnson, Jack, 54, 456 Johnson, James Weldon, 79-81,166,231,254

n. I, 818 n. 2; on amalgamation, 79; on equality, 80; Garvey on, 93-95, 438, 447, 682, 684, 685-686, 717-718, 848, 849, 931; on NAACP, 437 Johnson, Dr. Joseph L., 92 Johnson, Levi, 627 Johnson, Mary A., 18, 741, 899, 942 Johnson, Robert, 884 n. 2 Johnston, Sir Harry H., 188, *i9i n. 7, 283 n. I Johnston & Higgins, 533, 534 John the apostle, 792 John the Baptist, 132 Joint Conference of Russian Societies, 3031, 58 Jones, Dr. (in San Francisco), 664 Jones, E. Powis, 541, 644; on S.S. Orion sale, 530-540, 613-615, 622-623 Jones, James Wormley (Bureau Agent 800), 199, 216-220, 307, 362, 373,382,440, 444, 616, 631; in African Blood Brotherhood, 73, 74, 105, 125, 237-238; on African Redemption Fund, 192; on Dusé Mohamed Ali, liv, 114, 115, 117-118, 163, 203, 217,560,580,597, 630; on Black Star Line, 130, 410, 411-413, 414, 606; as Cyril Briggs' informant, 130-131; on Briggs v. Garvey, 22, 91, 114, 130-131, 217, 237-238, 274, 298-299, 301-302; on John E. Bruce and William Calder, 624, 628-629; on Cyril Crichlow, 72, 73, 74, 92, 105, 273274, 331; on J. S. de Bourg, 581; on Elie Garcia, 331, 414; on Garvey, 92, 104-105, 113-114, 125, 191-192, 225, 272-274, 298299, 302, 316, 330, 331, 374, 443, 460, 590, 597, 606, 619-620, 624, 628-629,630, 642; on Garveyism, 560; on Hubert H. Harrison, 331-332, 443; on Amy Jacques, 580, 597; on Liberia, 413-414, 630; on William Matthews, 332, 374, 443, 606; on Negro Factories Corp., 72; on Negro World, 271274, 412-413; on restaurant, 410; statement of, 410-415; on UNIA, 125,272,330, 411, 412, 560, 630; on UNIA convention, 563, 590, 620, 630, 642 Jones, Mrs. M. J., 876, 936, 1070, 1073 Jones & Laughlin Steel Co., 1025-1026 Joseph, George, 10, 69, 71, 79, n. 1, 123 Josephs, Hector A., 122 n. 1 Joyce, Maurice, 214, 306, 340, 355, 356, 360, 361, 382, 436, 442, 462, 558 Julian, Herbert F., 825, 912, »1059-1960 n. 1, 1070, 1075 Justice, 94-95, 99, 149, 160, 174, 175, 177, 206, 207, 266, 326, 342, 366, 775 Kaiser Wilhelm, 175, 455 S.S. Kanawha, 197, 241, 357, 384, 386, 388, 389, 395, 404, 621, 636, 729; Bureau of Investigation on, 119, 358, 430-431;

1100

INDEX

condition of, 78, 123, 124, 156, 430, 476, 584-585, 702-703; crew list of, 8-n; crew-wage/damage dispute, li, 5, 15, 16,

681-682, 684, 685, 690, 707-715, 723, 7 2 4 , 725-726, 931, 987, 1088-1089; in Massa-

chusetts, 58; membership of, 1089 n. 2; in New York, 709, 715 n. 5; in Pittsburgh, 3;

6 8 - 7 1 , 77, 78, 101, 1 1 9 , 1 2 2 - 1 2 5 , 151-152,583,

584; described, 152, 430; insurance on,

press on, 708-709, 715 nn. 2, 3, 4, 5, 719721, 726, 1088-1089; p u r p o s e o f , 7 0 7 - 7 0 8 , 709, 710, 711, 713, 714

5 4 3 - 5 4 4 ; at K i n g s t o n , 6 8 - 6 9 , 1 2 2 , 1 2 4 , 1 5 2 ,

582; libels against, 473; liquor cargo of, 21; ownership of, 406, 426; as propaganda boat, 702; purchase of, 355, 396,

Labor: movement, 817 n. 2; strikes, 883 n. 1,

397-398, 430, 1081-1083; State Dept. and, li,

15-16,

113-114,

119,

582,

951

583-586;

Labour Party, 279, 280, 281 n. 3 Ladell, Miss M., 1031 Ladies Garment Workers Union, 620 n. 1 Lafayette, Marquis de, 169, 676, 768 Lamos, Enid, 580 LaMothe, Louis, 542, 557, 558 n. 1, 641 Lamport & Holt, 384, 398 Langston, V. M., 600 Lansing, Robert, 629 Lasker, Albert D., 71, 72, 461,576, 577, 753, 757, 873 n. 3 Latham, C. L., 152 Laundry, 73, 105, 218, 239, 352, 356, 476 Laurier, Henri, 276, *28I n. 2 Laviscount, John, 8, 69, 71, 79 n. 1 Lawrence, Isabella, 901, 936, 942, 1070,

stowaway on, 16, 582, 583; stranded in C u b a , li, 5, 7, 15-16, 69, 7 7 - 7 8 n. 1, 101,

122, 124, 153 , 358, 396, $82-586, 997; value

of, 396, 431 Kansas, xxxii, 570, 839, 840 Kashu Mainichi, 237 n. 1 Kato, Adm. Tomosaburo, 267, *270 n. 13, 572

Kegler, Rev., 171 n. 1 Kellogg, Frank B., 298 n. 1, 629 Kellogg-Briand Pact, 298 n. 1 Kemal Pasha, Mustapha, 52 Kennedy, John B., 1089 n. 1 Keough, Joseph J., 473 Kenya, 675; British in, liv, 576, 672, 673; UNIA influence in, 576 n. 1; unrest in, 576 n. i, 772, 776 n. 3 Kerensky, Aleksandr, 488 Kerr Steamship Co., 436 Khartoum, ion, 1015 n. 6 Khilafat, 52 Kilmartin, F. J., 546, 554 Kilroe, Edwin P., 130, 349 Kimbrough, Wiley L., 92 n. 1, 133, 171 n. 1,

1074

Lawson, J. Washington, 67 League of Nations: African mandates of, 12, 4 0 , 168, 610, 613 n. 2, 6 7 6 - 6 7 7 n. i, 737-738, 7 4 0 n. 4 , 7 4 3 - 7 4 4 , 7 4 6 - 7 4 7 , 733;

on Palestine, 736, 740 n. 2; Pan-African Union resolution to, 33, 43 n. 8; UNIA delegation to, xxxiii, lv, 639-640, 666 n. i, 698, 734, 7 3 5 - 7 4 0 , 751, 765-766 n. 2, 778, 785, 7 8 6 - 7 8 9 , 7 9 3 - 7 9 4 n. 4 , 827, 843, 8 9 9 - 9 0 I , 932, 9 4 7 , 9 4 9 , 950, 951, 9 8 o , 985, 995-996, 1009, 1021—1022, 1024-1025,

194

Kinch, Emily C., 18 King, Mazie, 73°, 965, 974-975, 983 n. 4,

1028; U N I A petition to, xxxiii, 12, 737-

1070, 1074

738, 751, 785-786, 789

King, William, 8, 69, 70, 79 n. 1 Kipling, Rudyard, 81 Kirby, Emerson, 96 n. 1 Kirby, Harry W., 786, 790, 796, 822, 823,

League of Truth, 113 n. 1 Leary, D. F., and Co., 386 Lee, Mintie, 941 Lee, Samuel, 627 Lee, W. D., 741 Lee's Towing Co., 473 Lema, Raphael, 8, 70, 71, 123 Lenin, V. I., 279, 488, 698, 770

855, 872, 878, 907, 908, 916, 919, 979, 990,

1070, 1072; on black press, 886; on Black Star Line, 875-876; at J. W. H. Eason's UNIA trial, 965-966; on secret society, 824; on UNIA, 834 Kitchener, Horatio H., 481, 489 n. 1, 1011,

Lenon, H . J., 15, 60-62

Leopold of Belgium, 675 Leslie, G. A., 983 Lever Bros., 115 n. 2 Lewis, Mrs. A. K., 741 Lewis, A. L., 408 Lewis, Charles, 9, 70, 71, 79 n. 1 Lewis, Ishmael A., 627 Lewis, Robert B., 1013, 1015 n. 9 Lewis, Sir Samuel, 847, »852 n. 2, 852 n. 3

*ioi5 n. 6

Koreshkov, V., 669 Kozai, Jiro, 1013 Krassine (Russian diplomat), 279 Ku Klux Klan, 43 n. 9,67, 313,492,504 n. 4, 679 n. i, 680 n. 2, 700, 71$ n. 1, 748, 779; J. C. Austin on, 803; black support for, 688-689 n. 2; in California, 709, 715 n. 4;

Congress on, 715 n. 3, 1089 n. 2; on Dyer bill, 682; J. W. H. Eason on, 108, 961962, 980, 981; Garvey on, 33, 34, 35, 493,

Liberator,

213-214 n. 1, 852 n. 4

Liberia, 751, 763; acting president of, 164;

IIIO

INDEX

colonized (see Back to Africa movement); Crichlow on, 72, 73, 7+, 164, 167, 273-274, 331, 559, 630; Elie Garcia on, 273, 4 1 4 , 425, 4 4 1 ; Garvey on, 15, 155, 2+1, 359,

75-76; William H . Ferris on, 64; to flag, 229; Garvey on, 75-76, 139, 229, 449, 4 7 0 - 4 7 1 , 569, 570; to government, 64, 75-76, 139 Lucas, John H., 9, 70, 71, 79 n. 1, 703 Luke, Lucas C., 165, 171 Luther, Martin, 727, 1058 Lynch, Maurice A., 137, 140 Lynching, 63, 109-110, 154, 779, 79«; in British Honduras, 893; Garvey on, 52,54,

6 3 1 - 6 3 2 , 633, 752, 7 7 4 , 9 8 6 - 9 8 7 ; G e r m a n y

in, 47; government of, 164, 414, 439; Gabriel Johnson on, 760-761, 762, 939; sawmill for, 354, 4 1 4 , 638; U. S. loan to, xxxiii, 630, 631-632, 633, 634 n. I, 639, 761, 774, 840, 857; U N I A construction loan to, xxxi, 2, 20, 104, 155, 272, 354, 359,

113, 3 2 2 - 3 2 3 , 345, 465, 658, 6 6 1 , 723, 768,

840, 918, 929, 1054; in Georgia, 917, 918 n. 1; William R . Hearst on, 223; in Indiana, 594; Pan-African Congress on, 270 n. 11; in Texas, 917, 918 n. 1; UNIA on, 328, 893, 917-918,1008-1009; B. T. Washington on, 918 n. 2. See also Dyer Antilynching Bill Lyon, Ernest, 891 n. 1

4 1 3 - 4 1 4 , 4 2 1 , 4 4 0 - 4 4 1 , 514, 558, 637, 638, 7 6 0 - 7 6 1 , 8 4 0 , 857, 9 8 6 - 9 8 7 , 1 0 2 2 - 1 0 2 3 ,

1050; U N I A convention on, 840, 10221 0 2 3 , 1 0 2 7 - 1 0 2 8 , 1 0 3 3 n. 1 , 1 0 5 0 ; U N I A in,

92, 192, 439, 761; Major York in, 203 Liberian Methodist, 762, 763, 765-766 n. 2 Liberty Hall, 1, 22, 44, Si, 75, 85, 87, 89,107, 115 n. 3 , 1 1 7 , i j 5 , 1 8 9 , 2 0 4 , 2 1 3 - 2 1 4 n. I, 322, 338, 344, 347, 353, 367, 388, 425, 445, 4 4 9 , 463, 4 6 4 , 478, 635, 637, 6 9 0 , 7 0 0 , 7 0 4 - 7 0 5 , 7 0 7 , 719, 793 n. I,

