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victoria at war
1914 _ 1918
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1914 _ 1918
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A NewSouth book Published by NewSouth Publishing University of New South Wales Press Ltd University of New South Wales Sydney NSW 2052 AUSTRALIA newsouthpublishing.com Published in association with the State Library of Victoria 328 Swanston Street Melbourne Victoria 3000 Australia slv.vic.gov.au © Michael McKernan 2014 First published 2014 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 This book is copyright. Apart from any fair dealing for the purpose of private study, research, criticism or review, as permitted under the Copyright Act, no part may be reproduced by any process without written permission. Inquiries should be addressed to the publisher. National Library of Australia Cataloguing-in-Publication entry Author: McKernan, Michael, 1945– author. Title: Victoria at war: 1914–1918/Michael McKernan. ISBN: 9781742233802 (hardback) Notes: Includes bibliographical references and index. Subjects: World War, 1914–1918 – Victoria. World War, 1914–1918 – Victoria – Biography. Victoria – History – 1901–1922. Victoria – Social life and customs. Dewey Number: 994.5 Design Di Quick Cover Australian War Memorial J00331 Front endpaper Australian War Memorial J00346 Back endpaper Australian War Memorial E02964 Printer Everbest, China This book is printed on paper using fibre supplied from plantation or sustainably managed forests.
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This book has been supported by the Victorian Government to mark the centenary of World War I.
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Contents Maps
vi
Foreword
ix
Prologue
1
1 War comes to Melbourne 2 War comes to Victoria 3 Victorians go to war
50 76
5 Counting the cost
105
6 On the Western Front
8 Holding on 9 Victory Epilogue
172
188 212
Acknowledgements Index
132
153
A note on sources
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4 War in the schools
7 Conscription
6
222 225
226
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Foreword
L
ess than eight years after the conclusion of the First
Spring Street, Melbourne. The Governor-General lived in
World War, an article in one of Victoria’s major
Melbourne, as did successive prime ministers, despite their
newspapers claimed that ‘Victoria was thrilled to the
seats being interstate.
core on that fateful day early in August 1914 when
Victorians rose to the extraordinary challenges the
the message was received that Britain … had declared war on
war presented. Sir John Monash, an unquestionably great
the Central Powers.’ (Argus, Supplement, 9 September 1926)
Victorian, contributed to changing the course of the war on
Such was the mood that Victorians began to enlist
the Western Front. Others, such as Harold Elliott, Albert
within days of the matching declaration by the Australian
Jacka and Keith Murdoch, also became household names.
Government on 5 August 1914. The first Victorian convoy left Port Melbourne in mid-October. The original offer of 20 000 troops from across Australia
Victoria was also instrumental in other ways. The first shot of the war was fired from Fort Nepean on Port Phillip Bay in Victoria. Victorian regiments had key roles on the
was quickly exceeded by Victorian enlistments alone. Over
Gallipoli peninsula, in the Middle East and on the Western
the course of the war approximately 114 000 Victorians of a
Front. Victorian horses and men were an important part of
population of around 740 000 men ‘heard the call’. Some
the Light Horse.
91 000 servicemen and women were sent overseas. The first Anzacs came from all states of Australia and
It turned out that there was nothing glamorous about the war. The great adventure, so anticipated by wide-eyed
New Zealand. In Victoria, they came from every part of the
volunteers, became the great tragedy. So many of the
state: from farms, small towns, cities and the suburbs. They
‘thrilling events’ reported by the Argus were, in reality,
were locals and new arrivals, from Indigenous communities
disasters.
and from families big and small. In their absence, and faced with the choice ‘to wait
Tragically, 19 000 Victorians made the ultimate sacrifice, while a further 42 000 were wounded,
and weep, or to work’, Victorians gave their support to the
representing a staggering 65 per cent combined casualty
war effort. They established Red Cross branches in every
rate. Many survivors carried mental scarring for the rest of
community, supplied the troops, raised funds and watched
their lives.
progress as best they could from the other side of the globe. For Victorians, the declaration followed a period of prosperity and optimism. Federal parliament was based in
A generation of Victoria’s finest young men, women and future leaders, were killed, wounded or impacted forever.
ix
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In the end there was triumph, but Victoria would feel this loss for generations. Some families would
Australian collections, including local public libraries,
never recover. As the world marks the centenary of the
historical societies and institutional archives.
First World War, Michael McKernan’s book explores
As part of the Anzac Centenary commemorations,
openly and intimately the war years from a Victorian
Victoria at War provides a reason and an opportunity
perspective.
for Victorian families to better understand the war, to
The State Library of Victoria, where McKernan
honour the service and sacrifice and, most importantly,
carried out much of the research for this book, holds
to reconnect to the families of those who served and to
extensive collections of First World War–related material,
acknowledge the wider role of all Victorians.
including diaries, correspondence, posters, pamphlets,
The Hon. Ted Baillieu, MLA Chair, Victorian Anzac Centenary Committee
newspapers and ephemera. There is also a wealth of
x
material in many other public and private Victorian and
Victoria at war
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Prologue
T
here are 27 names on the war memorial at
who was 1.83 metres tall, joined the 6th Battalion and
Briagolong, a small Victorian country town in
briefly served on Gallipoli. He was wounded in May 1915,
Gippsland about 30 kilometres from Sale. The
fell ill, and was returned to Australia in March 1917. It
names are carved in stone and, above them, is
seems that he died in September 1933.
inscribed ‘Killed in Action: our lives were given that you
Robert Angus Whitelaw enlisted in January 1915. He
might be free’. Sometimes on these small memorials a
was 29 years of age and also unmarried. He joined the 21st
family name is repeated, sometimes more than twice. They
Battalion and served on Gallipoli from late August 1915
might be the names of brothers; rather, you would hope,
until sent away with a hernia on 12 November 1915. He
they were cousins or not even related. On Briagolong’s
rejoined his battalion in March 1916 and was sent to France
memorial no names are repeated until the bottom of the
in September 1916. He was killed in action on 3 May 1917.
second column on which the same name occurs three times:
The second of Annie Whitelaw’s sons to be killed in the
Whitelaw A, Whitelaw C, Whitelaw R. ‘Don’t let them be
war.
brothers’, you plead to whomever is your personal god. But they are. Six Whitelaw brothers were among the
Angus McSween Whitelaw was 18 years of age when he enlisted on 15 February 1915. So young, and with
total of 36 men born in Briagolong who went to fight
two brothers already in the army, did he have trouble, I
in the First World War. Three were killed at the front
wonder, in convincing his parents that he should go to
and another died of his wounds shortly after he returned
war? Angus reached Gallipoli at the end of August 1915
home. It is hard to go past the experience of the Whitelaws
but was evacuated sick just seven days later. Had he met up
and Briagolong as a stark image of the cost of war to one
with Bob on the peninsula during the few days they served
Victorian family and one Victorian village. ‘The poor
together? We will never know. Angus must have been really
parents’, you immediately think. Mrs Annie Whitelaw died,
sick on evacuation because he did not rejoin his battalion
aged 64, on 5 April 1927, having lived with her grief for
in France until May 1916. He was killed in action on
more than a decade.
25 August 1916.
Lionel Whitelaw was the first of her sons to enlist, in
Ivan Cecil Whitelaw enlisted on 26 October 1915; aged
November 1914. Lionel was 24 years of age, unmarried and
21 at the time of his joining up, he, too, was unmarried. He
a labourer at the time of his enlistment. His brothers also
was placed in the 12th Battalion. Ivan had a hard time on
described themselves as labourers on enlistment. Lionel,
the Western Front; he was gassed in August 1916, wounded
1
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in April and May 1917 and sick in July 1917. The award
Melbourne in July 1919 and died of his wounds in October
of a Military Medal reveals him as a gallant soldier and the
1922. The family always spoke of the four brothers killed in
only one of his brothers to be decorated. Ivan rejoined his
war.
battalion in February 1918 and was killed in action on 23 April 1918.
each wound, illness or, of course, death would generate a
Donald John Whitelaw was 27, nearly 28, years of age
telegram to Briagolong, there was plenty to worry about
when he enlisted on 27 January 1916. He was the tallest of
each time the telegram boy or the Presbyterian minister
the boys at 1.86 metres and was married. Don joined the
was sighted making his way to the house. There would
37th Battalion and reached France in November 1916. He
be the agony of opening the envelope to see what news it
was evacuated sick in April 1917 and was wounded in June
disclosed: ‘regret reported son private Ivan C Whitelaw
1917. He went to France a second time on 27 December
wounded will promptly advise if anything further received
1917 and was evacuated with severe gastritis in June
Base records 7/9/16’. By my reckoning the parents of these
1918. He embarked for home in October 1918 and was
six young men may have received 12 such telegrams, in
discharged unfit.
addition to the three telegrams informing them of the death
Kenneth Whitelaw was the last of the brothers to
2
This is a terrible record of one family’s suffering. As
of their sons. How they must have worried for their boys.
enlist. At 32 years and three months old when he joined up
As other Victorian parents, and parents around Australia,
on 10 November 1916, Ken was the oldest of his brothers
worried for their sons.
and a married man. Was the pressure to join his brothers
In the long years after the war few Australians could
at war too great to resist? Ken left Melbourne just before
travel overseas to see where their sons had fought and died.
Christmas 1916 but did not reach France until March
The establishment of great and small war cemeteries all
1918. He was a member of the 2nd Australian Pioneer
over northern France and Belgium in the 1920s saw the
Battalion, a special battalion raised in each division and
arrival of travellers from Britain, wandering among the
trained to support engineers and infantry. Ken may have
headstones, looking for the final resting places of loved
worked extensively in the Australian camps on Salisbury
ones. Only very wealthy Australians could afford this
Plain. On 5 October 1918, at Mont Brehain, the last place
consolation. The greater tragedy for the Whitelaw family,
at which the Australians fought in the war, Ken received a
though, and for the mother in particular, was that neither
severe gunshot wound to the chest. He was discharged in
Robert, Angus or Ivan have a known grave in any cemetery.
Victoria at war
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Each is, instead, listed among the Unknown on the
for, when the door was opened and the perhaps unfamiliar
Australian National Memorial at Villers-Bretonneux. The
presence of the clergyman was revealed, all hope was gone
remains of these boys from Briagolong were never given a
and the envelope he offered could mean only one thing.
burial, or had prayers read over them by the Presbyterian
The priest or minister, trying to put the sacrifice in noble
chaplain, or were farewelled by their mates; their remains
terms to uplift those in their new and instant grief, would
were never found. Another Victorian mother, grieving for
offer sympathy and suggest that the parents and siblings
her son killed on Gallipoli, wrote ‘if only I could see your
of the deceased might benefit from a prayerful moment
grave I would die happy’. Annie and Robert Whitelaw were
together.
never to know that peace of mind. I do not tell this small part of the story of the Whitelaw
Similarly society, from the moment the news of the first casualties came through from Gallipoli, regarded the
family at war to give them a special prominence above other
nation’s losses as noble sacrifice. A new language came
suffering families. That is not it at all. Of those Australians
to be used to speak of those killed at war. Of course,
who served in the Great War, as they called it, almost
there was plenty of King and Country rhetoric, but there
114 000 were Victorians. And, of these men and women,
was also a sense that those killed had left their families
around 19 000 did not return to their homes and loved
and communities with a new responsibility and a new
ones. The Whitelaw boys were just three of that staggering
obligation. Look again at the words on the Briagolong
number. We cannot know how many others came home
memorial: ‘our lives were given that you might be free’. It
from war, like Ken Whitelaw, so badly wounded that
is those who have died who are talking to us, telling us of
life itself would be a struggle and death would come in
the cause for which they died. Did Annie Whitelaw and the
the first years after the war. But we do know of the great
other Victorian mothers who lost a son in war find comfort
repatriation hospital at Caulfield and of the dozens of
and consolation in the thought of the nobility of their sons’
Anzac hostels that were dotted around Victoria and where
sacrifice? We can never know.
severely sick returned soldiers lived for months, years and, in some cases, for the rest of their lives. Ministers of religion delivered 19 000 ‘casualty’ (that
This narrative inevitably holds some excitement; when news of war came to Melbourne there was, remarkable though it is to record it, overwhelming excitement, even
is, death) telegrams to Victorian homes during the war
jubilation. There are, equally, moments of deep pride and
years. We know that clergymen came to detest this work
celebration, such as when the news broke that a Victorian
prologue
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country boy, ‘Bert’ Jacka, was the first Australian to
the future. Death would stalk this contingent and it would
be awarded the Victoria Cross. In response, the entire
not be many days when, because of illness, there would
Victorian community swelled with pride and admiration.
be the first burials at sea. War was an adventure and who
One of their own had demonstrated the greatest courage
could say on that October afternoon in spring whether this
and resourcefulness. Jacka was celebrated everywhere
contingent of soldiers at Port Melbourne would even be
throughout the state; and rightly so.
in time to fight in the war? It might all be over before they
Any account of the Australian response to the war, or any part of it, must highlight the generosity of that
‘sweethearts’ knew an anxiety that would only grow when it
response, the nobility of sacrifice freely embraced and
was learned that our contingents were deep in the thick of
the determination to endure to the end. This Victorian
the fighting.
narrative will look at all classes and conditions of people to
And, then, grief also entered the equation. Shortly
see that generous, noble, determined response of soldiers
after the announcement that the Australians had landed
at the front, in men and women at home, and among
at Gallipoli came the first casualty lists. The Melbourne
children too. It is an inspiring story.
newspapers, and the country papers too, at first tried to
The story of the Whitelaws, however, reminds us
4
could race to the battlefront. Even so mothers, wives and
give a photo and a pen-portrait of each soldier killed at
that it is impossible to write about the war of 1914–18
Anzac, as it came to be called. Within weeks this attempt
except through the prism of anxiety and grief. Underlining
had to abandoned and, for the most part, death was posted
it all, at all stages of the war, is a deep anxiety for the
with a name and battalion only. The newspapers, and their
fate of those who have gone to the war and a profound
readers, were overwhelmed by the extent of the casualties.
hopefulness that each one will come home unscathed
The people did not give themselves over to lamentations
and unbowed. Even as the first troopships departed Port
and misery in the face of these appalling casualty lists;
Melbourne in October 1914, decked with streamers and
Australian communities, like the peoples of other nations,
serenaded by bands and celebrating crowds, there were
I imagine, are not like that. There was a deep pride in
those on the wharf praying and hoping for the safe return
what the troops were achieving at Anzac, as the people
of those departing. As the streamers snapped, loosening
understood it, and an early awareness that the cause was
the last physical bond that would tie each boy to his
just, the sacrifice justified. And, yet, we must leave the
loved ones, there were those who looked tearfully into
people to their grief.
Victoria at war
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Sadly, we must also turn to the contemplation of a
Phelan continued by reminding the congregation that,
community riven with anger and division. When news of
while Australian Catholic soldiers went to their deaths
the armistice arrived in Melbourne late on 11 November
with a sincere and genuine expectation of eternal life with
1918, there was universal rejoicing. Dancing in the streets,
God, Australian soldiers outside the church had no such
lots of tin whistles and banging of drums. That kind of
consolation. The war had shown, he said, ‘what little use
thing. The city’s main churches rushed to offer major
[was] the Bible-reading clergyman who had no power to
services of thanksgiving. On Wednesday 13 November
forgive sins’. Moreover, he continued, the Catholic mother
services were held in both cathedrals and the Collins Street
could follow her son beyond the grave with her prayers,
Independent and Baptist churches. The Presbyterians
but this comfort was denied the Protestant mother who was
even took over the Melbourne Town Hall for their service
told such prayers were useless. To tell those in grief that
of thanksgiving. At St Paul’s Cathedral, so great was the
there might be a distinction after the grave was heartless,
crowd of worshippers, hundreds of people were unable to
divisive and tactless, but such community divisions were a
gain admittance. At St Patrick’s Cathedral, on the following
direct outcome of the war. We can only hope that Annie
Sunday, there were two grand occasions: solemn Pontifical
Whitelaw, and thousands like her, heard nothing of the
High Mass in the morning and Pontifical Vespers in the
bishop’s sermon.
evening. Bishop Patrick Phelan of Sale, who preached
When war broke out there was no sense in Victoria that
at vespers, paid tribute to the sacrifices of the Australian
things would never be the same again. The people were
troops and their families. But the bishop could not avoid
confident in the might of the Empire and in the quality
mention of the divisions and sectarianism that were a
of the troops that would be sent to defend it. Yet Victoria
marked outcome of the war. He spoke of the heroic deeds
changed dramatically and permanently under the impact
of the Australian troops, more praiseworthy, he said,
of war, as this book hopes to show. The war also, however,
because the men had enlisted freely without the need for
gave Victorians, in the words of the official war historian,
conscription: ‘their gift of sacrifice and life was a free gift;
Charles Bean, ‘a possession forever’. It is that inheritance
no cruel law dragged them from their parents and friends’.
that this book also seeks to celebrate.
prologue
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c h a p t e r
o n e
Wa r c o m e s t o M e l b o u r n e
M
e l b o u r n e in 1914 was one of the great cities of the Empire, despite its youth, being more than half a century younger than Sydney. n Moreover, from 1901, Melbourne was the federal capital of Australia and would remain so until the parliament moved to Canberra in 1927. n
As such, Melbourne was home to regal pomp,
with the King’s second son, the Duke of Cornwall and York, and his wife, travelling to Melbourne in 1901 to open the first sitting of the federal parliament of Australia on 9 May. n
It was a grand
occasion, made even more grand by the greatness and wealth of the city in which the parliament sat for close to the next three decades. n
Residing at Government House on St Kilda Road, now the
Needing to house a great crowd for the formal opening of
official home of the Governor-General of Australia, the
parliament it was appropriate that the Exhibition Building
Duke and Duchess of Cornwall and York processed through
was used, but thereafter the Senate and the House of
the streets of Melbourne on their way to open parliament
Representatives met in the grand parliament buildings at
in the cavernous Exhibition Building in Carlton Gardens.
the top of Bourke Street, which until then had been the
6
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home of the state parliament. On this day, with a crushing
young daughter Vera, my aunt, witnessing the procession
crowd of dignitaries in the building, a cannon boomed in
from the vantage of his shoulders. She well remembered
the grounds of Government House to tell all those who
the occasion throughout her long life, realising even then
were lining the streets or sitting in the temporary stands
its importance and solemnity. She saw the royal couple in
that the royal couple were on their way.
an open carriage drawn by decorated horses. For Vera, who
The route to and from the Exhibition Building took
would have seen many horses in her young life, these stood
the Duke and Duchess up St Kilda Road from Government
out – dressed with plumes, just what a young girl might
House, across Princes Bridge and into the city. They
remember. She recalled the length of the procession, the
travelled along Melbourne’s grandest streets, each of them
size of the crowd, the noise and excitement, all of which
magnificent boulevards, and were saluted by huge crowds
were somewhat frightening to a little girl. Melbourne was
on each journey. If the royal couple had seen through the
to be the home to the federal government, parliament
crowds to the sights on offer, they must surely have been
and public service, and it was only right, as the largest and
impressed by a standard of building equal to, at least, the
grandest city in Australia. Melburnians were proud of their
offices and shops of London or Paris. Melbourne was a
city and its position as the federal capital of Australia.
city built by gold and happy to show off its wealth. Office
Since that momentous day Melburnians became
buildings of six to ten storeys in height, great government
accustomed to the comings and goings of federal
edifices, monumental buildings, such as the Supreme Court
parliamentarians. Almost all members and senators stayed
and the Melbourne Public (later State) Library, the like of
in town throughout the parliamentary sessions, except
which no other Australian city could boast. Grand banks in
for the Victorian members who could return to their
every style of architecture: Gothic, Victorian and utilitarian;
electorates more readily.
with chambers that still awe those who enter them. Shops
Sitting patterns were not as they would become when
and arcades of excellent taste, packed with goods from
air travel made access to the parliament in Canberra much
throughout the world. Melbourne in 1901 was certainly
easier. In 1913, for example, the parliament did not meet
one of the greatest cities of the Empire; indeed, one of the
at all until 9 July as there had been a federal election on
greatest cities of the world. Rich, proud, solid.
31 May. But, from 9 July, the House of Representatives
My grandfather, Thomas James McKernan, stood at the top of Bourke Street, opposite Parliament House, with his
was in almost permanent session until 18 December. At most there was a break of four to five days once each
war comes to melbourne
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month, when members from Tasmania, New South Wales and South Australia could make a quick dash for home. Members from Queensland and Western Australia had to sit it out. Prime minister since 1913, Joseph Cook maintained his home in Lithgow, but lived almost permanently in Melbourne. Opposition leader, Andrew Fisher, who was elected prime minister, for the third time, on 5 September 1914, bought an elegant mansion in St Kilda where he lived with his wife and six children. He made occasional visits to his electorate of Wide Bay in Queensland. Melbourne was also home to the federal bureaucracy with the Defence Department, for example, housed in the impressive if darkly threatening Victoria Barracks on St Kilda Road. The Fathers of Federation had worked
The Duke and Duchess of York drove along this section of Swanston Street on 9 May 1901
hard to convince Australians that the federal public service
– cleared of trams and
would remain small in comparison to the state bureaucracy,
vehicles – but filled with
but the war would see a growth in the size and importance of the federal public service. With Melbourne as the home
cheering crowds. Perhaps
of many of these public servants, and as the responsibilities
they glimpsed some of
of government increased, the city itself grew in significance
Melbourne’s impressive
to become the centre of the life of the nation. Cook and Fisher were absent from Melbourne for much of July 1914. Australia, coming to be aware of increasing tensions in Europe, was going to the polls again,
buildings through the crowds.
just 18 months after the last election, for its first federal double dissolution election. Cook won a one-seat majority in the House of Representatives at the 1913 election, but he lacked the numbers in the Senate. Only a double dissolution, at which all senators would retire, would allow Cook any prospect of effective governing. He required the governor-general to dissolve parliament on 8 June, before the disastrous situation in Europe had become apparent. No government would wish to go to war in the middle of an election campaign, but such was Australia’s fate. The election was set down for 5 September and, for all of
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Victoria at war
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Foreword
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S tat e L i b r a r y o f V i c to r i a , P i c t u r e s C o ll e c t i o n, H 2009.95/42
S tat e L i b r a r y o f V i c to r i a , P i c t u r e s C o ll e c t i o n, H 91.40/395
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Bourke Street, Melbourne, with the federal parliament building in the distance.
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The Myer Emporium, which opened in July 1914, dominates on the left.
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July and August, members were bunkered down in their
contact. Munro Ferguson sent Cook a telegram, in cipher
electorates while their leaders toured the country hoping to
code, suggesting that Cabinet should be summoned to a
rouse voters to their cause.
meeting in Melbourne as soon as possible. Cook, who was
Sir Ronald Munro Ferguson (later Lord Novar), Governor-General of Australia since May 1914, was in
could not decipher the message and more time was lost.
Sydney in late July, as was the minister for defence,
Only on 1 August did the prime minister understand what
Edward Millen. The prime minister was in country
was happening in Europe and order a Cabinet meeting for
Victoria, as also was the leader of the Opposition.
Monday 3 August in Melbourne. War would break out in
Communications from the British Government to the
Europe on 4 August. Australia’s earliest response to the
Australian Government went through the office of the
emergency was as near to farce as could be imagined.
governor-general as a matter of course so, at 3 pm on
S tat e L i b r a r y o f V i c to r i a , P i c t u r e s C o ll e c t i o n, H 91.40/395
on the road and did not have his cipher book with him,
Despite this belated comprehension of the crisis, only
30 July 1914, Munro Ferguson was given a deciphered
half of the ten-member Cabinet could reach Melbourne in
message which read: ‘See preface defence scheme. Adopt
time for this most urgent meeting. With hindsight we know
precautionary stage. Names of powers will be
that the crisis was upon Australia, but at the time there
communicated later if necessary’. The governor-general’s
was little sense of urgency or drama. Would a responsible
office passed the message to Senator Millen and,
government, in full knowledge of the likely turn of events,
remarkably, posted a copy of the telegram to the prime
have allowed ministers to range far and wide from their
minister, who would have received it at least a day or two
offices and their advisers? Yet the Melbourne Argus, a
later. There seemed a strange lack of urgency in response to
newspaper of excellence and deliberation, told its readers
what was, in fact, the preliminary warning that war might
on 3 August that ‘the greatest point of interest for us …
break out soon. Neither the governor-general nor the
will naturally be the course that Great Britain adopts in
defence minister seemed to understand this. The clerk who
the dark days that are upon us’. Point of interest? Wasn’t
deciphered the message had rendered ‘adopt’ as ‘adoption’,
that a bit mild? There was no certainty, the paper believed,
though it is hard to see how that excused Millen
that Britain would be drawn into a European war, even if
misunderstanding the cable and taking no action. The
Germany attacked France, having already declared war on
Australian Government failed to understand Britain’s
Russia. War for the Empire, the Argus thought, was still
warning that the European powder keg was about to blow
an open question: ‘should Great Britain be called upon to
and to step up to the highest level of preparedness for war:
fight’. Little wonder that people in the streets had been
to adopt a war footing.
going about their business with almost no expectation of
It was not until the next day that Millen was awoken to a sense of his responsibilities. A senior soldier travelled
the turmoil that would soon be created. Then, it all burst upon them, and the involvement
from Melbourne to Sydney to explain to the minister
and enthusiasm of the people, waking up to the reality
that the telegram was a pre-arranged signal from the War
of what was happening in Europe, was intense. The
Department in London informing the dominions that war
Argus office was in central Melbourne, in Collins Street,
was probable. Even so, Millen was unwilling to act without
around the corner from the intersection with Swanston
authorisation from the prime minister, who was out of
Street. Crowds were soon milling, reading the news
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The corner of Collins and Elizabeth streets, Melbourne
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– a solid area of commerce
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Victoria at war
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Argus 5 A u g u s t 1914, S tat e L i b r a r y o f V i c to r i a , N e w s pa p e r s C o ll e c t i o n
Victorians begin to learn about the war.
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that was posted on boards outside the office, clamouring for special editions as they rolled off the presses. Melbourne’s other great morning newspaper, The Age, was also housed in Collins Street, which swelled the crowd numbers even further. When the British Foreign Secretary, Sir Edward Grey, gave a speech in the House of Commons on the European situation, the Argus had it out on the streets in double quick time. Other ‘specials’ told of Germany on the march. Cabinet, which met for most of the afternoon of 3 August, instructed that the Australian navy would be placed under the orders of the Admiralty ‘in the event of war’ and an expeditionary
German-Australian citizens paid to erect
force of 20 000 men would be offered to Britain, again
this arch in Collins
‘in the event of war’. There was no question but that
Street in May 1901
Australia would stand with Britain. Paperboys rushed through the suburbs with the special editions that the crowds were reading in the city. Vera, now a university student, with her parents away from home and conscious of her mixed Irish and German background, rushed her younger siblings into the house in South
in celebration of the presence of the Duke and Duchess of York in Melbourne.
Melbourne and locked up, just in case of trouble. ‘As the day wore on,’ the Argus reported, excitement grew. Each batch [of the special edition] as it came from the presses, melted like snow and the boys ran through the city crying the news. There had never been such excitement about a special edition of any Melbourne paper.
Trains rushed the news all around the state. At Bendigo, for example, a crowd thronged the railway station waiting for a train carrying the papers. When it arrived the papers were snatched from the hands of the paperboys who were vainly trying to sell them. Then, on 5 August at 12.30 pm, a cable was sent to Munro Ferguson advising that Britain had declared war on Germany, coming to the assistance of Belgium, which Germany had invaded on its way to France. Couched in
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Victoria at war
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Foreword
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Victorians fired the first shot in the world war.
alliance terms as the honourable and noble thing to do for ‘poor little Belgium’, Britain had immediately stolen the higher moral ground from the Germans. The news reached the governor-general just after midday on 5 August and he promptly conveyed it to the prime minister. Outside the Argus office the crowd swelled and waited impatiently: elderly gentlemen and professional men were as eager to be up near the door as were the newspaper runners … there was no rowdyism – only an intense desire to learn the latest news … the minutes dragged by, and the excitement of the crowd grew almost feverish. ‘What’s the news’, ‘Tell us the news’ shouted an impatient man at the back of the crowd and a hundred other voices took up the call.
The police allowed small groups into the office to buy the first copies of the most recent special edition. [E]veryone in the street seemed to have heard the news Herald 5 A u g u s t 1914, S tat e L i b r a r y o f V i c to r i a , N e w s pa p e r s C o l l e c t i o n
of the declaration of war. Some were enthusiastic; some
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evidently gratified; some seemed overweighted by the import of the news; some were openly pessimistic. But the general feeling was one of relief that the terrible waiting and uncertainty of the last few days was over and that, whatever the issue might be, Great Britain had made her voice known in the quarrel of the nations.
While this was happening in Melbourne there was drama at sea, which if known, would have added intensely to the crowds’ excitement. A German cargo vessel, the Pfalz, a relatively new ship, had been unloading cargo from Bremen at the Melbourne wharves since 30 July. The ship might have departed on the night of 4 August, but at the last minute the captain decided to take on more coal to permit sailing to South America, rather than to Sydney as had been intended. As the war news became bleaker, making untenable the presence of a German ship in Australian waters, the coaling proceeded frantically and, early in
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the morning of 5 August, Pfalz left Victoria Dock, her
One aspect of this episode gives some insight into the
papers, apparently, in order. As was standard procedure
sources that tell the story of a people at war. Historians use
the ship carried a Victorian pilot, Captain Robinson, and,
a variety of sources to tell a story, newspapers included,
to conserve fuel, it steamed down Port Phillip Bay at slow
as for example, my use of the Melbourne Argus. A fine
speed. When the ship left the dock there had been no
newspaper, it was Melbourne’s oldest paper to still be
declaration of war and there was rejoicing aboard that a
published in 1914, its first issue coming out in 1848 and
difficult situation had been avoided. As would come to
modelled on the great newspapers of Britain, such as The
be known, the Pfalz was carrying a number of German
Times or the Morning Post. The Argus told the story of the
consular officials.
Pfalz on 6 August 1914, the day after the events occurred.
By 10 am, when the ship was off Portsea, an examining
Many of the most important details in the Argus story are,
officer boarded, received the papers, deemed them to be
however, wrong. The Argus reported that the Pfalz, after
in good order and authorised Pfalz to proceed. At this
frantically unloading its cargo, sprinted down Port Phillip
point there was still no advice of the outbreak of war and,
Bay at full speed, that the examining officer boarded from
therefore, no reason to detain the ship. Again, there was
Queenscliff, on the western side of the bay, and that the
jubilation when Pfalz was authorised to depart, including
shot was fired from Fort Queenscliff. Officials at what
among the consular officials who had come up onto the
would become the Australian War Memorial interviewed
bridge. As the pilot was manoeuvring the ship into The
Captain Robinson after the war and used his evidence
Rip, the notorious stretch of water between Point Nepean
to put together a more accurate narrative. The Argus
and Point Lonsdale, he failed to notice a signal from Fort
story concluded with a list of other furphies (as rumours
Nepean calling on the vessel to stop. The declaration
would come to be known during the war) that swirled
of war had just been telegraphed to the fort and action
around Melbourne in relation to the incident including,
immediately followed. Imagine the surprise and concern
for example, that a torpedo vessel had followed the Pfalz
of the pilot, on hearing the boom of one of Fort Nepean’s
outside the heads, had captured her and towed her back
guns, and the splash of the shell, which entered the water
to her berth. While making light of these rumours the
some distance from Pfalz’s starboard side. The pilot now
Argus was, apparently, unaware of the serious errors in its
saw the signal to stop and turned Pfalz back into the bay.
own account. This example is a warning to historians and
There was a struggle on the bridge between captain and
readers that wartime produces many rumours, furphies and
pilot for control of the ship, but when Captain Robinson
exaggerations, and that we need to be wary of what we read.
explained that the next shot might hit the ship, the German
With the benefit of hindsight, the contemporary historian
captain gave way. Pfalz turned to the Portsea jetty where
has access to multiple sources to compare the veracity of
both the ship and the crew were taken under arrest. The
individual accounts of events; for the people of Australia
shot from Fort Nepean was almost certainly the first fired
at the outbreak of war, the newspaper was their primary
by the Empire in the First World War. Britain had declared
source of information, the accuracy of which they had no
war only an hour or two earlier. The unfortunate Germans
choice but to take on trust.
were detained for the duration of the war and later repatriated to Germany.
The narrative now enters difficult territory. Victoria is genuinely excited, even enthralled, by the news that
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At a meeting at the Melbourne Town Hall on 6 August
politicians, anyone with a platform, embrace the war
people jostled for seats once the doors opened, many
enthusiastically, romantically, excitedly. Men rush to enlist,
waving tiny Union Jacks to show their allegiance. ‘Soon
women wish them good luck, prayers are offered that ‘our’
the hall was packed, and the corridors and passages were
troops get into the front line before the Empire brings
choked with men and women struggling for admission.’
the war to a surging victory (presumably within weeks or
Most of the people wore little strips of red, white and blue
months). People, who should have known better, abandon
in their lapels or pinned to their dresses. Two huge banners
sobriety and restraint; they speak of nothing but war and
hung from the balconies: ‘For God and Country’ and ‘Fear
the certainty of victory.
God Honour the King’. During the course of the speeches
A Souvenir: The First Australian Imperial Expeditionary Force to Europe , M e l b o u r n e, 1914, S tat e L i b r a r y o f V i c to r i a, S 940.304 EU745 (v.147)
the nation is at war. Community leaders, churchmen,
SS Pfalz, the German steamer that brought about the firing of the first shot of the war at
P u b l i c R e c o r d O f f i c e V i c to r i a , 08357-p 0005 000026
the heads between Point Nepean and Point Lonsdale, 5 August 1914
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Victoria at war
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A Souvenir: The First Australian Imperial Expeditionary Force to Europe , M e l b o u r n e, 1914, S tat e L i b r a r y o f V i c to r i a, S 940.304 EU745 (v.147)
Recruits enjoying a morning wash at the Broadmeadows Military Camp
‘the enthusiasm became more and more intense,’ there
all Australians: ‘now all Australians are speaking with one
were ‘wild hurrahs, boo-os, cheers, shouts and whistling’.
voice … they had to hang together and if needs be they
Lord Mayor Hennessy said that ‘for over 100 years
would die together,’ said Sir Alexander. There was ‘wild and
Australia had slept in peace while England had watched and
continuous cheering’ when John Gavan Duffy, speaking as
cared for us. We were going to show that our loyalty was
an Irish Catholic nationalist, took to the stage. His people,
something more than words.’ Speakers, who included the
he said, ‘forgot all the grievances of the past … they were
premier, Sir Alexander Peacock, and the leader of the state
ready, eager and willing to stand shoulder by shoulder, knee
Opposition, Mr George Elmslie, emphasised the unity of
by knee … with every class, with every creed, and with
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every nationality within the Empire … [we had] a stern
his mother is not so sure. War is not a game, she might
sense of the duty that had to be done.’ Meetings such as
counsel, and the victory, while expected, might be bloody.
this, where the enthusiasm was just as intense, were also
Lives will be lost, she might have said; why only today the
held in suburban and country halls across the state.
Argus is claiming that the Germans had already lost 8000 listened to such sober words. Did anyone think to look
patriotic songs, for want of anything better to do. The
at modern warfare? Look beyond the South African War,
staid cafes of the Block Arcade, and the other elegant
dreadful though that had been. Look to the last days of
arcades, required their musicians to pump out patriotic airs.
the American Civil War with trench lines snaking across
Churchmen summoned their congregations to prayers for
the land and the rattle of machine guns heard everywhere.
the Empire and for a swift victory for the cause of right.
Look at the dead bodies piled one upon another in the
Without hesitation, or too much thought, they intended to
trenches, if you wanted to understand the nature of modern
follow the lead from London to proclaim that ‘God is on
warfare. Half a million dead in the trenches. Look and
our side’ in this conflict of the nations.
worry for these excited young men of Victoria. But few
The two political leaders, both of whom were in
were thinking that way; war was a romance and a game. Yet
country Victoria, quickly nailed their colours to the
a mother should worry; if I allow you to go to war will I
mast. At Horsham on 30 July the prime minister made it
ever see you again?
clear that if the Empire was at war so, too, was Australia:
The first recruits camped in tents in a courtyard
‘whatever happens, Australia is part of the Empire right
of Victoria Barracks, or slept in the stands at the
to the full’. Fisher was addressing a crowd at Colac in the
Melbourne Cricket Ground or the Caulfield or
Western District on the same night. As a better speaker
Flemington racecourses. Victoria was to provide 7000
than Cook, Fisher engaged his audience emotionally. What
of the Australian offer of 20 000 men and recruiters
he said at Colac was, no doubt, meant for effect, but the
acknowledged that twice that number might be raised.
words would come back to haunt him and endanger his
Reporters spoke of a ‘heterogeneous collection of
party: ‘Australia will stand beside our own [the mother
trainees: South African veterans, University students,
country] to help and defend her to our last man and our last
bushmen and city clerks welded into a compact mass
shilling.’
of fighting men’. Or so they would be once training
Most of all, young men flocked to the colours, or at
commenced. On 12 August the military authorities
least tried to do so. They rushed down St Kilda Road to the
announced that, after an inspection of several sites, it
Victoria Barracks, as if they could sign up straight away. As
had been decided that the ‘concentration camp’ for the
only 20 000 were to be sent from all over Australia, they
Victorian quota of the Australian Imperial Force (AIF)
saw a real danger of missing out unless they hopped in right
– ‘as it is to be officially known in the future’ – would be
at the start. It would be foolish, however, not to think that
at Broadmeadows on the edge of Campbellfield, north
some were less swept up with the emotion of the moment.
of Melbourne. There were several reasons for the choice
A young working lad rushes home to tell his parents that he will enlist as soon as the books are opened. Yet
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lives in their dash into France. Young men might have
of Broadmeadows; a railway station was located about 20 minutes walk from the camp site, which was in fact a large
S tat e L i b r a r y o f V i c to r i a , P i c t u r e s C o ll e c t i o n, H 86.98/216
Outside the town hall and well into the night people marched up and down the streets of the city, singing
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Horse lines at Broadmeadows Military Camp
Foreword
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Thousands of visitors poured into the Broadmeadows Military Camp each Sunday,
S tat e L i b r a r y o f V i c to r i a , wa r pa m phl e t s s e r i e s
which was a free day for the recruits.
plain particularly well suited for military manoeuvring;
Park in 1912, offered it to the government for the military
services, including water, could be quickly provided, and
camp. It comprised a homestead and 143 acres of land,
the camp was not so far from Melbourne as to make it
surely enough for a force of 7000 men. Wilson eventually
difficult to supply it with the necessities.
sold the property to the government a year later for the tidy
The main advantage of Broadmeadows, however, was that access to it came free of charge. A patriotic landowner, RG Wilson, who had bought his property Mornington
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sum of £4450. Within two weeks and one day of the announcement of war, 2500 men left central Melbourne for Broadmeadows.
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Crowds lined the streets as these men in mufti, some
were neatly arranged in rows … and everything was in
clutching Gladstone bags, others carrying neat parcels,
apple-pie order. The soldiers held levees all afternoon’; that
walked from Victoria Barracks to the camp. While they
is, they pleasantly received their visitors. The next Sunday
might have looked distinctly unmilitary, for these men had
it was estimated that 60 000 visitors made their way to
not yet been taught to march, they were cheered by the
the camp, so great was the enthusiasm for Victoria’s first
crowds. The recruits stopped at Princes Park, home of the
soldiers and the war. Reports began to swirl that the men
Carlton Australian Rules football team, where they ate a
were disgruntled; the food was terrible, tents too primitive
picnic lunch and went on their way. Leaving the barracks at
and the training too demanding. ‘What rot,’ a soldier from
9.30 am they reached the camp at 5 pm, where they found
the 7th Battalion wrote in the Essendon Gazette and …
‘a green plain, rather high and windswept, with rows of
Broadmeadows Reporter. ‘I am in a tent with 8 others,’ he
pine trees and an old homestead’. ‘A hard road made [for]
wrote, ‘as far as [we] are concerned everything is alright …
many sore feet,’ a marcher reported. Achieving some sort
Of course this camp is no Sunday School picnic, but we are
of order, officers directed nine men to each of the tents that
looking forward to war … and everyone in our Company is
had been erected in rows. Water had been secured within
satisfied and not one has deserted.’
five days of the government acquiring the property, which
So the people of Victoria went to war. Some, a small
involved laying 7 kilometres of pipes. Conditions were
number as yet, had marched into camp at Broadmeadows,
primitive in the extreme with men taking their meals in the
the majority of their fellow citizens warmly approving of
open air and using ablution blocks of the most rudimentary
their pluck and patriotism and hopeful for the outcome. A
nature. Even so, recruits continued to pour in and rumours
new federal government in Parliament House at the top of
of an early departure for the battlefields were rife.
Bourke Street would prosecute the war and do all things
Knowing that the recruits were confined to the camp
necessary to involve the citizens and mobilise an army. The
and imagining that their families might want to visit the
state parliament, somewhat out of the way in the Exhibition
men on the first available Sunday, when no training took
Building, would loyally follow the federal government’s
place, the railway authorities laid on two special trains,
lead, but there was not much role for state politics in a
which was nowhere near enough. Some 20 000 visitors
war of the nations. The people, in their homes and at
poured out of Melbourne for the camp and eventually
work, in their schools, or on their farms, would attempt
11 special trains ran. Wily entrepreneurs, with access to
to get on with life. But the war would intrude into every
bus, van or dray, ran a shuttle service from the station to
aspect of Victorian life. For the young men under canvas at
the camp but most visitors chose to walk. And the dust
Broadmeadows, war was almost all that they would know
on that dry plain! ‘Our reporter was much struck with
until peace, serious injury or death intervened. For the
the enthusiasm displayed,’ the Essendon Gazette and …
majority of other Victorians, the war would become the
Broadmeadows Reporter explained on 27 August. ‘The tents
great reality of their lives.
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Marvellous Melbourne
M
elbourne is a cit y built by gold. The
Limited at 388 Collins Street (now an ANZ bank branch).
enormous wealth from the Ballarat,
The banking chamber, still in its original configuration,
Bendigo and other goldfields created a city
is remarkable for its columns, ceiling and woodwork.
of such size, and in such a short time, as
Building started in 1883 and the branch, including a
to be recognised around the world as a marvel. Many of
palatial residence for the bank’s general manager, opened
Melbourne’s city buildings that were built on gold wealth
in 1887. Built for £77 389, a small fortune then and well
still stand today: the town hall, the two city cathedrals
over budget, the bank has long been loved by Victorians;
(though the spires of each were not completed until the
indeed, the people voted it Victoria’s favourite building
1930s), hotels such as the Windsor (although sadly other
in 1987 on the 100th anniversary of its opening. The
prominent hotels were pulled down), the Public (now State)
keen student of Marvellous Melbourne can find such
Library, opulent banks, insurance buildings and other
delights along the main streets and thoroughfares of the
offices. Capping it all, perhaps, was the elegant, capacious
contemporary city.
