Villages in the City : A Guide to South China's Informal Settlements [1 ed.] 9789888268399, 9789888208234

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Villages in the City

Villages in the City A Guide to South China’s Informal Settlements

Edited by Stefan Al Contributing editors: Paul Chu Hoi Shan, Claudia Juhre, Ivan Valin, and Casey Wang

University of Hawai‘i Press Honolulu

This publication has been generously supported by the Shenzhen Retumu Urban/Rural Institute（深圳市土木再生城鄉營造研究所）and the Shenzhen Center for Design（深圳 市城市設計促進中心）.

For distribution in Asia, Australia and New Zealand: Hong Kong University Press The University of Hong Kong Pokfulam Road Hong Kong www.hkupress.org ISBN 978-988-8208-23-4 (paperback) For distribution outside Asia, Australia and New Zealand: University of Hawai‘i Press 2840 Kolowalu Street Honolulu, Hawai‘i 96822 USA www.uhpress.hawaii.edu ISBN 978-0-8248-4756-2 (paperback) © Hong Kong University Press 2014 All rights reserved. No portion of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording, or any information storage or retrieval system, without prior permission in writing from the publisher.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Villages in the city : a guide to South China’s informal settlements / edited by Stefan Al ; contributing editors, Paul Chu Hoi Shan, Claudia Juhre, Ivan Valin, and Casey Wang.  pages cm Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-0-8248-4756-2 (pbk. : alk. paper) 1. Urbanization—China—Pearl River Delta. 2. Sociology, Urban—China—Pearl River Delta. 3. Cities and towns—China—Pearl River Delta. I. Al, Stefan, editor of compilation. HT384.C62P438 2014 307.7609512'7—dc23 2014014669

10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 Printed and bound by Paramount Printing Co., Ltd. in Hong Kong, China

Contents ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

vii

LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS

ix

INTRODUCTION Villages in the City: A Guide to China’s Informal Settlements STEFAN AL

1

ESSAYS The City in between the Villages MARCO CENZATTI

9

The Beginning of the End: Planning the Destruction of Guangzhou’s Urban Villages MARGARET CRAWFORD and JIONG WU

19

City-in-the-Village: Huanggang and China’s Urban Renewal NICK R. SMITH

29

A Village by the Special Economic Zone: The Dafen Paradigm of China’s Urbanization JIANG JUN

42

Village-in-the-City as a Sustainable Form of Social Housing Communities for China: A Tale of Four Villages in Shenzhen LAURENCE LIAUW

47

URBANIZATION The Big Picture: Visualizing Urban Villages Village Portraits Rapid Urbanization and the Rise and Decline of Urban Villages Uneven Urbanization in the Pearl River Delta

63 64 67 68

SHENZHEN Xiasha Village Dafen Village Gangxia Village

70 80 90

POLITICS Battle of the Smartest: Shenzhen Municipal Government vs. Shenzhen Urban Villagers Limited Rights of Floating Population

100 103

DONGGUAN Jiekou Village Tianjia Village

104 114

URBAN DESIGN One Line Skies: Shipai Village

124

GUANGZHOU Shipai Village Wanshengtang Village Sanyuanli Village

126 136 146

ARCHITECTURE Flexible Use of Village Buildings

156

FOSHAN Bitang Village Hedang Village

158 168

INTERIOR DESIGN How Do the Villagers Cut Up the Housing Units?

178

ZHUHAI Poshi Village Zuowu Village

180 190

SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY

202

CREDITS

203

vi

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to thank Michael Duckworth, former publisher of Hong Kong University Press, for his continuing support. Jennifer Flint and Clara Ho helped overcome the demanding visual dimensions of this book, unorthodox by the standards of a university press. Shenzhen Retumu Urban/Rural Institute and the Shenzhen Center for Design Institute generously supported this project. Weiwen Huang was kind to spread the word to them. I was blessed with an outstanding team of contributing editors who shaped the book in innumerable and important ways, including Ivan Valin, Claudia Juhre, Casey Wang, and Paul Chu Hoi Shan. Hong Kong University graduate students in urban design showed great courage and commitment to document the urban villages. Of these students, Seven Siwen Qi, Tracy Yang Xiaoqian, Connie Tu Kangwei, Rebecca Yang Xiaoqian, and Violette Chen Yiping also helped with the layout and edited the book. Daniel King Him Fung deserves special recognition, not only for his crucial role during the research, layout, and editing process, but for his initiative and dedication throughout. Last but not least, urban villagers were kind to share their stories and invite researchers into their villages and homes.

CONTRIBUTORS (in alphabetical order)

Stefan Al is a Dutch architect, urban designer, and an associate professor of urban design at the University of Pennsylvania. In an international career to date, he has worked as a practicing architect on renowned projects such as the 2,000-foot high Canton Tower in Guangzhou, the preservation of world heritage in Latin America at the World Heritage Center of UNESCO, and an 11,000-acre new eco-friendly city in India. Al’s research focuses on the evolution of urban form from a global perspective. His articles have been published in the Handbook of Architectural Theory, Urban China, and other publications. He has edited the book Factory Towns of South China and is currently writing a book on Las Vegas entitled The Strip. Marco Cenzatti holds a laurea in architecture from the University of Florence, a master’s degree in housing and urban planning from the Architectural Association in London, and a PhD in urban and regional planning from UCLA. Currently, he is a lecturer in architecture and city and regional planning at the College of Environmental Design, UC Berkeley. Besides urban and peri-urban development in Southern China, his most recent work focuses on urban change, the production of social space, and urban industry. His publications on these topics include “The (Changing) Colors of the American City,” New Geographies (2011, Vol. 3); “Heterotopias of Difference,” in Heterotopia and the City (edited by M. Dehaene and E. Vervloesem, 2009), and “The Permanence and Change of Urban Industry,” Harvard College Economics Review (2006,Vol. 1). Margaret Crawford is a professor of architecture at UC Berkeley. A graduate of Berkeley, the Architectural Association, and UCLA, she has also taught at SCI-Arc, Harvard GSD, and the University of Florence, Italy. She is the author of Building the Workingman’s Paradise and editor of The Car and the City and Everyday Urbanism, along with numerous articles on topics in the American built environment. She has been conducting research in the Pearl River Delta since 2005. Jiang Jun is a researcher, architect, editor and writer whose experimental urban research explores the interrelationship between design phenomena and urban dynamics. He was the founding editor-in-chief of Urban China Magazine, the chief curator of the “Street Belongs to . . .  All of Us!” exhibition in China, and the project director at the Strelka School in Moscow. His works have been presented in exhibitions including the Shenzhen Biennale, China Contemporary, and Kassel Documenta. He is currently an associate professor at the Guangzhou Academy of Fine Arts and visiting fellow at the ESRC Centre of Oxford University. Laurence Liauw is the principal director of SPADA Ltd and an associate professor (part-time) at the University of Hong Kong. An ex-investment banker, he has practiced in the past 18 years as a registered architect, professional urban designer, and strategic development consultant in the UK, Malaysia, Mainland China, and Hong Kong. He graduated from the Architectural Association London and City University in London and is a winner of international competitions and design awards. His expertise lies in China’s urbanization process, strategic planning, and urban development, leading to his publications AD: New Urban China (2008) and New Economic Spaces in Asian Cities (2012). His professional projects have focused on international CBDs, financial districts, academic and technology campuses, aviation cities, creative industries, cultural institutional buildings, hospitality healthcare, as well as aging populations in urban development. He serves as an expert advisor to government planning bureaus and development agencies in China and Asia. Liauw was a creative team member for the Shanghai World Expo Shenzhen Pavilion in 2010, and an exhibitor at the Venice Architecture Biennale in 2006. He has lectured widely on design and urban development at Harvard GSD, Columbia University, University College London, Tsinghua University, and Peking University.

Nick R. Smith is a PhD candidate in the Department of Urban Planning and Design at Harvard University. Smith’s research combines ethnography and spatial analysis to explore processes of urban transformation, planning, and policy in rapidly developing contexts, with a particular emphasis on China. Most recently, Smith’s work has focused on the planning of peri-urban villages in the context of urban-rural coordination. His research is supported by grants from the National Science Foundation and the Wenner-Gren Foundation. Jiong Wu (Abingo) is a PhD student in architecture at UC Berkeley, studying housing and habitation in China. A native of Zhuhai, she is a graduate of the South China University of Technology and the Berlage Institute in Rotterdam. She has worked in architecture and planning offices in Rotterdam and Guangzhou.

x

INTRODUCTION Villages in the City:  A Guide to China’s Informal Settlements Stefan Al In 2011, bulldozers tore down nearly the entire village of Dachong, destroying over 10 million square feet of village housing and evicting more than 70,000 residents, many of them migrants.1 In what was called one of the key urban “upgrades” of the decade, a vibrant community had been turned into a rubble-ridden demolition site. Only a few old trees, historic temples, and ancient wells were preserved, further accentuating the bleak new hole that formed amid the skyscrapers of Shenzhen. Located inside the Shenzhen Special Economic Zone, Dachong Village had become a prime real estate location when it was engulfed by the explosive development of the surrounding city. Developers and government officials saw the village’s adjacency with a new hightech industrial zone as both a major nuisance and business opportunity. Following the familiar tabula rasa approach to planning, the village would be subsumed in the anonymity of the surrounding city only after it was razed. Billboards with images of corporate office towers, a fivestar hotel, and a colossal mall already visualized the future of the village on the demolition site, while banners celebrated the “scientific urban planning” and the “collective 1

transformation” of what was to be the largest redevelopment project of its kind in the Pearl River Delta, aspiring to become a national model for upgrading older urban areas.

buzzing electrical wires—crowned with a small strip of daylight, called by locals “thin line sky.”

The emergence and proliferation of these urban villages is a unique The local press did not question these phenomenon of urban China that empty slogans, nor the eviction of the occurs in many regions and in different forms, as a consequence countless politically disadvantaged of the rapid urbanization that has migrants. Rather, they framed the redevelopment as a conflict between resulted from land reform, the dual urban and rural land ownership the real estate company and the village households owning the land. A and management system, and the large influx of an underprivileged few families had refused to transfer migrant population. At the cusp of their property rights, but after the economic reform in China in the the district government approved 1980s, in a process that continues eminent domain, the remaining until today, municipal governments homes were razed as well. Those could only achieve partial land who had agreed to transfer their acquisition in the countryside. Since land rights were given more than at the time villagers were too costly 100 million RMB compensation to to compensate and relocate, they sell their properties, propelling the former farmers into the nouveau riche: could only transfer the farmland some of the villagers even made it to surrounding the villages into industrial areas and housing. The now landless the ranks of RMB millionaires.2 villagers had to find another source of revenue and went from growing Dachong Village is just one of the vegetables to leasing out apartments countless villages wedged within to a steady stream of migrant new urban areas and is now being workers, who sought employment eliminated. But what the local in the newly built nearby factories. people call a “village” is in reality Since their collectively owned villages an urbanized version of a village: an were unconstrained by city building “urban village.” Literally “villages laws and set-back regulations, villagers within the city,” or chengzhongcun, were able to add story after story these are previously agricultural to their homes, leading to the literal villages that have been engulfed by the city. Parallel with the surrounding extrusion of the village’s narrow building lots from low-rise to highurbanization, these villages have too rise. As a result, disproportionally become “urban,” but in their own narrow streets delineate the new way. They no longer consist of the picturesque farms of rural China, but high-rise version of the village. At of high-rises so close to one another times, buildings stand so close to one that they create dark claustrophobic another that they are dubbed “kissing buildings” or “handshake houses”— alleys—jammed with dripping airyou can literally reach out from one conditioning units, hanging clothes, building and shake hands with your caged balconies and bundles of neighbor.

For a moment, the “kissing buildings” worked out for all stakeholders. They helped the government to transfer large portions of collective land to urban property ownership, while supplying the villagers with a new livelihood because they could no longer farm. The villagers were promoted to landlords, and many chose to enjoy their new affluence in more opulent parts of the city and moved out of the village. In their place came migrants from all over China, in search for cheap rent. Largely excluded from the general housing distribution system as well as homeownership because of their limited rights and low incomes, their housing options were limited. Often, they preferred living in urban villages to the monotonous dormitories in the factory compounds, since the villages, in close proximity to the factories, offered many services including different types of shops and restaurants.3 To them, urban villages provided a suitable place to live, and

with their burgeoning economies, places to work as well. Their success seems to be shortlived, however; urban villages are being wiped almost as soon as they pop up. The Dachong Village, one of the largest urban villages in south China until the bulldozers rolled in, is paradigmatic of the demolition of urban villages all over China. More than a thousand village redevelopment plans exist all over China, affecting millions of people. As urban villages have become valuable real estate in current urban locations, city governments aspire to deal with the “problem” of the villages permanently, eager to transfer the collective villageheld land use rights back to the state. The village redevelopment benefits the government and the developers, who make a fortune by developing large swaths of land in prime locations, and only those

native villagers who successfully negotiate their transfer of land use rights for housing, moving costs, and loss of livelihood. Moreover, unless the villagers are able to negotiate for an urban hukou (the household registration system that privileges urban over rural residents), they could end up having no access to social security or health care. And in spite of their organization in Village Collectives (VC), the government can exercise eminent domain at any time. Migrants end up losing most, left with few or no alternative to affordable housing. They are also the last to be considered, as they suffer under a rural hukou, an inferior form of citizenship. Urbanization in China certainly helps create wealth, but the wealth is unequally distributed, and is forced through land evictions and the maintenance of political inequalities systematically produced in the household registration system.

Image 1. Bulldozers only leave a few trees on the site that was previously Dachong Village, one of the largest urban villages in south China. Photo by dcmaster, Flickr.

2

In the process, the city as a whole loses unique histories and places in exchange for the relentless repetition of cookie-cutter office blocks and residential enclaves. It is poignant that Chinese city planners, desperately pondering ways to infuse identity into their newly built homogeneous cities, overlook the urban village. Their unique urbanisms, histories, spatial experiences, culture, and cosmopolitanism could bring a more diverse texture to the future of the city. This book argues for the value of urban villages as places. Although much academic research has focused on their role in providing affordable housing to a migrant population, they have insufficiently been approached from an urban design perspective. It is this urban design argument that could potentially help persuade city governments to integrate villages into, rather than to expel them from, their cities. While few urban design professionals have been involved in their design, the urban design merits of the urban villages are plentiful. Their densely grouped, compact footprints are highly efficient, with much higher population densities than the surrounding city. Since most of the ground level of the villages has a commercial function, urban villages are truly mixed use, giving local residents the convenient proximity to neighborhood stores, restaurants, and places to work. This also contributes to an active street life with plenty of “eyes on the street.” The fine-grain urban fabric provides more intimate and humanscaled urban spaces. The streets are usually too narrow to accommodate cars, and the small blocks provide a denser network of pedestrian connections than the oversized, 3

modernist mega-blocks outside of the villages. For these reasons alone, people in the urban villages mostly travel on foot or use public transit rather than a car. Walking through their undulating streets gives an interesting experience, enhanced by the variability of village buildings. As much as urban villages play an important role in providing affordable housing to a disadvantaged migrant population, they can also offer a vital mixed-use, spatially diverse, and pedestrian alternative to the prevailing car-oriented and monotonous modernist-planning paradigm in China. To reveal these qualities, this book depicts several urban villages in a series of drawings and photographs that range from large scale to small scale. An aerial photo and figure ground drawing show their unique morphologies and incredible densities, particularly in relation to the monochrome city context. The “architour” provides a balanced architectural view, pointing to cultural heritage highlights as much as to dilapidated buildings. A section through each of the village’s main streets—inspired by Terasawa Hitomi’s vivacious illustrations for the Japanese book Daizukan Kyuryujyou, which provides a final record of the now destroyed Kowloon Walled City in Hong Kong4 —uncovers the immense concentration of social life in the dense structures. The commerce map highlights the small shops of the mixed-use villages, which provide services to the local population and tourists. These shops are also opportunities to many small business owners and entrepreneurs, and supply work to residents. These give a clue of how each village has its unique industry. Finally, close-ups of a housing unit and a resident provide

a peek into the villagers’ homes and daily lives in the village. In order to give a balanced view and not to idealize urban villages, we have documented a wide variety of villages throughout the Pearl River Delta, in cities such as Dongguan, Shenzhen, Guangzhou, Foshan, and Zhuhai. We looked for villages that were all very different, whether in size, density, history, dominant industry, wealth, and reputation, so as to avoid stereotypes. Often, a village is dominated by a special industry, be it information technology, shoe manufacturing, ceramic production, replica products, or massage parlors. Some villages are well-known backdrops for filming Chinese operas, while others have a more infamous status, thanks to a red-light district. Some villages display wealth and even build their own plazas and museums to celebrate the village’s history and future, while others are less prosperous with unpaved streets that are littered with rubble and trees filled with drying clothes. By sampling in different cities we were able to see differences, as well as similarities, of urban villages in the five cities. These variations can partially be explained by the differences among their surrounding cities. Many villages in Dongguan and Foshan, for example, are engaged with electronics and ceramics, respectively, giving a hint of the dominant industries of these two cities. In addition, counting the number of stories of buildings in urban villages almost literally enumerates various levels of urbanization of the enclosing cities. The ones in Shenzhen and Guangzhou are the tallest, since these cities were urbanized first, while Guangzhou’s villages are older, because of the city’s long history.

Image 2. Like many other urban villages, the buildings in Xiasha Village stand so close to another that they create a “thin line sky.” Photo by Stefan Al.

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The height of the urban village buildings is thus a barometer of urbanization, a marker of the lack of affordable housing, and sadly, also an indicator of impending demolition; as the higher they get, the more prominent they become prey to developers and governments. Knowing that many of the urban villages featured in this book are on the brink of destruction, the following chapters will provide a valuable documentation of this unique accident in China’s maelstrom of urbanization—a premature eulogy if their demolition cannot be avoided. Looking across cases also reveals similarities in terms of their urban features. In an urban China dominated by drones of generic skyscrapers, traveling through these urban villages presents an alternative vision of modernity that reminds one of Marco Polo’s journeys in Invisible Cities. Typically, you can access them only by going through a gateway, which doubles as a security gate since villages have their own private police force. Once inside, there is an air of cosmopolitanism with dialects heard from all over China, and restaurants with cuisines from many regions. The narrow and populated streets in the markets in some villages, with their open display of exotic products, appear more like souks than hutongs. These lead to unexpected open spaces with children rollicking outside, or to ancient temples where the elderly are playing mahjong. It is easy to misperceive these places as slums. Dickensian nightmares portrayed by the local press often describe the urban village in pathological terms, for instance, as an “eye sore,” “scar,” “ill,” or even “cancer” of the city. They further stigmatize the migrant residents as filthy, as burglars, drug users, or 5

even murderers. The reporters’ quotes of unsanitary conditions and crime rates help authorities justify their destruction. The government perceives them as a messy threat to their more sterile vision of modernity. Even some of Hong Kong University’s graduate students of urban design, many of whom come from China, hesitated to visit the urban villages at the beginning of our study. Although many villages have dirty alleys and dilapidated buildings with poor lighting and ventilation (and sometimes a 15-story building topped with roof shacks goes without an elevator), the people living in these buildings are not the urban poor.5 They are productive, if politically disadvantaged, citizens with jobs. Many urban villagers have television sets, refrigerators, and occasionally, even cars. For them, the place is not a “slum” but an important, affordable, and welllocated entry point into the city where they can become full urban citizens after a few years of steady jobs. They can eventually receive decent health care and social benefits, and send their children to proper schools. Furthermore, even white-collar workers or college students frequent the urban villages to enjoy their many services, or sometimes even prefer to live in the urban villages. From this perspective, the emergence of urban villages in China fits in a worldwide trend of “urban informality.”6 Much of the world’s urbanization occurs in the informal sector, outside of institutional structures such as building regulations, zoning laws, or land tenure. Hundreds of millions of people around the world are excluded from formal housing, explaining the existence of the

favelas in Rio de Janerio, the barrios in Mexico, and the shantytowns in India.7 Developed nations, too, have their forms of extralegal and unplanned communities, for instance, the colonias border settlements in Texas. As research shows, these communities are not marginal, but fully embedded into the economy.8 The study of Chinese urban villages can contribute to this scholarship, particularly because urban villages are not synonymous with the urban poor. Urban villages are anything but marginal; they are integral to an economy that relies on low valueadded labor, created by the state’s inability to provide adequate housing to millions of blue-collar workers who are playing an important part in the economic development of China. Moreover, the poor condition of individual buildings in the urban village does not justify the eradication of the entire village area. As in any city, buildings come and go, but streets, open spaces, and everything else that give long-term identity to a place can be sustained and even integrated into the future of the city. They could be treated like the older historical villages that some Western cities have been smart to incorporate into their greater urban fabric—places such as Gràcia in Barcelona, or the West Village in New York City. Their irregular and small grain of urban fabric provides a welcome variety to the larger homogeneous city grid, whereas the small lots bring opportunities to smaller businesses. Total demolition, the default option of the state, is problematic because of the lack of proper substitutes. Not only does it erase the unique historical and cultural traces of the village, the redevelopment can put pressure on the surrounding infrastructure and is also expensive. In addition, demolition eventually

forces migrants to resettle in suburban areas that have potential for trouble. China’s 12th Five-Year Plan announced the building of 36 million of affordable housing units by 2015, but most of them are located on the outskirts of the city. These are lesser alternatives to the urban villages, since the villagers will need to make long commutes to work. Their isolation from the city and the lack of social diversity would easily turn them into ghettos, much like the banlieues in Paris. Instead of urban villages, cities would be

better to redirect their anxieties to even more threatening disruptions of their vision of modernity: the newly constructed ghost towns and malls. These are the empty and highend antitheses of the urban villages, such as Ordos City in Mongolia and the South China Mall in Dongguan, which is the largest mall in the world and also the emptiest, with a 70% vacancy rate (Beijing’s Sanlitun Village, on the other hand, is a thriving outdoor retail center, thanks to its village-inspired open spaces).

Image 3.Visitors and villagers in Daxin Village play pool outdoors. Photo by Stefan Al.

Yet, as Margaret Crawford and Jiong Wu write in this volume, “the beginning of the end” of urban villages in Guangzhou is a fait accompli. Planning groups dedicated to their destruction have already demolished the 800-year-old Liede Village, and turned it into a paradigm of village redevelopment. Despite this, Crawford and Wu remain optimistic that a new generation of planners and officials will offer more progressive planning for the villages. They could be guided by important counter paradigms to the Dachong and Liede

6

redevelopments, such as the Dafen and Huanggang Villages. Dafen Village in Shenzhen is internationally infamous for its production of “fake” paintings ranging from Da Vinci to Warhol, which are exhibited in countless exhibition alleys that make the village a popular tourist attraction. As Jiang Jun’s chapter shows, Dafen represents hope for urban villages not only because of its economic success, but also because of the fact that the village is recognized as a model by city officials, who agreed to feature Dafen in the Shenzhen Pavilion of the 2010 World Expo in Shanghai. Nick R. Smith’s chapter illustrates how Huanggang Village, also in Shenzhen, has been inventively and independently redesigned by its own village shareholding corporation. The village managed to redevelop, achieving balance between a respect for its rural past and aspirations to an urban future that includes 40-story towers and ubiquitous closed circuit television. The village became, according to one city planner, “even more urbanized than the city,” which led Smith to reverse the understanding of Huanggang from a “village in the city” to a “city in the village.” Marco Cenzatti argues for a similar epistemological shift for the region of Guangzhou as a whole, that is, to invert our understanding of “the village in the city” to “the city in between the villages.” Challenging the urban-rural dichotomy, he shows that villages, like cities, can be key actors of urbanization, as they were in ancient Greece, and as they have been in the Pearl River Delta until recently. Reinstating the focus on the village could lead to 7

a richer, more variegated pathway of urbanization in the Pearl River Delta, one that is evoked by his map “Villages in Greater Guangzhou” that accentuates the rich patchwork of hundreds of villages. And as Laurence Liauw argues in his essay, the upgrading of urban villages is necessary from a housing perspective, not in the least for the lack of an appropriate alternative. China’s current social housing policy, he critiques, is incapable of housing the people it plans to accommodate. While the living conditions in urban villages are currently substandard, tested village upgrading strategies to overcome villages’ persistent ailments offer a more viable alternative to out-right demolition. Finally, one way of reorienting the urban village debate from stigma to strength has been through the application of a photographic lens. The twelve case studies featured in this book are photographed in a “lomography” style, which finds its origin in the mass-produced inexpensive cameras of the 1950s. The leakage in the inexpensive plastic bodies led to partial overexposure, creating unpredictable and dramatic effects in the photos, including vibrant and saturated colors, high-contrast images with vignette and film grain, and cross processed colors. The lowtech cameras have regained their popularity particularly in Asia, where amateur photographers appreciate the spontaneous, artistic, and unpredictable photos as an exciting alternative to the predictable precision of the digital SLR. By doing so, it can shed a more adequate light on the urban village, commensurate with the subject matter, as a counter to the uneven

political geography and skewed arena of representation. Instead of what the Shenzhen Daily claims to be a “gloomy picture” of the urban village, with “rampant burglary, drug abuse and trafficking, prostitution, organized crime and even murder,” this book attempts to paint a fairer picture that depicts the urban villages’ uniqueness, pedestrian friendliness, human-scale, accessibility, vibrancy, and spontaneity—in short, all the elements that make up a good city.9

1. “Works starts on Dachong renovation,” Shenzhen Daily, December 22, 2011. 2. “Villagers to get billions from Shenzhen demolition,” Global Times, January 25, 2010. 3. For some examples of factory workers living in urban villages, see Factory Towns of South China, edited by Stefan Al (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 2012). 4. Terasawa Hitomi, Daizukan Kyuryujyou [Kowloon Walled City] (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1997). 5. Fulong Wu, Chris Webster, Shenjing He, and Yuting Liu, Urban Poverty in China (Cheltenham: Edward Elgar, 2010), 74. 6. The theoretical notion of urban informality has been advanced by AlSayyad and Roy, for instance, in Transnational Perspectives from the Middle East, Latin America, and South Asia, edited by Ananya Roy and Nezar AlSayyad (Lanham, MD: Lexington Books, 2004). 7. See, for instance, Illegal Cities: Law and Urban Change in Developing Countries, edited by Edesio Fernandes and Ann Varley (London and New York: Zed Books, 1998), and Rethinking the Informal City: Critical Perspectives from Latin America, edited by Felipe Hernandez, Peter Kellett, and Lea Allan (Oxford: Berghahn Books, 2010). 8. See, for instance, Janice Perlman, The Myth of Marginality (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1976). 9. Wu Guangqiang, “Urban villages, an ill of the city,” Shenzhen Daily, April 18, 2011.

Image 4. Dafen Village is known for the numerous “fake” paintings that are exhibited throughout the village, including in its alleys. Photo by Stefan Al.

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The City in between the Villages

of the village changed not only its economic base, but also its physical appearance and social makeup. “Villages in the city,” with their entrance gates, old houses, and crowded and narrow alleys, are still easily recognizable.Yet, they have lost Marco Cenzatti their social homogeneity, as urban The phrase “Village in the City” immigrants move into villages, where is widely used to summarize a they find cheap housing and often condition in Chinese cities that, as end up outnumbering the villagers urbanization proceeds, is becoming themselves; villagers, on the other increasingly common. Following hand, add four or five stories to their the economic success of the last residences, and rent the additional decades, cities such as Beijing, space to migrants. It even happens Shanghai, Shenzhen, and Guangzhou that an entire village is rented out to have been expanding, encroaching on, migrants, while villagers have moved and surrounding once isolated rural to new residential towers. villages. By means that have changed over time, and usually change from The focus on the metropolis and case to case, the agricultural fields on “villages in the city,” however, of the villages are transformed hides two related considerations. into new parts of the expanding First, villages in the city are just the metropolis—residential towers, most emblematic and extreme in commercial centers, industrial and a wide range of changes that have business parks. The residential part been occurring in most, if not all,

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of the villages of the Pearl River Delta (PRD). Second, villages, in and without the city, are not only the victims of urbanization—although in most cases they are. They are also a starting point of urbanization and a key element in a process of urban change that is markedly different from the dominant Western model. In the West, explanations of urban development for a long time have been dominated by the narrative that began with the Chicago School of Urban Sociology and saw urban expansion characterized, at least since the industrial revolution, by rings radiating out from the original commercial, industrial, or financial city into the countryside. Over the last fifty years this model has been complicated with the addition of satellite towns, suburbs and exurbs, edge cities, polynucleated metropolises, but its basic narrative has not changed: urbanization

Image 1. The village of Baishan is completely engulfed in the city of Shenzhen, but it still maintains its nucleus of older houses, surrounded by the village’s new apartment buildings. The city’s residential towers hover over them in the background.

continues to expand from the city outwards and, by the same token, the countryside is still left at the loosing end of the story, systematically eroded by (sub-)urban growth. It is tempting to assume that the same dynamic has been at work in China in the post-Mao era: the (modern) city is the motor of urbanization and (pre-modern) villages are representatives of the countryside, inexorably surrounded by, assimilated into, and erased by the urban.Yet, until recently, Chinese regions such as the PRD have shown that the urbanization of a region originated in the industri­alization and densification of villages and towns, rather than from the expansion of the central city. If anything, Chinese urbanization (and we should perhaps use a term different from “urbanization”), from the beginning of the opening-up policies to the mid-1990s, started with a pattern of urbanization that recalls the synoikism of ancient Greece, where urbanization started with villages, growing, encroaching on one another, and coalescing into towns. Different from the Greek antecedent, however, villages and towns of the PRD did not become a single city. Rather, they developed into a region of diffused urbanization. Geographer Terry McGee (1991) called similar regions in Southeast Asia desakota, identifying

them by their closeness to major metropolises, a mix of (mostly small-scale) agricultural and nonagricultural activities, the availability of cheap labor, close relations and good transportation linkages through the region, and participation in the global economy. In short, seeing them as a spatial organization where urban and rural coexist, rather than clashing.1 This type of development can be recognized around Guangzhou, beginning in the late 1970s, with the progressive rural industrialization and changes of agricultural activities in the PRD. The urbanization of Guangzhou, however, suggests a larger-scale, unfinished synoikism. The ten districts that compose Greater Guangzhou today are dotted with a myriad of villages that, since the beginning of the post-Mao era, have participated in the industrialization and urbanization of the region, but are not part of the city. Thus, while in Guangzhou’s central districts there are many cases of “villages in the city,” there is a much greater number of villages that surround Guangzhou and on which the city depends. Spatially, this has resulted in a growing urban form that, rather than radiating out of a center, produces a center-less (or villageand-town-centered) region. These

villages are not relics of the past that should be modernized, eliminated, or preserved as museums. As recently as in the period between the establishment of PRD’s Special Economic Zones to the mid-1990s— in the period that Ma and Fan called “urbanization from below” and Shen, Feng, and Wong named “dual-track urbanization”2 —they have been the driving force of the industrialization and urbanization of the region. It is only over the last fifteen years or so that the metropolis has asserted its dominance over the urbanization of its surroundings, in the process that George Lin called “city-based and land-centered development.” Thus, rather than a contradiction between city and countryside, the Pearl River Delta faces a contradiction between two types of urbanization, a villagebased urbanization “from below’ and a “center-based” one that echoes the metropolization of the Western model. In this sense, villages-in-the-city are not an isolated phenomenon. They are the extreme form of a broader and more general dynamic that is changing the relationship between the city and all the villages. In this change, villages are denied a voice in the type of urbanization in progress, and perhaps the opportunity to help to develop a regional urbanization that is more variegated and more appropriate for the PRD.

Urbanization from Below . . . Migration to towns and the growth of town population are creating a new track of ‘urbanization from below’ whose processes and control mechanisms differ greatly from those of the dominant city-based track of urbanization from above. (Ma and Fan, 1994: 1629–30) In part this “urbanization from below” has its historical roots in the Chinese leaders’ traditional mistrust of large cities, resulting in a level of urban population that

remained below 30 percent for the entire Maoist period. More significantly, several key policies of Deng Xiaoping’s reform package supported the growth of villages

and towns while discouraging the growth of large cities. For example, the Agricultural Responsibility System3 and other economic reforms that de-collectivized land 10

use, allowed diversification of agricultural products, gave access to open markets, produced a rapid growth of agricultural productivity, improved living conditions in many villages, and increased the importance of market towns. Similarly, after 1978, when rural collectives, families and individuals were allowed to engage in artisanal and small-scale industrial activities, a new wave of industrialization started across villages. By the mid1980s, many of these small-scale enterprises had become Township and Village Enterprises (TVEs), the most successful and rapidly growing component of the Chinese economy, accounting for over 30 percent of China’s GNP by 1990. On the other hand, large cities were deliberately left out of these changes. The increase in agricultural productivity had created a large surplus rural population, but the central government believed that cities would be unable to sustain the influx of the rural migrants and directed, via the residence permit system,4 migration towards villages and designated towns. The convergence of these two sets of policies led to both the growth of villages and to the number of designated towns which jumped from fewer than 3,000 in 1980 to about 9,000 ten years later. The PRD is a prime example of urbanization and industrialization from below. The first factor was the

unique character of development of TVEs in the delta. Until the end of the 1980s, in most of the country TVEs remained limited to production for national consumption, eschewing international markets. In the PRD, by contrast, they were almost immediately geared to investment from abroad and production for export. On the one hand, the connection with foreign countries was favored by the establishment of the Special Economic Zones of Zhuhai and Shenzhen in 1978 as the first test of Deng Xiaoping’s openingup policies, and by the expansion of the SEZs to the entire PRD by1985. On the other hand, many village residents who had emigrated to Hong Kong and Taiwan during the Maoist era had maintained contacts with their village. Thus, the opendoor policy created the conditions for successful émigrés to invest in their village of origin. As a result, TVEs in the PRD thrived, with their export increasing from less than 0.5 percent of total Guangdong exports in 1978 to 17 percent in 1985, and 66 percent in 1991 (Ho 1995). Although data for the growth of industrial production is not available at the village level, the difference in the period 1978–1984 between the growth of industrial output in Guangzhou (10.3%) and the small and medium-sized towns of the PRD (averaged at 22.4%) is a clear indicator that the economic growth of the region was not centered in the metropolis.