239, 426, 650, 895,

McBride, Harry A., 31 McCallum, T. S., *504 n. 1; bill of, liii-liv,

925, 931, 995; addition to, 411; Black Star Line meeting at, 518; chariman of, 679; as church, 292; funds for, 408; Garvey on, 292,569, 621; in Nova Scotia, 292; ownership of, 4 1 1 ; political candidates at, 519520; speakers at, 42, 217, 264, 573 n. 1, 597, 900; taxes on, 557; U N I A convention at,

4 9 6 - 4 9 7 , 5 0 0 , 5 0 2 , 5 7 4 , 5 8 1 , 609-610, 611, 668, 776

McClendon, Attorney, 361, 579, 580 McCullough, Irene, 524 MacDermott, Miss, 546 McDonald, Emanuel, 55-56, 172 MacDonald, Ramsay, 281 n. 3, 338-339 n. 3 McDonald, Rosa, 627 McDonald, Tina, 641 McElderry, Charles, 687

7 9 0 , 8 0 0 , 815, 836, 838, 853-855, 865, 879, 880, 881, 9 3 4 , 1 0 4 2 , 1 0 6 1

Light and Truth, 1013, 1015 n. 9

Maceo, Antonio, S.S. See S.S. Kanawha

Lightbody, Philip F., 892 n. 7 Lincoln, Abraham, 27, 148, 322, 323, 326, 327, 658, 737; colonization plan of, 28 n. 2; Garvey on, 499, 683, 767, 897 Lindgren, Edward I., 355, *362 n. 2 Lindsay, A. H . , 372 Lipscomb, Mrs. L. L., 752 Lissimore, Mrs. ( o f Florida), 936, 1038,

McGann, William P., 816 McGuire, George A., 13, 17, 154, 354, 403, 408, 640, 672 n. 3, 793 n. 1; Abbey Memorial Fund of, 128, 129; and African Orthodox Church, li, 170, 199-200; on Black Star Line, 622 n. 3; and Cyril Briggs, Iii, 198, 199, 200, 238, 274, 299-301, 308; breaks with Garvey, 128-

1070, 1072

1 3 0 , 198, 1 9 9 , 2 0 0 , 2 8 6 - 2 8 7 , 2 9 0 , 2 9 1 - 2 9 2 ,

Livingstone, David, 55 Lloyd George, David, 269 n. 2, 279, 576, 698, 768, 770, 890; Garvey on, Iii, liv, 139, 195, 251, 2 6 0 , 2 6 4 , 268, 2 9 7 , 333, 568, 572 Logan, Mr. ( o f Oregon), 827, 1070, 1074 Longfellow, Henry Wadsworth, 304 Los Angeles: Bureau o f Investigation in, 194-195; Garvey in, liv, 92 n. 1, 651, 660, 669, 692, 693; U N I A in, xxxi, Iii, 92 n. 1,

298-301, 322 n. 1; consecration of, 294 n. 1; resigns, Iii, 130, 198, 199 McHurse, J. W., 859, 888, 937, 954, 966-967, 1016, 1070, 1072

Mcintosh, W. J., 1044, 1070, 1075 Mack, Mrs., 524 McKane, Alice Woodby, 304-305,

*3o6

n. 2, 3 1 2 - 3 1 3

McKane, Cornelius, 306 n. 2 Mackay, A. K., 839, 855 Mackay, Alexander, 66 n. 4 McKay, Claude, 213-214 n. 1, 850, 852 n. 4 McKean (Bureau agent), 489 McLenard, Mr., 740 MacNutt, F. A., 728 n. 1 McNish, Sarah, 730 McShane, Andrew J., 680, *68i n. 1 MacSwiney, Terence, 259, 488,502,567,570

164-165, 170-171, 194-195, 669-670

Los Angeles Forum, 165 Los Angeles New Age, 133 Louisiana, 714; U N I A in, 792-793, 794 nn. 9, 10. See also New Orleans L'Ouverture, Toussaint, 492, 495, 898 Love, Mr. ( o f U S S B ) , 623 Lowrie, Rev. H . C., 7 3 1 , 7 3 2 , 7 9 8 , 1 0 7 0 , 1 0 7 2 Loyalty: African Blood Brotherhood on, 13, 75-76; Cyril Briggs on, 62, 63-64, 65,

IUI

INDEX

Messenger, 92 n. 1, 115 n. 3 688-689 n. 2, 816, 856, 858 n. 1, 933 n. 1; on Garvey, xxxiv, 757-758, 759; on Ku Klux Klan, 715 nn. 4, 5, 757-758, 759 Mexico, 62, 63, 66 n. 1, 746 Meyers, Mr. (of St. Louis), 895, 1070, 1073 Michigan. See Detroit Mifflin, Rev., 732 Military Intelligence Division, 12-13 Miller, Atheron, 18 Miller, D. R . , 459 Miller, E. C., 728 n. 5 Miller, William R., 453, 459 Millerite movement, 998 n. 5 Millinery, 156 Milwaukee, 630, 631 Mines, Mr., 827, 1070, 1074 Minor, Willie, 628 Mirabeau, Gabriel, 488 Miscegenation. See Amalgamation Mississippi, 91 Missouri, xxxii, liv, 529, 570 Mitchell (cigar store owner), 741 Mitchell, Annie, 941 Mitchell, John R. Jr., 115 n. 3, »597-598 n. 1, 729, 891 n. 2 Mohammed, 467. See also Islam Monroe Doctrine, 278 Montagu, E. S., 740 n. 3 Montreal, 600 Moore, Donald, 586 Moore, Fred R., 893-894 n. j, 1089 n. 1 Moore, Herbert, 704 Moore, John Hampton, 731, »733 n. 1 Moore, Richard B., 703, 704 Moorman-Blackston, Irena, 703, 704, 705 n. 1 Moplahs, 51, 52, 338 n. 2 Morales, Eduardo V., 17, 77, 808, 827, 864, 872, 873, 899, 903, 905, 914, 995, 1000, 1003, 1033 n. 1, 1070, 1075; on Black Star Line, 877; on condition of blacks, 862, 894, 895; on Garvey, 853; on marriage, 823-824 Morel, E. D., 281 n. 3, 315 n. 1 Morgan, Mr. (of Los Angeles), 195 Morgan, Clara, 1038, 1040 n. 3, 1070, 1072 Morgan, John E., 627 Morocco, 52, 53, 84, 771 Morris, Abraham, 676-677 n. 1 Morris, J. H., 740, 741 Morris, John H., 733 Morris, John T., 743 Morris, Julia E., 733 Morris, Martha, 733, 941, 942 Morris, Russell, 808, 1070, 1072 Morse Dry Dock, 394, 395, 430 Morse Shipbuilding Co., 115 Moseley, Robert B., 642, 643-644, 649650, »650 n . 1

Madison, Mr. (in San Francisco), 670 Madison Square Garden, 620, 931 Mair, Ernest E., $30 Maitland, James T., 628 Makonnen, Ras Tafari. See Selassie, Haile Malone, Mr., 534 Maloney, Rev. Arnold H., 618, 786, »793 n. 1, 824, 828, 830, 836, 887, 912, 997,1052, 1070, 1073; on black history, 898-899; on black press, 88J-886 Manassas Industrial School, 851, 852 n. 5 Maney, A. A., 231 Mann, L., 667-668 Mann Act, 4, 29, 30, 218 Manoedi, M., 729 Mapp, Mrs. (of Buffalo), 936, 1070, 1073 Maran, René, 772, »776 n. 2 Marconi, Guglielmo, 572, 573 n. 4 Mark, Mr. (of Indiana), 1072 Mark Antony, 144 Marke, George O., 93, 739, 75i, 752, 765-766 n. 2, 787, 793-794 n. 4, 808, 942, 950 n. 1, 1001, 1070, 1075; as delegate to League of Nations, 1021-1022, 1024, 1025; on Women's Exhibit, 937, 938, 939 Marshall, David, 628 Marshall, Garrett & Wheaton, 30, 640, 783 Martin, Reynoldson, 763, 766 n. 3 Martin, Warren F., 690 n. 1 Martyr, Peter, 728 n. 1 Maryland. See Baltimore Mason, Mr. (of Black Star Line), 272 Massachusetts: Bureau in, 30, 58, 67, 951; Ku Klux Klan in, 58; U N I A in, 30-31,58, 67, 951 Massachusetts Bonding Co., 358, 534, 544 Mather, Miss C . , 941 Le Matin, 46 Matthews, W. B., 4, 214 Matthews, William C., 22,373 n. 1,474,577, 578, 616, 641, 686, 742, 825, 1070, 1074; Bureau Agent 800 on, 332, 374, 443, 606; as Black Star Line attorney, 31,598, 606, 614; 618-619, 644, 680; and Garvey's reentry, 31, 196 Mattuck, Maxwell S., liii, 474,525,557, »580 n. i, 690 n. 1; Negro World on, 579-580 Mauk, Capt., 1025 Mayo, William, 9, 70, 71 Meade, Claudius, 560, 640 Mechanics Savings Bank of Richmond, 115 n- 3, 597-598 n . i Mellad, Emanuel V. W., 892 n. 7 Memard, Richard, 840-841, 1070, 1075 Membership loan system, 1021, 1053-1055 Merchant Tailors' Amusement and Industrial Assn., 740 Merrilees, Thomas P., 361, 390, »404-405 n. i, 542, 543, 545; on Black Star Line, 404, 574-575

III2

INDEX

Moses, 2, 350,636,637,778,802,841, 853,881 Moses, William Henry, »688-689 n. 2, 705 n. 2, 741, 839 Mosessohn, Or. Nehemiah, 1089 n. 1 Moton, Robert R., 63, 162 n. 1, 277, 591, 678; Christmas message of, 228-229; Garvey on, 183, 223, 224, 227 Mulzac, Capt. Hugh, 386, 420 S.S. Munamar, 5, 1$, 16, 583 Münchner Neueste Nachrichten, 314 Munson Steamship Line, 15, 16, 583 Murphy, J., 628 Murphy, J. H., 891 n. 1 Murray, Daniel A. P., 1013, *ioi5-ioi6 n. 11 Murray, Sadie, 524 Murray's Historical and Biographical Encyclopedia, 1013, 1015-1016 n. 11 Mussolini, Benito, 609 n. 1 Muzumdar, Haridas T., 573 n. 1, 891, »892 n. 9

Négritude movement, 776 n. 2 Negro. See Black(s); New Negro; Race Negro Congress Bulletin and News Service, 22, 75 The Negro Faces America, 239, 244 n. 1, 249 Negro Factories Corporation, 49, 225, 478, 559, 940, 941; Bureau Agent 800 on, 72; closes factory, 72, 105, 156; fashion show by, 1048; Garvey as president of, 153, 239, 270, 575; laundry of, 73, 105, 218, 239, 352, 356,476; millinery of, 156; stock in, 50,72, 105,156, 272; stockholders' meeting of, liv The Negro in the New World, 283 n. 1 The Negro: Past, Present and Future, 100 n. 2 Negro Times. See Daily Negro Times Negro World, xxxiv, 56, 66 n. 4, 91, 106, «8, 129 n. 1 , 1 3 0 , 1 5 4 , 1 5 5 , 1 6 7 n. 1,199, 216, 239,