Exhibition Building in the Carlton Gardens, built for the Melbourne International Exhibition in 1880, but which is now a permanent feature of ‘Marvellous Melbourne’. Later
of Melbourne people, if on a slightly smaller scale. The
buildings, such as the Flinders Street railway station, also
grandeur of St Mary’s Catholic Church, West Melbourne
became identifiable Melbourne icons. Wide city streets and
(1900), for example, or the neo-Gothic gem of St Mary’s,
intersecting laneways added to a feeling of both grandeur
East St Kilda (1871). St Ignatius’s (1888) is a proud
and surprise, as did the great tree-lined boulevard of
and grand statement of the strength of Melbourne
St Kilda Road. The parliament building, the grandest of
Catholicism. St John’s at Toorak (1862) and St Andrew’s
any Australian state, at the top of the city, spoke of dignity,
at Brighton (1886) might have a quieter and more refined
respectability and authority.
street presence, but both are Anglican gems in their own
Marvellous Melbourne still reveals itself to those
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The magnificence of the buildings beyond the city centre is additional evidence of the spirit and confidence
right. More substantial, and older, among the Anglican
interested to discover the wealth and richness of the
churches is the gracious and airy Christ Church, South
nineteenth-century city. Countless buildings show the spirit
Yarra (1857). Suburban town halls, though not as grand as
and style of the period, such as, for example, the ‘Gothic
Melbourne’s, were, nevertheless, built on a truly generous
bank’, once the English Scottish and Australian Bank
scale. The halls of South Melbourne, North Melbourne,
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Fitzroy and Malvern still stand proud in their communities,
perhaps with better amenities than in any other Australian
though now some are serving different purposes.
city. Melbourne people, however, tended to overlook the
When the gold bubble burst in the 1890s Melbourne
poorer, inner-city suburbs: the Collingwood flats, Richmond
lost some of its brazen self-confidence and bustle. There
and Fitzroy, where housing was cramped, inadequate and
was suffering in the city and, particularly, in the working-
noisome.
class suburbs. But the new century saw some of the old
Ignoring these blights, no other Australian city could
spirit return and, as the federal capital of the newly formed
show off suburbs and housing of such high standards.
Commonwealth of Australia, Melbourne recovered and saw
Citizens rejoiced in creating gardens and vegetable patches
itself as the pre-eminent city of the new nation. Melbourne
in their front and back yards. Councils lined middle-class
had the highest population of any Australian capital (losing
streets with trees and shrubs and each municipality in
that title to Sydney in 1902), it had the grandeur and
the ‘nicer’ suburbs prided itself on a large public park or
dignity required of a national capital, and it had great pride.
botanical garden. Victoria would later delight to call itself
Melbourne led Australia into the new century with a natural
the ‘garden state’; by 1900 Melbourne was the garden city.
assumption of primacy. Citizens congratulated themselves that so much had
Nor could any other Australian city point with such confidence to mighty department stores, shops, and
been achieved in such comparatively short time. No other
shopping arcades and such a high sense of fashion. Like the
Australian city boasted such an impressive transport system
citizens of Paris, Melbourne people strolled along their city
of trains and trams. Indeed with such an efficient and
streets, liking to see and to be seen. They patronised richly
extensive cable tram network, electrified services arrived
decorated cafes and restaurants, in which it was not unusual
later in Melbourne than elsewhere. Melbourne loved its
for a band to be playing. The people crowded into myriad
cable trams, which moved the people around the city and its
theatres and grand picture theatres as the new century
suburbs quietly and comfortably. The extensive suburban
progressed. They flocked to sport: football, cricket and
train network complemented the cable trams, although
horseracing at superior and substantial venues. By the 1870s
covering greater distances, and it began to be electrified
Flemington racecourse already had its stands, rose gardens
towards the end of the war. The size and frequency of
and lawns, and mounting yard enclosure, and fashionable
the transport system allowed for the rapid growth of
people delighted to be seen there. The Melbourne Cricket
Melbourne’s suburbs, which were more extensive and
Ground was the standout arena for football and cricket, but
war comes to melbourne
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The last days of peace, Henley-on-Yarra regatta, October 1913, giving elegant and comfortable Melburnians an opportunity to take their leisure. The regatta was held in 1914, after much debate, but then discontinued until 1919.
Foreword
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some of the suburban grounds, South Melbourne, for
friends, at peace with all the world. Some 200 000 people
example, were also highly favoured.
might be in attendance, to watch the races, to extol the
The Myer Emporium in Bourke Street, one of the world’s great department stores, opened new and
itself in rowing boats, the men at the oars, the women
opulent premises of eight storeys in July 1914, though
under elegant parasols protecting themselves from the
Myer had first opened in Bourke Street in 1911.
sun.
Alongside the emporium was the equally graceful
There is some poignancy in close examination of
Buckley and Nunn and, further down towards the
the faces in the crowd at Henley-on-Yarra; we cannot
station on Flinders Street, was Ball and Welch and
know what befell these people. Those promenading
the first major department store to have opened in
look as though they do not have a care in the world. Yet
Melbourne, the Mutual Store dating from the early
many of the young men will soon be in uniform, some of
1870s. Many of these fine stores offered art galleries and
them soon to die in the trenches. For the young women,
restaurants to discerning shoppers.
holding lightly onto the arms of their menfolk, there will
The elegant garments that shoppers bought in these
28
specially decorated boats, or take their place on the river
soon be worry and grief. There were 1200 oarsmen from
various stores were found on their wearers at balls and
Henley-on-Yarra who enlisted, 227 were killed in battle
parties, at Flemington for the horseracing and, pre-
or died of wounds. And how many of the young men on
eminently, at the Henley-on-Yarra regatta, since 1904
the riverbank enlisted? After much debate Henley-on-
one of Melbourne’s grandest social occasions. Few came
Yarra did take place in October 1914, with some of the
exclusively for the rowing and sculling. Instead, elegantly
proceeds earmarked for the patriotic funds. The social
garbed Melburnians strolled the banks of the river in
gala was not held again until 1919. The Edwardian age
the fine weather of early spring, taking refreshments or
died with the arrival of the war. Marvellous Melbourne
bringing their own picnics, catching up with family and
would never be the same again.
Victoria at war
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c h a p t e r
t w o
Wa r c o m e s t o Vi c t o r i a
T
he colony of Victoria, to its first white settlers, seemed particularly blessed. n Those who first saw it through British eyes marvelled at the beauty and fertility of the land. n
Each district of the colony,
the Mallee possibly excepted, gave promise of significant wealth. n But no place had greater promise than Victoria’s Western District, the first
part of the colony to attract white settlers. n Rich soils, well watered with plentiful rivers and streams, gentle hills and wide plains, might be expected to guarantee wealth and good fortune for landowners. n
Casterton is one of the more pleasant towns in
this affluent part of Victoria. n
Situated 350 kilometres from Melbourne and therefore
(Presbyterian, 1867) and Sacred Heart on the hill (Catholic,
remote in Victorian terms, Casterton was a town of more
1886). There were also several hotels, three of them, the
than 1000 inhabitants in 1914. At that time, the visitor
Albion, the Casterton and the Glenelg, being grand and
would have noticed the railway, three fine and substantial
stately places of comfort and leisure. There was a football
churches, Christchurch (Anglican, 1865), the Scots Church
team, a racecourse and a cricket ground. Casterton boasted
29
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S tat e L i b r a r y o f V i c to r i a , P i c t u r e s C o ll e c t i o n, H 32492/2822
Henty Street, Casterton
30
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a loyal and stable population; it was not a place from which its citizens would yearn for release. The Casterton News and the Merino and Sandford Record of 24 August 1914 reported at length on a gathering held on 20 August to farewell nine of its young men. To farewell them to war, that is. Only 15 days after the governorgeneral read the telegram alerting him to the outbreak of war in Europe, Casterton was saying goodbye to some of its own. But Casterton was not special or unique in doing so. In these first days of the European war hundreds of small towns, the length and breadth of Victoria, did the same thing. At each of these gatherings there were speeches from representative men, mumbled thanks from the men departing, and high hopes all round. Typically each departing hero would be given a wallet with several pound notes stuffed inside, or a box brownie camera, maybe a small Bible or some other token of respect deemed useful to the life of a soldier. Already women of the town were united in providing a handsome supper following the farewell and had come together for days of work to make Already a common word with a new meaning had entered the vocabulary: ‘comforts’, meaning all kinds of goods and small luxuries that would please a soldier on his way to war or at the front: a tin of tobacco, a fruitcake, warm knitted woollen socks, writing paper and pencils. The community swung behind the war effort, itself a new concept, with will and relish. At Casterton the 20 August meeting took place in the Oddfellows Hall, a substantial wooden building in the centre of town. Councillor Ross, the shire president, was in the chair and announced the purpose of the meeting as being to say farewell, ‘God speed and safe return’. After a few words of welcome Ross gave the toast to the King which ‘was honoured with considerable loyalty’ and then all sang ‘God save the King’. The next speaker
32
S tat e L i b r a r y o f V i c to r i a , P i c t u r e s C o ll e c t i o n, H 32492/2765
goods for the soldiers, or to raise money for their welfare.
Victoria at war
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S o u r c e R o s e S t e r e o g r a ph C o, S tat e L i b r a r y o f V i c to r i a , P i c t u r e s C o ll e c t i o n, H 32492/2783
Scots Church, Casterton
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was the Anglican rector, Rev. F Stillwell. He spoke of the
before, and the happy men waved goodbye. Two of them
contingent as ‘small in number but strong in patriotism
would never see Casterton again and another two would die
and good will to fight for the dear old flag.’ ‘This was a
in the early 1920s as a direct result of their war service.
righteous war’ he was quoted as saying, and wished those departing ‘success in the day of battle.’ The Catholic priest,
Broadmeadows plain they were immediately part of a
Father JP Lowham joined in these remarks. ‘They were
much bigger enterprise. They were now sharing a life with
fighting in a just war,’ he said, ‘and it behoved every man
men from the city, with men from the bigger towns, such
to play his part for the Empire.’ In proposing ‘three cheers
as Ballarat or Bendigo, and with men from small country
for those we leave behind’, newly enlisted Arthur Roper
towns just like their own. Nearly all of these new recruits
said that even if ‘they were to leave their bones in a foreign
would have shared the recent Casterton experience or
land’ nevertheless they counted it an honour to serve their
something very like it: appearances before the recruiting
King and country. The night ended happily and the next
officer, who had no need to appeal for men, but just to
morning there was a large crowd at the railway station to
enrol them, and before a doctor for a medical examination
say a last goodbye. For these nine men the next stop would
and time to be thankful to have been passed fit. They had
be Melbourne, then Broadmeadows, and then, who knew
watched other men break down in tears when the doctor
where? Roper would serve briefly on the Dardanelles in
had rejected them: often for what seemed trivial reasons,
June and July 1915 before being hospitalised with a double
bad teeth perhaps, or insufficient chest width, or some
hernia and discharged in Melbourne in December 1915.
other inadequacy.
A 28-year-old unmarried man when he enlisted, after his
Each of the recruits told stories of the local farewell;
discharge, like so many other soldiers, Arthur Roper is lost
of what the priest or parson had said, how the local bigwig,
to history.
mayor or shire president, had blown hard trying to make
We do not know the names of the other eight men
34
When these ten men found their tents on the
out that they were heroes. How they had laughed at that.
at this inaugural farewell. The Casterton News was better
‘Us blokes heroes?’ How funny that seemed. None of the
informed about the second farewell of departing soldiers
Casterton boys were married, and few in the tents would
held on 17 September, listing the name of each of the
have been married either. Senator Millen, the defence
ten men. A recruiting officer must have visited Casterton
minister, at first said that married men were not needed,
because all the men enlisted on either 10 or 11 September
and though he quickly changed his mind, it was single
and were given just a few days to finalise their affairs
men to the fore. But they also amused themselves telling
before they left the town for Broadmeadows on Friday
of promises they had made on that last night. Of the girl
18 September. Several of them were placed in the 14th
who would write and the girl who would wait. Would there
Battalion. Perhaps they had asked if they could serve in the
be other girls before these boys got home? Two of these
same unit, the Casterton boys all together. Ross, having just
ten Casterton men in the ‘second contingent’ would be
been re-elected to his post, presided at the second farewell
hospitalised for a venereal disease contracted abroad. And
where the ladies served supper as before, but asked for a
so they yarned in their time off, proud to be with other
contribution at the door ‘for the comforts fund’. A crowd
Victorians, united in a cause, recognising what similar
assembled at the railway station the next morning, just as
paths each had travelled to reach this point and place in
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time, eagerly looking to a future of surely some excitement
in the Pozières British Cemetery in France, not far from
overseas, and a happy, glamorous welcome home when the
where he fell. Norman saw none of the fighting. He became
job was done. The majority of the Casterton men were
sick in Egypt, was hospitalised exactly a month before the
farmhands or labourers, although one was a wheelwright
landing at Gallipoli and was discharged as medically unfit
and another a saddler. They talked about their farms and
on 28 July 1915 in Melbourne.
their bosses, and some might have wondered how the farms
Walter William Williams might have felt a bit out
and stations could keep going with so many men off the
of things at Casterton’s second farewell. He was only 20
land waiting for war.
years of age and described himself as a farmhand. But he
The first of the ten to die was Charles Gustus ‘Gus’
was born in London and presumably had no relatives in
Greenham from Dartmoor, about 50 kilometres from
Casterton. Possibly he saw his enlistment as a way of going
Casterton. Presumably Gus had travelled to Casterton
home. Walter was also placed in the 14th Battalion and, like
specially to enlist. He was 26 years of age when he joined
Gus Greenham, was in the landing on that first Anzac Day.
up, a farmer and a Presbyterian who was superintendent
Walter survived on Gallipoli until 8 August 1915 when he
at his local Sunday school. Gus landed at Gallipoli with
took a gunshot wound in his chest. Badly wounded, he was
the 14th Battalion, but he did not last long. With a severe
captured by the Turks and became a prisoner of war. He
gunshot wound to the abdomen he was placed on the
was incorrectly reported to have died in captivity, where
hospital ship Galeka, but died soon after and was buried
he was made to work hard at what he described as ‘heavy
at sea on 1 May 1915, just six days after the landing. Later
labour’. Walter contracted malaria in captivity and returned
his mother, who had been granted a pension of £52 a year,
to Australia in May 1919. He died on 26 June 1920 while
wrote to the Defence Department asking if her son’s wallet
studying for a trade qualification at the Working Men’s
could be found among his effects. It had been a gift from
College of Melbourne. His name is not recorded on the
the Sunday school children and had sentimental value.
war memorial at Casterton, but it might have been. Surely
The second of the ten to die was William Edward Vickery, who was a month short of 22 years of age when
he was a casualty of war? Howard Mill was also 20 years of age when he enlisted
he enlisted. There was another Vickery, Norman, who also
and described himself as a farm labourer. He was also
fronted the recruiting officer on that day; he was 19 years
placed in the 14th Battalion, although strangely, he did
of age. They were not brothers, but they may have been
serve for one month in the 65th Battalion in France. He
cousins. Both classified themselves as labourers on the
was on Gallipoli from 4 May to 8 August 1915, when he
enlistment form. Bill was placed in the 5th Battalion and
was evacuated sick. Howard served in England throughout
Norman in the 14th. Bill was wounded at Anzac in August
1916 and 1917, which was unusual, and then was sent to
1915, probably at Lone Pine, when a hand grenade (they
France. He was discharged as medically unfit in July 1918
called them ‘bombs’ on Gallipoli) exploded near him and a
after returning to Australia. He died on 3 April 1921 from
piece of metal lodged deep in his thigh. He was lucky not
tuberculosis, the illness for which he was discharged, which
to have died. Recovering from that wound, Bill reached
explains Howard’s long absence from the front line. And
France at the end of March 1916, but would be killed in
yet, Howard’s name is not on the war memorial either; he
the fighting around Pozières on 25 July 1916. He is buried
was 26 years of age when he died.
War comes to Victoria
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View of the rich farmland near Casterton in Victoria’s Western District
37
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September 1914 died as a result of the war. We cannot
served on Gallipoli for five months and in France from
know how many of the remaining six men came back home
March 1916, he had a lucky war. He returned to Australia
damaged in mind or body. One man did not even return
in May 1919 and returned to life in Casterton. His name is
to Australia. William Henry Brunt, 22 years of age when
found on the Casterton electoral roll into the 1930s.
he enlisted and a clerk, was born in England, like Walter
It was luck that they should have been talking about at
Williams, and served in the 6th Battalion on Gallipoli from
the farewell in the Oddfellows Hall. Though few realised
late May to 19 September 1915, when he was evacuated
it as they yarned in their tents on the Broadmeadows plain
sick. Bill did not serve in France but worked in London
in September 1914, for each Victorian soldier who enlisted
for the AIF as a bookkeeper. He married an English
early, it was luck, good fortune, mere chance that would
girl in August 1919, while still in uniform, and pleaded
see him through, if he were to survive. Casterton’s war
with the AIF not to be sent back to Australia as he had
memorial records the names of 108 men from the district
arranged a good job in London. His new wife supported
who were killed in the war. They, and their families, were
Bill’s application saying that she had started singing classes
the unlucky ones. Particularly the Hurley family, from
in London, which would be interrupted by a return to
which three boys enlisted, including twins. Their father was
Australia. The AIF agreed and Bill was discharged in
a farmer on a property at Wurt Wurt Koort, near Henty,
London.
about 15 kilometres from Casterton. When the Henty
James Kelso Waters was a 23-year-old farmer at Nareen
family decided to subdivide the famous Merino Downs
when he enlisted. He joined the 4th Light Horse Regiment
station in 1908, Wurt Wurt Koort was one of three new
and served on Gallipoli, being severely wounded in the
properties to emerge. It was further subdivided for share
knee in late November. A year and a month later, almost
farming engaged, largely, in dairying.
to the day, James took his discharge from the AIF, his duty
The Hurleys had a large family: there were three
done. He almost certainly returned to the Casterton region
others, at least, at the local school and a son, Kevin, was
because, in April 1967, he wrote from Coleraine, just
still at school in 1923. Tom Hurley was the first of the
30 kilometres to the east, asking to be awarded the Anzac
brothers to enlist, in December 1914. He was 23 years of
Medallion, which the government had introduced to mark
age, unmarried and, like both his brothers who served, a
the 50th anniversary of the campaign. Whether James had
farm labourer, possibly on the family farm. Tom served on
been able to resume his working life as a farmer cannot be
Gallipoli at the end of the campaign, having landed on the
known, but he was placed on a war pension of 45 shillings a
peninsula on 3 November 1915. At that time he was in the
week on his discharge, later reduced to 30 shillings a week.
Light Horse, but he soon transferred to the 2nd Australian
Something must have gone wrong when Henry Beasy
38
He was 27 years of age when he joined up and, though he
Pioneer Battalion. His twin brother Denis enlisted in July
and Alf Howells first tried to enlist because they made
1915 and was placed in the 46th Battalion. He arrived in
second, and successful, attempts in September and October
France in June 1916 and was killed in action in August.
1915 respectively. Henry, a saddler, joined the 3rd Light
Tom would have known of his twin brother’s death well
Horse Field Ambulance, and Alf was in the Field Artillery.
before he died of wounds received in Belgium in October
Both survived the war. Peter Peskett rounds out our ten.
1917. The third brother, Jeremiah, nearly 25 years of age
S tat e L i b r a r y o f V i c to r i a , P i c t u r e s C o ll e c t i o n, H 32492/2604
So, four of the ten men enlisting from Casterton in
Victoria at war
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S tat e L i b r a r y o f V i c to r i a , P i c t u r e s C o ll e c t i o n, H 32492/2604
View over convent and Sacred Heart Catholic Church, Casterton
War comes to Victoria
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S tat e L i b r a r y o f V i c to r i a , P i c t u r e s C o ll e c t i o n, H 32492/2611
The soldiers’ memorial, Casterton
40
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at enlistment, had joined up before Denis in May 1915.
the sudden and dramatic withdrawal of an extraordinary
He was first placed in the 5th Battalion but transferred
amount of farm labour. Older men and boys were suddenly
to the 46th Battalion, presumably to be with his younger
working harder and, as a consequence, production was cut
brother. On 13 July 1918 Jeremiah copped a shell fragment
back. The war hit rural Victoria first and hardest.
in the stomach and he died of his wounds on the same day.
Not all of the first recruits were boys. There was a solid
Father Lowham was still the Catholic priest at Casterton
sprinkling of older men, though many of these, too, were
and he bore the responsibility for delivering three casualty
unmarried. John Matthew McGlade was born in 1883 in
telegrams to the Hurley farm.
Belfast, Northern Ireland, but was certainly a Victorian
Of course the family, and particularly the parents
by adoption, having lived in Gippsland for 34 years by the
Denis and Mary Jane, must have been overwhelmed by
time of his death. On his enlistment form Jack described
grief. But there are other issues too. Think of the work
himself as a Roman Catholic and an architect, but ‘farm
to be done on the farm at Wurt Wurt Koort. Rural work
worker’ is a more apt description. When Jack enlisted again
was then labour intensive: there was ploughing, sowing
in the militia for the Second World War at the remarkable
and reaping, all with horses; stock to manage, muster,
age of 56, he described himself as a ‘forestry worker’
move, treat and grow; shearing, dipping and drenching;
employed by Victoria’s Forests Commission. Jack enlisted
general maintenance, keeping the fences in good order,
at Orbost in the far east of the state on 24 September 1914.
making sure the water was plentiful and clean, keeping the
He was then 30 years and seven months of age and he had
weeds and, most importantly, the rabbits down; and, then,
a girl or, at least, a female pen pal. Shela Stagg, then 18
there were the myriad odd jobs of taking stock to market,
years of age, was living on her father’s property Glenshira
getting in supplies and making sure the bookkeeping was
at Combienbar, over 80 kilometres north-east of Orbost,
up-to-date. Most of all, on a dairy farm, there was the
one of the most remote parts of the state, surrounded by
constant drudgery of milking by hand, every day, twice a
heavy forests. Despite the difference in age Jack and Shela
day; the heavy lifting of the milk cans; the cleaning of all
married in 1925 and had two children before Jack died, a
the equipment; and, the management of the milking herd.
soldier, in 1943 aged 59 years.
Perhaps the three Hurley men worked with their dad at
Jack’s letters to Shela from Broadmeadows Military
Wurt Wurt Koort. If so, their enlistments and absence
Camp give a detailed picture of life there and provide a
from the farm must have been painful emotionally and
keen insight into the life of these first Victorian recruits.
practically. Even if all three weren’t needed on the property
‘Excuse this scrawl,’ he wrote in his first letter on 3 October
all the time, they would almost certainly have been working
1914, ‘but being in a hurry and having a rotten table to
in the district for, it seems, that these three sons lived at
write on I can not settle to write much.’ Jack had been at
home. Their wages would have gone to their mother for
Broadmeadows for a week when he first wrote and ‘up to
board and, though they might have allotted their mother
the present can’t growl at much’ though ‘things are a bit
a part of their AIF pay, cash must have been scarce after
ROUGH in the tucker line but we can’t expect hotel fare
their departure. There were younger brothers and sisters to
out here.’ Drill was the order of the day in the first week
take their places, but the fact remains that one of the first
and plenty of it, but at least they were marched off for a
and greatest consequences of the war for rural Victoria was
swim on Saturday afternoon.
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In his second letter, dated 17 October, Jack reported
I think it is a sort of final test as to what we can do. I
that ‘as far as the work is concerned we are having a real easy
expect we will not have too sweet a time as we have to
time’. If he had been working for Shela’s dad at Glenshira it
go without blankets, only our great coats to sleep in …
is likely that the work would have been a good deal tougher. At Broadmeadows they were not long days, ‘about 8 hours a day work but as it’s cut up into three parades it comes easy. We have not been given our uniforms yet.’ The preceding week had been spent on rifle drill, which was pretty rough on his clothes: we are given the command to advance 100 yards in open order, at the double. That means running 100 yards then
Lately we have been called out twice for night marches and both times it was raining in torrents … WET to the skin, who wouldn’t be a soldier for 5/– a day … However all in the game … we’ve been told there will be no more leave as we sail on the 18th.
And that was that. Shela next heard from Jack on 4 September 1915 from No. 1 Australian General Hospital (AGH), Heliopolis, Egypt, where he was recuperating
lying down and try to make ourselves look as small as
from a gunshot wound to his left arm that he received at
possible. If you happen to be just at a nice little hole of
Gallipoli on 10 August 1915. He reported that though the
mud down you go into it, anything to get cover.
wound had healed he had no power in his wrist, but the doctor had said it would come good in time. Jack would
The food remained ‘rough’ too. ‘Bread and jam for tea. We
not return to Anzac but would serve in the desert and on
get ditto repeated for breakfast and stew for dinner [lunch].
the Western Front. He left for Australia on 22 December
It seems alright the first day or two but now after two
1918 and was discharged in April 1919, so he must have had
weeks of it Oh Lord.’
continuing health issues. He had received another gunshot
Jack might have had some leave, back to Combienbar, because his next letter, 14 December 1914, reports ‘since
discharged from the army, Jack remained in No. 16 AGH,
I came back here I have been going full speed from five in
Macleod, near Melbourne: ‘I am trying to get a pension
the morning till ten at night’. The problem was that Jack
out of them.’ History is never tidy but it remains a mystery
was in the 8th Light Horse and had finally been given a
why Jack and Shela did not marry until 1925. Soon enough
horse, with the attendant feeding, watering and grooming.
they would run into the Great Depression, as if life had not
‘I managed to get hold of a fairly good sort of horse,’ but
been tough enough already, and by 1935 Jack was working
even so he complained ‘I am just about full of this place.
in a forestry camp at Cann River, probably glad for any type
Nothing but dust dust all day long.’ They paraded before
of job. When he enlisted all those years ago, he and all his
the state governor, Sir Arthur Stanley, but because the water
mates at Broadmeadows had been promised the world. It
supply had failed the entire troop was covered in dust for the
was just that the world became a damn sight tougher from
parade and couldn’t get a wash when they came home. Then
1914 onwards.
it started to rain and it kept up: ‘can’t move outside the tent
42
wound, this time to the left leg, in April 1917. Though
Men from rural Victoria poured into Broadmeadows
without getting mud up to the eyes … she’s a rotten game in
in 1914 and throughout 1915, though city men always
wet weather.’
outnumbered them. Men from the Western District, like
The fourth letter, 4 January 1915, was the last written
the men from Casterton, men from Gippsland like Jack
from Broadmeadows. Soon there was to be a four-day march,
McGlade from furthest Orbost, and men from all parts
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Recruits quickly found their way to the YMCA recreation tent in camp, or one of the tents provided
S tat e L i b r a r y o f V i c to r i a , A u s t r a l i a n M a n u s c r i p t s C o ll e c t i o n, G e o r g e N ay l o r Pa p e r s, M S 10024
by the churches, where they could write home in reasonable privacy and comfort.
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A group of Australian Army Nurses
A u s t r a l i a n Wa r M e m o r i a l C 05290
in Heliopolis, Egypt, c. 1915
44
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in between. The loss of their labour and their youth hit
sick. In time, though, the nurses would form an important
rural Victoria very hard, much more so than the loss
part of Australia’s war effort, enduring the hazards and
of city labour and youth, where so many still remained
dangers and miseries of war, just like the soldiers they
to keep the economy moving, social life going, and the
served.
suburbs somewhat like they had once been. In the towns
We must not underestimate the capacity of individual
and villages of the bush the absence of young men was as
moments in the war to subject an entire rural community
noticeable as the absence of almost all men in rural France.
to grief. Jack McGlade, a bushman with bush skills who
Older men and women now had to try to fill the gap and
had been working around and with horses for years, was
life was hard. Yet, even so, they cheered those who enlisted
assigned to the 8th Light Horse, a Victorian regiment
and worked for their welfare. When the casualty telegrams
drawn from the small communities that Jack knew so well.
began to arrive, they tried to accept the sacrifices with a
The 8th would have a terrible time of it at the Nek on
calm and determined demeanour. To ‘do their bit’.
Gallipoli and would suffer an awful rate of casualties. Jack
Women were also keen to serve as nurses, but it would
was one of the lucky ones, wounded but not fatally. Shela,
be some time before their service was properly organised
who was not then Jack’s next-of-kin, would only slowly
and regulated. Of the fledgling Australian Army Nursing
come to learn of his fate. The newspapers and casualty lists
Service, a reserve force before war broke out, 25 members
would have told her of the heavy losses suffered by the 8th,
offered to accompany the troops to the front. While their
and she would have worried for Jack until she had definite
patriotism and concern for the troops did them credit, the
news. Similarly did hundreds of other wives and girlfriends
lack of organisation rendered their work more difficult than
worry throughout rural Victoria. War, all these people were
it might have been. When the first troopships sailed from
coming to realise, was a cruel business and much too sad.
Australian ports these few nurses were randomly distributed
And yet, remorselessly, the hard work of keeping the farm
aboard them and their main task seems to have been
or property viable continued. It was hard out there in the
instructing the ships’ orderlies in what to do as soldiers fell
bush; very hard.
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Pa r l i am e n t t a l ks wa r
T
he Sixth Parliament of the Commonwealth of
government’s legislative agenda and focusing, naturally, on
Australia assembled in Melbourne on 8 October
the war. The governor-general then departed for his grand
1914, just two months after the declaration of war.
home on St Kilda Road and the parliament got down to real
There were 43 Labor members in a 75-seat House
business.
of Representatives and 30 Labor senators in a 36-seat Senate.
Grampians, a Victorian electorate, rose to give the first
on 5 September, keeping the governor-general waiting as
parliamentary speech in relation to the war. Edward Francis
Caucus dithered over the election of the ministry.
Jolley, 40 years of age, had only recently been elected to
The parliament met in the buildings in which Victorian
parliament for the first time and would die in office in 1915.
parliamentarians had first sat in 1856. The Victorians had
Born in Maryborough in central Victoria and educated at
built on a grand scale and the noble and grand Parliament
Xavier College and the University of Melbourne, Jolley
House at the intersection of Bourke and Spring streets was
was a lawyer in Maryborough before becoming a member
highly visible to citizens. Colonial observers dubbed it, ‘the
of parliament. This was, in effect, his first speech, though
most significant building in Australia’. The two chambers,
the formality of that tradition had not yet been established.
though made more grand since 1856, now being used as
Nevertheless the member for the Grampians might have felt
the House of Representatives and the Senate were, at once,
nervous and self-conscious as he rose in his place.
intimate and imposing. Adopting the traditional lower and
‘There came one day, from what was apparently a clear
upper house colours of green and red in carpets and fittings,
sky, a tremendous bolt,’ he said. ‘[It] has not only plunged
the chambers also boasted elaborate wood panelling, high
into deadly warfare two nations that were formerly friendly
ceilings, grand chandeliers, and comfortable seating. The
to each other, but has involved in deadly strife practically the
acoustics were excellent.
whole continent of Europe.’ The new man had quickly made
The formal opening of the sixth parliament involved
46
At 8.23 pm that evening the Labor member for the
Andrew Fisher was sworn in as prime minister, late at night
up his mind about the war, as had, indeed, the majority of his
processions, mounted troops, a band and much gaiety.
constituents and the entire people of his state: ‘the call which
The governor-general was the focus of the early part of
Great Britain answered was the call of honour … she has
the proceedings, summoning members of the House to
never engaged in a more just war … in respect of the present
the Senate chamber, through the Usher of the Black Rod.
war there is no room for doubt, no room for hesitancy.’
He delivered a ‘speech from the throne’ setting out the
And then he sat down, to the congratulations of his fellow
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Andrew Fisher, a wartime
S tat e L i b r a r y o f V i c to r i a , P i c t u r e s C o ll e c t i o n, H 18146
prime minister of Australia
members. Edward Jolley had spoken for the parliament.
across Belgian borders, its army moving swiftly to France.
The governor-general had announced, in the speech
It was to uphold its treaty with Belgium, and to respect its
from the throne, that the government proposed a ‘free gift’
integrity, that Britain had declared war on Germany. The
to the government and people of Belgium of £100 000.
Belgians resisted their invaders, in so far as they could, and
There was a great deal of sentiment in this gesture. In the
they certainly impeded the smooth passage of the Germans
early days of the war much had been made of the plight
on their way to France. This resistance, so the world had
of ‘poor, little Belgium’. Brutally breaking its own pledge
come to believe, gave France sufficient time to mobilise
for the neutrality of Belgium, Germany brazenly marched
and Paris was saved. Propaganda, still an inexact art, told
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Oakleigh Hall, East St Kilda, home of Andrew Fisher and his family. Although S tat e L i b r a r y o f V i c to r i a H 84.276/3/27A
Fisher was the member for the electorate of Wide Bay in Queensland, he lived in Melbourne.
the world that gallant Belgium had saved the day, but at a
London in 1865, Anstey never knew his father, who was
terrible cost to its cities and its citizens.
killed five months before his birth. At the age of 11 Anstey
The Fisher government wished to recognise this and to further enthuse the Australian people in the cause of the war.
ships around the Pacific for the next ten years. Aged 22
Speaking in the Senate, George Pearce, minister for defence
he married and settled in Melbourne, first employed as a
in the new government, said that ‘the Belgians are a nation
cleaner at the Working Men’s College. A member of the
of heroes’. ‘When we view the spectacle of that little nation
Victorian Parliament from 1902, Anstey, in 1910, became
to see their country ravaged, their homes pillaged, their
member for Bourke in the federal parliament, a seat he was
women and children outraged, and, in some cases, murdered
to hold until 1934 when he retired. Anstey’s experiences gave
… it must excite the admiration of every man who has any
him a mighty sympathy for the plight of the poor and the
spirit in him at all’. Senator Millen, now in Opposition,
underclass in Australian society.
agreed: ‘German civilisation is, after all, a very thin and
‘The fight for the possession of Australia is now taking
hollow veneer … this war is being prosecuted with a ruthless
place on the battlefields [of Europe]’ he told the House on
barbarity and a wanton cruelty.’ Only ten senators spoke to
14 October. We were fighting to know ‘which flag and under
the motion on the Belgian gift and it passed easily.
what King’ Australia was to serve. So the issues were central
As it did in the House of Representatives, though five
48
stowed away on a ship bound for Australia and worked on
to the continued existence of the Australia that Anstey
members dissented. Frank Anstey had had a knockabout
had adopted. But, he said, ‘in Melbourne and throughout
life before he entered the federal parliament. Born in
Australia, there is a vast amount of unemployment [as a
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result of the war] and it is constantly increasing … Swift
Australia, who were astonished by the bravery and resilience
death upon the battlefield is not more awful than hunger and
of the people of Belgium. Fisher thought Australia ‘perhaps
misery’, and he believed that the government should not be
the most prosperous country in the world today’ and he
sending money to Belgium ‘until we have devised a scheme
clearly believed that the massive increase in unemployment
for relieving the misery, destitution and hunger within our
was a temporary response to the news of the outbreak of war.
own borders.’
He thought it was ‘a privilege and an honour for a young
The incoming attorney-general, William Morris
Dominion like this’ to be able to offer a free gift to the
Hughes, ‘that fiery particle’ as he became known, entered
Belgians and the motion passed easily, 47 votes to five, and
the fray. ‘The Belgian people,’ he declared, ‘have reared
the House moved on to other business.
themselves a monument more enduring than the Pyramids,
The first days of the sixth parliament showed a passion
and their fame will last as long as human memory lasts, and
for the war and surprising agreement that the future of
as long as the love of bravery and honour is implanted in the
Australia was at stake in the European conflict. Parliament
spirit of man.’ It was high and heady stuff and, before long,
showed absolute support for the actions of Britain in
an Australian professor of classics declared Hughes a greater
declaring war and a certainty that this was a just war that
orator than Demosthenes.
Britain must win to restrain the barbarity and ruthlessness of
Even so, the attorney-general failed to sway the member
the Germans. Atrocities were spoken of in the first speeches
for Ballarat, David McGrath, who won the seat in 1913
of the parliamentarians, and the chambers in Melbourne
and would die in office in 1934. ‘In the city I represent,’
would hear much more in that vein as the war unfolded.
he announced, ‘there are 5000 men begging for work, and
But there were also voices not prepared to blindly accept
during the present week many women have told me that
the government’s line. Two Labor members, one from
they and their children are starving … our own people
Melbourne and the other from rural Victoria, were joined by
should have the first call on our finances.’
two members from New South Wales and one from South
Prime Minister Andrew Fisher rounded off the debate
Australia to seek to put the interests of Australian working
in the House of Representatives. It was not a question
men and their families above sentiment for Belgium. It
of loyalty or disloyalty, he declared, in these days of near
would be wrong to say that there was division in parliament
unanimity about the war. It was more a question of how
about the war, but there were some members, at least, with
the parliament might interpret the views of the people of
an independent voice.
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c h a p t e r
t h r e e
Vi c t o r i a n s g o t o w a r
T
h e A u s t r a l i a n G o v e r n m e n t initially offered a force of 20 000 men to Britain when the ‘War Cabinet’ met for the first time on 3 August 1914. n But so many men had rushed to enlist in the heady first days of the war that the government soon decided that more men could be accommodated. n So, on 3 September 1914, Senator Millen announced that a 4th Brigade would be raised to accompany the three brigades that comprised the 1st Australian
Division, that is, the 20 000 men of the initial offer. n Command of the 4th Brigade was given to Victorian John Monash. n The brigade
would be made up of four battalions, the 13th (New South Wales), 14th (Victoria), 15th (Queensland and Tasmania), and 16th (South Australia and Western Australia). n
Though eventually Victoria provided 19 battalions of infantry,
from Victoria alone. This is not to denigrate the service,
four light horse regiments, and six other specialist units,
sacrifice and achievement of the other Victorian battalions
it was the 14th Battalion that was most strongly Victorian
and units.
throughout the war. Reinforcements for the other Victorian
Monash took pride in the 14th Battalion, writing that
battalions might come from across the entire nation, but
it ‘numbered originally a thousand of the very flower of
reinforcements for the 14th were most likely to have come
the youth of the City of Melbourne. It counted in its ranks
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many public school men of fine morale and physique.’
responsibilities have been so quick to enlist? We might
The new recruits reported to Broadmeadows on
wonder why the authorities allowed him to enlist and the
1 October 1914, a date that the battalion always celebrated
fact that he survived through a long war is testament to his
as its birthday. ‘Little bodies of men clad in blue suits of
toughness and good luck.
dungarees and white linen hats were busy learning squad
Were all nine children there, pressed up against the
and company drill’, the battalion historian wrote, explaining
barricades, proudly looking out for their dad, when the
that it was not easy to turn all these men into efficient
4th Brigade marched through Melbourne on 17 December
soldiers, although some had previous militia training. The
1914? Ada, the oldest, was 18 years of age and Ruby, the
new recruits were also learning ‘marching, field training,
youngest, was aged just three. Of the boys, three were
skirmishing, signalling, first aid, physical drill and rifle
too young to serve throughout the war, but the second
practices.’ The boy recruits, fresh from school, may have
oldest child, Richard, might have served after 1916 as he
taken to the training more readily than the older men, for
was of age. We have no idea why he did not enlist. Surely,
whom the going is likely to have been tougher.
the children would have been excited by their father’s
One of the first to enlist in the 14th Battalion, on
departure? Four battalions, marching in battle order,
15 September 1914, was John Alexander Brotchie of
through the centre of the city, with the governor-general
Fitzroy who described himself as an ‘agent’ (whatever that
taking the salute on the steps of the federal Parliament
might have meant). He was a tallish man, fair complexioned
House. There was a huge crowd; ‘everyone knew that the
and well built at 82.5 kilograms. What is staggering about
Brigade was on the eve of embarkation, and the public
Jack’s enlistment is that he was well into his 45th year and
turned out in thousands to give it a farewell … the men
the father of nine children. Jack was quickly known around
marched magnificently and their bearing was that of
the 14th as ‘Dad’ Brotchie. He served on Gallipoli and in
veterans’. The 1st Australian Division had already left
France, received a bad wound in 1917, and returned home
Australia and there were men in the 4th Brigade wondering
in late December 1918 on ‘Anzac leave’ (a special treat for
if they would get to the battlefields before it was all over. In
those who enlisted in 1914 and were still at the war). Jack
the excitement of the time and in the certainty of victory,
or ‘Dad’ may not have been a typical soldier of the 14th
perhaps everyone thought it was a bit of a lark.
Battalion, but he must surely have been one of the keenest. Why else would a man of such age and with such family
The children might also have been at the St Kilda Cricket Ground a few days earlier, on 13 December, when
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Chaplain Andrew Gillison on board
A u s t r a l i a n Wa r M e m o r i a l P 02615.004
his troopship, 1915
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the governor-general presented the regimental colours
Warburton in the ranges. Gillison hoped that the change
to Victoria’s 14th Battalion. As well as learning drill out
of scene would lessen their sense of loss. Despite his views,
on the bleak Broadmeadows plains, the new soldiers had
there was a crowd at Port Melbourne to farewell the
to learn something of the army’s traditional ways if they
brigade and the 14th Battalion particularly. It was a happy
were to become bonded to each other and their unit. The
scene with the band, streamers, and much good humour.
battalion’s chaplain, Andrew Gillison, blessed the colours
Were these men going to war or were they off on some
and told the battalion of their significance. Gillison, two
jaunt?
years older than ‘Dad’ Brotchie, was born in Scotland, but in 1903 had accepted the call to a Presbyterian church in
martial music and families, wives and girlfriends held
Brisbane before becoming minister at St George’s Church,
tightly to the streamers linking the folk on the shore to the
East St Kilda, one of the most prestigious Presbyterian
soldiers on the ship. Gradually the streamers stretched to
churches in Melbourne. Gillison was chaplain to a Scottish
breaking point, finally snapped and the men were away.
regiment before migrating to Australia and had much of
The ships formed into a convoy and were joined by ships
that long Scottish military tradition to teach these eager
of the Royal Australian Navy (RAN) on escort duty. Of
new recruits. He spoke to the men ‘about the responsibility
course there were Victorian sailors on the naval ships who
of having colours, and what these meant’. Fellow Scot,
saw duty in very many waters. It is difficult to know the
Governor-General Munro Ferguson, a decade older than
story of these individual sailors for their records were not as
‘Dad’ Brotchie, hoped that ‘your colours [may] be carried
well kept as the records of the soldiers. There were perhaps
victoriously to Berlin. I wish you a glorious record in the
1000 Victorian sailors and officers in action during the
field,’ he continued, ‘a triumphal peace, and a safe return,
war – a small number indeed, swamped by the men in the
bringing your colours with you.’ One of those who would
battalions.
not return was Gillison, dying of wounds on 22 August
A u s t r a l i a n Wa r M e m o r i a l P 02615.004
The ships pulled away from the pier as bands played
The federal government had handed the British
1915, at Gallipoli. But on that sunny St Kilda afternoon,
Admiralty command and control of the RAN as soon as war
with the waters of Port Phillip Bay sparkling as the troops
was declared, as had been agreed when the RAN came into
marched along Fitzroy Street, back to their trains and
existence in 1911. By 1914 the fleet consisted of a battle
Broadmeadows, who could have thought of a remote
cruiser, HMAS Australia, the light cruisers Melbourne and
battlefield with death and suffering everywhere?
Sydney and the destroyers Parramatta, Warrego and Yarra.
Gillison would not allow his wife, Isobel, or his three
About one-fifth of the RAN’s strength during the war were
sons and daughter to watch the departure of his troopship
officers and men on loan from the Royal Navy, who would
from Railway Pier, Port Melbourne. ‘Some of the officers’
help to establish enduring traditions in the new force.
wives were foolish enough to come down,’ he wrote. ‘It
Serving and fighting in New Guinea, the RAN spent time
was hard enough for them without adding to the pain
in the Pacific and on escort duty, but most of its wartime
by witnessing the actual departure. The band played
service was as a part of the Grand Fleet based in northern
stirring tunes – “Tipperary”, “Australia will be there” and
Scotland. Patrolling and training for action made up most
[other] patriotic airs.’ Gillison’s family instead packed for
of the days of the men of the Grand Fleet. ‘Men worked
their annual holiday to McMahons Creek, east beyond
in watches, always busy, always training’, writes Peter
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54
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Departure of troops from Railway Pier,
A u s t r a l i a n Wa r M e m o r i a l P B 1290
Port Melbourne
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Stanley, military historian. Albert Smith, from Neerim
Some men from the 14th Battalion landed on the afternoon
South in Gippsland, worked on a gun turret on Australia
of 25 April, but the main body of the force landed on
and recalled the constant drill as a gunlayer: ‘our gunnery
26 April. They quickly found themselves positioned inland
officer had us at it all day, it was the whole of our work.’
in Shrapnel Gully and they soon knew what war was
Not much glory there. Men slept in hammocks, messed
about. All up 33 men from the 14th were killed on 26 and
below decks, feeding on a monotonous diet of beef and
27 April, but that was a small number compared to other
bread. The RAN attracted little attention in the Victorian
battalions.
newspapers as its ships and their crews saw so little action.
