Venice & Antiquity: The Venetian Sense of the Past 9780300067002, 0300067003

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orrolan map, f ention of the time.

PREFACE

This book explores the evolution of a Venetian view of time, tively with antiquarians and humanists, it touches on the of history, and of historical change as the physical and literary | vernacular culture in only a limited way and 1s little concerned remains of pagan and Christian antiquity are encountered and with the artist. For my purposes it was thus a valuable point acknowledged in the art, architecture, literature, and cultural of departure, but not a model for an integrative study. life of Venice’s “Golden Age” (the thirteenth to sixteenth Recent tendencies toward the more interpretative approach centuries). It had its genesis in 1987 at a symposium in Rome pioneered by Aby Warburg (Die Emeuerung der heidnischen in honor of Richard Krautheimer and Father Leonard Boyle, Antike, Kulturwissenschaftliche Beitradge zur Geschichte der where I gave a paper entitled “Jacopo Bellini: Roman Tradi- — europdischen Renaissance, also known as Gesammelte Schriften, 2

tion in the Service of Venetian Istoria.” It was my first serious _vols., Leipzig and Berlin 1932), are best exemplified by the encounter with the ancient world and, indeed, with Rome — essays found in Memoria dell’antico nell’arte italiana, three

itself. volumes edited by Salvatore Settis (Turin 1984-6). My own I had just completed the manuscript for my first book, book was conceived as part of the discourse set under way in Venetian Narrative Painting in the Age of Carpaccio (1988), in those volumes, most particularly Settis’s important essay, which I examined how Venetians wrote their own history and “Continuita, distanza, conoscenza. Tre usi dell’antico,” which how a Venetian “eyewitness style” of painting functioned in convinced me that art, ideas, and primary texts could, indeed, “aesthetic space” to mediate between the ideology and the be brought together in a “thick” cultural interpretation of the reality of civic and religious life. It was during this period that Renaissance experience. I was challenged by the issues raised in David Lowenthal’s Toward this end, I determined to work with three major stimulating and unabashedly eclectic book, The Past is a “deposits” of evidence, weaving them together in a tapestry of Foreign Country (1985) and became concerned with the further words and pictures that would reveal the emergence of a sense problem of how the ancient past was discovered and rendered of the antique past and its distinctive relationship to the

present to the Renaissance viewer. present: the material of vernacular or popular culture in which I returned to Rome for a sabbatical leave in 1989-90 and antiquities were seen simply as by-products, mentioned only began research on a book that was initially envisioned as a in passing, but often in a revealing manner; the more learned, comprehensive look at the development of historical con- and more self-conscious, material of “high” culture, including sciousness over the span of the Renaissance in all of Italy, humanist literature and antiquarian studies; and finally, but bringing together objects and texts. There were few direct most importantly, the artistic response to this heightened models. Although the subject of classical revival in Italy had awareness of the past as it was determined by it, interacted

been treated extensively in both general and specialized with it, and, in turn, re-informed it. studies, these tended to fall into two categories: the primarily The scope of the project showed no lack of hubris on my literary, dealing with humanism, antiquarianism, and collect- part, and after some months in Rome, it became clear to me ing, and the primarily visual or artistic, a category that that to present the topic as more than a superficial overview, included monographic treatments of the antique borrowings I would need to narrow my focus. Because I was interested in of various artists (for example, Ghiberti, Donatello, Mantegna, an evolving sense of the past, I maintained the diachronic Pinturicchio, Raphael) and catalogues of ancient marbles model, but moved onto (to me) a more familiar terrain bor-

known in the Renaissance. There were, however, several dered by the waters of the Venetian lagoon. My previous important attempts at synthetic overviews of the entire period. work on Venetian art and culture had already confirmed to Following Panofsky’s seminal essay, Renaissance and Renascences me the validity of claims about Venice’s “otherness” in regard (1960), Roberto Weiss’s Renaissance Discovery of Classical Antiq- to the rest of Italy. It was clear that venezianita also informed

uity (1969) stands out. But while it deals cogently and percep- the special manner in which Venice experienced a RenaisX1

sance, which has been largely defined by modern scholars I would like to stress a few points. This book is about according to a Florentine model. But here, again, scholarly Venice, and Venetians, and a peculiarly Venetian relationship consideration of the problem has tended to be limited in time with their own past as well as the classical past. And yet frame or to focus either on texts or on objects. Indeed, the because something was “Venetian” does not make it exclustudies initially most important for my own inquiry dealt on _ sively so. The first point 1s the recognition that certain aspects