241, 257, 276-281, 315 n. I, 317-322, 356, 437, 495, 574, 667-668, 679, 688-689 n. 2, 751-753, 838 n. 2, 1015 n. 3; advertising in, 117, 163, 198, 218, 272, 4 7 4 , 475, 478, 513, 548-549, 550, 756; in Africa, 832; on African Blood Brotherhood, 107, 126; on African Redemption Fund, 16-18, 192 n. 2, 217 n. I, 627-628; Dusé Mohamed Ali at, 580, 630; banned/suppressed, 520521 n. I, 745, 950 n. 1; on Cyril Briggs, Iii, 107, 131 n. I, 135,136, 137, 228, 231; John E. Bruce at, 203; Bureau of Investigation on, 58-59, 271-274, 357, 359, 412-413, 478, 579; Christmas issue of, 161,162, r66,188, 218, 219, 228-229, 272-273, 274, 275, 283284,564; circulation of, xxxi, 104,131,162, 163, 273, 274, 357; in Dominica, 520-521 n. 1; on W. E. B. Du Bois, 564 n. 2; William H. Ferris at, 62, 64, 66 n. 2,220-221, 730-733; 943; finances of, 242-243, 412413, 478, 638; founded, 317-318; on Mohandas Gandhi, 573 n. 1; Elie Garcia on, 402; on Garvey, 526-527, 681 n. 2, 921-922; Garve/s Christmas message in, 308-310; Garvey as managing editor of, 153, 270, 575; goodwill of, 242, 354, 402, 637, 638,1086; Hubert H. Harrison at, 13, 14 n. 3,424,427 n. 1; influence of, 801; on Liberia, 751; on G. A. McGuire, 200; on Maxwell Mattuck, 579-580; on NAACP, 923; ownership of, 402, 412-413, 424, 440; in Russia, 669; in St. Louis, 530 New Era, 705 n. 2 New Community Forum, 688 n. 1 New Jersey, 588, 830 n. 1 New Negro, 329, 495, 79i, 880, 881; H. V. Davis on, 454; Garvey on, 40, HI, 113, 120, 121, 139, 144, 175, 180-181, 204, 206, 208, 264-265, 266, 345, 348, 349, 363, 364, 376, 378, 486, 522, 653, 712, 768, 775 New Orleans: Bureau of Investigation in, 680; J. W. H. Eason in, 581,667-668,972;

NAACP. See National Association for the Advancement of Colored People Najy, George J., 21 Namibia, 676-677 n. 1 Nance, Sgt. Mack C., 560, 564-565 Napoleon Bonaparte, 169, 354, 769, 898; Garvey on, 212, 264, 333, 826 Nash, Alfred G., 892 n. 7 Nash, Grace, 733 Nathan, Harold, 489-494 Nation, 190 n. 1, 253, 254 n. 3, 314-315, 527 n. 1 National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, 154, 166, 244 n. 1, 270 n. 1, 304, 354, 527 n. 1, 680 n. 2, 700-701 n. 1, 794 n. 9, 816, 818 n. 2, 851, 884 n. 2, 933; in Detroit, 932 n. 1; on Dyer bill, 714; finances of, 923; Garvey on, 41, 108, 249, 250, 251, 252, 253, 526, 685, 686, 692, 714, 928, 929, 930; on Garvey, xxxiv, 231, 817 n. 1, 858; J. W. Johnson and, 437,447; officers of, 254 n. 1; William Pickens and, 626-627 n. 1, 627 n, 2, 651, 926; Herbert Seligman and, 249, 250, 251, 252, 253; whites in, 249, 250, 251, 252, 253, 254 n. 1 National Baptist Convention, 688-689 n. 2 National Benefit Co., 543 National Congress of British West Africa, 7 4 3 , 7 4 7 nn. 1, 2 National Dry Dock and Repair Co., Iii, 2 4 6 , 4 7 3 , 542

National Equal Rights League, 108, 304 Nationalist Party of Egypt, 334-335, 338339, n. 3 Nationalist Party of South Africa, 156, 157 National Negro Press Association, 1015 nn. 3, 5 National Surety Co., 232 Neely, John H., 865, 980

III3

INDEX Norman, Clarence, 730 Norris, James Austin, 795, 796, 797, 799800, *804 n. 2, 806,807, 830, 913, 921 n. 3, 985, 1001, 1070, 1074; at Eason's U N I A

Garvey in, lv, 680-681, 693-694, 757, 792-793; U N I A in, 667, 668, 693 New Orleans Times-Picayune, 694 Newsam, J. M . , 628 Newton, Mr. (in San Francisco), 670 Newville, Norman, 10 N e w York (city), 137, 239, 302; Bureau of Investigation in, 1, 14, 21, 31, 58, 78, 96, 107, 117, 125, 170, 197-198, 203, 255, 306, 308, 316, 332, 382, 427, 442, 473, +78,521, 525, 528, 541, 5 9 9 , 616, 6 2 9 , 640, 687, 689, 700, 703, 7 2 9 , 7 4 ° , 782, 916, 918, 951, 1001—1002, 1042, 1061; Garvey in, 23, 60, 81, 87, 97, 108, 119, 141, 180, 225, 259, 285, 316, 322, 332, 363, 375, 4 4 4 , 4 6 3 , 4 7 9 , 496, 567, 601, 609, 690, 707, 719, 743; U N I A (New York local) in, 17, 47, 371-372, 402, 4 0 4 , 412-413, 4 4 9 , 478 n. I, 623, 1052, 1053. See also Brooklyn; Harlem; Liberty Hall N e w York (state): Fifteenth Regiment in, 13 n. 1; K u Klux Klan in, 709, 715 n. 5; socialism in, 362 n. 2. See also Albany; Buffalo; Rochester New York Age, 79, 93, 130, 304, 312, 886, 893-894 n. 5; on U N I A , 1086-1087, 1089 n. I N e w York American, 51, 52, 53, 222, 708 New York Call, 856-857, 999 New York Evening Post, 45 New York Globe, 33-34, 597-598 n. 1 New York Journal, 460, 461 New York News, 232, 371, 719, 931, 999, 1089 n. I N e w York Ship Exchange, 384, 385, 398, 5 3 0 , 531, 532, 533, 545 , 5 4 9 , 552, 554, 615, 616, 622 New York Sun, 32, 33, 42 n. 1, 371, 589-590 New York Times, 98, 100 n. 3, 225, 226,

trial,

954,

955-956,

957,

958;

at

Oakland: African Legions in, 339; Garvey in, 625, 650, 666, 670, 692, 693; U N I A in, 692, 7 9 1 O'Brien, George, 17 O'Brien, Georgiana, 825, 836, 936, 1070, 1075 Oches, Anthony, C o . , 473 O'Connell, Daniel, 259, 378 Office o f Naval Intelligence, 233-237, 666, 672; on Garvey, 625, 641-642, 664-665, 669, 670, 671; on Japanese, 233, 236, 339, 702; on Negroes in San Francisco, 311312; on Universal African Legions, 339, 477, 625; on U N I A , 233,236,339,477, 625, 642, 664, 669-670, 678, 701-702 Ohio. See Cincinnati; Cleveland O ' K e e f e & Lynch, 543, 544 Oklahoma. See Tulsa Oliver, D r . George M . , 301 O'Loughlin, John, 17, 825, »830 n. 1, 908909, 1070, 1073 Olsen T o w i n g C o . , 473 O'Meally, James A., 18, »950-951 n. 1, 1025, 1070, 1073 O'Neill, Lionel, 8 Open D o o r policy, 191 n. 6 Oppenheim, James, 773, »884 n. 2 Orange Free State, 831 Order of Ethiopia, 824 Order of Knight Commander of the Distinguished Service Order of Ethiopia,

8 1 6 - 8 1 7 , 932-933, 9 9 9

N e w York Tribune,

952,

Garvey's U N I A trial, 981, 982 North American Steamship C o . , 156, 357, 427 Northcliffe, L o r d , 222, 260 Northeastern Bond Finance C o . , 552 N o v a Scotia, 292 Nyasaland (Malawi), 77 n. 1, 772 Nybladh, Bishop Carl A., 294 n. 1

1, 32-33, 42 n. 5,59-60,

93

New York World, 196 n. 1, 317 n. 1 , 3 7 1 , 3 7 9 , 4 4 0 , 4 4 1 , 442 n. 4, 443, 479, 717, 719-721, 725, 728 n. 4 ; on Garvey, 352-354, 781, 918; on K u Klux Klan, 708, 715 nn. 2, 3, 726, 1088-1089; on U N I A convention, 781782, 917-918, IOOI Nicholas, Hannah, 827, 936, 937, 941, 1051, 1070, 1074 Nicholson, John, 628 Nigeria, 747 n. 1 Nitrate Agencies Co., 473 Nobel Peace Prize, 281 n. 3 Nolan, Joseph P., 256-257, 330, 387, 394,

243

Order of Knight Commander of the Sublime Order o f the Nile, 243 S.S. Orion, (to be known as S.S. Phyllis Wheatley), 130,197, 341, 357, 385,388, 4 4 0 , 461, 4 7 4 , 4 7 5 , 476, 545, 546, 555, 621, 630, 636, 729; Black Star Line attempts to purchase, xxxi-xxxii, li, liii, liv, 5, 21, 28-29, 96, 101-103, 117, 163, 170, 179, 256, 330-331, 3 4 6 - 3 4 7 , 397-399, 414, 4 3 3 - 4 3 6 , 4 4 2 , 4 6 2 , 5 0 6 , 5 0 7 , 5 0 8 , 551-553, 556, 5 6 5 5 6 6 , 5 7 7 , 578, 5 9 1 - 5 9 2 , 5 9 8 - 5 9 9 , 6 0 6 , 6 1 3 -

4 3 3 - 4 3 5 , 525, 534, 535, 537, 539, 541, 545, 552, 553, 591, 5 9 8 , 613, 616, 622, 629, 644, 6 4 5 , 680, 686, 757

615, 616, 618-619, 622-623, 644-645, 686, 753-754, 757; Bureau o f Investigation on, 358, 4 1 4 , 432-436; described, 21; W. E. B.

N o r f o l k , Virginia, lv, 686-687 Noridge, Henry, 67

III4

INDEX

D u Bois o n , 398,

Elie Garcia on,

753—75+, 757;

399-401;

ownership

of,

Parris, James Nathaniel, 627 Parris, Joshua, 10, 69, 70, 79 n. r Patterson, Mrs. H., 865, 936, 1070, 1074 Patterson, W. Lionel, 18 Paul, Benna, 10, 70, 79 n. 1 Paul, Rev. P. E., 557 Paul, T. G. W „ 194 Payne, Rev. S., 135

+06-407,

426; O . M. Thompson on, liv, 5+8,5+9, 550, 551-552; U S S B

i + , 28,

386-387,

3 9 9 , 5 3 0 - 5 + 0 , 565-566, 613-615,

on,

618-619,

622-623, 757- See also Wheatley, S.S. Phyllis O r r , Edward, liv, 620, 621, 636 O s b o r n , Mr. (in San Francisco), 670 O v i n g t o n , Mary White, 25+ n. 1 O w e n , Chandler, 92 n. 1, 6 2 6 - 6 2 7 n. 1, 817 n. i, 822; o n Garvey, xxxiv, 757-758, 759, 817 n. 1; Garvey on, 8+8, 999 O w e n , Joseph, 627 Oxley, Lionel, 9 7 0 - 9 7 1 , 1070, 1072

P e a c e , 2 0 6 , 2 0 7 , 215, 2 6 7 - 2 6 8 , 308, 7 6 8 - 7 6 9

Pearce, Clarence, 11 Peary, Robert E., 721, 722, 728 n. 3 Pennsylvania, 1025; U N I A in, 3,873 n. 1. See also Philadelphia; Pittsburgh The People of the State ofNew York v. Marcus Garvey,

135-137

Perkins, Frank C., 46, *+7 n. 1 Perry, C. J., 1015 nn. 3, 5 Perry, Martha, 6+1 Perry, Oliver H., 720, *728 n. 2 Perry, Rufus L., 1013, 1015 n. 10 Perry, William, 778 Personal Rights League, 690 n. 1 Peters, David, 979, 991, 1070, 1072 Peters, Edward, 731 Peters, Rev. M. Franklin, 96 n. 1 Pettiford, Alonzo D., 795, 798, *8o+ n. 1,