Not surprisingly, the growing economic importance of rural industry attracted immigrants and was accompanied by a sort of “Village and Township Urbanization” that largely ignored Guangzhou: while the average growth rate of urban population was minimal in the Maoist period (0.75% annually between 1957 and 1978), the rate increased to 7.70% (per year, between 1978 and 1986) after the opening of the SEZs. This growth was, indeed, concentrated in the Special Economic Zones, which grew at a 30.88% annual rate. By contrast, the rate of growth for Guangzhou was 3.17% and its share of urban population declined from over 67% to 50.33% (Xu and Li 1990). At a smaller scale, Panyu County well exemplifies the rapid township and village-based urbanization of the PRD. Despite its central location, within easy reach of Hong Kong, Shenzhen, Guangzhou, and Macao, for the first half of the 1980s, Panyu’s rate of economic growth was limited, reaching 15.94% in 1985. The following year, however, the rate of industrial and agricultural output jumped to 32.38% and remained there for the rest of the decade, second only to Dongguan, a few miles away, in the entire country. Similarly, migrant population, which had never before exceeded 5,000, jumped to 15,751 in 1986, and by 1991 reached 89,167 (Lin 1999). Between 2000 and 2008, Panyu’s official population increased from 650,000 to 1,600,000.

Image 2 (p. 11). Villages in Greater Guangzhou. The highest density of villages and the highest industrial concentration in Greater Guangzhou are found in the districts of Huadu (to the north), Baiyun, Yuexiu, Tianhe, Huangpu, Liwan, and the part of Panyu north of the Shawan Shuidao branch of the Pearl River (running west-east, at the bottom of this map). Most villages in the Pearl River Delta are “lineage villages,” i.e., villages established by common ancestors and whose residents share the same surname even today. By contrast, villages in the south part of Panyu, usually stretched along a river or canal bank and only marginally industrialized, were established after the 1949 by the Maoist government. © Marco Cenzatti.

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Two major factors triggered this sudden growth. One is the already mentioned opening up of the entire delta to foreign investments and commerce. The other is the rapid development of Panyu’s transportation infrastructure. As geographer George Lin points out, the most interesting aspect of this development was that it was largely planned and financed by local governments rather than by a single,

central agency. This “has significantly contributed to the formation of a distinct extended metropolitan region characterized by intensified rural-urban interaction . . . growing mixture of urban/rural activities, and commercial development in nodal and ribbon form” (Lin 1999: 249). As Image 3 shows, even today this urban and rural mixture and the over 300 administrative villages5

that form its nodes remain a distinguishing feature of Panyu’s landscape. Thus, returning to the synoikism of classical Greece, rather that coalescing into a single city, Panyu’s villages have evolved in centers of agricultural as well as industrial production and have come together in part of a region of diffused urbanization, or better a desakota region.

City-Based and Land-Centered Development Since the mid-1990s, however, a new wave of urbanization or, more precisely, a city-based and land-centered urban revolution, has gradually taken place through which cities, particularly large cities, have managed dramatically to upgrade and expand their urban built environment as a means of reasserting their central position in the rapidly globalizing Chinese economy. (Lin 2007: 1832) This “urban revolution” and “landcentered development” started with the separation, in 1988, between land ownership—which remained in the hands of the state—and landuse rights—which could be bought and sold. The latter possibility created a de facto land market. In turn, the market of land-use rights offered municipal governments a way to raise capital by selling (leasing, to be precise) urban land to private developers. This was and is particularly important for the local government, since urban land is the only stable asset on which city governments can rely— by expropriation, allocation, or conveyance—to generate revenue by changing the designation of rural land to urban. “City-based,” on the other hand, refers to the large projects, often signed by star architects, which a city needs in order to promote itself and establish an identity that allows it to “to get on the map” and meet the competition of other regional and global centers. Thus “city-based” and 13

“land-centered” dynamics are woven together: the development of placemaking projects raises the value of the surrounding land, and land-use rights transactions provide the local government with capital to finance those projects. Guangzhou’s growth over the last two decades has been driven by this process. Between 1988 and 2000 in Guangzhou non-agricultural land doubled from 35,000 hectares to about 70,000 and increased from less than 10% of Guangzhou’s total land to 19%, while agricultural land decreased from 78% to 65% (Lin 2007: 1842). The decrease of agricultural land indicates that a large part of the new development did not occur as restructuring of the already urbanized “old” Guangzhou, but as new development in rural areas. From the 1990s onwards, this coincided with Guangzhou’s multi-prong effort to restore its dominant position on the Pearl River Delta and to re-establish, via

the implementation of a regional master plan, top-down control over regional growth. To begin with, in June 2000, the city boundaries were extended to incorporate the previously independent counties of Panyu in the south and Huadu in the north.6 Second, the city undertook the construction of a vast network of new roads and railways that promoted its reach throughout the region. This also facilitated access to the deep-water port under construction at the southern tip of the newly created Nansha District. Finally, it began several large placemaking interventions that expanded its urban core. Among them, the city planned a new central business district (CBD) in the Tianhe District, followed by the even newer cultural and business center of New Zhujiang City (with the Guangzhou Opera House designed by Zaha Hadid and the Guangdong Museum designed by Rocco Yim) at the southern border of the district. Between 2002 and 2008, it also built new monumental structures for the

Image 3. Panyu. This slice (at the northern end of the district, closest to the older part of Guangzhou) shows the mixed landscape of the district. Villages (outlined in red), industrial buildings (most of the buildings with blue roofs), agricultural fields, and fish ponds (darker green) coexist in close vicinity.

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Image 4. The University City occupies an island in the Panyu District, at the border with Haizhu and Huangpu. As they lost their agricultural land, the villages of Beigang (Image 5) and Suishi (Image 6) turned to commerce. Shops offering goods and services to students were opened. The village of Beiting (Image 8) has been fighting to keep their homes while Lianxi Village (Image 7) has been rebuilt (unsuccessfully, as it turned out in the following years) as a museum.

Canton International Trade Fair in the Haizhu District. As a final example of place-making, it may be worthwhile to mention the construction of the University City between 2000 and 2004. The city is composed by ten university campuses, either new or relocated from the older districts of Guangzhou. Located on an island at the northern tip of Panyu District and on the border with Haizhu, the complex suggests that the center is now truly expanding into a district that was an independent county only twelve years ago and that still has a desakota character. In the four years of construction the island has lost all its agricultural fields and has produced its own villages in the city. 15

The villages on the island exemplify the different destinies that villages in the city often face (see Images 4–8).

Conclusion Returning to the initial differentiation between the characteristics of urbanization in the West and in China, one could conclude that the period of “urbanization from below” has been an interlude that is now concluded, that Panyu is becoming a suburb of Guangzhou, and that what looked like a desakota region was just a moment of passage towards a fully urbanized condition increasingly similar to the Western model. Such a position, however, would fall back on the presumed urban-rural dichotomy and would again identify the city

as the sole agent of urbanization. As a result, place-making, placepromotion, and land-centered development will be the path towards further modernization and urbanization, even if this means to ignore—in fact, to erase—the urban fabric in which they are immersed. The recent history of urbanization in the Pearl River Delta, however, also demonstrates a pathway to urbanization that is different from the West, both in the way an urban territory is organized and in the actors who have a voice in the process. Recognizing the viability of the desakota region provides a different reading of the region and offers a new focus and direction for intervention. From this perspective

villages and local towns, rather than either remaining invisible or regarded as remnants of the past, should be considered as key actors in the current urbanization process. Far from being leftovers of a premodern time, villages are very much an active part of the changes that the Pearl River Delta is undergoing. In fact, they are the economic base of the region. For example, villages are the main, if not the only, providers of housing for migrants; villages have changed their agricultural production, responding to the mounting demand for fresh produce and fish from the markets and restaurants of the delta; they are also the location of the myriad of firms in the region, in sectors as diverse as furniture making, electronic games, and car assembly. With these multiple roles and their ubiquity across the delta, villages are also the natural starting point for the maintenance and strengthening of linkages between the rural and the urban that a desakota region offers and requires. They have the potential to be important actors in establishing a distinctively Chinese way to urbanization.

1. McGee and Ginzburg coined the term desakota using the two Indonesian words desa (village) and kota (town) with the intent to underline the difference between these regions and the traditional Western dichotomic view of urban vs. rural. The term and the concept have been picked up by several scholars of China’s urbanization (e.g., Johnson and Woon 1997; Lin 2001; Sui and Zeng 2001; Heikkila, Shen, and Yang 2003; Xie, Batty, and Zhao 2005). 2. “Dual-track urbanization” (cf. Shen, Feng, and Wong 2006) identifies two dynamics of urbanization: one of spontaneous urbanization

3.

4.

5.

6.

similar to the urbanization from below and a simultaneous dynamic from the center where, villages in the city, as suppliers of housing for migrants, remain a key factor. For the purpose of this essay “urbanization from below” better focuses on the overall presence of villages in the urbanization process. Experiments with the Household Responsibility System began in 1978. Wide implementation followed by 1980–81. The system allowed rural households to contract land plots and machinery from the village. Under the system, farmers were free to decide what to grow on their plot and keep the land’s output, after paying a share to the state. The residence permit system (hukou) was introduced in 1958 (for the history of hukou, see Chan 2009). Administrative villages are bureaucratic entities, with an official local government. Natural villages are villages that formed “naturally,” i.e. without state intervention. A natural village may also be an administrative one, if it is recognized by the state. In 2005 the district of Nansha was formed by separating the southern part of Panyu.

References Chan, Kam Wing. 2009. “The Chinese hukou system at 50.” Eurasian Geography and Economics 50 (2): 197–221. Heikkila, E. J., T.Y. Shen, and K. Z.Yang. 2003. “Fuzzy urban sets: Theory and application to desakota regions in China.” Environment and Planning B— Planning and Design 30 (2): 239–254. Ho, Samuel P. S. 1995. “Rural nonagricultural development in postreform China: Growth, development patterns, and issues.” Public Affairs 68(1): 360–391. Johnson, Graham E., and Yuen-fong Woon. “Rural development patterns in postreform China: The Pearl River Delta region in the 1990s.” Development and Change 28: 731–752.

Lin, George C. S. 1999. “Transportation and metropolitan development in China’s Pearl River Delta: The experience of Panyu.” Habitat International 23(2): 249–270. ———. 2001. “Evolving spatial form of urban-rural interaction in the Pearl River Delta, China.” Professional Geographer 53(1): 56–70. ———. 2007. “Reproducing spaces of Chinese urbanization: New citybased and land-centered urban transformation.” Urban Studies 44 (9): 1827–1855. Lin, George C. S., and P. S. Ho. 2005. “The state, land system, and land development processes in contemporary China.” Annals of the Association of American Geographers 95 (2): 411–436. Ma, Laurence J. C., and Ming Fan. 1994. “Urbanisation from below: The growth of towns in Jiangsu, China.” Urban Studies 31(10): 1625–1645. Norton, Ginsburg, Bruce Koppel, T. G. McGee, eds. 1991. The Extended Metropolis: Settlement Transition in Asia. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press. Shen, Janfa, Zhiqiang Feng, Kwuan-yiu Wong. 2006. “Dual-track urbanization in a transitional economy: The case of the Pearl River Delta in south China.” Habitat International 30: 690–705. Sui, Daniel Z., and Zeng Hui. 2001. “Modeling the dynamics of landscape structure in Asia’s emerging desakota regions: A case study in Shenzhen.” Landscape and Urban Planning 53 (1–4): 37–52. Xie,Yichun, Michael Batty, and Kang Zhao. 2005. “Simulating emergent urban form: Desakota in China.” Working Paper, Center for Advanced Spatial Studies, University College London. Xu, Xue-qiang, and Si-ming Li. 1990. “China’s open door policy and urbanization in the Pearl River Region.” International Journal of Urban and Regional Research 14(1): 49–69.

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Image 5. Beigang Village.

Image 6. Suishi Village.

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Image 7. The Lingnan Impression Park has replaced the original village of Lianxi.

Image 8. Beiting Village.

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The Beginning of the End: Planning the Destruction of Guangzhou’s Urban Villages Margaret Crawford and Jiong Wu During the mid-1980s, a new phenomenon appeared in the central districts of Guangzhou City: the urban village (chengzhongcun). These distinctive settlements, whose dense clusters of tiny buildings were immediately recognizable in the skyline, were an anomaly in a rapidly modernizing city. They were remnants of the agricultural villages that had once occupied most of the territory surrounding Guangzhou’s relatively small urban core. As the municipal government appropriated their farmland, the city grew around the villages, leaving them trapped inside their new boundaries. The former peasants reinvented themselves as landlords, catering to the waves of migrants who regularly arrived in Guanzhou from rural villages all over China. These two groups of officially rural residents lived in the most urban condition imaginable. The villages’ visibility and unique form, completely at odds with every other urban dynamic in China, attracted considerable attention. Although many Guangzhou natives regarded them with suspicion as hotbeds of crime and disorder, they became an object of fascination for social scientists, urban scholars, and even tourists. Researchers from China and abroad probed the unusual set of circumstances that had produced them and arrived 19

at contradictory conclusions.1 Architects and planners from all over the world brought students to document and analyze their intricate morphology.2 However, in 2000, the Guangzhou municipal government mandated their destruction. Their stated goal was to eliminate all 138 of the urban villages in Guangzhou’s central districts by 2015.3 They slated a subgroup of villages including such large and prominent villages as Leide, Linhe, and Shipai for immediate destruction, a task that became more urgent as the city began to prepare for the 2010 Asian Games. The prestige brought by hosting the games intensified the government’s upgrading and beautification efforts. Based on the city’s timetable, these villages had survived as urban entities for only three decades. This chapter describes the processes that led to their disappearance, illuminates Chinese urban planning initiatives and looks ahead towards the future of thousands of villages within the Guangzhou’s borders. We argue that the destruction of these village represents a major loss to the city and its inhabitants, and propose new urban values to guide Guangzhou’s continuing development.

From Rural to Urban, from Lineage to Corporation The unique social, spatial, economic and political circumstances of urban villages are the product of a complex and layered past. The key elements of this history are briefly sketched here. Before 1949, most existed as small but productive agricultural settlements. As “lineage villages,” typical of the Pearl River Delta, their residents defined themselves by one

or more shared surnames. Tracing the history of their village to a common ancestor, they continuously recorded extensive genealogies and kept them in their village ancestral halls. Scholars have emphasized how the close connection between lineage structures and landholding produced a powerful bond between culture and territory, shared by both landlords and peasants.4 The tumultuous changes of the Maoist era, characterized by abrupt shifts in agricultural and political policies imposed from above, added a strong legacy of rural collective ownership. In 1956 the Central Government collectivized village farmland and organized villagers into cooperatives. The “Great Leap Forward” consolidated numerous village collectives into huge “people’s communes” with disastrous results for agriculture. In response, the government redrew the boundaries of existing villages (now called “natural” villages) in 1961, in order to create smaller units or “production brigades,” which were composed of a series of “production teams.” After 1978, the Central Government partially privatized land-use rights through the household responsibility system.5 They dismantled the communes to create townships, villages, and village groups.Village collectives retained ownership of village land but allowed individual households to build their own houses and control their allocated farmland. In 1982, as part of market reforms, all land in China was designated as either urban land that was owned by the state, or rural land owned by rural collectives. These rights established a village’s claim to own and control its own land, at least in principle.

Equally significant was the Central Government’s imposition of a household registration system (hukou) in 1958, with two categories, “urban” and “rural.” This was intended to regulate the movement of labor. As part of the state’s drive towards industrialization, urban residents had preferential access to economic, social, and cultural benefits. For rural families, the hukou system effectively bound them to their village and rural identities. In the case of urban villagers, as the city grew around them, the hukou paradoxically reinforced their already strong territorial bond. Since the city came to them, they did not have to leave their land to participate in the new urban economy.6 Finally, in the 1990s, village-level elections—the only elections in China—allowed villagers to elect their own village committee and leaders directly. Elections have not necessarily resulted in empowering villagers since party cadres often hold considerable power. However, in many cases, elected village committees have been able to take control of and manage the village’s common property.7 Accumulated over decades, this combination of rights and restrictions has provided villagers with a degree of economic and political autonomy not shared by Guangzhou’s “official” urban residents. After 1978, as Guangzhou began its explosive growth, the agricultural villages surrounding the city’s built-up core constituted the only obstacle to its continuing urban expansion.8 However, acquiring land for factories and urban development was not the city’s only or even most important incentive for appropriating village farmland. Since the Central Government

allocates municipal funding, the only way a municipal government can generate its own revenue is by obtaining low-value agricultural land, declaring it “development land,” and then selling it for a much higher price to factories or developers. The difference goes directly into the city’s coffers. Initial attempts to simply seize village land while forcibly relocating villagers produced confrontation and even violent resistance. These events convinced the Guangzhou government, always fearful of social unrest, to take a more conciliatory stance.

which was legally recognized but still ambiguous in practice, the municipal government asserted its control over the land before rezoning it and giving it over to village control. After this, the village operated largely outside of any local planning mandates.10

As rural migrants from all over China poured into Guangzhou to find work, the newly urbanized villagers extruded their small housing sites vertically. Using reinforced concrete frames, they added new rooms, apartments, and ground floor shops to rent to the newcomers.11 In the densest villages, Linhe and They invented a series of policies to Shipai, they built up to as many as allow them to obtain officially “rural” twelve stories—three or four times territory legally, involving notable the legal limit of three stories. As concessions on their part. After they grew, the villages turned into appropriating all of a village’s land, labyrinths of narrow lanes, snaked the Guangzhou government would with electric wires. Automobiles not only compensate the village could not enter these pedestrian for its agricultural land but would spaces which were so congested then return a certain percentage of that residents immediately occupied the appropriated land as “reserved any open areas as public spaces. land.” Part of this was designated Migrants usually outnumbered as “reserved housing sites,” which villagers. Leide’s residents included continued the rural practice of only 4,000 villagers to an estimated individual village households owning 20,000 migrants. Such urban villages and building their own houses. This provided the only low-cost housing allowed villagers to continue living in an increasingly expensive city in the village. Another portion of as well as offering a full range of land was “reserved construction shops and services. As the villages land.” This was collectively owned grew, they became more specialized. and could profitably be leased or Liede’s tenants were mostly male built on for industrial or commercial workers in low-skilled jobs, primarily purposes. Thus, in addition to from Hunan and Sichuan Provinces. a house site and monetary Linhe, located next to a metro compensation, each villager also station and in close proximity to received a share of the rent from six universities, attracted college these construction lands.9 Over time, students as well as young whitecollar workers who worked in the as land in Guangzhou became more Tianhe District. Although its rents valuable, villagers began to demand were higher than those of other a considerably larger amount of the appropriated land and the percentage urban villages, its living conditions were better and the rent was still grew from 5 to 12 percent. This one-third to half of those in the arrangement was purely pragmatic. surrounding area. Shipai established Rather than acknowledging the itself as Guangzhou’s sales center collective ownership of village land, 20

for all kinds of electronic equipment; shareholders, villagers will collect the its shops even set prices at the dividends on a permanent basis. This national level. policy ensures a fairer and more transparent distribution of village revenue, which is often a source Their rental incomes made the of serious contention in many villagers in these centrally located villages, while maintaining collective urban villages rich. In many cases, ownership.12 their combined rental and share incomes made it unnecessary for them to work. In Leide, for example, Guangzhou Reinvents 81 percent of the population were Itself jobless, yet their average income in 2005 was 5,475 RMB a month, which During the 1990s, Guangzhou found was double of what an employed itself lagging behind in the intense university graduate earned. Threecompetition between Chinese cities. fourths of this income came Although it had been a pioneer in from their shares in the village the opening-up period, attracting collective, while the rest came thousands of businesses and tourists, from the rents. The village’s elected other cities had surpassed it. committee managed and distributed Both Beijing and Shanghai became their shares. Since the 1990s, showcases of modern infrastructure, the Guangdong government has tourist attractions, and gleaming new encouraged villagers to transform business districts. Even its neighbors themselves into shareholding in the Pearl River Delta—Shenzhen companies, which corporatize the and Zhuhai—were rapidly developing village assets and hand out shares to as prosperous business centers. Their villagers. These companies convert modern skyscrapers and luxury hightheir collective assets—mostly the rise apartments contrasted sharply income generated by leasing their with Guangzhou’s aging buildings collective land—into shares. As and lack of cultural and commercial

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facilities. In response, the then mayor of Guangzhou envisioned a grandiose new city and in 1994 initiated plans to build completely two new central business districts (CBDs) to replace its aging historical center. Located along a central north-south axis from the Pearl River to the Guangzhou East Train Station, the mayor planned these two areas, New Pearl City and the CBD around the East Train Station in Tianhe District, to reorient and redevelop Guangzhou.13 In 1999, during the course of constructing two major freeway projects, the city destroyed the reserved land in several villages. The destruction led to serious conflicts with villagers.14 As a result, in 2000, the city government concluded that the existence of urban villages was a major impediment to its plans for redevelopment and thus embarked on an ambitious scheme to eliminate all 138 of them by 2010. The mayor (Lin Shusen, mayor from 1997 to 2003) set up a planning group, consisting of the heads of government departments

Image 1. Liede:  Ancestor hall in the remaining old village, 2010. Photo by Marco Cenzatti.

such as the Municipal Construction Committee, the Planning Bureau, and the Land Bureau. Since villages were excluded from the national planning structure, the Central Government gave local municipalities considerable freedom in dealing with the redevelopment planning and allowed them to experiment with negotiation and compensation practices. In Guangzhou, the increasing wealth of the urban villages helped improve their negotiating power. They also employed delaying tactics, as they were aware that protests and publicity would strengthen their bargaining power. This forced the government to proceed through persuasion rather than outright coercion. To counter their demands, the planning group proposed a twopronged approach. The first step would be to integrate villagers into the urban governance and control system, using the “Four Transformations Principle.” The second step was to institute “urban village reconstruction planning” to eliminate the urban village physically. The four transformations, while offering villagers some benefits, were designed to effectively terminate their unique spatial and political “rights”, thus undermining much of their power to negotiate with the municipal government. This would be accomplished by (1) giving villagers urban hukou; (2) replacing the village committee with a city resident committee;15 (3) transforming the village collective shareholding system into a corporation with individual shareholders; and (4) transforming collectively owned “village reserved” land to state-owned land.16 The government had some success with the first three transformations. By the end of 2005, 30 urban villages had transformed their village committees into city residents’ committees and had acquired urban

hukou. A thousand and four hundred villages had established shareholding companies.17 Changing land ownership and implementing the reconstruction process was more challenging since both required a financial committment that the city was unwilling to make. The high value of village “reserve land” deterred the city from buying it, leaving it in the hands of the village. Reconstruction planning also faltered on financing. Government restrictions had explicitly excluded real estate developers from involvement, and the city did not want to directly invest themselves. This left financing up to the villagers, but they saw no reason to invest since they were earning a significant income from their rents and shares, which they did not want to lose. In response to these difficulties, the planning group decided to demolish and reconstruct seven villages as “models” for subsequent efforts. They selected Leide, Linhe, Shipai, Xiancun,Yuancun,Yangji, and Sanyuanli, all located in central Gunagzhou.18 Two of these villages were major obstacles to the new developments. Liede Village, located on the Pearl River, at the northern end of the New Pearl City development and Linhe, located just behind the new Guangzhou East train station, the gateway to the Tianhe District. Although the goal was the same to eliminate the villages, the municipal government had to proceed differently in each village.

Redeveloping Liede By 2007, the need to redevelop Liede was urgent. The municipality perceived the village as an eyesore in the midst of its intensive

beautification efforts. Located just east of the new cultural district, it was adjacent to two key proposed monumental public projects, the Opera House, designed by Zaha Hadid, and the Guangdong Museum, designed by Rocco Yim. It was across the street from an important stadium site to be constructed for the Asian Games, which were held in Guangzhou in 2010. In spite of its current condition, Liede was an ancient village that traced its 800-year history back to the Song dynasty. It housed three different lineages—the Li, Liang, and Lin, each with its own ancestor halls.19 In 1994, the city had appropriated its farmland, formerly known for its fruit production, leaving the villagers with a small tract along the river. They developed this area intensively with a lucrative industrial zone, rental housing, and shops. With a rising return from their shares and rentals, prosperous villagers had no interest in participating in the reconstruction scheme, which they saw as a threat to their incomes. In 2002 the government had succeeded in implementing two of the “four transformations” in Liede. An urban neigborhood committee replaced the village committee and the Liede Economic Development Ltd. replaced the village collective corporation. But this was as far as they could go; without major financial incentives, the Economic Development company, now the village’s negotiating agent, continued to resist reconstruction.20 Although it was clear that the city would ultimately succeed and villagers began to add extra stories to their houses in order to receive increased compensation, the villagers held out for a strong compensation package. By May 2007, they had convinced Liede’s village committee to agree 22

to reconstruction. The city would compensate them according to the rule, “deconstruct one square meter, compensate one square meter” (chai yi bu yi 拆一補一 ). In exchange for every square foot of legal village dwelling, a villager received the same square footage in a new apartment. For illegal property (anything over four stories, a widespread practice) they received 1,000 RMB per square meter as a “material compensation fee.” In addition, villagers could buy extra square footage at a very low cost (3,500 RMB per square meter compared to the market price of 12,000 to 30,000 RMB per square meter). If they preferred cash, the compensation was 1,000 RMB per square meter. In addition, they would receive compensation to cover their move.21 In order to move ahead, the government lifted its restrictions on developers. The new mayor (Zhang Guangning) made a trip to Hong Kong to invite developers to take part in reconstructing urban villages. The city divided the village site into three parcels and auctioned off the largest to fund the reconstruction on

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the rest of the land. Two Guangzhou and one Hong Kong developers successfully bid for the land, which came with planning permissions for intensive development with a high floor area ratio (FAR). The eastern end of the site was allocated to the villagers as new apartments. The middle site went to the villagers’ collectively owned Star Hotel. And the west site went to the developers for building commercial and residential projects.22 In October 2007, the village started tearing itself down one section at a time. All of the existing buildings in the village were demolished, including the 800-yearold Lingnan-style ancestor hall. Four households briefly held out for higher compensation until the Liede Economic Development Company sued them.23 By 2008, the new apartments were under construction. Designed by the Guangdong Design Institute, they consisted of 37 closely packed highrise apartment towers ranging from 20 to 40 stories. Apartments ranged

from 50 to 240 square meters, with the average around 120 meters. A typical apartment type was a threebedroom, two-bath unit with an entrance garden and an L-shaped balcony. These were certainly far higher quality accommodation than anything in the old village and were comparable to what developers at the time advertised as “luxury housing.”24 The design institute also designed five enormous and elaborately reconstructed ancestor halls, loosely based on the village originals.25 Villagers drew straws to distribute the apartments and on September 28, 2010, one month before the Asian Games began, they moved in. At this point they received urban hukou, the final erasure of their rural village identity. The new hukou allowed them the same access to education and social services as Guangzhou’s urban residents.26 This project was universally applauded in Guangzhou. The Xinhua News Agency called it a “triple-win

Image 2. Liede: Demolition begins, 2009. Photo by Marco Cenzatti.

success: the government successfully financed the reconstruction, funded some public service, the developers got prime land to build on in the heart of the new CBD, and the villagers got large modern apartments.” Better still, given the need for fast-tracking important projects, the whole project had taken less than three years to complete. Leide became a paradigm for future village reconstruction: elimination of old village, reallocation of housing to villagers on site, based on equal floor area compensation, in highrise luxury towers with a high FAR, all financed by an auction of village land.27

New Planning Institutions In 2009, with Leide’s reconstruction well underway, the city established a new local government agency, the Guangzhou Urban Redevelopment Office, which was responsible for the demolition and redevelopment of “old city, old villages, and old factories.” In spite of its successful outcome, the Leide process had been inefficient, time-consuming, and expensive. The new agency would regularize and streamline the process. The director of the office, Su Zequn, stated his goal as eliminating nine urban villages before the Asian Games, to open up 10,000 square meters for development. Linhe Village, close to the Tianhe Stadium, would be the first to go. The new agency closely followed Leide’s example, as outlined above, with one significant exception. Instead of managing the redevelopment process, the government stepped back into an oversight role and allowed the village corporation, the Linhe Runyang Economic Development Company, Ltd., to take the lead in the process. The company worked directly with the developers, Sun Hung Kai

Properties from Hong Kong. Their main concern was to avoid the “rotten tail” problem visible all over Guangzhou, as developers ran out of money and abandoned partially completed projects. To assure the project’s completion, they asked Sun Hung Kai Properties to pay 940 million RMB as deposit. The sum would guarantee the completion of the village’s new housing towers.28 Linhe’s shareholders got an even better deal than Leide’s. Many received multiple apartments. The village was destroyed in 2010 and villagers moved into the new project in 2012.29 Although the pace was slower than what the officials and planners anticipated, the process of village elimination was inexorable. As this essay was written, out of the nine designated villages, only Linhe and Liede had been reconstructed.Yangji and Xiancun were in the demolition process at the time of writing; Shipai had completed the negotiation phase and the remaining villages were still negotiating. The other 129 urban villages left in Guangzhou’s central city areas30 will remain in this “urban redevelopment planning track,” slated for destruction and redevelopment in the next decade. In 2006, a major new village planning mandate appeared at the national level, spurred by continuing protests over land acquisition and compensation. The fourth session of the 11th National People’s Congress proposed guidelines for “constructing a new socialist countryside.” This formally assigned village planning to local planning bureaus and officially established the village as the smallest unit of Chinese planning. At the local level, following the Congress’ guidelines, this generated an enormous planning mobilization. The “Greater Guangzhou Metropolis,”31

the area outside of the six central city districts covered by the urban redevelopment planning track, contained 1,100 administrative villages, or 4,300 natural villages. From 2006 to 2009, planners surveyed and created plans for all of the villages, enlisting assistance from not only the planning bureaus but also design institutes, private firms, and even students from local universities. In spite of this different administrative structure, the widely scattered locations of the villages, and their highly diverse histories, the plans for the “Socialist New Villages” envision futures that are remarkably similar to those of the urban villages. With the exception of historically and architecturally significant villages, which will be preserved, the longterm goal is to eliminate existing villages and resettle villagers in highrise towers on a portion of their village land. Guangzhou will then acquire the remaining land and transform it into “construction land” for urban development, which will bring additional revenue to the city. One important goal is to eliminate the possibility of new urban villages, a process already underway in the peri-urban areas of the city.

Winners and Losers Readers may ask, as one member of the audience did at a recent presentation about Guangzhou’s urban villages, given by Helen Siu at UC Berkeley’s Center for Chinese Studies, “What’s the problem? The city government got land to develop, the villagers got new apartments and money. Nobody seems to have lost.”32 However, on closer examination, several categories of losers can be identified. The most obvious are the large number of migrant workers who have resided and continue to 24

reside in urban villages, typically outnumbering their village landlords. In Greater Guangzhou, there are villages completely inhabited by migrants, whose rents support the villagers living in modern apartments nearby. Since the only new housing being built in the city are luxury apartments, villages provide the only source of lowcost accommodation. Although small and sometimes substandard, these dwellings are popular not only with low-wage migrants but also attract young middle-class residents, other newcomers to the city, and even foreigners such as African merchants. The continuing destruction of urban villages forces them to relocate to other urban villages. The already overcrowded conditions will become worse. Since renters receive no compensation and many lost the deposits and fees they paid for their apartments, most ended up losing money as well as housing. Similarly, the migrants who operated most of the villages’ retail and service enterprises have also lost their businesses which are difficult to relocate to new sites. Finally, the migrant’s children, already disadvantaged in finding schools, have great difficulty in enrolling in new schools elsewhere. Where will they go when there are no urban villages left? The Guangzhou government has begun to construct public housing, but it is doubtful that it will accommodate even a fraction of the residents who have been expelled from villages. It is also unlikely that it will be available to migrants without Guangzhou hukou. The city of Guangzhou is therefore also a loser, since it will have to cope with the social tensions and economic consequences created by the absence of affordable housing. It could also be argued that, apart from appearance, in most cases urban 25

villages are successful settlements, contributing to the city’s economy and culture. In many cases, their dense fabric and low rents have encouraged the development of successful commercial districts catering to either specialized groups or selling specialized goods. Immigrants from other parts of China sell local products and open regional restaurants, introducing a new diversity into the city’s overwhelmingly Cantonese culture. This has led many observers to remark that villages are the only cosmopolitan spaces in Guangzhou. Perhaps even more important, the eradication of old villages and their replacement with high-rise buildings, disposed in super-blocks according to modernist site planning principles, eliminated every trace of settlement patterns that went back centuries and physically embodied the Lingnan culture of southern China. Their narrow lanes, small-scale urban fabric, enormous trees, and ancestor halls set along rivers or ponds were all emblematic of the lineage village, even if the housing had been replaced multiple times. The total erasure of such traditional spaces in Leide signaled that the mayor and municipal government considered them culturally meaningless. Many of the urban village redesigns produced by foreign and local architecture and planning studios proposed improving infrastructure and upgrading and replacing substandard dwellings while preserving the scale, street patterns, and historical buildings in these villages, but neither the city nor the planning bureaus appear to have considered these alternatives. This is surprising, considering that most Chinese planners are familiar with Western planning principles. Jane Jacob’s Death and Life of Great American Cities is a required text in the urban

planning curriculum in Guangzhou universities, yet its arguments against urban renewal do not appear to have influenced discussions of urban villages. Measured against the significant financial rewards that redeveloping village land can bring the city, these urban values and cultural values may appear trivial.Yet in the long run, it is likely that, as time passes, Guangzhou’s planners and official will recognize and regret the loss of these irreplacable urban spaces. Finally and most tragically, the villagers also lost. With the demise of their village, their village identities will gradually dissolve. They may remain in their modern apartments on the site of the former village for a generation or two, but as they melt into Guangzhou’s urban life, they can be expected to join the city’s frantic real estate market and move on to other, less exceptional ways of living. Their village identities were doubleedged. On the one hand, as “rural” residents in an urban setting, they had fewer benefits and opportunities than holders of Guangzhou hukou. Urbanites looked down upon them as uncultured and uneducated. But on the other hand, their unique territorial histories, ambiguous yet material claims to the land they occupied, electoral structure and lineage culture provided them with a degree of spatial, social, and financial autonomy rare in the contemporary Chinese city. These circumstances provided them with agency to shape the conditions of their lives and use them to their benefit, even if, in many cases, their power was potential rather than actualized. Even so, this constituted a genuine “bottom-up” urbanism in a city where top-down mandates play an ever-increasing role in city building. A further irony is the fact that, just as urban lineage villages are disappearing, interest in lineages, traditional practices and

ancestral villages is reemerging, among both local residents and overseas Chinese.You-Tien Hsing’s study of Shipai village, based on her research done in 2003, ends with a cautiously optimistic evaluation of the possibilities of the new village corporations to control and maintain their spatial identity. However, ten years later, the subsequent events described in this chapter make it clear that the only power the

villagers have left is the ability to negotiate the conditions of their own demise. The fate of the urban villages is sealed. But in Greater Guangzhou, given the sheer numbers of villages, the complex logistics involved in their redevelopment, and the significant resistance that can be expected to emerge, there is still the possibility of changing the urban values and

recognizing that villages can become active agents in the development of the region. In Guangzhou, as in the rest of China, the only constant is change. Given enough time, it is not only conceivable but likely that planners, officials, villagers, and city residents will reexamine the past and present circumstances of urbanizing villages and, it is to be hoped, rethink their futures.