The first of their number to be killed was Sergeant
All the focus went instead to the men of the AIF, now
WP Murphy from Warracknabeal. William Patrick Murphy
steaming to war escorted by the RAN.
must have been a good soldier as he was promoted from
The Victorian battalions were in the thick of the fighting from the first moments of the landing at Gallipoli.
corporal to sergeant on 1 February 1915. Having enlisted at Warracknabeal on 28 September 1914, at 37 and a half
Charles Bean’s photograph of the Australians heading for the high ground beyond
A u s t r a l i a n Wa r M e m o r i a l G 00907
Plugge’s Plateau, Gallipoli, about midday on 25 April 1915
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years of age, he was a baker whose employer described him as ‘a steady, energetic young man’ and would be quite ready to give him further employment should he return home safely. Bill wrote on his enlistment form that he was unmarried, but after his death a pension would be paid to his wife and daughter who were then living in Norwich, England. A piece of shrapnel pierced his heart soon after Bill and his mates had landed on 26 April and, though evacuated to a hospital ship, Bill did not survive long and was buried at sea. There was no casualty telegram to deliver in Warracknabeal as there were no next-of-kin there, but Bill had put himself down as a Roman Catholic and no doubt there were prayers for him at St Mary’s, the local parish church, soon after the casualty list was published. It is important to acknowledge the difficulty of the task faced by the Anzacs: to attack, from the sea, a welldefended position, and attempt to drive the defenders away. This has rarely been tried, in all the annals of military history, and here were relatively inexperienced troops being thrown to it. The Victorians were not the first into the fight. Operational plans specified that the 2nd Brigade would come in after the 3rd at about 7 am. It was intended that the Victorian 5th Battalion and the
A u s t r a l i a n Wa r M e m o r i a l G 00907
brigade staff would land first, to be followed by the 6th
bloodied, shattered first casualties of this appalling day. In the chaos that surrounded them, they had to wait for officers to give them the word to make for the boats, to make for the shore where the fire was now intense. The 6th Battalion was aboard Galeka and, when it was discovered that the boats that had taken the first to land were now fully engaged in returning the wounded to the ships, it was decided that the 6th would row themselves to war in Galeka’s own lifeboats. The men clambered over the side of the ship, taking up their positions at the oars for the slow and incredibly dangerous journey to the shore. One of these was Jack Fothergill, originally from Euroa in central Victoria, more recently working on Melbourne’s cable trams. He had enlisted in August 1914, was 25 years of age and unmarried. His mother and father still lived in Euroa where Robert, his dad, worked for the railways. The official Australian correspondent, later the official war historian, Charles Bean tells us how the 6th Battalion landed: the boats of the 6th found the shells of the battery bursting overhead during the last 200 yards to the shore. The soldiers were rowing; the officers were in bows or stern. ‘Now then – all together’ shouted Lieutenant Prisk to his boatload, as if coaching an
and 7th battalions, but, in fact, it was the 6th that reached
awkward crew for a boat race. The oars dipped three
land first. Who could say which party of men had the
or four times in fair rhythm. Then – crack overhead
worst of it? Of course those who went in just as dawn
– a scatter of shrapnel; sometimes a man hit; and the
was breaking would have been extremely anxious. Would they land undiscovered? Could they make cover before the enemy became aware of their presence? But what of those in the second wave, watching, straining to see in the half-light, from destroyers standing off the coast? They could hear the incessant roar of the battle, soon they
coaching had to begin over again. Nearing the beach, one boat was hit on the nose and began to sink. Two navy steamboats came alongside; some of the men were by then in the water, but they did not throw off their equipment. Under such difficulties did the 6th Battalion land.
could watch as the tows that had carried the first men to
Before 7 am, half of the 6th Battalion was ashore. Was
war began to return to the destroyers, loaded with the
Jack Fothergill among them? We do not know.
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the full story of what happened to them there will never
assessment and preliminary treatment. The more serious
be known, Bean wrote: ‘many of the brave band upon Pine
cases were then sent to Egypt or Malta for the necessary
Ridge were never heard of again’. Probably Jack Fothergill
operations and, hopefully, recovery. The nurses working
was one of these because his body was never recovered.
on Lemnos lived and worked under canvas, in all weathers,
When the Australian Historical Mission visited Pine
and routinely complained of the awful conditions that the
Ridge in 1919, the first Australians to stand on the ridge
wounded endured.
since 25 April 1915, they found clusters of skeletons, still
The creation of the Australian Army Nursing Service
clad in ragged uniforms, bearing the purple and red colour
(AANS) was haphazard, to say the least, and the nurses
patch of the 6th Battalion. ‘They needed no epitaph’, Bean
more or less forced their way onto the hospital ships and
wrote, ‘it was enough that they lay on Pine Ridge’.
into the hospitals, and served in difficult circumstances
Jack Fothergill has no grave on Gallipoli. He is
with extreme tenacity. After a long delay an appointment
remembered only on the tablets at the Lone Pine
was made with the responsibility to organise the service
Memorial. He died, we do know, on 25 April 1915.
and place the nurses where they were needed. Miss Jane
By noon on 30 April 1915, when the first returns were
Bell, Lady Superintendent of the Melbourne Hospital
presented to the commanders, it would show that the 6th
since 1910, was selected as matron-in-charge of No. 1
Battalion had lost four officers, 30 men killed, 212 men
Australian General Hospital (AGH) in Heliopolis. Bell
missing, and a further ten officers and 155 men wounded.
recruited 161 Victorian nurses and they sailed on the
After just four days’ conflict, 14 officers and 397 men
Kyarra from Melbourne in December 1914. Bell was
remained out of a strength of 31 officers and 942 men.
born in Scotland in 1873 and her early life there was
Nearly half their men were lost to the fighting in the
tragic, losing both her parents and four of her siblings
first four days and soon the casualty telegrams would be
to tuberculosis. With a brother and two sisters, and the
pouring into homes in the suburbs and towns of Victoria.
help of the Presbyterian Church, she migrated to Sydney
The Presbyterian minister at Euroa, Rev. Garde, would
in 1886, aged 13. She later trained as a nurse and worked
tell Robert and Isabella Fothergill that Jack had been
in several colonial hospitals before returning to England
listed among the missing. Though they continued to hope
for further training and work. She returned to Australia
for long months that he might be a prisoner, or might be
in 1910 to take up her appointment in Melbourne. Bell
lying in a hospital in Egypt or England unable to identify
imposed the strictest standards on her nurses in Egypt
himself, eventually they would have to accept that Jack had
and, despite the unsuitable location of her hospital – a
died on the first morning of the landing. Out of the fight
luxury hotel and Cairo’s Luna Park – and the influx of
in just a matter of hours. Just one of hundreds of Victorian
patients from Gallipoli, the standard of care was high.
soldiers in those first confused and tragic days. The Anzacs were camped on the island of Lemnos for
58
many of the wounded were returned to Lemnos for
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The 6th advanced to Pine Ridge, as ordered. While
The facilities on Lemnos were rudimentary and, in the first days, appalling. Evelyn Davies, known as Tevie,
weeks, waiting for their shot at the Turks on Gallipoli. It
was 31 years of age and single when she enlisted in the
was a barren inhospitable place, but close to the Turkish
AANS in May 1915. She grew up on the outskirts of
coast and therefore convenient. Once the fighting started,
Healesville, where her mother still lived when Tevie
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Soon recruiting was in full swing with Anzac featuring prominently in recruitment
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posters.
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went overseas, and trained as a nurse in Geelong. Tevie wrote of the primitive conditions on Lemnos: nursing in tents that blew over as the weather worsened, awful food (biscuits like ‘plaster of Paris’) and dreadful uniforms (‘don’t we look tragic’). The work, though tiring, was ‘full of interest’. By the end of July 1915 No. 1 AGH had admitted more than 10 000 patients and, as men grew more unwell as the campaign dragged on, the nurses were working longer and longer hours. Though small in numbers, the AANS was an essential part of the Gallipoli campaign. The nurses were too few in number, the chain of command was too confused, and the facilities and equipment were inadequate and hastily thrown together – as if there had been no plan making provision for the care of large numbers of badly wounded and very sick men. It was, if you like, just part of the muddle that Gallipoli represented. The campaign was mismanaged from the beginning and the landings should never have been attempted. Wise heads in London knew that. What had been, initially, a naval action to force a way into the Dardanelles became, after the failure of the navy, a military action, the tumultuous and tragic nature of which obscured the original role of the navy. The landing at Anzac Cove was poorly planned and without clear objectives. Indeed, it was so badly misconceived that confronted late at night on 25 April by his subordinate commanders, including the Australian General William Bridges, formally asked the overall commander of the Allied forces at Gallipoli, General Sir Ian Hamilton, if it might not be best if the Anzacs were withdrawn. To describe the situation as a farce is too strong; but the planning was a shambles. Saying this, however, does not detract from the bravery, generosity, self-sacrifice and nobility of the troops.
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A u s t r a l i a n Wa r M e m o r i a l A 04118
the commander at Anzac, General William Birdwood,
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Australian army nurses marching into their camp on Lemnos on 9 August 1915. All reported what a bleak place the island was.
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If it was bad at Anzac, the situation at Krithia two weeks later was diabolical. The opportunity to take the small village, which had been found deserted and undefended on the morning of the landings, was missed by the British command. Perhaps they did not then recognise its importance, but they would soon know that the village led to the high ground of Achi Baba, an important point in controlling the plains below. The resulting attack by the British 29th Division, undertaken once the importance of the village became evident, was brutally repulsed. Another assault on Krithia and Achi Baba was ordered to start on 6 May and, because Hamilton needed as many men as possible for the attack, he removed the 2nd Australian Infantry Brigade from Anzac and sent it to Cape Helles so as to be in place to attack the village about 4 kilometres inland. Was there no end to this, the wearied troops might have asked, no end at all? The Victorian 2nd Brigade, including the 6th and 7th battalions, which had been so terribly knocked about at the landing, was to go into battle again. The troops faced a wide, open, level plain, across which they were to move towards defenders entrenched on higher ground, and with well-sited machine guns and artillery. What was asked of these troops simply could not be done. Not in this fashion, anyway. Colonel James Whiteside McCay commanded the 2nd Australian Infantry Brigade. Born in Ireland in 1864, Jim McCay grew up in Castlemaine, Victoria, the son of a Presbyterian minister. A schoolmaster, a lawyer, and a politician in both colonial and federal parliaments, McCay it might be thought, had enough experience to make a success of commanding men in battle. But he was something of a martinet and, though brave, was never well liked. He landed at Ari Burnu on 25 April just after 6 am and, in the first hours, was shot twice through his cap and once through his sleeve. A commander in war
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must have good luck to bring his men safely through their tribulations and it might be just at about this point that McCay’s luck deserted him, forever. His brigade lost half its strength in the first two or three days at Ari Burnu and was then relieved, making it available for duty at Cape Helles and that was its bad luck. McCay was given just half an hour’s notice that his soldiers were required for an attack on 8 May. He might have protested, but he did not. At 50 years of age, McCay
Sister Evelyn (‘Tevie’) Davies
was a relatively old man as he led his Australians to the starting point for their attack. His men jumped into the line with British soldiers who had already tried to do what the
in winter gear,
Australians would now attempt. When the whistle sounded
Lemnos, 1915
for the attack McCay jumped up on a parapet with his telescope in his hand and shouted ‘Now then Australians – which of you men are Australians? Come on Australians’. And they went. Writing home, McCay said that he had called to them, in effect, ‘Come and die’. And they did. In all, about 1800 Anzacs became casualties at Krithia, for no discernible gain. The planning for this attack was minimal, almost nonexistent: soldiers cannot be expected to succeed with half an hour’s preparation for attack. Nor can they be expected to succeed if they are unaware of their objective and their place in the larger conflict. The generals wasted these thousands of men at Krithia. Having lost about one-third
A u s t r a l i a n Wa r M e m o r i a l A 05374
of its strength at Krithia, the 2nd Brigade was given a little time to regroup and fought again at Lone Pine in August. Bean’s footnotes relating to this battle give some idea of the loss of life: RC Keiran, 6th Battalion, grain salesman, Fitzroy, died of wounds; PG Wale, 7th Battalion, bank clerk, Euroa, died of wounds; T Carmichael, 7th Battalion, school teacher, Yarrawonga, died of wounds; JAK Johnston, 7th Battalion, engineer, Williamstown, died of wounds; HA Biggsley, 6th Battalion, law clerk, Albert Park, killed in action. After Krithia, the lists went on and on.
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By early May, the position at Anzac had stabilised
man’s-land and waiting for officer’s whistle to launch the
into the Gallipoli version of trench warfare. Trench lines
battle, knew that Lone Pine was a feint. Then, in the late
stretched along the second ridge line from Lone Pine to
afternoon light of 6 August 1915, there was a mad scramble
Chunuk Bair, dipping and making diversions to account for
from the tunnels and the Anzac trenches as men hurled
the terrain and the early success or failure of the opposing
themselves into the opposing Turkish trenches. Lone Pine
forces. The hottest spot along this line was at Quinn’s Post,
became a name as well known to Victorians as the Nek,
where only a few metres separated the opposing armies.
both places sadly famous because of the awful loss of life
Just down the line from it was Courtney’s Post, soon to be
and the high rate of casualties incurred there.
a name known to all Victorians for it was here, on the night
Fighting at Lone Pine was largely conducted
of 19–20 May 1915, that Albert Jacka fought with such
underground, hand-to-hand in places, and was the most
tenacity, determination and bravery that he was awarded
furious fighting in which the Anzacs had yet been involved. The dead were piled up in
awarded to an Australian in this
reserve trenches and were
war, it was presented to a shy
even lying on the floor of the
boy from Wedderburn, near
trenches over which the two
S tat e L i b r a r y o f V i c to r i a , P i c t u r e s C o ll e c t i o n, H 28109
the Victoria Cross. The first
Bendigo in central Victoria. Despite that glory, the stalemate continued. As everyone knew, the high ground was the key to control of the campaign and, after some prompting and in what would amount to the last throw of the dice from the Allied side, Hamilton developed a bold scheme to take the heights. First the Australians would create a diversion at Lone Pine, then the
Victoria Crosses bestowed for fighting at Lone Pine, four were awarded to Victorians. It should be noted, though, that the first men into the fight, the 1st Brigade, were largely from New South Wales, and that these men were not rewarded as those who came after them were because few officers survived to make recommendations for recognition. The four
New Zealanders and the British
Victorians, Alexander Burton,
would scale the heights from
William Dunstan, Frederick
behind Chunuk Bair and push
Tubb and William Symons,
the Turks off there and at Baby
Food on Gallipoli was atrocious and water
700. Only then might victory be
scarce. Soldiers grated biscuits, such as this
within the grasp of the Allies. Too few of the troops, hidden in tunnels well out into no-
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sides fought. Of the seven
one, and added a little water to make a type of porridge.
were members of the 7th Battalion. Alex Burton may have known Jack Fothergill, though they were in different battalions, because both came from Euroa
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The time for games was over, according to the recruiters who also promoted the image of Albert Jacka, the first Australian to be awarded the Victoria
S tat e L i b r a r y o f V i c to r i a , P i c t u r e s C o ll e c t i o n, H 2001.34/1
Cross in the war.
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Members of the 4th Brigade attending a church service in Reserve Gully, Gallipoli, conducted by Chaplain Andrew Gillison of the 14th Battalion
and Burton was in the choir of the Presbyterian church there. Whether either of them knew Frederick Tubb, may be doubted because he was considerably older than either, though he did come from Longwood, not far from Euroa. Two Victoria Crosses from the Euroa region; it was remarkable. Burton was killed in the battle for Lone Pine and Tubb was killed in France in 1917. Dunstan and Symons both survived the war. Dunstan was invalided out of the AIF in 1916 and received his Victoria Cross from the governor-general in a public ceremony on the 1916. After the brief ceremony Dunstan was mobbed by the large and excited crowd, men wishing to hoist him on their shoulders, women wishing to kiss him. The newspaper account concluded that if he had been asked for his opinion he might well have expressed a preference for the trenches, which he would never see again because of the seriousness of his wounds. The noisy, enthusiastic crowd was too much for a reserved and private man of Dunstan’s quality.
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A u s t r a l i a n Wa r M e m o r i a l A 03808
steps of federal Parliament House, Melbourne, on 9 June
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‘I escaped so far.’ The last words in the diary of Alfred Herbert Love,
S tat e L i b r a r y o f V i c to r i a , A u s t r a l i a n M a n u s c r i p t s C o ll e c t i o n, M S 9603
who was killed in action on 27 April 1915.
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S tat e L i b r a r y o f V i c to r i a , A u s t r a l i a n M a n u s c r i p t s C o ll e c t i o n, M S 9603
Meanwhile, to load further pressure onto the Turks, the ‘heads’, as the troops referred to their superior
ten yards from the start of the attack. Those in the second
officers, had decided that there would be an attack, as if
wave, to leap out of the trenches three minutes after their
on the high ground at Baby 700, starting at a tiny outpost
mates, in the expectation that they would consolidate
called the Nek. Two or three tennis courts in size, this
gains made by the first wave, had of course heard the
patch of land in front of Walker’s Ridge crashed steeply
terrible roar of the rifles and machine guns. At the second
from there down to the beach. Facing the Australians at
whistle, they too rose out of the trenches to face what
the Nek were massed Turks in their trenches, Turkish
they now knew to be almost instant death. The 8th Light
machine guns behind and, above, more Turkish soldiers.
Horse was no more.
Machine guns turned the Nek into an exquisite killing
Jack McGlade, whom we last saw embarking for
field. Enfilading fire, they call it, in effect a wall of lead
war at Port Melbourne, was in the 8th Light Horse but
into which the attackers must run, against which they
possibly not in the charge at the Nek. Three days later,
could never prevail. To weight the odds even further
on 10 August, he received a gunshot wound to his left
against the Australians, the artillery fire that was supposed
arm and was evacuated to hospital. He wrote to Shela on
to keep the Turks cowering in their trenches finished a full
4 September 1915 from the AGH at Heliopolis, Egypt. ‘I
seven minutes before the attack was due to begin. No-one
am afraid the poor old 8th LH will never seem the same,’
could say precisely why the artillery stopped early, perhaps
he reported.
they had failed to synchronise their watches, but it was time enough for the Turks to dust themselves down and to take their places in the firing steps and at their machine guns. Ready. Precisely at 4.30 am on 7 August, 150 men of the 8th Light Horse, mostly Victorians, leapt from their trenches at the sound of the officer’s whistle. They ran
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Australian of this first 150 lay dead, not more than about
We have lost nearly all our old officers and men. After the “charge [at the Nek]” they had a “roll call” and 3 officers and 120 men answered their names out of a strength of about 500 … but what is the good of thinking of it all … We have got to learn to put up with these losses.
fast, but they had no chance. There grew, wrote Bean,
At home in Victoria, putting up with the losses was
‘a torrent of rifle fire, growing quickly to a continuous
what people tried to do. News from Gallipoli stimulated
roar, as no soldier can seldom have faced’. An observer
extraordinary activity back home, with a leap in
likened what happened next to some kind of puppetry
enlistments the most obvious and discernible effect.
in which the strings of all the puppets on the stage had
Little of this excitement was manufactured and most
been cut simultaneously and they all fell down lifeless. A
of it was a spontaneous response from the community.
few of the light horsemen were hit as they climbed out
Of course the newspapers described the campaign in
of the Australian trenches and they fell back, either dead
heroic terms, although Bean’s reporting was always
or wounded. If wounded, and not too badly, they would
sober and straightforward. An event like the public
survive. Others, a very few of them, falling close to the
presentation of Dunstan’s Victoria Cross was arranged
Australians lines managed to crawl back to stretcher-
as much for publicity and focus on the war as it was for
bearers in the trenches and thus to safety. Every other
the recipient’s sense of pride and achievement. But war
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Women were assumed to have a special
fervour in Victoria needed little stimulus. Outstripping
responsibility for talking their men into
the government’s original offer of a force of 20 000
enlisting in the AIF.
Australians, by the end of December 1914, 52 000 men had enlisted from Australia. In the early months of 1915 enlistment in Victoria was steady and satisfactory. From the beginning of January to the end of May 1915, 9460 Victorians enlisted in the AIF. The news of the landing at Anzac was received in mid-May. In June, 3381 men enlisted and then, presumably with their affairs in order and their goodbyes said, in July, 21 698 Victorians enlisted. Broadmeadows was bursting at the seams. By the end of 1915, after the Allies had withdrawn from the peninsula, in what those at home thought of as a glorious engagement, 45 112 Victorians had enlisted: verging
Hamilton Spectator 8 M a r c h 1917, S tat e L i b r a r y o f V i c to r i a , N e w spa p e r s C o ll e c t i o n
on the total number of Australian enlistments from the previous year. Those enlisting after May knew that they would certainly be in the fight. Nobody continued to entertain the delusion that the war would be over by Christmas, or that the Australians would not necessarily be involved. From May 1915 onwards casualty lists were a daily feature of the newspapers and, with them prominently displayed in offices, churches, and public places like railway stations, anyone enlisting in 1915 knew that you simply had to take your chances. Gillison, as chaplain to the Victorian 14th Battalion, now coming to be known as ‘Jacka’s mob’, had harboured romantic notions of war. That sunny scene in St Kilda, presided over by governor-general and coloured by a mood of eager anticipation of the coming fight, contrasted sharply with the reality of war at Gallipoli. Gillison supported the 14th Battalion in a stoush with the Turks on the night of 21 August. In the full light of morning, Gillison was still in the front-line trenches with a stretcher-bearer, Robert Pittendrigh, who was a Methodist minister before he enlisted. They heard a
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wounded man in no-man’s-land calling for help; a call they could not resist. The battalion medical officer warned them: ‘don’t go out there, the Turks have it covered with rifles and machine-guns’. Nevertheless, the chaplain and the stretcher-bearer crept out in front of the Anzac lines. Both were shot before they could reach the wounded man, Gillison’s bullet passing between his shoulders and through his chest near his heart. His last words, as remembered by the front-line soldiers – for Gillison knew he was dying – were of his loved ones in Melbourne. Pittendrigh was evacuated from the Peninsula but died of his wounds and was buried at sea. Another Presbyterian chaplain, Andrew Merrington, conducted the funeral service for Gillison, supported by three other chaplains. Gillison’s remains were draped in a flag, but as the body was being placed in the grave the chaplains noticed Gillison’s wedding ring and gently removed it to be sent back to his widow in East St Kilda. ‘He died for an unknown wounded man,’ Merrington wrote, ‘what decoration, posthumous or in the time of life, can surpass the glory of his death in pure, unselfish heroism.’ Gillison was placed in a known, marked grave in what became known as Embarkation Pier Cemetery, but the turmoil of life on the peninsula meant that the exact location of his grave was lost. In a peaceful and, now, well-tended cemetery, around the corner from Anzac Cove and on the way to Suvla, there is a headstone: ‘Andrew Gillison Believed to be buried in this cemetery’. Gillison was just one of 8000 Australians to die in the Gallipoli campaign.
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The news from Gallipoli stimulated a big jump in recruits from Victoria – 21 698 new soldiers
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S tat e L i b r a r y o f V i c to r i a , P i c t u r e s C o ll e c t i o n, H 91.40/388
in July 1915 alone. Most of them marched through Melbourne at least once before embarkation.
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A l b e r t J acka V C
‘S
hy’ is the word that most have used to describe
that Bert had been awarded the Victoria Cross. It was a
Bert Jacka. Born at Layard near Winchelsea
patriotic family. The other brother, David, known as Sam,
in the south-west of Victoria and living later
was 28 when war broke out, married with four children. As
at Wedderburn north-west of Bendigo, Bert
the two younger boys were straining at the bit to enlist when
was the fourth of seven children, four boys and three girls.
Bert came home briefly before going into camp, Sam may
Two of his brothers, Sydney and William, also served in the
well have thought that the family had done enough. And that
AIF. After elementary schooling to the sixth grade, from 13
someone should stay at home to look after the parents as they
years of age Bert worked with his father who was ‘a farmer,
aged.
road contractor and carter’. At the age of 18 Bert joined the Victorian State Forests Department and worked as a fencer,
Richard Courtney, gave his name to the post on Gallipoli.
tree planter, and general hand. Bert liked the outdoors life
The 14th Battalion’s war diarist, Captain Charles Moreland
and he was fit. He enjoyed sport and excelled at boxing,
Montague Dare, was an architect in civilian life, which
cycling and Australian football. People would have liked
may account for the neat and legible writing in the diary.
him more if he had not been so shy. He just did not give
On 1 May he records the first organised Turkish attack on
them, particularly girls, a chance. Was his shyness the reason
Courtney’s Post: about 500 Turks rushed the Australian lines
Charles Bean never warmed to him? Shy people can appear
but were ‘repulsed and retired in great disorder losing many
pompous through anxiety and ineptitude, and Bean detested
casualties’. Dare continued: ‘our fire was so directed and
‘big-noters’.
controlled that the enemy were unable to reply with the result
What was Bert doing signing on for war? Adventure?
that only one officer and three men were wounded in our
Duty? Wanting to see the world? Bert kept a diary in the first
trenches. All remained quiet for the rest of the night except
months of his soldier’s life in which he records, briefly, what
for snipers.’
happened, but not why it happened. We will never know
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Bert was in the 14th Battalion whose initial commander,
Dare writes on 19 May that the battalion received
precisely why he enlisted. He was the first in his family to do
information that the Turks had sent reinforcements to Anzac
so, on 18 September 1914, so he did not spend a great deal of
and that an attack might be imminent. Everyone was to
time thinking about it. Bert’s 18-year-old brother, William,
‘stand to arms’ at 3 am; shrapnel damage to the trenches had
joined up in March 1915 and his 20-year-old brother Sydney
been repaired, there were extra rifles and ammunition in the
would enlist in July 1915, just days before it was announced
trenches. Enter Bert Jacka. The Turks charged Courtney’s
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Corporal Albert Jacka outside a tent on Lemnos, during the last days of the Gallipoli campaign
Post at about 3.30 am and a party of them, throwing bombs as they came, jumped into a section of the trench that Jacka was defending. Jacka was standing in the fire step that was cut into the front of the trench and was not wounded by the Turkish bombing, though most of his mates in the trench were; three Australians were killed immediately. Jacka stood at his post firing to stop the Turks from coming on. It was A u s t r a l i a n Wa r M e m o r i a l P 02141.003
potentially of extreme danger to the Australians for the enemy to be in possession of a portion of the Australian line. A quarter of an hour passed during which time Jacka alone held up the Turkish advance. Then, jumping out into noman’s-land and thereby back into the trench the Turks now occupied, Jacka shot five Turks and bayoneted two; another two were shot as they tried to return to their own lines. The remainder became prisoners. Jacka then waited for dawn, holding the trench line entirely on his own. Jacka’s own account of this in his diary is matter-of-fact: ‘I led a section of men and recaptured the trench. I bayoneted two Turks, shot five, took three prisoners and cleared the whole trench. I held
war myth. Jacka, single-handedly, put courage, initiative and
the trench alone for fifteen minutes against a heavy attack.’
determination front and centre in the Anzac story. Bean told
This was one of the most remarkable actions of the
Jacka’s story in the official history and added a footnote: ‘for
entire campaign at Anzac and demonstrates that hand-to-
this action Jacka received the Victoria Cross’, the first such
hand combat still had a place in this fight. Jacka’s story is
honour to be awarded to an Australian in the war. ‘Australian
pure nineteenth-century warfare; the stuff of boys’ adventure
Hero’ was the headline in the Argus. Prime Minister Fisher
yarns. In no way does this diminish the gallantry and
telegraphed his congratulations to General Sir Ian Hamilton
determination of what Jacka did. As a way of connecting
and asked that the general pass on the government’s best
the people at home to the troops, there could be no better
wishes to Jacka, now the most famous Victorian of them all.
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c h a p t e r
f o u r
Wa r i n t h e s c h o o l s
K
e i t h Ha n c o ck , who would become one of Australia’s finest historians, turned 18 in June 1916, when he was in the final year at Melbourne Grammar School. n
A few
weeks after Keith’s birthday his father, an Anglican clergyman, received a telegram to say that one of his sons at war, Jim, was missing in action. n
In fact, Jim
had been obliterated by a shell at Pozières and had died instantly. n
But his death was not confirmed for the
family until January 1918, an agony of waiting that nearly drove Jim’s mother mad. n
But Keith, as a schoolboy, already knew about war. n
The previous year Kenneth Henderson, an Anglican clergyman and Keith’s English teacher, was in full flight in the classroom when a messenger entered with a telegram. n
Henderson read it, turned deathly pale,
and rushed from the room. n The telegram informed him that his two brothers had been
Grammar School, 1325 went to the war; one-sixth of them
killed on Gallipoli. Every boy in the room, all of whom were
were killed.
aged 16 or 17, knew that he would have to think of going to
The war placed a heavy burden on the children of
the war to avenge the Anzacs who had already died and were
Victoria. Older children, who could understand more clearly
even at that moment, dying. Of the ‘old boys’ of Melbourne
the news from Gallipoli and the Western Front, would
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have been worried and concerned; the boys, particularly,
however, that these children were not profoundly affected
faced their responsibility to enlist when the time came. All
by the war. There were 63 586 Victorian children between
children with older brothers at war would have lived with
the ages of 10 and 14 in 1911, some of whom would go to
the constant anxiety of their parents, particularly their
war. There were 67 804 persons aged 15–19 in 1911. Every
mothers, trawling through the casualty lists, anxiously
single male in this cohort would have to make a decision
scanning for names of relatives and the sons of friends.
about their role in the war, whether to stay or to go, as
Children, who are quick to pick up on moods and feelings
would the 48 476 aged 21–24 and the 51 955 aged 25–29
at home, sensed how difficult a time it was for their parents
in 1911. Potentially, then, the census tells us that there
and how anxious they seemed. Other children would know
were 168 235 men and women in Victoria in an age group
of boys from their street, old boys of their schools, boys
for war of whom, we might assume, 85 000 or thereabouts
from the church, sporting teams, and boys who had served
were men in the relevant age groups. The figure of 112 399
them in the shops and on the trams, who were now at war.
Victorian enlistments in the AIF is confusing until we
Keith Hancock passionately wanted to enlist, but with a
consider that census figures were not necessarily accurate at
brother missing in action, and the only other brother in the
the time of release, and that there must have been recruits
AIF, Keith’s parents were able to withhold their permission.
outside the 21–29 age group. The numbers of Victorians
He was ashamed to be at university when his place, in his
serving overseas gives a clear understanding of the depth of
mind anyway, was clearly on the Western Front. It was a
commitment to the war that was expressed by those in the
lifelong shame. Asked even into his middle years for his age
relevant age groups.
he would automatically ‘take a few years off’ lest someone
Whether to go or to stay was a decision that an
say to him: ‘born in 1898, eh? I dare say you were at
individual came to in his own way. Those who enlisted
Pozières or at Bullecourt?’
were congratulated, celebrated and warmly commended.
The Commonwealth census of 1911 is our last
In many quarters there was less sympathy for those who
opportunity to understand the statistical make-up of
saw it as their duty to stay at home. Take, for example, the
Victorian society before war broke out in 1914. It tells us
case of Robert Menzies, who became Australia’s longest
that there were 138 676 children under the age of nine in
serving prime minister. Born in 1894, he was 20 years of age
Victoria in 1911. These children would not reach military
in 1914, old enough to enlist. He had two older brothers,
age before the war ended in 1918. That is not to say,
Frank and James (known as Les), who enlisted in 1915 and
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served in France. At a family conference they made young
which, for the boys, were called the Public Schools. State
Bob promise that he would never join up. Two out of three
high schools in 1914 were educating only 3895 students.
boys from one family is not a bad offering, they reasoned,
Tate deeply regretted the state’s unbalanced approach to
and Bob would be needed at home to look after their
senior students and worked hard to overcome a prejudice
ageing parents. Not every family reached the same decision
against state high schools; that was one of his passions. The
as Menzies’s family, but it was a mature and responsible
other great passion, in the war years, was the war itself. Tate
position. Whether his failure to enlist worried and hurt
was an ardent imperial loyalist and believed his department
Bob Menzies, as Keith Hancock’s similar circumstances
and his teachers had an absolute obligation to create the
aggrieved him, is unknowable, but it would not be surprising
strongest possible support for Australia at war.
if it did. Men had myriad reasons for stepping forward to the recruiting sergeant’s table. Some enlisted because their
inspiring reading and statewide curriculum uniformity, the
mates did; some thought deeply about the cause and
monthly journal ‘went to most homes in the state’ and was
Australia’s best interests; some sensed that their fathers
‘often aimed at adults’, so intense was Tate’s passion for right
and brothers, mothers and sisters, even, believed that they
thinking. Certainly he wanted Victoria’s schools to turn out
needed to uphold the family’s name by enlisting; others
morally clear and civically minded pupils, but he also wanted
felt pressure from their school to do the right, or ‘manly’,
the School Paper to reinforce his messages in the homes.
thing. A combination of all these influences and many others
War came to dominate its pages. The first mention of the
would often have been involved in the final decision. It is
war, however, is in October 1914, a delay that might have
unquestionable, however, that a boy’s schooling must have
been caused by Tate and his advisers giving consideration
influenced his decision.
to the way in which they would present the war to children.
The Victorian Director of Education, Frank Tate, was
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The School Paper, published by the Education Department, was a Victorian institution. Intended to provide
Thereafter there was no restraint. For the duration
an evangelist in a secular system, though not an evangelist
of the war, the School Paper for grades seven and eight
for religion. Born near Castlemaine in 1864 Tate’s passion
devoted 75 per cent of all its articles to the conflict, and an
was for education. He displayed this first as a pupil, then as a
extraordinary 80 per cent of all articles in 1918. There was
teacher and inspector and finally as the director of education,
no respite from the war in Victoria’s schools.
the most senior figure in Victorian teaching, beneath the
An implied doctrine quickly emerged stating that
minister. Tate devoted his whole life to education, but the
all children had a responsibility to the war. They should
empire over which he presided was unbalanced. In June
follow its progress closely and understand in detail what the
1914 there were 2174 elementary schools in Victoria, 34 per
Australians were doing in battle, whether on Gallipoli, in the
cent of which had an average enrolment of only 20 pupils.
desert or in the trenches of the Western Front. They should
These schools would take most of their students through to
know the story of Australia in the war and take great pride
grade eight and then, for the vast majority, schooling was
in it. They should work for the war effort: girls should knit
finished. In 1914 there were only 24 district high schools in
socks for the soldiers as practical assistance and a gesture of
the state and secondary education was largely in the hands
their love; girls and boys should raise money for the soldiers
of the independent or private schools, the most elite of
to provide them with ‘comforts’, such as chocolates, chewing
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A u s t r a l i a n Wa r M e m o r i a l 18418 VictoriansAtWarText2print.indd 79
A state school parade passing the Melbourne Town Hall. Note the large numbers of spectators, doubtless extremely proud of the efforts of the children. War in the schools
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A u s t r a l i a n Wa r M e m o r i a l J 00352
Troops marching through the centre of Melbourne, 25 September 1914. Throughout the war years, children would be taken to many similar parades and the presence of soldiers became a permanent factor in their lives. 80
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gum, toffee, fruitcakes, writing paper, and cigarettes. They might write to soldiers who had attended their school, or whom they knew in other ways, wishing them well and telling them that they were proud of them. They should live good and upright lives to be worthy of the sacrifices that the soldiers were making for them and they should help their parents in their anxiety and stress and by working around the house or on the farm. In early 1917 the department published a booklet illustrating how magnificently Victorian schoolchildren had performed in the war effort. The title says it all: How We Raised the First Hundred Thousand: An Account of Two Years War Work (1915–1916) for the Education Department’s War Relief Fund (£100 000, that is). The up-to-date figure at 31 December 1916, which is noted at the back of the booklet, was £149 000 and 350 000 ‘comfort items’ sent to soldiers abroad. How did the children raise so much money? The booklet goes into the detail of it all: country children ‘gathered bones, fat, bottles, wool from the fences and scrub, iron and kerosene tins; they have snared and skinned rabbits, trapped foxes, caught fish, dug gardens, cleared tracks …’ City children ‘have sewn and knitted, made paper and leather flowers, fashioned things of wool and wire, grown wonderful beans on pocket-handkerchief allotments, planned concerts and bazaars.’ Across the war years Victorian children amassed an astonishing £422 470; truly patriotic efforts had become a part of the Victorian school curriculum. ‘Everywhere the click of knitting needles, the clink of pennies in the collection box … even the “tiny tots” of the First Grade take a share of the work, while their grandmothers knit and sew for us at home.’ Tate was realist enough to know that war was an evil and a disaster that caused suffering, maiming and death. It is likely that teachers throughout the world wrestled
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VictoriansAtWarText2print.indd 82 S tat e L i b r a r y o f V i c to r i a , R a r e B o o k s C o ll e c t i o n, RARE J LT 428.6 V 66S 5
The School Paper,
Melbourne,
1 September 1914
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The School Paper, 1 March 1916, shows a large crowd at Melbourne’s recruiting depot. Were children being encouraged to remind their older brothers of their S tat e L i b r a r y o f V i c to r i a , R a r e B o o k s C o ll e c t i o n, RARE J LT 428.6 V 66S 5
responsibilities?
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with the best way to represent this reality to children. Tate was certain he had the answer: ‘the war was a great opportunity for training our girls and boys in habits of unselfishness and devotion to a common cause, in zeal for community service.’ Tate could also see that the children currently in his schools would have to shoulder a considerable burden in the postwar world: for years and years yet, the sorrows caused by the war will be with us – the sight of maimed and disfigured men … you boys and girls will have to shoulder the debt we have incurred to our brave men; you will have to pay for it in kindness and true charity.
Even in 1916, maimed and disfigured men were returning to the Victorian community, eloquent witness to the horrors of war, of the awful power of shrapnel, of shells, of machine-gun bullets. The Defence Department acquired an impressive Melbourne mansion, Glen Eira,
‘Tired of Giving?’ asks the passing float. Most of the children in the crowd – and there are many of them – had already given so much.
as a hospital, the Caulfield Military Hospital, for these men, but, while nurses lived in the mansion, the soldiers built in the 25 acres of grounds surrounding the house. The department immediately built 22 wards for the soldiers, 14 of which were paid for by the State Schools Patriotic League with a £10 000 direct gift to Defence. On Wednesday afternoons about 25 pupils from each of three or four city schools gave a concert for the wounded soldiers. There would be musical items, recitations, maybe even part of a play. The soldiers much appreciated the efforts of the children and when once, through a misunderstanding, the concert party failed to appear, the men were thoroughly put out. Think, though, of the strain on the children performing in a hospital for men, some of whom had lost limbs and were seriously maimed, or suffered from dreadful nervous twitches. Or were the worst cases kept out of the sight of the children?
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R oya l H i s to r i c a l S o c i e t y o f V i c to r i a A-594.012-Ht n e g 498
were cared for in wooden and corrugated iron wards
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JD Burns
J
ames Drummond Burns, named after his
trained at Broadmeadows, completed his training in Egypt,
grandfather who was a Presbyterian minister at
‘a happy time’, he wrote, and then landed at Anzac in late
Hampstead, London, entered Scotch College,
August 1915. The 21st Battalion therefore missed the
Melbourne in 1911. His father, Hugh McLeod
battles of early August, the ‘last throw of the dice’ for the
Burns, born in 1863, was also a Presbyterian minister.
Anzacs. There were no safe billets at Gallipoli, but now no
James, born in 1896, was the oldest child and one of two
prospects of massed battles either. For the men of the 21st
sons; there were six daughters. James enlisted in the 21st
it was a waiting game, though their troopship Southland
Battalion on 2 February 1915; he was 19 years and one
was torpedoed on the way to Lemnos, before they reached
month old at the time and his father signed his consent to
Anzac. JD spent time in the water and men had drowned.
the enlistment. On the enlistment form, under ‘trade or
of the line being defended by men of the 21st and JD, now
left school at the end of 1914, heaped with honours.
a corporal and seeking to rally his men, exposed himself to
Jimmy Burns or ‘JD’, as he was known, was a prefect
get a good shot at the attackers. He was shot in the head
at Scotch in 1913, school vice-captain in 1914, editor of
and died instantly. He had been on the peninsula for three
the Scotch Collegian, and a member of the first rowing
weeks and was still 19 years of age.
crew. He had won first place in the Shakespeare Society’s
AR (Rowan) Macneil wrote an account of JD’s burial,
examination, gained first class honours in history and Latin
which was published in the Scotch Collegian in December
at the 1914 examinations, and won a residential scholarship
1915:
to Melbourne University’s Ormond College. He appeared to be a young man with a fine future; possibly as a journalist, for JD impressed his teachers and fellow students as a writer and editor. In December 1914 JD announced in the Scotch Collegian that over 70 old boys had already volunteered: ‘we should like to say how proud the School is of them … they have
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On 18 September the Turks made a charge at the part
calling’, he wrote ‘student (Scotch College)’. In fact he had
At about 9 o’clock I was relieved from duty to attend his funeral, which was of the saddest and most impressive character. The cemetery is about two miles from here, almost right down to the beach [it is now known as Shrapnel Valley cemetery] and when I arrived there, I found that the battalion pioneers had the grave almost dug. A few minutes later, the Chaplain arrived and soon after that, the Red
set such a high example of patriotism.’ An example that he
Cross men, bearing the body on a stretcher. The moon
was unable to resist. Enlisting in February 1915 JD first
was very bright and the stars were shining bravely when
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S tat e L i b r a r y o f V i c to r i a , P i c t u r e s C o ll e c t i o n, H 39357/235
Scotch College, East Melbourne
all that remained of poor Jimmy was committed to the soil.
Rowan Macneil MC and Bar, later became a Presbyterian
The burial service was short and very simple – no ‘last post’
minister and, as a chaplain in the Second AIF, was a
or volley, or anything of that kind (if there had been, I think
prisoner of war after the fall of Singapore.
the battalion pioneers would have been very busy the next morning). The Chaplain [Rev. Donald Macrae Stewart] read the service with the aid of a pocket electric torch and [James] was buried as he had died – in his uniform – ‘with his martial cloak around him’ with only a blanket between his face and Mother earth. He lies snugly entrenched among his peers, with his head toward the sea, whose surf can be distinctly
JD wrote in the Scotch Collegian in August 1914: ‘if the time for action comes, we trust that our response will show that the lessons learned in the class rooms and on the playing fields have not gone for naught.’ Those who wrote about him after his death emphasised two aspects of his personality – his determination and his kindness. He gained
heard, his face to the stars and his feet to the trenches, so that
selection to the first crew through rigorous training and
if he were to stand up straight, he would still be facing the
pushing himself to the limit. He was equally as determined
enemy. This, I think, is as he’d long to be.
to make the athletics team and trained hard for two months,
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just missing selection. Every boy should push himself, he wrote, for the benefit of the whole team. In May 1915 the Scotch Collegian published a 12-line poem, ‘For England’ submitted by ‘Serio’, in fact JD Burns, then on his way to Egypt. It captured perfectly the sentiments of many of the pupils, teachers and parents associated with schools like Scotch. It expressed the patriotism that was taught by the schools and expected of their students: The bugles of England were blowing o’er the sea, As they had called a thousand years, calling now to me; They woke me from dreaming in the dawning of the day, The bugles of England – and how could I stay? The banners of England, unfurled across the sea, Floating out upon the wind, were beckoning to me: The banners of England – and how could I stay? O, England, I heard the cry of those who died for thee, Sounding like an organ voice across the winter sea: They lived and died for England and gladly went their way, England, O, England – how could I stay?