P-138 (Bureau agent). See Boulin, Herbert S. Pacific Appeal, 625 n. 1 Pacific Coast Appeal, 625 n. 1 Pacific Coast Negro Improvement Association, Iii, 92 n. i, 170, 171, I9J Palace Casino, 931 Palestine, 267, +83, +84, 523, 736, 7+0 n. 2 Palmer, R u t h , 628 Pan-African Congress (1921), 33, +2 nn. 2, +, +3 n. 8, 100 n. 3, 381 n. 1; on Africa, 32, +5, 278; delegates to, 32, +0, +3 nn. 1, n , 270 n. 11; Garvey on, xxxii, li, 25, 32, 33, 34-35, 54, 59, 79, 94, 99, 100, 121, 153, 227, 526, 609; o n Garvey, 32, 45, 59, 61, 276278; on lynching, 270 n. n ; object of, 276; o n race unity, 276. See also D u Bois, W. E. B. Pan-African Congress (1923), 2 7 0 n. 11 Pan-African Congress ( 1 9 2 7 ) , 4 2 n. 4 Pan-Africanism, 771-772, 1040, 1041 Panama, 28; Black Star Line in, 355 n. 1; Canal, m ; condition of blacks in, 894 Panken, Jacob, 619, *620 n. 1; rebukes Garvey, 620, 621-622, 636, 637 Pan U n i o n Company, liv, 1 2 - 1 3 , 2 1 , 5 8 9 , 9 9 9 Paramount Trading Co., 117, 118 n. 1 Parham, Sadie E., 941, 9+2 Paris, Ann, 372 Paris, Eudora, ++1-++2 n. 3 Paris, Nancy, ++0, *++i-++2 n. 3 Paris, Thomas, ++1-++2 n. 3 Paris Peace Conference/Peace Treaty, 190 n. 3, 314,315, 736, 740 n. 3; on Africa, 168; Egypt at, 338-339 n. 3; W o o d r o w Wilson at, 7 6 8 , 7 7 0 Parker, Mr., 822 Parker, Judge James P., 681 n. 2, 694, *6çg

812, 820, 823, 827, 836, 865, 877, 889, 9 0 + ,

98+, 993, 995, 997, 1070, 1073; on black press, 886; at J. W. H. Eason's UNIA trial, 952, 953, 954, 955, 956, 957, 958, 962, 978; at Garvey's UNIA trial, 981, 982; on going into business, 863-864; on race confraternity, 823; on resignations, 944 Philadelphia, 302; Garvey in, 172-179, 225, 460, 606; UNIA in, xxxi, 179, 216, 258, 391, 4 9 2 , 7 3 0 , 731, 830, 9 6 4 - 9 6 5 , 975

Philadelphia American, 805 n. 2 Philadelphia Record, 688-689 n. 2 Philadephia Tribune, 1015 n. 5 Philbin, J. Harry, 102, 330,536,539-540,591, 598, 615, 618, 680; on S.S. Orion purchase, 28-29, 644-645

Philippines, 565 Phillips, C. J., 823, 872, 1070, 1074 Phillips, John, 628 Phillips, Joseph H., 892 n. 7 Phillips, Thomas, 57 The Philosophy and Opinions of Marcus Garvey, 327 n. 2 Phoenix, Arizona, 672 Pickens, William, 254 nn. 1, 2,3; on Africa, 283, 527 n. 1, 7+9; on Back to Africa movement, 816, 817; on Black Star Line, 7+9; on Disarmament Conference, 284; on W. E. B. Du Bois, 926; Garvey on, Iv,

n. I

Parker, Gov. John M., 694, 699 n. 1 Parker, Richard E., 799 Parnell, Charles, 378 Parquette Bros., 385 Parris, Miss, 900, 1022

253, 8 4 4 - 8 4 6 , 848, 8 4 9 , 853, 9 2 5 - 9 2 7 , 928,

929, 931, 999; on Garvey, xxxiv, Iv, 527 n . 1, 6 2 6 - 6 2 7 n . 1, 651, 7 1 5 - 7 1 6 , 7 + 8 - 7 + 9 ,

815, 816-817, 858, 93+; invited to UNIA convention,

HIS

625-626,

715-716,

7+7-7+8,

INDEX

3, 4, 5, 719-721; on U N I A , 885, 1004; U N I A convention on, 855, 878, 884-887, 1004, 1007-1008. See also African Times and Orient Review; Amsterdam News; Baltimore Afro-American; California Eagle; Challenge; Chicago Defender; Chicago Whip; Crisis; Crusader; Daily Negro Times; Harlem Home News; Messenger, Negro World; New York Age; New York News; Pacific Appeal; Pacific Coast Appeal; Philadelphia American; Philadelphia Tribune; Pittsburgh Courier; Promoter; Richmond Planet; Umteteli wa Bantu; Washington Bee

749; Amy Jacques on, 627 n. 2; and N A A C P , 626-627 n. 1, 627 n. 2, 651, 926; on race organization, 284; U N I A on, 822 Pinder, Winifred, 752 Pitt, Waldron, 18 Pitt, Mrs. Waldron, 940 Pitt, William, 139, 365, 898 Pittsburgh: Black Star Line in, 61; Bureau of Investigation in, 15, 60, 1025; coal companies in, 902 n. 6; Garvey in, 327 n. 1, 590; Garveyism in, 1025-1026; Ku Klux Klan in, 3; U N I A in, 15, 61-62, 257; West Indians in, 60 Pittsburgh Courier, 257, 257-258 n. 1, 885 Pittsfield, Massachusetts, 30, 58, 951 Planet Steamship Corp., 873 n. 5 Plessy v. Ferguson, 504 n. 4 Plough Chemical Co., 878, 882 n. 2 Plummer, H. Vinton, 644, 718, 786, 788, 806, 807, 808, 824, 865,872, 903,904, 905, 907, 910, 912, 913, 952, 979, 983, 986, 9 9 4 , 1070, 1074; on Abyssinia, 1052; v. E. L. Gaines, 819; on Garvey, 273; on salaries, 1032 Poland, 769

Press, white: on Garvey, 352-354, 371, 781, 918; Garvey on, 222, 223-224, 225, 291, 344, 351, 369, 377, 378, 379, 445, 4 4 9 , 479, 480, 481, 482-483, 491, 508, 509, 526, 691692, 707, 878; on Ku Klux Klan, 708-709, 726, 757-758, 759, 1088-1089 Price, John Ambrose, 97, 100 n. 2 Printing press, liv, 619-620, 624 S.S. Prinz Oskar, 21, 435, 530, 531, 532. See also S.S. Orion Probyn, Leslie, Sir (Governor) 750 n. 1 Proctor, Henry H., 799 Produce Trading Corporation, 473 Promoter, 520-521 n. 1 Propaganda, 48, 242, 247,248-249, 253-254, 288, 289, 294-295, 351, 363, 368, 377, 471, 479, 481-483, 486,568, 569, 572, 636, 652, 656-657, 683, 844, 845, 927 Purcell, William S., 627 Purdum, S. W., 115 n. 3 Purnell, Frederick, 730 Pyers, Frank, 625

Politics, blacks in, 499, 855, 864-865, 887890, 892, 893, 901 n. 2. See also Republicans; Socialism/Socialist S.S. Porto Rico, 615 Portugal, 40, 100, 831 Post Office, 163, 197, 246, 257, 302, 341 Poston, Mr., 787, 807, 887, 919, 945 Poston, Robert L., 329, 739, 752, 788, 789, 796, 827, 865, 878, 888, 899, 937, 995, 1029, 1046, 1051, 1052, 1070, 1073; at J. W. H. Eason's U N I A trial, 976; on UNIA, 851852 Poston, U. S., 221, 226, 739, 752, 788, 794 n. 9, 865, 878, 905, 906, 908, 997, 10291030, 1047, 1070, 1073; on Black Star Line, 875; on Negroes in politics, 888889; on titles, 1011; reports to U N I A , 943,

Pyramid Lumber and Realty, 586-587 n. 1 Race: brotherhood/confraternity, 807-809, 810-811, 815, 823-824, 825, 1023-1024; commercial relationships within, 1016, 1020-1021; competition, 277, 280, 342, 498-499, 522, 775; consciousness, 1007; fellowship, 86; future of, 25, 221-227, 484-485, 487, 498, 775, 836-837, 839, 1017-1019; integrity, in, 713-714; loyalty, 62-64, 139; new social policy for, 935; organizing, 89, 144, 150, 175, 176, 178, 183-184, 188, 209, 210, 225, 284, 298, 368, 458, 632, 652, 655, 668, 671, 676, 746; prejudice, 25-26, 27, 28, 35, 36, 37-39, 45, 54, 59-60, 97, 103, 143, 222, 233, 235, 486, 487, 488, 490, 491, 498,500-501,503, 522, 592, 593-594, 654, 661-663, 682-683, 710, 711-712, 774, 837, 947; pride, 17, 38, 160, 370; purity, xxxiii, 14,41,79,160, 713,714, 775 (see also Amalgamation); relations, 97, 98, 99-100, 143, 146-147, 151, 156-161, 222-223, 296, 464, 501, 573 n. 3, 593, 672, 673, 675, 676-677 n. 1, 774, 947; riots, 76, 127, 196, 233, 235, 492, 700-701 n. 1, 902

944

Potter, Adrian L., 30-31, 58, 67-68, 95: Pound, Roscoe, 954, 956, '983 n. 2, 983 n. 3 Powell, W. S., 18 Powell, William, n, 69, 71, 123 Power: J. C. Austin on, 803; Garvey on, 27, 38, 671, 674, 745, 746, 771, 850 Pratt, Robert W., 995, 1046 Prendergast, Mr., 967 Press, black: associations, 1008, 1010, 1015 n. 3; in Baltimore, 885, 891 n. 1, 999; banned/confiscated, 520-521 n. 1, 745, 891 n. 2, 950 n. 2; ethics for, 1008; William H. Ferris on, 887; on Garvey, xxxiv, 13-14 n. 2, 23, 24, 91, 126-128, 137-138, Hi, 192, 229-230, 381 n. 1, 527 n. 3, 686, 688-689 n. 2, 705 n. 2, 717, 719-721, 757-758, 759,

891 n. 2; on Ku Klux Klan, 708, 715 nn. 2,

III6

INDEX Robertson, S. V., 91 Robinson, Alada, 941, 942 Robinson, Alice F., 963, 964 Robinson, Charles, 628 Robinson, D. S., 372, 618 Robinson, G. A., 783, 786, 799, 888, 1070, I073 Robinson, John, 1059-1060 n. 1 Robinson, S. V., 17 Rochester, New York, liii, 521, 524 Rock, Etta, 941, 942 Rockefeller, John D., 1054, 1055 Roe, Ephraim, 8, 79 n. 1 Rogers, H . H . , 78, 358, 396 Rogers, Joel A., 520-521 n. 1 Rogers, Lelia, 515 Rogowski, Henry (printer o f Negro

n. 5, 917, 1034, 1040 n. 2; superiority/ inferiority, 39, 146, 150-151, 158, 159, 332-333 , 334, 335 , 336, 486, 488-489, 604, 611-612; unity, 74-75, 126, 139, 158, 159, 160, 184, 276, 280, 298, 336, 342, 370, 4 5 ° , 480, 492, 4 9 4 , 595, 611, 653, 654-655, 656, 663, 675, 676, 685, 701-702, 746, 762-763, 807-808, 809, 867, 869, 881-882; unrest, 51-53, 54, 82, 84-85, 181, 672-673, 675, 676-677 n. 1; uplift, 592-593, 594, 595; war, 41, 52, 175, 612, 769, 902 n. 5 Ragsdales, V . G., 649 Rahming, Addington, 628 Raines, Frank O . , 768, 793 n. 2, 865, 995, 997, 998, 1070, 1073 Ramsey, Dr. William B., 730 Randolph, A. Philip, 374-375 n. 1, 626-627 n. 1, 818, 866; on African redemption, 856, 857-858; on Black Star Line, 857; and Friends o f Negro Freedom, 816, 817 n. 2; on Garvey, xxxiv, 817, 856-857, 933; Garvey on, 848, 849, 999; on UNIA, 857; U N I A on, 822 Randolph, E. A., 891 n. 1 Rao, Ganesh, 495-496 Reason, Mamie, 799, 936, 1070, 1073 Reconstruction, xxxiii, 504 nn. 2, 4 Reading, Lord. See Isaacs, Rufus D. Redding, G . C., 438 n. 1 Redmond, John Edward, 378 Reedy, Lela, 731 Reedy, Mrs. Robert, 731 Reese, Mrs. P., 941 Reeves, Sir Conrad, 847, »852 n. 3 Reid, Arthur, 105 Reid, C. A., 17