the one hand with Venetian civic historiography (most of the Venetian experience were shared by those in other notably the studies of Gina Fasoli, Antonio Carile, and centers in Europe and especially in Italy. Agostino Pertusi) and on the other hand with architecture The second point is an acknowledgment that the scope of (particularly Otto Demus’s paradigmatic essay, “A Renascence the topic meant that sacrifices had to be made. Although of Early Christian Art in Thirteenth-Century Venice” [1955], Padua is given a significant role in the development of along with his monograph, The Church of San Marco in Venice Venetian sensibilities, there is less comparative material from

[1960], and Manfredo Tafuri’s Venezia e il Rinascimento [198s]. other centers than I would like. And even within the But the bibliography soon lengthened, along with the reper- Venetian milieu, many favorite images and objects had to be toire of art and artifacts, and came to include a range of left out of a discussion that deals with art and literature, as well literary and visual testimonials that deliberately efface the as history, and that spans over three hundred years. It came modern hierarchical distinction between “high” and “low” down to a matter of choice: of choosing the most telling culture. As with my earlier book, I have been strongly influ- examples, which seem to sum up the sense of things in a given

enced by Michael Baxandall’s notion of a “period eye.” period. During the period in question, it was, I would argue, an eye The third point is the problem of voice. I have sought

that made few such distinctions. throughout to let Venetians speak for themselves. So, along I began writing the book in January 1993, during a sabbati-. with a number of extended passages translated from primary

cal year supported by a fellowship from the John Simon sources, there is often a shifting perspective. At times I take Guggenheim Foundation. Two teaching years have inter- the role of critic; at times the role of historian; at times the vened since then, and the manuscript was completed in role of my Venetian protagonist. September 1995. Several parts of the book were originally Finally, this would have been a far more manageable book published as conference papers and have been incorporated in had it been confined only to the civic sphere, or to a more an amended form into the chapters indicated here. Complete restricted period. It was my aim, however, to examine the citations are included in the Bibliography. Chapters 1 and 2 _ reciprocal relationship between the public and the private and

include passages from “The Self-definition of the Venetian to follow the trajectory of a negotiation between past and Republic”; chapter 6 draws upon “The Antiquarianism of present over the longue durée. In order to do justice to both Jacopo Bellini”; chapter 7 incorporates “Ancient Artifacts and civic and individual concerns and to follow through on the Mercantile Mentality”; and chapter 11 is an expanded certain themes in more depth, I had to depart from a strict version of “Sacrosanct Antiquity: the Pagan Past and the chronology occasionally and to double back in time from one Quattrocento.” Segments from “Renovatio or Conciliatio?: chapter to the next. However, each chapter, although woven How Renaissances Happened in Venice,” a summary state- into a larger whole, should stand more or less by itself. ment of one of the major themes of the book, reappear in several places throughout the text.

xu

I

THE HISTORICAL IMPERATIVE:

INVENTING A CIVIC PAST

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Hagia Sophia] the table of sacrifice, fashioned from every contributed to its demolition, carrying away columns, piers, kind of precious material and fused by fire into one whole capitals, and the so-called pilastri acritani or Pillars of Acri.>”

— blended together into a perfection of one multicolored If Choniates is a reliable witness, Byzantines thought of thing of beauty, truly extraordinary and admired by all themselves as Romans and to them Constantinople was still nations — was broken into pieces and divided among the the new Rome. There is no evidence to indicate that despoilers as was the lot of all the sacred church treasures, Venetians thought any differently or that they had a strong countless in number and unsurpassed in beauty.*® sense of the separateness of pagan artifacts from those of the succeeding Christian period. As will be suggested further on, One sees here the foundation of the Treasury of San Marco. their own claims to historical identity were yet more ambiIt is hard to know if Franks and Venetians were equally tious. It may well be true that Roman (pagan) stones from the responsible for the depredations. But Choniates repeated a mainland went into foundations, while Byzantine stones were popular notion that the Venetians — as descendents of the chosen for decorative ensembles,” but the reasons for this may Trojans — destroyed a bronze statue of Helen, “who had be more arbitrary than programmatic. Since Byzantine sculpenslaved every onlooker with her beauty,” in revenge for the — tors specialized in low-relief carving and made few sculptures burning of Troy: “It was said that these Aeneadae condemned in high-relief or in the round, most of the architectural eleyou to the flames as retribution for Troy’s having been laid ments available for removal such as transennae and structural waste by the firebrand because of your scandalous amours.” elements, and useful for recycling in Venice, would have