Image 3. Liede in 2000.

Image 4. Leide in 2010. Note the completed megaprojects to the left of the former village. Photo by Google Earth.

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Image 5. Liede: New village housing and reconstructed ancestor hall, 2011. Photo by Marco Cenzatti.

1. The literature on urban villages in English and Chinese is enormous. Some examples include:You-tien Hsing, The Great Urban Transformation: Politics of Land and Property in China (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2010); L. Tian, “The chengzhongcun land market in China: Boon or bane? A persepective of property rights,” International Journal of Urban and Regional Research 32(2) (2008): 282–304; W. P. We, “Migrant housing in urban China: Choices and constraints,” Urban Affairs Review 38 (1) (2002): 90–110; X. P. Yan and L. H. Wei, “The persistence or transformation of urban villages in urban China,” Petermanns Geographische Mitteilungen 148 (5) (2004): 60–70; Lie Zhang, “Migrant enclaves and impacts of redevelopment policy in Chinese cities,” in Lawrence Ma and Fulong Wu (eds.), Restructuring the Chinese City: Changing Society, Economy, and Space (New York: Routledge, 2005), 243–259;Yan Xiaopei, Lihua Wei, and Zhou Ruibo, “Transformation of urban village and feasible mode: Case studies of Guangzhou urban

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villages” ( 快速城市化地區城鄉關 係協調研究：以廣州市「城中村」 改造為例 ) , City Planning ( 城市規 劃 ) 28(3) (2004): 30–38; Liu, “On the hampers of redevelopment of ‘transitional community’under the high-speed urbanization in China: Cases in Guangzhou and Shenzhen,” Geographical Research 129(14) (2010); L. Li, “Research on Guangzhou urban villages’ formation and transformation mechanism” ( 廣州市城中村形成及 改造機制研究 ) (Guangzhou: Sun Yatsen University, 2001). 2. A partial list includes the Graduate School of Design, Harvard University, the College of Environmental Design, UC Berkeley, National University of Singapore, the Berlage Institute (Netherlands), the Faculty of Architecture, University of Ferrarra, Italy, the Aarhus School of Architecture, Denmark, and the Bergen School of Architecture, Norway. 3. Guangzhou Government Office, Several Opinions on Village and Town Construction and Improving Urbanization by CCP Guangzhou Municipal

4.

5.

6.

7.

Government ( 中共廣州市委廣州市 人民政府關於加快村鎮建設步伐， 推進城市化進程的若干意見 ), 2000. David Faure and Helen Siu, “Conclusion,” in Down to Earth: The Territorial Bond in South China (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1990), 1–20, 209–224. William L. Parish, Chinese Rural Development:The Great Transformation (Armonk NY: M.E. Sharpe, 2000); Jonathan Unter, The Transformation of Rural China (Armonk NY: M.E. Sharpe, 2002); Anita Chan, Richard Madsen, and Jonathan Unger, Chen Village: Revolution to Globalization (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2009). Gregory Guldin, What’s a Peasant to Do? Village Becoming Town in Southern China (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 2001). Larry Diamond and Ramon H. Meyers, Elections and Democracy in Greater China (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001); Lianjiang Li and Kevin O’Brien, “The struggle over village elections,” in Merle Goldman and Roderick MacFarquahar (eds.), The Paradox of China’s Post-Mao

Development (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1999), 129–144. 8. Between 1979 and 2003, the builtup area grew from 87 sq. km to 240 sq. km, almost completely agricultural land obtained from villages. The Central Government gave Guangzhou the right to extend its administrative boundaries and it continued to grow. In 2005, it swallowed up most of the surrounding counties, becoming the “Greater Guangzhou Metropolis.” 9. You-tien Hsing, The Great Urban Transformation: Politics of Land and Property in China (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2010), 122–145. 10. An excellent description of this process can be found in Lanchih Po, “Property rights reforms in China,” Urban Studies 48(3) (February 2011): 509–528. 11. J. Fan and W. Taubmann, “Migrant enclaves in large Chinese cities,” in J. R. Logan (ed.), The New Chinese City: Globalization and Market Reform (Oxford: Blackwell, 2002), 157–183. 12. Lanchih Po, “Redefining rural collectives in China: Land conversion and the emergence of rural shareholding co-operatives,” Urban Studies 45(8): 1603–1623. 13. Michael J. Enright, Edith E. Scott, Kamun Chang (ed.), Regional Powerhouse: The Greater Pearl River Delta and the Rise of China (Singapore: John Wiley and Sons, 2005). 14. Nanfang Daily, “Records of ‘medium changes’ of Guangzhou city construction event” ( 廣州城市建設 「中變」大事記 ), October 19, 2001, http://news.sina.com.cn/c/2001–1019/381715.html. 15. Unlike the village committees, the urban citizens’ committee was not directly elected and had much less power. 16. The “four transformations” were translated into the following government documents and regulations: “Guangzhou village and town management regulations” 〈廣州市村鎮建設管理規定〉, “Guangzhou villagers construction land management regulation”〈廣 州市農村村民住宅建設用地 管理規定〉, “Guangzhou village real estate ownership registration regulation”〈廣州市農村房地產產

權登記規定〉, “Guangzhou village planning management regulation” 〈廣州市村莊規劃管理規定〉, “Guangzhou urban village temporary redevelopment regulation”〈廣州市 城中村改造管理暫行規定〉. 17. Yuanyuan Lian, “The research on ‘The Mode of Compensation and Resettlement’ in Liede VIC reform” ( 城中村改造模式研究：以廣 州市天河區獵德村為例 ) (Jinan University, 2009): 8–18. 18. Guangzhou Government Office, Several Opinions about “Urban Village” Redevelopment from Guangzhou Municipality (Guangzhou Government Office 2002, No. 17) ( 廣州市關 於「城中村」改制工作的若干意 見 ( 穗辦 2002 第 17 號 )), 2002. “Preservation and reconstruction urban villages in Guangzhou,” http:// www.newsgd.com/news/GDNews/ content/2011–06. Accessed December 9, 2012. 19. Apart from the three main lineages, Liede also had a history of absorting migrants. According to the goveronment’s census, in 2004, the total villagers’ population was 4,741(not including the migrants who do not hold Liede rural hukou), with 81 different family names. 20. Dong Cao and Rongjun Cai, “Guangzhou urban village reconstruction dilemma and strategy” ( 廣州城中村改造的困境和對策 ), Commerce Modernization, no. 2006(5) (May 2006). 21. Lian Yuanyuan, “The research on ‘The Mode of Compensation and Resettlement’ in Liede VIC reform” ( 城中村改造模式研究：以廣 州市天河區獵德村為例 ) (Jinan University, 2009), 10–30. 22. West of bridge site: 93,928 square meters, with 6 to 7 FAR, for commercial and residential buildings; east of bridge site: 127,883 square meters, with 5.2 FAR, for 37 residential towers and public service; southwest of bridge site: 32,446 square meters, with 5.3 FAR, for Liede Company’s Star Hotel. The calculation is based on “Planning scheme of Liede village reconstruction” by the Architecture Design and Research Institute of Guangdong Province.

23. Xinhua News, “Guangzhou Liede Village’s ‘nail household’” ( 廣州獵 德村的「釘子戶」), Xinhua News, December 5, 2007. 24. Tao Huang, “Allocation apartment types: Comparison of three urban villages in Tianhe” ( 天河三城中村： 獵德、林和村、冼村回遷房戶型大 比拼 ), April 4, 2010. 25. Yan et al., “New Liede Village will construct new ancestors halls” ( 新獵德村將建宗祠區 ), Sina News, November 30, 2007, http:// news.sina.com.cn/c/2007–1130/033412994242s.shtml. 26. Dayoo News, “From Liede Village to New Lingnan water town” ( 獵德村改造變嶺南新水鄉 ), September 2010, http://news.dayoo. com/guangzhou/201009/02/73437_ 13762568.htm. 27. Xinhua News, “Past, the old village; now, the new city landmark: In help with Asia Games wave, Liede Village got reconstructed” ( 昔日城中村　 今日羊城新地標：廣州天河區獵德 村借力亞運改造紀實 ), Xinhua News, January 5, 2011. 28. Xinhua News, “Sun Hung Kai takes part in Guangzhou and Foshan urban redevelopment, Linhe Village project will be carried out in 2012” ( 新鴻基 高調參與廣佛舊城改造　林和項目 2012 年推出 ), Xinhua News, May 17, 2012. 29. Xibao Tan, “Linhe Village reconstruction: Skycrapers ( 林和村 改造　堪比摩天大樓 ), Nandu Daily, March 26, 2010. 30. Including Baiyun District ( 白雲區 ), Yuexiu Distrct ( 越秀區 ), Tianhe District ( 天河區 ), Luogang District ( 蘿崗區 ), and Panyu District ( 番禺 區 ). 31. In April 2005, Guangzhou expanded its administrative area. The “Greater Guangzhou Metropolis” area covers the Guangzhou Central City Area (previously called Guangzhou City), Panyu District (which was Panyu City), Huadu District (which was Huadu City), Zengcheng City, and Conghua City. 32. “Financial tsunami meets village,” lecture given by Professor Helen Siu of Yale University, at the Center for Chinese Studies, UC Berkeley, April 10, 2010.

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City-inthe-Village: Huanggang and China’s Urban Renewal Nick R. Smith Rooted in the urban-rural dualism of the nation’s administrative system and catalyzed by rapid urbanization unleashed by post-1978 reforms, China’s “urban villages” have been decades in the making. As these villages became more widespread in the late 1980s, scholars and policymakers began to refer to them as “villages inside the city” (dushi li de cunzhuang). This phrase, descriptive and matter-of-fact, reflected a relatively non-normative discourse, which treated such villages as isolated “phenomena” (xianxiang) that needed to be better understood. Attention

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focused on both the positive and negative effects of urbanization within such villages, while the potential challenge they posed to cities remained a distant future possibility (Ren and Cheng 1989). By the mid-1990s, this possibility had become reality, and urban villages were identified as an urban “problem” (wenti) in need of a solution. This change coincided with the emergence of the neologism “village-in-the-city” (chengzhongcun), which inscribed the newly pejorative view of urban villages into the very language of the discourse (Yang 1996; Zheng 1997). Through its concatenation of the characters for city (cheng) and village (cun), the new term de-emphasized urban villages’ functioning as villages per se and instead highlighted their role as contradictory, illogical, and aberrant pieces of the city. Attention turned away from the internal logic of these villages and towards their negative influence on the surrounding city.

This shift in focus is reflected in the metaphors and imagery that are still used to describe “villages-in-thecity,” particularly their portrayal as “malignant tumors” (duliu) in the city’s organic body (Yang 1996; Lü and Zhou 2006). They are “dirty, messy, and inferior” (zang luan cha) spaces that degrade the city’s “form” (xingxiang) and harbor urban ills such as crime and vice (Zheng 1997; Shen and Zhong 2007; Shao 2010). This “infection” adversely influences the city’s healthy development, including land use efficiency, land values, safety, urban competitiveness, globalization, modernization, sustainability, and capital accumulation (Li and Lin 2007; Xu 2007; Xu and Liu 2007; Chen 2008; Shao 2010). It should therefore come as no surprise that proposed solutions have drawn heavily on the precedent of mid-twentieth-century urban renewal in Europe and the United States. Urban surgery is prescribed in order to “remake” (gaizao) and

Image 1. Security guards monitor incoming and outgoing traffic at the entrance to the village center. Photo by Nick R. Smith.

Image 2. A traditional gate marks the transition from the Shenzhen street grid to the village center. Photo by Nick R. Smith.

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“renew” (gengxin) these cancerous nodes of spatial and social disorder. This renewal aims at transforming the “perverse” urbanization of the villages into the “true urbanization” (zhenzheng chengshihua) of the city (Shen and Zhong 2007). Urban villages will be turned into new urban neighborhoods (xiaoqu) seamlessly integrated into the formal urban fabric (Xu 2007; Chen 2008). Implementation of these ideas began in Shenzhen as early as 1997, but these efforts were then scaled up in 2004 with the introduction of new planning regulations for urban villages (Chung 2009; for a discussion of similar planning efforts in Guangzhou, see Crawford and Wu’s chapter in this volume).

served by such villages, particularly the provision of inexpensive housing for large numbers of migrant laborers, without whom cities would struggle to grow (Zhang et al. 2003; Tian 2008). As a consequence, the debate over the urban renewal of “villages-in-the-city” has increasingly shifted to social issues, such as land rights, compensation, re-housing, and migration policy (Cai and Ma 2012; He et al. 2011). This has culminated in a movement for “organic renewal,” which calls for social programs to complement spatial rebuilding (Yang et al. 2011).

dense, crowded housing, as well as public spaces, which are understood to be nearly non-existent (Li and Lin 2007). Though redevelopment policies offer options for nonrenewal and partial-renewal in villages that are already up to code, renewal advocates observe that such instances are rare. Even when these strategies are possible, the needs of the city take precedence; for instance, code-compliant villages in the central business district may be demolished anyway to allow highervalue land use (Tian 2005). These caveats make clear the preference for total clearance and tabula rasa development, with existing village spaces retained only when cost or historic preservation necessitate it (Xu and Liu 2007; He 2011). In both cases, village-produced space is something to be tolerated, but rarely prized.

Critics have subsequently rehearsed the arguments of Jane Jacobs, Paul Davidoff, and others to counter these campaigns (Wang and Dai 2006; Ma 2007). They have also pointed to the unique functions

While the urban renewal of “villagesin-the-city” has been increasingly challenged on social grounds, the need for the city to plan, design, and order the space of these villages has gone largely unquestioned (Xu 2007; Shao 2010; exceptions are rare and primarily limited to the English-language literature, such as Wang et al. 2009). This includes

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Image 3. A fountain leads up to the ancestral hall in the distance. Photo by Nick R. Smith.

In this process of urban design, the agency of the municipality and its

Image 4. Rows of palm trees lead towards the ancestral hall. Photo by Nick R. Smith.

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planning apparatus is paramount (Ma 2007; Wang 2011). Real estate development companies and village entities, such as shareholding corporations, frequently participate in the implementation of renewal by organizing demolition and construction activities, but these actors are thought to lack the skills, expertise, and concern for the public welfare that are needed to lead and plan such projects (Cheng 2003; Tian 2005). In particular, village-led renewal risks recreating the spatial disorder it sets out to replace (Shi 2011). The result is the reification of urban villages as passive spaces that lack even the potential to contribute value to the city; instead, municipal intervention is needed to rescue them through renewal and revalorization. This latent urban bias is reflected in the continued, unreflective use of the term “village-in-the-city,” which implicitly sustains the formal critique first used to indict urban villages in the mid-1990s. As an

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antidote to such a view, this chapter proposes a search for the “cityin-the-village” (cunzhongcheng), an equally oxymoronic turn of phrase (see Cenzatti’s chapter for a further discussion of the inadequacy of received urban vocabulary) that highlights urban villages’ potential to originate creative and valuable spaces that are not only compatible with but absolutely indispensable for the future of the surrounding city. The following discussion illustrates this possibility through the exploration of Huanggang Village, located in the Futian District of Shenzhen. Through the redesign of its public space, led by the village shareholding corporation, Huanggang promises to revalorize the space of downtown Shenzhen by infusing it with the identity and meaning it currently lacks.

The Village as Urban Laboratory Like other urban villages in Shenzhen, Huanggang’s development

has been rooted in the collective control of village land in the midst of rapid urbanization and skyrocketing land values. Registered villagers have reaped the benefits of this windfall in two primary ways. On the one hand, land parcels within the village have been allotted to village households for the construction of apartment buildings for rent to migrant laborers, resulting in the dense, self-built residential fabric that is a hallmark of such villages. On the other hand, villagers have been issued shares in a village shareholding corporation, the Shenzhen Huanggang Holdings Company Limited (Shenzhen Shi Huanggang Shiye Gufen Youxian Gongsi), which has undertaken a variety of commercial and real estate activities. Under the leadership of this shareholding corporation, Huanggang has achieved a level of development far beyond that of most urban villages, with high-rise office buildings, platform residential developments, and public parks. This is in part due

Image 5. The village center is dominated by an arcade punctuated by a clock tower and a jumbo-tron. Photo by Nick R. Smith.

to its unique location, straddling the city’s central north-south axis in the middle of downtown Shenzhen. Blessed with such valuable land, Huanggang’s shareholding corporation has transformed itself into a modern real estate development firm, one that wields significant power in negotiations with the district and the municipality. The result has been a village that, in the words of one municipal planner, is “even more urbanized than the city” (bi chengshi geng chengshihua). This chapter focuses on Huanggang’s village center, much of which was redesigned in the late 1990s. The redesign process turned the center into a kind of urban laboratory, a space where the village experiments with its evolving identity as it seeks to resolve its rural past with its urban future. Not all of these design experiments have been successful— many are derivative imitations and some raise questions about village

priorities—but each intervention in some way mediates between the spiritual and historical center of the village, the ancestral hall, and the surrounding urban environment. Together, these spaces weave a narrative about Huanggang’s (and, by extension, Shenzhen’s) journey of transformation. The beginning of this sequence is symbolically marked by a traditional gate (paifang), a historical simulacrum that announces Huanggang’s village center as a separate space, infused with a cultural, social, and historical meaning distinct from the surrounding city. Actual entrance into the village is granted a few meters later, where uniformed guards man a security gate and monitor all incoming and outgoing traffic. This checkpoint marks the transition from municipal to village territory, not unlike other urban fiefdoms in China, such as corporate campuses and residential communities.

Less evident to the naked eye are the myriad closed-circuit security cameras monitoring every square meter of the village center. In a fitting coincidence, these cameras are routed to a security center located in the base of a clock tower that overlooks the village center, a modern-day panopticon. These cameras ensure that the space of the village center is “civilized” (wenming), cleansed of the vices and dangers of “villages-in-the-city.” As the leader of Huanggang pointed to the wall of television screens displaying video footage from every corner of the village, he proudly claimed, “It’s safer in Huanggang than it is in the rest of the city.” This clock tower is also the visual focal point of the village’s pedestrian center, Huanggang’s “culture plaza” (wenhua guangchang). A quotation of a European town hall, the tower sits atop an arcade of columns rendered in marble and stucco, not

Image 6. Platforming outside the ancestral hall achieves small-scale modal separation. Photo by Nick R. Smith.

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Image 7. Huanggang’s rebuilt ancestral hall, overlooked by high-rise residential developments. Photo by Nick R. Smith.

unlike the eclectic “postmodern” design one might find in an American festival marketplace. A jumbo-tron is attached at one end, facing the village entrance. In what has become a universal symbol of centrality (for instance, Times Square or Shibuya), the giant television screen broadcasts images of the village’s modernity. Meanwhile, the traditional half-moon pool that lies at the center of many southern Chinese villages has been transformed into a fountain worthy of the Las Vegas Strip. The result is a space of spectacle and aspiration— the yearning to be recognized as a “truly” urban place is palpable. As explained by the inscription at the base of the bull statue that marks the edge of this space, Huanggang villagers are united and unwavering in their pursuit of progress.

a design element that references the modal separation of pedestrian walkways in nearby Hong Kong. Though hardly necessary from a functional perspective (the road underneath is a minor, two-lane access road), the platform facilitates a seamless connection between the village center below and the ancestral hall above.

From the entrance gate, to the semicircular arcade, to the pedestrian platform, each successive design element tells a story about Huanggang’s evolving identity, and each also leads the visitor deeper into the village’s space, transitioning from the rush of Shenzhen’s downtown to the spiritual and historical heart of Huanggang, the ancestral hall. Separated from the noise and bustle of traffic and The fountain, lined by rows of palm shopping below, the space around trees, leads past the arcade to the ancestral hall is reverently quiet. another plaza raised on a platform Apartment buildings and skyscrapers that separates the pedestrian tower overhead, but the ancestral corridor from vehicular traffic below, hall feels separate from the city, part

of a different spatial and temporal rhythm. While the spectacle of the village center displays Huanggang’s urban aspirations, the ancestral hall represents the village identity it seeks to preserve. These values, such as filiality and consanguinity, are in stark contrast with the ills of vice and crime with which “villages-in-thecity” are associated. The importance that Huanggang attaches to these values is reflected in the care it took to rebuild the hall after it was torn down during the construction of Fumin Road, which now bisects the village. In the process, the ancestral hall was designated as the nation’s first village-level museum, and it now serves to document and display the history of the village and its recent development. This reverence for the past is further reinforced by the fact that the only extant buildings predating the reform period are preserved just to the south of the ancestral hall.

Image 8. Two office buildings built by the Huanggang shareholding corporation, with the rebuilt ancestral hall in the foreground. Photo by Nick R. Smith.

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Image 9. Pre-reform housing is preserved to the south of the ancestral hall, with villagers’ self-built apartment buildings in the background. Photo by Nick R. Smith.

Through the redesign of its village center, Huanggang has revalorized its space. By invoking what it sees as the best of both the urban (spectacle, centrality, commerce) and the rural (filiality, consanguinity, memory), Huanggang seeks to fashion a new identity that transcends the two. Indeed, the very meaning of values such as filiality has been transformed in the process. While much of the ancestral hall museum documents the history of the village, pride of place is now given to a scale model depicting Huanggang’s next phase of development. Glorifying the ancestors is now just as much a matter of turning Huanggang into a sparkling icon of urban modernity as it is about offering sacrifices to the dead.

The Village and Urban Renewal Huanggang’s more recent plans for development take this search for a new identity even further. In

collaboration with the district and municipal governments, Huanggang has designed a new southern axis for the city of Shenzhen. This plan envisions a series of skyscrapers and high-rise apartment buildings that extend the city’s central axis south from the convention center into the territory of Huanggang. Two of the office towers, glass-and-steel structures that would blend into any modern urban skyline, have already been built. To make way for this new vision, Huanggang plans to demolish much of the current building stock, including villagers’ self-built housing. The village center, meanwhile, will be preserved, forming a minor east-west axis that intersects with the city’s north-south axis at the ancestral hall. Huanggang’s ancestral hall will become the southern anchor of a series of municipal institutions that comprise the city’s Civic Center (shimin zhongxin).

Like civic centers elsewhere in China, Shenzhen’s central axis is monumentally scaled: vast plazas are populated by isolated avant-garde buildings and transected by multilane boulevards that make the space more easily traversed by car than by foot. While such a space effectively brands the city center, it bears little relationship to the citizens (shimin) for whom it is named. Indeed, much of Shenzhen’s urban fabric is similarly disassociated from everyday life. It often feels like a patchwork of disjointed spaces, hastily thrown together as the city’s development careens ahead. It is an exciting space, breathtaking at times, filled with the thrill of opportunity pursued at breakneck speed; but it can also be alienating, with the city’s shallow roots, its lack of history, laid bare. It is in Shenzhen’s urban villages that one gets a sense of the city’s historical roots, of spaces invested with affective meaning. These

Image 10. The village security center, located in the base of the clock tower. Photo by Nick R. Smith.

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villages are not a panacea for the abstract space of Shenzhen, and they should be neither nostalgized nor romanticized—many of the problems cited by urban reformers are real. But neither can Shenzhen afford to erase them in the name of urban renewal. With each village renewal project, another piece of the city’s identity is swept clean, and the abstract, monotonous space of “real urbanization” spreads. Instead of “seamless” integration, Shenzhen needs to find the seams where these villages can be carefully woven into the city fabric, transforming what often are relatively isolated village enclaves into sources of vitality and meaning. This is why Huanggang is so important. Huanggang’s village center preserves the essence of the village but does not reify it. Rather, it tells a story about the village’s search for a new hybrid identity, one that balances respect for its rural past

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and the promise of its urban future. Writ large, this story of tension and mutuality between rural and urban is the story of Shenzhen (Bach 2010). Not only will the village offer a welcome human-scaled reprieve from the monumentality of the city center, it will also inject the values and identity it has cultivated directly into the heart of the city. Huanggang is in many ways unique, and the specifics of its developmental path will not be replicable in other urban villages with different locations, experiences, and resources. Indeed, it would be a mistake to treat Huanggang as a model to be blindly imitated by other villages. This is particularly true because Huanggang’s success has not come without sacrifice, including, for instance, the massive demolition and dislocation necessary to make way for skyscrapers and their high-paying corporate tenants.

Nevertheless, Huanggang’s shareholding corporation has succeeded in leading a collaboration of village, district, and municipal actors in a project that promises to reinvigorate the space of central Shenzhen, a demonstration of the positive and proactive role that “villages-in-the-city” are capable of undertaking in renewing urban space. This potential for the city’s urban villages to positively shape the planning of the city has already begun to attract the attention of some of Shenzhen’s forward-thinking planners (Huang 2011), but the majority of planners, scholars, and policy-makers still view “villages-inthe-city” as disorderly spaces that need to be renewed and revalorized by the municipality. Huanggang challenges these deeply rooted preconceptions about China’s urban renewal, suggesting instead that it is the village that should be renewing and revalorizing the space of the city.

Image 11. The leader of Huanggang explains a model of the village’s future development. Photo by Nick R. Smith.

References Bach, Jonathan. 2010. “‘They come in peasants and leave citizens’: Urban villages and the making of Shenzhen, China.” Cultural Anthropology 25 (3): 421–458. doi:10.1111/j.1548– 1360.2010.01066.x. Cai, Weihui, and Yongjun Ma. 2012. “Chengzhongcun gaizao xin silu” [New thinking on the reform of villages-in-the-city].” Hezuo Jingji Yu Keji [Co-operative Economy and Science] (1): 26–28. Chen, Liuqin. 2008. “Gaizao ‘chengzhongcun’ tuidong chengshihua jiankang fazhan” [Reforming villagesin-the-city promotes the healthy development of urbanization]. Chengshi Guanli Yu Keji [Urban Management, Science and Technology] (5): 43–44. Cheng, Jialong. 2003. “Shenzhen tequ chengzhongcun gaizao kaifa moshi yanjiu” [Research of the reconstruction mode of villages inside the city in the Special Economic Zone of Shenzhen]. Chengshi Guihua Huikan [Urban Planning Forum] (3): 57–60. Chung, Him. 2009. “The planning of ‘villages-in-the-city’ in Shenzhen, China: The significance of the new state-led approach.” International Planning Studies 14(3): 253. doi:10.1080/13563470903450606. He,Yiting. 2011. “Chengzhongcun zhengti gaizao yu wenhua yichan baohu de tanjiu” [On exploration for general reform in village of city and cultural heritage protection]. Shanxi Jianzhu [Shanxi Architecture] (16). He, Zhe, Shiwan Zhang, Wei Zhou, and Pengfei Li. 2011. “Chengzhongcun guihua gaizao de lilun jichu ji xiangguan zhengce fenxi” [Theoretical foundations and related policy analysis regarding the planning and reform of villages-in-the-city]. Zhongxiao Qiye Guanli yu Keji [Management and Science for Small and Medium Enterprises] (12): 84. Huang, Weiwen. 2011. “Urban planning and urban village: Who is reforming whom?” Community Design (5). Li, Wei, and Yilin Lin. 2007. “Shenzhen chengzhongcun gaizao zhong de waibu gonggong kongjian suzao”

[Study on external space creation of city village in Shenzhen].” Shanxi Jianzhu [Shanxi Architecture] (29). Lü, Bin, and Qi Zhou. 2006. “Shenzhen Shi jinqi ‘chengzhongcun’ gaizao de guihua kongzhi ji celüe sikao” [Some measures for planning control with regard to the recent rebuilding for ‘the villages located inside the city proper’ in the city of Shenzhen]. Zhongguo Guotu Ziyuan Jingji [Natural Resource Economics of China] (6). Ma, Hang. 2007. “Shenzhen chengzhongcun gaizao de chengshi shehuixue shiye fenxi” [Renewal of city village in Shenzhen from the perspective of Urban Sociology]. Chengshi Guihua [City Planning Review] (1): 26–32. Ren, Wenhui, and Fan Cheng. 1989. “‘Dushi li de cunzhuang’ de jintian he mingtian” [The present and future of ‘villages inside the city’]. Jianzhu Xuebao [Architectural Journal] (3): 5–9. Shao, Renwei. 2010. “Lun chengzhongcun de chengyin ji gaizao de biyaoxing: Yi Shenzhen wei li” [A discussion of the causes and the necessity for the modification of the village in the city: A case study of Shenzhen municipality]. Yichun Xueyuan Xuebao [Journal of Yichun College] (7): 55–57. Shen, Lei, and Dexiang Zhong. 2007. “Chengzhongcun gaizao sheji shili fenxi” [Analysis of design practice in rebuilding countryside-in-city]. Shanxi Jianzhu [Shanxi Architecture] (17). Shi,Yingjun. 2011. “Chengzhongcun gaizao moshi yanjiu” [Research on models of village-in-the-city reform]. Henan Shehui Kexue [Henan Social Sciences] (1): 206–207. Tian, Li. 2008. “The chengzhongcun land market in China: Boon or bane? A perspective on property rights.” International Journal of Urban and Regional Research 32 (2) (June): 282–304. doi:10.1111/j.1468– 2427.2008.00787.x. Tian, Zhenyu. 2005. “Shenzhen chengzhongcun jianzhu gaizao de mubiao he fangshi” [Goals and methods of architectural rebuilding of villages-in-the-city in Shenzhen]. Tequ Jingji [Special Zone Economy] (1): 17–21. Wang, Huamei. 2011. “‘Chengzhongcun’ renju huanjing gengxin gaizao de

jianyi” [Recommendations on the renewal of the residential environment of ‘villages-in-the-city’]. Keji Xinxi [Science and Technology Information] (8): 594. Wang,Ya Ping,Yanglin Wang, and Jiansheng Wu. 2009. “Urbanization and informal development in China: Urban villages in Shenzhen.” International Journal of Urban and Regional Research 33 (4) (December): 957–973. doi:10.1111/ j.1468–2427.2009.00891.x. Wang,Yaowu, and Donghui Dai. 2006. “Shenzhen shi gao midu chengzhongcun gaizao de shiyanxing yanjiu” [An experimental study of the reconstruction of high-density city village in Shenzhen]. Chengshi Jianzhu [Urbanism and Architecture] (12): 37–41. Xu, Desen. 2007. “Chengzhongcun gaizao de Futian moshi” [The Futian model of village-in-the-city reform]. Zhongguo Dangzheng Ganbu Luntan [China Cadres Tribune] (11): 53–54. Xu,Yuanming, and Yinan Liu. 2007. “‘Chengzhongcun’ gaizao de biyaoxing ji duice” [The necessity of ‘village-in-the-city’ reform and countermeasures]. Jianzhu Keji [Construction Science and Technology] (23): 24–25. Yang, An. 1996. “‘Chengzhongcun’ de fangzhi” [The prevention of ‘villagesin-the-city’]. Chengxiang Jianshe [Urban and Rural Development] (8): 30–31. Yang, Haozhong, Jin Wang, and Zhaojun Zhou. 2011. “‘Youji gengxin’ lilun zai chengzhongcun gaizao zhong de yingyong yuanze qianxi” [Preliminary analysis of the principles of application of ‘organic renewal’ theory in the reform of villages-in-the-city]. Qianyan [Forward Position] (10). Zhang, L., Simon X. B. Zhao, and J. P. Tian. 2003. “Self-help in housing and chengzhongcun in China’s urbanization.” International Journal of Urban and Regional Research 27 (4) (December): 912–937. doi:10.1111/ j.0309–1317.2003.00491.x. Zheng, Jian. 1997. “‘Chengzhongcun’ wenti ji duice” [‘Villages-in-the-city’ problems and countermeasures]. Dangdai Jianzhu [Modern Architecture] (4): 20.

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Image 12. The Shenzhen Convention Center is currently framed by self-built housing that will be torn down to make way for the new central axis. Photo by Nick R. Smith.

A Village by the Special Economic Zone: The Dafen Paradigm of China’s Urbanization Jiang Jun At the Shanghai World Expo 2010, a village named Dafen was selected to represent Shenzhen in the Urban Best Practices area. This village is on the outskirts of Shenzhen and is best known for its reproduction of oil painting masterpieces. But Dafen is also a typical town, and the major development ideas and practices in China that have emerged during the last half century can be found here: the industrialization of rural areas, special economic zones (SEZs), land

reform, rural migrant workers, “madein-China” factories, the village-inthe-city, and the creative and cultural industry. Selecting Dafen to participate in the Expo also signals that China’s informal economy developed in the past three decades is gradually being recognized and incorporated into official planning practices and policies. Though predictably controversial, the selection of Dafen was insightful, as the village can be seen as a representative of China’s larger urban and social transformation process and is simultaneously a model for development in the future. Dafen’s success also suggests that it is possible to nurture locally sensitive “created-in-China” industries on the foundation of the previous “made-inChina” model.

SEZ, Second Frontier, Informal Economy Shenzhen has rapidly developed from an obscure fishing village into China’s

largest and youngest migrant city. Because of the pioneering spirit of the SEZ, informal and spontaneous risk-taking has been encouraged since its inception. The government has carefully orchestrated the development of Shenzhen. The SEZ has been under strict surveillance and control to ensure that only minor variations exist within the “common ground.” This area of control is explicit, and for two decades after the creation of the SEZ, people from the hinterland still need to hold a “border permit” to enter Shenzhen; they pass through the “second frontier” check-post guarded by the army, and undergo border checks. Shenzhen has become a “beleaguered city” of the new era, experiencing a free economy, and also the chaos brought by the reforms (Jiang 2006). The huge economic difference between Hong Kong and Shenzhen is destined to breed adventure. Large-scale smuggling once took place along the

Image 1. Aerial photograph of Dafen Village in Shenzhen. Photo by Underline Office and Yan Fei.

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Hong Kong-Shenzhen border before the development of the SEZ. With the establishment of the second frontier, the Dafen residents focused on setting up their own businesses. The success of these ventures has brought remarkable economic benefits to the population of this fast-growing city (Jiang 2007). One factor that has led to Dafen’s success is its geographical location. Shenzhen was surrounded by the first and second frontiers, where customs and security checkpoints connected the SEZ, hinterland China and Hong Kong. In these areas, a series of open or secret “economic zones” involved in border trade gradually emerged. Dafen is directly connected to Hong Kong through the Buji checkpoint and the Luohu customs (it has thus become the most urbanized region outside the border). Because of its proximity to Hong Kong, the village has attracted considerable foreign investments and at the same time enjoys convenient access to labor resources from the hinterland. These two factors help Dafen establish an “informal special zone” and an export-oriented economy. The oil painting industry has gradually developed and grown in the area. But the success of Dafen’s oil painting industry also resulted from the “one brand in one village” policy, driven by the market and guided by the government. Dafen is one example of many similarly specialized industrial villages in rural China.