World), 273, 413

Roland, Jeanne Manon, 488 Rome, 81, 175, 328, 332, 503, 658 Rommeyer, William, 8, 69, 70, 79 n. 1, 123 Roosevelt, F. D., 257-258 n. 1 Roosevelt, Theodore, 27, 525 n. 1, 721 Rosalsky, Judge Otto A., 1089 n. 1 Rose, Stephen, 10, 69, 71, 79 n. 1 Ross, Dr. (in San Francisco), 701 Rossi, R . L., 96 n. 1 Rowland, Hattie, 627 Royal Bank o f Canada, 332 Royal International Modistes and Milliners' Circle, 940, 941 Royal Italian Ministry o f External Affairs, 677, 1001, 1040 Royal Italian Ministry o f the Colonies, 608, 677, 812-813, 1001, 1040 Ruch, George F., 22, 72-73, 74, 9i, 104, 113-114,117,125,163,191,196,198,199, 200, 216, 238, 255, 271, 298, 301, 307, 316, 330, 373, 443, 460, 590, 606, 619, 624, 628, 630, 642 Russia, 4, 67, 669; Garvey on, 85, 86, 488, 846 Russian Progressive Club, 58, 67

Religion, 4 4 4 , 727, 764, 767, 77i, 992-993, 1058 Renaud, Justice, 137, 140, 141, 191 Republicans, xxxiii, 889, 1054 Restaurant, 410 Reuters, 351, 378, 771 Rhoda, Mme. B., 1014, 1031 Richards, Thomas, 8 Richardson, Adrian, 79 n. 1, 151, 431, 703 Richardson, Charles, 9, 70, 71, 79 n. 1 Richardson, Elias, 9, 70, 71 Richmond Planet, 597-598 n. 1, 885, 891 n. 2 Ridley, Rev. Caleb A., 33-34 Riley, Rev. George, 191, 204, 214 Rinelli, P., 473 Rippy, J. Fred, 728 n. 1

Sabetta (Italian diplomat), 813 Sacrifice, 337, 366, 467, 567, 570-571, 601, 768, 847 Saffell, C. H., 257 Safford, Charles V., »687 n. 1 St. Clair, R . Desmond, 717 St. Louis, Missouri, liv, 529, 530, 570, 968 Salem, Peter, 720 Samson, W . , 810, *8i2 n. 3,1027,1070,1074 Samuels, John, 1046 Samuels, R . A., 627 Sanders, W. H . , 165 Sandridge, W. E., 135 San Francisco: black activities in, 233-237, 311-312, 641-642, 664-666, 669-672; Garvey in, liv, 625, 641-642, 664-665, 670,

The Rising Tide of Color Against White World Supremacy, 190 n. 1

Roane, Kenneth A., 733 Roberts, Frederick S., i o n , *ioi5 n. 7 Roberts, G. A., 903, 1070, 1074 Roberts, Needham, 53, 345 Robertson, Mrs. A. I., 899, 94i, 1003,1038, 1070, 1073

III7

INDEX 671, 692; Japanese in, 236; school board in, 227-228 n. 3; UNIA in, 477, 642, 666 n. 1, 670, 678 San Francisco Chronicle, 227-228, n. 3 San Francisco Examiner, 227 n. 2, 227-228 n. 3 Sangster, Peter Watt, 892 n. 7 Santo Domingo, 220, 292,581, 919; Garvey on, 774; U. S. in, 774, 776 n. 5; UNIA in, 292, 624 Sasso, D. W., 475 Sauncey, Charles S., 152 Sawmill, 155, 241, 354, 414, 638 Sayers, Edgar, 341 Sbraccia Group o f Alleged Anarchists, 58 Schench, Louis, 512 Schlesinger, Elmer, 101-102, 256 Schnee, Heinrich, 610, »613 n. 1, 613 n. 2 School o f African Philosophy, 1048 n. 1 Scott, Mrs. C. E., 941, 942 Scott, Emmett J., 277 Scott, J. Simon, 512 Scott, John (of Philadelphia), 730 Scott, John (of Ohio), 864, 1070, 1074 Scott, Mrs. John (of Ohio), 1038, 1070, 1074 Scott, Maggie M., 827, 936, 1003, 1038, 1070, 1073 Scully, Charles J., 1, 688 Searchlight, 707, 71$ n. 1 Seattle, 236 Sebastian, Mr., 86s, 879, 914, 980, 995 Sebastyanski, Adolf, 67 Segregation, 63, 154, 504 n. 4; Garvey on, 35,52, 661, 723, 724; in South Africa, 157 Selassie, Haile, 441-442 n. 3, 838 n. 2, 1059-1060 n. 1 Seligman, Herbert J., *244 n. 1; on Garvey, 238, 239-244, 249-251, 252, 258, 304, 305, 312-313; Garvey on, 249-253, 377, 379,526; in NAACP, 249, 250, 251, 252, 253; The Negro Faces America of, 239, 244 n. 1; 249; Bureau Agent P-138 on, 244 n. 1; on UNIA, 250-251, 252 Selkridge, John F., 408 Senegal, 32, 42 nn. 1, 2, 99 Service, A. Newton, *58 n. 1, 67 Service Coal Co., 902 n. 6 Seventh Day Adventists, 992, 998 n. 5 Sey, Dan W., 564 n. 1 Seymour-Seymour, George, 892 n. 7 S.S. Shadyside, 156, 241, 357, 384, 386, 388, 389, 621, 636; Bureau o f Investigation on, 410-411, 431-432; condition of, 432, 476; insurance on, 358, 432, 436 n. 1, 437 n. 2, 5+4, 545j Übels against, 473, 544-545; ownership of, 406, 426; as propaganda ship, 411; purchase of, 355, 397-398, 431-432, 1081-1083; value of, 432 Shakespeare quoted, 144, 154

Sharp, Seth, 732 Shaw, George Bernard, 260 Sheppard, Virginia, 941 Sherrill, William LeVan, 778, 787, 790-791, *793-794 n. 4, 882, 907, 979, 995, 997, 1001, 1070, 1074; on Dyer bill, 791; on future o f race, 837; on industry, 864; as League o f Nations delegate, 995, 996, 1000, 1025; on lynching, 791; on new Negro, 791 Ships scrapped, 186, 190 n. 3 Shuffle Inn Music Hall, 816, 856, 925 Sierra Leone, 747 n. 1 Silverston, Anthony R., 533, 534, 545, 552553, 616, 617, 629, 630; on Black Star Line, 554-556; on S.S. Orion, 615, 622 Simmons, Mr., 649 Simmons, Alice, 936, 1070, 1074 Simmons, Emanuel, 67, *68 n. x Simmons, Emma, 453 Simmons, Helena, 829, 941 Simmons, Rush D., 246, 362 n. 4, 381 Simmons, William Joseph, 34, *43 n. 9, 679 n. 1, 700, 715 n. 3, 1089 n. 2 SimonofF, Peyser & Citrin, 395 Simons, John C., 18 Simpson, Sanseric O., 730 Sinclair, Wilfred, 627 Singh, Dr., 451-452 Sinha, Lord, 740 n. 3 Sinn Féin, 127, 269 n. 2 Sino-Japanese Treaty, 339 n. 4 Skinner, R. P., 624 n. 1 Slappey, Rev. Jacob, 60, *62 n. 1, 994, 1070, 1074 Slavery, 64, 671, 672, 737; Garvey on, 247248, 249, 323, 324, 325, 327, 332-333, 499, 500, 501,503, 594, 601, 656, 658, 661, 683, 684, 768 Smartt, F. D., 733 Smith, Mrs. (of Philadelphia), 936 Smith, Mrs. A. I., 941 Smith, Alma, 941 Smith, Mrs. C., 941 Smith, Clifford W., 101 Smith, Edna Greene, 660 Smith, Rev. Elias D., 998 n. 2 Smith, Horace, 733 Smith, James (of New York), 808, 835-836 Smith, James A., 195 Smith, James A. G. (of Jamaica), 892 n. 7 Smith, Mrs. M., 942 Smith, Maude, 941 Smith, Rudolph E. B., 570, 573 n. 2, 618, 700, 704, 739, 752, 787, 788, 790, 812, 822, 827, 830, 891, 896, 901, 915, 937, 938, 948, 949, 973, 988, 995, 997, iooi, 1046, 1070, 1075; on confraternity, 823; on race unity, 810; resigns, 919 Smith, Ruth, 628

IIl8

INDEX

Smith, T. S., 512 Smith, Wilford H., 18, 96,124, 137, 141,191, 389, 392, $43j 547, 559; on Black Star Line, 629, 630, 729; Bureau of Investigation on, 332, 629-630, 640, 729, 916; resigns,

l v , 700, 703, 704, 918-919, 1002, 1042;

Bureau of Investigation interviews, 689, on Garvey, 687-688, convention, 918-919; resigns, lv, 688, 700, 840, 841, 853, 903,

700, 7 4 0 - 7 4 1 , 742; 689, 700; reports to

629

919

Smith-Green, Edward D., 21, 428, 440,47$, 515, 516 Smull (of USSB), 541, 623 Smuts, Jan Christian, 673, 675 Smyer, W. O., 860, *873 n. 1, 1070, 1073 Snell, George W., 135 Socialists/Socialism, 743; blacks in, 688 n. 1, 741, 817 n. 2, 850; in Britain, 315 n. 1; Garvey on, 24-25, 4 7 - 4 8 , 850, 864, 927, 928; in Germany, 362 n. 3; in New York, 362 n . 2 Socrates, 898 Solanka, Emil A., 529-530 Soldiers, black, 262, 671, 720, 721, 803, 891 n. 2, 1041; fitness of, 1020, 1024 n. 2; in French army, 42 nn. 1, 2, 3, 99, 108-110, h i , 112, 269 n. 2, 314-3«, 745, 774; Garvey

Stewart, Joseph H., »824 n. 1, 825, 833, 889, 953, 981, 984, 1070, 1072; as Adrian Johnson's attorney, 820, 821 Stewart, Mrs. R., 512 Steyn-Parve, D. J., 623 Still, Addie, 512 Stimson, Henry L., 629 Stockhausen, R. M., 628 Stoddard, Lothrop, 190 n. 1 Stokes, M. G., 171 n. 1 Storck, Mr., 306 Storey, Moorfield, 254 n. 1 Stratton, Rev. John R., 715 n. 5 Strickland, J. E., 733 Suffrage movement, 64 Sunday, Billy, 243, 313 Sun Yat-sen, 190 n. 4 Surcy, Roy, 10, 69, 71, 79 n. 1, 124 Sutton, Elizabeth, 827, 828, 1070, 1073 Swan, Thomas W., 731, 1052, 1070, 1074 Swann, Edward, 137 Sweetser, Arthur, *843 n. 1 Swift, Innocencio, 372 Swift, J., 618 Swift, Leon, 358,430-432,437 n. 2,544,545, 553

o n , 3 6 , 4 0 , 205, 265,266,337,363, 379,456,

458, 487, 665, 722, 736, 745, 774; UNIA on, 1020; West Indian, 567-568 Sollitt, Ralph V., 72 Somalia, 776 n. 3 Some Essentials of Race Leadership, 793 n. 1 Sonnino, Baron Sidney, 572 South Africa, 55, 772, 831; Bloemfontein, 156, 157; Boers in, 147, 673, 675; Ethiopianism in, 77 n. 1; Mohandas Gandhi in, 338 n. 1; Garveyism in, 100 n. 3; nationalist party in, 156,157, 677 n. 2; race relations in, 97, 98, 146-147, 151, 156-161, 464, 672-673, 675, 676-677 n. 1; UNIA in,

Taft, William Howard, 902 n. 5 Taitt, George N., 17 "Tallaboo," 282 Tavores, Mrs. A. Burton, 732 Taylor (UNIA officer), 815 Taylor, J. (of Cleveland), 825 Taylor, J. W. (of New York), 808 Taylor, John Eldred, 561 n. 2 Taylor, L., 915 Taylor, Lester, 372 Tchitcherine, 279 Tebbs, U. S., 627 Tekeuchi, Danchi, 58 Temperance crusade, 64 Tennessee, 91 Tennyson, Alfred Lord, quoted, 1006 S.S. Tennyson, 384, 398, 549 Terry, Franklin Lee, 166, *i67 n. 2 Texas: Black Star Line in, 474; lynching in, 917, 918 n. 1; UNIA in, 643-644, 649 Thomas, Judge, 525 Thomas, Mr. (of Kansas), 827, 1073 Thomas, Alveritta L., 18 Thomas, C. W., 524 Thomas, James C., 331, *332 n. 1 Thomas, Dr. M. A., 1070, 1074 Thomas, Mrs. M. A., 936

146-147

South Carolina, 862-863 Southern Publicity Association, 679 n. 1 Spain, 52-53, 84, 77i Spencer, Professor, 704 Spencer, R. B., 1025-1026 Spewack, Samuel, 440, 441, *442 n. 4 Spingarn, Arthur, 883, 884 Spingarn, Joel, 254 n. 1, 884 n. 2 Springfield, Mass., 30, $8, 67, 951 Squires, A., 372 Standard Engraving Co., 387, 545 Standard Oil Co., 78 Stanley, Henry, 55 Stephanie, Mr., 432, 436 Stephens, Theodore, 618 Sterling, Howard S., 895-896, *902 n.