Choniates himself, however, saw greed, not high-minded come from Byzantine buildings.’ And at least to the morality or ancestral piety as the motivation: “But the gold- crusaders, monumental freestanding bronzes may well have madness of these men does not allow me to conceive and been less useful as statues, however antique, than as coins. utter such a thing, for that madness was the reason why rare ‘Thus, the early Christian, rather than antique Roman, look of and excellent works of art everywhere were given over to the Venetian renovatio may well have been in large part a

total destruction.”*” matter of availability.

That the four horses of San Marco, once in the Hippo- There 1s precious little talk about aesthetic values in

drome of Constantinople (and possibly the bronze Lion of St. dugento texts, but a sense of priorities emerges with careful Mark on the column of the Piazzetta), are the only large attention to later commentators, such as the fifteenth-century bronzes to be transported to Venice is thus not surprising. chronicler who praised the unnamed galley captains who had That they survived at all testifies to their powerful effect on transported the monumental columns of the Piazzetta to the Venetians, where wonder — and perhaps awareness of their Venice during the earlier period. To his mind they were symbolic potential in a Venetian setting — overrode greed.’ — typical of all good Venetians: “who when they went on any But aside from exceptional works such as the horses or the voyage and saw some beautiful thing or beautiful edifice, or if four porphyry Tetrarchs, what else was taken as booty? Apart they could obtain some relic or holy body, they willingly from relief sculpture and church treasures, the bulk of the brought it back to their homeland.’ In such a view, utility, spolia was simply building material: marble columns and capi- _ beauty, and holiness, and not antiquity in and of itself, were tals, glass mosaic tesserae, bits of decorative friezes. If spolia the primary criteria for such appropriations. were to be assessed according to their potential as bearers of Most of the booty that can still be discerned as such ended meaning, political and otherwise, these items might fall into a up in, on, and around the Basilica of San Marco. Broadened neutral category — capable of open readings and multiple horizons and heightened aspirations gave new impetus to the interpretations. Indeed, many years of profitable trading expe- urban development of the historic center, of which the piazza rience had given the Venetians an eye for quality; they knew _was the nucleus. According to Juergen Schulz, the scheme that beautiful material in itself had meaning. They thus lost no began to take on definitive shape under Doge Pietro Ziani time in stripping the west facade of Hagia Sophia, the Church (1205-29), who saw through to completion the campaign of the Wisdom of God, of its exquisite grey and white begun by his father fifty years earlier; and now it was animated Proconessian marble revetment. Made up of thin slabs sliced by a pronounced taste for things Constantinopolitan. Notices from a single block, its veined patterns formed a series of in several sixteenth-century chronicles, certainly apocryphal watery mirror images.*’ At least the church was left standing. but possibly based upon some truth, report that this Ziani Other buildings did not fare so well, for the Venetians found even proposed moving the city of Venice to Constantinople.” in St. Polyeuctus a convenient alternative source for equally © Samuele Romanin, the great Venetian historian of the ninefine marble. The church had been built in the sixth century teenth century, cautiously discounts the story: “the better by the sister of Justinian, the Princess Anicia Juliana (462-528). [historians] do not make note of it... Nonetheless it could be Probably intended to emulate the Temple of Solomon, it — that the idea would have risen in the minds of some, and that

was once the largest and most sumptuous church in it had also been discussed in the Council, but was justly Constantinople next to Hagia Sophia, but was already aban- rejected.”°* But if Venice was not to be translated to Byzandoned by the end of the twelfth century. The Venetians tium, perhaps the reverse could happen. For Schulz makes a 17