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A u s t r a l i a n Wa r M e m o r i a l G 01293
Storm-rent and battle-torn, smoke-stained and grey,
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Shrapnel Gully cemetery, Gallipoli, where JD Burns is buried. This photograph was taken by Charles Bean, November 1915.
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their experiences in letters to be read out at assembly;
working on school grounds, learning to grow vegetables
Sharman pasted each of these letters into an impressive
and fruits, as part of the Young Gardeners’ League,
leather-bound book, thus preserving a permanent record
following instructions and advice that was regularly
of the school’s pupils at war. In turn, the old boys took a
published in the School Paper. Or to be working for the
keen interest in the life of the school, reading its regular
Young Workers’ Patriotic Guild, perhaps in a normal job
newsletter, which the headmaster sent them, looking out
like a paper round, but handing over all the earnings to
for other old boys who might have reached France behind
the teacher at school. But, as reported by the Education
them, and doing their bit to contribute material to the
Department, ‘the best thing the youngsters have done is
museum (too often, however, these objects were seized in
to send a steady stream of letters to men at the front …
the post).
addressed to men they had never seen amid surroundings they could not imagine.’ By the end of 1916 the soldiers had learned the truth about war; ‘some of our men have not seen a home or the inside of a decent house since November 1914.’ The value of an innocent, loving letter from home can only be imagined. In 1915 one of Tate’s disciples, Mathew Stanton Sharman, was appointed the second headmaster of University High School – the school was then only a decade
A u s t r a l i a n Wa r M e m o r i a l H 11581
It was more healthy, surely, for the children to be
Sharman never let up, writing to Private EC Hancock in October 1917: Dear Eric I am sorry that I did not know that you had enlisted … I immediately communicated with your mother and received some information of your doings since you left … I am hoping that you will send me an account … so that the future pupils of the School may have some evidence of the work you have been doing in this big fight.
old. One of a mere handful of Melbourne state secondary schools, Uni High accepted boys and girls from the ages of
The headmaster wrote again in March 1918, ‘Last night
12 to 18, across six grades of schooling. Though young, the
… we said farewell to four of the Old Boys who had just
school had a strong ethos and had already gained intense
enlisted … the girls are glad to know that you got the pair
loyalty from its pupils. Sharman knew from the outset of
of sox that was sent to you with our School colours.’ Eric
his appointment that the war could only strengthen and
Hancock was shot in the head on 23 August 1918, having
develop that spirit. On hearing of an old boy’s enlistment,
enlisted in July 1915 and having fought a strenuous war.
Sharman wrote to each one, asking for a photograph of the
He died that day at a casualty clearing station at Daours
new soldier in uniform and encouraging him to keep the
near Corbie. Uni High had formed the habit of giving each
school up-to-date with his experiences. Sharman planned
departing soldier a school badge, which many wore on the
to establish a mini war museum at the school and he asked
inside of their rough AIF tunic. The letter describing Eric’s
the newly enlisted to provide objects of interest from the
few surviving possessions after his death lists ‘one enamel
battlefield for the growing collection.
badge’, which was possibly his school badge. Eric was 19
The old boys responded warmly to their headmaster’s initiative. Though they were relatively few in number,
90
years of age when he enlisted; 22 years of age when he died. Another Uni High old boy to be killed was CA (Alec)
several of those who enlisted came back to the school
Duff, who was killed in action in June 1917. He enlisted
for a farewell assembly. They then wrote regularly of
in May 1915, at 20 years of age and wrote from Larkhill
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A u s t r a l i a n Wa r M e m o r i a l H 11581
Who can say how many socks Victorian children knitted? Note the pile of socks in the centre of the picture.
Camp in October 1916 ‘any letters from home will always
Old School”’. ‘It was a terrible shock … Alec was well liked
be acceptable to me over here’; he took particular delight
and respected by his men’. Tom Hunt, another old boy,
‘that the School excelled itself in playing the Twelfth
wrote in October 1917 that he was ‘exceedingly intimate’
Night’. Sharman wrote to Alec Duff’s mother: ‘we were
with two of the old boys to have been killed, including
all very grieved to hear that Alec had been killed in action
‘Duffy’. ‘[I] knew them to be men of unimpeachable
and I wish to convey to you and your family the deepest
character. I think the loss of such men will, in time, prove a
sympathy of the whole of the staff and the school.’ Other
stumbling block to the progress of the nation’. There was
soldier old boys wrote to the headmaster about Alec’s death:
a badge among Alec’s possessions, possibly also the school
‘he was one of the finest lads that ever went to the School’;
badge.
‘Alec and I were together the night before the charge at Messines and among many other things we talked of “The
Many of the old boys were particularly chuffed to receive a pair of knitted socks in the school colours: ‘its
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good to see the old colours again and I have many happy
F Company, 5th Battalion, but informally, the Public
recollections of when I used to wear them on the football
School Company. More than two dozen Old Wesleyan
field.’ Another soldier wrote in June 1917 ‘you cannot
Collegians were quick to enlist in it and there were also
imagine how valuable sox are to a soldier, especially when
many old boys from Melbourne Grammar and Scotch
he comes in from a long day’s march, because one of the
College. When F Company sailed on the Orvieto from
best things to soothe the feet is a clean pair of sox.’ The
Port Melbourne on 21 October 1914 there were 119
girls made other things for the soldiers too, including
members on board, a high proportion of which were
wallets. ‘Around Christmas time I received the wallet
public school old boys.
made and sent by one of the girls of the Remove as a remembrance of the old School.’ This old boy, SC Bird,
strong, and encouraged by some headmasters. Most of
wrote in February 1917, recollecting that he had studied
the boys in Victoria’s secondary schools attended church
Latin at school, ‘am now sorry I did not touch French
and independent schools at which the prevailing ethos
which would have come in useful now’. He reported that
centred on service, loyalty and patriotism. When boys
he had been ‘knocked’ in late June 1918 and was ‘lucky
ran out onto the football field or put on their pads for
to be alive’. A former teacher at Uni High, now a soldier,
cricket they would be reminded by sports masters and
Norm Heathcote, had apparently been asked by his old
headmasters that they were not just playing a game,
boss what it was like under fire: ‘well, in a stunt there is so
but preparing themselves for life. Sport gave them the
much to do and so much row that one hasn’t time to think
opportunity to learn about being part of and loyal to a
of “feelings” – we simply get on with the job in hand.’
team, of sacrificing themselves for the team and putting
In March 1918 WL Orchard, a Uni High old boy,
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The impulse to enlist straight from school was
the interests of the school, or another greater good,
wrote that in 1915 ‘it was an understood thing’ that the
before their own interests. War would test this doctrine,
fifth form, the equivalent of today’s year ten, ‘would form
which was enshrined in the very being of Victoria’s private
a contingent of our own in 1918 and I believe that it is
schools. In their lessons and at school assembly these
going to come true’. The boys must have talked at length
themes were repeated over and over. The boys at these
about this in the classroom and around the school. ‘We’ll
schools were seen as an elite, being formed and trained
finish school in 1917’, they would have been saying,
to take leadership positions in society. They were told of
‘and then we’ll be old enough. We’ll go to the recruiting
their duty to their country and their empire and of their
sergeant together’. It is possible that they believed they
responsibility to those less fortunate in society. Religion,
would be able to stick together, and fight together. It
community service, academic excellence, sport and duty
was what boys then dreamed of; had done from the first
were mixed together in these boys’ minds, and fanned
moments of the war. Indeed at the outset in August 1914,
by an unremitting doctrine common to almost all the
when Victoria was raising its first battalions, someone
schools. The message was not very different from what
decided that there should be a ‘Public School Company’
Sharman was preaching at Uni High, minus the religion
as part of which old boys from Victoria’s six elite schools
of course, but because the numbers involved were so much
could mess and work together in what they expected
greater, the private school message had a more profound
would be congenial surroundings. Officially it was
effect on Victorian boys.
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Alec Duff, killed in France in June 1917, an old boy of University High, was one of many past students to tell the headmaster, of his experiences.
S tat e L i b r a r y o f V i c to r i a , A u s t r a l i a n M a n u s c r i p t s C o ll e c t i o n, M S 11240
the school, through
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W h a t t o d o i n wa r t i m e ? closed until this war was won? With no place to while away
whether more so than other Australians it would
the hours in frivolity and idleness, might not more young
be hard to say. Certain it was, though, that
men give appropriate consideration to enlistment?
Victorian sporting facilities were the envy of all
Australia. Nearly 60 000 people packed into the mighty
throughout the community as people began to wonder if
Melbourne Cricket Ground for the Victorian Football
they should still make a fetish of sport when there was a war
League’s (VFL) 1913 grand final; a crowd that could not
on. Attendance at the VFL grand final in 1914 was almost
have been accommodated at any other sporting venue
exactly half of what it had been in 1913 and, for the first time
in Australia. Flemington was one of the world’s great
in memory, there were rows of empty seats at the ground.
racecourses and the Melbourne Cup was already rightly
A soldier about to land at Gallipoli in April 1915 mused, in
famous in the racing world.
a letter to his parents, that it was interesting that the VFL
War, though, threw a different light on sport. With
would be commencing the 1915 football campaign on the
men in the trenches and dying at the front, was it proper,
very day that the soldiers would begin theirs. (Bad weather
some wondered, that other men should idle behind the
spoiled the neatness of this, with the soldiers landing
goals cheering on a suburban side? Those very idlers might
on Sunday 25 April and not the day before, as had been
have been training at Broadmeadows, preparing to take the
expected.)
places of the soldiers on the casualty lists. Was sport, in all
94
There was a degree of thoughtful self-sacrifice
That soldier could not have known how desperately the
its forms, the ‘patriotic classes’ asked, in fact delaying the
continuance of football was being debated in Melbourne,
enlistment of those who were so desperately needed at the
even as he was about to go into action. In July the Victorian
front? War was far too serious a business to allow sport to
Football Association (VFA), the senior body to the VFL,
intervene; every activity should reflect the reality of war.
although surpassed by the league in crowds and interest,
And what of the many idlers in the pubs throughout
vowed to discontinue its competition. The VFA expected
the suburbs and in any country town of any size? Throwing
that the VFL would follow suit, but the league could not
down their beers until late in the night, yarning and laughing
gain the three-quarters majority required for such a radical
with their mates, and taking too little interest in the mighty
move and four clubs, Collingwood, Richmond, Fitzroy and
issues confronting the Empire and the world. Shouldn’t the
Carlton, determined to play on, and so the 1915 VFL season
pubs be regulated, the ‘patriotic classes’ asked, possibly even
continued.
A u s t r a l i a n Wa r M e m o r i a l H 02386
V
ictorians are famous for their love of sport, but
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Volunteer war workers marching on Red Cross Day under the banner ‘All for Empire’. It is unlikely that these women had much time
A u s t r a l i a n Wa r M e m o r i a l H 02386
for drinkers and sports fans.
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The year 1916 was a bad one for sport. Most sporting associations had by now cancelled or curtailed their offerings
at 6 pm each night. So Melbourne’s notorious ‘six o’clock
and hugely popular contests, such as interstate cricket, were
swill’ became a fact of life. The practice of knocking off at
abandoned, as were athletics, tennis, sculling and a myriad of
5 pm and making a dash for the pub to down as many beers
less well- known sporting activities. Five of the VFL clubs,
as possible in the hour available became commonplace.
Melbourne, Geelong, Essendon, St Kilda and South
Though introduced as a war measure to increase workers’
Melbourne, unilaterally withdrew from the 1916 VFL
productivity, and possibly to encourage enlistment,
competition, leaving four clubs to stage the matches. Not
Victorians endured these conditions until 1966.
surprisingly, the finals series featured all four playing clubs.
With a severely reduced diet of football and with other
Whether the VFL’s dilemma assisted or hindered recruitment
sport, apart from horseracing, all but abandoned, and the
cannot be known, but, by early 1916, many footballers had
local being almost off-limits, life in Melbourne and rural
become soldiers. Twelve regular South Melbourne
Victoria took on a dreary and depressing hue. True, live
footballers, for example, had joined the AIF by early 1916,
theatre flourished in the city and new cinemas were opening,
joining eight former players, just about enough for a full
but there was little of the more usual male recreations.
team.
Women continued to enjoy shopping and, indeed, the new
It was also a bad year for Victorian drinkers. Although
96
and made a further reduction, closing all Victorian pubs
Myer Emporium in Bourke Street, opened in July 1914,
there had been a vigorous temperance movement in Victoria
was a wonder to behold. In reality, however, life for most
since about the early 1880s, nevertheless public houses across
men and women was duller than it had been before the war.
the state were allowed to be open between 6 am and 11.30
Overlay this dullness with the anxiety and grief that was
pm, every day except Sunday. A Temporary Restriction Bill
endured by large sections of the population, and it is fair to
debated in the Victorian parliament in early 1916 proposed
say that there was not much fun to be had in Victoria during
restricting pub hours from 9 am to 9 pm, and this became
the years of war. ‘Good’, the ‘patriotic classes’ might have
law. It was one of the few wartime measures enacted by the
said. But did this level of dullness and anxiety produce a
state’s politicians, so dominant and controlling of every aspect
better and more united society? Or was it responsible for an
of normal Australian life was the federal War Precautions Act.
increased sense of resentment that the burdens of war fell
Perhaps the Victorian parliament might have rested there,
more heavily on the labouring classes than on the self-styled
but later in 1916, the politicians revisited hotel opening hours
‘patriotic classes’?
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William Augustus Kendall served in the Australian Army Veterinary Service, reaching the rank of lieutenant-colonel. Away from home for more than four
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years, he delighted to keep in touch with his daughters.
With a claim, perhaps, to be Victoria’s most famous
headmastership of the Methodist Wesley College, one of
headmaster, Lawrence Adamson, of Wesley College, made
Victoria’s six ‘associated public schools’. He placed great
a huge impact in promulgating this doctrine of sacrifice
emphasis in regular school assemblies on good manners,
and service. He was also a keen and committed sportsman
community service, music and sport. He stressed the
and did more than most to bring sport to the forefront
beneficial effects on a boy’s character of training in the
of Victorian private school life. Born on the Isle of Man
school cadets.
in 1860, Adamson came from a wealthy background and
Adamson preached the war at his school in a way that
was educated at Rugby School and at Oxford. He came to
left little alternative for most boys, as they finished their
Victoria for his health in 1886 and threw himself into the
schooling, but to enlist. The school historian explains that
life of the colony. Though a devout Anglican all his life
by the end of the war in 1918 a total of 5275 had attended
and an office-bearer in the church, in 1902 he accepted the
Wesley since its inception in 1866; of these 500 were still at
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the school in 1918, so 4725 could be classified as ‘old boys’. There are more than 1000 names on the Wesley College
In 1915 Caulfield Grammar’s football team of the
Honour Roll of those who served in the war. Of these 148
previous year, all 18 of them, presented for enlistment as a
were killed, including three duxes of the school, Owen
group. Of them, 14 were accepted and four were rejected
Lewis, William Buckland and Frank McCutchan; 1907
for medical reasons. Of that 14, four were killed. At Scotch
senior prefect Jack Newham and two other football captains,
College, from the class groups from 1904 to 1916, every
Duncan Carter and Stanley Martin; four of the Head of
captain of the school, every dux, every captain of cricket and
the River winning crew of 1911; and, four of the champion
football either enlisted or was rejected. From the ranks of
cricket team of 1910, including two brothers. Surely in his
the prefects, for the same period, 165 enlisted; how many
quieter moments Adamson must have been appalled by this
were rejected is not known. Never fewer than ten from the
carnage, though rejoicing in the generosity of spirit that it
First XVIII from the period enlisted; the peak year classes
represented. How sympathetic was he, though, to the plight
from 1909 to 1915 saw almost all of every senior football
of ‘old boys’ like Bob Menzies who, seemingly fit, appeared
team in the AIF. All up, 1207 former Scotch Collegians
oblivious of the need to uphold Wesley’s reputation on the
served the Empire during the war. These are astonishing
battlefield? Did Adamson understand the private anguish
statistics.
of these men who could not be allowed to enlist, even as he preached the demands of empire loyalty? Wesley’s record was impressive, but so were the records
But statistics hide the real people. Brian Lewis was about eight years of age and the youngest in his family when war broke out. His oldest brother, Keith, was born in 1891;
of many other schools. At Geelong Grammar School three
Brian was born in 1906. There were seven boys and one girl
boys left the school immediately war was declared and went
in this prosperous, well-regarded and happy family. Brian’s
straight into camp. In December 1915 the school magazine,
father was a mining consultant who had worked in Tasmania
the Corian, published a photograph of 11 boys leaving the
and Victoria, but after August 1914 the mining industry
school to enlist. The headmaster, FE Brown, regretted
went into a severe decline and Brian’s father did not work
this, saying ‘though strong some are too young, and want
at all during the war years. Like his brothers, Brian went to
a year or more before they are sufficiently set to endure a
Wesley for his schooling, though he was in the preparatory
hard campaign’. Were these boys able to concentrate on
school during the war. Nevertheless, even the little boys
their schoolwork, knowing that as soon as they turned 18,
attended school assembly, listened to Adamson’s patriotic
and had their parents’ permission, they would be off to the
preaching and sang the patriotic songs. Keith enlisted in
war? One Geelong Grammarian to serve was Eoin Lindsay
January 1915 and the three next boys enlisted in January
Smith, a 23-year-old station overseer when he enlisted in
1916. Owen, at 19 years and six months, was the youngest to
January 1915. A few days later, writing from Broadmeadows
enlist. Brian’s mother wore a badge with four bars attached,
Military Camp, he told his parents that ‘I hope to get into
showing that she had given four sons to the AIF.
the thick of things before long’ and that ‘I am very glad to
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Burnu cemetery, where the first Anzacs landed.
Boys like Brian Lewis are not counted in any official
have Barney Briggs [school friend] for a mate’. Eoin joined
statistics relating to the impact of the war on Victorian
the 8th Light Horse and was killed on Gallipoli on 27 June
society. Most accounts of the war give the barest attention to
1915, struck by shrapnel from a shell. He is buried in Ari
the children who worked so hard and gave so much. Few of
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the boys and girls who ‘raised the first hundred thousand’ and
Brian Lewis grew up with the war and he wondered
the several hundred thousands after that are named or known
what would take the place of war, at school and in life,
individuals. But their work, love and loyalty mattered a great
should it ever end. Children throughout Victoria must have
deal, within their families and to the broader community.
been wondering the same thing. The war dominated their
What we cannot now know, is how the experience of these
schooling and a great deal of their activities. The School Paper
boys and girls altered the way they looked at life thereafter.
relentlessly devoted most of its space to the war, encouraging
The headmasters had said that the war would teach them
all the knitting, gardening, working that Victorian children
valuable life lessons; and it may have. But is it not also possible
devoted to it. And, as Tate explained to them, the children,
that the long, dark years of suffering and anxiety taught the
as they grew, would shoulder the cost and burden of the war
children lessons that did not necessarily produce hopeful,
in the years of peace. Victorian children paid a high price for
adventurous and well-balanced citizens?
the war.
Children raised money in a variety of ways.
B ay s i d e L i b r a r y S e r v i c e 3f e s t 1 ID 20033
Here they are demonstrating maypole dancing at a Red Cross festival at Brighton.
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Did every child wear some sort of military uniform at one stage during the war? Very possibly, as these members of the Prahran Children’s Patriotic League show.
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VictoriansAtWarText2print.indd 101 S to n n i n g to n L i b r a r y a n d I n f o r m at i o n S e r v i c e ID 13276
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W o m e n a n d wa r
S
ociety tends to minimise the contribution of those who work outside the paid workforce. The
Local people passed what they had made up the line,
Australian honours system, for example, gives
swelling coffers at a regional level, before the goods came
medals to volunteers in all types of jobs. But the
together at the state level for dispatch overseas. Each
system reserves the top honours, not the lowliest medals, to
hardworking woman in the Red Cross, the Comforts Fund,
the nation’s senior judges, who are well paid for doing their
or a myriad of other associations, could rest more easily in
jobs, or to the nation’s top professors and researchers, or to
her bed at night knowing that in the month just passed she
leading businessmen. It is a way of saying that, while we like
had knitted and sent off six pairs of warm woollen socks that
volunteers, we don’t rate them.
a soldier boy in a muddy French trench would be pulling
It was always thus. Victorian women, like women
on just when he needed them. She would know that she
elsewhere in Australia, created a massive new industry, from
had made a difference, contributing as best she could to the
scratch, during the First World War. It involved thinking
war effort in the most practical way possible. If we trivialise
about what the soldiers needed at the front, in the broadest
this work, or consider the work done by the soldiers as the
possible way, organising the making of these goods on a
only real war work, then we fail – by a wide margin – to
massive scale, the collection and collation of them, their
understand the true nature of the community’s response to
dispatch overseas by arranging a substantial amount of
the war.
shipping, and their successful delivery at the other end, to soldiers in the front-line trenches. The key to the success of the work of the Red Cross
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the children had been put to bed and the day’s chores done.
Unlike in the Second World War when Australian women took up men’s jobs in their absence at the war, they did not enter the paid workforce in big numbers during the
in Australia or the Australian Comforts Fund was the
First World War, despite the desperate shortage of labour
application of the principle, upheld already by women in
in many industries. It is likely that the only circumstances
their peacetime charity work, to pursue local, community-
in which women stepped into the male domain was in
based work among friends and neighbours. The local
agriculture, where their contribution was largely unseen and
cell flourished as members competed with each other for
the need for help was so great. Society still believed that a
the greatest output or the evidence of productivity. Fun
woman’s place was in the home and not even the challenge
and enjoyment could be found working together in one
of war would defeat that prejudice. It is little wonder,
another’s homes, or alone in their own homes at night, after
then, that women organised themselves so tightly and so
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The ballroom at the federal Government A u s t r a l i a n Wa r M e m o r i a l J 00346
House, Melbourne, taken over by women of the Red Cross
professionally to make a difference where it really counted:
mourning black, indicating that a loved one had been
to the soldiers fighting the war. Did they save lives with
killed at the front or had died of his wounds. In those cases
their gifts of clothing, of medical supplies, and of medical
the work must have taken on a new intensity or sense of
facilities such as operating theatres and ambulances? Of
purpose.
course they did. Women might have been honoured and
Sadly some women, in their obsession with the
esteemed for this essential war work; instead, in large part,
need for reinforcements at the front, began to look with
they were overlooked.
frustration and disappointment at those men not in
It should be remembered that much of this work also
uniform. Not knowing, and not able to know, the individual
served a deep psychological or human need. Many of the
circumstances that kept an apparently eligible man out of
women working for the Red Cross, the Comforts Fund, or
the army, nevertheless some small minority of people at
the battalion associations had sons, husbands or brothers
home (anecdotally this was most often women) handed
at the war for whom they were deeply anxious. As the war
these seemingly eligible men a white feather, as a symbol of
continued its dreary path some of the working women
cowardice and a sign that the man had refused to see where
would have been attending the weekly, or more frequent,
his duty lay. We know that men sent back to their homes
knitting, cooking, sewing and packing sessions wearing
before the war had ended, who were too incapacitated to
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A predominantly female crowd farewells departing soldiers. As the ship pulls away,
R oya l H i s to r i c a l S o c i e t y o f V i c to r i a G S-W G-0185
the streamers snap so that loved ones are finally separated.
continue to fight, were sometimes recipients of these white
Better, then, to pay tribute to those whose energy, sense
feathers. How that must have hurt. These men would want it
of community and kindliness drove them to provide so
known as widely as possible that they were ‘ex 14th Battalion
handsomely and so nobly for those at the front. In creating
AIF’ or similar, and some men would paste such a notice
this substantial new industry, women showed determination
on their shopfront or at their place of work. Perhaps, too,
and competence way beyond what the community might
they wore their old greatcoats or an AIF badge or insignia to
have anticipated. Women deserved their medals, too, and
avoid a white feather on the tram or in the street.
tribute and honour from their community. But in the nature
War madness, we might call it, and only a small proportion of women would have taken matters so far.
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of so much voluntary work, these loyal and dedicated women were often simply taken for granted.
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c h a p t e r
f i v e
Counting the cost
M
e l b o u r n e , in mid-1915, was a wartime city; just as London and Glasgow or Sydney were wartime cities. n There might have been fewer soldiers on the streets of Melbourne than on the streets of London, but they were still a significant presence. n Hospital trains were not pulling into Melbourne’s city stations with awful frequency from the Western Front, as they were arriving
into London stations like Waterloo or Victoria, but hospital ships
were arriving at Railway Pier, Port Melbourne, with the badly wounded from Gallipoli. n So many wounded soldiers would be sent home during
the war years that in 1914 the Automobile Club of Victoria (it was awarded the prefix ‘Royal’ in 1916) established a Volunteer Motor Corps, the club’s most appreciated war work. n
In four and a half years, a staggering 21 000 cars met 282
plain, there was now a mighty military camp. In July,
ships and transported 93 000 soldiers and nurses. Among
under the stimulus of the news from the peninsula, 21 698
the regular drivers were 25 women.
men had enlisted from Victoria. All these men had to be
To the north of the city, on the flat Broadmeadows
housed, fed and trained, mostly at Broadmeadows. The task
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Wounded returning soldiers given a tumultuous reception on the streets of Melbourne
was immense, the sight remarkable. While these new recruits started on their basic training and took trips to the rifle ranges, on 10 August 1915, Melbourne played host to a melancholy scene, the passage through the centre of the city, along Swanston, Collins, William, and Bourke streets, to the town hall, of dozens of cars and ambulances bearing recently returned wounded from the front. Thousands of Melburnians turned out to see these wounded returning soldiers and the welcome and the sympathy was warm and loving. The crowd must have known, if it had given thought to the matter, that these were the worst of the wounded, for those who could be patched up in Egypt, Malta or Britain, would be returned to the firing line as soon as possible after their recuperation. The men in Melbourne were out of the war for good. Most of those in the cars and ambulances had their arms in slings or their heads bandaged and ‘there was hardly a car which did not have at least one pair of crutches projecting over the side’. One man in particular ‘excited special sympathy’. ‘[He] wore a long muffler over the lower part of his face, which had been almost entirely shot away.’ Thereafter these melancholy processions became a regular thing in Melbourne. Another hospital ship arrived a fortnight after the first, with another procession, and then more in September and October.
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You would think that the ‘heads’ would want to keep the returning wounded out of sight from the ‘boys’ who were making Broadmeadows the largest ever encampment of Victorian soldiers. So great were the numbers enlisting that the military camp at Seymour was also full to overflowing, and a new camp had been set up, temporarily, at the Melbourne Showgrounds at Flemington. It was one thing, however, to enlist in the burst of patriotic enthusiasm that Gallipoli caused, it was another thing entirely to be confronted with the inevitable facts of war. Modern warfare causes horrendous injuries, such as the loss of the ‘lower part’ of the face. Surgery and medical skill could never repair such a loss and the man so wounded bore the marks of war on his body for the remainder of his life. Melburnian hearts went out to these crippled and damaged men who numbered, in these gruesome parades, in their hundreds. As the Australian soldiers moved from the comparative backwater of Gallipoli to the Western Front, the number of killed, wounded and maimed would grow to totals unimaginable to these somewhat naive Victorians at that first moment of the return of the wounded in August. Out at Broadmeadows, as the soldiers read the newspaper accounts of the grim processions, they would have said, as soldiers everywhere would say, ‘it can never happen to me’. Most knew, of course, that it could. The odds were possibly even worse at another military encampment on the flat plains at Point Cook, on the western side of the city. As luck would have it, Australian military aviation had begun in the first months of 1914, after cautious government support from late 1911 onwards. In July 1914 the government had called for four men from the military forces ‘to learn the art of flying’ from the two instructors already appointed. The applicants were to be aged between 20 and 26, physically qualified, and, specifically, unmarried. Were the dangers too great for the government to risk taking on married men? Told to travel
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Wounded soldiers returned home during the war, and for many months after.
S tat e L i b r a r y o f V i c to r i a , P i c t u r e s C o ll e c t i o n, H 85.55/160/270
Some could walk to the waiting cars. Others were carried in stretchers.
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in the first months of 1914. The corps was quickly operational after the outbreak of war.
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R oya l H i s to r i c a l S o c i e t y o f V i c to r i a G S-W G-0091
The Australian Flying Corps began its life on the flat plains of Point Cook, outside Melbourne,
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by train to Werribee, the four were then taken by car to
service for two purposes. Soldiers who had succumbed to a
the ‘sheep paddocks’ of Point Cook. The historian of the
sexual disease early in their service, or had contracted such
Australian Flying Corps tells us what then confronted these
a disease in Egypt, were placed in a special hospital opened
men:
at Langwarrin. It would operate throughout the years of
an old tin shed and some ‘lean-tos’ just behind the beach housed stores and a diesel generator. At the other end of the property, among a plantation of pine and gum trees, a ramshackle collection of tents served as accommodation and messes for the pupils, instructors and a handful of
war. Additionally an internment camp was created to house ‘enemy aliens’. Fear and suspicion, and increasing racial hatred, drove this policy. Australia had a small German population, of no more than about 30 000 people, if by that we mean
ground staff. The kitchen was a shipping case and the
people born in Germany itself. Including second or third
nearest water supply was 6.5 kilometres away.
generations with a German background brings the Australiawide total to about 100 000 persons. There were 102
Thus, in the very first days of the outbreak of war,
Lutheran schools in Australia in 1914 where, in almost every
Australian military aviation was born. From these
case, English was the language of instruction. There were ten
remarkable beginnings at Point Cook, Australia would
such schools in Victoria and they were small. The average
have an air corps that would make a difference in the desert
number of students at a Lutheran school in 1914 was just
from 1916 onwards, and make such a difference in France
35 pupils. Despite these small numbers, some people in the
that General Sir John Monash was able to use aircraft in a
community began to fear German intrigue and subversion
critical relationship with his troops in the execution of the
and called for stern measures to combat the German threat.
remarkable battle at Hamel in August 1918, just four years
Hence the internment camps at, or near, each of the state
away.
capital cities.
There was yet another camp to the south-east of
Langwarrin internment camp appears to have opened
Melbourne, at Langwarrin on the Mornington Peninsula,
in early 1915, although virtually no records remain of the
where enemy aliens were to be housed. Despite the early
camp and the conditions of life there. By May 1915 the
and warmest public expressions of support and sympathy
government in Melbourne changed internment policy,
for Australians of German origin or nationality, within
closing most of the camps, and concentrating internment
weeks, and in the face of relentless British campaigns about
in three New South Wales camps, with the major one
the ‘Huns’, ‘our brothers in adoption’ had become ‘enemy
located at Holsworthy, near Liverpool. Langwarrin, which
aliens’. Hundreds, if not thousands of people, who properly
housed close to 420 enemy aliens for a few months, was not
thought of themselves as Australians, found that they had
entirely closed, but thereafter held only about 20 persons
lost their rights to equal and fair treatment and, possibly,
for the duration of the war. Those who continued to be held
found themselves placed in the internment camps that
at Langwarrin were deemed to be community leaders, or
were quickly set up. At first each ‘military district’, in effect
sufficiently influential that they should be quarantined from
each Australian state, had an internment camp to house
the broad mass of the enemy aliens in New South Wales.
local enemy aliens. There had long been a military camp at
Life in internment, in such small numbers, must have been
Langwarrin, inland from Frankston, and it was pressed into
tedious and unprofitable. Internment, though, did not stop
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S tat e L i b r a r y o f V i c to r i a , P i c t u r e s C o ll e c t i o n, H 99.100/1
One of Melbourne’s most famous buildings – the Flinders Street railway station. Note the recruiting sign to the left of the picture and the light horseman waiting for the tram to pass.
excitable people from hunting out German ‘spies’. One person even alleged that a radio mast at Bishopscourt, the home of the Melbourne Anglican archbishop, the solid north-country Englishman Henry Lowther Clarke, might indicate troublesome communication with the enemy. But this was later in the war, when war hysteria prevailed. For now, even as the conflict began to dominate Victorian life, there was a sense that Victorians were still learning about the war. The newspapers were full of it. The Argus, typically a 16-page newspaper on weekdays, with at least six of those pages devoted to classified advertisements, gave three full pages to war news. This would be followed by articles elsewhere in the paper, including jottings about the war and how Victorians were responding to it. Three subjects were addressed on a daily basis: how many men, that day, had enlisted for the war, how many had been rejected and what numbers were accepted; how much money, that day, Victorians had raised for specific war charities, most importantly the ‘Victorian Appeal for Australian Sick and Wounded’; and, the daily ‘Roll of Honour with Personal Particulars’. The Argus published about six photographs each day of Victorians who had been killed at the front, and gave pen portraits of about a dozen soldiers from the hundreds who had been killed. ‘We shall be glad to publish short personal notes on the careers of officers and men [killed at the front] provided that the paragraphs are duly authenticated by a relative’ the Argus stated, and much of the information was supplied by those who had known the soldier intimately: his wife, mother, other family and friends. Today, the roll makes grim reading, but reading such accounts every day, then, must have had a grief-laden and cumulative effect, helping people to understand what was being lost to Victorian society in the name of the war. This attempt at memorialising the war dead was a service to Victorian society, but might it not, eventually, have been a drag on enlistment, and war
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enthusiasm generally? So many young men lost; so many
superintendent of the Sabbath school. He was secretary of
young men who might have contributed to the growth of
the Rushworth Caledonian Society, 27 years of age when
the state, to the good life of Victorians, as the following
he enlisted and a ‘commission agent’. Or Michael Byrne, 25
examples of the daily roll illustrate.
years of age, twice wounded on Gallipoli, the second time
‘William Cameron was the eldest son of the late Mr
fatally: ‘he was a lad of splendid physique, being robust,
William Cameron of Rushworth’ in central Victoria, north
agile and athletic, and altogether a fine sample of a young
of Bendigo, who was with the 8th Light Horse and killed
Australian farmer’. Private Walter Newton, 22 years of age,
in action on 4 September. He was actively associated with
had been selected for ‘bomb throwing’ on the peninsula and
St Andrew’s Presbyterian Church, Rushworth, being also
had written home of ‘several narrow escapes’. ‘When he
S tat e L i b r a r y o f V i c to r i a , A u s t r a l i a n M a n u s c r i p t s C o ll e c t i o n, Al i c e K i tc h e n Pa p e r s, M S 9627
Wounded soldiers at the Australian hospital at Harefield Park, near London. The ‘walking wounded’ wore special uniforms for easy identification.
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last wrote he said that all of his tent mates [with him in the
participate in the fighting. Others might have felt a political
first days at Broadmeadows] with the exception of one, had
revulsion for war, as workers on both sides of no-man’s-land
been killed.’ While this seems an extraordinarily high rate
slaughtered each other in the interests of their bosses. But
of loss, and seemingly a deeply unlucky circumstance, surely
in searching to understand the general mood of Victorians,
it must have given pause to the soldiers still in tents on the
most of the evidence points to an intense interest and
Broadmeadows plain, going about their daily training. All
commitment to the war.
but one of the nine blokes or so in the tent now killed in action. Was anyone asking whether Gallipoli was worth it?
S tat e L i b r a r y o f V i c to r i a , A u s t r a l i a n M a n u s c r i p t s C o ll e c t i o n, Al i c e K i tc h e n Pa p e r s, M S 9627
Perhaps accounts such as these stimulated the voluntary
And yet the news from the front was not encouraging. The Argus began to report mumblings of dissent from London about the nature and course of the campaign on
giving to charity, which became such a strong part of
the peninsula. In mid-October the paper stated, without
Victoria in the war. The appeal for sick and wounded, just
commentary, that a London newspaper, the Globe, had
one of the wartime charities, stood at £191 865/16/1 on
begun asking whether it was now time for a withdrawal
25 August 1915. Contributions that day included £71/10/–
of all our troops from Gallipoli. The newspaper reported
from the Shire of Ballan, £50 from the employees of
on 20 October that the commander-in-chief at Gallipoli,
HV McKay, Sunshine, and £27/5/– from the Boort Gun
General Sir Ian Hamilton, had been recalled to London and
Club. On 1 September the appeal stood at £203 773/1/3
would be replaced by Sir Charles Monro. Astute readers
with contributions of £225 from residents of the Shire of
of the Argus must have wondered at the progress of the
Glenelg and £5/16/6 as the proceeds from a football match
campaign. An editorial, seeking to calm public opinion,
promoted by the children of St Joseph’s Convent School,
explained that ‘the experts must be trusted in such matters’.
Maffra, in Gippsland. What stands behind that single entry
Charles Bean, the official Australian correspondent,
in the lists for that day? Who played in the football match,
continued to flood the newspapers with his dispatches and
how did the children go about promoting it and did they, or
readers of the Argus may have believed that they had the
the sisters in the convent school, manage the organisation?
most up-to-date information. Perhaps they did, but in
This single entry is evidence of a widespread, indeed
retrospect, we can see that Bean’s reports were very guarded
universal, sentiment that every part of the community had
indeed. A large number of Victorians, members of the
a role to play in this war of the nations, and that Australian
8th Light Horse, died at the Nek in the most forlorn and
soldiers must be supported in every way possible.
hopeless of charges. A large number of West Australian light
There were those in the community who were not
horsemen were also lost. Bean, whose words would be read
involved in fundraising, who did not closely scan the war
in hundreds of Victorian homes that were now plunged into
news in the newspapers, or did not have family and friends
grief, wrote of ‘a gallant and desperate attack’; he did not say
at the front. In any community there will be those who
that it had ended in total failure.
stand out from the general mood. Some of these people
There must have been an understanding dawning on
would have been opposed to any war and might have
those reading the casualty lists, which were promulgated
called themselves pacifists. For some, this would have been
so publicly, that an awful event had taken place somewhere
a religiously based objection to war: that the Prince of
on the peninsula. Name after name, from every part of
Peace could never sanction war or allow His followers to
Victoria, of those killed coming from the same unit. It is
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P u b l i c R e c o r d O f f i c e V i c to r i a H 12907/p 2/1/h 399
Recruiting was everywhere – special trams
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VictoriansAtWarText2print.indd 117 P u b l i c R e c o r d O f f i c e V i c to r i a V P R S 12800P 1, H 5529; V P R S 12800 P 1, H 4071
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And on trains
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Everything was tried to encourage men to enlist, but details of pay and conditions
S tat e L i b r a r y o f V i c to r i a , E u r o p e a n wa r pa m p h l e t s, S 940.304 EU 745 (v.358)
of service were important to all potential recruits.
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hard to believe that the more attentive newspaper readers were not piecing together the facts that were omitted from the newspapers. The recall of Hamilton would surely have alerted readers to the idea that something was desperately wrong? Or, was it simply a matter of trusting the experts? To wait, to weep or to work? Victorians answered that question resoundingly. Two days after war had been declared, while her husband was busy with politicians and cables, Lady Helen Munro Ferguson, at federal Government House in Melbourne, that elegant structure on St Kilda Road, initiated what she termed ‘The Australian Branch of the British Red Cross Society’. Lady Helen, as she was affectionately known, became Australian president of the society, and the wives of the state governors were appointed state presidents. With such auspicious leadership would S tat e L i b r a r y o f V i c to r i a , E u r o p e a n wa r pa m p h l e t s, S 940.304 EU 745 (v.358)
women flock to the colours? Most certainly they would. Founded in 1864 and known as the International Committee of the Red Cross, the aim of the society was to relieve the suffering of soldiers wounded on the battlefield. The society spread rapidly throughout Europe and, within five years of its foundation, there was an American Red Cross Society. Until the outbreak of a world war, Australia, so remote from the battlefields of Europe, had no need for such an organisation. On its formation in Australia, members of the Red Cross would supply medical needs, raise money and keep a watchful eye on all things that might concern the welfare of the soldiers at home, before they went to war, on the battlefield insofar as Australia could help them and, for those who returned wounded and maimed, in the hospitals and hostels that housed them. It was gallant and noble work and intensely demanding. In the early days of the war, the Red Cross Society experienced extraordinary growth. Lady Helen called on the mayors and shire presidents of every locality in the country to form a branch of the society and few failed to act. Typically, following publication of Lady Helen’s letter in the
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A u s t r a l i a n Wa r M e m o r i a l J 00360
Women at the Melbourne Town Hall sewing goods for the Australian Comforts Fund
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A u s t r a l i a n Wa r M e m o r i a l J 00360
local paper, a meeting was convened at the town or shire hall
fruitcake, sponges filled with cream, scones and hearty cups
inviting all patriotic, loyal women in the district to attend.
of tea. The Red Cross afternoon tea might seem a small-
The local official, so exhorted by Lady Helen, gave the
scale operation in the face of a world war, but the women of
society the use of rooms in the hall and watched in awe as the
Birchip raised a great deal of money in this way. So much,
women took over. Within a few months there were hundreds
in fact, that they were able to fit out an operating theatre
of branches of the society in Victoria, which came to be the
with the very latest equipment at the military hospital at
largest division in the nation, with the national headquarters
Caulfield. They spent more than £2000 on the theatre,
based in Melbourne. Taking the large and elaborate
which Lady Helen personally opened, speaking with praise
Government House ballroom as her own space, and ignoring
and pride of the Birchip Red Cross. Hundreds of other
the vice-regal throne at one end, Lady Helen turned this
branches were doing equally successful work.
most elegant of Melbourne’s centres of high society into a
Vast as this organisation was, it should be remembered
massive workroom and storage area for the Red Cross. So
that the Red Cross was just one such organisation drawing
vast was the work that the governor-general also surrendered
on the loyalty and patriotism of Victorians. There was also
his dining room to the society and, on occasions, the state
the Lord Mayor’s fund and the Victorian branch of the
drawing room. Thousands of women poured goods of all
Australian Comforts Fund, and many other organisations,
sorts, pyjamas, shirts and underwear, bandages of all kinds,
again with large and active memberships, raising money and
splints and crutches, and other comforts, such as writing
making a variety of goods for the soldiers. How a man living
paper and foodstuffs, into Government House. Hundreds
in the barbaric conditions of the dugouts of Anzac responded
of other women and men ensured the dispatch of these
when he received a parcel from one of these groups can
goods overseas or to where they might be needed at home.
only be imagined. His normal food was hardtack biscuits,
This was an industry on a vast scale, started from scratch in
bully beef and tea – when there was water available. Imagine
the first days of the war and snowballing into an avalanche
opening a parcel from the Red Cross or the Australian
of activity. By August 1915 there were 462 branches of the
Comforts Fund, to find clean, hand-knitted socks, a couple
society in Victoria, of which 55 were in Melbourne and its
of lice-free, for the moment anyway, pairs of underpants, a
suburbs. Country branches were larger than city branches,
fruitcake, possibly, some tobacco or cigarettes, some dried
both geographically and in numbers of members and,
fruits and ‘sweeties’, and writing paper for a letter to the
although accurate membership records were not kept, it is
folks at home. The love and commitment that was poured
clear that the society attracted the support and hard work of
into these parcels would have provided, to even the hardest
thousands of Victorian women.
lag on the Gallipoli battlefield, the whiff of home and of
At Birchip, in Victoria’s Wimmera region, to give but one example, the Red Cross women ran a regular Saturday
peacetime civilities, the gentler ways of life. If there was a newspaper included in the parcel, the
afternoon tea in the local Mechanics Institute. All week the
soldier, enjoying a quiet smoke or eating his fruitcake,
women baked cakes and scones and other delicacies and,
might have read of a change at the top in Melbourne.
on Saturdays, they cut their sandwiches, decorated and set
Andrew Fisher, wartime prime minister since September
their tables and heated the water for their teas. Imagine the
1914, resigned, exhausted, on 27 October 1915 and was
treat in store for their customers. Sandwiches and pies, rich
appointed Australian high commissioner in London. He
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Troops departing for the front. Imagine trying to provide garments, medical requirements and small luxuries just for this body of men, let alone the
R oya l H i s to r i c a l S o c i e t y o f V i c to r i a G S-P M-142
320 000 AIF overseas.