6,

1036

Stevens, Lillian, 978, 1038, 1070, 1074 Stevenson, G. T., 135-136 Stewart, Rev. G. E., 17,18,155, 273, 393, 44i, 687-688, 7 3 9 , 752, 7 7 9 , 9 6 5 , 9 9 3 ,

1047,

1070, 1074; Bureau of Investigation on,

IIIQ

INDEX

Trinity Baptist Church of Baltimore, 489 Triumph, the Church of the Living God, 991, 998 n. 2 Trotsky, Leon, 279, 488, 698, 770 Tucker, Adolphus, 627 Tucker, J. G., 21, 78, 96, 107-108, 170, 203, 258, 308, 332, 521 Tullock, Sydney, 586 Tulsa, Oklahoma, race riot in, 76, 127, 196, 414, 4 9 2 Turkey, 630, 631 n. 1 Turner, Joseph, 627 Turner, Victoria W., 967-968, 1037, 1070, 1073 Turner, Virginia, 940 Tuskegee Institute, 162 n. 1 Tyau, P. K. C., 191 n. 6 Tyler, Elizabeth, 679 n. 1, 715 n. 1

Thomas, Mack, 67 Thomas, N. G., 618, 798 Thomas, Richard, 1089 n. 2 Thomas, Rowland, 715 n. 2 Thomas, Theliphous, 628 Thompson, Joseph, 628 Thompson, Noah D., 17, 134, 195, 4+1, 693; reports on second UNIA convention, 91, 92 n. x, 132, 133, 165, 170, 171, 194 Thompson, Orlando M., 21, 272, 362, 394, 395, 407, 414, 416, 419, 420, 430, 431, 432, 433, 435, 436, 476, 543, 544, 545, 555, 559, 598, 616, 629, 630; accused of embezzlement, 541, 553; on Black Star Line, 383, 384-389, 547, 548-549, 550, 551-552, 591-

592; indicted, xxxii, 474, 512-519, 521,525, 619; on Amy Jacques, 547, 554; on S.S. Orion, liv, 548,549,550,551-552; statement of, 382-389, 541, 542, 546-554, 729; threatened, 557 Thompson, Zilla, 18 Thornton, Ralph, 627 Thorpe, D. Erastus, 860-86-, *873 n. 2, 875,

Uganda, 772 Umteteli wa Bantu, 100 n. 3 Uncle Tom, 36, 54, 264, 653 Unemployment, 88, 258 Union of Democratic Control, 281 n. 3 Union of South Africa. See South Africa United American Mechanics, Junior Order of, 715 n. 1 United Civic League, 838 n. 3 United Fruit Company, 869, 872, 877 United Irishman, 269 n. 2 United Mine Workers, 883 n. 1 United States: in China, 190 n. 4; condition of Negroes in, 862-863; in Cuba, 902 n. 5, delegates of to Pan-African Congress, 40, 43 n. 11; in Haiti, 76, 186; independence for, 690; influence of in Mexico, 66 n. 1; Liberian loan of, xxxiii, 630, 631-632, 633, 634 n. i, 639, 761, 774, 840, 857; power of, 27; race relations in, 97, 222-223, 593 (we *ho Garvey, Marcus [topics of speeches and writings] on America as white man's country); in Santo Domingo, 774, 776 n. 5; ships scrapped by, 190 n. 3 United States Congress, 328, 329, 464, 465; on Ku Klux Klan, 715 n. 3, 1089 n. 2 United States Department of Commerce, 197 United States Department of Justice, xxxi, xxxii, 271, 357, 1042. See also Bureau of Investigation United States Department of State, 29, 30, 123, 624 n. 1; on S.S. Kanawha, li, 15-16, 113-114, 119, 582, 583-586 United States District Court (in New York), 68, 122, 512 United States Ship Co., 462 United States Shipping Board, xxxi-xxxii, 4, 71, 72, 78, 155 , 358 , 414, 433, 435 , 436, 442, 541, 556, 577, 616, 617, 630, 866; on

878, 904, 914, 1070, 1075 Thuku, Harry, 576 n. 1 Tilford, J. Jackson, 825, 827, *830 n. 3, 836, 1070, 1072 Timmerman, Edward M., 473 Tobias, Amanda, 951 Tobias, David E., 689, *690 n. 1, 741 Tobias, George, 272, 273, 362, 418, 475,557, 618; on Black Star Line, 422-423; Bureau of Investigation on, 273, 382, 422-424; indicted, xxxii, liii, 474, 512-519, 521, 525, 619 Tobitt, Richard H., 13, 787, 788, 811, 833, 834, 836, 887, 896, 897, 900, 901-902 n. 4, 935, 937, 9 9 4 , 995, 1022, 1052, 1070, 1075; on black history, 899; on black press, 886, 1004; on West Indies, 893 Togoland, 743, 744, 746, 747 n. 2, 773, 1001 Tokugawa, Prince, 182 Tolivar, J., 680-681 Tolstoy, Leo, 488, 770, *775-776 n. 1 Tomlinson, Richard, 10, 69, 79 n. 1 Toote, Fred A., 17, 362, 392, 739, 741, 752, 778, 779, 820, 914, 938, 954, 968, 982, 986, 1005, 1046, 1070, 1074; on Back to Africa movement, 417, 419, 421; on Black Star Line, 415, 418; at J. W. H. Eason's UNIA trial, 975, 977; on Garvey, 417, 419, 421; on S.S. Phyllis Wheatley, 416, 417, 419; resigns, lv, 742, 840, 853; as secretary of convention, 783, 786; statement of, 382, 415-422, 742; as unfinancial, 1029; on UNIA, 416-417 Topakyan, H. H., 838 n. 2, 1005-1007 Townsend, Robert F., 429 Transvaal, 831 Trinidad, 893, 901-902 n. 4

1220

INDEX

Black Star L i n e , 5, 21, 28-29,101-103, 256, 330-33I,

375,

565-566,

613-615,

88-89, 118, +91, 492; commissioners o f , 106; as c o m m u n i s t , 4 ; in C o n n e c t i c u t ,

618-619,

6 2 2 - 6 2 3 , 6 + 4 - 6 4 5 , 686; E m e r g e n c y F l e e t

7 3 1 - 7 3 2 , 733; C o n s t i t u t i o n o f ,

C o r p o r a t i o n o f , 102-103 n.

in C o s t a Rica, 872-873; critics o f , 23, 24,

1,385,536,598,

599, 873 n. 3; G a r v e y o n , 179, 509; losses o f , 871, 873 n. 3; o n sale o f S.S. Orion, li, liii,

liv,

565-566,

14,

28,

386-387,

619, 622-623,

399,

598-599,

591-592,

67,

530-540,

613-615,

572-573,

851-852;

653,

Aeronautical

654,

Dept.

of,

1 0 5 9 - 1 0 6 0 n . 1; i n A f r i c a , 25, 113,

81,

131,

138,

144,

162, 2 0 7 ,

208,

455,

457,

659,

66O,

663,

666,

667-668,

699,

709,

7IO,

714,

723,

725,

682, 746,

691,

+01,

5 2 1 - 5 2 2 , 523, 5 2 9 ,

132-135,

16+-165,

170-171,

170,

194-195,

+09,

+12,

1086-1087;

+76,

621,

first

216,

968;

in

637-638,

convention 90,103,175,

1 7 6 , 1 8 3 , 1 9 5 , 2 6 7 , 2 9 + , 353 , 4 + 4 ,

+53,

+56,

+59, +9+, 569, 653, 792; foreign service o f , 106, 170; former employees o f , 238, 319320, 321, 322, 371 (see also Brooks, J. D . ; G i b s o n , J. D . ; G o r d o n , J. D . ; Johnson, A d r i a n ; M c G u i r e , G e o r g e ) ; Elie Garcia o n , 392-393, +01, +02; o n Garvey, xxxiv, 317-322,

371-372,

government,

517,

85-86,

519,

527-528;

350-351,

as

696-697,

698; as great m o v e m e n t , +++, ++5, ++6, ++7,

++8,

+50,

+86—+87,

505,

508,

510,

570-571, 572, 923, 92+, 925; in G u a t e m a l a ,

+++-++5; in H o n d u r a s , 873 n. 2; hotel o f , 719, 822, 9+2 n. 1; in Indiana, 830 n. 2; as international, 572; in Jamaica, 950 n. 1; influence o f in Japan, 56, 233, 236, 339, 1013; influence o f in K e n y a , 576 n. 1; L e a g u e o f Nations petition o f , xxxiii, 12, 737-738, 751, 785-786, 789 (see also U N I A c o n v e n t i o n , delegation to League o f N a t i o n s o f ) ; in Liberia, 92,192, + 3 9 , 761; Liberian c o l o n i z a t i o n scheme o f (see Back t o A f r i c a m o v e m e n t ) ; Liberian loan o f , xxxi, 2, 20, 10+, 155, 272, 354, 359, 413-

360, 530,

560, 599, 629-630; Bureau o f Passports and Identifications o f , 65, 76; businesses o f , +78, 730; in California, xxxi, Iii, 91, 92 n. i,

164-165,

( 1 9 2 0 ) o f , 2 7 2 ; flag o f , + 0 , + 2 ,

6 0 0 , 653, 655,

2 0 3 , 258, 2 7 2 , 330, 356,

+08,

1033-103+,

761-762,

3 , 4 , 15, 2 2 , 3 0 - 3 1 , 4 6 , 7 8 , 9 6 , 1 0 7 - 1 0 8 , 125, +12, +78,

132-135,

919, 9 + + , 9+5, 9 + 7 ; finances o f , 96, i+x n. 2 , 1 5 + , 155, 1 5 6 , 1 7 1 , 2 0 3 , 2 1 8 , 2 5 2 , 393,

692, 693; in B r o o k l y n , 452-459; in B u f f a l o , 46, 521-522, 523, 524; Bureau o f Investigation infiltrates (see Jones, James W o r m l e y ) ; Bureau o f Investigation o n , 170, 194-195,

998

5 9 0 , 6 0 6 , 6 2 9 , 695, 7 3 9 - 7 4 0 , 7 4 8 , 765, 9 0 4 ,

766-767, 770, 808, 809, 867, 992; anthem o f , 189-190, 269, 896; appeal procedure o f , 955, 956; in Australia, 570, 573 n. 3; b a d g e o f , 234; in Baltimore, 489-494; as black K u K l u x K l a n , 67; and black o r g a n i z a t i o n s , 62, 75, 76, 126, 300, 301, 822; and black preachers, 67; black press o n , 885, 1004; o n black soldiers, 1020; o n Black Star L i n e , 401; o w n s Black Star L i n e stock, 4 0 4 ; branches o f , xxxi, 87, 88, 113, 192, 233, 3 6 7 , 4 4 4 - 4 4 5 ,