compelling argument for the conscious emulation of the It is probably during this period that the city without walls monumental imperial fora of antiquity, twelve of which still was given a symbolic gateway, when two monumental colsurvived in Constantinople, in the fully elaborated scheme at umns of red and grey oriental granite were erected at the end San Marco. With its arcades, colonnades, rows of shops, of the Piazzetta facing the lagoon (Plates 18—19).° Embellished palaces, hospices, monumental columns, and connecting street with Veneto-Byzantine capitals and provided with sculpted to Rialto, it was completed under Doge Ranieri Zeno in the _ bases celebrating “those men whom we are unable to name” 1260s with the paving of the great open-air ceremonial space — tradesmen, artisans, fishermen, butchers, winesellers — the of the piazza (Plate 17). The project was, in Schulz’s view, a columns would have served as suitable monuments to the tangible expression of Venice’s own rise to empire, appro- communal ideals of participation and association implicit in priate to a rising republic whose doge was — for a time — the Origo.®' By 1293 a bronze lion “of shining gold” was in “Lord of a Quarter and Half a Quarter of the Byzantine place atop one of the columns. The lion, of oriental origin Empire.” Pietro Ziani, the first doge to assume that title, and probably part of the booty of 1204, had been fitted up could thus be lauded on his tomb as the equal of Roman — with wings and a book in Venice. Erected on the column, it

>?9

emperors: was further transformed, becoming a highly visible and powerful symbol of the republic itself.°? According to tradition,

Rich, honest, patient and in all things straightforward, the statue of St. Theodore was placed on the second column None could be his equal amongst the high-born and wise, in 1329.°° The figure was a pastiche, assembled from fragNot even Caesar and Vespasian were they still alive. ments: a Greek head, a Roman imperial cuirass, and halo, 27 jacovo dei Barbari, View of Venice, detail of the area around San Marco, 1500. Woodcut. Venice, Museo Civico Correr.

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of eased V : rv m ;.ategory Pp 1es were D Ww ovatio. C ing w Pe ' ' : ty oh Ww re m eseects obje ith theond rors mt :ehave le OF . : ;oe= : aestheti Ted : r hat th g of Lo. §$ n 1 taro LD wt i ; . m :

renovati spolia that pected sole in = es th arrying with central 1s yet anothe co expe counterfel came to sen etic and fo«ee enetian h eee son —

eh — . Thi O hs oe aints f . i | e of were 1 “4 } B | : = ! . "a nS ; ical : y =a:rts : up : fhe a Dem.ew,B of guardia sopen makes a logi articularl centu out: two mi ctioned asts cally reson The bn wan a =i= nth ra x nt als of t the oth for the . airing |orant me fine read are ce to ; coreg aints, Dem ‘yas sve : ethe Virg! ; the Angel G centu w le, Ww yon a:2: gin (thinoon abriel ?ecisely ho donprthe1 radition traditi that he Vire1 ne Hote mh se) owe > Virgin : o | Yor “the A : aet st ry . | nl ay of e had :(Plates : : * se 7 feast d nck i"A). : 22— | Thre hntu :theon his : d be . p Y . ry ind ? e aus . en or e Pl and th and th with th pear | . “ Lern the oth . © Th cone — ean a "one 3 ot — were Byzanti e of the hydr reliefs aller ot ) ‘ci = oan “ = hi ine . ~ the , ach "1 _ | u ating J : each f i : nth . As th ron ne | on vm e x ) 1s not ero -century | 3 : : = :vepar 1 “in 0 curches ay also hight oe eal becclesiascapers arved t H ae | oe = ‘“ ya een inspired Ihe ste —= =S ee oxen wait faced pagan subje see ules located Galen te th aor enice.”? ould ,been each had oe “he Bean “ : oe ve reliefs sms of

| nt pairs ran

iconsPp sculpt In ormative edantiquity. in | ° cluded 1 esmod feoh~ Don ss "wih Ven mov oat

tt a ms ony, ‘octet ith Venice eorge, a saint trius would _ ay) ad . ‘chisteenth , Demetrius b ude to a twel e linkage of Gabri a more histori

- crest " a 2 wo figures of — thi erpinning woul the next chapte e Annunciation.”

wthey.served (in eet had e Golden G e cmsranth effecti i |ce vctively a stantinople 1t

turned out ) as 21

rl Boe “Ee 0 el eel iquity

ss 0—™mlté~ ». peor x : opsuch oeas=these . In a— Sinto ] - SS TO SS”:l CO ao a sense, re-evocations brought the 1 past YY - | - YH CUR: — the present, but there is another level of copying — the

ee en|i er a oe iperats faking ofdan becomes antiquity ~ in which the present virtuee Yc. ae ibiliti gfoe eee RR oe a y eee ‘ rr es the past. The full range of possibilities SO eG > §©6°imre*,was