Land Reform, Cheap Labor, and LaborIntensive Industry The other success of the Dafen model lies in the large supply of cheap labor transferred from the hinterland. China initiated 43

land reform in rural areas at the same time when the SEZs were established. The practically unlimited supply of rural surplus labor combined with the cheap land and foreign investment was the fuel for China’s industrialization and urbanization in the first three decades of reform. The industrialization and urbanization of villages and towns were launched in the 1980s and lasted for ten years. After that, the agricultural production marginalized by the long-lasting price scissors between industrial products and agricultural produce took rural China back to an unprofitable situation in the 1990s, during which Dafen started its oil painting industry. Similar to other township industries, after training the peasant workers to become competent and artistically skilled workers, Dafen integrates the cheap labor from the hinterland and cheap rent in the urban villages into a vast amount of low-price oil painting products. These products then enter the global market. However, the special nature of fine arts to educate and cultivate human beings through literature and culture distinguishes Dafen’s oil painting industry from others. At an earlier stage, the artistic training in Dafen was an assembly-line-type skill training only for low-skilled workers. But today, it has evolved into qualityoriented training that is open to students, craftsmen, and painters, making it possible for Dafen to both export its oil painting products and nourish human resources specialized in fine arts. Dafen can now introduce quality-oriented education to a pure Fordist art production, through enriching workers’ skills so that they can become more actively involved in the creative industry, and cope with the Pearl River Delta’s shrinking

export-oriented economy and increasing labor costs.

Made-in-China China has produced two versions of the “made-in-China” models during the last sixty years of industrialization. The first three decades saw a model dominated by large, state-owned enterprises which tended to focus on capital-intensive heavy industries. In the last three decades, China has gradually added another model in which private enterprises play a significant role and labor-intensive light industries are more typical. Dafen’s painting industry is an example of the second model. Although it is not a typical “industry,” the painting business in Dafen stresses “quantity” over “quality” and competes on price. While the industry ranks relatively low in the global industrial chain, it is still able to obtain decent economic benefits. The manufacturing entities are mainly small and medium-sized enterprises that are responsible for their own profit and loss. Family workshops are still prevalent and so are the monotonous tasks on the assembly lines. Scenes of laborintensive manufacturing production, such as group dining halls and workers’ dormitories, have formed the “sweatshop” image that is central to the “made-in-China” paradigm.1 Dafen’s oil painting industry also brings developments to other businesses such as frame-building, canvas-making, and other material supplies. These businesses offer different opportunities to the artists. The development of the oil painting industry helps stimulate growth in other sectors, including logistics, catering, and service-oriented businesses in and around Dafen. The informal economy of Dafen takes on

the formal images of Western fine arts; its products cover almost all genres in Western art history, and the industry here processes them into artistic goods that are massively assembled. The uniqueness of Dafen lies in its ability to produce classical Western aesthetics in an Eastern agricultural country.

Industrial Village, Urban Village, and Urban Community Driven by the export-oriented industry, China’s coastline has swiftly transformed from a unitary industrial cluster into polynary coastal city groups, while urbanization gradually spreads from state-owned land in the city to the rural areas, resulting in the “de-agriculturalization” of suburban areas. Agriculture shifts into industry and commerce while the collectively-owned land becomes state-owned. The farming land

is used for construction and the peasants become workers in the industrial villages or landlords in the urban villages. There is a gap between the rapid urbanization that takes place in the current market economy and the remaining urban-rural dual system that went back to the planned economy period, and the “villagein-the-city” is a product of this conflict. Due to the urban-rural dual system established after the founding of the People’s Republic of China, the “house sites” policy implemented in the rural areas contrarily becomes the only economic attraction to the peasants after the agricultural areas have been urbanized. Agricultural land has been used for urban construction; villagers have begun to build private houses and rent them to the sharply increasing nomadic population in the city. Although the village-in-city is described as an “urban cancer”

Image 2. Migrant family in Dafen Village. Photo by Yu Haibo.

because of its notoriously crowded and untidy image, its development is informally planned according to the market’s demand. It meets most of the requirements of its nomadic population and offers the residents affordable accommodation, which is a key element to maintaining a stable city order. Dafen is the spatial result of the successive collision of three elements: the land collectivization in rural areas, the clusterization of the oil painting industry, and the integration of regions outside and inside Shenzhen. In the past, Dafen was merely one of the villages around the Pearl River Delta’s alluvial plain. Most of these villages experienced fierce deagriculturalization in the last three decades of reform.Villages on the outskirts have transformed into production-oriented industrial villages, while those located in the downtown have become

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consumption-oriented urban villages. The urban-rural dual system, including the house sites and the household registration system, isolates the industrial and urban villages in a cluster of prehistoric solitary islands amid modern industrialization and urbanization. It is the non-agricultural villages built upon these house sites that lower the threshold of the entire Pearl River Delta. These villages provide space for small- and mediumsized enterprises as well as lowskilled workers. The lower cost housing enhances the region’s competitiveness within the global industrial chain.

From “Made in China” to “Created in China” At the end of the last century, the coastal SEZs have become less significant as the once unique economic experiment has been promoted throughout the country. In search for a more sustainable development model beyond the border economy, Shenzhen has attempted to develop its “cultural” industries. Challenged by relentlessly rising rents, the oil painting industry required a prompt shift from a narrowly focused, low-profit but large-volume economic base. Having undergone this identity crisis, Dafen’s oil painting industry has transformed into a creative industry. The village’s rediscovery of local production and the establishment of an artculture brand are driven by both the bottom-up informal development and the posterior, top-down selfconscious design by city leaders. Dafen’s cultural development model has been heavily promoted within the state and local governments. The establishment of a series of cultural

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institutions and public spaces, including the Dafen Art Museum, strengthens the village’s position as a landmark in city management (SUIADR, “The Environmental Renovation of Dafen Oil Painting Village,” 2006). The public policies planned especially for “artists” in regard to housing and household registration further highlight Dafen’s importance as a model in stimulating the creative industry. When Dafen introduced gallery space, offered residences and scholarships to young artists, and improved public space, it created a community and encouraged original creation over factory reproduction. Having evolved from being a painting-related manufacturer, to an actual artist, Dafen has been able to diversify. It has become a “special cultural zone” in the era of post-SEZ. Dafen is paradigmatic not only because of its fast and complete transformation from a rural village to an industrial village. It has also finally become an urban community. In the urban reformation process, Dafen has partly retained its productive nature as an oil painting industry base. By combining a supply created by industrialization with a demand stemming from internal urbanization, Dafen now possesses features that are more in common with “villages” (such as New York’s SOHO) than the innumerable urban villages in Shenzhen. The Dafen model suggests that there is potential within the unique space produced by China’s rural urbanization and informal industrialization during the last twenty years. The area has been preserved as historical heritage and reinterpreted as a center for upstart creative industries. The cultural identifiers—usually erased in urban village reconstruction projects—are

actually Dafen’s chief capital. Dafen has successfully repositioned itself as a “created-in-China” model (Keane 2007). Dafen represents a paradigm for urbanization in China’s more mature economy. The district’s transformation from a “made-inChina” model towards a holistic and multilevel manufacturing system and the diversification of the community reflects a shift towards a more sustainable development. This model chosen by Dafen not only makes the area the most distinctive among Shenzhen’s numerous urban villages, it also presents a reference for the redevelopment of other urban villages in China.

1. These visual tropes of high art and factory sweatshops are discussed by Winnie Wong in reference to a New York Times slideshow featuring Dafen’s workers posing with famous art pieces. See Wong 2008.

References Keane, Michael. 2007. “Media, culture and social change in Asia.” In Created in China:The Great New Leap Forward. London and New York: Routledge. Jiang, Jun. 2006. “Informal China: A history of control and out-of-control.” Volume 2: 20, Amsterdam. ———. 2007. “Regenerating Shenzhen: Transformation of the SEZ in the national strategy evolution.” Urban China 24: 12, Shanghai. ———. 2008. “Creative China.” Urban China 33: 14, Shanghai. ———. 2009. “Deep plowing the land reform: 30 years of system reform marches inwards.” Urban China 36: 15, Shanghai. ———. 2010a. “Urban China: Social transformation and dynamic mechanism of the agriculture civilization.” Urban China 40: 14, Shanghai.

Image 3. Panorama of Dafen Village galleries. Photo by Underline Office and Yan Fei.

———. 2010b. “From agricultural China to urban China: The civilization’s foundations, historical heritage and reform impetus of China’s urbanization.” In Shanghai New Town, edited by Harry Den Hartog. Rotterdam: 010 Publishers. Southeast University Architecture Design and Research Institute, Shenzhen Branch (SUIADR). 2006. “The environmental renovation of Dafen Oil Painting Village.” Landscape Architecture 4: 66–67. Wong, Won Yin Winnie. 2008. “Framed authors: Photography and conceptual art from Dafen Village.” Yishu: Journal of Contemporary Chinese Art 7(4): 32–43.

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Village-in-theCity as a Sustainable Form of Social Housing Communities for China: A Tale of Four Villages in Shenzhen Laurence Liauw

Community: Hello Farmers, Goodbye Citizens China’s urbanization in the last sixty years can be typified by the transformation of agricultural land into urban land. Old farming

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villages are disappearing in cities, yet their physical presence has persisted in the new form of urban agglomerations called “village-in-thecity” (VIC). National migration within China— currently over 230 million—are “mobile populations.” Rural workers from other cities have displaced indigenous locals living in the urban villages while the urban economies and built environments of the Pearl River Delta (PRD) have grown at a staggering rate of over 15 percent annually during the last thirty years. Millions of migrant workers arrive in the cities without local hukou ( 戶口 ) or Chinese household registration and have therefore no access to basic welfare and privileges enjoyed by the locals. Instead of living in regimented factory dormitories, these migrant workers would choose to settle in the village-like, multifunctional VICs as these environments are familiar to them. Shenzhen alone has 10 million migrant workers and 5

million workers are currently living in more than 320 urban villages (see Image 1). Similar situations are found in other industrialized big cities in China such as Beijing, Chongqing, and Guangzhou. Communities are easily formed within VICs based on provincial kinship and regional similarities of migrants. These communities account for up to as much as 90 percent of some urban villages. Informal networks of social and economic relations grow in the VICs’ tightknit rental dwellings, which then assimilate groups of migrant workers from the same village, city, or region. The home-like environment is formed through kinship and the dense spatial configuration of the urban villages. The villages offer them socially sustainable forms of everyday urbanism. Affordable living standards inside these urban villages (at prices much lower than the rest of the city) allow migrant workers to adapt to the new city easily.

Image 1. VIC distribution clusters in Shenzhen 2007. Study by Shenzhen Planning Bureau. Reprinted with permission by the Shenzhen Planning Bureau.

However, there is a downside to the urban villages. Due to the cramped living conditions and dense urban fabric without compliance to building regulations, sanitation and safety standards are much worse than those found elsewhere in the city. This “freedom” of socio-economic adaptability also brings its fair share of crime and illegal activities such as prostitution and drugs.

What results in the spatial boundary of the VICs is a confluence of social cohesion and urban blight, which is similar to the early immigrant settlements of New York, Paris, and London a hundred years ago. Unlike previous city formations, the VICs were previously rural lands that had been corporatized by villagers for urban habitation and production (see Image 2). Falling outside of municipal

land laws and regular planning jurisdiction, urban villagers have no regulated planning and fixed land-use patterns to organize human activities and block layouts. Buildings grow haphazardly with small variations based on a three-to-six-story village house vernacular typology. A surprising amount of informal public space prevails in these dense village agglomerations, not unlike the

Image 2. Futian CBD under construction, built around existing urban villages in the 1990s. Photo by Laurence Liauw from an exhibition by the Shenzhen government in 2010.

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narrow streets and micro-piazzas of Venice.Villagers build basic forms of dwelling upwards and inwards. These buildings are famously known as “handshake buildings.” They are named as such because the buildings almost touch each other and are sometimes less than one meter apart. As rural populations migrate to cities in search of work,VICs in cities such as Shenzhen and Guangzhou welcome new farmers while the original villagers are leaving: “Hello Farmers, Goodbye Citizens.”

Instant Urbanization: Diversity and Demolition China’s urban population currently constitutes over 51 percent of the total population. The Pearl River Delta typifies the effects of rapid urbanization and urban migration on Chinese cities such as Guangzhou, Shenzhen, and Dongguan where urban villages proliferate across the

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cityscape. There are three general types of urban villages: hyperdense inner city villages (built-up areas exceeding 70 percent), transformed medium-density villages from older villages, and less dense urban fringe villages (built-up areas less than 30 percent). Within Shenzhen, a lot of the urban villages belong to the first type and are gradually being displaced from the inner city to the city’s outskirts due to development pressure and land use transformation in the last ten years. During the early 1980s and 1990s, most of the original urban villages located around places of work, factories, and farmland (Shenzhen’s first urban villages had already appeared before the 1970s). Later generation of urban villages emerged within rapidly urbanizing districts, reflecting a different demographic shift towards a younger and service-oriented society. This demonstrates the flexibility of the village morphology as an urban organization and typology that can adapt to changing functional needs

in various locations. Owned by village cooperative shareholding companies, hundreds of these VICs in major cities are colonized by migrant workers, students, and villagers. All varieties of social and commercial services are provided within these VICs (such as education, medical services, retail services, leisure, and religious activities), and these activities help turn them into self-sustainable communities. They are able to support neighboring communities as well and have become vibrant melting pots of urban migrants that make up the workforce of major Chinese cities. As an alternative to demolition, urban villages can also be upgraded and renovated.Various means of renovation can be achieved by nongeneric typologies, redesign and employment reprogramming, as well as infrastructure investment and partial redevelopment. These measures help improve the environments of the urban villages

Image 3. Nail house in VIC. Photo by Jian Jun.

and transform them into sustainable micro-economies and social ecologies, as well as cultural sites for spatial practice. For the three general villages types mentioned above, high-density city center villages benefit from partial redevelopment, medium-density older villages need redesigning, while low-density fringe villages require complete reprogramming to avoid extinction. This shows that different means can be used to renovate or regenerate various urban village types. Urbanization of the Pearl River Delta has been the fastest and of the largest scale witnessed in history, which converted large tracts of rural land into urban land. Urban villages are caught somewhere between this transition in China’s society, bringing the best (and worst) from each domain. Urbanization and the creation of cities are results of modernization and industrialization of China. With the rise of “scientific planning” as a professional discipline and policy in the late nineteenth century, demolition-redevelopment was used as a primary tool for erasing “undesirable” elements such as urban villages in the name of progress, health, and safety. Urban slums in industrial cities requiring renovation or redevelopment and the need to accommodate migrant workers are not new problems. In nineteenth-century Europe and early twentieth-century America, mass migration of workers from smaller cities to modern metropolises also saw rapid urbanization, which China experiences today. Urban ghettoes in major cities have been created by the densification of migrant populations. Urban historians Peter Hall and Lewis Mumford have both written extensively on the overcrowding and unsanitary conditions in London and New York due to the pressure

of industrialized economies and modernization of cities. Problems such as agglomeration, urban infill, deficient infrastructure, population growth, migrant workers, and hygiene problems have all badly affected development. But effective measures such as post-industrial adaptive reuse, preservation, sanitation infrastructure, affordable tenement housing, creative industries and urban diversity have been put forward to help bring transformation. Extensive (unpublished internal research) surveys done by the Shenzhen Planning Bureau in 2005 revealed widely different living conditions of various urban villages in the Futian District. This shows that, unlike what has been widely reported, urban villages are not generic in their livability and building fabric. Some are actually in a worse state with poor sanitation, infrastructure, and public amenities. Successful urban villages have the capacity to serve diverse populations including migrant workers, students, white-collar workers, shopkeepers, and farmers. Many are decent places that offer affordable, vibrant, and mixed-use environments. These form essential urban design features that all cities need. The Shenzhen case shows that not all urban villages are in the same conditions; neither do they face the same problems. They require different solutions for renewal, regeneration, and renovation to provide more livable and affordable places, so as to be integrated with the city around them. It is rare for a city like Shenzhen to have transformed from a rural area (in the 1970s) to an industrial area (during the 1980s–2000 period), and then to finally become a service economy (in the 2000s) within the

timeline of one generation. Urban villages encapsulate this societal transformation and become actors in the process. Relocation of village residents requires huge financial compensation from the government for the loss of land rights, and these compensations have created “new village billionaires.” Local government intervention and “official surveys” often result in enforced “renovation” while land prices keep setting records. What does redevelopment make way for? For whom redevelopment is planned? Where do the migrant workers go and live after the VICs have been demolished? Can they find work there? Villages are no longer farmlands and have become places for work, living, and urban services; they have become social condensers within the increasingly generic cities of Chinese urbanization. Reported cases of villagers’ resistance and “nail houses” (or the last building standing on the site) (see Image 3) in Gangxia and Dachong in Shenzhen, or Liede and Xian in Guangzhou, highlight VICs as a vital source for land and human capital in the PRD cities. Lost heritage and identity is often cited as a reason for preserving the urban villages. Some villages in Guangzhou are over 700 years old, while those in Shenzhen have a history of fewer than 30 years.Yet, their rural heritage also deserves to be preserved. Economics is a catalyst for development, but the high relocation settlement costs may hinder renovation. In 2005, the Shenzhen government demolished Yunong Village in Futian by dynamite, making it the largest demolition by explosion in China (see Image 4). With this first explosion, the tone was set for official “urban renovation” to go along with the “real estate boom” [sic] in southern Chinese cities. Recent demolition of Dachong Village in Nanshan District (2011) involved compensation exceeding 100 million 50

RMB for 168 families, and relocation of 70,000 non-permanent residents in 1,500 buildings to make way for a new technology park. In many similar cases, individual, social, and human capital sacrifices are made for the overall urban prosperity and economic gain. The changes are reflected in China’s widening wealth gap of urban populations in cities, where migrating and indigenous rural populations coexist. Instant relocation of villagers, resulting in instant wealth for a few, forms for a new city-in-the-making process of gentrification.

Affordable Housing: Social Alternatives Government policies to regulate and demolish urban villages in recent years have met with strong local resistance because of the important social and economic roles the villages play to safeguard the rights of marginalized migrant communities to live and work within cities.VICs have become a benign

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form of “necessary evil” in rapidly urbanizing cities, as they stand as a unique form of sustainable urbanism that helps fill the void created by China’s social housing policy. The government has been slow in providing affordable housing as Chinese cities struggle to balance urban development, affordable housing stock, and human capital. Affordable housing and sustainable communities in cities have become a challenging priority for the central government since danwei ( 單位 ) housing was abolished in 1998 due to housing market reforms. Prior to 1978, housing was centralized and allocated, and until 1998 subsidized public rental housing was provided by the danwei work-units as a form of employee benefits. Although the government-built public rental housing still existed in limited forms (subsequently discontinued in Shenzhen) at the time, it was the semi-private market (danwei housing sales and economic housing sales) and “commodity housing” by the private sector developers that

created demand for redeveloping rural and village land in China. Provision of “public housing” in the world’s largest socialist economy was suddenly overturned; due to the sudden policy shift in 1998, government-provided social housing dropped from close to 100 percent to less than 10 percent. Since then, housing prices have skyrocketed (over 500 percent in Shenzhen), making housing unaffordable for many people. The high housing costs will also become a time bomb for social stability, especially in the volatile PRD cities, if no alternative forms of social housing are available. Recognizing this problem, China’s Central Government has announced plans to build 36 million units of affordable housing during the 12th Five-Year Plan by 2015, and construction of 10 million units had started in 2011–12. There are three categories of affordable housing: economic housing units limited to 60 square meters, which will be sold at discounts in the market; low-rent housing units less than 50 square meters that will be

Image 4. Demolition of Yunong Village in Shenzhen by explosion in 2005. Photo by Laurence Liauw captured from a public exhibition video at the Shenzhen Pavilion, 2010 Shanghai Expo (original author unknown).

leased to low-income users; and price-capped housing units limited to 90 square meters that will aim at middle-income families. Although more alternatives are provided, these housing units still cannot provide for the marginalized migrant workers who prefer to live in urban villages, as many cannot afford even subsidized social housing. In 2006, land use per capita in China was 133 square meters on average, compared to the standards within urban villages of less than 1 square meter per capita. To resettle and house all the migrant workers in Shenzhen’s 320 urban villages, according to normative space standards, would need 93 million square meters and would cost the Shenzhen government over one trillion RMB. The economics of VIC redevelopment and social housing alternatives seem related and yet disassociated due to unresolvable differences in land ownership, private interests, and affordability.

Social costs of demolition and relocation cannot be measured in RMB or square meter, but by urban cohesiveness, productivity, societal harmony, and cultural diversity. In many such cases, the social costs outweigh tangible costs of urban development (see David Harvey’s “The Right to the City” and “Social Justice and the City” position, which claims that cities cannot remain “objective” in the face of urban poverty and social ills; Harvey argues that capitalism annihilates space to ensure its own reproduction). The physical environments of our cities have become battlegrounds for late capitalism, rather than custodians of civilization and humanity. Reflected in the recent riots and suicides in the PRD factory towns, expensive accommodation and rising labor costs have resulted in poor social harmony and divided the communities in which 5 million migrant workers are serving 10 million residents in Shenzhen. Any

Image 5. Kowloon Walled City in Hong Kong. Photo by Stevage. Wikipedia.

disruption to productivity due to the relocation of migrant workers away from urban villages would also have drastic effects on these cities socially, economically, and ultimately politically. According to China’s Ministry of Housing and Urban and Rural Development (MOHURD), in 2011, resettlement and renovation of urban villages (slums) would account for 40 percent of the 10 million social housing units. The government had promised to complete the renovation by 2012. Construction of new and affordable housing units is unable to keep up with the expanding urban population. Therefore, urban villages are still regarded as alternative social affordable housing by the workers. They are waiting for new solutions in urban regeneration that are more sustainable and less socially disruptive. Here lies the opportunity for upgrading urban villages as livable communities and for finding innovations for redevelopment

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Image 6. Global slums regeneration in New York, Rio de Janeiro, Mumbai and Shanghai. Sources: New York: Wikimedia Commons, http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:KatzGentrificationLES.JPG; Rio: Photo by Morar Carioca program; Mumbai: Photo by Srinivas Kuruganti, http://srinivaskuruganti.photoshelter.com/image/I0000cX19jPh3z0g; Shanghai: Photo by Laurence Liauw.

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Image 7. Songgang Village. Regeneration study by Laurence Liauw and the Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2007.

that will offer migrant populations affordable accommodation within socially inclusive communities. When one looks at the history of China’s housing policy and typologies over time, one can find recurring patterns of occupation and community—from ancient villages, farming communities, traditional courtyard compounds, to socialist communes, danwei xiaoqu ( 單位 小區 ) housing estates,VICs, and contemporary gated megablocks. All of these have typological and social characteristics that are common to everyday patterns of collective living in China.VICs within this lineage still have a historical and social role. As a new collective housing typology, they have become a resource and a commodity for the city, as well as a habitat to new migrant communities. In persistent Chinese typologies that dominated cities in the past, there are embodied cultural habits and spatial practices that resist political and economic changes. Chinese vernacular tendencies that transcend economic levels, such as communal living in compounds, are at the heart of Chinese culture and spatial type (see de Certeau 1984, which studies how people individualize mass culture and everyday objects in order to make them their own). A maturing city such as Shenzhen is often forced to replace vernacular urban villages with new, imported typologies. For example, in Hong Kong, the most extreme urban village ever built—the Kowloon Walled City (KWC) with 35,000 inhabitants on a 2.5-hectare site (see Image 5)—was ruthlessly demolished in 1992, and Nga Tsin Wai Village (the last urban walled village) was demolished in 2010, both after 600 years of existence. Government planners need to ask themselves the following: Is there

any alternative to demolition? What kind of regeneration can be made possible? How can the regeneration of urban villages continue to act as a sustainable and economically viable form of social and environmental continuity? Are there any alternatives such as preservation, renovation, rehabilitation, conversion, adaptive reuse, partial demolition, and redevelopment for VIC continuity in the future? Shenzhen’s economy and demographics are changing; redevelopment decisions need not be driven simply by real estate and tax revenues. One can find successful cases, both recent and historical, of economically viable urban regeneration in China and other countries. In the developed countries, well-known cases such as the Marais district in Paris, East End in London, and the Lower East Side in New York, all originally accommodated migrants in dense unhygienic settlements. After years of slow regeneration, they are now vibrant, diverse, and desirable places for living, work, and play. There are also similar successful cases of regeneration of urban slums in developing countries. Dharavi in Mumbai is one of the world’s largest urban slums sustained by complex socio-economic networks. It continues to grow in population, despite being in the middle of the city and a place for producing export goods that are worth over US$650 million per year. In Brazil, the “Morar Carioca Favela Regeneration Project” in Rio de Janeiro is an innovative program of government investment in upgrading infrastructure, public facilities, and affordable housing inside the favela slums. Shanghai has its own version of bottom-up regeneration in Tianzifang District in which the vernacular nongtang ( 弄 堂 ) alleyways and row houses have been preserved, while sanitation

infrastructure and paving have been upgraded. The area has been revitalized with upscale art galleries, retail stores, and entertainment facilities for tourists, yet many of the original residents have remained in the district. These cases illustrate how inner city slum transformations can result in livable sustainable communities through good urban design and the right mix of (re)programming and public investment (see Image 6).

A Tale of Four Villages in Shenzhen The following four village archetypes tell different stories of VICs and reflect on Shenzhen in the making.

Village 1–Decay/Songgang Songgang is classified as a “town” within Shenzhen and is located near Dongguan. It has a population of about 700,000 and its history of development is under 20 years. Residents are almost exclusively migrant workers, with fewer than 25,000 permanent hukou holders. A classic PRD factory town (Al 2012) formed instantly around industrial production and infrastructure expansion. Numerous urban villages are scattered around the factories located along the No. 107 Highway, which connects Shenzhen with Guangzhou. Many of these villages have no sanitation infrastructure and are surrounded by “rubbish mountains” of industrial waste. The half-occupied buildings are in a state of decay and the environment is very polluted. Most of the original residents left the village long ago. There is no farming in the area anymore, but overgrowth of vegetation abounds and animals run wild in the alleys. As industrial production and exports in the Pearl 54

Image 8. Gangxia Village in Shenzhen, 2007. Photo by Urbanus.

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Image 9. Gangxia Village, next to Futian CBD, under demolition, 2010. Photo by Laurence Liauw.

River Delta have decreased since the 2009 financial crisis, there has been an exodus of factory workers. Millions of workers have returned to their home villages since 2009. This “hollowing out” process of cities has left some urban villages virtually deserted; they have become “ghost towns.” The only resolution offered by the Songgang government is to attract new investment for factories, or demolish the villages to make way for residential development. This case study illustrates the fragility of migrant labor communities whose growth depends much on global economic cycles. Although the living standards are low in these villages, there is no real root cause for the workers to regard them as “home.” An urban study on post-industrial typologies led by this essay’s author was conducted in 2009 at the Chinese University of Hong Kong. Results from this study show that new adaptive typologies that reflect changing uses and economic cycles could offer a fabric-based approach to urban village regeneration (see Image 7). According to the proposal, 40 percent of the Songgang District can be preserved with a mix of affordable housing, new industries, and infrastructure and environmental upgrading. Residents and workers can remain in the district, with minimum disruption and low social costs associated with total demolition, while new industries can be motivated to migrate here so as to regenerate the local economy and sustain migrant populations.

Village 2–Demolition/ Gangxia Gangxia Village is located in Shenzhen’s central business district (CBD), adjacent to the new city government headquarters (see Image 8). Buildings in Gangxia are tightly

packed, with a floor area ratio of 3.5. Over 150,000 residents live in about 10,000 units on a 162,000-square meter site. It is not always easy to provide accommodation for the residents. In 1980, Gangxia Village was still a traditional rural village. Its building density was low in the Futian District and the village had mainly been an agricultural area until the 1990s. Each private house had a large courtyard in the front surrounded by farmland. After the Futian CBD Masterplan had been approved in the early 1990s, the district was urbanized almost overnight. This area now houses the government headquarters, metro stations, civic buildings, and a cluster of commercial towers including a new Shenzhen Stock Exchange building. Gangxia in the past accommodated migrant workers and locals who worked not only in factories, but also in urban service industries such as restaurants, hotels, wholesales, and logistics. White-collar workers at one point constituted over 40 percent of the urban village population in Ganxia. The real estate boom in Shenzhen in the 2000s was translated into skyrocketing land prices in urban areas and the demand for housing rapidly increased. Because of its prime location within the new CBD, urban villagers could no longer afford housing inside Ganxia Village. In 2006, the shareholding company claimed that the Ganxia VIC was in need of “renovation.” This, in reality, means demolition and reconstruction (with 52 percent of the land retained by Gangxia Village shareholders and the remaining 48 percent to be sold to property developers). Residents began to relocate from 2008 to 2011, when the Ganxia Western village (48%) was demolished to make way for a new “mixed-use commercial”

development (see Image 9). One could have proposed regeneration measures instead of outright demolition of western Ganxia, which would include: upgrading the village to provide affordable housing and new consumer industries, reprogramming functions within the village, adding tourist attractions and urban amenities such as retail and education, and improving access by CBD occupants. These regeneration measures could have balanced the pressure of demolition by making the village more integrated within its surrounding community while improving the quality of life for its existing residents.

Village 3–Employment/Dafen Dafen Village is probably the most famous urban village in China, due to its unique inhabitants who are mostly artist-painters. Located in the Longgang District of Shenzhen’s industrial heartland, Dafen had humble beginnings in the 1980s when there were just 300 residents. Through reproduction of oil paintings, Dafen Village managed to transform itself into a billion RMB enterprise and the oil paintings have also put Dafen on the global tourist map. Dafen Village has become all at once a factory, a spectacle, a landmark, and an economic engine. It produces 60 percent of the world’s oil paintings and its growth is a case of bottom-up, informal urbanism through the collaboration of the migrant workers and local galleries. This “factory” has become a “dream factory” (Liauw, 2010) and a “museum of work” through “art in the age of mechanical (re) production” (Benjamin 1936). With more than 800 galleries and 10,000 artists in Dafen’s 0.4 sq. km area, it has become part of the Chinese export machine. In Dafen,

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Image 10. Dafen Village and Museum. Photo by Urbanus.

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Image 11. Da Vincci Plaza in Dafen Village. Photo by Laurence Liauw.

art has been transformed into a creative industry powerhouse, as Shenzhen itself became a UNESCO City of Design in 2008. The Dafen inhabitants have transformed the village into something beyond mere physical form and purpose, despite having built a “Da Vincci Plaza” and the Dafen Museum (see Images 10 and 11). Now Dafen is a “cultural institution” (and other creative industry hubs such as Tianmian Village), sustaining itself through new content production, rather than merely providing accommodation for workers. Dafen painters have transformed their village houses for non-domestic use and helped establish a self-sustained community of painters, teachers, art dealers, students and families. Although Dafen’s painting reproduction business seems to have produced a new economic model for urban villages, proposals for improving its environment for the residents and neighbors also provide clues for future development. To begin with, retail and skilled workshops could be established in Dafen to stimulate new creative industries beyond painting. Facilities in Dafen need to be upgraded to accommodate more mixed uses. Affordable housing for artists, accessible public spaces, and urban infrastructure connectivity, are also needed. The ultimate potential for Dafen remains as a tourist destination, but issues of urban sustainability must be addressed so that Dafen will not become a ghetto for painters and can develop into an inclusive creative community.

Village 4–Regeneration/ Huanggang Huanggang Village is located close to the Shenzhen-Hong Kong border. Its history goes back to the pre-PRC period when Hakka farmers with

ancestral halls, fish farms, and paddy fields colonized the fertile Futian District. Since the 1990s, the village has grown to maximum densities. It is surprising that Huanggang Village has preserved its heritage (the older Jilong Village, half in ruins, still sits inside the village) and renovated parts of the village. There are a variety of public spaces, amenities, Chinese gardens, parks, auditoriums, visitor centers, and ancestral halls (see Image 12). Space standards of streets in Huanggang are decent and buildings appear clean with modernized sewage systems. A variety of inexpensive shops, social services, markets, and quality eateries line the village’s central streets, providing public amenities to the surrounding areas. The livable mix of (renovated) old and new coexists with Huanggang’s urban regeneration. There are redeveloped commercial buildings in the main streets of Futian. Huanggang even has its own non-typical high-rise hotels and administration buildings. After the Futian border-crossing was opened in 2007, the nearby CBD and Shenzhen Convention Center were completed with a booming residential market. Huanggang Village was under threat for total redevelopment in 2010. Having avoided demolition, it is now one of the few remaining living testaments in Shenzhen where a renovated inner city village provides livable space and becomes a resource for citizens who may need more affordable housing and everyday services or goods. Huanggang’s social and environmental sustainability shows that migrant worker communities and resident villagers do not need to be marginalized away from the city center. Modernization of Huanggang shows how its villagers can take control of the urbanization process with negotiated plots of

higher land use density and change of land uses. This change of use and negotiated density is an approach that many urban villages can employ to resist pressure for demolition because of rising land prices. New and higher density plots on the village’s perimeter can be integrated with the surrounding commercial developments and such integration can generate income to pay for renovation of the inner urban village. It is a phased and economical approach to urban village upgrading, which maintains self-sustainability as a core principle of village life, even within city centers. The above four cases show the diverse fates and choices of Shenzhen’s urban villagers: (1) move away from the Pearl River Delta; (2) relocate within the city with compensation; (3) create new employment opportunities within the VICs; (4) stay and make urban villages more livable through urban regeneration. Four workable strategies for renovation and regeneration have been suggested here for the four VICs; they could be applied to other urban villages in similar conditions. For Songgang, a change in typology was recommended to help transform the village. For Ganxia, reprogramming and affordability would help make it more accessible. For Dafen, integrating existing villages with mixed uses would help sustain diversified creative industries. For Huanggang, higher-density plot development and restoration of the inner village would help transform the village into an affordable place within the city center. These decisions for renovation are not only up to resident landlords of the villages, but are also dependent on the redevelopment policies of local municipal governments and property 58

developers who are hungry for land and tax revenues. Sustainability of PRD cities with numerous urban villages as providers of social environment and affordable housing for migrant workers continues to challenge local governments, but government officials are not without choices that could help resolve the deadlock between development and preservation. The four urban village cases above show why and how this could be done with some degree of success. Housing affordability as a key component of livability and urban sustainability poses challenges for Shenzhen’s future. The value of urban villages as homes for 5 million migrant workers, who represent the city’s spirit and backbone, cannot be ignored. Increasing living

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costs, mobile population, economic change, scarce urban land, rising property prices, and insufficient social infrastructure are further compounded by China’s national policies, which fails to provide sufficient housing.

diversity of populations in cities allows for marginal communities to contribute to sustainable urban transformation. These communities can thus maintain their cultural practices that are still prevalent in the urban villages.