510,

789-790,

o n empire, 81; on establishing black A f r i c a n nation, 574; Executive C o u n c i l o f , xxxi, xxxiii, 218, 290, 384, 402, 403,

214,

6 1 1 , 6 1 3 , 6 3 2 , 6 3 3 , 652, 653, 655, 6 5 7 ,

779,

o n , 6 6 7 - 6 6 8 ; o n E m a n c i p a t i o n , 328, 737;

76,

610,

778,

D o m i n i c a , 520-521 n. 1; drama club o f , 282; W . E. B. D u Bois o n , 623-624; on W . E . B. D u Bois, 46; dues o f , 634, 664, 805, 815, 820, 984, 1067; J. W . H . Eason

1049,

571, 5 9 2 - 5 9 3 , 5 9 4 , 595, 602, 603, 6 0 9 ,

700,

670, 678, 701, 914-915, 924, 944,

2 3 3 , 2 3 4 , 2 4 2 , 2 4 8 , 3 1 7 , 3 3 4 , 335,

337, 356, 3 6 7 - 3 6 8 , 4 1 6 - 4 1 7 , 4 4 8 ,

695-696,

258, 300, 318-319, 320, 322, 346, 599, 6 6 9 -

4 7 9 , 4 8 3 , 4 9 7 , 5 0 0 , 502, 503, 5 0 4 , 508, 509,

361, + i i ,

286-287, 300,301,

n . I,

146-147,

213,

in,

n. 1; dissension in, xxxi, Iii, 13, 58, 67, 92

264, 368, 832, 834; aims/purposes/mission

226-227,

273-274,

2 9 0 , 2 9 1 - 2 9 4 , 295, 2 9 6 , 2 9 7 - 2 9 8 ,

7 9 5 - 7 9 6 , 7 9 9 , 805, 8 2 0 , 821, 9 0 4 , 919,

774,

o f , 2 5 , 2 6 , 35, 3 6 , 3 7 - 3 8 , 4 7 - 4 8 , 5 9 , 6 0 ,

360,401,

Declaration

363, 3 6 4 , 366, 380, 505-506, 507, 509,

464,

695,

294, death

3 1 8 - 3 2 0 , 321, 322, 3 4 5 - 3 4 7 , 3 5 0 - 3 5 1 , 3 5 4 - 3 5 5 ,

Universal N e g r o Alliance, 921 n. 3 Universal N e g r o I m p r o v e m e n t Association and A f r i c a n C o m m i t t e e s L e a g u e , 220, 221, 228, 232, 435, 635, 636, 765; achieve1 4 4 , 1 4 7 - 1 4 8 , 376, 4 6 3 ,

792;

i n D e t r o i t , 7 9 3 - 7 9 4 n. 4 , 873 n . 1; dishonesty/disloyalty

541,

492,

253-254,

745,

o f R i g h t s o f , 53, 568; D e p t . o f Industry and L a b o r o f , 65, 66 n. 2; described, 233;

1046

ments of,

248-249,

623-624,

409, 412, 420-421, 637,1067;

757

480,

247,

313,

benefits of, 114,154-155, 234,273,

618-

Universal A f r i c a n L e g i o n s , 53, 453, 522, 628, 752, 829, 1046; in B u f f a l o , 46; in California, 339, 625; Naval Intelligence o n , 339, 477, 625; U N I A C o n s t i t u t i o n o n , 1068. See also Gaines, E. L . U n i v e r s a l C h o i r , 879, 900, 914, 947, 995, 1022,

75-76,

295-296,

1063-1068;

19+-195,

n. i, 6 7 0 , 6 7 8 , 6 9 2 , 7 9 1 ; in C a n a d a , 292, 600; in C h i c a g o , xxxi, 258, +38, 796; church, 129 n. 1; and churches, 292; civil service o f , li, 65, 66 n. 2, 86, 87, +77, 6+2, 666

+ I + , + 2 1 , + + 0 - + + 1 , 5 + 1 , 558, 6 3 7 , 6 3 8 ,

II2I

760-

INDEX

818, 854, 983; on black history, 897-899, 1012-1013, 1019; on black press, 855, 878, 884-887, 1004, 1007-1008; on Black Star Line, 827-828, 853-854, 865, 867-873, 874877, 918, 1029, 1039-1040, 1043, 1061, 1064; on Bureau o f Information and Diplomacy, 1023; Bureau o f Investigation on, 563, 590, 620, 630, 642, 778-780, 815816, 838-841, 853-855, 918-919, 932, 9 4 2 943, 949, 1001-1002,1042,1061; on Cabinet/Privy Council, 989-990, 993-994, 1029-1030; on commercial relationships, 825-826, 827, 1014, 1016, 1020-1021; on condition o f blacks, 862-863, 889-890, 892-

761, 840, 857, 986-987,1022-1023, 1050; in Louisiana, 667, 668, 693, 792-793, 7 9 4 nn. 9, 10; loyalty to, 4 4 9 , 470, 569, 570; luncheon of, 751-753; on lynching, 328, 329, 643; in Massachusetts, 30,58, 67, 951; membership of, xxxi, 91-92,154,170, 219, 248, 258, 2 9 9 , 3 4 9 , 4 9 4 , 5 2 9 , 530, 639, 6 4 5 , 653, 857, 912-913; membership loan system of, 1021,1053-1055; in Mississippi, 91; in Missouri, 529, 530, 968; Motor Corps o f , 53, 1046; motto of, 19, 103, 234, 495; Naval Intelligence on, 233, 236, 339, 477, 625, 642, 664, 669-670, 678, 701-702; in N e w Jersey, 588, 830 n. 1; on new Negro, 329; newspaper of, 996 (see also Negro World); owns Negro World, 402, 412-413; in New York (local), 17, 47,371-372, 402, 404, 412-413,

449,

478

n. i, 623,

895, 896, 1018-1019; court reception of, 716; delegation to President Harding of, 645-646, 750; delegation to League o f Nations of, xxxiii, lv, 639-640, 666 n. 1, 698, 734, 735-740, 751, 765-766 n. 2, 778, 785-789, 7 9 3 - 7 9 4 n. 4, 827, 843, 899-901,

1052,

1053; oath o f office of, 285, 287, 290, 294, 1046-1047; officers of, 13, 79, 87, 92, n6, 129, 153, 162, 202, 239, 254, 270, 321, 365,

932,

947-948,

949,

950,

951,

980,

985,

995-996, IOOI, 1002, 1009, 1021-1022, 1024-1025, 1028; delegates to, 783, 785, 1069-1076; dissension in, xxxiii, xxxiv, xxxv, 784, 815-816, 985; J- W. H . Eason's trial/expulsion at, xxxiv, lv, 921 n. 2, 945-946, 952-979, 980, 987-988; on education, 1009-1010, 1019; elects officers, 994-995, 996-998,1000,1001,1003,10451047; establishes Dept. o f Commerce, 1014-1015, 1021; extra sessions of, 1033, 1040, 1042; fashion show at, 940, 942, 1048; fund for, 590,596,599,617-618,634, 663, 732; on future o f race, 836-837, 839, 1017-1019; Garvey at, xxxiv, 766-775, 778, 780, 781, 788, 805, 806-807, 809-810, 811, 818, 820, 824, 827, 830-831, 833, 836, 843850, 858, 864-865, 867, 880, 882, 884, 895,

3 7 5 - 3 7 6 , 3 9 0 , 392, 4 0 5 , 4 9 0 , 5 0 4 , 5 7 5 , 6 0 7 , 608, 7 3 9 , 740, 9 4 4 , 9 4 5 , 9 4 7 , 988, 1029,

1043, 1044-1045, 1046, 1047, 1063, 10651066, 1067; in Ohio, 570, 700-701 n. 1, 704, 987,1017; in Pennsylvania, xxxi, 3,15, 61-62,179, 216, 257, 258,391, 492, 730, 731, 830, 873 n. i, 964-965, 975; on William Pickens, 822; Privy Council of, xxxiv, 1029, 1046; records o f confiscated, 12, 13 n. i, 361; resignations from, 13 (see also U N I A convention, resignations at); restaurant of, 410; and Russian Progressive Club, 58, 67; salaries in, xxxi, 78, 96, 218, 3 3 0 , 3 5 4 , 3 9 2 - 3 9 3 , 4 0 8 , 411, 4 7 2 , 637, 638,

1031-1032, 1065; in Santo Domingo, 292, 624; second convention (1921) of, 12, 16, 22, 4 5 , 4 7 , 55, 58, 5 9 , 62, 65, 66 n. 2, 75, 90, 141 n. 2, 153,154,171, 346, 563, 637-638, 950 n. 1; special convention of, 693-794 n. 4; as subversive, 233; in Tennessee, 91; in Texas, 643-644, 649; trustee boards of divisions, 1049-1050, 1066; university of, 904, 916 n. i, 937, 938, 939-940, 942 n. 1; in Washington, D . C . , 204; in West Indies, 127, 873 n. 2, 889, 891, 893-894; in West Virginia, 61, 628, 861; women in, 1038. See also African Redemption Fund; U N I A convention Universal Negro Improvement Association Third Convention, 700-701 n. 1, 760-

896, 897, 9 0 2 , 9 0 4 , 9 3 4 - 9 3 5 , 9 3 7 , 9 3 8 , 9 3 9 , 9 7 9 , 980, 981, 9 9 7 , 1 0 0 4 , 1 0 2 9 , I 0 4 3 ,

1044-1045, IO51-IO52, 1055-1059, 1069, 1074; Garvey chairs, 905, 906, 907-908, 9 0 9 , 9 H - 9 I 2 , 9 1 3 , 9 1 4 , 915, 9 4 3 , 9 4 4 , 9 4 7 , 983, 9 8 4 , 9 8 5 , 988, 992, 9 9 3 - 9 9 4 , 9 9 5 - 9 9 6 ,

1022, 1030, 1038; Garvey's trial at, 981983, 985, 986; Garvey on, 88,572,595, 612, 618, 620, 633-634, 639-640, 645-646, 663, 676, 695, 696, 697, 698, 716, 717-718, 750, 825-826, 1055, 1057, 1059; on Garvey, 985, 986, 994-995, 1004, 1029; J. D. Gibson's trial at, 779, 794-800; honors Garvey's birthday, 896, 897; on industry, 828, 853, 859-864, 1035-1036; invitations to, xxxiii, 581, 591, 597, 607, 608, 609, 625-626, 629, 634-635, 646-647, 677, 678, 679, 685-686,

7 7 7 , 7 8 3 - 7 9 3 , 7 9 4 - 8 0 4 , 805-812, 813, 8 1 8 -

838, 857, 874-882, 884-891, 902-916, 920921, 934-942, 9 4 3 - 9 4 8 , 952-983, 983-998, 1026-1040, 1041, 1042-1059; on aeronautics, 1048-1049; on Africa, 737-738, 785-786, 789, 830-836, 838, 1009-1010, 1018; agenda of, 824-825; amends U N I A Constitution, 988-991, 1002, 1043, 1045, 1049-1050; attendance at, xxxiv, 779, 815,

687, 7 0 0 , 7 1 5 - 7 1 6 , 7 1 7 - 7 1 8 , 7 4 7 - 7 4 8 ,

749,

750; Japanese at, 1013; Adrian Johnson's trial at, lv, 805, 807, 815, 819, 820-822; on Liberia, 840, 1022-1023, 1027-1028, 1033 n. 1, 1050; at Liberty Hall, 790, 800, 815,