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was replaced by New South Welshman, until then attorney-
army, Hughes explained, and what excuse did they have, he
general, William Morris Hughes, ‘Billy’ to all. Although
asked. His government would raise an additional 50 000 men
Hughes’s electorate was West Sydney, he and his family
immediately in addition to the reinforcements of 16 000 per
lived in Melbourne in an attractive house on Cotham
month that were needed to maintain the status quo. After the
Road, Kew, not very far from Archbishop Daniel Mannix’s
huge burst of 21000 men in July 1915 only another 10 565
mansion, Raheen, on Studley Park Road, Kew. Hughes was
Victorians had enlisted by the end of the year. Wanted men,
a passionate Empire man, totally committed to the highest
wanted more men, as the slogan had it.
level of Australian participation in the war. He determined
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R oya l H i s to r i c a l S o c i e t y o f V i c to r i a ph n 1010
Leader 23 O c to b e r 1915, S tat e L i b r a r y o f V i c to r i a, N e w spa p e r s C o ll e c t i o n
Volunteers packing newspapers for those serving abroad
Hughes’s highly emotive ‘Call to Arms’, was published
that the nation must provide more men; the AIF could be in
on 15 December 1915: ‘to wage this war with less than our
Constantinople by now, he thundered, if more Australians
full strength is to commit national suicide by slowly bleeding
had enlisted. The days in which the government’s offer of
to death.’ Hughes was full of admiration for what the soldiers
20 000 men was acceptable were gone and even the figure
had already done, ‘they have carved for Australia a niche
of 50 000 enlistments by the end of 1914 seemed paltry
in the Temple of the Immortals’ but ‘had the number of
considering the task that lay ahead. Many Australians
our forces been doubled many brave lives would have been
believed that every fit man should enlist. There were
spared’. What, my Jack might still be alive if those shirkers
600 000 fit men between the ages of 18 and 44 outside the
lounging about Swanston Street and hanging out of pubs on
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R oya l H i s to r i c a l S o c i e t y o f V i c to r i a ph n 1010
Victorian Red Cross women demonstrating their methods of work. They are on display in a shop window of the Buckley & Nunn department store in Bourke Street, Melbourne.
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Bourke Street had bothered to enlist? It was a dangerous, divisive message. ‘This Australia of ours’, Hughes wrote, ‘the freest and best country on God’s earth, calls to her sons for aid. Destiny has given you a great opportunity.’ Was it bad timing in terms of the Call to Arms that, just a week later, on the eve of Christmas, the nation learned that the soldiers had been evacuated from Anzac and Suvla? The last of the troops at Anzac had left on the night of 20–21 December and the news was in the papers almost immediately. The Argus conceded that ‘people have been asking themselves whether the Allied troops should
A recruitment meeting
be withdrawn’ and that citizens would have ‘a feeling of
outside The Age office
immense relief’ that the evacuation had been carried out
in Collins Street.
and with ‘very few casualties’. Had it been known what was going on, the paper continued, Australians would have been ‘tortured with an anxiety as painful as any [we] have experienced during the war’. And, significantly, ‘we have not presumed to criticise those who planned and undertook the Gallipoli campaign.’ Hughes chimed in: ‘[the news] has been received in a spirit of devout gladness, chastened with a keen regret that the withdrawal has been found imperative.’ He continued: ‘I shall not comment upon, much less criticise …
Recruiters were thought to have failed when only a small number of men joined up. Could all these men have been accommodated?
those charged with the great responsibility for the conduct of the campaign have acted for the best.’ Yet, at the same time, the prime minister was asking for men and more men. Two days after this announcement the government published the 126th list of Australian casualties at Gallipoli. More lists were to follow, as a result of the inevitable time lag between the occurrence of a casualty and its publication in Australia. An established procedure was followed from reliably verified. Following this, a cable was sent to defence headquarters in Melbourne, where the exact details of the soldier would be examined and resolved. Then, a telegram would be dispatched to a clergyman of the denomination and in the hometown that the soldier had given on his
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A u s t r a l i a n Wa r M e m o r i a l H 18396
the time when the news of a death or wounding had been
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enlistment form. The clergyman would inform the next-of-
Victoria affected the community’s response to news like
kin of the death and report back to defence when the task
the ‘Call to Arms’ or the evacuation from Anzac. There
was complete. Only then could the details be released to
may have been dismay at the evacuation: all those boys
the public. This process related only to instances of death.
left behind, would the Turks respect their graves? There
A telegram, addressed to the next-of-kin, would tell of
may have been some cynicism that the campaign was
wounding and hospitalisation of soldiers from the campaign,
misconstrued and too many blunders put too many lives at
but it was possible that this information was in print before
risk. More likely there was widespread relief that the death
the telegram arrived.
and wounding would now stop. But where would our boys
The 126th list of casualties, or any other of the lists from that period, explained the evacuation. Ten officers and men
you be more likely to go now that Anzac was over or less
had been killed, 89 had been wounded, but 342 had been
likely? These are the imponderables of history. There will be
evacuated from the peninsula seriously ill. So sick had the
a lull in the casualty lists for a few months now and then the
army become that it was simply not possible to continue to
Australians will be in the thick of it on the Western Front,
fight. The Anzacs had been on the peninsula for eight
first at Fromelles and a little later on the Somme. Then the
months, or, more precisely, 35 weeks, accruing nearly four
telegrams will really start flowing and Gallipoli would come
casualty lists per week; and there were more to come.
to seem more like a stream and the Western Front a roaring
Running an eye down the list of the Victorian wounded in the
river.
126th list we note the birthplaces of these men. Randomly, it
There is no doubt that those at home could take it.
reads, Eaglehawk, Scotland, Rushworth, Bairnsdale, Rich-
Women in the Red Cross and the comforts funds, and all the
mond, Northcote, Daylesford, Footscray, Moonee Ponds,
other organisations, knitting, baking, making, dispatching,
Carlton, England, England, Warrnambool, Elsternwick.
now redoubled their efforts. Boys and girls in the patriotic
The war, on an almost daily basis, was touching everyone in
leagues also worked harder and longer to make sure the
every part of the state. You lived in Brunswick, yourself, so
soldiers had what they needed. The call to arms had gone
the eye naturally lighted on that suburb in the list. Did you
out and, in the first three months of 1916, Victorians came
know Private HC Geyer, personally? No, but you thought he
forward in gratifying numbers: 5000 in January, 7500 in
might have lived a few streets up and might have been a
February, 5500 in March, better than any other state. All up
member of your church. Not badly wounded, I hope. Let’s
some 55 000 Australians joined up in the first three months
pray that he pulls through. Indeed he will be prayed for at the
of 1916, meeting the first part of the prime minister’s call
Brunswick Methodist Church, his own church, next Sunday,
to arms, but falling woefully short of Hughes’s demand
and the congregation will be moved by his plight. A labourer,
for 50 000 plus the necessary reinforcements of 16 500 per
unmarried, generous, a nice lad, gunshot wound to the head,
month. A sense of foreboding, of unease about the war,
but recovering in hospital. (Though Henry Geyer will,
began to pervade the country. The Anzacs had been pulled
indeed, join the church’s roll of honour having been killed in
off the peninsula, mercifully without casualties. But of the
France in 1917 with no known grave.)
war there seemed no end and the nation was being called
We can have no way of knowing how the intimate, personal knowledge of the war in almost every home in
128
be sent next? If you were thinking about enlistment, would
upon to play a bigger part. Hughes was making a great deal of noise. Were people listening?
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T h e N e y l a n ds
I
n the many thousands of books that have been
and married. Thereafter his brothers streamed into the
written about the First World War there are a
AIF, all eight of them, although Percy, 31 years of age,
multitude of insights into why one individual decided
was rejected for service due to an arm damaged in a farm
to enlist. It may have been in a burst of intense
accident. Their local member of federal parliament, Sydney
patriotic love for his country, and a determination to
Sampson, uncle to the young Robert Menzies, boasted in
protect it from the enemy. It may have been to maintain
the House of Representatives of this extraordinary family,
the family reputation in the eyes of others. It may have
seven brothers in the AIF, all of them his constituents. No
been for the money and freedom from unemployment that
Australian family could have given more sons to the AIF,
service in the army would provide. It may have been to
surely, he said, and it might have been so. Even the father,
keep company with mates, for a bit of a lark. It may have
John Pringle, tried to enlist, but at 64 years of age he was
been some or all of these reasons and much more besides.
rejected outright as far too old.
Or it may have been simply an attempt by brothers to keep
They should not have taken the oldest brother, John
up with each other; if they are going then maybe I should
William, either. He had served in the Boer War, was
go too.
38 years of age when he enlisted and was married. The
John Pringle Neyland was born in Berwick, Scotland,
examining doctor should have noted John William’s
in 1851, the year he also arrived in the colony of Victoria.
defective eyesight, which was caused by an accident with
In 1874 he took up land at Corack in the Wimmera, and
a bolting horse. He spent much of his war in hospital
he later moved to Birchip. He was a shire councillor from
in Cairo, having left his homeland in November 1915,
1897 to 1906 and was also shire president. He married
therefore too late for Gallipoli. He was discharged in
Margaret Niven and they produced eight sons and four
Melbourne in December 1916, his duty done. Niven, in
daughters. There was, therefore, plenty of labour available
the 14th Battalion, did reach Gallipoli, and was reported
for work around the farm and house. Solid citizens, the
missing on 8 August 1915 in the midst of the murderous
Neylands were well respected and likely to be prosperous,
August offensive. He was confirmed to be a prisoner of
despite all those mouths to feed.
war of the Turks on 26 August and remained in captivity
Niven was the first of the brothers to enlist, on the
until the war’s end, arriving in Alexandria, a free man, on
last day of 1914, just a little more than four months
6 November 1918. Niven died in 1928, aged 49, an early
after war had been declared. He was 36 years of age
death perhaps caused by the rigours of his imprisonment.
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S tat e L i b r a r y o f V i c to r i a , P i c t u r e s C o ll e c t i o n, H 90.140/1181
A view of Birchip from the water tower, 1910
Remarkably only one son was killed in action. James,
October 1917, the first of the toasts at the wedding breakfast
broke out. He travelled to England to enlist but arrived in
was to ‘The brave boys in the trenches’. His new wife, Marg-
London well before the AIF had established itself there. He
aret, had two brothers in the AIF, one of them killed in France.
was enlisted in the Lovat Scouts Regiment – a nod to his
130
When Percy, the only son to be rejected, married in
36 and single, was working in South Africa when the war
The last of the brothers to enlist, Colin Ritchie, born in
Scottish father – and he was killed on the Western Front on
1900, joined up underage in 1917. Perhaps our war records
9 April 1917. He is buried in the Highland Cemetery, just
are a bit too informative for they disclose that Colin spent
outside of Arras in France.
almost his entire war service in a Cairo hospital for the
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affairs of our property have lapsed into a hopeless muddle’ with all but one of his brothers at war and ‘my father has met with a serious accident permanently injuring him’. His father had in fact broken his leg in ‘a vehicular accident’. The Defence Department sent a local Birchip policeman, Senior Constable Peet, around to the farm to verify the facts. It was indeed true, he reported, that there were seven brothers at war. Their mother had taken over a Birchip bakery, the Star, in 1916 in an attempt to provide some off-farm income, but there was no doubt that ‘the family is not in a good financial position’. Defence, in what was an extremely rare or unusual decision, approved Earl’s request for release and he was returned to Australia and discharged in Melbourne in March 1918. John Pringle, the patriarch of this mighty tribe, had a heart attack while riding his horse near Charlton and was discovered dead on the ground in late November 1918. He had the satisfaction, therefore, of knowing that peace treatment of venereal diseases and died young, too, at the
had broken out and that his sons were part of a victorious
age of 36.
army. But he was not there to greet them on their return
In late 1917 Earl Sydney Neyland sought a discharge
home. Who can say what role he played in encouraging
from the AIF on compassionate grounds. He enlisted in
his sons into the fight? How much family pressure was
March 1915 and joined the 9th Light Horse. He was 25
exerted as each son, in turn, enlisted for the war? And
years of age when he enlisted and single. He served on
what of Margaret Niven Neyland, the mother who
Gallipoli, on the Sinai Peninsula and in Palestine and lost the
worried for each of her sons at war and, in the time of joy
sight of his right eye through his service. He wrote that ‘the
and gratitude, in the time of peace, lost her husband?
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c h a p t e r
s i x
O n t h e We s t e r n F r o n t
W
hat a joy, to the historian seeking certainty and interest, is the war diary of the 14th Battalion, Victoria’s own, still written, it would seem, by Colonel Dare. n Clearly written and with a surprisingly engaging narrative style, the diary is one of the better of this type of record. n And there is food for thought in just about every
entry. n On 22 December the writer allows himself a little reflection on the long campaign that is now over. n He places the battalion on
Mudros, within sight of the Gallipoli peninsula, writing: n
twelve months today from Embarkation in Melbourne
in among the battalion on the front line; on 16 December
for Egypt. Only 4 Officers and 370 others of the original
from 2400 to 0400 a party was out in front of the trenches
Bn that embarked on that date still present with the Bn. Only 2 Officers and 44 others of the Bn have served continuously from the Landing on 26 April to this date without a break of service through wounds, sickness etc.
And yet, the battalion was in the thick of it at Anzac, right up to the end. On 15 December the Turks lobbed some shells
fixing the wire; on 17 December General Birdwood made a visit of inspection. Then, on 18 December, the battalion ‘formed up at 2040 in full marching order and marched off … embarked 2330’. That was it; they were rid of Anzac, all of its achievements, all of its sadness, forever. On 31 December 1915 the battalion disembarked
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at Alexandria at 2100 and, 45 minutes later, the troops
battalion were Victorians. The 46th also contained a large
departed the wharf by train for their next camp. Most
number of Victorians, but there were also some men from
members of the battalion would have taken in the New Year
New South Wales and Western Australia.
in a reflective mood. Had they failed at Gallipoli? Had they
On 31 May 1916 the battalions left for France, to face
deserted the mates they had left behind? What would the
the ‘real’ war, at last. Disembarking at Marseilles they made
folks at home be thinking? Where would they be sent next
the long journey by train to the north of this new land.
and what would the future bring? Would they be able to
Men of the 14th Battalion were on the train for 60 hours,
show their true fighting colours in the next engagements,
often sitting at a station, or at a siding, as trains with higher
possibly against the Germans, their real enemy? Had they
priority flashed past. What a journey: ‘for charm, novelty
learned much about war at Anzac? Would they meet the
and enjoyment [this trip] eclipsed any other experience that
standard expected on the Western Front? Would the 46
the battalion ever underwent abroad … few had ever seen,
blokes who had so far come through unscathed continue on
or will ever see, a fairer picture.’ The Victorians revelled in
their lucky way? As the train rumbled across the desert on
the beauty of the country, starting with the Rhone valley;
its way to Ismailia, there was much to think about.
passing through Paris they caught a glimpse of the Eiffel
The battalion was in the desert for five months at
Tower and vowed to return. All along the journey the
three different camps. With the new recruits pouring in,
local people feted the Australian battalions, and the 14th
the ‘heads’ created a new division, the 4th, into which some
loved it. The people were so friendly and grateful to these
of the 14th Battalion was transferred. The battalion was
strong, handsome men who had come such a distance;
sliced down the middle, with half the troops going to the
they couldn’t do enough for them. Hot drinks, flowers and
new 46th Battalion, a procedure that broke up the mates
little gifts were handed in to the carriages. The population
who had fought together at Anzac. But the 14th remained
consisted almost solely of girls, women and old men. All the
steadfastly a Victorian battalion. At full strength again after
others must have been at the front. A world war all right.
the long months in the desert there were now 27 officers
The newly arrived Australian battalions were now ‘on
and 958 other ranks in the battalion. All but four of the
training wheels’ and getting up to speed in this new war,
officers were Victorians. There was one Queensland officer,
which was no ‘sideshow’, as they now understood Gallipoli
two from New South Wales and a Pom. Good blokes but
to have been. The 14th went to the Bois-Grenier sector,
the Victorians liked their own. Almost all the rest of the
south of Armentières. Like the whole of the Western Front,
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Bois-Grenier was heavily defended, but it was not an
at the Bois-Grenier advanced dressing station the same
active sector. Thus, the troops were able to discover the
day. After the war, the authorities wrote to his mother in
maze of trenches and marvel at the power and constancy
Ballarat East explaining to her that, while the government
of the artillery, in contrast with the few shells lobbed
would bear the cost of Bertie’s permanent headstone, she
into the Anzac lines by the Turks. The men of the 14th
could add a few words about her son at the estimated cost
Battalion took their places on the front line on 28 June
of 3 1/2d per letter. Mrs Mary Pring declined the offer:
1916 where, the next day, they suffered their first loss
‘I can’t get the grave done as I’ve only got my pension to
of life in France. Poor Bertie Pring had just turned 23
depend on as he was my only support.’ She did have his
years of age when he died. Joining up at West Melbourne
rosary beads, though, and a few other personal effects sent
in July 1915, and dead within the year. He suffered a
at departmental expense, to help her remember her only
gunshot wound to the head, shot by a sniper, and died
child.
134
N at i o n a l L i b r a r y o f A u s t r a l i a v n 4982250
N at i o n a l A r c h i v e s o f A u s t r a l i a , B e r t i e P r i n g, B 2455
B ay s i d e L i b r a r y S e r v i c e ID 20024
Mrs Mary Pring couldn’t afford to pay for words on a headstone for her son, Bertie.
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Throughout the war, Melbourne people never wearied of watching military parades. The 4th Light
N at i o n a l L i b r a r y o f A u s t r a l i a v n 4982250
Horse Regiment paraded along Bourke Street on 25 September 1914.
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S tat e L i b r a r y o f V i c to r i a, Wa r pa m phl e t s s e r i e s, S 355.04 W19 (V. 168)
Training required manuals, and there were several published for the AIF. The soldiers might have wondered if there were adequate manuals for the generals.
The 14th Battalion, directed to carry out a raid at
spirits belied their anticipation of what lay ahead. Later that
Bois-Grenier on 2 July 1916, was almost certainly the first
night they climbed out of their trenches to lie in no-man’s-
Australian battalion into action on the Western Front. While
land and wait for the artillery. When it came, the power
the battalion historian questioned the wisdom of these raids,
of the artillery astonished and, quite possibly, terrified the
he accepted that the tactic was all that the ‘heads’ could
raiders. Its power was inconceivable. Of course, the Germans
come up with at the time. The raid was planned so that
responded immediately and, as flares lit up the night and
artillery would bombard the German positions for a period,
shells crashed around them, it was if the raiders were
hoping to destroy the barbed wire in front of their trenches.
stranded in broad daylight. ‘A perfect inferno’, and nearly
The raiders would then hurl themselves into the German
useless. When the artillery lifted and they made their dash
trenches and spend ten minutes creating all manner of
for the enemy’s trenches, the men of the 14th discovered that
mayhem, after which the artillery would start up again and
the shells had failed to break up the belts of wire in front of
give the troops cover to make a quick dash back to their own
the German trenches. Using wire cutters to force their way
lines. That was the theory – stupid enough – in practice it
through, officers and men had their clothes, arms and legs
was even worse.
badly torn. Despite this, they managed to create the mayhem
Just after 8 pm, the men of the 14th Battalion left their quarters to make their way to the front line. Their high
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of their orders. The order to retire meant the agony of a retreat through the wire, carrying their wounded with them.
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Readers of the Melbourne Argus had a first-hand
children each; three sons to Ina, two sons and a daughter to
account of this raid, written by one of the survivors to his
Clement. Such loss, for a lousy little raid that did nothing to
dad, as he lay in a hospital in England. The father, so proud
advance the cause of either of the opposing forces.
of his son’s exploits, sent the account to the Argus, which
Worse was to come, but not yet for the 14th.
published it in full on 26 August 1916 under the heading
Australia’s high level of enlistment from mid-1915 caused
‘Melbourne Boy’s Adventure’. It is a pity that the newspaper
a reorganisation of the existing formations and several
did not give the name of its author because without it we
new units were created. One of these, the 15th Brigade,
cannot know if this lad survived. He explained that, for
comprising the 57th–60th battalions, was predominantly
at least 90 minutes, he and his mates lay in a ditch filled
Victorian in composition. The 57th–60th battalions
with icy water on the way back to their own lines, while
were formed out of the 5th–8th battalions, which were
the Germans raked no-man’s-land with machine-gun fire.
Victorian. The 57th was made up of men from the suburbs
Hit in the thigh the ‘Melbourne Boy’ relied on a mate’s
of Melbourne, and half of its intake came from the old 5th
strength to drag him along, as his right foot was useless.
Battalion. The 58th grew out of the 6th Battalion and the
Later, a strongly built sergeant picked him up and carried
59th from the 7th (which had been made up, predominantly,
him home with German bullets whipping around them.
of men from rural Victoria). The unfortunate 60th came
The sergeant, the boy reported, then went back for four
from the old 8th Battalion.
other wounded men after handing the ‘Melbourne Boy’ to
In charge of these men was Harold Edward Elliott,
the care of stretcher-bearers. ‘Australians will do for me’
who was known to all, to his regret, as ‘Pompey’. Born to
the boy wrote, ‘after the things I saw them do that night.’
a Victorian farmer and his wife at West Charlton in 1878,
For three-quarters of the men in the Bois-Grenier raid,
Elliott simply loved soldiering and always had. He was
this was the first action they saw; they were fresh recruits
academically gifted and won all manner of scholarships and
from Victoria, emboldened to enlist, many of them, by the
prizes, but, despite earning his living as a lawyer, he could
stories from Anzac. Perhaps they were some of the 21 000
not be kept out of a uniform. He fought in South Africa,
Victorians, like Bertie Pring, who had enlisted in July 1915.
continued in the militia after that war and, as soon as war
What an initiation into combat: three-quarters of the men
broke out in August 1914, he was back in the thick of it and
in the raid were either killed or wounded and all the officers
appointed to command Victoria’s 7th Battalion. He fought
in the raid were out of the fight. Then, to compound the
with great bravery at Gallipoli, especially at Lone Pine
experience, the Germans counterattacked the next night.
where he led his battalion to repel the Turkish counterattack,
At this stage of the fighting on the Western Front, this
and took part in the hand-to-hand combat. Four of his
was all the adversaries knew how to do and the pattern was
battalion received the Victoria Cross, he might easily have
set. In the mopping up after the German counterattack, it
been the fifth.
was discovered that the battalion’s twin brothers, Ina and
Despite Elliott’s experience and love of the military
Clement Moore of Ballarat, had both been killed. They
behind him, the ‘heads’ were not moved to listen to his
had been born on the same day, they enlisted on the same
wisdom. Told that his 15th Brigade would be one of three
day, and they died on the same day. Both men, the one an
Australian brigades to make a go of it in a planned attack at
engine-driver, the other a carpenter, left wives and three
Fromelles, alongside a British division, Elliott was appalled.
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With casualty lists published so regularly in the newspapers after April 1915, did spectators look on at least some of these men
A u s t r a l i a n Wa r M e m o r i a l j 00331
as marching to their deaths?
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First, the attack would start in broad daylight. Secondly, the attackers would be pushing up onto the higher ground, running directly into massed German machine guns, which could pour lead down onto them before they were anywhere near the enemy’s trenches. Thirdly, the Germans were very well dug in, and would shelter from the artillery in their concrete bunkers, ready to re-emerge as the infantry came through, free to employ their massive machine-gun superiority. It was madness, Elliott raged, suicidal. Into the fight went the 14th Brigade, from New South Wales, the Victorian 15th, and the 8th, a composite brigade from all states except Tasmania, but including a fair proportion of Victorians. Elliott loved his men and visited his battalions around dawn each morning. And they returned that love, respect and admiration. His plans for his brigade had the major assault falling on the 59th and 60th battalions, with the 57th in reserve. The 57th Battalion came off relatively lightly, the 58th lost one-third of its strength and the 59th suffered heavy losses. But, with 757 casualties, the 60th Battalion was virtually wiped out. It is impossible to overstate the sickening loss that Fromelles represented to the people of Victoria. Pompey Elliott stood in the front line, tears streaming down his cheeks, shaking the hand of each of the returning survivors. Charles Bean said of him that he looked like a man who had lost his wife, so great was his affection for his men. Fromelles was permanently etched into Elliott’s heart and mind. The Australians suffered 5533 casualties overnight at Fromelles. It was, writes Elliott’s biographer, the worst 24 hours in Australian history. Not in Australian military history, he emphasises, but in the entire story of Australia. Consider what was lost: many of the men in Elliott’s battalions were from the original battalions, raised in the excitement of Melbourne in the heady days of August 1914. They had fought and survived at Gallipoli, where they became hardened, experienced soldiers, thoughtful and full
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A u s t r a l i a n Wa r M e m o r i a l J 00321
Every man in the AIF swore allegiance and knew that he would remain a soldier until serious wounds, death or victory intervened. By 1917 many Australian soldiers feared that they would never see victory.
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A u s t r a l i a n Wa r M e m o r i a l A 02607
Brigadier-General Harold ‘Pompey’ Elliott
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of initiative. So loyal to their officers and the AIF were
and recover wounded mates and to protect individuals and
they that they had accepted the break-up of the original
whole parties of men from the wrath of the extraordinary
battalions, and marched sadly, but loyally, to the new
German fire. Yet, no man was awarded the Victoria Cross
battalions. They accepted their new circumstances among
at Fromelles, as seven Australians had been so honoured
the raw recruits of 1915 partly, at least, because Elliott was
at Lone Pine. Nor can the historian of Fromelles point to
in charge. And they were sacrificed to the vanity, arrogance,
any strategic gain to the Allied position that might obviate
inexperience and sheer ineptitude of British general Richard
the full impact of this appalling loss of life. Standing on
Haking, who was infuriated that Pompey Elliott, a colonial,
the battlefield today, one weeps for the sheer profligacy of
for God’s sake, would seek to contest his orders.
it all. It is not hard to see how a man could lose his mind
what could he do? He was as much under orders as the most
of Australia. Homes across Victoria must surely have been plunged
junior soldier in his brigade. The futility of the attack was
into misery as a result of Fromelles. Yet, the casualty lists as
evident from its earliest planning. The battle of the Somme
published in the Argus and elsewhere, reveal a cover-up. The
began on 1 July 1916 and little progress was made. Haking
long and horrifying lists of names of those killed in action,
proposed a feint at Fromelles to draw German troops away
those who died of wounds, and those who were wounded,
from the Somme and to give the boys there a better chance.
which one would expect to read, were not printed. On list
But the position at Fromelles was so obviously unimportant
191, published on 10 August 1916, only 96 soldiers from
that even the most stupid German commander could see
across Australia were listed as killed in action. Similarly list
the attack for what it was, a matter of no importance or
192, published on 14 August, records 44 men as killed in
consequence. Except, in its outcome, to the soldiers who
action and another 74 as died of wounds. The 194 and 195
were sent into the fight. Elliott saw all this at a glance; and
lists, published together on 18 August, almost one month
yet he must do as he was told. The awfulness of it gnawed at
after the battle, name 210 men as killed in action: 5 officers
him throughout the war and he became erratic, thereafter,
and 205 other ranks. Surely word had come back to Australia
in his relations with his superiors. Senior promotion never
by then. And, surely, Fromelles should have resulted in lists
came his way, a failure that plagued him until, unable
naming many more hundreds of men.
to withstand the pressure, he took his own life in 1931.
The Department of Defence published casualty lists
One cannot doubt that Elliott took this step as a direct
as military orders, the official confirmation of the status of
consequence of that awful night at Fromelles, 19–20 July
those killed, wounded and missing. Helpfully, these orders
1916. If Pompey Elliott lost his mind out of all of this, how
also stated the number of the casualty lists as published in
many other survivors suffered a similar fate?
the ‘Press’, as the department called the newspapers. Thus,
War historians often cover up the loss of life in war
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thinking of what is, arguably, the worst day ever in the story
S tat e L i b r a r y o f V i c to r i a , P i c t u r e s C o ll e c t i o n, H 37658/10
Pompey Elliott believed that he had betrayed his soldiers by allowing them to enter this severely unequal fight. But
Military Order 410 states that it ‘includes official Lists issued
– it is an inevitable consequence, after all – with heroic
to the Press Nos. 192, 193, 194 and 195.’ A comparison
narratives asserting the strategic difference that the battle
of these lists demonstrates that there was no discrepancy
made to the home side’s overall position. There was great
between the figures released by the military and those
heroism at Fromelles, especially in the attempts to care for
printed in the papers. In Military Order 420, published on
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29 August 1916, one man from the 57th Battalion is listed
in this attack had to face shell-fire more heavy and more
as killed in action, and two men from the 60th Battalion.
continuous than was ever known in Gallipoli’. Though
Military Order 462, published on 26 September 1916,
many of the Australians had not been on Gallipoli, he
lists seven men from the 59th Battalion and nine from
declared, and were seeing action for the first time, even
the 60th as killed in action. But, with Military Order 471,
so, he reported, they seem ‘to have been worthy of all the
published on 3 October 1916, the veil begins to be lifted:
traditions of Anzac’. Bean asserted that many Germans
it reveals that 86 men of the 59th Battalion and 20 men
had been killed, which seems unlikely, but, ominously, he
of the 60th Battalion are listed as missing. And Military
concluded his account chillingly: ‘the losses among our
Order 490, published on 17 October 1916, lists 114 men
troops engaged were severe.’ As the casualty telegrams
from 59th Battalion and 248 from the 60th as missing. Men
began to flow into Victorian homes, families would have
listed as missing have no date attached to their names, so it
understood his meaning, but because the published casualty
would be impossible for even a fully alert reader to discern
lists were so contained, even untruthful, the average
that these men were most likely victims of the battle at
newspaper reader had no idea of the disaster that had
Fromelles. The battle went almost
befallen the state.
S tat e L i b r a r y o f V i c to r i a , P i c t u r e s C o ll e c t i o n, H 37658/10
unreported and unremarked because the extent of the loss at Fromelles was
The AIF spent the first five months of 1916 training intensively in the Egyptian
never revealed. Even the Australian
desert. As a result the Australian
War Memorial as designed by its
troops could not be rushed into ‘the
founders, so complete in every
first day on the Somme’, 1 July
other detail, never attempted
1916, when some 57 740 British
a display or diorama, telling
soldiers were casualties. As was
the story of Fromelles. Only
clear at Fromelles, the ‘heads’
in recent times, particularly
had not yet established a way of
with the discovery of the
fighting on the Western Front.
massed graves there, has the
Engagements were haphazard
tragedy of Fromelles begun to
and woefully costly for the
be recognised more widely.
soldiers involved. Who could
Charles Bean, the official
survive a wall of steel producing
correspondent, wrote of Fromelles
6000 bullets per minute? This, combined
in a dispatch published in the Melbourne papers on 24 July 1916, just days after the battle. He did not name the location, describing it simply as ‘south of Armentières’: ‘Our troops
with shells shrieking down on them, left the
White feathers became more common as ill feeling increased among the people at home. Defence designed a medal to be worn by those classified as unfit to show that they had tried to enlist.
troops defenceless, as never before in human history. The average casualty rate suffered by a battalion in the first days on the Somme was 66 per cent. Some
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battalions suffered 80 per cent casualties on the first day; and a battalion of Newfoundlanders suffered a casualty rate of 90 per cent. It was just awful. The Australians were held back; but their good luck could not last. The Australian divisions were thrown into the fight at Pozières on 23 July and would be stuck there and at Mouquet Farm for the next seven weeks or so, gaining such little ground and losing, eventually, over 23 000 men killed or wounded. Perhaps that is another reason why Fromelles has been overlooked. Awful as those 5500 casualties overnight were, they are less horrendous than the 23 000 casualties on the Somme. Having missed the battle of Fromelles, to their enormous good fortune, Victoria’s 14th Battalion nursed its wounds after its first raid at Bois-Grenier. Then, on 6 August
A separate file was
1916, the battalion entered the fight at Pozières, a good
created for every man
month and more after the battle had commenced. On that
who enlisted. Each file
battlefield, they encountered sights and sensations that were gruesome in the extreme. Dead bodies littered the ground in
gives the details of the
various stages of decomposition and, more ghastly, perhaps,
soldier’s service.
body parts lay about indiscriminately and everywhere; an arm or a leg here, a torso there. The stench of decay was everywhere. The shriek of the shells, continuous since the first mad dash on 1 July, combined terrifyingly with the shake of the earth as they hit. Hot, dirty, stinking. For men entering the battle for the first time, there were no words to describe what they experienced. The village of Pozières had been transformed into a place of dust and rubble, pitted with enormous holes. We can read the statistics, the first-hand accounts, and the many books that have been written about the Somme, but if you were not there, you could not possibly understand it. Empathy is impossible because the Somme was so beyond human experience as to be beyond human comprehension. In seeking to understand, we reduce the story to a man or a few men; to a battalion. But we cannot comprehend the scale
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A u s t r a l i a n Wa r M e m o r i a l J 00320
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of the thing: the massive numbers of men, the extraordinary numbers of shell and machine-gun bullets, the vast scale of death or injury. We stand with Bean at the windmill site, beyond Pozières village, and we reflect on his words that no other place on earth is so thickly drenched in Australian blood. But still we struggle to understand. As did Bean. How, he must have wondered, to write back to the Argus in Melbourne, or to all the other Australian papers that were taking his copy, and show the readers what
The awfulness of the battlefield – destruction in every direction
was really happening? Bean stood on the wreckage of a battlefield that had been torn to shreds by three weeks of fighting, and saw what the soldiers saw, the dead, the body parts, the earth turned to rubbish, and he wrote, almost primly: tonight an Australian force will charge over this front in an attack which I fancy will be a greater test than the Lone Pine attack, and perhaps even greater than the Landing on Gallipoli … “I believe we are going to hop over to see Fritz tonight” said one, looking up. They know well the sort of job that is ahead.
S tat e L i b r a r y o f V i c to r i a , P i c t u r e s C o ll e c t i o n, H 84.205/33
No-one, however, could really understand that job unless they were right in the thick of it. Individual bravery counted, of course, even in the midst of the awful power of shells and bullets. Albert Jacka was still with the 14th, having been made an officer after training in Egypt. On his first night on the Somme he sheltered in a dugout from the fury of a German onslaught. Two Germans appeared at its entrance and rolled bombs towards him and his mates, two of whom were killed outright. Jacka, enraged, chased the perpetrators out of the dugout, only to encounter a German party escorting about 40 Australian prisoners away from the fight. Jacka rallied his platoon of about seven men and, with bayonet and rifle fire, overwhelmed the German party. In hand-to-hand fighting Jacka’s party captured 42 men, released the Australians, who then turned on their captors, and showed that the individual could still make
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More Australians lost their lives on the battlefields around Pozières than anywhere else.
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a difference on the battlefield. The line was retaken and the Germans repelled. All of Jacka’s men were wounded,
when his brother Bill had encountered him at a casualty
Bert seriously with wounds to neck and shoulder. Jacka
clearing station, he was quite sure that he would never
was awarded the Military Cross, although many believed
see Bert again. It seemed as if all the blood had been
he should have received the higher decoration of a bar to
drained from him. Jacka was in hospital with hundreds of
his Victoria Cross. But did a colonial really deserve what
Victorians from his battalion, and thousands of Australians
had never yet been awarded even to a British soldier? Bean
from all the battalions. The chaplains were working
described Jacka’s counterattack ‘as the most dramatic and
overtime burying the dead and everyone contemplated the
effective act of individual audacity in the history of the AIF’.
impossibility of sustaining casualties of this magnitude.
The battalion war diarist, Lieutenant-Colonel Dare,
S tat e L i b r a r y o f V i c to r i a , P i c t u r e s C o ll e c t i o n, H 84.205/45
By 9 August Jacka was in a London hospital, although
When the 14th was relieved from Pozières on 13 August
wrote more sparingly in his account of the events of
the official tally indicated that one officer had been
7 August, recording that a ‘counterattack [was] made from
killed and five had been wounded, 49 other ranks killed
our trenches with the result that a party of the 48th Battalion
and 320 wounded; 30 men were posted as missing. But
who had been captured by the enemy were rescued and about
these statistics are wrong; later returns showed that an
50 of the enemy taken prisoners and about 150 estimated
additional six officers and 399 men were also missing.
killed and wounded.’ The description is hardly sufficiently
Most of these would have been killed in action or died
graphic to merit a Victoria Cross for Jacka, although, of
later of their wounds. Such was the shortage of men,
course, a separate recommendation would have been written.
however, that the 14th was back in action at Mouquet
The diarist records that on this day, 26 other ranks were
Farm on 27 August in another failed attack. Casualties
killed, 25 were missing and three officers, including Jacka,
were lighter but still ghastly. By then, the 14th was done
and 110 other ranks wounded. One of the wounded officers,
for and removed to Flanders, a fragment of its former
Lieutenant HS Dobie, later died of his wounds.
strength. On 21 October the 14th returned to the Somme
Jacka’s extraordinary individual effort was not typical of
to winter quarters near Flers. Jacka rejoined the battalion
fighting on the Western Front. Do we make too much of
in November and together it, and the rest of the AIF,
individual gallantry and initiative in a war of millions of
endured the worst winter in living memory. Such was the
bullets and shells, of mechanised madness? Perhaps the real
misery of life on the Western Front.
bravery on the battlefield was to be found in those who just
With elegance and calm throughout these dark days,
kept on going in these atrocious conditions and simply did as
Colonel Dare maintained his battalion war diary. His tally
they were told to do. Remember ‘Dad’ Brotchie from Fitzroy?
of the death and wounding suffered by his men mounts up
Surely he was too old for fighting of this nature? Fortunately
in the margins. Officers are named, other ranks are just
for him and his nine children, ‘Dad’ was finally given a safe
statistics. But turning the pages of the diary from early
billet, either running a canteen behind the line when the
August, when the battalion entered the fight, to the end
troops were engaged, or at rest with them at Bois-Grenier.
of the year, day after day, the tally of death, the number
The battalion historian loses interest in him thereafter. It
evacuated to hospital wounded and sick, grows. Could
takes all types to make up a battalion of soldiers and not
those at home understand these losses, let alone sustain
everyone, by any means, was in the enemy’s line of fire.
them? Wanted men, wanted more men.
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Indigenous Victorians
T
here are no records indicating how many
was allowed a soldier settlement block. What a disgrace,
Indigenous Victorians left their homes and
to discriminate so obviously when in war all had been
families to fight for their homeland in the war.
equal.
The enlistment forms asked no questions about
race and, indeed, it was assumed that persons of
‘half-caste Aboriginal’ on his enlistment form, but this is
Aboriginal descent would be excluded by the recruiters.
a fiction. His parents, Bessie and William, were full-
This was not the case. The enlistment form of an
blooded Aboriginal people. They lived at Purnim,
Aboriginal soldier will often have ‘dark’ written in the
north-east of Warrnambool. Reg enlisted in March 1916,
column under complexion. Additional words, such as
joining the 29th Battalion. He described himself as a
‘half-caste aboriginal’, may also have been written
‘horse breaker’. Reg reached France in November 1916,
somewhere on the form, but rarely. Large numbers of
but within a month was in hospital with trench feet, the
Indigenous Victorians enlisted and served overseas. Nine
debilitating disease caused by standing in waterlogged
members of the Lake Tyers community enlisted for the
trenches for long periods with no opportunity to dry the
war and four were killed. Hard research indicates that
feet. Reg returned to the front line in October 1917 and
similar figures could be obtained from most Aboriginal
was killed in action in August 1918. The award to him
settlements and communities.
of a Military Medal was notified 18 days after Reg’s death.
These Indigenous Victorians took all the risks of war,
150
William Reginald ‘Reg’ Rawlings is described as a
Reg Rawlings was a very brave soldier. He had been
were treated as all soldiers were treated and they died,
the ‘first bayonet man’ in a bombing team; that is, Reg’s
were wounded, took sick, just like their white mates in
job had been to storm the enemy front-line trenches,
the platoons and companies in which they served. Some
bayoneting all he found and clearing the way for the
were decorated for their bravery; some were promoted.
men behind him to come in with their bombs. What a
They might have thought that their loyal service at war
terrible job. He showed, so the citation for his award
entitled them to the same benefits that other Australian
read, ‘rare bravery in the performance of his duty killing
soldiers enjoyed. Yet was any Aboriginal returned man
many of the enemy, brushing aside all opposition and
offered land under the Victorian soldier settlement
cleared the way effectively for the bombers of his team.’
scheme? Research at the Public Record Office Victoria
He showed, the citation concluded, ‘irresistible dash and
shows that only one Indigenous Victorian, Percy Pepper,
courage.’
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Reg was Bessie’s only son and she was devastated by
A u s t r a l i a n Wa r M e m o r i a l P 01695.002
A u s t r a l i a n Wa r M e m o r i a l P 01695.001
Reg Rawlings MM
Harry Thorpe MM
example. The department explained that this remained
the news of his death, but proud. ‘I am very pleased to see
government property. Surprised by this, she wrote ‘I
in your letter that my son is awarded a medal from the
thought it was given to him my dear late son as his own
King’ she wrote in April 1919, when the department at
to keep … I hope however to get some of my dear late
last informed her of Reg’s high honour. But she wanted
son’s effects when they do come.’ This was in May 1919;
more by which to remember her son. His uniform, for
the wheels of government moved very slowly.
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When the parcels from the front did arrive, Bessie’s
commander. By his splendid example and disregard of all
heart swelled with sadness and pride. She wrote that
danger he inspired those under him.’ Harry was killed
she was very pleased to have the ‘personal effects of my
on the same day as Reg Rawlings, 9 August 1918. An
darling son who gave his dear life for King and Country.
honoured and well-loved soldier, he suffered terrible
My only darling son he was all the world to me and he
wounds in battle and died the same day. His sister wrote
is gone forever. He told me if he should fall to always
how ‘excited’ she was to see a picture of his grave.
think of him in a soldier’s grave.’ He was buried at Heath
There is a shameful letter at the end of Harry
cemetery near Harbonnieres, so far from his country and
Thorpe’s soldier’s file. Some years later the secretary of
his people. Yet Bessie still believed that she was entitled
the Lakes Entrance RSL, Francis G Stephens, a school
to his kit: ‘I wanted to be treated as other mothers in
teacher who had been four times wounded in action,
getting their sons kit and sent home to them.’ Was there
wrote to the department seeking a statement of Harry’s
discrimination here, or just departmental indifference to a
service at war:
grieving mother? Harry Thorpe enlisted from the other side of Victoria, at Orbost in far Gippsland. He was 28 years of age, a labourer and married to Julia when he enlisted in February 1916. In July 1916 Harry was in France, a member of the 7th Battalion, and in the thick of it. He was wounded twice, in August 1916 a gunshot wound
Thorpe is a full-blooded black and to our knowledge had a fine record and died I believe of wounds. Some exceptionally slanderous statements have been made to the effect that this soldier saw no fighting and died of disease and the old people are very upset, appealing to the branch to contradict these and uphold the man’s integrity.
to the leg and in April 1917 a gunshot wound to the
152
shoulder. On 5 October 1917, a special day for Harry,
Hundreds of Indigenous Victorians enlisted and fought
he was promoted corporal and also awarded the Military
in the war. Did those who survived suffer, after the war,
Medal. What a fine soldier he had become, the citation
the discrimination and indifference experienced by the
tells us: ‘[he] displayed great courage and initiative in
bereaved relatives and friends of these two brave men who
mopping up enemy dugouts and pillboxes … [he was]
gave their lives for their country? As the lone example
conspicuous for his courage and leadership, handling
of Percy Pepper shows, there was active discrimination
the men with skill and materially assisting his company
working against these brave and gallant soldiers.