Urban villages in the world’s fastest urbanizing region of the Pearl River Delta should be repositioned as a sustainable form of social housing.VICs should be redeveloped as a vernacular typology of compact community lifestyles with modernized and upgraded public amenities, employment opportunities, and new infrastructure. Some villages in Shenzhen have already thrived by deploying regeneration strategies with more potential for improvement. Coexistence and

Michel Foucalt’s theoretical construct, des espaces autres, or “of other spaces” in Heterotopia, finds their physical manifestation in China’s urban villages. Heterotopia was used by Foucault to describe places and spaces that function in nonhegemonic conditions, that is, spaces of otherness, which have relationships to other places, or parallel spaces that contain undesirable bodies to make a real utopian space possible. He called for a society with many heterotopias as a means of escape from authoritarianism and

Image 12. Huanggang Village Ancestral Hall and perimeter redevelopments by villagers. Photo by Laurence Liauw.

repression. Urban villages could be characterized as heterotopias since they are in the same time-place and are internalized, alternative worlds of sub-standard living spaces and environments of hope and humanity. Village residents coalesce spatially and habitually through social and urban ecologies that confound

official planning regulations. As with other dominant heterotopias (such as the Kowloon Walled City), they are often subject to enforced erasure by external economic or political interests and bureaucratic mindsets. But urban villages, when sustained through quality regeneration and renovation, do

not only serve as resistance to late capitalist city development; they also offer an affordable and sustainable model of vernacular urbanism that is uniquely Chinese. Urban Villages are accidental, informal, popular, and viable for millions of people that will make up future cities in China’s urban dream.

“The truest moment in any urban village is that everyone who has made the leap here—man or woman, elder or child, is arduously struggling for a better tomorrow.” 「城中村裡最真切的落點，是每一個躍動在這裡的身影─男女老少都在為明天艱辛地努力著。」 — Zuo Li, at a photo exhibition, OCT B10 Gallery, 2012 (on the site of a former urban village)

References Al, Stefan, ed. 2012. Factory Towns of South China: An Illustrated Guidebook. Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press. Benjamin, Walter. 1936 (1992). The Work of Art in the Mechanical Age of Reproduction. London: Fontana Press. Bolchover, Joshua, and John Lin. “Rural Urban Framework.” Accessed from: http://www.rufwork.org/index.php?/ research/01-urban-village/Data references “China’s affordable housing program: Picking up momentum.” JP Morgan Report. September 14, 2011. “China gambles on affordable housing.” Bloomberg Businessweek Report. April 26, 2012. De Certeau, Michel. 1984. The Practice of Everyday Life. Translated by Steven Rendall. Berkeley: University of California Press. Domus special issue.Vol. 26. 2008. “Ordinary residential building: Commercial residential building in China since 1979.” Beijing: Domus China. Fan J., and W. Taubmann. 2002. “Migrant enclaves in large Chinese cities.” In The New Chinese City: Globalization and Market Reform, edited by J. R. Logan. Oxford: Blackwell. Foucault, Michel. 1984. “Of other spaces.” Heterotopias lecture in 1967. In Architecture/Mouvement/Continuité.

Friedman, John. 2005. China’s Urban Transition. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. Gangxia Village. Accessed from: http:// densityatlas.org/casestudies/profile. php?id=61 Hall, Peter. 1963. London 2000. London: Faber and Faber. ———. 1988. Cities of Tomorrow: An Intellectual History of Urban Planning and Design in the Twentieth Century. Oxford: Blackwell Publishing. Harvey, David. 1973. Social Justice and the City. London: Edward Arnold. ———. 2008. “The right to the city.” New Left Review 53 (September–October): 23–40. Hsing,You-Tien. 2010. The Great Urban Transformation: Politics of Land and Property in China. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Jiang, Jun. 2009 “Urban villages.” In Urban China Magzine, Issue 34. Shanghai: The Center of China Periodical Press. Liauw, Laurence. 2008. AD New Urban China. London: Wiley. ———. 2010. “Learning from Shenzhen– Dafen: Reform village becoming an open city.” In 2010 Shanghai Expo Shenzhen Pavilion Special Exhibition Catalogue. Shanghai: Shanghai Expo. Ma, Hang. 2008. “Villages in Shenzhen: Typical economic phenomena of rural urbanization in China.”

Research paper published for the 44th ISOCARP Congress. Dalian. Accessed from: http://www.isocarp. net/Data/case_studies/ 1145.pdf Meng,Yan. 2008. “Urban villages.” In AD New Urban China, 56–59. Wiley: London. Miller, Tom. 2012. China’s Urban Billion. London: Zed Books. “Morar Carioca” Favela Regeneration Project, The. Rio de Janeiro. Accessed from: http://www. brazilinvestmentguide.com/ blog/2010/10/the-morar-cariocafavela-regeneration-project-rio-dejaneiro/ Mumford, Lewis. 1961. The City in History. San Diego: Harcourt, Brace and World. O’Donnell, Mary. Shenzhen Noted. Accessed from: http://maryannodonnell. wordpress.com/2011/11/14/1995– 2005-keywords-in-shenzhen-realestate/ Oxfam Hong Kong. 2005. Photovoices: Shenzhen Workers Speak. Hong Kong: Oxfam Hong Kong. Pu, Hao. 2012. “Spatial evolution of urban villages in Shenzhen.” PhD thesis, Department of Urban and Regional Planning and Geo-information Management, Utrecht University. ITC dissertation No.205 / ISBN 978–906226–295-1.

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Shenzhen Planning Bureau. 2005. Study of Urban Village Distribution and Living Conditions in Shenzhen. Internal research by Shenzhen Municipal Government, China. Unpublished document. “Supervillage Studio.” 2007. In Shenzhen Biennale Exhibition Catalogue. Shenzhen: Shenzhen University, China. Uehara,Yushi. 2008. “Unknown urbanity: Towards the village in the city.” In AD New Urban China, 52–55. London: Wiley. Zhang, Hai. Shenzhen: Moving Out. Accessed from: http://www.oceanmate.com/ moving-out.htm

61

62

THE BIG PICTURE VISUALIZING URBAN VILLAGES 宏觀透視城中村

Rapid Urbanization and the Rise and Decline of Urban Villages: Seven Qi Uneven Urbanization in the Pearl River Delta: Cici Chen Battle of the Smartest: Shenzhen Municipal Government vs. Shenzhen Urban Villagers: Daniel Fung Limited Rights of Floating Population: Dannie Gui How Do the Villagers Cut Up the Housing Units: Cici Chen Flexible Use of Village Buildings: Winnie Qin One Line Skies: Violette Chen Photo by Eric Hui

63

village Portraits 城中村寫照

01 Xiasha Village 下沙村 | Entertainment 娛樂業 07 Wanshengtang Village 王聖堂村 | Shoes 造鞋業 02 Dafen Village 大芬村 | Painting 油畫業

08 Sanyuanli Village 三元里村 | Leather 皮革業

03 Gangxia Village 崗夏村 | Restaurant 飲食業

09 Bitang Village 弼塘村 | Books & Stationery 書籍與文具業

04 Jiekou Village 街口村 | Manufacturing 製造業

10 Hedang Village 河宕村 | Pottery 陶瓷業

05 Tianjia Village 恬甲村 | Cantonese Opera 粵劇 11 Poshi Village 婆石村 | Food Processing 食物加工業 06 Shipai Village 石牌村 | Electronics 電子業

12 Zuowu Village 作物村 | Seafood 海產業

Guangzhou 廣州 07 08

06

05

09

Dongguan 東莞

10 Foshan 佛山

04

02

Shenzhen 深圳 01

03

11 Zhuhai 珠海 12

64

02 Dafen Village | 9.4 ha 01 Xiasha Village | 35 ha ~40,000 people 下沙村 | 35公頃 ~40,000 人

04 Jiekou Village | 8 ha ~8,000 people 街口村 | 8公頃 ~8,000人

~10,200 people 大芬村 | 9.4公頃 ~10,200人

03 Gangxia Village | 16 ha ~68,000 people 崗夏村 | 16公頃 ~68,000人

05 Tianjia Village | 16.7 ha ~10,000 people 恬甲村 | 16.7公頃 ~10,000人

06 Shipai Village | 40 ha ~270,000 people 石牌村 | 40公頃 ~270,000人

07 Wangshengtang Village | 20 ha ~100,000 people 王聖堂村 | 20公頃 ~100,000人

10 Hedang Village | 30 ha ~11,000 people 河宕村 | 30公頃 ~11,000人 65

08 Sanyuanli Village | 27.2 ha ~85,000 people 三元里村 | 27.2公頃 ~85,000人

11 Poshi Village | 3 ha ~8,000 people 婆石村 | 3公頃 ~8,000人

09 Bitang Village | 26 ha ~18,150 people 弼塘村 | 26公頃 ~18,150人

12 Zuowu Village | 4.98 ha ~6,000 people 作物村 | 4.98公頃 ~6,000人

85% GUANGZHOU

廣州

63%

85%

91%

DONGGUAN

東莞

FOSHAN

12%

佛山

18%

100%

85%

SHENZHEN

深圳

ZHONGSHAN

中山

32%

14% 85% ZHUHAI

珠海

41%

Reference 參考資料： Guangdong Province Statistics Bureau (2008), “Population Urbanization, Big Step in Process,” Guangdong Province Statistics Website [online] (available at: http://210.76.64.38/tjfx/ t20081203_62373.htm) [accessed on May 15, 2011]

Stage 1 第一階段 Traditional Village Settlement 傳統村落

GUANGZHOU 廣州 FOSHAN 佛山 ZHUHAI 珠海 DONGGUAN 東莞 ZHONGSHAN 中山

Stage 2 第二階段 Sale of Agricultural Land/Contact with Urban Area/Expansion of Village Housing (2–3F)

Stage 3 第三階段 Beginning of Illegal Development and Leasing 違章建築與非法租賃市場開始

售賣農地╱城郊結合階段╱村落 住宅擴展（2–3 層）

66

RAPID URBANIZATION AND THE RISE AND DECLINE OF URBAN VILLAGES 高速的城市化進程和城中村的興衰

Urbanization levels by population from 1982 to 2007 由1982年至2007年城市化的人口數目

Typical Urban Village Stages Per City 各城市的典型城中村的發展階段 SHENZHEN 深圳

Stage 4 第四階段 Gradual Expansion of Village Housing (4–6F) 村落住宅漸次擴展（4–6 層）

Stage 5 第五階段 Further Expansion (7–15F) / Conflict between City and Urban Village 再次擴展（7–15 層）╱城市與 鄉村的矛盾

67

Stage 6 第六階段 Disappearance of Urban Village into City 城中村消失，城市出現

UNEVEN URBANIZATION IN THE PEARL RIVER DELTA 珠三角的不均衡城市化現象 Land Area vs. Developed Land Area (km2)

Developed Land Area vs. Urban Village Area

地區面積 vs. 已發展地區面積（平方公里）

已發展地區面積 vs. 城中村面積

VS

.

VS

8.0 788 788 1953

118 1688

0.5 118 2.0 83

83 2465

248 3848

1.8 248

895 7374

2.3 895

68

Urban Village Area vs. Footprint Area

Urban Village Population Density vs. City Population Density

城中村面積 vs. 建築基地面積

城中村人口密度 vs. 城市人口密度

VS

VS

63%

200,000 5,000

4,490 878

38%

35%

42%

65%

9,000 2,819 7,000 1,547

80,000 1,370

Urban Village Footprint Coverage (%)

Population Density Comparison (person/km2)

城中村建築覆蓋率（百分比）

人口密度比較（人╱平方公里）

n

zhe

en

深圳

uh

ai

佛山

廣州

an

an Gu

Fo sh

69

Zh 珠海

東莞

Dongguan

References 參考資料： 1. City land area, developed land area, population density were from Guangdong Statictical Yearbook 2009. 2. Urban village area, population density, and footprint coverage were derived from the twelve cases in this book.

Sh

ou

gzh

n Fuqia

下沙村

g Roa 路 d 福强

Xiasha Village e Avenu Binhe

道

濱河大

Gu

ang

she

nE

xp

res sw ay 廣 深 高 速 公 路

Fur on

gR

50

oa

d

福

100

榮

路

200m

70

Total population: ~40,000 總人口：~40,000

下沙村

Area: 35 ha

During the 1990s, the village was substantially redeveloped. To reduce pollution, village executives purposely pushed out heavy industries and set up a clothing industry. At one stage, the village was famous for major Chinese clothing brands. Xiasha Village is also renowned for its pan cai feast that is celebrated during Chinese New Year. In 2002, the village broke the Guinness World Records for hosting 60,000 people in its pan cai fest.

8.75 m2 per person 每人 8.75 平方米

Building height: 7–9 stories

x y

建築物高度：7–9 層

High street width: 7–8 m 主要街道寬度：7–8 米

Lane width: 4–5 m

Today, the main streets of the village are full of massage parlors. At night the village transforms into a red-light district.

次要街道寬度：4–5 米

擁有超過 800 年歷史的下沙村，是黃氏家族在南宋時遷居到此而成立 的。黃氏的後代主要以農業、捕魚和養殖生蠔為生，他們在沿岸種植 了紅樹林以防禦海潮。

支路寬度：1–2 米

在 1990 年代，下沙村開始了重建工程。村民引進了服裝企業，以減少 重工業的污染問題，因而令下沙村成為了著名的名牌服裝生產總匯。 此外，下沙村的農曆新年大盆菜也是很有名的。在 2002 年農曆正月 十五日，下沙村的盆菜宴宴請了 60,000 位賓客，還因此打破了健力士 世界紀錄。 今天，下沙村大街滿街都是按摩和休閒場所。晚上下沙村就變化成了 紅燈區。

71

Alley width: 1–2 m

Xiasha Village

面積：35 公頃

Established by the Huang family during the Song dynasty, Xiasha Village has over 800 years of history. The descendants farmed, fished, and cultivated oysters for a living. They also planted mangroves along the coastline to protect the village from tides.

下沙村

XIASHA VILLAGE

下沙村

Xiasha Village a Road

B Tairan

路

泰然八

4 3

Plaza 廣場

2

1

72

下沙村

Architour 建築巡禮

Xiasha Village

1 One of the many streets of Xiasha Village. Here you will find your daily goods, fresh food, restaurants, and massage parlors. 2 A large, open space plaza in the middle of an urban village! It is currently being renovated. Many unique structures and sculptures adorn the square. 3 A fine example of a traditional Chinese gateway.

1

4 The people of Xiasha are proud of their history and achievements and they have built a museum dedicated to the history and tradition of the village. The building also houses a library, kindergarten, and offices for village executives. 1 下沙村其中的一條商業街道。在這兒你可以找到日 常用品、新鮮食物、餐廳及按摩和休閒場所。 2 城中村中心一個正在重建中的廣場！ 在這兒你會 找到不同的獨特傳統建築物和雕像。 3 一個傳統中國牌坊屹立在廣場上。 4 下沙村村民對自己的歷史和成就非常自豪。因此他 們蓋了下沙博物館，讓訪客了解村的歷史和傳統。博 物館設有圖書館、幼稚園和村董事的辦公室。

2 3 4

4

73

下沙村

Xiasha Village

74

下沙村

Xiasha Village

Citang Hou Street 祠堂後街 The vibrant Citang Hou Street accommodates a variety of uses ranging from residential to retail of everyday goods, convenience stores, and restaurants. The street directly fronts the large plaza of Xiasha Village. During Chinese New Year, Chinese round tables fill the plaza to host the traditional pan cai feast. Eaten layer by layer, pan cai is served in a large round bowl with layers of different ingredients. Every day, the plaza is used for all sorts of activities including cycling, roller blading, and worshipping. 75

祠堂後街佈滿了日常用品店、餐廳和便利店等商鋪。這 條街面向下沙村廣場。在元旦的時候，村民在廣場內放 滿圓桌，舉行盛大的盆菜宴會。盆菜是把不同的餸菜一 層一層的疊在一個大圓盆內，供食客享用。 平時，這廣場是村民踏單車，玩滾軸溜冰和作拜祭儀式 的地方。

下沙村

Commerce 商業

Xiasha Village 5 6

7 8 9

76

A. Fashion Shop 時尚商品

C6

6 A31

B1 A3

C5

9

D3 D4

Beauty Always Benefits 美尚惠

B5

Thousand Good Shop 千佳行

B6

Hair Origin Land 髮源地

B7

Xiasha Mouth Cure Centre 下沙口腔治療中心 Shenzhen Blue Fly Clinic 深圳藍翔門診部

B8

B3

2 D1 C4 5 B1 E1

sha

Xia eet Str

B2

C1 D5

C3

街

下沙

B3

7

Safe Step Sports Gear 安踏體育

B12

Original Hairstyles 首創造型

B13

Consistency Drug Store 一致藥店

B14

Sight Nice Glasses 視嘉眼鏡

B15

C. Entertainment 娛樂

A13

Blue Out Feeling 藍色出情

A14

Cardcini Fashion 卡仙妮時裝

A15

A12

9

A2

5

D. Restaurant 食肆 Red Tea & Dessert House 紅茶館甜品屋 Good Farm Bakery 佳田麵包店 Yellow Product House Private Dishes 黃品居私房菜 Jade Tea House Restaurant 翡翠茶餐廳 New Prosper Rice Rolls King 新旺腸粉皇

D1

Taiwan Fresh Made Tea 台灣鮮泡茶室 Bashu Peak Restaurant 巴蜀峰餐廳

D6 D7

D. Restaurant 食肆

Step Green Shoes 踏青鞋店

A30

European Mind Branded Shoe Discount Shop 歐維思品牌鞋折扣店

A31

Quality Shoe Bag Store 優尚品鞋包坊

A32

Amanda Fashion 阿曼達時裝

A33

A17 A18 A19 A20 A21 A22 A23 A24 A25 A26 A27 A28 A29

Cow Kitchen Junk Food Store F1 牛廚零食店

2 A2

D2

F2

B9

D7 6 B

D3

Hundred Direction Convenience Store 百方達便利店

1 A2 1 B1 0 B1 D7 0 8 A2

0

A2

B7

D8

D4

B8

Gold Peng Leisure 金鵬休閒

C1

Man Happy Game Room 君悅遊戲室

C2

Video Shop 影片店

C3

Add Prosper Leisure Island 加旺休閒島

C4

Good Taste Home Restaurant 好食家餐廳

D8

Ba Eat Noodle Shop 巴食麵館

D12

New Gold Source Leisure Centre 新金源休閒中心

C5

D9

Absolute Taste Duck Neck 絕味鴨脖

D13

Adult Toys 成人用品

C6

D10

E. Public Service 公共服務

Love Nest Bar 愛巢酒吧

C7

Together Celebrate Hall Chinese Herbal Tea 同慶堂中國茶居 Now Bake Cakes 即烤蛋糕 Blessed European Cakes 幸福西餅

D11

Xiasha Community Working Station 下沙社區工作站

D5 G. Electronic Products 電子產品 Fly Dragon Communication 飛龍通訊

G1

Middle Easy Communication 中易通訊

G2

E1

N

77

A16

F. Grocery 雜貨

3

B11

Playboy 花花公子時裝

A1

Sir Glasses 爵視眼鏡

A11

A1 F2 4 A1 5

B10

Cobalt Stone Fashion 鈷石時裝 Port One Dragon Fashion Collection 港一龍時裝總匯

3

A1

Love Forever Wedding Photography 鍾愛一生婚紗攝影

A10

B1

2

B9

A9

4

B1

B4

A9 0 A1 1 A1

A7

3

B4

A6 A7

A6

A2

Dragon Clan Hairstyle Famous Store 龍派髮型名店

B2

A4 A5

A5

1

B1

A4

D1

Creative Salon 創意沙龍 South North Drug Store 南北藥行 Beautiful Impression 美麗印象

B5 A A 16 A1 17 A1 8 D 9 6

B. Health & Beauty 健康美容

C3 3 D1 3 A 0 G2

A3

B A 12 A2 A2728 D 6 C 10 A 2 D 25 A2 9 4

A32

A2

Enormous Day Shoes 巨日鞋業 Lancy Fashion 麗詩時裝 Enter 1982 Fashion Enter 1982 時裝 Europe Song Fashion 歐歌時裝 Farmer Fashion 莊稼人時裝 Grain Court Fashion 禾苑時裝 City Woman Fashion 都市女人時裝 New Elegant Charisma 新雅魅力 Yisica Fashion 依斯卡時裝 City Good Person Fashion 城市佳人時裝 KCQ Fashion KCQ 時裝 Jade Fragrance Fashion 碧黛芬時裝 Happy Accessories 快樂飾品 Aiyaya Fashion 哎呀呀時裝

0

10

25

50m

Xiasha Village

A33

A1 A2 D1 G1 D2

A1

下沙村

C7

F1

A. Fashion Shop 時尚商品

City Pretty Person Fashion 都市麗人時裝 Dragon Fly Shoes 龍飛鞋業 Outstanding Good Person 卓婭佳人 Belloann Fashion 巴萊亞時裝 Biass Fashion 卡你布拉士時裝 Willis Fashion 維利斯時裝 Sa la la Fashion 莎啦啦時裝 Cefiro Fashion 塞飛洛時裝 Grain Feather Fashion 禾羽時裝

下沙村

Housing 房屋

Xiasha Village 1.8 m

3.2 m

8.4

m

6m

Mixed-use units are very common in urban villages; this is an example of a dual-function retail and residential unit in Xiasha. The ground level houses a 24-hour convenience store. The second floor provides office and living quarters to the same renter. Some of the spaces are also used for storage of stock. 在下沙城中村非常普遍的混合功能單位一例：地面樓層是 24 小時便利店，二樓是便利店辦公室和租戶居住空間，還擺放了 存貨。

Commercial and residential 商住兩用單位

1 person 1人

Area: 100 m2 (incl. retail shop)

面積：100 平方米（包括商店）

Monthly rent: ~4,000 RMB 月租 ~4,000 元人民幣

78

I have lived in the village for over ten years now. Initially, I did not choose to live here for any particular reason. I was just looking for a good location to open a convenience store. When I was looking for a place to set up a store, one thing that attracted me here was the sex industry. This street was used to be full of prostitutes looking for business at night. I thought that if I opened a convenience store here, I could earn some money, both from visitors and prostitutes. But nowadays you won’t see prostitutes on this street anymore. In fact, the sex industry in Xiasha is no longer as active as it used to be, but you can still find prostitutes in the massage and entertainment parlors. If you are not after a luxurious lifestyle, you can be like me and retire young.You don’t need a lot to live and eat in Shenzhen, since living costs are still lower than those in Hong Kong. Nevertheless, be careful at night! There are many pickpockets in this area at night when a lot of people pour into the village for the entertainment parlors. So hide your expensive items! 我來自香港。我決定搬來深圳是因為當時這兒的房屋 價格比香港的便宜很多。我當時想開一間便利店來打 發退休後的時間。 我住在這村已超過 10 年了。最初我選擇住在這裡， 並沒任何特別的原因；我只是想尋找一個好位置，開 設一間便利店。 吸引我來下沙村開店是這裡的色情行業。以往這條街 晚上滿街都是到處尋找顧客的妓女，所以我想，如果 我在這裡開設便利店，便可以賺這些遊客和妓女的 錢。現在妓女消失了，儘管你仍然可以在按摩和娛樂 場所找到色情服務，但是下沙村的色情行業已沒有以 前那麼活躍了。 如果你不追求豪華的生活，你可以和我一樣，選擇年 輕退休。在深圳你不需很多金錢也可生活，因為這兒 生活成本仍然低於香港。不過，晚上要特別小心！因 為很多很多小偷會在晚上光顧娛樂場所的客人！所 以請好好看守自己的貴重物品！

Disclaimer: To protect the identity of the research subjects, persons shown are not actual portraits of the interviewees. 聲明：為保護受訪者的私隱，照片中的人物並非真實的受訪者。

79

Xiasha Village

I am from Hong Kong. I decided to move to Shenzhen because housing prices were a lot cheaper here as compared to those in Hong Kong. I wanted to open a store to kill time.

下沙村

Boss 老闆

西路

oad 湖

a Roa

d 布沙

路

Zhon gcui Road

中翠 路

Dafe

tree

in S n Ma

t 大芬

主街

Sh en h ui Av en ue 路

公

惠

深

Dafen Village

Huxi R

大芬村

Bush

100

200m

80

Total population: ~10,200 總人口：~10,200

大芬村

Area: 9.4 ha

面積：9.4 公頃

Although Dafen’s economy mainly relies on imitation painting, the village also sells traditional Chinese painting, calligraphy, arts and crafts, sculptures, picture frames, and paint. “Dafen Oil Painting” has become a well-known cultural brand in China and abroad. The village lies under the jurisdiction of Buji Neighborhood Committee of Longgang District, Shenzhen. 在中國眾多城中村內，以仿製油畫而聞名的大芬村可能是最有名的。 一名香港畫商在 1989 年將油畫這種特殊的產業帶進大芬村。目前 各類經營油畫的商店共有近 800 家，畫家和畫工共 6,000 多人。 儘管大芬油畫村以複製工藝品和加工為主，商店也有經營國畫、書 法、工藝 、雕刻 、畫框及顏料等配套產業。「大芬油畫」已經成 為了國內外知名的文化品牌。 大芬村是深圳市龍崗區布吉街道一個村民小組管轄的。

81

每人 9.21 平方米

Building height: 3–10 stories

x

建築物高度：3–10 層 y

High street width: 7–8 m 主要街道寬度：7–8 米

Lane width: 4–5 m

次要街道寬度：4–5 米

Alley width: 1–2 m 支路寬度：1–2 米

Dafen Village

9.21 m2 per person

Of all urban villages in China, Dafen is probably the most famous. The village is best known for the production of fake paintings. The oil painting industry was brought to Dafen by a Hong Kong merchant in 1989. Currently, there are about 800 galleries and over 6,000 artists.

大芬村

DAFEN VILLAGE

大芬村

Dafen Village

4

3

1

2

82

大芬村

Architour 建築巡禮

Dafen Village

1 Dafen Art Museum hosts many exhibitions. Some exhibiting artists are from Dafen Village; others are famous artists from elsewhere. This museum often holds public auctions. 2 This factory building has been converted into shops that sell paintings and art supplies. 3 Wall galleries are located in two- or three-meter wide alleys. Since these galleries are cheap to rent, some artists use the space for producing paintings.

1

4 The Sun Rise Painting Center is the oldest building in Dafen Village. A famous artist named Chen Qiuzhi rents the building, which has now been converted into his studio and exhibition space. 1 大芬美術館除了展覽本地畫家和畫工的作品外，也 有展覽來自海外的著名藝術家的作品。美術館有時還 會舉行作品拍賣會。 2 大芬村內其中一個工廠置換成油畫和售賣相關物品 的小商店。 3 牆壁畫廊分佈在兩棟樓之間的二到三米寬的巷子 裡。由於租金平宜，一些畫工把它們租下，邊作畫邊 賣畫，成為大芬村的一大特色。

2

4 太陽山藝術中心是大芬村內最古老的歷史建築物。 著名畫家陳求之把這棟歷史建築物租下，並改造成創 作基地與作品展覽空間。

4

3

83

大芬村

Dafen Village

84

大芬村

Dafen Village

Dafen Main Street 大芬村主街 On Dafen’s main street, there are lots of shops that sell oil paintings, picture frames, and paint pigment. They sell to retailers in large quantities as well as to individual consumers. The street, with plenty of parking space, is frequently occupied by transportation labor and trucks.

85

大芬村主街充滿著售賣油畫和跟油畫相關物品（包括畫 框裝裱、顏料等）的店鋪。這些店鋪除了零售外，還作 大量批發。店鋪門前可以停車，所以在這裡我們可以常 常見到很多運輸工人和貨車。

大芬村

Commerce 商業

Dafen Village

5 6

7 8

9 10

86

B1

A1

Eastern Senior Sculpture Home 東方高級雕塑家園

B2

Huaxiang Sculpture Painting and Calligraphy Institute 華祥雕刻書畫院 Convenience and Elegance Gallery 捷雅畫廊 Big Beautiful International Art 大美國際藝術 Lucky Dragon Art 龍祥書藝

A4

Orchid and Pavilion College 蘭亭書院

A5

Song Mei Oil Painting 頌美油畫

A6

Pure Art Portrait Square 純藝肖像坊

A7

Azalea Art Center 映山紅藝術中心

A8

Green Garden Oil Painting Galleries 青苑油畫展室

A9

C. Fashion Shop 時尚商品 Lian Fa Clothes 牡丹繡莊

C1

D. Exhibition 展覽 Sun Mountain 太陽山

D1

E. Grocery 雜貨 Highly Satisfactory Convenience Store 順心便利店

E1

B1

0

E1 A24 3 A2

A10

A2

Random Gallery 無規則畫廊

A3

Creative Painting Studio 創意油畫工作室

A20

A11

Painting Business Overseas 越洋畫業

A21

Yellow River Oil Painting Arts Plaza 黃江油畫藝術廣場

A12

Wenxuan Gallery 文軒畫廊

A22

A13

Bo Yuan Tang 博緣堂

A23

Xinya Gallery 欣雅畫廊

A14

Phoenix Poetry 菲尼詩

A24

Yu-Tong Xuan Shenzhen Paintings Wholesale Center 鈺棠軒深圳字畫批發中心

Prominent Art Gallery 傑藝畫廊

A25

Art World 藝術世界

A15

A26

Adam Art Exhibition Center 亞當藝術展銷中心

A16

Three Wood Modern Oil Painting 三木現代油畫

A27

World Oil Painting 天地油畫

A17

Three Five Seven 叁伍柒

A18

Jindun Modern Painting Creative Studio 金墩現代油畫創意工作室

A28

Male and Vast Oil Painting 雄瀚畫廊 Hongyu Three-dimensional Space 宏宇立體空間

A19

The Friends of the Art Deco 其友雅藝

A29

Inch Gallery 方寸畫廊

A30

A18 A19

A32

A17 G1

5 A1 6 街 A1 村主 t 大芬 Stree

in

G2

A13

Dafe

n Ma

33 A34 A A35

G1

View Together Court 聚景苑

G2

Arts Training 美術培訓 Kindergarten 幼稚園

4A5 A3A 2 A1 A

10

H. Education 教育 H1 H2

Xiaohong Oil Co., Ltd. 曉紅油畫有限公司

A32 Left and Right Oil Painting 左右油畫

A43

Yang Golden Sword Abstract Oil Painting 楊國金刀抽象油畫

A33 Thousands of Baidu Gallery 千百度畫廊

A44

Athens Arts A34 雅閣藝術

A45

New Century Studio A35 新世紀工作室

A46

New Century Oil Painting A36 新世紀油畫

A47

Noble Art Forest Gallery A37 尚藝林畫廊

A48

Random No. 3 Gallery A38 無規則3號畫廊

A49

Drunk Ink Gallery A39 醉墨軒

A50

Chen Wu Art Space A40 辰吳藝術空間

A51

Beautiful Art Gallery 藝美畫廊

A12

Trafalgar Frame 卓雅畫框

A42

Light Picture Painting 點光攝繪

F1

G. Frame Store 畫框

5

A36

F3

A31 New Impression Art 新印象藝術

Bermuda Art 百慕達藝術

2 A11 F

F2

A52

A51

Zundian Painting 尊典油畫

Victory and Fortune Painting 勝發油畫

9 A10 A

Sun Mountain 太陽山 Coffee Gallery 咖啡畫廊

A8 A6A7

F1

A14

Song Mei Oil Painting Coffee 頌美咖啡畫廊

6

H2

A26

F. Coffee Shop 咖啡店

9

F3

B1 5 A2

A27

8

A40 A41

A6

D1

A28

A

7

A42

9 A2

A50

A43

A31

A50 A49 A48 A49 A38 9 3 37 A

A30

4 45 A4 46 A A47 A B2 C1

A21 A20

A2

2

H1

Daylight High Quality Oil Painting 黎明高品質油畫

Dafen Village

A. Painting Store 畫廊

Bright Pearl Sculpture 明珠雕塑

大芬村

B. Sculpture Store 雕塑店鋪

Flowers 百花 Super Wing Frame 超榮畫框 Art Forest Painting and Calligraphy Institute 藝林書畫院 Super Beautiful Book Arts 特美書藝

A41

A52

World Art Warehouse 天下畫倉

N 0

87

10

25

50m

大芬村

Housing 房屋

Dafen Village 11 m

7.2 m

Each residential flat is being used for living, working, and exhibition purposes. Compared to other villages, the rent of these flats is really expensive, even on the fifth or sixth floor. Rent for a typical unit is about 2,500 RMB per month. 大芬村每個原住宅單位都被改造成居住、工作和展覽功能結合的空 間模式。與其他城中村租金比較，大芬村房屋的租金（ 包括那些位 於五樓和六樓的），都是十分昂貴的。大芬村內標準單位的每月租 金，已經達到 2,500 元人民幣。

1-bedroom family unit 一房家庭單位

3 people 3人

Area: 68 m2

面積：68 平方米

Monthly rent: ~2,500 RMB 月租 ~2,500 元人民幣

88

Unfortunately, due to the financial crisis, I could not find a job in Dafen Village. I relied on my family to support me. I felt so ashamed of having made the decision to move to Dafen. Eventually, I found a job in an electronics factory with a monthly salary of 900 RMB. In my spare time I started to paint, but my landlord disliked the smell of oil painting. I was forced to move into a dormitory in the factory. After Chinese New Year in 2010, I resigned from the factory and rented a small exhibition area in Dafen. It is about 2 square meters and costs 500 RMB each month. Since then, I have started painting again. So I am now a painter in Dafen. 我在四川音樂美術學院畢業後，就自行創業，當起 廣告設計師。到了厭倦的時候，我把公司賣掉，從 四川南下深圳，來到大芬村，開始了新的生活。 受金融危機的影響，剛來的時候，沒有人需要新的 畫師。之前做慣了老闆的我，不得不依靠家裡接 濟過日子，所以覺得沒有臉回去，只好硬著頭皮留 下來。後來，我才在一家電子廠找到一份包裝的工 作，工資每月 900 元人民幣。 在工餘時我開始畫畫，但房東嫌我畫畫氣味太大， 很快就把我趕走，我於是搬到工廠宿舍居住。 2010 年春節後，我辭去工廠的工作，在大芬村租 了一個約兩平方米的單位，每月 500 元人民幣。 從那時開始，我再執起畫筆繪畫，現在成為了大芬 村的畫家。

89

Dafen Village

I graduated from Sichuan Music and Art College. Having worked as a designer in the advertising industry, I started to feel bored, so I sold my business and moved to Dafen in Shenzhen to seek a new life.