1122

INDEX

836, 838, 853-855, 865, 879, 880, 881, 934, 1042,1061; on lynching, 791, 893, 917-918, 1008-1009; on membership loan system, 1021; on mining, 861, 895-896, 1036; on Negroes in politics, 853, 855, 864-865; on new Negro, 791; on new social policy, 934, 935-936; officials' reports to, 902-

Wallace, William A., 811, *8i2 n. 4, 875, 878, 885, 937, 995, 997, 1044, 1070, IO73 Walls, Ada, 17 Walls, Carriebelle, 17 Walls, Geo. H., 17, 799 Walls, Geo. H. Jr., 17 Walls, Ruth, 17 Walls-Alis, T. F. W., 628 Wall Street, 929, 1053, 1054, 1055 War, 815, 847, 853; race, 41,52, 175, 612, 769, 902 n. 5. See also World War I Ware, Mrs. 1038 Ware, William, 793 n. 1, 878, 1070, 1074 Waring, Robert L., 620, *622 n. 1 Warren, Harold, 10, 70, 71, 79 n. 1 Washington, Rev., 732 Washington, Beatrice, 524, *525 n. 3, 1070, 1073 Washington, Benjamin, 733 Washington, Booker T., 40, 42, n. 10, 80, 103, 261, 495, 893-894 n. 5; Garvey on, 35, 94, 119-120, 847, 938, 940; on industry, 860; on lynching, 918 n. 2 Washington, Booker, University, 719, 916 n. 1, 937, 9 4 2 n. 1, 1036 Washington, D. C.: Bureau of Investigation in, 4, 14, 30, 113, 163, 164, 167, 196, 198, 199, 214, 246, 270, 372, 462,579, 619, 841; Canadian ambassador to, 84, 90 n. 1; Garvey in, Iii, 4 , 1 4 , 1 6 7 n. 1,191-192, 201, 204-213, 214-216, 219, 225, 245, 247, 274; U N I A in, 204 Washington, George, 148, 169, 720, 803; Garvey on, 174, 215, 264, 365, 467, 488, 523, 665, 768, 770, 847, 897 Washington Bee, 131, 139-141, 352 n. 1 Washington Correspondence Club, 261, 262 Washington Post, 1001 Watanabe, Hisakatsu, 311, »312 n. 1, 339 Watkins, George, 625 n. 1 Watkins, Robert, 951 Watkins, S. A., 464, 471 n. 1 Watkiss, Harry, 641 Watson, Jas. S., 641 Wattley, Vincent E., 798, 1070, 1074 Webb, Mamie, 825, »830 n. 2, 936, 1070, 1072 Weeks, Mrs. A. H., 1048, 1070, 1076 Weeks, L. B., 12-13 Weigle, William, 11, 69, 70 Wellington, Duke of, 169, 1011 Wells, H. G., *269 n. 6; on Africa, 261, 262-263, 168, 269 n. 8, 269-270 n. 10; on black soldiers, 262; on Disarmament Conference, 261, 269 n. 7, 270 n. n; Garvey on, 260-265, 266, 267, 268, 269; at Pan-African Congress, 270 n. 11 Wesley, John, 1058

912, 915, 918-919, 943, 9 4 4 , 988, 1050;

pageant at, 940-941; parade of, 717-718, 750, 781-782, 1001; on press, 781-782, 855, 878, 884-887, 917-918, 1001, 1004, 10071008; on race consciousness, 1007; on race relationships, 807-809, 810-811, 815, 823-824, 825, 1023-1024, 1050-1051; on religion, 991-993; resignations at, xxxiv, 700, 840, 841, 853, 903, 919, 920-921, 924925, 933, 943-944; retiring officers' speeches at, 1047; on salaries, 1030, 10311032, 1033-1035, 1039; on secret session, 946, 949, 952; at 71st Regiment Armory, 766,778; on titles, 716, 840,1010-1012; on U N I A aims, 992; on U N I A membership, 912-913; on U N I A officers, 914-915, 989991; on U N I A university, 1043-1045, 1065; West Indian v. American Negroes at, xxxiv, 855, 949; women at, xxxv, 788, 828-829, 905, 934-937, 938, 939-942, 1048; on women, 935-936, 939, 942, 1023, 1037-1038 Universal Negro Ritual, 672 n. 3 Universal Races Conference, 561 n. 2 Universal Steam Laundry. See Laundry University ( U N I A ) , 719, 916 n. 1, 937, 942 n. 1, 1036, 1043-1045, 1048 n. 1, 1065 University of Durham, 893, 901 n. 3 Uplift, 36, 479, 592-593, 594, 595, 808 Urquhart, Marie, 941 Valentine, C., 96 n. 1, 223-230 Vann, Robert Lee, *257-258 n. 1, 374-375 n. 1 Van Putten, Philip, 915, 1070, 1075 Vanriel, Joseph, 627 Vardaman, James K., 79, 94 Venerable, Mrs. B., 530 Vernon, Milton, 827, 878, 994, 1027, 1033 n. 1, 1070, 1075 Versailles. See Paris Peace Conference/ Treaty Victoria, Queen, 323, 658, 683, 737, 767 Vilatte, Archbishop J. R., 294 n. 1 Villard, Oswald Garrison, 244 n. 1, 253, 254 n. 3 Volstead Act, 13, 21, 589 Voltaire, 488, 998 n. 3 Von Struve, Henry C., 5, 7, 15-16, 71, 77, 101, 584, 585, 586 Wallace, Miss M., 941, 1014 Wallace, Marion, 1070, 1072

West, Edgar C., 354, »355 n. 1, 827, 833, 836,

II23

INDEX

876, 896, 903, 945, 995, 1070, 1075 Westfield, Massachusetts, 30, 58, 67 West Indies, 32, 42 n. 3; blacks of in Australia, 573 n. 3; blacks of in U. S., 60, 949, 987, 1002; British in, 890, 892-893; conditions of blacks in, 215, 889-891, 893, 894; Crusader in, 201; electoral franchise in, 893, 901 n. 2; Garvey in, 14 n. 3, 22, 138-139, 251, 252, 413, 439, 506-507, 5 4 9 550, 559; race relations in, 159, 160; soldiers of, 567-568; U N I A in, 127, 873 n. 2, 889, 891, 893-894; S.S. Yarmouth in, 428. See also Barbados; Dominica; Jamaica Weston, Rev. George A., 804 n. 3, 823, 860, 877, 878, 9 4 7 , 990, 1029, 1031, 1044, 1046, 1070, 1074; at J. W. H. Eason's U N I A trial, 968-970 Westside People's Forum, 830 n. 3 West Virginia, 61, 628, 861 Wheat, S. R . , 530, 1070, 1073 Wheatley, Phyllis, 898 Wheatley, Phyllis, Hotel, 719, 822, 942 n. 1 S.S. Phyllis Wheatley, 387, 388, 436, 440, 461, 474, 475, 476, 545 , 546 , 555-556 , 621, 630, 636, 729, 854, 919; ads for, 163; black press on, 230; existence of questioned, 130, 197, 198, 230, 353, 354, 357, 35«, 416, 513; Elie Garcia on, 398, 400-401; Garvey on, liii, 346-347,506-507,541; ownership of, 406-407, 426; passage sold on, 198, 218, 341, 359, 400-401, 407-408, 477, 513, 548-549, 550, 551-552; Fred A. Toote on, 416, 417, 419. See also S.S. Orion When Africa Wakes, 14 n. 3 White, Mrs., 937

959, 961, 964-978, 979; at Garvey's U N I A trial, 981, 982; at Gibson's U N I A trial, 795, 797, 799, 800; at Adrian Johnson's U N I A trial, 820, 821 Williams, Mrs. W., 941 Williamson, Oliver B., 306, 307, 340, »342 n. 2, 355, 356, 361, 362, 381, 382, 390, 394, 405, 410,415, 422, 424, 427, 435,436, 441, 4 4 3 , 462, 474, 546, 558, 579 n. 2 Willis, Lillian, 888, 995, »999 n. 6, 1003, 1038, 1071, 1074 Wills, Effie, 18, 936, 1071, 1074 Wilson, Frances, 733 Wilson, John, 628 Wilson, Rev. R . R., 704 Wilson, Woodrow, 32, 108, 148, 270 n. 12, 660 n. 1,776 n. 5; Fourteen Points of, 107; Garvey on, 222, 251, 252, 848; at Paris Peace Conference, 768, 770 Wiltberger, Christian, 753 n. 1 Winston, Garland, 864, 997, 1031, 10481049, 1071, 1073 Wint, Dunbar T., 892 n. 7 Wisconsin, 630, 631 Wolff, Julius, 387, 432, 433, 435, 436, *437 n. 3 Wolff and Stephanie, 387,432,433,435,436, 551, 552, 553

Wood, Mary, 1089 n. 1 Woodley, A. Lemington, 618 Woodmen of the World, 43 n. 9 Woodward, S., 995 Worcester, Massachusetts, 951 Work, Monroe, 591 Workers' Party of America, 317 n. 1,362 n. 3 World, 239-244, 249-251, 258, 312, 377, 526 World War I, 168, 181, 247, 379, 455, 481, 736, 769 Worthington, Mr. (of New York Tribune), 1 Wright, Dr. (of San Francisco), 672 Wright, C. A., 618 Wright, Richard R., 688-689 n. 2, 728 n. 1 Wright, Richard R. Sr., 730

White, Mrs. (of New York), 812,1070,1074 White, Mrs. (of Ohio), 935, 1074 White, A. J., 533, 534 White, Walter F., 254 n. 1, 270 n. 11, 680 n. 2, *8i8 n. 2, 883, 951 Whitehouse, Sheldon, *29 n. 1 The White Peril, 688-689 n. 2 Wider, Mr., 3 Wilkerson, Judge James, 883 n. 1 Wilkie, Wendell L., 257-258 n. 1 Wilkinson, Eugene, 8 Williams, Mr. (of San Francisco), 701 Williams, Addie, 942 Williams, Charles C. J., 135 Williams, Geo. Sylvester, 627 Williams, J. P., 825, 888, 889, 912, 1071, 1073 Williams, O. A., 1061, 1071, 1074 Williams, Shedrick, 987, 997, 1010, 1034, 1071, 1074 Williams, Tom, 9 Williams, Vernal J., 739, 752, 805, 811, 812, 872, 878, 916, 997, 999-1000 n. i, 1029, 1046, 1071, 1074; at J. W. H. Eason's U N I A trial, 952, 95}, 954-955, 956, 957-

S.S. Yarmouth, 241, 301, 384, 386, 388, 389, 400, 404, 419, 423-424,513,515,516,586587 n. 1, 636; Bureau of Investigation on, 357-358, 427-430; condition of, 21, 395, 476; described, 427; Garvey on, 242,357358, 621, 867; income and expenses of, 1079; insurance on, 543; libels against, lii, 394, 430, 473; to Liberia, 272; ownership of, 394, 406, 426; as propaganda ship, 242, 406, 415-416, 418,548,558-559; purchase of, 355, 357-358, 375, 427-429, 10811083; seized, 96, 156; sold, lii, 246-247, 4 2 9 , 430, 547-548, 857, 9 9 9 ; voyage o f ,

II24

INDEX

Tounß India, 573 n. 1 Young Kikuyu Association, 576 n. 1 Young's Book Exchange, 776 n. 2 Youngwood Coal and Coke Co., 902 n. 6

428, 867; in West Indies, 428; whiskey cargo of, 357-358, 589-590, 999 Yarter, Cyrus M., 79 n. 1, 151, 152 Yearwood, James B., 618, 739, 752, 988, 1029, 1030, 1046, 1071, 1075 Yellow Peril, 227-228 n. 3 York, (with Lewis and Clark), 720 York, Major, 203 Young, Caledonia, 730 Young, Mary Sharpison, 941, 942 Young, R. J., 732

Zaghlul Pasha, Saad, *i}i-iJ9 n. 3, 379 Zink, Albert A., 8, 68-71, 79 n. 1, 122, 124 Zink, Albert A., et al. v. Black Star Line, Incorporated, 68-71, 122-125 Zucker, Mrs. Peter, 1089 n. 1 Zulu war, 53

112s

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