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c h a p t e r
s e v e n
Conscription
P
rime Minister Billy Hughes was sworn in to office on 27 October 1915 at Government House in Melbourne. n He was the logical successor to Andrew Fisher, but he had none of Fisher’s charm or refinement. n Where Fisher was a strikingly handsome man, Hughes was not. n Short, gnarled and energetic, Hughes always looked as though he was spoiling for a fight. n On 20 January 1916, having
been in office for less than three months, Hughes sailed for Canada on his way to England. n He would return to Melbourne on 8 August
1916, after nearly eight months abroad. n Truly an absentee prime minister. n When Hughes reached London on 7 March 1916 he
The first contingent of Australians, 1 Anzac Corps, began
might have been expected to almost immediately hop over
arriving in France later in March. In the meantime,
to France to see how the war was going. But what was the
wherever Hughes travelled in Britain, or into whichever
point of that? The Australian troops were still in Egypt,
influential political office in London he lobbed, he heard
hard-pressed at training and absorbing the huge number of
praise for the AIF from all quarters. Everyone was saying
recent recruits into AIF structures, and would remain there
to him that the Anzacs had done so splendidly on Gallipoli
during the first part of the prime minister’s time in London.
and so much was expected of them when they reached
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A recruiting rally at Mildura. Conscription
France. Anzac was the name that drew the highest praise:
would, of course, bring an end to such rallies.
from the King, the British prime minister, other ministers, churchmen, journalists, and the ordinary people on the streets. As prime minister, and being ultimately responsible for these mighty soldiers, Hughes could take much pride in their achievements. And he did. It is not too much to say that the AIF was the passion of Hughes’s life. Whenever possible he loved to mingle with the soldiers, yarn with them and study, in detail, their exploits. His popularity with the troops took time to grow and, in June, when he first addressed the Australians in France, near Fleurbaix, there was an undercurrent of dissent because he had kept the soldiers waiting for several hours. The men he was addressing were as yet inexperienced and, for the most part, new recruits from 1915 who had enlisted under the spell of Anzac. Hughes promised them that the people at home had the soldiers very much in their hearts and would never forget them and their dependants, during or after the war. A month later these troops would be in action at Pozières and many of the soldiers, then listening critically to the prime minister, would have need of his promises of care and concern. When he issued his ‘Call to Arms’ in December 1915, Hughes said that ‘to wage this war with less than our full strength is to commit national suicide by slowly bleeding to death’. It was emotive language, but Hughes was passionate about the need for reinforcements for the soldiers who were doing so much. Just before he arrived in London,
M i l d u r a a n d D i s t r i c t H i s to r i c a l S o c i e t y ID 5858
the British Government introduced conscription. With more than three million volunteers already in the army, the government nevertheless believed that it must have more men. The first British Act introducing conscription specified that all single men aged between 18 and 41 would be called up; making an exemption, though, for widowers with dependent children. Four months later the Act was revised, calling up all men in the age group, regardless of
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b ay s i d e l i b r a r y s e r v i c e i d 3wa r r 1
Working for the cause. These Brighton plumbers are making hot water bottles for soldiers at the front.
marital status. In April 1918 the age group was extended
minister and, as his car took him to the federal Parliament
to men up to 51 years of age. Hughes was impressed by
House in Spring Street, hundreds lined the route to wave
the British Government’s determination to fight the war
and welcome him, his wife and baby daughter home.
to the full. At about the time that he was speaking to the
The Argus reported that he looked well and happy, ‘his
Australian soldiers in France, New Zealand also passed a Compulsory Service Act.
face is bronzed and [he] looks more robust than when he
Hughes arrived back in Melbourne on 8 August 1916
left Australia. There are no signs of … the burden of his heavy responsibilities [as he returns] to take up the threads
and was met by enthusiastic crowds. When the train from
of grave problems in a great crisis’. Chief among these
Adelaide pulled into Spencer Street station there were
problems was whether or not Hughes’s government would
as many as 5000 people gathered to welcome the prime
have the strength and tenacity to introduce conscription.
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The patriotic middle class was keen to help the war effort, raising funds for the soldiers and demanding that Prime Minister Hughes
Punch 30 A u g u s t 1917, S tat e L i b r a r y o f V i c to r i a , N e w spa p e r s C o ll e c t i o n
Ya r r a L i b r a r i e s ID r l 185
introduce conscription.
Young men from Richmond about to join the AIF. No ‘cruel law’ dragged them to the front.
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The crowds of people at the railway station and in the
and soon. Ominously Hughes concluded his speech with
streets had not assembled by chance. They came to show
an observation: ‘I believe I shall have the support of nine-
that they expected the prime minister, now that he was back
tenths of the people of Australia.’
in charge of his government, to give voice to a demand
Fearing that some readers might not clearly understand
for conscription, for compulsory service at the war. After
the assumption behind the prime minister’s speech, an
all, they reasoned, he had been to the battlefields and seen
Argus editorial spelt it out:
the lie of the land; he must now know that conscription alone could provide the men that the war demanded. For months, if not the whole of the year and earlier, there had been a groundswell of acceptance of conscription for service overseas. It was only fair, people argued, that all citizens should be involved in the great crisis, and that the
Mr Hughes, who proclaims himself the representative of nine-tenths of the people, knows that an insistent demand of a vast majority of the people has been that service in the war shall be made compulsory. This is demanded in the name of justice, on grounds of efficiency and in the interests of future internal peace and concord.
burdens of war should not fall only on the patriotic sections of society. So, let the prime minister clearly state his policy,
‘It is repugnant,’ the paper continued, that thousands of
even if members of his political party were less enthusiastic.
young men ‘are held to be absolved from all duty and
People turned out to welcome Hughes home and exhort
obligation to the Commonwealth.’ Hughes must act, the
him to do the right thing.
paper demanded, and be quick about it. So was brewing one
Punch 30 A u g u s t 1917, S tat e L i b r a r y o f V i c to r i a , N e w spa p e r s C o ll e c t i o n
Later that day, at the town hall, the Lord Mayor of Melbourne, Sir David Hennessy, tendered a public
of the greatest fights in Victoria’s history. Perhaps nine-tenths of the people in the town hall that
welcome to the prime minister. With 50 returned soldiers
day were passionately pleading for conscription. The group
sitting on the platform behind him, Hughes delivered a
of Hughes’s federal Cabinet colleagues who had come with
powerful speech, which was received with great enthusiasm.
him to the welcome home would have included a small
He began by speaking of the responsibilities of citizenship:
number who joined the very small minority in the hall
this crisis, the greatest in our history, casts on us, as free citizens, a great responsibility. Each has to bear his share of the burden, as becomes a free citizen, when his country is tottering and may even fall … We still have much to do and to dare … We must resolve to sacrifice all things that we may be victorious.
that opposed compulsory service. The federal Opposition was represented by Sir William (‘Iceberg’) Irvine. The Victorian premier, Sir Alexander Peacock, was there, along with parliamentary colleagues, Messrs Adamson, Baillieu, Hagelthorn, Robinson and Lawson. The speakers of the federal and state houses attended, as did the secretary of the Trades and Labour Council, Mr C Gray. The galleries
Hughes did not mention conscription specifically in this
above the main hall were reserved for ladies. Almost every
speech, but as there had been so much discussion about
person in this hall expected and demanded that the prime
the need for conscription among parliamentarians, in the
minister introduce compulsion. Yet Hughes’s biographer
newspapers and, we may assume, among ordinary folk,
suggests that Hughes, in fact, had not finally made up
there was an understanding in the hall that the prime
his mind. The power of the meeting may well have been
minister must address the question of conscription directly,
influential.
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Why did most of those in power and authority in Melbourne, and more generally around the state, and most of the Victorian middle class, so genuinely, warmly and urgently embrace the idea of compulsion for military service? The mood that dominated the state when war broke out, which saw the burgeoning of the belief that this was a just war and that the Empire must win, no matter what the sacrifices gives a partial explanation. So too, does the spirit that grew among Victoria’s secondary schoolboys – almost all from the middle classes – that this was a war from which they could not, must not, stand aside. We
A send-off for
need to remember boys like JD Burns, exemplary scholar
Brunswick recruits in
and thoroughly decent young man, imperial poet, of the
1915. The conscription
strongest loyalty and patriotism, who is buried on Gallipoli,
campaigns would badly
within hearing of the gentle waves, his young life sacrificed in a noble cause. Was it fair, those who knew him asked,
damage the sense of
that his life be freely surrendered for a great and glorious
community cohesion
cause, while men (in their view) less noble, less promising, less favoured than he, be allowed to continue their lives as
displayed here.
if nothing was demanded of them? It is certain that a great many of the men and women in the hall had sons at the war. WL Baillieu, for example, there among the Victorian parliamentarians, had three boys at the war, two serving with the Australians and one in the British army. All three survived. Most importantly, this unanimity of opinion and experience was built on the networks that made the state of Victoria work. These men knew each other: through family and school connections, sport and clubs, business, shared interests, churches. They all read the same newspapers – agreed with the near unanimous position on conscription that was adopted by these papers. The newspapers argued incessantly that the war must be won, that no sacrifice was too great in its winning, and that the obligations of citizenship should not fall on one class too heavily or
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the Argus, principally, but also the Age and the Herald – and
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exclusively. To see that assembly in the Melbourne Town
by the voluntary system. At the town hall recruiting station
Hall reacting with enthusiasm and as one to the as-yet
the statewide figures were tallied daily. On 8 August,
unspoken demand for compulsion is to gain some insight
the day Hughes spoke, 76 men had volunteered and 47
into the exercise of power and influence in Melbourne and
were accepted throughout the state; the next day, 84
throughout the state.
men volunteered and 53 were accepted; the day after, 77
And yet there was an element of delusion in the thinking of these men. They could not see, though the evidence was
of 1247 Victorians joined up, 6345 across the whole of
plainly before them, that the working men of Australia were
Australia. On these figures the AIF would inevitably begin
shouldering so much of the war effort. For every JD Burns,
to decrease in size, particularly if it experienced another
public schoolboy, buried on Gallipoli, there were 100 or
disaster like Pozières.
200 Bertie Prings, labourer of West Melbourne, the sole
It was one thing for Hughes to reach the conclusion
support of his widowed mother; she who was too poor to
that compulsion was the right policy; it was another thing
be able to afford her own few words on his headstone. Of
entirely to see the passage of the necessary legislation
course there were plenty of men in Victoria who had not
through parliament. (Hughes could simply have imposed
yet enlisted, and may never have intended to enlist. But the
conscription under the broad-ranging provisions of the War
men in the town hall could not know why each one had
Precautions Act, but that might have been a step too far.)
taken their decision. If men like Irvine or Peacock had given
Taking the parliamentary route, Hughes could be reasonably
thought to the circumstances of young Robert Menzies, who
confident that, with the total support of the Opposition,
was unquestionably one of their class, perhaps their support
the bill would pass the lower House. But Labor, holding
for compulsion would have developed a more complex
31 out of 36 seats, dominated the Senate and Hughes
hue, reflecting the diversity of individual circumstance.
could see the possibility there of the rejection of the bill.
Menzies gave his word to his brothers, as they enlisted, that
He believed, however, that an overwhelming majority of
he would remain at home. It was a sensible family compact
Australians wanted to see conscription introduced, certainly
that compulsion might invalidate. What of Mrs Pring, of
not the nine-tenths majority of which he had boasted, but a
Ballarat East, surviving on the pension her son had won,
substantial majority anyway. What if he took a giant public
poor beyond their comprehension? War, however, is not
opinion poll and showed his victory to the Senate? ‘Look’,
conducive to reflection. It seems that there was no room for
he would say to them, ‘something like 75 per cent of the
a better understanding of competing pressures: family or
people have voted in favour of conscription. Senators, you
country; survival of the family farm and family business or
cannot possibly stand in the way of such an overwhelming
overwhelming sacrifice?
demonstration of public opinion’. If the legislation could be
The horrendous losses at Pozières and Mouquet Farm,
rushed through parliament, the conscripted troops might
of which Hughes would have had some inkling when he
begin to flow to Europe early in the new year, possibly to
spoke in Melbourne on 8 August, but which would become
join the fighting for the offensive of next spring.
clearer soon, made the cause of compulsion even more
160
volunteered and 46 were accepted. Over August a total
To the dismay of some of his supporters, who wanted
insistent. Seven weeks of fighting resulted in the loss of
action right now, Hughes announced that a vote on
23 000 men, a number that simply could not be replaced
conscription would take place on Saturday 28 October
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his aims, took no account of the profound risk to the
needed a special draft of 32 500 men in September, and
nation that the vote entailed. Australia had convinced
then 16 500 a month thereafter, for every month of the
itself that the people were united in the war effort. What
war (which Hughes and many of the planners in London
if the referendum campaign revealed vast differences of
believed may last even into 1920). Voluntarism could never
opinion about the war? The sacred crusade, that must
make up these numbers, he explained, and therefore the
absorb the entire nation’s activity, might, for others, be of
people would be asked to authorise compulsion. Hughes’s
less importance than local issues, such as the safety and
certainty that he could carry the people with him, and
security of the family, the rights of ordinary working men
that the referendum was the surest method of achieving
to good wages and secure jobs, or the ongoing security and
Punch 17 F e b r u a r y 1916, S tat e L i b r a r y o f V i c to r i a , N e w spa p e r s C o ll e c t i o n
1916. He told parliament on 30 August that Australia
The evacuation at Gallipoli might have harmed recruiting, so people went out of their way to encourage men into the ranks.
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economic health of the nation. Already, with so many men
Macfarland. Three more professors were on the executive
away, the economy was in danger; to take more men out
committee, as was Alfred Deakin, a former Australian
of employment might prove fatal. Men working the family
prime minister and leading Victorian. It was agreed that
farm, with sons and other farm workers away, were working
membership of the league would be open to all men and
to capacity. If the little labour remaining was withdrawn,
women over 18 years of age, and that there would be no
would the farm remain viable, or would that be lost, too,
subscription levied on members, although donations would
in the name of the Empire? And then there were the moral
be welcome. It cannot be known whether the existence
questions: did the state have the right to force men to war
and campaigning of the Universal Services Leagues
against their own wishes? In authorising the referendum
helped shape the prime minister’s thinking in favour of
Hughes was asking a great deal of the voters and risking a
conscription, but the league’s enthusiasm must have given
greatly divided society, if he reflected that nine-tenths of
him confidence that influential people would vote and
the people are never in agreement on anything.
campaign for ‘Yes’.
newspapers everywhere clamoured for conscription. Since
being proposed as the best method for winning the war.
1915 prominent citizens had banded together in Universal
Hughes knew that; he had only to look to his own party.
Service Leagues to plead with the government for what
Frank Tudor won the parliamentary seat of Yarra in the first
they saw as a fairer system. Following a lead from Sydney, a
federal election in 1901. Born in 1866 at Williamstown,
public meeting of ‘representative citizens’ took place at the
he soon moved with his family to Richmond and lived
Melbourne Town Hall on 21 September 1915. A manifesto
there for the rest of his life. Working in the hat industry,
calling for compulsory, universal service was drawn up by
Frank travelled to see the land his Welsh-born parents
Professor Orme Masson, professor of chemistry at the
had left, but he was a Richmond man at heart. A staunch
University of Melbourne, aged 57, and John G Latham,
and influential unionist he was president of the Trades
a 38-year-old wealthy and influential barrister. Perhaps
Hall Council when he stood for federal parliament. So
Latham thought his age excused his enlistment, but there
popular was he in Richmond that no-one stood against
were men like ‘Dad’ Brotchie, much older than Latham, in
him at the 1914 election; even so, 72 per cent of Frank’s
the AIF. If the Australian system were to follow the British
electorate turned out to vote for him. Tudor was a non-
rules, which conscripted men up to the age of 41, did
drinker and a committed member of the Congregational
people wonder why Latham had not enlisted himself, rather
Church, although his campaign manager, Richard Ignatius
than lead a campaign for compulsion? These were the kind
Loughnan, was almost certainly Catholic and may well have
of awkward questions that conscription would throw up.
taken his second name from Richmond’s most prominent
Unlike the New South Wales league, the Victorians
church, St Ignatius, high on Richmond Hill. Richmond
did not look for leadership from the politicians – only one
was a working-class suburb with a substantial Catholic
state member of parliament was on the executive committee
population.
– but looked instead to the university and business for
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There would of course be opposition to what was
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Yet he had reason to be optimistic. Throughout 1916
Tudor was minister for trade and customs in 1908
leaders. The meeting at the town hall was chaired by the
and retained that ministry in every subsequent Labor
university’s 64-year-old Vice-Chancellor, John Henry
administration. What to do about conscription? Tudor
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Daniel Mannix,
archbishop of
Melbourne
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agonised. There were plenty of Richmond boys in the AIF;
example, ruled that: ‘the issue is a moral one and therefore
indeed, by the end of the war, over 2000 Richmond-born
comes within the sphere of Church action.’ Melbourne’s
men had enlisted. This mighty number soared beyond the
Catholic archbishop, Thomas Carr, maintained a dignified
255 people enlisting from nearby middle-class Camberwell,
silence and it is not known what his private opinion was. campaign by a churchman was a sermon preached at
enough. Tudor had plenty of reason to be proud of his own
St Andrew’s Church, Brighton. Even the Argus,
people, yet should he vote to compel more of them to go
prominently pro-conscription, headlined its report ‘A
to war? It was an awful choice in the name of imperial, or
Remarkable Sermon’. The preacher was the Rev. Archibald
even Cabinet, solidarity. Tudor wavered, unable to make
Law, ordained in the Anglican Church in 1897, who had
a decision. He said that he would wait until Cabinet had
served in 11 Victorian parishes before being nominated to
settled its view on the matter, but then his own people made
St Andrew’s, one of the most important suburban Anglican
up his mind for him. In the second week of September
churches. Law was 47 years of age when he preached
members of his party in Richmond announced that Tudor
this sermon and, therefore, not one of the ‘eligibles’, as
would be campaigning against compulsion and that was
men of military age were now being called. He told his
that. Tudor resigned from the ministry and campaigned for
congregation that he did not propose to tell them how to
‘No’. He would never again have ministerial office. Though
vote, but he did want to answer the question of whether
his resignation infuriated Hughes, the prime minister was
a Christian could vote ‘Yes’. Christ, he said, submitted
nevertheless a pallbearer at Tudor’s state funeral six years
Himself to the conscription of Heaven; it was a very real
later.
conscription. ‘He came to obey and to carry out the very
There were other prominent Victorian Labor
act of death imposed upon Him … Where would the world
parliamentarians who stood alongside Tudor in the ‘No’
have been if Christ had shrunk from the task? The name
camp, including Frank Anstey and William Maloney. The
of a conscript was the name of Jesus.’ And so, presumably,
strong majority of parliamentarians and almost every other
a Christian could not only vote for conscription, but in the
public figure, however, stated that they would be voting
name of Christ, must do so. ‘Christ a Conscript’ announced
‘Yes’. The public chorus for ‘Yes’ was overwhelming.
the Argus. Law was promoted from Brighton to St John’s,
Newspaper editorials on an almost daily basis, even
Toorak, in 1918 and ministered there for 27 years before
the liberal and somewhat cranky Age, campaigned for
retiring in 1945.
‘Yes’. Most parliamentarians, both federal and state,
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Perhaps one of the strangest interventions in the
might be claimed, justifiably, that Richmond had done
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or the 533 people from neighbouring South Yarra. It
Those championing the ‘No’ case felt powerless and
were in favour of compulsion and those opposed, such
friendless in the face of the onslaught arrayed against them
as Tudor, Anstey and Maloney, had trouble having their
and, yet, there were signs that they were not as friendless as
speeches reported to a wider audience. The leaders of
they feared. One Sunday in October, two weeks out from
every Christian denomination in Victoria, the Catholics
voting day, a crowd of 35 000 people thronged Melbourne’s
excepted, indicated that they would be voting in favour of
Yarra Bank Forum where speakers, ranging from Christian
compulsion. Most used moral arguments. The General
Socialists, members of the Society of Friends, and every
Assembly of the Presbyterian Church of Victoria, for
variety of unionist, pleaded for a ‘No’ vote. There was an
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St Ignatius
Catholic Church, Richmond
The pamphlet and poster war during
the 1916 and 1917 referendums was unrelenting.
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indication that they had strong support: volunteers sold a high number of ‘No’ badges and raised money for the campaign. Workers should fear for themselves and their families, speakers claimed, because conscription might permanently damage the fragile Australian economy. How could it be moral to send a fellow to die in a war that did not concern him and was not of his making? Historians have long debated the wisdom of what Hughes did next. With the prime minister anticipating a ‘Yes’ vote, and desperate to have a large number of soldiers in training for dispatch to Europe, on 29 September the governor-general issued a call-up of all single men aged between 21 and 35. On 3 October notices appeared in newspapers detailing who was to enlist and where they were to present themselves. The notice offered the possibility of exemption from the call-up in specified cases and outlined the role of the exemption courts, which started hearing cases in the week before the vote was taken. Woeful timing. Throughout the state worrying numbers attended the exemption courts with almost identical stories: ‘they were required to gather the coming harvest and do the shearing.’ Bad luck. The exemption courts could take little notice of these concerns. At Benalla, for example, Mr Pennefather, police magistrate, heard the cases, assisted by Captain Taverner, representing the Defence Department, who conducted himself, in the words of the North Eastern first day of hearings, 16 October 1916, 56 men sought exemption and 29 were successful, but of these, 18 secured only temporary exemptions to December. On the next day, 53 men sought exemption with 27 granted, of whom 15 received a temporary exemption. Thoughtful farmers and their sons could see that the bush would be starved of labour if ‘Yes’ prevailed. It was the economic argument that encouraged Melbourne’s Catholic coadjutor archbishop, Daniel
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A u s t r a l i a n Wa r M e m o r i a l H 16653
Ensign, ‘with acumen, prudence and ability’. On the
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Soldiers waiting to vote on conscription at AIF Headquarters, London, December 1917
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.
Mannix, to enter the fray. Mannix spoke only twice, and
compulsory voting in Australian elections, usually about
briefly, during the referendum campaign, at Clifton Hill
75 per cent of the electorate voted in federal elections,
on 16 September and at Preston on 22 October, but he
so the turnout for the conscription referendum was
was seen then and subsequently as a leader of the ‘No’
impressive. Victorians answered ‘Yes’, but with a small
campaign. That is a tribute to the power and magnetism
margin of only 25 714 votes. Victoria was one of three
of this relatively young prelate, and to the force and
states to vote ‘Yes’, alongside Western Australia and
vigour of his language. But it is also the case that Mannix
Tasmania. The Australia-wide majority for ‘No’ was
operated in a vacuum, as almost the only prominent and
72 476 in a total vote of 2 247 590.
independent Victorian public figure to indicate that he
168
The pro-conscriptionists were infuriated by the
would vote ‘No’. He argued that Australia had already
result and asserted, immediately, that they would
contributed her full share to the war effort and that
continue their campaign for conscription and demand
very few Australians had escaped some form of sacrifice.
that the nation come to its senses. One of the outcomes
Rather than grind his teeth at the sight of ‘slackers’ in
of the referendum, therefore, was to open up deep and
the pubs and on the streets, Mannix worried for the
seemingly unbridgeable divisions in a society that had
workplaces, homes and farms that were already starved
given the appearance of unity for the more than two
of labour and in danger of collapse. He feared that the
years of war. Thereafter in Victoria the middle classes
economy would suffer serious disruption if more men
would think of themselves as the patriotic class. And they
were extracted from workplaces, and wondered if the
now thought of the working classes as harbouring large
number of troops raised by conscription would make
numbers of ‘disloyalists’, even though working-class
much of a difference in a war of millions of troops. In
Australians provided a strong majority of the members
his second speech Mannix attempted to head off those
of the AIF. They tended to think, too, that Catholics as
calling him disloyal and traitorous by saying that he had
a group had voted as Mannix had instructed and were,
a right to speak ‘at a secular place, at a secular function
therefore, mostly ‘disloyal’. The Argus described the
and in [his] individual, personal capacity’, for there had
referendum as ‘a desperate gamble’, which should never
been a great deal of anger aroused that he had spoken out
have been undertaken because people could not be
in the first place. Everyone in a position of power and
expected to bear the personal responsibility of sending
authority in Melbourne, so it went, was required to toe
the ‘eligibles’ off to war. There were scapegoats, too. Two
the line. Mannix had shown that he would not do this,
days after the vote had been taken, the Argus was telling
in the interests of the economy and of workers. To many
its readers of the ‘Sinn Feiners who followed Archbishop
he became a hero for attempting to sway the prevailing
Mannix, men who are traditionally hostile to Britain’.
consensus, to others he became an object of hate and fear.
There was, the Argus now said, ‘the gravest doubts of
A disloyalist in the highest ranks of Victorian society.
the future of Australian democracy’. For all his passion
It is difficult to know what factors influenced
for the AIF and for all his imperial loyalty, Hughes had
Victorian voters. Voting was not compulsory, but even so,
committed an enormous error of judgement. It would
682 000 Victorians voted out of over 800 000 who were
take many years to heal the deep wounds that the vote
eligible (85.25 per cent). Until the 1924 introduction of
inflicted on the Victorian community.
Victoria at war
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The Light Horse
V
ictoria provided three regiments of the Australian
and improving their own gear. Only after that could they
Light Horse and contributed to a fourth
look to their own needs.
regiment. The 4th, 8th and 13th regiments were raised in Victoria as was part of the 9th. It is
The First World War idea of the light horse came largely from the Australian experience of the Boer War,
a myth that all members of the Australian Light Horse
where quick movement of troops and surprise was key
were men from the country. About 20 per cent of the
to success. But the creation of the light horse units also
light horsemen were city born, but obviously bush blokes
accorded with an understanding of the Australian as a
predominated. Of the first recruits in the 8th Light Horse
type of fighting soldier. The light horseman was mounted,
Regiment, 32 per cent came from Melbourne. If there is
obviously, but unlike a cavalryman, he would not take his
any romance at all to be found in the First World War then
horse into the fight. Cavalrymen rode into the midst of
it just might be among the light horsemen. But it would be
their enemies and used their swords or other weapons to
dangerous to make too much of the romance; as for other
cut their opponent down. The light horseman would ride
soldiers, most of the service of the light horse was just hard
to where the enemy were assembled, dismount and, seeking
slog.
shelter to assess the situation, would then attack the enemy
The 4th Light Horse Regiment formed at the
on foot. Horse-handlers, joining several horses together,
Broadmeadows Military Camp on 19 August 1914, its
would take the horses to the rear to protect them from
creation having been approved eight days earlier. The
the fight. The light horse was planned as a mobile and
8th followed a few weeks later. At first men brought their
aggressive force.
own horses with them, but then, of necessity, things were
Light horsemen travelled to Egypt alongside the
regularised and the right type of horse provided. The light
infantry and were disappointed to be left behind in camp
horseman’s duties differed substantially from the soldiers
when the infantry set off for Gallipoli. Soon, though, the
of the infantry. Made up of approximately 540 men, a
need for men on the peninsula was so great that it was
regiment of the light horse was about half the size of an
decided that the light horse regiments would join the
infantry battalion. Light horse regiments were divided into
fight, but they would leave their horses behind. The 4th
three or four squadrons. Horse lines had to be provided at
Light Horse Regiment arrived on Gallipoli on 24 May
camp and the men spent the bulk of their time watering,
1915, just as the truce was organised to bury the dead of
feeding, grooming and tending to their horses and checking
both sides. They quickly realised the awfulness of war
conscription
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and the brutal loss of life that had been inflicted, primarily
of movement there was more scope for the light horse. Still,
by machine guns. Perhaps even then it began to dawn on
light horsemen on the Western Front experienced a sense of
some of them that the day of the horse in war was rapidly
waste and lack of purpose as they waited long months to be
drawing to a close. Norman Bartlett, shot in the stomach in
engaged in the fight.
the first 20 minutes of landing, was a grocer from Morwell
against the Turks in the deserts of the Middle East. The
died later in the day and was buried at sea. Though the
charge of the 4th and 12th Light Horse regiments at
regiment was not used in the awful attacks of early August,
Beersheba on 31 October 1917 is claimed to be the last
when the Anzacs attempted to break the boundaries of
great cavalry charge in the annals of human warfare. For
the siege that their occupation had become, nevertheless,
the men of the light horse, it represented the high point of
Anzac was always a dangerous place and, by late August, the
their service and has rightly entered the Australian story as
regiment had only 320 men in the front line. Among those
one of the greatest feats of the war. Deprived of water for
killed was Humphrey Moule, captain of Brighton Grammar
at least 30 hours before the charge, the horses seem to have
School in his youth, a fourth-year law student at Melbourne
sniffed the water in the wells of Beersheba and, under the
University when he enlisted, and an interstate hockey player.
able direction of the 4th’s commander, Murray Bourchier,
He was killed in action on 7 August 1915. His father, a
a grazier from Strathmerton in central Victoria, the horses
prominent Melbourne judge, had written on hearing of his
needed little inducement to gallop the mile and a half to the
son’s gunshot wound to the arm earlier at Gallipoli, that
enemy’s trenches. With shells bursting around them, and in
he understood the wound to be superficial and hoped that
heavy rifle and machine-gun fire, the light horse determined
Humphrey would be back in the front line quite soon.
to take Beersheba. Ignoring the dust, smoke and fearsome
Evacuated with the rest of the Anzacs in December,
170
The remainder of the Victorian light horsemen fought
in Gippsland and the regiment’s first battle casualty. He
noise, the horses remained steady to their task, allowing the
two squadrons of the 4th Light Horse Regiment were sent
men to ride directly among the Turks, who fled when the
to France in March 1916, where they remained for the
full impact of this manic charge became clear to them. The
rest of the war, forming the II Anzac Mounted Regiment,
result was an overwhelming victory, the capture of about
with a squadron of the New Zealand Otago Mounted
1200 men and 14 guns, and the death of more than 500
Rifles. Though they rode their horses on scouting and
Turks. The Australian losses were modest in comparison:
reconnaissance missions and were deployed for mounted
between them the two regiments lost 32 men killed and
work, for example at Messines, the danger to the horses from
36 men wounded. The 4th Light Horse Regiment’s
the shell-holes and broken ground was extreme. In 1918,
motto, ‘Endure and Fight’ was precisely what happened at
when the war on the Western Front at last began to be a war
Beersheba.
Victoria at war
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A u s t r a l i a n Wa r M e m o r i a l H 02670
A light horseman
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Conscription
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c h a p t e r
e i g h t
Holding on
J
ohn McGlade, whom we first met at the Broadmeadows Military Camp in 1914, was wounded at Anzac and recovered at the Australian General Hospital, Heliopolis. n In February 1917 he wrote to his friend Shela Stagg in Gippsland, whom he would marry in 1925, n ‘If I get back, I’ll be a regular bush hermit. n It is just 2 years since we sailed from Australia and at times it
seems like 22. n It was all right at first but after going through
the Gallipoli nightmare and living twelve months right out here in this land of nothing, well it takes all the gilt off it … Don’t forget about fattening that pig. n I think your Dad is right when he
says he can smell peace.’ n If only Shela’s dad had been right and peace had come
these were followed in late October 1917 by what is
in early 1917. Thousands upon thousands of lives would
known as Passchendaele, in reality a series of battles. At
have been spared and Australians would not have endured
the beginning of this campaign there had been the hint
the agonies of Bullecourt, where so many good men died,
of a victory, but when the rains came, Passchendaele was
Messines, a victory – but so costly – and Polygon Wood,
transformed into a byword for suffering and misery. This
such an awful disaster. To complete the litany of disasters,
was Australia’s worst year of the war.
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In Toronto Avenue Cemetery, a small cemetery in the
self-styled themselves, the ‘Win-the-War’ party, continued
shadow of Messines Ridge, lie the graves of 76 known Aus-
to blame the working classes for the collapse of recruiting
tralians and two unidentified. Despite a name redolent of
and to accuse workers of looking to their own rather than
Canada, in fact it is the only Commonwealth War Graves
the national interest. How that must have rankled with
cemetery on the Western Front to contain only Australian
Tudor. Richmond rightly boasted that no suburb, town or
war dead. A quiet place, infrequently visited because it is so
village the length and breadth of the land had sent more
far off the tourist track, it speaks of a battle in 1917 which
boys to war without the need for the hated conscription.
might have gone the Allies’ way, except that very little was
Priests from St Ignatius Church were so often out delivering
going their way in 1917. Peace would be a long time coming.
telegrams as the casualty lists from Bullecourt, Polygon
At home the bitter divisions continued. The Labor Party
Wood and Passchendaele rolled in. Of course, other
broke up; Billy Hughes walked out on it, taking government
Richmond clergy, such as the minister from Tudor’s own
with him. With a number of Labor ministers, such as the
Congregational church and the Anglican priest, too, from
intensely loyal George Pearce, Hughes forged an alliance
St Stephen’s, next door to St Ignatius, were also out and
with the Opposition led by Joseph Cook and, again, had
about with the telegrams. Many in Melbourne now, though,
the numbers in the lower House with which to govern.
would applaud the patriotism of the boys from St Stephen’s
Hughes remained prime minister, but surely there is little
and look on the congregation at St Ignatius as disloyal to the
that is more divisive and distressing than the break-up of
Empire and prayerful for Ireland.
a government. In this case a government that had begun
In 1917 recruiting collapsed. Across the entire year
its term with such strength and confidence. Deprived of
only 11 326 Victorians enlisted, certainly not enough men
government, the federal Labor Party was at its lowest ebb
to replace the losses in the proud Victorian battalions.
and members reflected bitterly on a war that had all but
After May 1917 no Victorian monthly total of recruits ever
destroyed their party.
again reached more than a thousand men, except for May
Frank Tudor, former minister and powerbroker,
1918. March 1918 was the lowest recruiting month ever in
Richmond boy through and through, became leader of the
Victoria, with just 457 men enlisting. It is clear why Hughes,
now Labor Opposition, but his was a thankless task, leading a
with his passion for the war undiminished, began to think of
dispirited group of parliamentarians with no realistic chance
conscription again. There were men out there on the streets
of government for many long years. Loyalists, as they now
who seemed fit enough to be in the army, but you simply
Holding on
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In various settings, some not as elaborate as this, which were provided by the Salvation Army, the
S a lvat i o n A r my 150676.2
YMCA, and the Australian Comforts Fund, thousands of soldiers wrote their letters home.
174
couldn’t convince them to see where their duty lay. Perhaps
the war fanatic feel better, but were the targets always well
Mannix had been right, however, the nation had done more
chosen? There are many stories of men returned from the
than enough, and to take any more men out of the factories,
front with severe, but perhaps not evident, wounds being
offices and warehouses, and off the farms, would risk the
given a white feather in the street. One man, Joe Clark,
nation’s capacity to keep on feeding, clothing, housing and
returned to his bootmakers shop in Malvern, a Melbourne
educating its people. Had the nation reached the limit of
suburb, having been badly wounded at war. He pasted a
its available manpower? Handing out white feathers to
sign in his shop’s window, ‘Late of 7th Battn’ to avoid the
men who seemed to be of recruiting age might have made
white feathers.
Victoria at war
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The Salvation Army soldiers’ refuge in the city, with officers at the front door
S a lvat i o n A r my p 162794
waiting for clients
Holding on
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of whom would return, the story of the war was told to
Women, boys and girls continued to work hard for the war
them regularly in the letters home from each boy. Brian,
industries, raising remarkable sums of money for the Red
later a professor of architecture at Melbourne University
Cross and the comforts funds, and continued, in the words
and a writer, was too young to go to war, but he clearly
of the Victorian Education Department, ‘to raise the next
remembered its impact on his family. ‘Each letter’, Brian
hundred thousand’. Letters and parcels continued to flow in
wrote many years later in his evocative account of the war,
a strong and steady stream from Victorian homes to the boys
‘was a journal of the week’s happenings, and we had them
at the front. Now, with so many of the wounded returning,
all from the day they went into camp until the day they
there was new work to be done in the hospitals and hostels
returned.’ Ralph Lewis, who served in France in the 2nd
that sprang up to house them. It was possible to say ‘no’ to
Australian Tunnelling Company (terrible work), was the
conscription but ‘yes’ to an outpouring of love and affection
first to come home in February 1918, after six months in
for those still caught up in this most awful of wars. The
various hospitals abroad. He had a shocking wound to his
tragedy for Victoria in these grey years was that people
left leg and knee, but the good news was that he would not
began to classify their neighbours and others they knew
lose the leg. The hospital ship docked at Railway Pier, Port
less well as either for or against the war. But, looking at the
Melbourne, ‘the gangway was put down and men with empty
evidence broadly, there were very few indeed in Victoria who
sleeves, men on crutches and men hobbling on sticks came
were genuinely against the war.
down it.’ Ralph used a stick; he was ‘very quiet and a bit
Tevie Davies, having nursed wounded Anzacs on
shaky … he looked different.’ Apart from his wound Ralph
Lemnos and in Egypt, was now in France. Her mother
also had shell shock and even a little setback, now that he
wrote to her from Healesville, in the hills to the north-
was a civilian again, could send him to his bed for a week.
east of Melbourne, giving Tevie news from home and
But he liked to do jobs around the place and one evening he
increasingly singling out the ‘disloyalists’ in her community
hobbled in next door to feed the neighbours’ chooks. ‘When
for condemnation. The Labor party, she thought, was
he came back through our front gate someone had fixed a
‘disloyal’ as were those who voted ‘No’ led by the nose by
white feather on our letter box for him.’ So far had Victoria
the disloyal ‘R[oman] C[atholic] priests [who were] at the
sunk into division and contempt.
head of the Sin Fein’. They had organised their people to
Had many Victorians, in fact, turned from the war
176
war of stalemate might soon become a war of movement.
vote against conscription, she believed, ‘just for hatred of
with a sense of loathing and disgust? Evidence from the
England and to be “agin the government”’. It is impossible
enlistment figures might suggest that this was so, unless we
to know what her daughter in faraway France made of this
accept that there were few men still free to enlist. Young
interpretation, but there can be little doubt that Mrs Davies
men coming into fighting age might have been just about
in Healesville sincerely believed what she was writing. It
the only pool of available recruits. But all other indications
was nonsense, but Victoria had fallen into such a state that
show that the war still deeply engaged the people, as it had
people were convinced that their state was at risk from
done from the beginning. It still filled pages and pages of
Catholics and other disloyalists. Such had been the main
the newspapers. Small boys still moved coloured pins around
outcome of the conscription referendum of 1916, which was
maps of the Western Front thinking, perhaps, that the
reinforced by a second referendum in December 1917.
A u s t r a l i a n Wa r M e m o r i a l P 06246.001
For the Lewis family, with four sons enlisted, three
Victoria at war
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Joe Clark, left, enlisted in the 7th Battalion in 1915 and was badly wounded at Gallipoli in August. He was discharged in Melbourne in August 1916. He placed a sign in his shop window, ‘Late of 7th Battn’ so as to avoid white feathers. His brother, Frank, is beside
A u s t r a l i a n Wa r M e m o r i a l P 06246.001
him.
Holding on
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A u s t r a l i a n Wa r M e m o r i a l E 00455
A soldier resting during the fighting near Bullecourt
178
Victoria at war
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Men’s lives were still being thrown away recklessly at the front, under orders from commanders who still had no
artillery fire. It was an impenetrable barrier for infantry:
idea how to win the war. Victoria’s 14th Battalion, Jacka’s
‘pure murder’, Jacka reported, to send men against the uncut
Mob, had been resting and building up its strength in the
wire. No bother, responded the ‘heads’, with 12 tanks to go
months after Christmas 1916. The men of the battalion
into battle with them, the soldiers would prevail. Jacka was
faced possibly their greatest tragedy of the war at the small
furious and pleaded his case, but no-one was listening.
French village of Bullecourt. Thanks to the efforts of the
And so, the men of the 14th Battalion found themselves
local people, it is possible to cross the exact battlefield today,
lying in the snow, waiting for the tanks to arrive so the battle
taking the same route that the 4th Australian Brigade took
could commence. It was early on the bitterly cold morning
in early April 1917. Today there is no entrenched and alert
of 10 April 1917, and the position of the troops, out there
enemy a kilometre in front of you, with machine guns ready
in no-man’s-land was incredibly dangerous if they were to
to burst into life. But, trudging along the walkway, it is
be discovered. But the tanks did not arrive – they were slow
possible to imagine what the attackers experienced.
moving, it seemed – and the battle had to be postponed.
By this time, the Germans had retreated in massive force
The Germans watched silently as men rose from the ground
behind the Hindenberg Line, a seemingly impenetrable
in front of them and walked back to their own lines. The
system of defence. The bright idea formulated by the
surprise that the ‘heads’ had hoped for was now entirely lost.
‘heads’ was to penetrate the line by surprise. This effectively
A u s t r a l i a n Wa r M e m o r i a l E 00455
of the German trenches, which were undamaged by recent
The next morning the soldiers were out there again in
meant that there could be no artillery used to alert the
the snow, ready for action and thinking – who knows what
defenders, or protect the attackers. The attacking troops
they were thinking? That men should not be used like this?
would instead be supported by a brand-new weapon, the
And then they heard them: the tanks, growling and coughing
recently arrived tank. Involving the tank at this point, in an
their way to the front line, becoming bogged and a target for
offensive undertaken by troops that had never worked with
German fire. Soldiers watched in amazement as tank crews
tanks before, was a fatal error of judgement. There was no
abandoned their machines in the face of the deadly assault
time for the troops to familiarise themselves with the tanks
and made a dash for safety. There was nothing for it, the
because the ‘heads’ wanted the battle of Bullecourt to take
infantry must advance unassisted. Across the snow-covered
place immediately. The tanks, it was thought, would provide
field, into the uncut wire, and remarkably, some even made
the protection needed for the soldiers as they dashed across
it into the German trenches. But already there were many
the open land and, rumbling and powerful, would crush
bodies hanging on the German wire as if attached by clothes
the belts of barbed wire and other defences in front of the
pegs, as Newton Wanliss, the battalion historian, wrote.
German trenches. They might also terrify the Germans into
Those who made their way through could fight, though so
surrendering.
savagely cut up, but not without ammunition, which could
Bert Jacka, now a captain, and with a real instinct for
not be resupplied. Eventually the survivors were called to
command, had been out in no-man’s-land to get a feel
withdraw back to their own lines. Which they did, walking,
himself for what was required. Flat, level land with no hint
almost casually, to show the strength of their spirit and their
of protection, no indentations in which a man might shelter.
contempt for those who had demanded that they do the
On the far side were massive belts of barbed wire in front
impossible.
Holding on
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The 4th Brigade went into the fight with about 3000 troops. Roll calls in the four battalions after the battle
delivered every one of his impetuous predictions was being
showed that the brigade had suffered 2339 casualties, nearly
paid for by the crushing of the magnificent force which
1000 of whom had been captured. The brigade and the
had been given to him to handle.’ Bean described Gough
14th Battalion, which was part of it, was crippled. The 14th
as working with ‘almost boyish eagerness’ and breaking
Battalion lost 19 officers and 582 other ranks. When the
rules that would have been observed even by a platoon
battalion finally returned to its home base at Ribemont, near
commander.
Saint-Quentin, and the villagers realised ‘that the small party
Hughes did not know the truth of the battle. And, in
returning, weary and war-battered was all that remained of
any case, he had taken his eye off the fine detail of the war
the proud and imposing unit that had marched away less
to fight a federal election, which he had called for 5 May
than a month before, expressions of grief and sympathy
1917. Hughes expected the election fight ‘to be the most
were heard from them on all sides’. With less than 1000
bitter on record’. For fear of certain defeat, he could not
men enlisting each month in Victoria, it was now almost
stand again in his long-held working-class electorate of West
impossible to replace these men. Even the 14th now had to
Sydney, and settled instead on the Victorian seat of Bendigo.
accept some few reinforcements from New South Wales.