大芬村

Wang Wei 王偉

崗廈村

Gangxia Village

change Shennan-Huanggang Motorway Inter 深南-皇崗立交

Caitian Road 彩田路

Shennan Avenue 深南大道

Huanggang Road 皇崗路

ua

Fuh

d Roa

路

福華

90

Total population: ~68,000 總人口：~68,000

崗廈村

Located in the Futian District today, Gangxia Village is the only urban village within the CBD of Shenzhen. Because of its location and the need for affordable housing, Gangxia has an extremely high density. Surrounded by several office skyscrapers, many white-collar workers live in Gangxia Village, which sets the village apart from the others. 崗廈村原本的村民幾乎全部姓文，因為他們是南宋抗元英雄文天祥的 後裔。約 680 年前，文氏子孫文萃等人來到此地，看見許多的魚塘和 肥沃的土地後便在此定居，繁衍生息。 今天，崗廈村是唯一一個位於深圳市中心區的城中村。它位於對廉價 住宅需求甚高的福田區，所以建築密度非常高。她的周邊被許多高層 辦公樓包圍，因此不少白領擇居於此，給崗廈村帶來了不同的風貌。

91

面積：16 公頃

2.21 m2 per person 每人 2.21 平方米

Building height: 6–10 stories

x

建築物高度：6–10 層 y

High street width: 5–7 m 主要街道寬度：5–7 米

Lane width: 3–5 m

次要街道寬度：3–5 米

Alley width: 1–2 m 支路寬度：1–2 米

Gangxia Village

The original villagers in Gangxia Village mostly go by the family name of Wen, since they were descendants of Wen Tianxiang, a well-known national hero in the Southern Song dynasty. About 680 years ago Wen’s offspring found that the area was suitable for rice production and established the village.

Area: 16 ha

崗廈村

GANGXIA VILLAGE

崗廈村

4

Gangxia Village

Caihongxindu Residential Area 彩虹新都住宅區

Vegetable Market 崗廈市場

5

2

1

3

Gangxia Primary School 崗廈小學

92

崗廈村

Architour 建築巡禮

Gangxia Village

1 The main entrance to Gangxia Village is a historical Chinese gateway. 2 Typical Gangxia housing typology: eight or nine stories, old and small units, sometimes with an added structure on the roof. 3 One of the important inner streets, where you can buy simple electronic products or have electronics repaired. 4 Since this old residential building stands next to tall office towers, it has a stunning view from the rooftop. 5 This lane houses a wide variety of small restaurants and food stalls. Many white-collar workers have lunch here.

1 2

1 在崗廈村的主要入口建有一個具有歷史意義的牌坊。 2 典型的崗廈住宅：樓高八或九層，單位內部陳舊和 細小，有時在天台之上甚至多加一層。 3 主要的內部街道之一，你可在這兒購買小型電子產 品或維修家用電器。 4 由於這舊住宅大廈緊貼毗鄰的高層辦公樓，從屋頂 下望，別有一番景緻。 5 這條巷上有著許多不同種類的食肆和小餐館，很多 白領在此用膳。

3

93

4

5

崗廈村

Gangxia Village

94

崗廈村

Gangxia Village

YSIZE XSIZE

ha

ha

haha

haha

ha

Gangxia Gateway Street 崗廈牌坊街 As its name implies, this street is the first street behind the village gateway. Most of the social activities take place here. There are a primary school, a kindergarten, fast food restaurants, a vegetable market, and even a basketball court. Most spaces on the ground floor of the buildings are used for commercial purposes, while the stories above are rental apartments. The buildings face several 100-meter tall office towers on the opposite side of the narrow street. 95

顧名思義，牌坊街是進入崗廈牌坊的第一條街，崗廈人 的主要公共活動也大多集中於此，這裡有不同的設施， 如小學、幼稚園、快餐店、菜市場，甚至籃球場。在這 條街的樓房，地面大多是作商業用途，上層為出租公 寓，與旁邊多幢一百米高的大樓相映成趣。

崗廈村

Commerce 商業

Gangxia Village 6 7 8 9

10

96

Big Steps Decoration 鴻步裝飾

D1

Five Continents Pharmacy 五洲藥房

E1

No Name Snacks 無名小吃

A2

Rainbow Decoration Materials 虹圳裝飾材料

D2

Red Hills Massage 紅山足浴

E2

Sand County Snacks 沙縣小吃

A3

Culture Curtains 文華窗簾

D3

Slim Silk Hair Cut 纖絲理髮店

E3

Chongqing Spicy Hot Pot 重慶麻辣燙

A4

Blister Age 吸塑時代

D4

Beautiful Hair Cut 美尚美理髮

E4

Smelling Nice Restaurant 聞香菜

A5

Must Be Healthy Herb Tea 一定康涼茶

A6

Top Farmhouse Course 上品農家菜

A7

Profits Come Restaurant 利好來菜館

A8

Treasure Celebrate Eatery 寶慶軒

A9

Lanzhou Noodles 蘭州拉麵

A10

Delicious Hunan Cuisines 美味湘菜館

A11

F. Food Market/Store 街市

6

A1

Shanxi Cold Noodles 陝西涼皮

A12

Chao-Shan Large Stall 潮汕大排檔

A13

B1 B2

F1 G1’

7 A2 G1

Good Supermarket 好之多超市

B1

A3 G2

Two Dollars Grocery 兩元店

B2

Gangxia Cheap Store 崗廈平價百貨

B3

Beautiful & Good Convenience Store 美宜佳便利店

B4

Grand Forest Store 林海盛超市

B5

Famous Goodness Store 名佳百貨

B6

Prosperity Store 興隆商行

B7

D2

D3

A4

G3

G5

G4 C1 A5

8

B4

B5 B6

A9

C. Fashion Shop 時尚商品 Cool Me Clothes 酷我服飾

C1

Wenlan Underclothes 文蘭內衣

C2

Magic Wardrobe 魔衣櫥

C3

Good Boy Clothes 好小子服飾

C4

Good-fine Stationery 嘉佳文具

C5

Rich Clothes 雜衣鋪

C6

A10 A11 G9 E4 A12

F2

Great Luck Rice & Edible Oil 盛旺糧油

F3

G1’/G1

China Mobile 中國移動

G2

Sunrise Electronics 朝陽電器

G3

New & Secondary Electronics 新舊貨買賣

G4

Computer Repair 電腦修理

G5

Wise King Computers 明君電腦

G6

China Mobile 中國移動

G7

KeepYour Beauty Photo Studio G8 遛麗像館

F2 B3

G6

Eagle Flies Communication 鵬飛通訊

G9

G7 C2

Huaxin Electronics 華鑫家電

G10

Your Fox Photo & Digital Studio 令狐數碼影像

G11

China Mobile 中國移動

G12

C3 A6 A7 A8

E3

Getting Rich Rice & Edible Oil 鴻發糧油

Lee’s Installation 李記安裝

E1

B. Grocery 雜貨

F1

G. Electronic Products 電子產品

D1

E2

No Money Problems Fruits 不差錢水果

F3 D4 C4 G8 C5

G10 C6

G11

B7

G12

A13

9

Gangxia Gateway Street 崗廈牌坊街

0

5

97

Caitian Road 彩田路

10

25m

N

10

Gangxia Village

E. Health, Sports & Beauty 健康美容

A1

A. Restaurant 食肆

崗廈村

D. Decoration & Materials 裝修及材料

Emperor Poultry Duck 禽始皇鴨脖

崗廈村

Housing 房屋

Gangxia Village 11 m 6m

The apartments in Gangxia Village are small and old, but since they are located in the center of Shenzhen, 30-square meter apartments have been rented up to 1,000 RMB monthly already. For many migrant labor workers, this is not a small amount to catch up. 儘管崗廈的住宅又小又舊，但由於它們位於深圳市中心，一間 30 平 方米的公寓月租卻要約 1,000 元人民幣。對於很多外來的打工者來 說，這不是小的開支。

2-bedroom family unit 兩睡房家庭單位

2–3 people 2–3 人

Area: 33 m2

面積：33 平方米

Monthly rent: ~1,000 RMB 月租 ~1,000 元人民幣

98

Now I live with somebody from my hometown. Besides selling fried food, we also do delivery jobs. I am trying to save 50,000 RMB. Then I will go back to my hometown and open a small restaurant. Life is not that desirable here. 從兩年前我跟妹妹一起從鄉下來到深 圳，我就住在這房子。從那時開始， 我們一起經營一個油炸食品攤子，生 意雖不好但尚可糊口。妹妹半年後認 識了一位男朋友，並且找到了一份新 的工作，於是搬走了，開始了她的新 生活。 現在我跟我的老鄉住在這裡，我們除 了繼續賣小吃以外，偶爾做做搬運 工，等賺夠五萬塊錢，我就回老家去 開個餐館，這裡的生活並不愜意。

99

Gangxia Village

I have been living in this house for two years, since I came to Shenzhen with my sister. For half a year, we operated a food stall selling fried food. One day, my sister told me that she was dating a local man. So she moved out of the house, found a new job, and started a new life.

崗廈村

Jin Gao 金高

The GREATEST Phenomenon in China 在中國最神奇的現象

BATTLE OF THE SMARTEST 聰明王者爭霸戰 Jiekou Village

村民

政府

IPAL C I N U M N E H Z N SHE GOVERNMENT 政府 深圳市人民

TS VICTORIES STA 1980 1986 1993 1995 2001

AN SHENZHEN URB VILLAGERS 村民 深圳城中村 勝利戰績

聰明王者爭霸戰 在中國最神奇的現象

Source:Y. P. Wang,Y. Wang, and J. Wu (2009), “Urbanization and informal development in China: Urban villages in Shenzhen,” International Journal of Urban and Regional Research 33 (4): 957–973.

100

Moves 出招

Countermoves 反招

Land allocation 土地分配

Household subdivision 戶籍分割

Bout 1 第一戰：1980 New residential areas planned to replace older houses 新住宅區以取代舊房子

150m2

win

• Land allocated to each household

• Villagers divided their family into smaller households to obtain more allocation

• 每戶分配土地每戶

• 村民將家庭分成不同戶以獲得更多土地和建築許可

Per person allocation 每人土地分配制

Illegal construction 非法建築物

Bout 2 第二戰：1986

1 3

80m2

40m2

40m2

150m2

150m2

• Migrant workers population boom at the time • Villagers ignored regulations • Illegal buildings constructed and rooms subdivided

150m2

• Maximum 40 sq. m. GFA per registered person • Maximum height of 3 stories

win

• 每戶人建築面積上限為 40 平方米 • 建築物高度上限為三層

Upper limit 上限制

• 新規定成立時，外來工人人口正在增長 • 村民不理法規 • 非法建築和樓層出現，並且分割房子出租

Building reconstruction 房屋重建

Bout 3 第三戰：1993 80m2

Increased density

Maximum gfa = 480m2

Per household regardless of the number of people in the household • Maximum land allocated –100 sq. m. • Maximum GFA capped at 480 sq. m.

2 4

增加密度

Kissing buildings 接吻建築物

land = 100m2

win

不論每戶人數多少

• 土地上限 100 平方米 • 建築面積上限 480 平方米

• Income gathered from rents were used to rebuild houses completely • 用租金收入重建房子

Approval suspension 暫停審批

sp 暫 en 停 de d

Building Approval 建築物認可

Su

1 3

• Buildings in urban villages broke regulations leading to suspension of building approvals

win

• 城中村的建築物不受控制，導致暫停建築物認可

Legitimize Buildings 建築物合法化

d

Property certificate 產權證書

Traditional freehold land ownership 土地擁有權

fo rf 放 eite 棄 d

繳交罰款和

2 4

Rooms continued to be partitioned for renting 房間持續被分割出租

• Rent was the only source of income for villagers • Lack of enforcement — Villagers ignored regulations and continued to build illegally • 村民的主要收入就是租金 • 缺乏執法——村民不理管制，繼續建造違章建築

Loss of land 失去土地

Bout 5 最終戰：2001

A pp 批 rov 准 e

Pay penalty and land use fee

Ignored regulations 忽視管制

Bout 4 第四戰：1995

When land lease expires 當土地租契

Death of urban villages? 城中村之死？

到期時

土地租用費

Legitimize illegal buildings by • paying penalty for excessive GFA • Pay land lease fees if household possesses more than one building

win

違章建築合法化

• By signing the land lease agreement, it effectively ends collective ownership of land inside urban villages • When the lease expires, the government can choose to withdraw the lease

• 繳交罰款以換取違規的額外建築面積 • 擁有多於一個建築物的住戶須額外繳交土地租用費

• 當簽下土地租用同意書，城中村內的集體土地擁有權便結束了 • 當租約期滿後，政府可以選擇不再出租土地

101

Jiekou Village

80m2

Population Composition in Shenzhen Urban Villages

深圳的人口結構

深圳城中村人口結構組成

with B Permit ple eo

1,820,000 ,000,000

82 %

13 %

5%

Reg iste r

Registe red

7

ating Populatio Flo n

3,000,000

A Perm it

with B Permit ple eo

People wi th A it rm Pe

Jiekou Village

ating Populatio Flo n

Population Composition in Shenzhen

P

P

ed

Total population in Shenzhen 深圳總人口 7 million

11,820,000

Presently, the majority of the population within urban villages has a B permit. At the same time, most of the registered people move out of urban villages.

Floating Population Composition in History 歷史上流動人口的結構

現在大部份乙型許可證戶都住在城中村， 同時，大部份的登記戶正遷離城中村。

6 million 5 million

A Permit 甲型許可證戶

4 million 3 million 2 million 1 million

Shenzhen

Guangdong Province 0

1980

Provincial Floating 省級的流動人口

Surplus rural labour Stage 1

超額鄉村工人

China

Shenzhen

1990

2000

2005

National Floating

Global Floating

Professionals 專業人員

Investors 投資者

國家的流動人口

Stage 2

全球的流動人口

Stage 3 Right to live and work! 可在那兒居住和工作 !

B Permit 乙型許可證戶

I found a job in Shenzhen! 我在深圳找到了工作！

102

LIMITED RIGHTS OF FLOATING POPULATION Earned senior professional certificate

Registered 登記戶

獲得高級技術職稱 Learn to drive for free when unemployed 失業者可免費學習駕駛

Paid more than 240,000 RMB tax in 3 years 3年內納稅超過24萬元人民幣

Households relocated due to policy 政策拆遷戶

Right to cover 90% medical costs 可享有百分之九十 醫療費保障

Right to loan from bank 可向銀行借貸

Children can get into public school 小孩可入讀公立 小學

A job contract for 3 years 可享有一份三年合約 的工作

A steady job (3-year contract) A place to live

一份穩定工作（三年合約）

可享有一處居所

A job 可享有一份工作

A place to live 可享有一處居所

參考資料： 寇宣奎，〈廣東省人口遷移和流動狀况研究〉，《中山大學研究生學刊》，卷 16，第 4 期。 林盛根，〈社會轉型期流動人口管理問題探討〉，《社會研究》，文章編號 1 002-2589 (2009) 1 7-0089-04。

103

Jiekou Village

流動人口的有限權利

街口村

Gu

ang

she

nE

xp

Jiekou Village

res sw ay 廣 深 高 速 公 路

aG Hu

u

os

ha

n

Ro

ad

Hengbin Roa d

橫濱路

路

山

果

花

Xin’an Yi Road 新安

一路

50

100m

104

Total population: ~8,000 總人口：~8,000

街口村

There are eight factory zones in the village surroundings, covering 60 hectares for production space and workshops. Dormitories and housing occupy the remaining 20 hectares. In total, the village comprises 233 factories. Among them, 138 are Hong Kong-owned, 60 are Taiwanowned, and 33 are local, privately run factories. The main products made in the village are electronics, hardware, chemicals, plastic goods, leather, and clothing. Over 90 percent of the population in the village are young migrant laborers. 東莞市長安鎮街口村位於珠江口東南側，地處廣深經濟走廊長安鎮中心 腹地，鄰近香港，國道 107 線和廣深高速公路貫穿全村。街口村自建 的道路網絡與高速公路中轉站連成一體，交通十分便捷。因為交通便 利，改革開放以來，街口村不斷招商引資，工業迅速發展。 全村現有八大工業區，廠房面積達 60 萬平方米，宿舍面積達 20 萬平 方米。現有工廠企業達 233 家，其中港商佔 138 家，台商佔 60 家，私 營企業有 33 家。主要產品有電子、五金、化工、塑膠、皮革、服裝等。 現在街口村超過百分之九十以上的人口都是年輕的外來工人。

105

面積：8 公頃

10 m2 per person 每人 10 平方米

Building height: 1–7 stories

x

建築物高度：1–7 層 y

High street width: 4–5 m 主要街道寬度：4–5 米

Lane width: 2–3 m

次要街道寬度：2–3 米

Alley width: 1–2 m 支路寬度：1–2 米

Jiekou Village

Jiekou Village is located in Changan Town of Dongguan, situated near the southeast Pearl River estuary. National 107 Highway and the Guangshen Expressway cut through the village. Since the economic reforms from 1979, Jiekou Village has attracted a large number of investments in industrial development due to its transportation linkages.

Area: 8 ha

街口村

JIEKOU VILLAGE

街口村

Jiekou Village 4

2

3 1

5

Xin

’an

Yi R

oad

新安

一路

106

街口村

Architour 建築巡禮

Jiekou Village

1 Incremental additions to buildings are common within the village. Most of them are made of laminated board and used for additional workshop space. 2 The high street is popular for shopping. There are many groceries and small supermarkets. 3 A small workshop producing electronic parts. 1

4 A Hong Kong-owned factory producing electronic products. Most employees live in Jiekou Village. The blue container is the workshop of the factory. 5 Former center of the original farm village. Older accommodation here is cheaper than the new buildings. 1 街口村的房屋加建情況普遍。加建房屋一般用夾心 板建成，常被用作工作室。 2 村中主街內有很多私營商店。其中大多是雜貨店和 小型超級市場。 3 一個小型工作室，主要生產加工電子產品。 4 村中的工廠，老闆是香港人，廠裡的工人都在街口 村內租房住。圖中的藍色集裝箱是工廠的一個車間。

2

5 原始村舍的村中心， 這裡的房租比樓房的房租便宜 很多。

4

3

5

107

街口村

Jiekou Village

108

街口村

Jiekou Village

Huaguoshan Road 花果山路 Huaguoshan Road features a variety of buildings styles: older original village buildings, five to seven-story buildings dating from the 1980s, a variety of factory workshops, and an ancestral hall. Along the main road, there are many grocery and amenity shops. There are a lot of factory workers and students commuting to work and school in the morning and returning home in the evening. After the busy morning rush hour, the road becomes quiet again.

109

花果山路上的建築風格迥異，有較原始的村舍，有五至 七層建於 1980 年代的新樓，有不同的廠房，也有祠堂。 街上的店鋪以雜貨店、五金鋪為主。 早晚時刻這條路上充滿了工人和學生，但白天的時候， 路上的行人很少，村子較為寧靜。

街口村

Commerce 商業

Jiekou Village 6 9 7 10

8 11

110

F. Electronic Product 電子產品

Telephone Booth 電話亭

F2

Happy Store 喜盈盈商店

I3

Telephone Booth 電話亭

F3

Pleasant Convenience Store 順心商店

I4

Star Mobile & Computer 星宇手機電腦

F4

Good Convenience Store 佳佳便利

I5

Changan Telecom Shop 長安電信連鎖店

F5

Beauty & Good Store 美惠佳商行

I6

Jiekou Village Store 街口商店

I7

Pleasant Convenience Store 如意便利

I8

Grocery 雜貨店

I9

Grocery 雜貨店

I13

Sex Toys 成人用品店

H5

Professional Hair Color 專業剪髮

H6

Thousands Luck Supermarket I14 千惠超市 Cheap Store 優惠便利店

I15 I16

Benevolence Pharmacy 仁鑫藥店

H7

Good Store 佳都商店

H8

Good & Cheap Supermarket 美惠佳超市

I17

Professional Hair Color 專業理髮店

I18

Lucky Photo Studio 幸福照相館

H9

Little Beauty Store 小美商行

6

H2

112

19 18

I11 110

B4

16

ou Jiek

A4

E2

17

A. Restaurant 食肆

F5

中路

街口 oad le R

d

Mid

E1 2 A2 11 C H1 A1 C1

A1

Guilin Noodle 桂林米粉

A2

Hong Kong Restaurant 港式茶餐廳

A3

Wishful Dessert 如意糖水

A4

Healthy Noodle Roll 益和腸粉

A5

Maoyue Restaurant 茂粵餐廳

A6

Pleasant Hardware Store 愉達五金店

B1

Guilin Noodle 桂林米粉

A7

D1 B1

B. Hardware & Workshop 五金作坊

Hunan Restaurant 湘菜館

B2

14 13 F1

15

F2

9

12

11

10

B5

B3

F3

B6

H4

Grocery 雜貨店

Sonorous Professional Hair Color 宏亮專業剪髮

14 113 1

I12

H6

Grocery 雜貨店

H5

H3

G1 H4

Trust Pharmacy 信得藥業

A5

11 5

I11

111

H9

116

Grocery 雜貨店

8

E3

H2

117

Beauty Hair Color 漂亮專業剪髮

7

路

H. Health & Beauty 健康美容

I10

F4

園

G1

I1 H1

A3

A9 8 A 7 A 8 11

麥

G. Fashion Shop 時尚商品 Healthy Shoes 健利鞋店

Lucky Convenient Store One Mind Health Pharmacy 福均便利店 一心堂藥店

H3

H8 7 H

Jiekou Village

I2

街口村

Aite Convenience Store 愛特便利店

ad

F1

Ro

Mobile Store 手機批發中心

ua n

I1

iy Ma

Lucky Convenience Store 福均便利店

A6

I. Grocery 雜貨

Electronic Model Workshop 電子模具作坊

B2

Ice Dessert 冰凍糖水店

A8

Happiness Hardware Store 福樂五金店

B3

Fuijan Dumpling 福建名餃

A9

Hardware Store 五金店

B4

Good Hardware Store 佳佳五金店

B5

Hardware Store 五金店

B6

D. Public Services 公共服務 Water Center 供水中心

D1

E. Food Market/Store 街市 Capita Food Store 嘉茂糧油店

E1

Baoan Food Store 寶安糧油店

E2

New Star House Renting 新星房屋出租

C1

Anlong Food Store 安龍糧油店

E3

Fortune House Renting 仁福房屋出租

C2

C. Accommodation 住宿

N 0

10

25

50m

街口村

Housing 房屋

Jiekou Village 7m

10

m

Here is an example of the newer rental units available in the village. The rent is double that of an older original house. The rent for this apartment is 350 RMB per month. Each room contains several bunk beds. The living room has been converted into a dormitory. The kitchen and the bathroom are communal for up to ten people.

5-bedroom unit

街口村中既有新建築，也有原始村舍。前者的租金通常比後者租金貴兩 倍以上。房間租金為每間房 350 元。每個房間都有高低床，客廳改建 成宿舍，公用的廚房和衛生間可供 10 人共用。

Area: 70 m2

五睡房單位

6–10 people 6–10 人

面積：70 平方米

Monthly rent: ~350 RMB

每房間月租 ~350 元人民幣

112

In my opinion, 350 RMB monthly rent is a little expensive. I don’t feel alone in the village because there are many other people from Hubei Province. 自從我孫子出生後，我從湖北來到街口村。我的 兒子和兒媳在家鄉結婚後前往東莞找工作。他們 現在於村裡的模具作坊裡打工。我們一家四口租 住村子裡一間樓房。我平日的主要工作就是帶孫 子。我的孫子也在這個村子裡出生。 我覺得村子裡的房租還是有點貴，一個月 350 塊。我在村子裡一點也不寂寞，因為這裡有很多 從湖北來的老鄉。

113

Jiekou Village

I moved from Hubei Province to Dongguan when my grandson was born. My son and my daughter-in-law got married in our hometown; they then moved to Dongguan to find jobs. They are now working in a model workshop of the village. We are living in one of the newer buildings here. I spend most of my time taking care of my grandson. He was born here in this urban village.

街口村

Aunt Li 李姨

sa ng Do al Ca n

Tianjia Village

nR oa

d運

河 東 三 路

恬甲村

Yinf eng

Hongfu

West R o

Roa

d銀

豐路

ad 鴻福

西路

50

100

200m

114

Total population: 10,000 總人口：10,000

恬甲村

Area: 8 ha

面積：8 公頃

In addition to functioning as a daily leisure area, the park is used occasionally for performances, especially Cantonese opera. 恬甲村位於東莞商業中心的心臟。舊稱水圍，建於明代。人口的百 分之八十是從內陸省份搬來的移民。 度香亭公園是銀豐路一個比較著名的地方，始建於清代，是知識分 子聚集的地方。隸甫張公祠旁邊是知名學者張伯楨的居所。自 2003 年以來，社區辦事處和居民共投入 550 萬美元去維修公園和隸甫張 公祠。目前，它們反映了嶺南文化和成了公眾的娛樂場所。 除了作為日常的休閒景點，這地方也偶爾成為表演場地，舉辦粵劇 欣賞會。

115

每人 6.5 平方米

Building height: 3–7 stories

x

建築物高度：3–7 層 y

High street width: 6–7 m 主要街道寬度：6–7 米

Lane width: 4–5 m

次要街道寬度：4–5 米

Alley width: 1–2 m 支路寬度：1–2 米

Tianjia Village

6.5 m2 per person

Tianjia Village is located in the heart of Dongguan CBD. It was formerly called Shui Wei and was established during the Ming dynasty. Eight percent of the population are migrants from inland provinces. A more famous spot in Yinfeng Road is Duxiangting Park, built in the Qing dynasty as a gathering place for intellectuals. The Zhanggongci nearby was residence of the well-known scholar Zhang Bozhen. Since 2003, the district and community offices and residents have invested a total of US$5.5 million for the repairment work of the park and Zhanggongci. Currently, their architecture reflects the Lingnan culture and provides a good venue for hosting recreational activities for the residents.

恬甲村

TIANJIA VILLAGE

Yin

銀豐 feng 路 Roa

2

d

恬甲村

Tianjia Village 1

5

3 4

116

恬甲村

Architour 建築巡禮

Tianjia Village

1 The village entrance is adorned with a traditional Chinese gateway. 2 Duxiangting Park is a famous historical spot for gathering and is often used as a setting for Chinese opera. 3 The Central Water Canal is a key environmental feature running from east to west through the Tianjia Village. 4 The Waterfront Promenade is a space enjoyed by people of all ages and it is one of the key neighborhood places. 5 Village community places host sports, provide sitting spaces, and foster meet-ups and activities. 1 村口的裝飾富有中國傳統的牌坊特色。 2 度香亭公園是著名的歷史性公共空間和欣賞中國戲 曲的場地。 3 由東流向西的中央水道是恬甲村獨特的環境元素 。 4 海濱長廊是鄰里交往的地方。 5 村民在社區場所內舉辦體育、會議和其他活動。

1

2 3 4 5

117

恬甲村

Tianjia Village

118

恬甲村

Tianjia Village

Canal Dongsan Road 運河東三路 The Waterfront Promenade and the canal are the distinct features of Tianjia Village. Along the canal, the roads transform into an open recreational space during the daytime. The street frontage is populated by densely spaced houses. Balconies and overhangs of the upper floors above the streets provide semi-outdoor activity space for the shops. Trees and regularly spaced seating make this place comfortable. The promenade accommodates convenience stores, traditional Chinese food shops, bicycle repair shops, electric appliances and other hardware shops for the factories and local residents nearby. 119

海濱長廊是恬甲村特徵。沿水道路變成一個開放休閒的 空間。這條街的房子貼緊並排。陽台和簷篷提供了半室 外活動空間。樹木和規律擺置的椅子增加了空間的舒適 感。 海濱長廊有便利店、傳統中國食品商店、自行車修理 店、電器維修店和其他商店，提供附近工廠工人和本地 居民生活所需。

恬甲村

Commerce 商業

Tianjia Village 6 7

8 9 10 11

120

A. Education 教育

D. Restaurants 餐廳 A1

B. Bank Services 銀行服務 B1

C. Entertainment 娛樂

D1

Shunde Gongmei Food Store 順德宮美菜館

E1

Pingmei Drug Store 平煤藥妝

H1

Dongting Local Cuisine 洞庭土菜館

D2

Silver Bee Tea Store 銀蜂茶館

E2

Guangyang Hair Dressing 光陽美髮

H2

Taste Bud Duck Neck 味覺鴨脖

D3

Heliushan Food Store 鶴留山餐廳

E3

De’aotang Nancheng Drug Store H3 德愛堂南城藥店

Sichuan Restaurant 四川泡菜館

D4

Sea Elegant Supermarket 海優超市

E4

D5

Green Fortune Chess 祿福國際象棋

C1

Little Pepper Cuisine 小辣椒湘菜

C2

Flying Horse Sichuan Dishes 飛馬川菜

D6

Sun Rise Internet Bar 日升網吧

Vehicle Services 汽車服務

South Canton Colourful 南粵風采

D7

Local Food 當地食品

D8

Forever Happiness 永福 Sea Horse Vehicle Repair 海馬汽車修理 健康美容 Torch Vehicle Repair 火炬汽車修理 Smooth Vehicle Repair 平順汽車修理

E6 17

16

J6 D8

14

15

G8

C1

G9

F10

F2

Morning Trade 晨工貿易

F4

China Telecom Servicing 中國電信服務

F5

China Area Telecom 中域電訊

F3

6

I1

G1

Shanghao Convenience 雜貨Store I. Grocery 上好便利店

I2

G2

Kinyiyou Daily Store 金益友商店

I3

G3

Haolinju Convenience Store 好鄰居便利店

I4

G4

Xinshun Convenience Store 新順便利店

I5

Haiya Department Store 海雅商店

I6

Xinshun Convenience Store 新順便利店

I7

G5

TV & Freezer Repair 電視冰箱修理 Dongguan Equipment Co. 東莞噐具

G6

Musician Car Sound System 音樂家汽車音響 Southern Electrical 南方電氣

G8

G7

J. Fashion Shop 時尚店 Rose Court Fashion 玫瑰閣時尚

J1

Avon Fashion 雅芳時尚

J2

F6

Secret Heart Excellent 優秀的秘密心臟

J3

Modern Printing 現代印刷

F7

New Concept Fashion Shop 新概念時尚店

J4

China Telecom 中國電信

F8

Fashion Shop 時尚商店

J5

2nd Hand Goods Mai Yi 二手商品馬伊

F9

Fashion & Cloth 時裝及布

J6

Zhuoji Hardware 卓記五金

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G7

Shunyu Printing 舜玉印刷 Samsung Electronics 三星電子

Xuqixiu Daily Store 徐其修日報商店

G. Car & Bicycle 汽車和自行車

F. Electronic Products 電子產品 Motel Yigao Printing F1 藝高印刷

I. Grocery 雜貨

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F10 K. Public Services 公共服務

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Community Centre 社區中心

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公共服務 L. Property Service 物業服務 Hunan Restaurant 湘菜館

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Guilin Noodle 桂林米粉

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d銀 Roa

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Yu Long Hotel 餘隆大酒店

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Hongrun Hotel 鴻潤大酒店

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豐路

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M. Motel 汽車旅館

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Tianjia Village

Industrial and Commercial Bank of China (ICBC) 中國工商銀行

H. Health & Beauty 保健美容

E. Food Market 食品市場

Hangzhou Small Steamed Bun 杭州小籠包

恬甲村

Pixie Kindergarten 小精靈幼兒園

恬甲村

Housing 房屋

Tianjia Village 7m

9m

The buildings in Tianjia Village are a mix of old and new houses and they are well maintained. The average rental price of a two-bedroom flat is around 250 RMB. Ground floors are rented at higher price due to high commercial demand (between 1,000 to 1,200 RMB for a 10-square meter shop).

2-bedroom family unit

恬甲村混合了新舊的建築物，並且保存得很好。兩床位的平均月租 約 250 元人民幣。由於商業需求很高，地面樓層價格飈升（10 平方 米商鋪的價格為 1,000 至 1,200 元人民幣）。

Area: 65–70 m2

兩睡房家庭為單位

4–5 people 4-5 人

面積：65–70 平方米

Monthly rent: ~200–300 RMB 月租 200–300 元人民幣

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恬甲村

Tianjia Village

Granny Qiu 邱婆婆 Tianjia is my birthplace. I own a twostory building. I live in a single room while renting the other rooms. I earn 1,600 RMB from renting out the place. Tianjia is a nice place to live although many migrants have moved here in the last twenty years and, over time, I know fewer people. My two children are no longer here either. They don’t come to see me because they are very busy. I have nothing much to do. Sometimes, it is enjoyable to see the film crews shooting. I know a lot of actors and actresses. 恬甲是我出生的地方。我擁有兩層樓的房 子，我住在一個房間，並把其他房間出 租。我掙 1,600 元人民幣的租金。 恬甲村是個好地方，在過去 20 年，吸引 很多新移民來到這裡。儘管如此，我認識 的人還是很少，我的兩個孩子由於工作很 忙，也很少來看我。 可是村裡還是會有些有趣的事情，有時候 電視台會來村裡拍攝，我也因此認識了一 些演員呢。

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Shipai Village

ONE LINE SKIES Shipai Village

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Shipai Village

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石牌村

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Shipai West Road 石牌西路

東路 Shipai East Road 石牌

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Huangpu Avenue

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126 黄埔大道

Total population: ~270,000 總人口：~270,000

石牌村

More than 170 narrow alleys are surrounded by the city’s skyscrapers. There are many IT shops in the village. Shipai is the biggest IT sales center in the south of China. Over 50,000 migrants live with roughly 10,000 locals within an area of only 40 hectares. The main source of income for the original villagers is rents. 廣州市石牌村是廣州最大，也是最古老的城中村，地處繁華的天河 區中心地帶。此村是由民宅發展起來的密集建築群（也是大家所知 的「接吻樓」），並由小部分的自留地所構成。 石牌村由 170 條狹窄的古道小巷構成，廣州中心商業區裡的摩天大 廈包圍在村的四周。石牌村內繁忙的商業街有著大量的數碼產品商 店，這裡是中國南部著名和最大的科技產品銷售中心。石牌村的面 積雖然僅有 40 公頃，但是容納著超過五萬的外來人口，以及約一萬 的本地人。村的主要經濟來源就是租賃經濟。

127

面積：40 公頃

5.7 m2 per person 每人 5.7 平方米

Building height: 7–9 stories

x

建築物高度：7–9 層 y

High street width: 7–8 m 主要街道寬度：7–8 米

Lane width: 4–5 m

次要街道寬度：4–5 米

Alley width: 1–2 m 支路寬度：1–2 米

Shipai Village

Shipai is the biggest and oldest urban village in Guangzhou, located in the center of the bustling Tianhe District. The village homestead developed the small plots into super-tall structures, otherwise known as “kissing buildings.”

Area: 40 ha

石牌村

SHIPAI VILLAGE

石牌村

Shipai Village 2 1

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石牌村

Architour 建築巡禮 1 The pond in the community center accommodates a temple.