The electorate was close to Melbourne where he now had
‘Stop wasting men recklessly’, Hughes might have
his home and would be reasonably safe for him. Though he
cabled to France, except that no-one thought in those
announced that his government had accepted the judgement
terms. Equally, Hughes may not have had a clear idea of the
of the voters on conscription, in his first address to the voters
disaster that had befallen the Australians at Bullecourt. In
of Bendigo Hughes stated that if ‘national safety demands
a brief addendum to a long article published in Melbourne
it the question will again be referred to the people’. This
on 17 April on the success of British arms at Lens, Charles
allowed his opponents, including Archbishop Mannix, to
Bean gave his account of the fighting at Hendecourt (as he
claim that a vote for Hughes was a vote for conscription
called it):
and the issue came to prominence yet again, with the same
At dawn on the morning of April 11 the Australians attacked. That irresistible Australian infantry fought its way under machine-gun fire through such barbed wire as has hitherto been unknown, seized two lines of Hindenburg trenches [and] pushed further on … it was one of the most gallant feats Australian soldiers have ever performed.
180
the attack, is palpable: ‘within two hours of the attack being
horribly divisive potential. Earlier in 1917, when he was opening a new Christian Brothers school on Dawson Street, Brunswick, Mannix looked at the role of education in the life of the nation and in the development of Australian trade. He worried, he said, about the decline in Australia’s trade,
In his official history, however, which was written years
perhaps alluding to his view that the Australian economy
later when he knew all the facts, Bean described Bullecourt
was being damaged by the war. Since the state and federal
as a ‘shocking loss’: ‘The [troops] had been employed
government, he said, had cut back on spending in the name
in an experiment of extreme rashness, persisted in by
of economy and to allow governments to channel all funds to
army commanders after repeated warnings, and that the
the war effort, 800 carpenters and joiners had been thrown
experiment had failed with shocking loss.’ Bean’s anger in
out of work. ‘Not a penny was coming to the support of their
writing of the British general, Hubert Gough, who ordered
families’, he said:
Victoria at war
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Many of these men were over the military age and had sent their sons to the war. These men must walk the streets looking for work … . It was about time, that the people faced the problem of unemployment – faced it fairly and squarely.
the front, and his position in the military further infuriated and inflamed his numerous critics. Hughes was remarkable in the restless and tireless energy he brought to the election campaign, around
‘The war,’ Mannix continued, was ‘just an ordinary trade war’,
Australia but most particularly in Bendigo, his chosen
no different from any other war and driven by trade jealousy.
electorate. The city itself had a substantial population and
Had Mannix been speaking in 1913 or, indeed, throughout
saw much of Hughes, but he also visited the smaller villages
most of 1914, these words would have caused little
in the electorate, such as Kamarooka, Raywood, Sebastian
controversy. People then understood that Britain and
and Sydney Flat. The Bendigo Advertiser reported on a day
Germany were locked in a battle for trade supremacy. But as
spent on the hustings with Hughes. First stop Kamarooka.
the war went on it became, to the patriotic classes, a crusade;
What the local schoolchildren made of Hughes’s visit to the
to many it was a sacred crusade, and when the Argus reported,
Kamarooka East state school is unknown, but they, together
possibly through mishearing, that Mannix had called the war a
with ‘a crowd of local residents’, heard the prime minister
‘sordid trade war’, there was passionate opposition expressed
declare that the Union Jack was ‘our shield and our defence
to his views. (Though the Argus, in later editions, withdrew
but if it came down it would be our shroud’. He was next at
the word ‘sordid’.) There was no doubt in the minds of his
Kamarooka itself with about 150 people in the town hall:
opponents that Mannix harboured a hatred of Britain and that
‘we had been doing our duty’, he said, ‘but we had to go
his adherents disloyally nurtured the same hatreds.
further still.’ The Raywood Town Hall was full, holding
Melbourne, in particular, and more generally Victoria, was
some 200 people, for Hughes’s third stop of the day and the
now bitterly divided along religious and race lines: Protestant
prime minister painted ‘a pitiful picture of the plight of the
against Catholic, British against Irish.
outraged and deported and oppressed Belgians … From all
Though the election was set for 5 May, Mannix had more
those terrors Australia had been free,’ he continued, ‘but
on his mind than politics. He was, after all, the coadjutor
the majority of people could not say that the war had done
archbishop of Melbourne, to succeed to the top job on the
them harm.’ A full house waited at the Sebastian hall and
death of Thomas Carr, archbishop of Melbourne since 1886.
the prime minister said that, if they elected him, he would
Now 77 years of age, it was apparent in the first months of
do his best to look after their interests and to see that every
1917 that Carr’s health was failing, and he died on 6 May, the
man and every woman received a fair deal. There was also
day after the federal election and four days short of his 78th
a wayside gathering at Sydney Flat in a grove of ‘graceful
birthday. Mannix, therefore, succeeded Carr as archbishop
pepper trees’ at which Hughes said he could give his listeners
of Melbourne. By a strange quirk his brother bishops then
only a few minutes ‘and let them see that the devil was not as
nominated Mannix to be the Catholic chaplain-general, the
black as he was painted’. Then it was on to Eaglehawk and so
administrative head of the Catholic chaplains department,
the day ended.
again in succession to Carr. The headquarters of the Defence
A very high turnout of 90 per cent voted in the
Department were in Melbourne, they reasoned, so the
electorate of Bendigo on 5 May 1917. Hughes won the seat
chaplain-general should also be in Melbourne. Henceforth
easily, just as he won government. His majority in Bendigo
Mannix would be selecting Catholic chaplains for service at
of 4181 was the biggest win seen in this former Labor seat.
Holding on
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S tat e L i b r a r y o f V i c to r i a , P i c t u r e s C o ll e c t i o n, H 92.150/859
Bendigo as Billy Hughes, the new local member, would have found it in 1917
5/05/14 2:05 PM
In the House of Representatives his government held 53
overseas?’ Catholic bishops were more generally joining
seats against Labor’s 22. Bendigo had been doing its bit
Mannix in the fray, choosing to believe that the new list of
throughout the war, 6463 of its people enlisted there or gave
exemptions, somewhat different from 1916, was an attack on
Bendigo as their place of birth on the enlistment form; out
their church. The list exempted ‘ministers of religion’, but
in the sticks the enlistment figures were: Kamarooka 11,
not students for the priesthood or religious brothers, such as
Raywood 55, Sebastian 23 and Sydney Flat 3. This war was
the Christian Brothers in their schools. It was an oversight,
everywhere.
countered Hughes, of course men in these categories would
As spring finally arrived in France in May 1917, the 14th
be exempted. Instead the bishops chose to speak of the real
Battalion expected and had been promised a long period of
threat to the existence of their Catholic schools and the
rest after the disaster at Bullecourt. Now the snows of April
future sacramental life of the church.
could be forgotten and the troops enjoyed the prospect
Mannix spoke more frequently and at greater length in
of rest and regrouping at Ribemont. But the respite was
the second campaign and was regarded as a real leader of the
short-lived and the battalion found itself in front of Messines
case against conscription. He placed himself firmly on the
Ridge at the end of May, at Polygon Wood in September,
side of the workers and spoke bitterly about those with money
and even in the later stages of the fighting at Passchendaele
and influence, even if they happened to be members of his
in October. Though the losses were nowhere near as severe
own church. ‘I say that this cheap talk about equal sacrifice is
as at Bullecourt, nevertheless the battalion, like most of the
galling, absurd and ridiculous’, he asserted at one large rally
Australian battalions, was being bled dry.
at Melbourne’s Exhibition Building. ‘The wealthy classes
Hughes determined that the awful losses of 1917
would be very glad to send the last man,’ he said, recalling
represented the threat to ‘national safety’ of which he had
Andrew Fisher’s initial pledge, ‘but they have no notion of
spoken in the election campaign. This threat, he told the
giving the last shilling, or even the first … the burden in the
people, would alone justify another attempt to introduce
end will be borne by the toiling masses of Australia.’
conscription. Perhaps his overwhelming electoral victory
Towards the end of the campaign Mannix was invited by
in May had encouraged him, for how else could he have
the Young Ireland Society to address them at the Exhibition
conceived of throwing the country into another divisive
Building, and to speak again of the evil of conscription and
and bitter referendum? The referendum was set for
its threat to Australian national life. His opponents had had
20 December 1917, close to Christmas and, in a break
enough and they prevailed on the premier and the trustees
with usual electoral practice, would be held on a Thursday,
of the building to prevent Mannix from speaking. It was
perhaps in the hope of limiting the turnout of workers. This,
a hollow victory, for sportsman and entrepreneur, John
at least, was alleged by Hughes’s opponents, amidst a flurry
Wren, stepped in and offered the organisers his Richmond
of charges and counter-charges.
racecourse as an alternative venue. When Mannix arrived to
It particularly annoyed Hughes’s opponents that the
speak he found that he had an audience of at least 100 000
question put to voters on the ballot paper did not use the
people, perhaps one of the largest crowds ever assembled in
word ‘conscription’. Rather, voters were asked whether
Victoria. Of course he could not make himself heard to all
they were ‘in favour of the proposal of the Commonwealth
these people at once so several platforms were erected and
Government for reinforcing the Australian Imperial Forces
he gave the same speech to portions of the crowd all around
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the racecourse. This must have been truly exhausting, but
of our men, insensible to the danger threatening the Empire
Mannix managed to hold the crowd and excite them into
and Australia, would be moved to vote “Yes”’.
Hughes was appalled and horrified by the strength of the
his commission to the governor-general. People expected
campaign against conscription and, in an attempt to bully
that he would honour his word, but who would govern in
the electorate, vowed that he would not be able to continue
his place? Not Tudor, who lacked Labor majorities in both
to govern if the people rejected his proposal. Hughes also
houses, though the governor-general did call him in to
sought to silence Mannix, his most vocal critic, by appealing
discuss the possibility. Tudor had to confess that he could not
to the Vatican to intervene. Rome, however, displayed a
form government. Hughes surrendered his commission as
shrewd understanding of the situation and a Vatican cardinal
Munro Ferguson sought alternatives. The official historian of
replied:
the home front, Ernest Scott, pictures rows of cabs arriving
It must not be forgotten that Monsignor Mannix, wrongly or rightly, enjoys great influence on the working classes – proofs of this are the imposing and clamorous demonstrations of Melbourne and Sydney – therefore severe measures taken against him even by the Holy See, would undoubtedly aggravate the situation and create grave difficulties for the Government itself.
from the city to deposit Hughes’s leading colleagues at Government House, all of them pledging that only Hughes could govern. The single exception, West Australia’s Sir John Forrest, Treasurer in the ‘Win-the-War’ government, thought that he might be able to do the job. Other ministers assured the governor-general the proposition was unworkable and, within the day, Munro Ferguson had recommissioned
In the event, the voters rejected conscription for a second
Hughes as his, and the nation’s, prime minister. To many it
time, again by a slim majority, but more strongly than in
was another in the saga of twists and turns and deceptions for
the year before. Victoria joined the ‘No’ majority, although
which Hughes was becoming notorious.
with 662 262 ballots cast, the Victorian ‘No’ majority was
184
Crushed, Hughes now confronted his promise to return
Hughes retired to his holiday home in the Dandenong
only 2718 votes. Even Bendigo voted ‘No’, but with a small
Ranges for the Christmas break and Australia tried, for at
majority of about 500 votes. Despite its slender majority,
least a day, to take their minds off the war. Those who went
Victoria’s ‘No’ vote was a significant turnaround from the
to church on the day itself heard sermons that could not
first referendum. In its first response to the possible defeat of
but refer to the war. The story of the Christ child caught up
the referendum, before all the votes could have been counted,
with other stories about the need to put down the threat to
the Argus wondered why the ‘eligibles’ had been allowed
the Empire and the evil that Germany represented. As 1917
to vote. Surely it was silly, the paper believed, to invite men
gave way to 1918, an end to the war looked as far off as ever.
to conscript themselves. Such was the vision of democracy
There was little fighting on the Western Front throughout
promoted by the Argus. We can never know how the
another bleak winter, but when the snows thawed, spring
‘eligibles’ voted, but we do know that soldiers at the front, in
returned and the fighting resumed, would victory be any
both referenda, voted ‘No’. And, when the true horror of the
closer? Jack McGlade did not write to Shela Stagg this
situation revealed itself in the final voting figures, the Argus
winter, or if he did, his letters have not survived. Could
was appalled: ‘It was absurd to suppose,’ the paper thundered,
anyone, even in remotest Gippsland, smell peace in the air
‘that electors, blind to the chaos in Europe, deaf to the call
this Christmas-time? It seemed unlikely.
S tat e L i b r a r y o f V i c to r i a , P i c t u r e s C o ll e c t i o n, H 2011.26/6
enormous displays of fervour.
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Federal Government House, Melbourne, the scene of much horsetrading in late December 1917 as the governor-general tried to find a prime minister after
S tat e L i b r a r y o f V i c to r i a , P i c t u r e s C o ll e c t i o n, H 2011.26/6
Hughes’s resignation. Hughes was recommissioned.
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two soldier priests
D
ozens, if not hundreds, of Anglican priests and
expected to see out his working life in Australia. When war
Protestant ministers enlisted in the ranks of the
broke out Heneghan was an assistant priest at Smythesdale,
AIF. Most of them worked as stretcher-bearers,
20 kilometres from Ballarat on the road to Hamilton in
but some bore arms. Their enlistment shows that
western Victoria. Heneghan enlisted in the Victorian
these men saw the war as of overwhelming importance
7th Battalion in Melbourne on 7 July 1915. He was 33
in the life of the nation, of the Empire, and as a moment
years of age, of medium height and weight, with a ‘fresh’
in world history. Many of them believed that they were
complexion and blue eyes. Smythesdale provided 72 men
fighting against an evil German ideology and in the defence
for war service. Did Heneghan find it impossible to look
of the rights of small nations. Yet many senior churchmen
their families in the eye if he, a relatively young man, did
argued against allowing priests and ministers into the ranks.
not go too?
TH Armstrong, Anglican bishop of Wangaratta in north-
Heneghan left Australia in November 1915, but did
eastern Victoria, likened the enlistment of a clergyman to
not leave Egypt until the end of May 1916 and spent the
the use of a razor to cut wood: ‘any strong, healthy man of
remainder of that year in England. In January 1917 he
ordinary intelligence can do the duties of the rank and file
transferred to the 14th Field Ambulance and was soon
… but every such man is not called, trained and consecrated
in France. He received a gunshot wound to his left side
to be a priest of the Church.’
in May 1917, but recovered and returned to France
Despite studying the role of the Australian churches in the Great War, I had not found evidence of the enlistment
found guilty of behaving ‘in an insolent manner to an
of Catholic priests and I believed that Catholic priests had
officer’ and received 14 days field punishment for his
a tighter ethic of obedience to their superiors’ decrees and
crime. He was killed in action on 22 March 1918 and is
possibly a more elevated understanding of their own role in
buried in Dranoutre Military Cemetery in Belgium. Due
the sacramental life of their church. I was wrong.
to longstanding AIF confusion, his headstone gives his
We cannot know what impelled Father John Thomas
186
two days after Christmas 1917. In January 1918 he was
name as Henehan, but his name is spelt correctly on the
Heneghan to enlist. He was born in 1882 in County Mayo,
Australian War Memorial Roll of Honour. In May 1918
Ireland, studied for the priesthood at All Hallows College,
the parish priest at Smythesdale wrote to the Department
Dublin, was ordained and in 1908, at the age of 26, left
of Defence asking if Heneghan had made a will. He had
for priestly work in the diocese of Ballarat. He would have
left some books behind him when he enlisted, wrote the
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priest, and he would like to know to whom to send them. Though he died in the service of Australia, Heneghan left few, if any, Australian roots. While the reasons for Heneghan’s enlistment
the authorities to find a place for O’Donnell as a chaplain. Chaplain O’Donnell determined to visit Ireland, where he had studied, before his own return to Australia after the armistice. While dining at the International
are obscure, there is no doubt why Thomas Joseph
Hotel, Kilkenny, on 9 October 1919, it was alleged that
O’Donnell joined up. Born in 1877 at Buninyong, near
he uttered disloyal words directed towards the King.
Ballarat, O’Donnell also studied at All Hallows and was
O’Donnell was arrested and held for several days in
ordained in 1907. A near contemporary of Heneghan,
Dublin without charge or trial. Hughes was appalled
they almost certainly knew one another, though after
and worked hard for O’Donnell’s release, cabling to the
ordination O’Donnell worked on the north-east coast of
British Government: ‘I feel sure a very regrettable mistake
Tasmania. O’Donnell profoundly disagreed with many of
has been made. I know Father O’Donnell very well. He is
his co-religionists about conscription. He was strongly in
a true Australian and one of the most loyal and patriotic
favour of compulsion for military service and, noting that
of men … he boldly denounced the disloyalists in our
Archbishop Mannix had said that it was a political matter
midst … his arrest is having a most unfortunate effect on
about which Catholics might disagree, offered himself
his co-religionists.’
to Billy Hughes to make a ‘dramatic declaration’ to
Though he was briefly incarcerated in the Tower of
counteract the influence of Mannix. O’Donnell spoke up
London, traditional home to traitors, O’Donnell was
during the second campaign, hoping to show a different
handed over to the AIF for his court martial. It was a
Catholic response and to divert, perhaps, the ignominy,
serious affair and witnesses gave conflicting statements,
indeed hatred, that was piled on Catholics when the ‘No’
one of which suggested that his detractors had thought
victory became apparent. He failed in that, and failed to
O’Donnell was loudly complaining about King George,
draw much attention to his campaign for ‘Yes’.
when actually he was giving voice to his concerns about
Depressed beyond measure by the failure of both
Lloyd George, the British prime minister. Retiring,
referendums, O’Donnell enlisted in the ranks of the AIF
members of the court took nearly two hours to reach their
in early 1918, though he was 40 years of age. Mannix,
verdict, but exonerated the priest-chaplain. He was free to
now Catholic chaplain-general and clearly unhappy with
return to Australia. How Mannix might have enjoyed his
the prospect of a priest in the ranks, placed pressure on
discomfort at the hands of the British.
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c h a p t e r
n i n e
Vi c t o r y
‘D
ad’ Brotchie left Port Melbourne three days before Christmas in 1914. n His oldest child, Ada, was then 18 years of age, his youngest child, Ruby, was only three. n By 1918 John Brotchie and some of his mates in the 14th Battalion had been continuously at war since April 1915. n None of Brotchie’s nine children had seen him since his
troopship departed; they had spent four Christmases without him. n
Edgar, Victoria and Ruby, the three youngest, probably had only hazy memories of ‘Dad’; the six older children had spent the formative years of their lives without any input from their father. n
His wife, also Ada, was the sole parent throughout the long
through the awful separation from their homes, families
years of war and there must have been much worry in her life.
and friends. Hughes was in London again – he had left
Especially when she learned that ‘Dad’ had received a gunshot
Australia on 26 April 1918 and would not return until
wound to his arm in France in October 1917, sufficiently severe
August 1919 – when he decided that the 1914 men must
for a reasonably long spell in hospital in England.
have leave back in Australia. Hughes proposed a two
Billy Hughes worried about men like Brotchie. They had been away for too long, had suffered too much at war and
months’ furlough at home, to freshen the men up before they went back to the war and to reward them for their
188
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devoted and lengthy service. ‘Not possible’, thundered the
hoped that their presence in Australia ‘would give an
British shipping controller, ‘can’t let you have the ships
immense impetus to recruiting’. Bean was touched to see
such leave would require’. But Hughes was persistent and
how the ‘old diggers’ responded to this news: ‘at the sight
eventually prevailed, against the War Office, which was
of their joy no Australian could remain unmoved.’ There
reluctant to release the men, and the Shipping Controller,
would have undoubtedly been equal excitement in the
reluctant to release the ships. In mid-September 1918 the
Brotchie home in Fitzroy.
first 60 officers and 740 men left the battlefield and went
There was other work for Hughes at the War Office in
straight on board their leave ship, with no time even to pick
London. He had determined that not only would the 1914
up fresh clothing. They would be given new gear in Egypt
men be given their furlough, but that the whole of the AIF
on the way home. ‘Anzac leave’ they called it, and as ‘Dad’
must be withdrawn from the front line by 15 October for
would be one of those entitled to it, he might even be home
long rest. Hughes was acutely aware that the Australian
for Christmas 1918.
battalions had been fighting hard and continuously since
Charles Bean announced news of the leave in the
March. In the days following 21 March the Germans
papers on 17 September 1918. Hughes told a group of
launched their great offensive that all but won them the
soldiers that, after his ‘strong representations to the War
war. Moving with speed and surprise the Germans had their
Office’, he had succeeded in gaining leave for the 1914
opponents on the run, backwards, crossing the Somme
men, of whom there were thought to be about 7000 still
battlefields that they had won with such extraordinary
on the front line, out of a pool of more than 50 000 who
sacrifice and loss of life in 1916. Indeed, the Germans
enlisted by the end of 1914. What savage figures! A soldier
recovered in a week territory that the British had gained
serving continuously at the front since April 1915 had a
across two hard years of fighting. It was clear that should
high likelihood of having either been killed or severely
Amiens, a key railway centre on the route to Paris, be lost,
wounded. Then there were those in occupations away from
the whole war might be lost too. The British Commander-
the front, who were not eligible for leave, and members of
in-Chief, Douglas Haig, sent out a special order ‘to all ranks
the light horse to whom Anzac leave did not apply.
of the British Army in France and Flanders’. He conceded
Those on Anzac leave would quit the battlefield in (European) autumn and all would be away by early winter, to return to the front during the spring of 1919. Hughes
many amongst us are now tired … [but] Victory will belong to the side which holds out the longest … There is no course open to us but to fight it out … With our
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backs to the wall and believing in the justice of our cause each one of us must fight on to the end.
In March 1918 the Australian 4th Brigade, including Victoria’s 14th Battalion, was the first of the Australians to face the advancing Germans. The commander of the 14th Battalion, Lieutenant-Colonel Henry Crowther, briefed his men before they went into battle on the night of 25 March. Crowther, educated at Brighton Grammar School and Melbourne University, won the respect of his new battalion who recognised him as a fighting soldier, renowned for his bravery. He told them that the 14th Battalion had never retired and that they would not do so now. But, as men of the battalion watched the retreating and seemingly beaten British soldiers, they may have doubted Crowther’s rhetoric. In the words of the battalion historian: ‘seldom have troops marched to meet a triumphant and overwhelming enemy under more disheartening and depressing conditions.’ In addition to the retreating British soldiers, the battalion witnessed French civilians fleeing in panic. But the French were soon reassured by the arrival of the Australian battalions and villagers, who had loaded their possessions onto whatever carts they could find, on witnessing the determination of the battalions of the 4th Brigade, changed their minds about retreat and returned to their homes. The line held at Hébuterne, thanks to the efforts of the 4th Brigade, and the German push slowed and then stopped there on 5 April 1918. The brigade was back in action at Villers-Bretonneux in late April, building on the good work of earlier Australian resistance. Once again a determined German push was halted; once again the Australians were central to the task. The 14th Battalion was fighting at the peak of its performance, calling on the spirit that Bert Jacka had infused into the unit, though for Jacka himself, badly gassed on 15 May north of VillersBretonneux, and with old wounds reopening, there was a
190
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(1918) being welcomed home. ‘Dad’ Brotchie would have been somewhere among these troops. No doubt some or all of his nine children were among the crowd of wellwishers.
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A u s t r a l i a n Wa r M e m o r i a l J 00351
Perhaps the happiest march of troops through Melbourne. These are men on Anzac leave
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long period in hospital ahead. For him, the war was over. In late June the battalion found itself training with tanks, so recently despised after the tragedy at Bullecourt.
plotting movement on the Western Front. Recruiting had just about come to a standstill and
This was in preparation for General John Monash’s set-
politically Australia was as deeply divided as perhaps it
piece battle at Hamel on 4 July 1918, one of the most
has ever been in the nation’s history. But, still, the war
successful and well-choreographed actions in which
dominated people’s thoughts and lives. The same volume
Australians had ever participated. The 14th Battalion,
of material about the war continued to be produced
though in reserve initially, fought with determination and
by the press, but as the year moved on, in Melbourne
skill at Hamel and in the subsequent mopping-up. Then
and the bush, the tone became more optimistic and
in early August the battalion was in action again at Cerisy
encouraging, as if this awful scourge might possibly be
and Morcourt as part of the overwhelmingly successful
drawing to a conclusion. The Argus told the story of the
‘Battle of Amiens’, ‘a brilliant victory, cheaply purchased’
battle of Hamel just two days after it had happened on
in the words of the battalion historian.
6 July 1918. Hughes sent a cable saying that he had had
Casualties, though, were mounting. When the 14th
192
growing vegetables, collecting pennies and, at last,
the privilege of addressing the troops ‘before their going
Battalion was called into action at the Hindenburg
in’ and found that ‘the morale and condition and spirit
Outpost Line near Péronne, its ‘over-the-top’ strength
of all the Australians are splendid.’ When he cabled his
was just 360 men. The battalion was not relieved from
congratulations to Monash after the battle, he wrote, of
the fighting until the night of 20/21 September and, by
their ‘brilliant victory, which comes at the psychological
then, it was ‘absolutely worn out’. There were, possibly,
moment and which may have several military and political
only 200 men left in the 14th’s ranks. At last, the rest that
effects.’ Was it too much now to dare to hope?
had been promised many times over the last 16 months
The day before this thrilling report was published,
eventuated. The battalion went into quarters at Hangest
Swanston Street was taken over for ‘Comforts Fund Day’.
and it was there that the remnants of Victoria’s own, with
The street was decorated with flags and bunting and
such a glorious history, heard the news on 11 November
lined with 40 kiosks. There were ‘singing parties’ in the
1918 that Germany had capitulated.
street and a theatrical troupe, assisted by members of the
There were three groups working for the welfare of
Savage Club, offered a show in the town hall, which was
the 14th Battalion in Melbourne, Ballarat and Geelong.
well patronised. The variety and quality of the work for
Since almost from the moment the battalion was formed,
sale showed that ‘Melbourne housekeepers are not only
the women in these groups, largely mothers and wives,
generous in their contributions, but resourceful in ideas
raised money to buy ‘comforts’ for the soldiers, and
… the display of wares yesterday being about the best
made things, such as socks and cakes, to send to the
yet seen in the streets.’ Over £26 000 had been counted
boys to brighten up their lives. This work continued
by Commonwealth Bank staff at the end of the evening’s
throughout 1918 even as the women thrilled, at last, to be
trading, but it was expected that the final tally might reach
reading some of the good news of increasingly victorious
£30 000.
battles. Red Cross groups, such as the women at Birchip,
At the same time, outside the federal Parliament
continued with their fundraising and children continued
House at the top of Bourke Street, a large gathering
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S to n n i n g to n L i b r a r y a n d I n f o r m at i o n S e r v i c e p h 9205 S to n n i n g to n L i b r a r y a n d I n f o r m at i o n S e r v i c e p h 9206
The fundraising work continued right to the end. A gala effort in Chapel Street, Prahran, on 29 June 1918, raised nearly £6000 for the war effort.
Patriotic workers in Prahran
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assembled to watch the governor-general present soldiers
to welcome home Private R Feuteral. Proceedings
or their relatives with bravery awards. Some of the soldiers
began with the entire group singing the national anthem
present were wearing blue armbands indicating that they
and there were three speeches of congratulations. The
were still receiving medical treatment and ‘there was rich
returning soldier was presented with a gold medal
pathos’, the newspaper reported, ‘in the appearance of
inscribed in his name, and when he spoke ‘his friends
some of the soldiers whose health had suffered, and in
were agreeably surprised at the natural talent displayed by
the coming forward of parents or widows to receive the
him’. Then everyone sang ‘For he’s a jolly good fellow’.
honours conferred on their dead sons or husbands.’ The
There were musical items, a dance followed and supper
governor-general said that ‘honours won in the field will
was served by the ladies at midnight. The festivities
always rank far above any others, and in handing you these
terminated at daybreak. Would every returning soldier be
decorations in the name of His Majesty I would express
so celebrated? In the interests of sobriety and hard work,
the hope that you will live long to wear them.’ ‘Many
you would have to hope not.
boyish voices helped in the cheering,’ the paper reported, leaving the reader wondering why these lads were not in
number was as nothing to the joy around the state on
school, except that still, of course, the war was everywhere.
the night of 11 November 1918, and the following
In Casterton, less than a week after Hamel, at the
morning. The news of the armistice could not have
annual meeting of the Red Cross, the year’s work was
caught people unawares, for the good news had kept on
tallied and 29 office-bearers were elected, all of whom,
coming throughout October and early November 1918.
bar one, were married women. The only males in the
But could people really believe that the war might end?
organisation were the honorary auditors. The women
There had been a false report of the coming of peace
had knitted 702 pairs of socks, made 293 shirts, 17 pairs
a few days earlier and officials were wary of further
of pyjamas, 166 scarves, 130 Balaclava caps and many
furphies. So, while arrangements had been made by the
other items and had raised £436/9/7 with activities such
state government to send a telegram of good news to the
as afternoon tea and luncheon at the Casterton Racing
town clerk of every municipality throughout the state
Club, a Sportsman’s Band, dance and collection, and
(there were 90 of them), the government held off sending
various donations. The Casterton branch of the Red
the telegrams on the night of 11 November, despite the
Cross was not exceptional in its activity; on the contrary,
rumours, waiting instead for an official announcement
it exemplifies the enormous commitment to the war that
from the acting prime minister, William Watt.
remained a central part of every Victorian town, village
Events overtook these plans. The Argus and the Age
and suburb. Were the war to end there would be an
posted their bulletins of the cabled news from Europe
enormous void in many people’s lives.
outside their offices in Collins Street, and the Herald did
Already men had been returning home, discharged as
194
The joy at Bahgallah at the return of one of their
the same in Flinders Street. The people went mad. In
medically unfit, as had happened throughout the war, but
towns and villages across the state people were waiting
in the increasingly positive times there were now reports
outside the town and shire halls for official news, which
of parties and dances to welcome the returning heroes.
came when telephone messages alerted the whole state
At Bahgallah, near Casterton, 150 people came together
to the news that had burst upon Melbourne. ‘It kindled a
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blaze of feeling such as the State has never known before.’
the town hall and sang the national anthem and patriotic
So remarkable was the news that the Argus, the most staid
songs. Most of the revellers were in the city by 9 pm and
of Australian or even imperial newspapers, published it on
the celebrations lasted long into the night. Though ‘last
the front page, which was religiously reserved for classified
trains’ concentrated minds somewhat: ‘the excitement at
advertising. A small notice, to be sure, but such a break
Flinders Street reached its zenith just before midnight
with tradition: ‘Germany Beaten. Armistice Signed’.
when thousands of exuberant folk remembered that there
Collins Street became one huge mass of people from Russell Street to Elizabeth Street. Boys climbed
were such things as “last trains” even on “Peace” night.’ The news of the armistice reached Casterton about
the trees opposite the Argus office and ‘perched like
9 pm on 11 November, and although some refused to
monkeys amongst the branches’; other boys ‘got on the
believe it, they were in a minority. Someone took to
iron verandahs in Swanston Street and were pounding
ringing the fire bell and soon almost the whole town was
on them with sticks.’ Everyone wanted to make as much
on the streets. At about 11 pm a message from Ballarat
noise as possible. There were tin whistles and kerosene
confirmed the great news, but some sceptics remained
tins pressed into service and an explosion of crackers
unconvinced. All doubts were removed when, at about
and fireworks. One enterprising individual placed small
midnight, a message came from the governor-general; it
Allied flags all over Germany on the war map outside the
was true, the war was over. Casterton had already formed
Argus office and a girl shouted that he should place the
a peace choir and, by luck, the members were rehearsing
Australian flag on Berlin. Returned soldiers were hoisted
that very night. Members hastily formed up in front of
on to the shoulders of men in the crowd and treated
the Mechanics Hall in Henty Street where they sang
with much respect and gratitude. For, throughout the
‘Praise God from whom all blessings flow’. Then the
celebrations, the contribution of the AIF to the outcome
Casterton Brass Band arrived and ‘lively airs soon added
was in the forefront of people’s thinking: ‘it’s the boys who
to the general rejoicing’. An improvised platform was put
have helped win this war for us that we ought to cheer,’ a
up and speeches followed, including those of Archdeacon
woman said. The demonstrations were entirely popular
Harris and the Presbyterian minister the Rev. J Meers,
and spontaneous without an official lead from any person
but unlike at the farewells four years earlier, not the
in authority. There would be a place for the governor-
Catholic priest. Several returned soldiers also spoke. The
general, the acting prime minister and state and local
brass band met competition from a hastily organised
officials, but that place was not on this night. The eruption
band of young women playing penny trumpets, kerosene
of joy showed just how intensely the war had dominated
tins, and even a bullock bell. ‘The fire bell was adding to
the thinking of all. When the news broke, people in
the noise with an almost continuous dong and the streets
the suburbs, parents carrying sleeping babies, rushed to
were kept lively until well after midnight.’
the city, packing trains at that late hour. Some, though,
Joy everywhere. There must have been madness
remained in their own places, such as the estimated 4000–
and great celebration in King William Street, Fitzroy,
5000 who celebrated outside the Brunswick Town Hall.
too, ‘Dad’ Brotchie’s home. From youngest to oldest,
At Richmond, still taking pride of place in the number
all nine children might have been ecstatic. But perhaps
of local boys who had enlisted, a crowd gathered outside
their mother’s mood was subdued by thoughts of the
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Monster fair, Chapel Street, Prahran
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Can it be true?
R oya l H i s to r i c a l S o c i e t y o f V i c to r i a G S-W G-0204
Peace at last. Outside the Melbourne Town Hall
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Melbourne celebrates Armistice Day with an official public holiday, huge crowds in the city, the flags of the Allies and widespread
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men who had enlisted alongside ‘Dad’ in the first days of
number of citizens, and the hall could have been filled
the war and who would not be coming home? Even in this
many times over given the immense crowd outside. The
great joy there was time for reflection. Did anyone spare
day was declared a public holiday and people were free to
a thought for that poor boy, Bertie Pring, sole support of
celebrate. Waiting for the speeches to begin the crowd sang
his widowed mother, the first of the 14th Battalion to be
patriotic songs, accompanied by the mighty town hall organ
killed in France? Did Bertie’s mother leave her cottage in
and a brass band. Rising to speak and cheered to the echo,
Ballarat East when she heard all the commotion on that
Acting Prime Minister William Watt moved a motion
happy night, or did she turn to the wall and say a couple of decades of her rosary for her boy and all the other boys who would not be coming home? There was an official celebration in the Melbourne Town Hall on Tuesday 12 November, attended by a huge
that the citizens of Melbourne express their devoted loyalty to the Throne and the Empire … [congratulate] His Most Gracious Majesty the King upon the triumph of the British and Allied Armies and they trust that an enduring peace for the British Empire and all mankind may be assured.
S to n n i n g to n L i b r a r y a n d I n f o r m at i o n S e r v i c e p h 9210
A peace celebration outside the Malvern Town Hall, 12 November 1918
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The governor-general received an address on the armistice from the federal parliament to send to the King.
200
Watt, born near Kyneton, north-west of Melbourne, grew
premier in 1914 to take the federal seat of Balaclava
up in North Melbourne and attended the Errol Street
(southern Melbourne) he was a federal minister in Billy
state school. He helped his widowed mother as a lad by
Hughes’s National government and federal Treasurer
selling newspapers, and worked in a variety of jobs before
when Sir John Forrest moved on to take his seat in the
becoming an accountant. He studied at the Public (now
British House of Lords. (Forrest died at sea on his way
State) Library of Victoria and the Working Men’s College
to London.) ‘Willy’ Watt was as thoroughly a Melbourne
across the road in La Trobe Street. Resigning as Victorian
man as had yet served in the federal Cabinet, possibly
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remember the mothers and fathers and other relatives of the boys ‘who never can come back’. On Wednesday the only official federal government function was the journey of the governor-general from Government House on St Kilda Road to the federal Parliament House to receive the parliament’s resolutions on the armistice for transmission to the King. As Sir Ronald Munro Ferguson was escorted to the parliament, he was cheered by the crowds of people who assembled along the route. He may have been thinking that now, at last, his state ballroom, dining room and even his sitting room, might lose their Red Cross occupants and return to him for their intended uses. By order of the state governor, Sir Arthur Stanley, the people of Victoria observed Sunday 17 November as a day of thanksgiving. Each of the great city churches, St Paul’s, St Patrick’s, Scots, Wesley, Collins Street Baptist, Collins Street Independent, provided impressive services for their adherents. At St Patrick’s, Archbishop Mannix preached at the solemn High Mass. ‘The dreadful, cruel, disastrous war was now happily ended … unique in its infamy and in the horrors that accompanied it from the very first day.’ He urged people to remember in their prayers those who had fallen in the war, though he recognised that the sympathy of the nation could never ‘assuage the grief of the relatives of the bereaved’. At Casterton the Venerable Archdeacon Harris preached to a large congregation in Christ Church and said that ‘joy in full measure would come to the world’. At Sacred Heart Catholic Church, Casterton, the parish excepting Alfred Deakin. The acting prime minister
priest, still Father Lowham, celebrated a thanksgiving Mass
was among friends at the town hall. In his speech he
to ‘a very large congregation’. In his sermon he said that
referred to the overthrow of tyranny and rejoiced that the
two feelings were uppermost in the minds of all, joy and
‘despotic thrones’ had ‘tottered to ruin in a few months’.
sorrow. But even the sorrow, he said, ‘should be mingled
The men who were responsible for the war were ‘flying
with a sacred joy, to feel that [those who had died] had
like hunted criminals’ to wherever they might find safety.
sacrificed their lives on the altar of Duty and Patriotism’.
To murmurs of sympathy Watt called on the meeting to
At Scots Church, Casterton, ‘hearts breathed out praise and
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thankfulness to God for the great blessing bestowed upon the Empire and people.’ On Sunday afternoon, outdoors at federal Parliament House, a service of remembrance was held for the
Thanksgiving service at federal Parliament House, 17 November 1918
fighting men of Australia who had died in the war. The governor-general attended, as did a crowd that assembled in front of the Parliament House steps and stretched far down Bourke Street. A vast crowd gathered in the city in Swanston, Collins and Spring streets and, although they could not all take part in the service, the people solemnly joined in the spirit of the occasion. It was estimated that some 30 000–40 000 people were in front of parliament where they heard a simple service, lasting less than half an hour, which concluded with the last post. A special reserve was set aside for the relatives of the fallen. There were hymns and prayers but no speeches. A reporter, leaving the service, heard a woman remark, ‘I have lost seven nephews. Life can never be the same to me again, but, oh!, I feel so proud.’ There was no official Catholic presence, priest or prelate, at the service for the fallen at Parliament House. The Argus asked why and was told by a priest at the cathedral that it was universal Catholic policy not to participate in joint services with the representatives of other faiths or creeds. But ‘a solemn requiem mass’ was held at the cathedral the next day for those who had died. At a Sunday evening benediction service at St Patrick’s, Mannix, having preached earlier in the day at the solemn High Mass, presided, but did not preach. Instead, Patrick Phelan, the bishop of Sale, addressed the densely packed cathedral. Phelan, born in Ireland, served his priestly ministry entirely in Victoria and was dean of Melbourne and administrator of St Patrick’s from 1900 to 1912. He was, it seems, deeply disappointed that he had been passed over for Melbourne when Mannix was appointed coadjutor archbishop, but he was a loyal ally of the new
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Part of the massive crowd outside federal Parliament House on Sunday 17 November 1918
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The Salvation Army celebrates the victory and draws the lesson as soldiers march past its Melbourne headquarters. It is intriguing that two boys have their backs
S a lvat i o n A r my p 1544750001.jp g
to the soldiers.
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man. During the conscription campaigns Phelan had
Our boys are in Heaven, he might have said, more
stressed the official neutrality of the church and he had
directly, but who knows where their boys are. Soldiers
once described sectarianism as ‘that prolific mother of
of the 14th, or any other Australian battalion, might
strife’.
have thought that in death every single one of them
The cathedral was a glorious sight on that night, rows
was equal, in sacrifice and in the love and esteem of
of candles burning on the altar, banks of ‘choice flowers’,
those at home. Phelan, in these bitter and divided times,
the rich aroma of incense. The archbishop was in all
thought differently. Indeed, he gloried in the difference.
his glory on the ‘throne’ at the altar. The archbishop of
‘Arrangements have been made,’ he concluded, ‘to
Wellington, New Zealand, who happened to be visiting
have a Solemn Requiem Mass here [tomorrow] for the
Melbourne, the Most Rev. Dr Francis Redwood, added
Australian soldiers who have fallen in the war. Thus
additional colour and grandeur and also present were
the Church never loses sight of her children.’ It was as
leading diocesan clergy. Phelan preached a lengthy
if he was sneering at the service of hymns and prayers
sermon occupying five full columns in the diocesan
recently conducted at Parliament House, just across the
newspaper. He spoke of the Pope, of the ‘Prince of
way.
Peace’, and of the heroic deeds of the Australian soldiers.
Victorians went back to work on Monday and life
Their work was more praiseworthy, he said, because the
slowly began to return to normal. Parties of men on
men had enlisted freely: ‘their gift of sacrifice and life
Anzac leave began to arrive home and people read eagerly
was a free gift; no cruel law dragged them from their
about arrangements for the return of the entire AIF.
parents and friends.’ With joy and gratitude being the two
General Monash was placed in charge of repatriation
dominant themes since the armistice, was it appropriate
arrangements and quickly announced the general
or politic to drag his congregation back to the bitter
principle that those who had enlisted earliest would be
divisions of conscription?
sent home first. But, he warned the community, with
Worse was to follow. When he spoke of the dead,
so many men to repatriate the return would take many
the bishop reminded his listeners that the sons of
months to complete. Even so, the first men to arrive on
Catholic parents were almost certainly assured of
Anzac leave were publicly feted in the city and in their
salvation. ‘Catholic mothers have a consolation denied
own homes. Houses were decorated with bunting and
their country-women, who made a similar sacrifice,’ he
flags and ‘Welcome Home’ signs stretched across front
continued:
verandahs. Local halls celebrated welcome home dinners
The Catholic boys, as a rule, received the Bread of Life going into the last engagement and, in most cases, the Sacrament for the Dying before setting out for Eternity. … when a man in a dying condition
for returning groups of men and orators practised their arts. Many of the soldiers, though, simply wanted to slide back into their communities without too much fuss and resume the lives that had been so remarkably disrupted.
is carried from the battlefield, what little use is the
In time they might want to look into their experiences, to
Bible-reading clergyman, who has no power to
seek to help one another through reunions and marches
absolve from sins.
and memorials. For now, many of them simply wanted to forget.
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S i r J o h n M o n as h
J
ohn Monash died at home in Toorak on
indeed, struggled with his degrees. After university and into
8 October 1931 at 66 years of age. More than
early middle age, Monash’s business affairs were chaotic,
300 000 people witnessed the passage of his
after which he began, at last, to make his mark. Monash
funeral cortege through the streets of Melbourne.
combined engineering, particularly of concrete products,
Why did so many people honour this man and make such
with soldiering, at which he excelled. Always ambitious,
an effort to farewell him? Could it be that Monash, Jewish
Monash worked hard at his reading in the Public (later State)
and of alien descent, was held in such esteem as to be
Library and was involved in the construction of the Library’s
regarded as one of the greatest Victorians? Politicians –
breathtaking domed reading room, which opened in 1913.
such as Alfred Deakin and Robert Menzies – spring to mind
Adversity must have steeled Monash and it is certain that,
as possible contenders for the title, but Monash stood head
as a Jew and descendant of a German, no-one could have
and shoulders above them on the world stage.
expected that he would play the pre-eminent role in the AIF.