Shipai Village

2 Pan’s Family Temple, one of the biggest temples in Shipai, has an excellent location since it faces a pond and a square.Villagers have preserved a lot of ancient temples in Shipai, setting an example of how traditional and modern buildings can coexist. 3 On either side of Shipai West Road, many shops sell digital components. They are known for their good value. 4 Located at one of the main entrances to the village, restaurants serve workers from the Central Business District. They offer a variety of cuisines from north to south China, and even from other parts of Asia. 1 社區中心祠堂中的水池。 2 潘氏家祠是石牌村裡最大的祠堂之一，因面向大池塘和前 埕，風水絕佳。石牌村裡還保留了許多祠堂，是傳統和現代建 築共存的一個實例。 3 石牌西路兩側都是經營數碼配件銷售的商店。以實惠的價 格著稱。 4 在石牌村裡其中的一個主要入口，有很多餐廳和小吃店， 匯聚了大江南北，甚至是全亞洲的各種口味，也吸引商業區裡 眾多工人。

1 2

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石牌村

Shipai Village

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石牌村

XSIZE YSIZE

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Shipai East Road 石牌東路 Shipai East Road is always crowded with consumers. Various establishments line the road, including restaurants, cafes with cool or hot drinks, hotels, real estate agents, fruit and vegetable markets, and shops selling clothes, bags, digital equipment, and appliances. Since prices are comparatively low, they attract lots of renters and students. Alleys connect the interior of the village to the surrounding main roads. These narrow alleys measure only 1.5 m to 2 m wide. 131

石牌東路總是人潮湧動。道路兩側是各種類型的商店， 包括各種口味的餐廳飯店、冷熱飲品店、衣物箱包店、 日用雜貨店、電子器材店、旅館、酒店、家電維修店、 房屋中介、蔬果市場等等。這些店鋪的價格，相對合理， 吸引了眾多居住在村裡的工人和附近學校的學生。 巷道連接著村子內部和外圍主要道路，狹窄巷道的寬度 在 1.5 米至 2 米之間。

Shipai Village

天王牌

石牌村

Commerce 商業

Shipai Village 6 7

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Ho Rich Real Estate 合富置業 Billion Ho Real Estate 億和地產

B. Bank Services 銀行

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E. Bookstore 書店 I8

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H. Health & Beauty 健康美容 God’s Son Sauna 天之驕桑拿 East Hair City 東方發城旗艦店

H1

Hundred Silks 百絲

H3

Two Heaven Pharmacy 二天堂 Foot Knowers 知足堂

H4

Colorful Nails 彩藝美甲

H6

Healthy Clinic 康琪門診

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H2

H5

Star Bookstore 星星書店

Yan Beauty 妍美 AVON Store 雅芳 Kai Xin Alcohol & Tobacco 凱鑫煙酒 Dragon Alcohol & Tobacco 金龍煙酒 Junhao Alcohol & Tobacco 駿皓煙酒 Dequi Alcohol & Tobacco 德其煙行

I1

Family Grocery 全家 Fresh Smell Flower Shop 沁怡鮮花店

I7

United Grocery 聯發商店

I9

I2 I3 I4 I5 I6

I8

J. Fashion Shop 時尚商品

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Shipai East Road

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I. Grocery 雜貨

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Hundred Fruits Mix 佰搭果 Good Brother Rice Roll 良哥拉腸 East Blessing Restaurant 東福酒樓 All Happy Restaurant 素都樂餐廳 Flavor King 口味王 New Harvest Court 黃振龍涼茶 Big Shipai Food Street 大石牌食街 Beauty Zhanjiang Chicken 益美湛江雞 Xiang’s Local Dish 湘攸土菜館 Gruel House 粥家莊 He’s Fine Food 和記美食 Yogurt Bar 酸奶吧 Rong Sun Gruel & Noodle 榮陽粥粉麵 Leading Shipai Noodle 統領天下石牌店 Good Place Sister Li 好地方李大姐酒家 Happiness Bread 多多福麵包 Da Tang Fried Goose 大塘燒鵝概念餐廳 Tea Storm 茶風暴 Xianglian Restaurant 湘蓮樓酒家 Old Spicy Flavor 老川味

H6

J3

B4

C. Entertainment 娛樂 Beauty & Power Club 俊威俱樂部 Lottery Shop 南粵風采

Richness Real Estate 裕豐地產

B1

J4

Agricultural Bank of China 農業銀行 Commercial Bank 商業銀行 Industrial Bank 興業銀行 Industrial and Commercial Bank of China 工商銀行

G1

E1

F. Electronic Products 電子產品 Shipai Phone Market 石牌手機市場

F1

Mobile Phone Card 電話卡

F2

Tuo Gu Clothes 拓谷成衣 Exporting Clothes 幸運星童裝 Beautiful Step Shoes 美步鞋屋 East Special Clothes 東方專賣店 Golden Island Clothes 金島服裝城 Exporting Clothes 外貿品牌店

J1

Tuo Gu Clothes 拓谷成衣

J7

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Wa Power Hotel 華威達酒店 Forever Rich Hotel 恆豐旅業 Universe Hotel 環宇招待所 Three Xin Hotel 三鑫招待所

C1

D5

A. Hotel 住宿

石牌村

Housing 房屋

Shipai Village 10

m

9m

This is a typical living unit of an information technology worker. Over 70 percent of migrant workers in the village are male. A worker who is not married could live and work in such a unit. Often, the apartment is filled to the brim with computer components. Sometimes, married couples live in these units until they have children.

1-bedroom family unit

這是一個典型的科技行業工人的居住單位。村內多於百分之七十的工 人是男性，如果他是單身的話，就住一個房間，並且在房間裡工作。 他們一般經營電腦商店，所有空置的地方都會用來存放貨物。通常夫 妻也住在這樣的單位內，直到他們的小孩出生為止。

Area: 32 m2

一睡房家庭單位

1–2 people 1–2 人

面積：32 平方米

Monthly rent: ~1,200 RMB 月租 ~1200 元人民幣

134

我姓張，老家湖北在中國中部，三年前 來到石牌。現在我和兩個老鄉一起經營 一間小電腦屏幕商店。我租了一個單間 套房，空置的地方幾乎都放滿貨物。除 去租房、店面、倉庫和成本，每個月差 不多可以淨賺 3,000 元吧。但物價一 直在漲。我的老婆在另外一家公司做銷 售，每個月可以存下 1,200 元，我們打 算明年要小孩。

135

Shipai Village

I am Zhang from Hubei in the center of China. I came to Shipai three years ago. Together with two friends from my hometown, I now run a small computerscreen shop. I rent a single-room unit and use all the empty space for storing computer components. After paying for material costs and rents for the shop and my room, I earn over 3,000 RMB a month, but material costs keep rising. My wife works as a saleswoman in another IT company. She manages to save about 1,200 RMB per month. We plan to have our first child next year.

石牌村

Mr. Zhang 張先生

王聖堂村

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Total population: ~100,000 總人口：~100,000

王聖堂村

Area: 20 ha

5.5 m2 per person

Wangshengtang Village is located in Yuexiu District, northwest of Guangzhou. Situated near the Guangzhou Railway Station, train tracks abut the northern edge of the village. The railway greatly facilitates the transport of shoe materials, making the Wangshengtang district a famous logistics center for footwear in Guangzhou. The village specializes in sourcing raw materials, wholesaling, and warehouse storage for shoes. The wholesale market and warehouses drive the development of the village. Many original villagers manage the footwear wholesale markets. They attract suppliers from other regions to enable further economic growth of Wangshengtang Village. 王聖堂村位於廣州西北部的越秀區，臨近廣州火車站。 村子的北部有火車軌道圍合，並與鞋材批發市場和倉庫銜接。該鐵路 大大方便了鞋材及物流的運輸，使王聖堂區成為廣州市著名的鞋材物 流中心。 鞋城大部分由當地村民管理，各地的供貨商來此交易，並因此促進王 聖堂村的經濟增長。它是由批發市場帶動整個城中村發展的典型例子。

137

每人 5.5 平方米

Building height: 6–9 stories

x

建築物高度：6–9 層 y

High street width: 8–10 m 主要街道寬度：8–10 米

Lane width: 3–6 m

次要街道寬度：3–6 米

Alley width: 2–3 m 支路寬度：2–3 米

Wangshengtang Village

面積：20 公頃

王聖堂村

WANGSHENGTANG VILLAGE

王聖堂村

Wangshengtang Village 5

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王聖堂村

Architour 建築巡禮

Wangshengtang Village

1 Given that Wangshengtang Village lies close to the railway, all the buildings nearby are low-rise warehouses and processing factories to ensure efficient logistics and transportation. 2 This logistics warehouse is used as a shoe leather transfer station that serves the footwear wholesale market nearby. 3 The ground floor of the main shoe leather processing factories houses stores, whereas the upper floors are used for material storage and manufacturing. 4 The street outside the warehouses is used by the traders as a space for wholesale and retail activities. 5 Most of the residential buildings behind the warehouses are rented to workers; only a small number of local villagers still live here. 1 王聖堂村緊靠鐵路，因此靠近鐵路的房屋皆為低矮的倉庫 及加工廠，以方便物流運輸。 2 這物流運輸倉庫成為了附近鞋貿商城的鞋材皮革的中轉站。 3 主要的大型鞋材皮革加工廠，地面樓層是商鋪，上層為個 別商鋪的材料倉庫加工場。 4 小商販把倉庫外的空地用作為批發零售的地方。 5 倉庫後是住宅樓，大部分租給外來的工人居住，小部分為 本地村民自用。

1

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王聖堂村

Wangshengtang Village

140

王聖堂村

Wangshengtang Village

Wangshengtang Street 王聖堂大街 Wangshengtang Street is the widest street in the village. Warehouses stand near the railway, while the other areas are generally used for residential purposes. Restaurants and convenience stores with everyday goods occupy the ground floor of the residential buildings, serving the local residents and workers.

141

王聖堂大街是王聖堂村內最寬闊的街道，臨鐵路的一邊 為物流倉庫，其餘為住宅區。地面樓層為商鋪，包括日 常用品店、飯館和便利店，為居民及工人服務。

王聖堂村

Commerce 商業 Wangshengtang Village

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E. Food Market/Store 街市

Movie Fabric Bag Restaurant D1 戲布袋餐館 Port Royal Restaurant D2 御口福飯店 Bridge Column Goose Meat D3 Restaurant 橋柱鵝肉飯店 D4 Wheat Scent Bakery 麥嘜香西餅屋 Taiwan Shaved Ice Juice D5 台灣刨冰水果汁 June Snow Cold Restaurant D6 六月雪冷飲店 KSE Taiwan Milk Tea D7 KSE 台灣奶茶

Wangshengtang Sheep Pond Milk Market 王聖堂羊塘牛奶市場 Bald Guy Dai Pai Dong 光頭佬大排檔

B. Security Service 保安 Wangshengtang Police Office B1 王聖堂警務室 C. Intermediary 中介 Gold Sun Intermediary Agent C1 金太陽仲介 Friendly Intermediary Agent C2 友好仲介 I. Grocery 雜貨 Star Light Department Store I1 星光百貨 Middle Firm Department Store 中堅百貨 Newspapers & Magazines 報刊雜誌 Wangshengtang Fruit Shop 王聖堂水果鋪 Happy Toys 快樂玩具 Tide Smell Tea Shop 潮香茶店 Full Customer Department Store 豐客隆百貨商場 Balance One Smoke and Alcohol Shop 衡一煙酒商行 Pang Happy Grocery 鵬興雜貨店

I2

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Fruit Happy Garden Juice D8 果樂園現榨果汁 Tianjin Middle Red Bun Shop D9 天津中紅包店 Shantou Beef Shop 汕頭牛肉店 Shaxian Snacks 沙縣小吃 Lanzhou Beef Ramen 蘭州牛肉拉麵

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K. Public Service 公共服務

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City Charisma Flower Women J1 Fashion 都市魅力花女裝

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Forever Win Stationery Shop 永勝文具專賣店

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Guangdong Melt Billion Shoe Company 廣東融億鞋業公司 New Fashion Detail Produced Fabric Company 新潮精製布行 Forever Dry Trades Limited Company 恒乾貿易有限公司 Straight Progress Art 正昌工藝 Equal Rise Leather 和升皮革

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H. Health, Sports & Beauty 健康美容 H1 H2 H3

H4 Immortal Posture Medical Centre 仙姿醫療中心 Old People Protection and H5 Care 老人護理 Gui Recover Clinic H6 桂復診所 Famous Hair Salon H7 名髮廊 Little Little Care Hair House H8 小小理髮屋 Make Star H9 創明星 Have Head Have Face H10 有頭有臉 Hundred Source Hall Medical H11 Drug 百源堂醫藥

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Gold Star Photo Processing 金星攝影沖印 Business Card Typing Copying Speed Print 名片打字複印速印 Home Appliances Repair 家電維修 Mobile Phone Card 電話卡

Strong Asia Medical Clinic 強華醫療所 Together Equal Drug Store 合和藥店 Charisma Underwear Store 魅力內衣店

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engtan

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J. Fashion Shop 時尚商品

Cooperative Plastic Pipe Road Repairs 聯塑管道維修

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Good Home Supermarket I10 佳家超市 Town Excellent Grocery I11 Shop 鎮熙雜貨店 Emperor Condensed Smoke I12 Tea and Alcohol Shop 帝隆煙茶酒行

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Wangshengtang Old People Activity Center 王聖堂老人活動中心

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E2

Big Dragon Cellphone Chain Store 巨龍手機連鎖

E2 E2

D11

I7

F. Electronic & Office Products 數碼辦公產品

G. Shoes Processing 鞋材加工

D10

I6

E1

Wangshengtang Village

D. Restaurant 食肆

Wangshengtang Kindergarten A1 王聖堂幼兒園

王聖堂村

A. Education 教育

王聖堂村

Housing 房屋

Wangshengtang Village 10

m 6.5

m

Since Wangshentang Village houses numerous footwear and logistic warehouses, many of the workers live in the village. Most of the residential buildings were built in the 1980s and are in poor condition. A typical unit that satisfies most workers’ requirements costs approximately 1,500 RMB per month.

2-bedroom family unit

王聖堂村內由於擁有大量鞋業及物流倉庫，工人多居住在村內的住宅。 大部份住宅均建於 1980 年代，設備較為簡陋，因此租金便宜，兩房 一廳的單位月租約為 1,500 元人民幣。

Area: 60 m2

兩睡房家庭單位

2–4 people 2–4 人

面積：60 平方米

Monthly rent: ~1,500 RMB 月租 ~1,500 元人民幣

144

The working hours vary and depend on the supply and demand of the wholesale market. I usually read newspapers and chat with my fellow workers when we are not busy. But sometimes, I can be too busy to even have meals. 我是鞋城倉庫的管理員，來自河北， 下崗後來到這裡打工，住在村內出 租房，月租 1,100 元。這裡是鞋材 城的中轉倉庫，貨物從鞋材城運到 這裡，然後再運到全國各地。工人 大多來自外省，租住在村裡。 我的工作時間不定，須看旁邊商城 的需求關係。不忙的時候常我會和 工友聊天看報紙，忙起來的時候飯 都顧不上吃。

145

Wangshengtang Village

I am an administrator of a shoe warehouse. I am from Hebei in the north of China. After being laid off, I came to Wangshengtang and found the job. I live in a rental unit in the village which costs 1,100 RMB per month. This warehouse is the transfer stop for the shoe material wholesale market nearby. The goods are transported from the market and then shipped across the country. Most workers here are from other provinces and rent units in the village.

王聖堂村

Uncle Liao 廖叔

any uan

We st

ad

Ro

ay 環城 高速 公路 廣元 西路

Sanyuanli Village

Gu

三元里村

et 三元里大街 Sanyuanli Main Stre

大

道 里 元 三

d oa li R an ny u Sa

ssw xpe gE hen anc Hu

Airport Road 機場路

200m

100

50

146

Total population: ~85,000 總人口：~85,000

三元里村

More than ten ancestral temples and ancient buildings scatter throughout the village. Although the village has undergone several transformations, local villagers have preserved these monuments well. Various wholesale markets can be found in the village. Most of them are leather hardware markets and different types of shops. A large number of young people live inside the village and this explains why the hair salon industry is growing year after year. With over 200 shops, the hair salon is the most common establishment in the village. 三元里村以 1840 年鴉片戰爭抗英而聞名。當時村民自發抵抗敵人的侵略， 傳為一時佳話。現在，村口就有紀念此次戰爭的紀念碑和紀念館。 三元里村裡有 10 餘座古代祠堂和建築，他們遍佈村子的每個角落。雖然村 裡經歷了幾次變化，但是村民自發地把祠堂完整地保存下來。 現在，三元里村周圍開設了各種批發市場，主要以批發皮革和五金配件為 主。在三元里村子內，有各種各樣的商業活動。由於村民以年輕人為主， 對美髮行業的需求特別大，因此洗髮美容店特別發達，多達 200 餘家。

147

面積：6.8 公頃

8 m2 per person 每人 8 平方米

Building height: 4–6 stories

x

建築物高度：4–6 層 y

High street width: 7–8 m 主要街道寬度：7–8 米

Lane width: 4–5 m

次要街道寬度：4–5 米

Alley width: 1–2 m 支路寬度：1–2 米

Sanyuanli Village

Sanyuanli Village is famous for its role in the fight against the British in the Opium War. In 1840, the villagers resisted the British invasion and it became a well-known story throughout China. In commemoration of this event, a war memorial museum now stands at the entrance of the village.

Area: 6.8 ha

三元里村

SANYUANLI  VILLAGE

三元里村

Sanyuanli Village 4

5

2

3

1

速公路

環城高 essway ng Expr

e

Huanch

148

三元里村

Architour 建築巡禮 1 The entrance gate of Sanyuanli Village.

Sanyuanli Village

2 The ancient Sanyuan Temple is used for sacrificial rituals and as a place to commemorate heroes of the Opium War. 3 Most villagers work in this leather wholesale market. 4 The village-funded primary school provides education for most children in the village. 5 This is a typical residential building in the village. 1 牌坊：三元里村的入口。 2 三元古廟：古代祭祀的地方，現在用來作為抗英英 雄紀念館。 3 皮料配件批發市場：村內大部分的居民也在這裡工 作。 4 三元里小學：大部分村內的小孩都在這裡上學。 5 民居：村內的典型建築，一般都是四至五層高。

1

2 3 4 5

149

三元里村

Sanyuanli Village

150

三元里村

Sanyuanli Village

Sanyuanli Main Street 三元里大街 Sanyuanli Main Street is the most important road inside the village. Although it is 1 km long, it is not wider than 5 m. The narrowest section is only 1.2 m wide. More than five ancestral temples are located on the street. The villagers use most of the temples as kung fu schools, mahjong halls, and venues for other activities. The main street houses different types of business establishments, including restaurants, hair salons, and second-hand furniture shops. These shops satisfy nearly all of the villagers’ daily needs. Many villagers pass by the lively road every day. They enjoy taking walks here and chat with their neighbors. 151

三元里大街是村內最重要的道路，它有 1 公里長，但是 寬度不足 5 米，最窄的地方更只有 1.2 米。在這條街上， 有多於五座祠堂和古廟。大部分古廟用作村民的休閒娛 樂場所，例如用作功夫學校和麻將室。 這條街上有著各種商店，以餐飲業、理髮業以及二手家 具回收業為主，滿足了村民日常生活的需求。由於是主 街，所以人流特別多，村民們也喜歡在街上散步聊天。

三元里村

Commerce 商業

Sanyuanli Village

7

6 8 9 10

11 12

152

hua

nH

igh

way

B. Grocery 雜貨

A1 White Cloud Car Service 白雲汽車維修 Treasured Horse Car Service A2 寶馬利汽車維修

Zheng Zheng Variety Store 正正百貨

B1

Victory & Good Supermarket 勝佳超市

B2

北環

高速

A2

6 E1 1 B1 C

8

Dragon Chao Style Restaurant 龍記潮菜館

C3

Success Convenience Store 順興便利店

B4

Chao Style Noodle Restaurant 潮汕面館

C4

Forever Furniture Store 永恒傢具商店

B5

Mong Kok Delicious Food 旺角美食 Northeast Dumpling Store 東北餃子館 Sea City Restaurant

C5

Forever Benefit Furniture Store B6 恒益傢具商店

B6

A1

E2

D2

C2

D. Beauty & Health 美容和健康

C4

E4 D4 C3

3 B3 E

D3 G1

B4

F2

9 G2

D5

F3 E5 C5

B5 G3

D6

B2

11

E6

C6 D7 D8

G4

Floral Fairy Beauty Nail Store 花仙子美甲行

D1

Become Famous Beauty Shop 成名美容院

D2

True/Good/Beauty Hair Salon 真善美髮型設計

D3

Dr. Qu Beauty Shop 曲教授美容院

D4

COOKIE Makeup Studio COOKIE 化妝工作室

D5

True Women Hair Salon 真女人髮廊

D6

Sky Lucky Clinic 天祥診所 Sea King Pharmacy 海王星辰藥房

D7

Wide Get Pharmacy 廣得堂藥房

D9

D8

E. Fashion Shop 時尚商品

F4

Gold Rich Lucky Fashion Shop E1 金富利時裝 E2 True Beauty Clothes Shop 真的美服飾

C8 C7

D9 C9

F1

People Happy Rice and Oil Shop F2 民樂糧油銷售部 Ao Star Wholesome Market F3 澳之星貨倉商場

153

C7

12

Shan Shan Fashion Shop 姍姍時裝

E3

Thousands Colour Clothes Accessories Shop 千嬌彩飾品專賣 Country Strong Shoe Shop 國強鞋業 Flourishing Jewellery 昌盛珠寶

E4

E5 E6

G. IT/Electric Service 通信服務

F. Market & Store 街市

Long Happy Various Shop 長樂綜合店

C6

海城餐廳 Guilin Ground Rice C8 桂林米粉 Ling Feng Chuan Style Restaurant C9 玲峰川菜館

10

Right Fruit Shop 如意水果店

Pimiento Xiang Style Restaurant C2 紅辣椒湘菜館

Thousand Sources Variety Store B3 萬源百貨

D1

F1

7

C1

金喜火鍋

F4

Time Speed Internet Bar 時速網吧

G1

Country Interest Communication G2 國興通信 Flourishing People's Communication 旺眾通信 China Mobile 中國移動

G3

N

G4 0

10

25

50m

Sanyuanli Village

公路

Gold Happy Chaffy Dish

三元里村

Bei

C. Restaurant 食肆

A. Car & Bike Service 汽車維修

三元里村

Housing 房屋

Sanyuanli Village 18

m 9

m

On average, 80 percent of the residential buildings are rented out to migrant workers while local villagers live in the remaining areas. A typical rented house has two bedrooms, a living room, a kitchen, and a toilet. It is common for two or three individuals, or a couple, to share one room. The monthly rent of a single room is 300 RMB, which is cheap as compared to the surrounding area. 三元里村內，百分之八十的房子都是出租給外來的打工者，百分之二十是 村民自住。出租的房子一般有兩個睡房、一個客廳、一個廚房以及一個衛 生間。通常二至三個單身漢共住一個房間，或者是一對夫妻住在一個房 間。一個單位的月租為 300 元人民幣，在附近的地區來說，算是便宜了。

2-bedroom family unit 兩睡房家庭單位

4–5 people 4–5 人

Area: 65 m2

面積：65 平方米

Monthly rent: ~800 RMB 月租 ~800 元人民幣

154

The rent of this shop costs 2,000 RMB per month. My shop makes a good profit because there are a lot of young people living in the village and the demand for hair salons increases year by year. At the same time, I only pay 600 RMB per month to rent my home. My shop is located in the middle of the village. My customers are young men, between 20 and 40 years old, who also live in the village. 我是一個外來打工者，在三元里村住了三 年，現在經營髮廊的。我來自河北，我店 內的八位員工也是來自不同的省份的。 我店的租金為每月 2,000 元，由於村內的 年輕人比較多，對於美髮的需求很大，所 以生意一直不錯。 我在村裡的房子月租為 600 元人民幣。我 的髮廊位於村的中心，顧客都是村內 20 至 40 歲的中青年，很少有外來人光顧。

155

Sanyuanli Village

I am a hair salon entrepreneur and have lived in the village for three years as a migrant worker. I am originally from Hebei. My eight employees are also migrants from different provinces in China.

三元里村

Mr. Chen 陳先生

FLEXIBLE USE OF VILLAGE BUILDINGS 城中村房屋的靈活運用 Bitang Village

Buildings in urban village 城中村建築

How do residential buildings in urban villages accommodate multiple uses? 如何靈活運用城中村住宅去滿足不同的功能需要？

Typical building typology 典型的城中村

Stairwell 樓梯間

Standard floor 標準層

Ground floor 地面樓層

Interior walls are easy to change 室內的分隔牆可靈活改變

156

Adaptation of upper floor 上層的適應性

Original village house

Motel

原居民住宅

旅館

A Workshop 工作室

B Warehouse

Rental apartment (single room)

倉庫

出租屋 （單房）

C Restaurant

Rental house (suite)

餐廳

出租套房

E

D Warehouse

倉庫

Stairs

樓梯

Bedroom

睡房

Balcony

陽台

Bathroom

衛生間

Hallway/Foyer 門廳 F Adaptation of ground floor 地面樓層的適應性

G Warehouse

Shop type 1

倉庫

商店類型 1

1 2 3 4 5

1

Shop type 2

Shop type 3

商店類型 2

商店類型 3

3 157

Shop

Store with mezzanine warehouse

商鋪

2

有夾層貨倉 的商鋪

4

5

Bitang Village

A B C D E F G

弼塘村

Bitang Village Bitang West First Street 弼塘西一街

Bitang Road 弼塘路

Wufeng Fourth Road 五峰四路

d

oa

i

nF

a gw

R rst

n

Jia

50

100

路

一

灣

江

200m

158

Total population: ~18,150 總人口：~18,150

弼塘村

Most of the historic sites here have been destroyed. The Teakwood Bridge, the Rooster Pub, and the Big Buddha Temple are prominent in local memory. Other buildings have just been repurposed. The Bitang ancestral hall, dating from the Republican period, is now converted into a primary school. 弼塘村位於佛山市城區和石灣之間。村的東北面被佛山大學包圍， 西面靠近五峰公園。弼塘村原有耕地面積 10 公頃，現多被徵用建設 工業廠房。 南宋時期，龐氏始祖南遷至此定居。後族人用先祖「弼唐」的名號 定名「弼唐村」，以紀念先祖。建國後，村民在「唐」字加上「土」 字邊旁，遂成「弼塘村」。村內氏族以龐姓居多。 村內舊有古蹟柚木橋，雞公社、大佛廟、觀音廟等均被破毀。先祖 龐弼唐公的孝睦祠，建於民國時期。建國後，村民為教育村內子弟， 將祠堂改建為弼唐小學。

159

面積：26 公頃

8.75 m2 per person 每人 8.75 平方米

Building height: 4–7 stories

x

建築物高度：4–7 層 y

High street width: 6–8 m 主要街道寬度：6–8 米

Lane width: 4–5 m

次要街道寬度：4–5 米

Alley width: 1–2 m 支路寬度：1–2 米

Bitang Village

Bitang Village sits between Foshan’s downtown urban area and Shiwan Town. Foshan University locates at the border of the north and east sides of the village and a large park, Wufeng, sits on the west. A large road, running north to south, has split the original village into two areas. There were originally some ten hectares of farmland, but the village and its surrounding area have now been developed for mixed industrial and residential uses.

Area: 26 ha

弼塘村

BITANG VILLAGE

as t

an gE

街

一

東

塘

t弼

Str ee

2

st

Fir

Bitang Village

Bit

弼塘村

4

1

3

160

弼塘村

Architour 建築經歷 1 The entry gateway to Bitang Northern Village.

Bitang Village

2 An old-style house is surrounded by newer buildings. Although this building has fallen into disrepair, many of the details reflect traditional design and craft practices. 3 Houses beside the waterway are mostly occupied by local villagers and are considered “villas” by the local residents.

1

4 “Kissing” or “handshake” buildings are common in this urban village. Another nickname for these conditions—“threads of sky”—focuses on the leftover space instead. 1 弼塘北村門牌坊。 2 舊房子被新建築包圍，雖然顯得十分破落，但仍 然保留了古建築屋頂的傳統設計。 3 荷塘邊的住宅。這裡的房子多為本地村民居住。 在他們眼中，這裡的房子相當於「 別墅」。 4 隨處可見的「接吻樓」。它們還有其他名字，如「握 手樓」、「一線天」等。

2 3 4

161

弼塘村

Bitang Village

162

弼塘村

Bitang Village

Bitang First Street 弼塘一街 Bitang First Street, which connects to Foshan University, is the main street in Bitang Village. In addition to the typical food courts, restaurants, supply shops, and groceries, there are also a lot of stores that sell stationery, books, and home decor to the students in the area. Itinerant vendors, on tricycles and carts, are found in Jiangwan Market and are frequently harassed by the police. It is a lively street catering to both college students and factory workers.

163

弼塘一街連接著佛山大學後門，也是弼唐村內主要的街 道。弼唐村的商業活動多集中於此。這裡的商鋪主要為 生活日常用品店、餐廳和糧油食品店。靠近佛山大學校 園的商鋪，多以服務學生為主，包括書店、文具店和精 品店等。 江灣市場位於弼塘一街的街口，該處的主要消費者為大 學生與工廠工人。許多小販踩著三輪車，載貨到此擺 賣。有時會看到警察出現、小販們四處逃走的情景。

弼塘村

Commerce 商業

Bitang Village 5

7 8

6

9 10 11 12

164

0 D1

11

C14

B. Bank Service 銀行

B1

D9

C. Restaurant 食肆

G. Food Market/Store 街市

D1

H2

West Kee Water Delivery 西記桶裝水

D5

Trust Mobile Phone Chain 相信手機連鎖

H3

Calling Store 電話超市

D6

M-zon G3 Experience Store 動感G3體驗店

H4

Jun Yep Supermarket 俊業超市

D7

Famous Photography 名域攝影

D8 D9

C3

Hunan Restaurant 湖南土菜館

C4

Hunan Cuisine Restaurant 湘菜館

C5

FuJian Wonton King 福建雲吞王

C6

Campus Store 佛大商店

Lucky Bread 采香園

C7

Golden Sea Photography 金海攝影

C11

C12

D8

H4

C13

K7

J5

Country Restaurant 田園湘菜館

0 C1 K6

6

C7

I2

Fly Fox Net Bar 飛狐網吧

J1

Lingnan Chess Bar 嶺南棋院

J2

Snooker Center 桌球室

J3

Second Floor Net Bar 二樓網吧

J4

Good Mood Leisure 好心情休閒屋

J5

10

7

C5

J3

D2

8

K3

I1

3 C2 D

K5

C15

6

6C

D

5

D

1 C3 E

9

Ingenuity Computer Repair 匠心電腦維修

D4

C14

F1

K4

Little Ball Snacks 毛毛球小吃店 Xiang Rong Beef Noodle 向榮牛肉麵

C8

C13

Three Relative Inn 三親旅館

H3 F1

Yong Kee Nutrition Restaurant 勇記營養餐館

E1

F. Accommodation 住宿

C9

C12

D7 J4

Grandma Spicy Snacks 老太婆麻辣燙

Lucky Shoe Store 好運鞋業

a Bit

C11

I1

J. Entertainment 娛樂 E. Fashion Shop 時尚商品

G2

Guilin Li Ji Noodle 桂林黎記粉麵

D10

Billy Vehicle and Electrical Repair 必利單車維修

H2

C10

I. Car & Bicycle Service 車輛維修

C4

Price Fast Food 實惠快餐

H. Electronic Product 電子產品

D3

Mountain Electrical Store 再山電器百貨

C2

C9

G2

D4

Love Beauty Snacks 愛美小吃

C8

Dai Pai Dong 大排檔

H1

C1

Land of Fish and Rice Restaurant 魚米之鄉 Greedy Cat Snacks 為食貓小吃店

G1

China Unicom 中國聯通銷售點

South Park Seafood Court 南園海鮮酒樓

12

D2

Jiangwan Market 江灣市場

ng st K2

First Moral Medicine Store 一德堂藥行

K3

Middle Medicine Store 正中醫藥

K4

Double Happiness Beauty Salon 雙興美容美髮 Shanyan Salon 善顏堂

K5

Jiahui Beauty Salon 嘉慧髮廊

K7

H1

K2

K1

J1

路

一

K6

灣

B1

n

wa

g ian

s Fir

d

oa

tR

J 165

街 一

Beautiful Baby Salon Chain 漂亮寶貝髮型連鎖

D1

K. Health, Sports & Beauty 健康美容

K1

C1

塘 t弼

ee Str

5

G1

J2

Fir

A1

Guodantang Medicine 國丹堂藥行

Bitang Village

Bank of China 中國銀行

D. Grocery 雜貨

Forever Popular Wine and Tobacco Store 永興煙酒商店 Jia Yan Wine and Tobacco Store 嘉燕煙酒商店 Hao Yin Wine and Tobacco Store 浩賢煙酒商店 Family Moral Store 德記百貨

弼塘村

A1

C15 I2

A. Education 教育

Sunshine Kindergarten 陽光幼兒園

江

N 0

10

25

50m

弼塘村

Housing 房屋

Bitang Village

9m

9.4

m

Bitang Village is surrounded by factories and a university. The village houses are rented largely to the workers and students in this area. The rents are about 700 RMB for a single room and 1,600 RMB for a twobedroom apartment. These low-income workers and students prefer sharing an apartment with several colleagues.

2-bedroom family unit

弼塘村附近有工廠和大學，村內出租屋主要租給外來的工人和大學生。 一個單房間的月租約 700 元人民幣，一個有兩間睡房的單位月租約 1,600 元人民幣。由於附近工業需要大量的廉價勞動力，大多數外來工 人會找工友一併合租。 一部分佛山大學的學生亦選擇合租 。

Area: 64 m2

二睡房家庭單位

3–5 people 3–5 人

面積：64 平方米

Monthly rent: ~1,600 RMB 月租 ~1,600 元人民幣

166

我是從湖南省過來的。幾年前，我的兒子 來這邊打工。最近我才從家鄉過來和兒子 一起生活。現在我和兒子以及他的同事合 租城中村內的單位。我沒有什麽學歷，也 沒做過其他工作，只能靠賣氣球賺錢，幫 補家計。一般下午四時左右過來弼塘小學 這邊賣氣球，因為那時小學生放學，生意 會比較好。但我得十分小心，因怕遇上城 市管理隊，被他們檢控。

167

Bitang Village

I came from Hunan Province. I came here following my son, who has been working here for a few years. I now rent a flat in Bitang Village and live with my son and his coworkers. It is difficult for me to find a job, so I do what I can to make ends meet. At the moment, I am selling balloons on the street. By four in the afternoon, when the streets are filled with primary school students, I have sold all my balloons. It is hard work and I must be vigilant for the administrative officers who can fine me.

弼塘村

Aunt Chen 陳阿姨

河宕村

Hedang Village Jihua Road 季華路 Hen

tree

t河

南街

Wugang Road 霧崗路

He

pin

gR oa

d

和

平

路

an S

50

100

200m

168

Total population: ~11,000 總人口：~11,000

河宕村

After the economic reforms, Hedang villagers combined conventional elite ceramic crafts with new manufacturing technology to produce a large number of ceramic goods, and the village has since become China’s major ceramic production base. 河宕村悠久的陶瓷生產歷史可以追溯到 4,800 年前。到了宋代，河 宕已成為一條村落。到了明代，河宕已是陶瓷古鎮，著名的古蹟南 風古灶就在這時建成。 改革開放後，河宕村的村民利用他們的工藝優勢，結合新型的製造 技術，大量生產陶瓷、並且促進加工、銷售的企業發展，令河宕村 成為中國主要的陶瓷生產基地。

169

面積：30 公頃

9.1 m2 per person 每人 9.1 平方米

Building height: 3–9 stories

x

建築物高度：3–9 層 y

High street width: 7–8 m 主要街道寬度：7–8 米

Lane width: 3–4 m

次要街道寬度：3–4 米

Alley width: 1–2 m 支路寬度：1–2 米

Hedang Village

Hedang is a village with a long history of pottery production which began 4,800 years ago. Established during the Song dynasty, the village gradually grew and became a famous ceramic town by the Ming dynasty. The Nanfeng Ancient Kiln was built during this period and it lies just to the south of Hedang.

Area: 30 ha

河宕村

HEDANG VILLAGE

河宕村

Hedang Village

4

1

3 5

4

2

路

崗

ad

霧

o

gR

n ga

u W

170

河宕村

Architour 建築巡禮

Hedang Village

1 The ancestral temple is an important public place for local residents. Apart from being used for religious functions, it is also used as a community activity center. 2 Having an established ceramic industry, the ground floors of some buildings are used for ceramic retail. 3 The village committee office is a three-story building with a small yard. 4 Ceramics workshops and warehouses are close to residential buildings. A variety of functions are intertwined in this neighborhood.

1

5 One entrance to the village opens to a small square surrounded by retail stores that serve local residents. 1 祠堂是村民的公共場所，除了舉行宗教活動外，還可 用作社區活動中心。 2 由於有發達的陶瓷工業，有些建築物的地面樓層被用 作為銷售陶瓷的商店。 3 村委會辦公室是一座三層小樓，並有一個院子。 4 陶瓷的製作坊和倉庫緊靠著居住樓房，各種功能的空 間交織在一起。 5 村子的入口處有一個小廣場，廣場周圍有很多為村民 提供服務的商店。

2 3 4

5

171

河宕村

Hedang Village

172

河宕村

Hedang Village

Henan Street 河南街 Henan Street is filled with a mix of commercial establishments, including retail stores of everyday goods, restaurants, and convenience stores. These stores are small, dimly lit and with poor sanitation. Since the spending power of migrant workers living in the village is limited, the retail spaces in the village are small and irregularly stocked. Cheap goods and fakes are the main commodities.

173

河南街擁有各種商鋪，包括日常用品店、餐廳和便利 店。這些商店的面積很小，光線昏暗，衛生惡劣。由於 住在村內的農民工的消費能力有限，因此村內的商店都 不大。在這裡，價格因素是最重要的。因此，商店裡的 商品主要是廉價品和假貨。

河宕村

Commerce 商業

Hedang Village

6

7 8

9 10 11

174

F. Ceramic & Building Material 陶瓷建材 A1 C1

E1

B. Bank Service 銀行

F9

Zhongsheng Art Ceramic Co. F1 中晟藝術陶瓷 Diduo Ceramic Tile Co. F2 帝舵瓷磚 Siwei Sanitary Ware F3 四維潔具

Liuyuan Snooker Club 榴苑桌球城

C3

C2

F11

Sijiatu Building Material Co. 斯嘉圖建材有限公司

Guxin Ceramic Marketing Co. F5 古信陶瓷營銷中心

Qigong Court 七公美食坊 Shitaoyuan Gourmet Court 石陶苑美食館

D2

F12

D1

F6

D. Restaurant 食肆 Ranxing Court 然興美食

F5

F13

D3

F6

Kingsly Sanitary Ware 金絲麗衛浴

F8

Taocheng Ceramic Tile Co. 陶城瓷磚

F9

10

F7

D6

9

0

D1

F4 F3

H4

D4

7

11

F21

A1

8

G3

H1

New Jingfeng Art Photography G1 新景峰藝術攝影 Yayi Court Hair Dress G2 雅藝軒美髮 Content Hair Dress G3 如意美髮

Zegui Grocery Store 澤貴日雜店

H2

Nan Yue Feng Cai 南粵風采

H3

Jinfeng Supermarket 金峰商場

H4

Good Again Hair Dress 好再來美髮

Store 士多

H5

Quanzhenxing Store 泉鎮興士多

H6

Zhanji Store 湛記士多

H7

G4

Jinzhao Alcoholic & Tobacco 金肇煙酒

G. Health & Beauty 健康美容

H3

H2

H. Grocery 雜貨

I1

D2

6

B1

苑

路 B2

G4

J. Public Services 公共服務

H1

Community Center 社區服務中心

G1

J1

G2

I. Fashion 時尚商品 Friendship Flower 情誼花店

I1

Huanyue Clothes 歡粵服飾

I2

175

F20

H6

D9

F1

F2

F18

d榴

F19

F17

oa

F18

D5

F16

nR

F17

F15

yua

F16

D8

E1

D1

Liu

F15

D7

0

F2 F19

E. Accomodation 酒店 Lanao Hotel 藍澳酒店

Xunya Ceramic Co. 迅亞陶瓷 Yinwang Ceramic Co. 櫻王陶瓷

F14

Yijia Hunan Cuisine D4 怡佳湘菜館 Three Gorges Sichuan Cuisine D5 三峽川菜館 Big Bone House D6 大骨仔鈣骨館 Lexuan Migrant Cuisine D7 樂軒客家菜館 Xiangmanyuan Hunan D8 Restaurant 湘滿源湘菜館 Bayu People Sichuan Cuisine D9 巴渝人家川菜館 D10 Blackland Dumpling Restaurant 黑土地餃子館

F4

F14

J1

C1

F13

H5

Lan Yelang Nightclub 藍夜郎夜總會 Lan Bitao Nightclub 藍碧濤夜總會

F7

C. Entertainment 娛樂

F12

D3

B2

H7

F. Ceramic & Building Material 陶瓷建材

F8

Bank of China 中國銀行

F21

F11

I2

N 0

10

25

50m

Hedang Village

B1 F10

Agricultural Bank of China 農業銀行

C2

F10

C3

Hedang Kindergarten 佛山河宕幼兒園

河宕村

Yers & Gogh Ceramic Co. 雅士高夫陶瓷 Beccali Ceramic Co. 貝嘉禮陶瓷 Mingshang Exhibition Material 名尚展具 Medical Sanitary Ware 美迪加衛浴 Jinweineng Marketing Co. 金威能經貿 Anmei Ceramic Co. 安美陶瓷 OLKA Mosaic OLKA馬賽克 Konics Mosaic 可尼斯衛浴 Luca Boss Classical Tile 路卡波士經典磚 Digelong Sanitary Ware 蒂格龍潔具 Luhuanong Classical Tile 露華濃經典磚 Taixing Ceramic Material 泰興陶瓷原料

A. Education 教育

河宕村

Housing 房屋

Hedang Village 7.5 m 6m

The buildings in Hedang Village are old and poorly maintained, hence the low rental prices. A single room costs approximately 500 RMB per month, while a two-bedroom unit with a lounge costs approximately 800–1,000 RMB. It is common that the owner lives in the same unit and rents out a single room.

2-bedroom family unit

河宕村的建築相比其他城中村較舊，因此租金比較便宜。一個單房間， 月租約 500 元人民幣，一個兩房間、一廳的單位月租約 800 至 1,000 元人民幣。房東通常會住在同一個單位，然後租出其中一個房間。

Area: 65 m2

二睡房家庭單位

2–3 people 2–3 人

面積：65 平方米

Monthly rent: ~900 RMB 月租 ~900 元人民幣

176

As a young migrant, I have little private time. I usually work in the shop for twelve hours each day and at least six days per week. I end up with only three to four days off every month. I would like to find a flat closer to my workplace. At the moment, my girlfriend and I rent a unit for about 800 RMB per month. Compared with the 2,000 RMB monthly rent for an ordinary apartment in the city, the price here in the village is practical and economical. Of course, I know this is not my home . . . My goal is to earn enough money and return to Hunan to open a salon of my own. To this end, I am devoted to making money—just like every migrant working in this city, I suppose. 我來自湖南，今年 29 歲。我是一名理髮師， 工作地點就在城中村附近。 作為一名來自外地的青年，我差不多整天在理 髮店內工作，時間從早上十點到晚上十點，一 個月僅有三至四天假期，因此我希望在公司附 近找一間房子。相比普通商品房 2,000 元左右 的月租，城中村的房間更實用和經濟，因此我 和我的女朋友租了村內一個單位，月租約 800 元。 我的理想是賺到足夠的錢，回家鄉開一間屬於 自己的髮廊。為了這個目標我得努力，就像在 這個城市裡奮鬥的人一樣，當然我很明白，這 裡不會是我的家園……

177

Hedang Village

I come from Hunan and I am 29 years old. I live in Hedang, but I work as a barber in the neighboring village.

河宕村

Xiao Zhou 小周

Poshi Village

ut c s r e ag l l i v e s? th t i o n d u How housing up the 戶型？ 玩轉

如何 看村民

units with2 one room: area: 32m period: before 1980s rent: 850 RMB/month

一房單位： 面積：32 平方米 之前 時期：1980 年代 民幣 租金：每月 850 元人

units with two rooms: area: 35m2 period: 1960s–1980s rent: 1,400 RMB/month

one-room area: 10m2 period: after 1980s rent: 600 RMB/month

兩房單位： 面積：35 平方米 時期：1960 至 1980 年代之間 租金：每月 1,400 元人民幣

單間面積：10 平方米 時期：1980 年代之後 租金：每月 600 元人民幣

178

村民不斷分隔戶型以增加經 濟效益。我們就以少量必要 的工具一起玩轉戶型。

units rent: 1

with

租金：

每月

two r oom

s: 兩 RMB 房單位 /mon 1,000 th 元

,000

人民幣

cut 1 h board : divide a new s horizo ntally.

room w it 玩法一

：用木

隔板橫

unit w

向隔出

rent: 1 ,8

ith fou

租金：

閣樓

rent: 750 RMB/month

租金：每月 750 元人民幣

179

r room

00 RM

每月 1

penthouse:

單間。

s:

四房

B/mon

th

,800 元

人民幣

divide c with a ut 2: new g arret v erticall 玩法二 y. ：用木 隔板豎

向隔出

一個閣

樓。

Poshi Village

In order to increase rental income, villagers continuously subdivide their housing units. With only a few necessary tools, let’s begin to cut!

婆石村

二

路

Poshi Village

Ro an G

r g’e

ad

港

ing gp an Ch

ad Ro

路 平 昌

nR

gsa

n Ga

三

路 港

d oa

g an

ch ng

Ga

Ro

路

昌

港 ad

100m

50

20

0

180

Total population: ~8,000 總人口：~8,000

婆石村

婆石村位於珠海主城區西側，村子周邊有不少工廠，例如食品廠、供 水公司和其他工廠等，因此不少工人會選擇居住於此。婆石村規模較 小，加上近年不斷改建和翻新，村子周邊的樓房已多被改建為中高層 住宅，城中村也因此被包圍其中。村子佔地規模逐漸萎縮，樓房越建 越高，自發商業不斷侵入，有著被城市化吞沒的趨勢。

181

面積：3 公頃

3.75 m2 per person 每人 3.75 平方米

Building height: 3–6 stories

x

建築物高度：3–6 層 y

High street width: 7–8 m 主要街道寬度：7–8 米

Lane width: 4–5 m

次要街道寬度：4–5 米

Alley width: 1–2 m 支路寬度：1–2 米

Poshi Village

Poshi Village is located in western Zhuhai, an area in which the industrial past of the city is still visible. Factory sites can be found around the village—a food processing plant sits to the west, a water treatment plant lies to the east, and light manufacturing still occupies sites to the north. Poshi Village is small and migrant workers tend to stay here because of its proximity to downtown. Development in this village has primarily been focused on the edges, where many of the buildings have been converted into mid-rise and high-rise residential towers for sale. Additionally, the introduction of commercial activities has broken down the village boundary. External pressure for urbanization is high and the village will likely be integrated into Zhuhai in the near future.

Area: 3 ha

婆石村

POSHI VILLAGE

婆石村

Poshi Village

1

4

2

182

3

婆石村

Architour 建築巡禮

Poshi Village

1 Poshi Kindergarten is a prominent building in the village. It is an A-class private kindergarten in Zhuhai. It is a higher-priced alternative to the government-run schools. 2 The food processing factory to the west of the village is still in operation. Some of the plant’s workers are original Poshi villagers while others are currently renting flats in the village. 3 A beautiful, sun-speckled boulevard at the edge of the village. 4 The street market at the north end of the village provides fresh, colorful foods and is a central element of daily life in the urban village. 1 位於婆石村口的幼兒園，是這裡重要的標誌性建築。 在珠海，它屬於社會辦學 A 類幼兒園，相對政府幼兒 園來說，學費稍貴。 2 村子西邊的食品廠還在運作，有些工人是婆石村原 居民，有些則租房子居住。 3 村子周邊光影斑駁的林蔭大道。 4 熱鬧的街市位於婆石村的北面入口，這裏售賣的食 品種類繁多，色彩豐富，充滿了生活氣息。

1 2 3

4

183

婆石村

Poshi Village

184

婆石村

Poshi Village

Poshi Main Street 婆石主街 Poshi Main Street runs along the edge of the village— it is the public facade of the development. Although small, this village has a strong and lively character with this main street at its heart. Residents can find their daily needs here, from restaurants, grocery stores and produce markets, to bicycle and motor repair shops and telecom stalls. There is even a post office in the area. Plenty of space can be found for casual chats, or for joining in a game of cards or snooker (a favorite urban village pastime). Life here is a colorful and selfsustaining part of the village. 185

婆石主街就像這村的門面。村子雖然小，但濃厚的生活 氣息隨處可見。街上有路邊食肆，也有乘涼閒聊和打牌 消遣的地方。桌球更是村民最愛的活動之一，常常客 滿。這裡匯集了居民日常的消費和服務商鋪，包括各類 日用品雜貨鋪、自行車和摩托車修理店、郵局、通訊商 鋪，還有村落北面的農貿街市等，可謂麻雀雖小，五臟 俱全。巷子裡的生活就像一個自給自足的小社會，十分 豐富。

婆石村

Commerce 商業

Poshi Village 6

5 7 8 9

10

186

C. Entertainment 娛樂

A. Education 教育

D. Restaurant 食肆 C1

Leo Mario Food Store 萊瑪利奧

E1

World No.1 Noodle 天下第壹粉

D2

Farm Product Company 農品公司

E2

Shanghai Soup Dumpling 上海湯包

D3

Dai Pai Dong 大排檔

E3

Seafood Restaurant 海鮮酒家

D4

New Developing Market 新興商場

E4

Chongqing Delicious Noodle D5 重慶鮮麵

Family Style Pig Store 土豬檔

E5

New Harvest Court 新豐苑酒家

D6

F. Electronic Product 電子產品

D7

Stable Communication 恒浩通訊

F1

9

Sha Style Snacks 沙縣風味小吃 Hunan Famous Snacks 湖南風味小吃

D8

Mobile Communicatoin 移動通信

F2

Golden Nine Mooncake 金九月餅

D9

Mobile Phone Card 電話卡

F3

Good Communication Computer 佳訊電腦 Home Appliances Repair 家電維修

F4

B1 E1

I9

E2

G1

D1

D3

C1

D2

E3

I7

E4

I8

F1

7 E5

2 H2 F

J1

G. Car & Bicycle Service 車輛維修

H4

G2

H3

D4

I6

F3

D F1 J2

I4 F4

K1

D6

pin

ang

5 5 I

Ch

H5

路

平

I2

d昌

oa

8

I3

gR

6 A1

D7

B1

D8

G3

10

K2

G4

I5

F5

Victory Stainless Steel 勝利不鏽鋼 Good Friend Store 友佳佳商行 Little Beauty Store 小美商店 Hundred Peace Supermarket 百和超市 China Resource Supermarket 華聯萬家超市

G5

I1 I2

5

G1

Repair Store 修理鋪

G2

Sea Horse Vehicle Repair 海馬汽車修理鋪

G3

Torch Vehicle Repair 火炬汽車修理廠

G4

Smooth Vehicle Repair 保暢通汽車修理

G5

Forever Happiness Vehicle Repair 永福汽車修理 Musician Car Sound System 音匠汽車音響

G6

G7

Good for Health Pharmacy 益康堂藥房

H1

Life Pharmacy 人生堂藥店

H2

I1

Famous Professional Hair Color H3 名藝專業染髮 Laser Teeth Repair 激光補牙

H4

I4

New Feel Professional Hair Color 新感覺專業染髮

H5

D9

I3

G6

I6

G7

I7 I8 I9

J. Fashion 時尚商品

K3

K. Public Service 公共服務 Community Center 社區服務中心

K1

Lian Fa Clothes 聯發成衣

J1

Post Office 郵電所

K2

Exporting Clothes 外銷商品

J2

Refuse and Recycling Center 垃圾回收站

K3

187

Owa Vehicle 奧娃機動車

H. Health & Beauty 健康美容

I. Grocery 雜貨 Beautiful & Good Supermarket 美與佳超市 Little Convenience Store 小小便利店 Little Long Store 曉隆商店 Good Family Convenience Store 佳家便利

F5

路

三

港

nR

gsa

n Ga

d oa

N 0

10

25

50m

Poshi Village

D1

B. Bank Service 銀行 Zhuhai Popular Bank 珠海信用社

E. Food Market/Store 街市

Fruit Garden 水果園

A1

婆石村

Upper Poker & Chess 樓上棋牌

H1

Hero Kindergarten 珠海英豪幼兒園

婆石村

Housing 房屋

Poshi Village 5m

3 m

The rents and living expenses of the urban villages in Zhuhai are lower than those in bigger cities such as Shenzhen and Guangzhou. Owners typically build entirely new buildings on the site of their previous homes and divide each floor into several small units. They then rent the units to singles or young couples. Even the ground floors are rented as residential units. A landlord will have at least ten units rented out on a few floors, with rents ranging from 300 to 800 RMB monthly. 珠海的城中村，相比深圳、廣州等大型城市，整體價格水平相對低廉， 而且以租給單身的工人或年輕夫妻為主。房東會將整棟樓的單位分割成 好幾個小單位，甚至連地面樓層的單位也租出。一棟樓往往有十戶甚至 更多的租客，月租從 300 多元至 800 元不等。

Studio unit

開放式單間

1–2 people 1–2 人

Area: 15 m2

面積：15 平方米

Monthly rent: 350 RMB 月租：350 元人民幣

188

My brother and I have moved around in Zhuhai several times and, compared to the other urban villages, Poshi Village is still affordable. In fact, my brother still lives here, just several buildings away from my place. At the moment, I’m renting a room with my girlfriend in this small studio unit. Her income is not stable now, but we can still afford the rent here at 350 RMB per month, excluding the facility bills. 你可以稱我小楊，我今年 21 歲，原籍江西， 14 歲初中畢業後就來到珠海打工。由於家 鄉窮，出來主要就是想賺點錢。現在主要在 周邊做裝潢工人。想來已經六年多了，其實 來珠海是跟著我哥哥來的，他在珠海已經待 了八年多了。現在我們都住在婆石村，就隔 了幾個房子。哥哥也是做裝潢的，我都是跟 著他學的。 我們之前也搬了幾次家，比起前幾年，珠海 房租也漲了一些，所以比較起來住在婆石村 很實惠。現在我和我女朋友合租這個小單 間，她的收入不是那麽穩定，不過現在這裡 的 350 元月租，我們還負擔得起。

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Poshi Village

You can call me Yang. I am 21 years old, and originally from Jiangxi Province. My hometown is poor, so after my graduation from junior high school, I came to Zhuhai when I was 14 years old. I want to make money for myself and for my family. I am a finishing laborer for the services and projects around this area. I have been in Zhuhai for more than six years. My brother, who came to Zhuhai eight years ago, showed me this place and taught me my trade. He has had some interesting experiences in his time here, too.

婆石村

Yang 小楊

作物村

Zuowu Village

Zuowu Road

作物路

g Road 中盛

Zhongshen

Jianghai Roa

路

ad 廣新

xin Ro

Guang

d St afoo e S ai Wanz

0

50

100

路

d 江海路

reet 灣仔海鮮街

200m

190

Total population: ~6,000 總人口：~6,000

作物村

A century ago, Zuowu Village was also a major supplier of flowers, which were exported to Macao. The women who delivered these flowers were known as “Flower Girls.” But in recent decades, due to the political and economic reforms, the number of flower fields has largely diminished. Flower plantation is no longer a part of the villagers’ life. 作物村隸屬珠海香洲區灣仔鎮，該村地理位置優越，是由北部的珠海 市中心香洲區通往南部橫琴十字門中央商務區的必經之路。作物村原 是漁村，因與澳門一河之隔，漁民充分利用這一地理優勢，每天從灣 仔碼頭為澳門提供物美價廉的海鮮，這門生意已有悠久歷史。城市化 之後，漁民多改為從事鹹魚醃製和銷售，以及海鮮烹調，並搭建一條 著名的海鮮餐飲街，吸引來自廣東各地以及澳門的食客。 此外，作物村是灣仔鮮花的主要產地，所產鮮花出口至澳門已有百多 年歷史，運送鮮花的婦女素有「花女」之稱。但近數十年，隨著國內 政治和經濟的變化，花田銳減，種植鮮花已不再是村民生活的一部分。

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面積：4.98 公頃

8.30 m2 per person 每人 8.30 平方米

Building height: 3–9 stories

x y

建築物高度：3–9 層

High street width: 7–8 m 主要街道寬度：7–8 米

Lane width: 3–5 m

次要街道寬度：3–5 米

Alley width: 1–2 m 支路寬度：1–2 米

Zuowu Village

Zuowu Village is located in Xiangzhou District of Zhuhai. It abuts Wanzai Town. Macao is plainly visible to the east, just across the estuary. Although far from the current city center, the village is along the axis connecting southward, from the old center to Shizimen Business District, a newly planned CBD on the Hengqin Island. The village was originally a fishing enclave. Its fishermen took advantage of the short distance to Macao and shipped affordable seafood daily from the Wanzai Pier. After urbanization, these families shifted from fishing to the production of salted, marinated, and cooked seafood. Now, the area is famous for its Wanzai Seafood Street and attracts patrons from all over the region.

Area: 4.98 ha

作物村

ZUOWU VILLAGE

作物村

Zuowu Village

5 1

4

3

2

192

作物村

Architour 建築巡禮

Zuowu Village

1 Zuowu Village is still in the early stages of urban village development and some of the older buildings remain but are surrounded by the monotonous fabric of low residential towers. 2 At the edge of the village, small garden strips are still worked, remnants of a once extensive farmland. 3 A booming village: many buildings in Zuowu are under renovation. 4 A few large and old trees have survived and are an incongruous sight within the dense development. 5 Buildings along the main commercial street feature a base of retail with housing above. Despite the village’s informality, some larger supermarket brands have appeared. 1 作物村現在仍然處於城中村發展的前期，所以還有很多老房 子，它們被單調的住宅新樓所包圍，兩者對比明顯。 2 村子的外圍還保留著小型的長形庭院，殘留的樓房與農田交 接。 3 村子正在蓬勃發展，大量樓房被改建，是村子的一大特色。 4 村中的建設不顧原始的自然生態，有些殘留的大樹夾雜其中， 也成一景。 5 作物村的主要商業街都是上住下商。除這些非正式的商業形 態外，很多大型的超級市場也逐漸出現。

2 3

1 4

5

193

作物村

Zuowu Village

194

作物村

Zuowu Village

Shajing Alley 沙井巷 The development within Shajing Alley shows the typical mixed urban fabric of Zuowu Village. Most of the newly built residential buildings are six-storied towers. They create the narrow alleys that are typical of urban villages. In contrast to this uniformity, a few older houses remain. Most of these old buildings do not reach above three stories and their ground floors are lower than the surrounding streets, indicating the gradual development of a street network. 195

沙井巷展現了作物村現有的混合城市肌理。大部分新建 成的六層高住宅大廈，佔據了整個基地，形成了細小和 狹長的小巷。相對於此，一些舊房子依然存在。這些房 子多不高過三層，它們的地面樓層低於周邊的街道，這 顯示街道網絡逐漸形成。

作物村

Commerce 商業

Zuowu Village

6

7 8 9

10

11

196

F. Entertainment 娛樂 Amusement Poker & Chess 遊樂棋牌室

A5

New Glory Hunan Cuisine 新榮源湘菜館

A6

Delicious Restaurant 美味軒食店

A7

Mr Liao Hong Kong Cuisine 廖記港式美食

A8

ad 作物路 11

J2

I6

C1

H6

A7

A6

Triumphal Restaurant 凱苑餐廳

Zuowu Ro

A8

A4

G1

I2

Best Taste Restaurant 最為食飯店

G. Accommodation 住宿 Good Health Stay 安康樓

I4

A3

I1

Mr. Fan’s Nutritious Snacks 范氏營養小食店

I3

A2

F1

Mobile Phone Card 電話卡

B2

H5

B1

A5

B. Electronic Products 電子產品 Great Profit Electronic Equipment Wholesale Shop 大利電器批發

I7

8

C. Car & Bicycle Service 車輛維修

B2

C1

J4

Dragon Bicycle Store 龍成自行車行

J3

D. Education 教育

J5

H4

H7

Classic Education Kindergarten D1 典培幼兒園

9

10

A4

H1 H2 A3

I5 A2

E1

J7

D1

A1

G 1

J6

H8

H

3

B1

E1

J1 F 1

E. Real Estate 房產 Prosperous Property 隆達物業

Jianghai Road 江海

路

6

H. Grocery 雜貨 Great Quality Store 華品世家茶煙酒批發 Fountainhead Paint Shop 匯源化工油漆店

H1 H2

Community Center 社區勞動保障工作站

I1

Nannan Hair 南南美髮室

Dragon Power Store 龍威糖煙酒水果行

H3

Elderly Club 老人俱樂部

I2

Wanzai Zuowu Health Station J2 灣仔作物衛生站

Mr. Zhan’s Store 詹生糧油雜貨店

H4

Community Women’s School 社區婦女學校

I3

Zhanjiang Dentistry 湛江牙科

J3

Green Island Stationery Shop 綠茵島文具店

H5

Community Reading Club 社區讀書社

I4

Huang Ziqian Clinic 黃子謙西醫診所

J4

Great Sea Drinking Water 汪之洋優質飲用水

H6

China Welfare Lottery Stall 中國福利彩票投注站

I5

Elegant Lotus Beauty Salon 雅蓮娜美容美體

J5

Good Fortune Store 福宜佳生活百貨

H7

China Telecom Service Point 中國電信服務站

I6

Kaino Pharmacy Health Store J6 康美來健康藥房

Chinese Wave Store 華濤商行

H8

China Sports Betting Stall 中國體育彩票投注站

I7

Outstanding Shape Hair 卓形美髮

197

J. Health & Beauty 健康美容

I. Public Service 公共服務

J1

N

J7 0

10

25

50m

7

Zuowu Village

Flourishing Food Shop 榮興食店

作物村

A. Restaurant 食肆 Ancient Prescription Herbal Tea A1 古方涼茶店

作物村

Housing 房屋

Zuowu Village 5.4 m

9.3

m

2-bedroom family unit 兩睡房家庭單位

3–5 people 3–5 人

Area: 42 m2

面積：42 平方米

Monthly rent: ~1,000 RMB 月租 ~1,000 元人民幣

Many buildings in Zuowu Village are newly built and offer better living conditions than their older counterparts. Rents are reasonable as the area is far from the city center. The average rent of a single room is 400 RMB per month, while a two-bedroom unit costs about 1,000 RMB. The building owner often lives in one unit and he or she would rent out the other flats in the building. 作物村的建築很多都是新建的，因此居住條 件比舊式的較好。但因距離市中心很遠，租 金價格相對合理。一個單間，每月的費用約 400 元人民幣，一個兩房、一廳的單位月租 約 1,000 元人民幣。房東通常住在其中一個 單位，並租出其他單位。

198

We used to build only as the family grew—a new floor would be added when one of the family members married, for example. Now, we build housing for renting in the market, and the higher, the better. Of course, it is still a rural house so we don’t use machines. We even lift the steel bars by ourselves with sling rope. Timber poles support the floor slab and stabilize the bare frame. We sleep where we build—any free space big enough for a wooden plank is fine. I have settled down here and enjoy a leisurely life. With so many college graduates eager to make money, I’m very confident about the future developments of this village. 我來自廣西梧州，是一名建築工人，來作物 村已有 15 年，見證著村子的發展。我可以很 自豪地告訴你們，村內新建的房子都有我的 一份功勞。 以前誰家娶了媳婦才建新屋子，現在主要是 為了租房子，而且房子越建越高。你也知道， 就是建土屋嘛，沒有很多機器的，啥鋼筋也 都是自己吊上去的，用樹枝支撐樓板來穩固 層高。然後建哪裡就住哪裡，隨便有個空地 就撐個木板，就睡下了。這邊的生活比較閒 適，我已在這裡安家，很多大學畢業生急著 賺錢，我對以後村子的發展也很有信心。

199

Zuowu Village

I am a construction worker from Wuzhou City, Guangxi Province. I’ve been living here for fifteen years and have witnessed the growth of the village. I’m very proud to tell you that I have built many of the new houses in this village with my own hands.

作物村

Uncle Yuan 袁叔

Zuowu Village

200

Zuowu Village

Xiasha Village - Daniel King Him Fung Dafen Village - Dannie Gui Dan Gangxia Village - Eric Xiang Hui Jiekou Village - Rebecca Wang Jiang Tianjia Village - Momtaj Bintay Khalil Shipai Village - Violette Chen Yiping

Wanshengtang Village - Linda Chen Fang Sanyuanli Village - Tracy Yang Xiaoqian Bitang Village - Stella Lin Nan Hedang Village - Chonghan Zhao Poshi Village - Seven Siwen Qi Zuowu Village - Cici Chen Chanchan Photo by: Daniel King Him Fung

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Zuowu Village

SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY Campanella, Thomas. 2008. The Concrete Dragon: China’s Urban Revolution and What It Means for the World. New York: Princeton Architectural Press. Chan, Anita, Richard Madsen, and Jonathan Unger. 2009. Chen Village: Revolution to Globalization. Berkeley: University of California Press. Davis, Mike. 2007. Planet of Slums. New York:Verso. Fernandes, Edesio, and Ann Varley, eds. 1998. Illegal Cities: Law and Urban Change in Developing Countries. London and New York: Zed Books. Friedmann, John. 2005. China’s Urban Transition. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. Ginsburg, Norton, Bruce Koppel, and T. G. McGee, eds. 1991. The Extended Metropolis: Settlement Transition in Asia. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press. Hernandez, Felipe, Peter Kellett, and Lea Allan, eds. 2010. Rethinking the Informal City: Critical Perspectives from Latin America. 2010. Oxford: Berghahn Books. Hsing, You-tie. 2010. The Great Urban Transformation: Politics of Land and Property in China. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Lambot, Ian, and Greg Girard. 1999. City of Darkness: Life in Kowloon Walled City. Surrey: Watermark Publications. Logan, John, ed. 2002. The New Chinese City: Globalization and Market Reform. Oxford: Blackwell. Ma, Lawrence, and Fulong Wu, eds. 2005. Restructuring the Chinese city: Changing Society, Economy, and Space. New York: Routledge. Parish, William, ed. 2000. Chinese Rural Development: The Great Transformation. Armonk NY: M.E. Sharpe. Ren, Xuefei. 2011. Building Globalization: Transnational Architecture Production in Urban China. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Roy, Ananya, and Nezar AlSayyad, eds. 2004. Transnational Perspectives from the Middle East, Latin America, and South Asia. Lanham, MD: Lexington Books. Siu, Helen. 1989. Agents and Victims in South China: Accomplices in Rural Revolution. New Haven:Yale University Press. Terasawa, Hitomi. 1997. Daizukan Kyuryujyou (Kowloon Walled City). Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten. Unter, Jonathan. 2002. The Transformation of Rural China. Armonk, NY: M.E. Sharpe. Wong, Winnie. 2013. After the Copy: China and the Readymade. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Wu, Fulong, Chris Webster, Shenjing He, and Yuting Liu. 2010. Urban Poverty in China. Cheltenham: Edward Elgar. Zhang, Li. 2001. Strangers in the City: Reconfigurations of Space, Power, and Social Networks Within China’s Floating Population. Stanford: Stanford University Press.

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CREDITS Cover Design: Daniel King Him Fung Final Layout Design: Daniel King Him Fung First Layout Design: Daniel King Him Fung, Seven Siwen Qi Image Style: Rebecca Wang Jiang Aerial Style: Connie Tu Kangwei Font Style: Violette Chen Yiping Graphic Editing: Daniel King Him Fung Chinese Editing: Tracy Yang Xiaoqian Infographics Village Portraits: Daniel King Him Fung Rapid Urbanization and the Rise and Decline of Urban Villages: Seven Siwen Qi Uneven Urbanization in the Pearl River Delta: Cici Chen Chanchan Battle of the Smartest: Daniel King Him Fung Limited Rights of Floating Population: Dannie Gui Dan How Do the Villagers Cut Up the Housing Units: Cici Chen Chanchan Flexible Use of Village Buildings: Qin Huiya One Line Skies:Violette Chen Yiping Photo by Eric Hui Shenzhen Case Studies Xiasha Village: Daniel King Him Fung Dafen Village: Dannie Gui Dan Gangxia Village: Eric Xiang Hui Dongguan Case Studies Jiekou Village: Rebecca Wang Jiang Tianjia Village: Momtaj Bintay Khalil Guangzhou Case Studies Shipai Village:Violette Chen Yiping Wanshengtang Village: Linda Chen Fang Sanyuanli Village: Tracy Yang Xiaoqian Foshan Case Studies Bitang Village: Stella Lin Nan Hedang Village: Joe Zhao Chonghan Zhuhai Case Studies Poshi Village: Seven Siwen Qi Zuowu Village: Cici Chen Chanchan

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