Monash’s body lay in state in Queen’s Hall, Parliament House from Friday 9 October. The funeral procession
which included Victoria’s iconic battalion, the 14th, when it
left Parliament House in Bourke Street at about 1 pm
was formed at Broadmeadows in September 1914. Monash
on Sunday 11 October 1931 and made its way, past the
proved himself an inspired and excellent trainer of men.
partially completed Shrine of Remembrance, where a
Critics were harsh about his performance at Gallipoli and
memorial service was held later that afternoon, to the
unfairly criticised him for the failure of the attack on Sari
Brighton cemetery on North Road. An estimated 8000
Bair, 6–8 August. But Monash and his men were asked to
returned men marched ‘in mufti’ and accompanied the gun
achieve the impossible and Monash’s biographer, Geoffrey
carriage on which the coffin was placed. The streets were
Serle, writes that Gallipoli ‘had given him a devastating
packed with silent onlookers.
education’. It was a significant part of his genius as a military
At around 40 years of age Monash complained of
commander that Monash learned his lessons very well. His
his ‘cursed bad luck’, and his life to that point gave
growth and development as a strategist, thinker and leader is
him grounds for such an anguished cry. His father, an
the most impressive aspect of his years at war.
immigrant from Prussia, did not prosper in Victoria as he
208
Monash was given command of the 4th Infantry Brigade,
Perhaps it was his extraordinary good fortune to be given
might have expected. John, ferociously bright at school at
command of the newly formed Australian Corps in June
Scotch College, did not set the university world alight and,
1918 when, for the first time, all the Australian divisions
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came together to form a national unit. Monash took over
might have expected significant national work, but those
the corps as the Australian troops reached their peak of
who had the gift of these things seemed wary of him. The
efficiency and experience. His set-piece battles, particularly
Prince of Wales arrived in Melbourne on 26 May 1920, on
at Hamel, but elsewhere in the Battle for Amiens, too,
the Victorian leg of his Australian tour, to give thanks for
were remarkable. Monash insisted that the troops know
Australian achievements and Monash might have expected
the detail of what was expected of them, and of the terrain
to be at the forefront of the welcoming committee. Instead,
over which they would pass. He did not treat his men as
he joined the crowd of onlookers that thronged Swanston
expendable or ‘cannon fodder’ and the loss of life in the
Street. The omission was widely noted and things improved
new Australian Corps, despite the extraordinary battles in
thereafter with his attendance at dinners and receptions,
which they participated, was relatively low.
but Monash must have felt it as a slight.
Knighted by the King at the AIF headquarters at
In June 1920 Monash became general manager of the
Bertangles, France, on 12 August 1918, Monash was
State Electricity Commission of Victoria, later chairman.
regarded as one of the most successful of the British
This important task, which helped to thoroughly renew
commanders. His critics allege that he was devoted to
and revitalise Victorian manufacturing industries with the
burnishing his own reputation and remarkably in 1919,
provision of cheap electricity, suited Monash’s engineering
with the war over, Monash rapidly produced a substantial
skills, his leadership strengths and his strategic vision.
book, The Australian Victories in France 1918. Serle writes
It was as important a task as could have been given to
that it was ‘propaganda, but not far off the truth’. Monash
any Victorian and established the state as an economic
was also given the job of masterminding the repatriation of
powerhouse.
the 180 000 Australian soldiers, 7000 war brides and some
Monash was also heavily involved in the official
children to their homes. He completed this huge task with
commemoration of Victoria’s war dead throughout
speed and care. He also designed and took great pride in
the state and, in particular, with the siting, design and
the AIF Education Scheme which occupied men awaiting
construction of the Shrine of Remembrance in the Domain
repatriation and taught many of them important skills for
in Melbourne, which was completed after his death in 1934.
civilian life.
He was the appropriate and popular leader of Victorian
Despite his towering achievements Monash was treated somewhat shabbily on his own return home. He
Anzac Day commemorations. From 1925 until his death in 1931 he led Melbourne’s Anzac Day march, mounted on
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General Sir John Monash, seated, with members of his senior staff at Bertangles, 1918
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‘Arise Sir John’. King George V confers a knighthood on General John Monash at
A u s t r a l i a n Wa r M e m o r i a l E 02964
Bertangles chateau, outside Amiens, Monash’s headquarters.
his horse, the very picture of military bearing. ‘No-one in
the university is appropriate given Monash’s lifelong quest
Australia’s history,’ Geoffrey Serle concluded, ‘crammed
for knowledge and growth, his emphasis on knowledge
more effective work into a life.’ Victoria’s Monash
and understanding in war, and his own determination
University, one of Australia’s best tertiary institutions, is
as a young man to develop the broadest possible base of
named after him, as are other state assets. The naming of
learning.
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Epilogue
I
f you reach the top of Mount Wombat near Strathbogie in north-eastern Victoria, you will be rewarded with a fine view of the country below. n According to a plaque at the summit, on a good day, the view encompasses about one-quarter of the state of Victoria. n This reminds the climber what a small state, in Australian terms, Victoria is. n Should you then visit the village of Strathbogie, consisting of a main street and a few side streets, you will find a memorial to those
who died in the First World War and those who returned. n You would
expect to find a memorial at Strathbogie; almost every Victorian town, village and suburb has one. n But the numbers recorded at Strathbogie might surprise you. n From the district, 20 men were killed at war; 33 returned to resume their lives. n
Given that the village was tiny with only a few hundred
Victorians came out of the war with a story to sustain
people, the proportions are sobering, but so is the scale of
them for the next 100 years or more. A story of sacrifice,
enlistment and loss for this remote and tiny place. Victoria
above all, from every class and section of society. Of
is not a large land mass but its people gave generously and
sacrifice made willingly by boys and girls in every part of
nobly to a cause that had dominated Victorian society for
the state, by women of all kinds and descriptions – mothers,
four years.
wives, girlfriends, aunties, cousins, friends, workers,
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worshippers, neighbours. Of sacrifice made willingly by
those who had given their lives, and a pledge to protect
men of all kinds and descriptions – fathers, brothers, uncles,
those who had depended on them weighed heavily. The
cousins, employers, workers, worshippers, sporting mates,
debt included those now in the military hospitals and Anzac
mates and neighbours. Of sacrifice made by farmers, who
hostels spread around the state, who might be there for
could not find enough rural labour and carried on as best
years yet, or for life.
they could. Of sacrifice made by employers, builders,
There are two books that tell me how it was in Victoria
shopkeepers, bankers and all who, without young and eager
after the war, better than any other accounts that I have
labour, made the best go of it that they could. Of sacrifice
read. Neither was written by a soldier come home from the
borne by clergymen delivering nearly 20 000 telegrams
war, indeed the writers, both of whom were born in 1912
telling of death at the front.
and died in 1970, were too young to understand the full
Victorians hoped that this sacrifice was purposeful,
impact of the war at the time. The first book, a novel, My
for how otherwise could it be justified? The images from
Brother Jack by George Johnston, was published in 1964;
Henley-on-Yarra on the day of the big regatta in the last
the second, a memoir, The Road to Gundagai by Graham
year of peace are a revelation of the wealth of Victorian
McInnes, came out in 1965.
society. Women in their long gowns, many specially
Both Johnston’s parents went to the war and returned
purchased for this day; men in their best suits, many with
bearing its deep scars. Johnston’s hero is called David
boaters or bowler hats on their heads, escorting their
Meredith, but readers have long assumed a heavy element
wives or girlfriends and doing what Melburnians loved
of autobiography in the writing. A scene from David’s early
to do: to promenade. These are among the last images
life has stayed with me since I first read it, and says so much
from Edwardian Melbourne. To be sure, Henley-on-Yarra
about the immediate postwar years. David is a young boy
would resume in 1919, but Melbourne and Victoria had
and is walking along a street of shops in Elsternwick, when
lost something that would take many years to recover; the
he comes upon a disused photographer’s shop. The window
society had lost its confidence, its elan, its love of life. The
space is decorated with photographs of soldiers, presumably
war took this and left Victorians facing a drab and fearful
taken on pre-embarkation leave as a memento for those
future: the war merging into the Great Depression and
left at home. An older boy is kicking a ball down the street
then another world war. Victorians finished the war with
and he, too, stops at the photographer’s to look in. He
a heavy financial and social debt. The debt of gratitude to
says nothing for a long time and then announces: ‘all them
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blokes in there is dead, you know.’ David runs all the way home, trying not to cry. His mother, a nurse at the war, returned home to nurse at the Caulfield Convalescent Hospital as it became known after the war. David and his brother Jack were required to visit the hospital regularly to cheer up the blokes housed there and several of them came to live in David’s family’s home for longer or shorter periods. When David’s older sister married a returned soldier with only one leg ‘this seemed to us, at the time,
Peace Day was celebrated throughout the Empire on Saturday 19 July 1919. Here a naval contingent leads the way up Swanston Street; a small portion of the 7000 sailors and soldiers that marched through Melbourne.
quite normal and expected’. McInnes was born in London. His parents divorced in 1917 and his mother, Angela, married an Australian soldier, Captain GLA Thirkell, the following year. He brought the family, including the two sons of the previous marriage, to settle in Melbourne in early 1920. Angela Thirkell, a writer, gave an account of the voyage in her book Trooper to the Southern Cross. She returned to London in 1929, ostensibly to look after her ageing parents, but in reality the marriage was over – Angela could never adapt to suburban Melbourne. Graham remained behind. Eventually he too left Australia for a successful career as a Canadian diplomat. His book on growing up in Melbourne became an instant hit. One chapter ‘Central 434, please’, the phone number of the Naval and Military Club in Alfred Place, Melbourne, deals with the difficulty his stepfather (the former soldier)
A u s t r a l i a n Wa r M e m o r i a l DA X 2077
had in adjusting to postwar life. Almost nightly Graham was asked by his mother to ring the club to ensure that her husband would be returning for dinner. Even with such reminders, Captain Thirkell rarely arrived home before 8 pm. Later ‘I learned what it was that kept him so late. It was not, as Mother sometimes hinted, Demon Rum or even its more probable Australian equivalent … Melbourne Bitter. It was, rather, the Anzac Dream’. In his early teens Graham entered the club bar itself: and discovered that
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Peace Day celebrations with soldiers about to pass the saluting
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base at federal Parliament House
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beneath it all lay a lazy sense of camaraderie, of some secret shared in common which excluded me, not only because I was of another generation, but because I had not been “over there”; because the names Gallipoli, Gaba Tepe, Mudros, Anzac Cove, the Somme, Passchendaele, the Ancre, VillersBretonneux held for me no common memories.
Both these books tell their readers of death, damaged and wounded soldiers, and of memories that would not fade away. These were some of the legacies of the ‘Great War’. While the bereaved lived with their grief and communities opened their hearts and their wallets to assist the wounded, others, naturally, tried to put the war behind them. The war memorials that were built throughout Victoria drew on the love and the grief of the people and a determination that the sacrifice and service would never be forgotten. Much grew from the Great War. Rituals and traditions
Stonnington Library and Information Service ph 13378
emerged including the two minutes silence on Armistice Day,
Norman Dickinson has survived the war and is reunited with his mother, Christina, at the family home in Prahran.
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the Anzac Day march, and the Dawn Service. Organisations sprang up that became important and influential in community and political life. The most prominent of them, of course, was what was always known as the RSL (Returned and Services League), though it had a variety of formal titles. The RSL is one of Australia’s greatest welfare organisations and one of our most loved institutions. It has cared for and looked after every type and manner of returned man and woman, regardless of creed, politics, or circumstance. Closely on its heels in public esteem is Legacy, begun in Tasmania, but at its greatest strength and influence in Victoria. Founded
A house in Cecil
on the principle that the surviving sailors, soldiers, airmen
Street, Kew, is
and nurses had a responsibility to look after the widows
decorated with
and dependants of mates killed in the war, Legacy fulfilled that mission magnificently. The history of these rituals and
flags and bunting
organisations arising from the war is outside the scope of this
to welcome home
book, even as we acknowledge how they influenced postwar
Trooper Horace
Victorian life. But it was the war memorials of each suburb, town and village across the state that gave a constant physical reminder of the impact of the war and the extent of the community’s sacrifice. One of the earliest and grandest of these memorials was the Peace Memorial in Johnstone Park, Geelong, opened
Day, who enlisted in January 1916 and returned home in 1919.
by the Victorian governor, Lord Somers, in October 1926. Somers had served throughout the war and was twice wounded at Ypres. John Monash was asked to assist at the opening and both he and the governor were given a briefing about Geelong in the war. They must have been impressed by what they read. The citizens of Geelong had raised £23 000 to build the Peace Memorial, of which £8500 was paid to widows of soldiers killed in action to enable each of them to purchase a home. Geelong and district had a population during the war of about 35 000 people, of whom about 3000 served overseas. Throughout the war, Geelong raised £150 000 in cash for war funds. Citizens provided two ambulances in France, a YMCA hut, and they equipped,
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A u s t r a l i a n Wa r M e m o r i a l P 03130.005
Epilogue
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Inside the Dickinson home in Prahran for a gathering to welcome Norman back. Flags, bunting and decorations show how pleased they were to have him home.
S to n n i n g to n L i b r a r y a n d I n f o r m at i o n S e r v i c e ph 13379
He had been sick in hospital several times during the war. Did he worry for his future?
out of their own pockets, the Geelong Military Camp.
people present. The governor and Monash were met
Women worked continuously throughout the war for the
by over 1000 returned men and the banners of 60 AIF
Red Cross and the Comforts Fund, sending a huge quantity
battalions were held high, representing the service
of clothing to the central depots. Each Geelong man at war
of all Australians. Somers said that those who passed
received a Christmas Billy annually. As each man returned
through the memorial should be reminded of the spirit
to Geelong from the war he was met by a Citizens’
of comradeship, of unity, of discipline, of service and
Committee headed by the mayor and driven by car to his
sacrifice, qualities that had caused the building to be
home. After the war the citizens purchased the former
built. He declared the memorial ‘one of the finest
Union Bank building as a club for returned soldiers.
erected in Australia’ and asserted that in battle ‘the
The official opening of the Peace Memorial took place on Sunday 31 October 1926 with about 10 000
220
Australians were without equal’. The words ‘Lest We Forget’ were etched into the floor of the Peace
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War involved the extended family, as this welcome home party shows – a parent, perhaps a grandparent, aunties, friends. At this party in Northcote, the family welcomes Lieutenant Clifton Wilson MM,
A u s t r a l i a n Wa r M e m o r i a l P 09135.001
promoted in the field. The woman he will marry is at the far left of the picture, at the back.
Memorial and, after the official proceedings concluded,
permanent reminder to all Victorians of what had been lost
many people laid wreaths around the inscription.
and what had been achieved in the war. For some, though,
Monash and the governor were frequently involved in
it came too late. Mrs Annie Whitelaw, mother of six soldier
opening or dedicating such memorials around the state,
sons, four of whom lost their lives to the war, had not the
culminating in the dedication of Melbourne’s remarkable
comfort of seeing the shrine commenced or completed,
Shrine of Remembrance on 11 November 1934. Monash
for she died in April 1927, aged 64 years. Bob, Ken, Ivan
laid the foundation stone in 1927, predicting that the shrine
and Angus, her four soldier sons killed, are listed on her
would be of a size equivalent to occupying a Melbourne city
headstone in the Briagolong cemetery. Beneath their names
block or else it might comfortably swallow up the Melbourne
the inscription says: ‘Happy is she who can die with the
Cricket Ground. The shrine dominated the Melbourne
thought that in the hour of her country’s greatest need she
skyline, able to be seen from many parts of the city, a
gave her utmost.’
Epilogue
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A note on sources Readers will see that this book is not footnoted as works of
was the paper chosen for Victoria and while, on occasion,
history commonly are. It was decided that footnotes would
I have consulted the Age and the evening Herald, it was the
interfere with the flow of the text in a book that aims to be
Argus that I normally used in my study at home to discover
accessible to the widest possible cross-section of readers.
what was happening in Melbourne and Victoria across the
To assist more general readers the following sources are
years of war. The best means of accessing the Victorian
provided.
newspapers is through the National Library of Australia’s search engine Trove: .
N ational A rchives of A ustralia
In every case where the details of an individual Australian
A ustralian War Memorial
soldier or nurse are given I have taken the facts from the
War diaries for each of the units comprising the AIF have
individual’s enlistment form and record of service held at
been digitised by the memorial and are available online. I
the National Archives. In an extraordinary achievement, of
used the 14th Battalion war diary extensively and looked
the greatest benefit to historians everywhere, the archives
at the war diaries of other Victorian battalions as required.
digitised this entire record series so that it is available
War diaries can be accessed on the memorial’s website:
online. Records can be accessed via the National Archives
.
homepage: . C hapter O ne S tate L ibrary of V ictoria
For the difficulties in late July to early August 1914 and the
As a remarkable contribution to our knowledge of Victoria
election campaign, Ernest Scott, Australia During the War,
at war the State Library has digitised nearly every Victorian
vol. XI of the Official History, Sydney: Angus & Robertson,
country and suburban newspaper for the period 1914–18.
1936; on the Pfalz incident, Scott, Australia During the
This gives readers access to the details of the Victorian war
War; Broadmeadows Military Camp, Essendon Gazette,
effort online in a way that was unimaginable even a few
August 1914; Newton Wanliss, History of the Fourteenth
years ago. Readers of this book will note my heavy reliance
Battalion AIF, Melbourne, 1929.
on rural newspapers across the years of war. The decision
Marvellous Melbourne
was made some time ago to digitise one major metropolitan
Graeme Davison, The Rise and Fall of Marvellous Melbourne,
newspaper from each Australian capital city. The Argus
Melbourne University Press, 1979.
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C hapter T wo
JD Burns
Jack McGlade, Papers 1914–77, State Library of Victoria,
Scotch Collegian.
MS MSB639.
W h at t o d o i n w a r t i m e ?
McKernan, The Australian People and the Great War. C hapter T hree
Visit to St George’s Uniting Church, Chapel Street, East
C hapter F ive
St Kilda; Michael McKernan, Padre: Australian Chaplains in
Michael Molkentin, Fire in the Sky: The Australian Flying
Gallipoli and France, Sydney: Allen & Unwin, 1986; Charles Bean, The Story of Anzac, vol. I of the Official History, Sydney:
Corps in the First World War, Sydney: Allen & Unwin, 2010; Gerhard Fischer, Enemy Aliens: Internment and
Angus & Robertson, 1921; Peter Stanley, Digger Smith and
the Homefront Experience in Australia 1914–1920, St
Australia’s Great War, Sydney: Pier 9, 2011; Jan Bassett, Guns and Brooches: Australian Army Nursing from the Boer War to
Lucia: University of Queensland Press, 1989; Michael McKernan, Gallipoli: A Short History, Sydney: Allen &
the Gulf War, Melbourne: Oxford University Press, 1997.
Unwin, 2011; McKernan, The Australian People and the
A l b e r t J a c k a VC
Robert Macklin, Jacka VC: Australian Hero, Sydney: Allen &
Great War; Birchip Advertiser and Watchem Sentinel; June E Senyard, Birchip: Essays on a Shire, Shire of Birchip,
Unwin, 2006.
1970.
C hapter F our
Birchip Advertiser.
The Neylands
Keith Hancock, Country and Calling, London: Faber & Faber, 1954; Rosalie Triolo, ‘Our Schools and the War’, North
C hapter S ix
Melbourne: Australian Scholarly Publishing, 2012; How We
Ross McMullin, Pompey Elliott, Melbourne: Scribe, 2002;
Raised the First Hundred Thousand, Melbourne: Education
Wanliss, History of the Fourteenth Battalion.
Department War Relief Fund, 1917; Mathew Sharman,
Indigenous Victorians
Papers 1898–41, State Library of Victoria, MS MSB 510;
Alick Jackomos and Derek Fowell, Forgotten Heroes:
Michael McKernan, The Australian People and the Great War,
Aborigines at War from the Somme to Vietnam, Melbourne:
Melbourne: Thomas Nelson, 1980; Brian Lewis, Our War,
Victoria Press, 1993.
Melbourne University Press, 1981.
A note on sources
VictoriansAtWarText2print.indd 223
223
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C hapter S even
C hapter E ight
Michael McKernan, Australian Churches at War, Sydney:
Lewis, Our War; Wanliss, History of the Fourteenth
Catholic Theological Faculty and Canberra: Australian
Battalion; Macklin, Jacka VC; Griffin, Daniel Mannix;
War Memorial, 1980; James Griffin, Daniel Mannix:
Bendigo Advertiser; McKernan, Australian Churches at War.
Beyond the Myths, Mulgrave: Garratt Publishing, 2012; LF Fitzhardinge, The Little Digger, 1914–1952, Sydney:
C hapter N ine
Angus & Robertson, 1979.
Charles Bean, The Australian Imperial Force in France,
The Light Horse
During the Main German Offensive, vol. V of the Official
Cyril Smith, The 4th Australian Light Horse Regiment:
History, Sydney: Angus & Robertson, 1940; Casterton News.
Some Aspects of its War Service, Sandringham: 4th Light
Sir John Monash
Horse Regiment Association, 1954.
Geoffrey Serle, John Monash: A Biography, Melbourne University Press, 1982.
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Acknowledgements This book was funded by the Victorian Government to
the skill, commitment and energy all have brought to the
commemorate the Anzac Centenary and commissioned by
project.
the State Library of Victoria. I worked closely with Margot Jones, Publishing Project
Two friends have looked over every manuscript I have written across the last several years. I am extremely grateful
Manager at the State Library, and with Dr Marina Larsson,
to them for their close reading and vast knowledge. Thank
until recently Senior Policy Officer, Veterans Heritage,
you Paul Macpherson and Dr Stephen Foster.
within the Veterans’ Unit. We met regularly to discuss
Justine Molony edited the text with skill and sympathy.
progress and both gave me confidence that the project was
I could not have asked for more in an editor. And the hours
on track. Margot Jones was incredibly helpful in helping me
she keeps!
to find the illustrations and with her detailed involvement
Staff at the State Library of Victoria were always
in the text. The same words apply exactly to Marina
ready to help and I much enjoyed working with so many
Larsson and, in her own time, she applied an intense
dedicated and professional people. The staff I dealt with
editor’s eye to the text. I thank them both most warmly.
were always interested and friendly as was Shane Carmody,
I also thank David Roberts, Manager, Veterans Affairs, Department of Premier and Cabinet, and Robert Heather,
a friend of many years. I also worked quietly and unobtrusively, I hope, at
Manager, Collection Interpretation at the State Library,
the National Library of Australia and enjoy the superb
who both took a keen and supportive interest in the
conditions of work there.
project. NewSouth Publishing won the contract to publish the
I thank my friends and my family for sustaining me in love and kindliness. Katherine and Mark, Matilda and
book. I could not have been better served by the publisher.
Nina; Jane and Toby, Ada and Eugene, make my life a
Though I only met personally one of the talented people
joy. My best thanks are reserved for my wife, Michalina
working on this book I have been most impressed with
Stawyskyj, who gives more than she knows.
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Index NB Page numbers in italic refer to photographs. 1st Australian Division, departs for Middle East 51 2nd Australian Infantry Brigade, at Krithia 62 4th Australian Brigade 50, 66– 67, 179–180, 190–191 4th Division, formation of 133 4th Light Horse Regiment at Beersheba 170 at Gallipoli 169–170 Bourke Street parade 135 on Western Front 170 raised in Victoria 169 6th Battalion, at Gallipoli 57–58 7th Battalion, Victoria Cross recipients in 64 8th Brigade, at Fromelles 139 8th Light Horse Regiment 45, 70, 115, 169 9th Light Horse Regiment 169 12th Light Horse Regiment 170 13th Light Horse Regiment 169 14th Battalion at Gallipoli 71–72 at Pozières 144 on Western Front 132–149, 179–180, 183, 190–192 relieved from Pozières 149 14th Brigade, in Fromelles attack 139 15th Brigade, in Fromelles attack 137–142 21st Battalion, casualties in 86 29th Division (UK) 62 46th Battalion, formation of 133 57th Battalion, at Fromelles 137–142 58th Battalion, at Fromelles 137–142
226
59th Battalion, at Fromelles 137–142 60th Battalion, at Fromelles 137–142 II Anzac Mounted Regiment 170 Aboriginals 150–152 Adamson, Lawrence 97–98 Age 14, 126–127, 194 AIF see Australian Imperial Force AIF Education Scheme 209 alcohol serving hours restricted 96 Amiens, battle for 189–192, 209 Anstey, Frank 48–49, 164 Anzac Cove see Gallipoli Anzac Day marches 218 Argus announces outbreak of war 13 Bean reports for 147 coverage of war news 113 on armistice 194–195 on battle of Hamel 192 on Bois-Grenier raid 137 on British entry into war 11–14 on conscription referendum 168 on Gallipoli 115 on Hughes’s return to Australia 155–156 on Law sermon 164 on Mannix speech 181 on Pfalz incident 17 on retreat from Gallipoli 126 on second conscription referendum 184 Ari Burnu 62–63 armistice, effect of 5, 188–207, 217–218 Armstrong, Bishop TH 186
atrocities, reported in parliament 49 Australian Army Nursing Service 44, 45, 58–60, 60–61 Australian Comforts Fund children’s work for 78–81 Comforts Fund Day 192 establishment of 32 facilities provided by 174 fundraising for 192 goods collected for 120 governor-general’s wife promotes 121 in Geelong 220 work done by women for 102–103 Australian Corps, Monash given command of 208–209 Australian Flying Corps 108, 110 Australian Historical Mission 58 Australian Imperial Force (AIF) armistice celebrations for 195 Hughes concerned for 154, 188–189 oath of allegiance to 140–141 Victorian quota 20 Australian Light Horse 169–171, 171 Automobile Club of Victoria 105 Bahgallah 194 Baillieu, WL 158 Bartlett, Norman 170 Bean, Charles dispatches from 115 on 6th Battalion at Gallipoli 57–58 on ‘Anzac leave’ 189 on Bert Jacka 74 on Bullecourt 180
on Fromelles raid 143 on Lone Pine battle 63 on ‘Pompey’ Elliott 139 on the Nek battle 70 on the Somme 147 on Victorian response to war 5 photographs by 56, 88–89 Beasy, Henry 38 Beersheba, charge at 170 Belgium, fundraising for 47–49 Bell, Jane 58 Bendigo, Hughes wins election in 181–183, 182 Biggsley, HA 63 Birchip 121, 130 Bird, SC 92 Birdwood, General William 60 Bois-Grenier sector, 14th Battalion in 133–137 Bourchier, Murray 170 Bourke Street, Melbourne 10, 135 Briagolong 1–2 Bridges, General William 60 Briggs, Barney 98 Brighton Red Cross festival 98 Britain see United Kingdom Broadmeadows Military Camp 14th Battalion at 51 establishment of 20–23 in 1915 105–106 letters written from 41–42, 43 mounted forces at 21, 169 recruits at 19 visiting day 22, 23 Brotchie, John Alexander, ‘Dad’ 51, 149, 188 Brotchie family 51, 188, 195–197 Brown, FE 98 Brunswick recruitment rally 158–159
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Brunt, William Henry 38 Buckland, William 98 Buckley & Nunn department store 125 Bullecourt, battle of 178, 179–180 Burns, Hugh McLeod 86 Burns, James Drummond 86–88, 158, 160 Burton, Alexander, awarded Victoria Cross 64–66 Byrne, Michael 114 ‘Call to Arms’ 124–128, 154 call-up of single men 166 Cameron, William 114 Carmichael, T 63 Carr, Archbishop Thomas 164, 181 Carter, Duncan 98 Casterton 30–31 armistice celebrations 195 early effects of war 29–40 farmland near 36–37 Red Cross work at 194 thanksgiving services 201–202 Casterton News 32–34 casualties at Beersheba 170 at Bullecourt 180 at Fromelles, extent of concealed 139–143 at Gallipoli 4, 45, 63, 126–128 at Krithia 63 at Pozières 149 at the Somme 143–144, 149 from 6th Battalion 56–58 from 8th Light Horse regiment 70 from 14th Battalion 56–57, 192 from 21st Battalion 86 from Australian Light Horse 170 from Casterton 35–41 from private schools 97–98 from Richmond 173 hospitalised 114 listed in Argus 113–115 maimed and disfigured 84, 105–108 on Western Front 160 procedure for notification of 2–3, 126–128 published lists of 71
Catholic Church, sectarianism in 5 Caulfield Grammar, recruits from 98 Caulfield Military Hospital 84, 121 cavalry see mounted troops cemeteries see war memorials and cemeteries Chapel Street, Prahran 193, 196–197 children effect of war on 76–85, 90–93, 98–99 fundraising by 115 socks knitted by 91–92, 91 Christ Church, South Yarra 24 Clark, Frank 177 Clark, Joe 174, 177 Clarke, Henry Lowther 113 clergymen see also names of clergy, as recruits 186–187 Collins Street, Melbourne 12–13, 14–15 ‘comforts’ see Australian Comforts Fund Commonwealth Census 77 Commonwealth Government Defence Department 8, 142– 143, 166 federal parliament 7–8, 46–48 recruitment drives by 124 referendums on conscription 160–162, 168, 176, 183 troops offered to Britain by 50 Compulsory Service Act (NZ) 155 conscription debate 153–168, 176 Cook, Joseph 8, 11, 20, 173 Corian 98 Cornwall and York, Duke and Duchess of 6–7, 14–15 Courtney, Richard 74 Courtney’s Post 64, 74–75 Crowther, Lieutenant-Colonel Henry 190
Defence Department 8, 142–143, 166 Dickinson, Norman 217, 220 Dobie, Lieutenant HS 149 Duff, C Alec 90–91, 93 Duffy, John Gavan 19–20 Dunstan, William 64–66
Dare, Lieutenant-Colonel Charles Moreland Montague 74, 132, 149 Davies, Evelyn ‘Tevie’ 58–60, 62–63, 176 Day, Horace 218–219 Deakin, Alfred 162
Galeka (troopship) 57 Gallipoli 14th Battalion at 56–57, 132–133 Australian Light Horse at 169–170 casualties at 4, 45, 56–58,
education system 78–85, 90–93, 111 Elizabeth Street, Melbourne 12–13 Elliott, Brigadier Harold Edward ‘Pompey’ 137–142, 141 Elmslie, George 19 Embarkation Pier Cemetery 72 England see United Kingdom English Scottish and Australian Bank Building 24 Essendon Gazette 23 Exhibition Building 6–7, 24 farm labour, withdrawn for military use 41, 44–45 federal parliament see Commonwealth Government Feuteral, R 194 Fisher, Andrew as prime minister 8, 46, 47 commitment to war 20 Jacka congratulated by 75 resigns as prime minister 121–122, 153 supports Belgian fund scheme 49 Flinders Street Railway Station 112–113 food at Gallipoli 64 Forrest, Sir John 184, 200 Fort Nepean, first shot in war fired by 17 Fothergill, Jack 57–58, 64–65 Fothergill family 58 Fromelles attack, Victorian casualties in 137–142 fundraising parades 84–85
63–64, 71–72 effect of news from 70–71 evacuation from 126–128 failure of Allied campaign 60, 115–119 Monash at 208 Plugge’s Plateau 56 Victorian troops at 50–73 Garde, Rev 58 Geelong Grammar School, recruits from 98 Geelong Peace Memorial 218– 220 George V, King of England 211 German-Australians 14–15, 111–113 Geyer, HC 128 Gillison, Andrew 52, 53, 66–67, 71–72 Glen Eira 84 gold rush era 24–25 Gough, General Hubert 180 Government House 103, 121, 185 Grand Fleet 53–56 Gray, C 157 Great Britain see United Kingdom Greenham, Charles Gustus ‘Gus’ 35 Grey, Sir Edward 14 Haig, Douglas 189–190 Haking, General Richard 142 Hamel, battle of 111, 192 Hamilton, General Sir Ian 60, 75, 115–119 Hancock, Eric 90 Hancock, Jim 76 Hancock, Keith 76–77 Harefield Park Hospital 114 Harris, Archdeacon 195, 201 Heathcote, Norm 92 Heliopolis, Egypt 44, 58 Henderson, Kenneth 76 Heneghan, Father John Thomas 186–187 Henley-on-Yarra regatta 26–27, 28 Hennessy, Sir David 19, 157 Herald, reports on armistice 194 Hindenberg Line 179 Holsworthy alien internment camp 111
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horses see mounted troops hospital ships 105 How We Raised the First Hundred Thousand 81 Howells, Alf 38 Hughes, William Morris addresses troops on Western Front 192 as prime minister 124–128, 153 calls up single men 166 concern for servicemen 188– 189 in 1917 election 180–182 leaves Labor Party 173 overseas travels 153–154 second conscription referendum 183–184 supports Belgian fund scheme 49 Hunt, Tom 91–92 Hurley family 38–41 Indigenous Victorians 150–152 Irvine, Sir William 157 Jacka, Albert ‘Bert’ 75 at Bullecourt 179 awarded Military Cross 147–149 awarded Victoria Cross 3–4, 64, 65, 74–75 hospitalised 190–192 Jacka, David ‘Sam’ 74 Jacka, Sydney 74 Jacka, William 74, 149 Johnston, George 213–215 Johnston, JAK 63 Jolley, Edward Francis 46–47 Kamerooka, Hughes campaigns in 181 Keiran, RC 63 Kendall, William Augustus 97 Krithia campaign 62 Lake Tyers Aboriginal community 150 Langwarrin alien internment camp 111–113 Langwarrin military hospital 111 Latham, John G 162 Law, Archibald 164 Legacy organisation 218
228
Lemnos Island, medical facilities on 58–61 Lewis, Brian 98–99, 176 Lewis, Keith 98 Lewis, Owen 98 Lewis, Ralph 176 Lewis family 176 Lone Pine, battle of 63–64 Lone Pine Memorial 58 Loughnan, Richard Ignatius 162 Love, Alfred Herbert, diary of 68–69 Lowham, Father JP 34, 41, 201 Lutheran schools in Australia 111 Macfarland, John Henry 162 Maloney, William 164 Malvern Town Hall 199 Mannix, Archbishop Daniel 163 campaigns against conscription 166–168, 180–181, 183 preaches at postwar service 201 Martin, Stanley 98 Masson, Orme 162 McCay, Colonel James Whiteside 62–63 McCutchan, Frank 98 McGlade, John ‘Jack’ Matthew assigned to 8th Light Horse 45 letters written by 41–42, 172 wounded and evacuated 70 McGrath, David 49 McInnes, Graham 213–216 McKernan, Thomas James 7 McKernan, Vera 7, 14 McNeil, A Rowan 86–87 medically unfit designation, medal for 143 Meers, Reverend J 195 Melbourne fundraising parades 84–85 historic buildings 24–28 Light Horsemen from 169 public transport system 25, 116, 117 reaction to armistice 5, 195, 198 reaction to outbreak of war 6–23 recruitment marches 72–73, 80–81
Red Cross Day march 95 remembrance service held in 202, 202–203, 204–205 returned soldiers’ reception 106–108, 106–107, 190–191 sporting events in 94 wartime restrictions in 96, 105–106 Melbourne Cricket Ground 25–28 Melbourne Grammar School, recruits from 76, 92 Melbourne Showgrounds, temporary military camp at 108 Melbourne Town Hall 197 armistice celebrations 5, 199 ‘comforts’ collected at 120 pro-conscription meetings 162 rally for Hughes’s return 157–160 recruitment meeting at 17–19 state school parade 79 Menzies, Frank 77–78 Menzies, James ‘Les’ 77–78 Menzies, Robert 77, 98, 129, 160 Merrington, Andrew 72 Mildura, recruitment rally 154 Military Cross awarded to Bert Jacka 149 Military Medal awards 150, 152 Military Orders, Fromelles casualties revealed in 142–143 military rations at Gallipoli 64 military training manuals 136 Mill, Howard 35 Millen, Edward as minister for defence 11, 34, 50 on Germany 48 Monash, General Sir John 210, 211 battle of Hamel planned by 192 commands 4th Brigade 50 death and funeral 209 in charge of repatriation 207, 209 lays foundation stone at Shrine of Remembrance 221 military aircraft used by 111 opens Peace Memorial 218–221 Monash University 211 Monro, General Sir Charles 115 Moore, Ina and Clement 137
Moquet Farm, battle of 144, 149 Mornington Park property 22 Moule, Humphrey 170 Mount Wombat 211 mounted troops see also 4th Light Horse regiment; Australian Light Horse 8th Light Horse Regiment 45, 70, 115, 169 at Broadmeadows Military Camp 21, 42 from Victoria 169–170 lost at Gallipoli 115 Mudros, 14th Battalion at 132 Munro Ferguson, Lady Helen 119–121 Munro Ferguson, Sir Ronald addresses 14th Battalion 53 as governor-general 46–47 Hughes surrenders commission to 184 medals presented by 194 receives parliamentary address 200–201, 201 UK communicates war news to 11–16 Murphy, William Patrick 56–57 My Brother Jack 213–215 Myer Emporium 10, 28, 96 Nek attack 70 New Zealand, conscription introduced in 155 New Zealand Otago Mounted Rifles 170 Newham, Jack 98 newspapers, packed and sent to troops 124 Newton, Walter 114–115 Neyland family 129–131 Niven, Margaret 129, 131 No. 1 Australian General Hospital in Lemnos 58–60, 60–61 nurses 44, 45, 58–60, 60–61 Oakleigh Hall 48 Oddfellows Hall, Casterton 32–34 Orchard, WL 92 Parliament House, Spring Street Federal Parliament meets in 46
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Peace Day march 216–217 remembrance service held at 202, 202–203, 204–205 Peace Day march 214–215, 216–217 Peacock, Sir Alexander 19, 157 Pearce, George 48, 173 Peet, Senior Constable 131 Pennefather, Mr 166 Pepper, Percy 150, 152 Peskett, Peter 38 Pfalz (cargo ship), returned to Melbourne at gunpoint 16–17, 16, 18 Phelan, Bishop Patrick 5, 202–207 Pittendrigh, Robert 71–72 Point Cook military encampment 108 Port Melbourne, troopships depart from 53, 54–55 Pozières, battle of 144, 148, 149 Prahran Children’s Patriotic League 100–101 Prince of Wales, Australian visit by 209 Pring, Bertie 134, 137, 160, 199 Pring, Mary 134 propaganda, for conscription 165 ‘Public School Company’ 92 public transport system 25, 116, 117 Quinn’s Post 64 Rawlings, Bessie and William 150–152 Rawlings, William Reginald ‘Reg’ 150–152, 151 Raywood, Hughes campaigns in 181 recruitment and training advertising for 116, 117 after Gallipoli 71 files kept for each soldier 144–145 meeting outside Age offices 126–127 posters for 59, 161 rally at Brunswick 158–159 rally at Mildura 154 reasons given for 78 Recruit’s Companion 118 volunteers vs conscripts 156
recruits at Broadmeadows Military Camp 19 departure overseas 104, 122–123 first volunteers 20 from Casterton 34–35 from rural Victoria 42–44 marches through Melbourne 72–73, 80–81, 138–139 numbers decrease 173 Recruit’s Companion 118 Red Cross in Australia at Casterton 194 festival held by 98 in Government House ballroom 103 Red Cross Day march 95 women’s support for 102–103, 119–121 work done by 125 Red Cross International 119 Redwood, Dr Francis 207 referendums on conscription 160–162, 166–167, 168, 176, 183 Reserve Gully, Gallipoli 66–67 Returned and Services League 218 returned soldiers’ reception 106– 108, 106–107, 108–109 Richmond 162–164, 173, 195 Road to Gundagai, The 213–216 Robinson, Captain 16–17 Roll of Honour with Personal Particulars 113 Roper, Arthur 34 Ross, Councillor 32–34 Royal Australian Navy, role in WWI 53–54 Royal Navy, support for RAN from 53 Sacred Heart Catholic Church, Casterton 39 Salvation Army 174, 175, 206 Sampson, Sydney 129 School Paper, war coverage by 78, 82, 83, 98 Scotch College 87 recruits from 86, 92, 98 Scots Church, Casterton 34 Scott, Ernest 184 Sebastian, Hughes campaigns in 181
sectarianism in Catholic Church 5 in conscription debate 164, 176, 181, 187 in postwar services 202–207 Serle, Geoffrey 208, 211 Seymour Military Camp 108 Sharman, Mathew Stanton 90–91 Shrapnel Gully 88–89 Shrine of Remembrance 209, 221 Smith, Albert 56 Smith, Eoin Lindsay 98 soldier settlement scheme, Aborigines excluded from 150 Somers, Lord 218–221 Somme, battle of 142, 146–147, 147–148 sources 222–224 sporting events during wartime 94–96 St Andrew’s Church, Brighton 24 St Ignatius Catholic Church, Richmond 24, 165 St John’s Church, Toorak 24 St Joseph’s Convent School football match 115 St Kilda Cricket Ground, 14th Battalion awarded colours at 51–53 St Mary’s Catholic Church, West Melbourne 24 St Mary’s Church, East St Kilda 24 St Patrick’s Cathedral, Melbourne 5, 202–207 St Paul’s Cathedral, Melbourne 5, 201 Stagg, Shela 41–42, 172 Stanley, Sir Arthur 42, 201 Stanley, Peter 53–56 State Electricity Commission of Victoria 209 state school parade 79 State Schools Patriotic League 84 Stephens, Francis G 152 Stewart, Donald Macrae 87 Stillwell, Rev F 34 Strathbogie War Memorial 212 Swanston Street, Melbourne 8–9, 214–215 Sydney Flat, Hughes campaigns in 181
Symons, William 64–66 tank warfare 179, 192 Tate, Frank 78, 83–84 Taverner, Captain 166 Temporary Restriction Bill (Vic) 96 Thirkell, Angela 215 Thirkell, Captain GLA 215 Thorpe, Harry 151, 152 Toronto Avenue Cemetery 173 Trooper to the Southern Cross 215 Tubb, Frederick 64–66 Tudor, Frank 162–164, 173, 184 United Kingdom advises Australia of war news 11 Australian hospital in 114 conscription introduced in 154 naval support from 53 Universal Services Leagues 162 University High School, recruits from 90–91 Vickery, Norman 35 Victoria early recruitment from 29–46 education system 78–85, 90–93, 111 first shots in WWI fired by 16 impact of war on 213 number of recruits from 71, 128 Victoria Barracks, St Kilda Road 8, 20, 23 Victoria Cross recipients Albert ‘Bert’ Jacka 3–4, 64, 65, 74–75 at Lone Pine 64–66 William Dunstan 70 Victorian Appeal for Australian Sick and Wounded 113 Victorian Football Association, suspends matches in wartime 94 Victorian Football League, attendance at drops in wartime 94–96 victory, effect on Victoria of 188–207 Villers-Bretonneux 190 Volunteer Motor Corps 105
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Wale, PG 63 Wanliss, Newton 179 war memorials and cemeteries Briagolong 1, 3 Casterton 38, 40 Embarkation Pier Cemetery 72 Geelong 218–220 Lone Pine 58 Monash involved with 209–210 Strathbogie 212
230
Toronto Avenue Cemetery 173 War Precautions Act (Cth) 96, 160 war work 155 Waters, James Kelso 38 Watt, William 194, 199–201 Wesley College 92, 97–98 Western Front Australian troops on 132–149 casualties on 160, 179 final battles 189–192 white feathers for ‘cowardice’
103–104, 174, 176 Whitelaw family 1–3, 221 Williams, Walter William 35 Wilson, Lieutenant Clifton 221 Wilson, RG 22 women see also Australian Comforts Fund advertisements appealing to 71 effect of war on 102–104 work for 14th Battalion by 192 Wren, John 183
Wurt Wurt Koort property 38, 41 YMCA, facilities provided by 43, 174 York, Duke and Duchess of 6–7, 14–15 Young Gardeners’ League 90 Young Ireland Society 183 Young Workers’ Patriotic Guild 90
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