= y S > | fF a plored in the monumental ducal tombs of the thirteenth a Bo ee Go | a” . century. The double sepulchre of Do ges Jacopo (d. 12 AQ) and hl hCU LJ: Yo fe orenzo (d. 1275) Tiepolo, now attached to the facade of SS og oe 3. IS) £5: ff fa Giovanni ¢ Paolo, is the earliest to survive (Plate 25). While aimee fe the type, the 1 lid was an early a 7wgoo ee ey Ee. ee sarcophagus ea Og — was 7 , aeemedieval Christi 121

q fe a ee ee Le ee | hristian original, probably made in Ravenna in the fifth

; : " Nis - : — o : [oo fe ed if h i ey po “ aS ee) Wee a tft xa rh oS we i. é os Se. a | fa ~ :

. = £4. ft 2 23° Late antique arast, Teraules witht the Erymanthean Boar, 2ffth

ee ss Oecccentury. Venice, San Marco, west facade =CBR ee wes peteessunesosscngemees prggenconege gm ye meg ; |

SR 7imarae tes par Ey oe poeoo . Sees —eG ea eeSe ee ok re eel one eS ea ee ee ,lle . 3 ae ieee ele a Mee ee od . , ; Vie E oo) ee ee ES é oeOL . ee_— 2 i.Le es = * eeBw Ps ES ei a 6S Pee a l0lc ane

Beer there may be writen the officalthe proceedings of CGE Fe £7 Ai OyGi» thewhic Commune of Venice, andallespecially Ducate, and SM ESE every pact, and every privilege that they might make for the i yee | oo oe . ~~ colonists had arrived in the Venetian lagoon (and not just ee this,” he wrote, “itis well known that the fist construction of 28 Paolo da Venezia, Inventio of the Relics of St. Mark, detail of the also addressed the issue of Venice's PHonty over Padua, now

Pala Feriale, 1345. Venice, Museo di San Marco. a troublesome competitor. Perhaps inspired by that city’s recent fortuitous discovery, he claimed that Antenor had arrived in Venice after the initial building of the city by an prodigious events were important enough to prompt a new — advance guard of his countrymen. Only later, Marco advised, campaign of narrative mosaics in the church to augment the — did Antenor found Padua.'°’ Then turning to the present, the cycle of St. Mark’s life already in the presbytery. These images chronicler produced a prophecy, ex post facto, intended to

were then used as direct visual testimony of the events they justify Venice’s much criticized collaboration in, and profit

depicted.'°! from, the Fourth Crusade. It concerned no less than the

The thirteenth century was a time of heightened conscious- | Emperor Constantine, who was said to have predicted at the ness of civic origins in communes throughout Italy. Nicola time of the foundation of Constantinople back in the fourth and Giovanni Pisano, for example, completed the Fontana century that the capital of Byzantium would suffer apocalyptic Maggiore for the citizens of Perugia in 1278. In a complex calamities and destruction “negli ultimi giorni dolorosi.” In sculptural program that has been called an encyclopedia in Marco’s view, the crusaders were thus only carrying out the stone, they gave visual form to Perugia’s mythic beginnings, inscrutable will of God, as agents of a divinely sanctioned her distinguished past as a Roman city, and her pious Chris- __ plan.!"8

tian present. Among the high-relief sculptures of saints and personifications were the podesta and the capitano del popolo, as

; . , , A ROMAN PAST

well as a certain Eulistes, the mythical pre-Roman founder of the city.'°* Other cities were equally inventive. Genoa claimed a foundation by Janus, Ravenna by Tubal, Bologna by Felsino The century ended with yet another allusion to antique ori-

with an enlargement by a certain Buono (hence Bononia), gins for San Marco. These were the years immediately after Brescia by Hercules, and Turin by Phaeton.'°? The people of _ the Serrata, or closure of the Great Council in 1297, a time of nearby Padua were even provided with archaeological evi- heightened civic self-consciousness. The case is instructive, for dence for their own founding father in these years. When a __ like the chronicles of Marco and Martino da Canal, it suggests huge skeleton was unearthed in 1283 during building excava- a desire to drive down the civic roots more deeply, beyond

tions, it was immediately identified as that of the mythic the early Byzantine stratum, in this case right into Roman soil. 25

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pony ee te SS _ iii iin Sess ence te Senne: Cr I ie

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ertuccl rowing perha a well craft ymbl be em elief aftsman Whi of o1el ofspect O 10 of 1S 1ashi oethos rel Crus © w tunit |artistic net nppor Or acite ere ile th ye as its arti 1e€een th ppro usad SW teyh as occasi ach t an , aS W S7it WTI Ve Cl afte $10n of O as tim enl irth

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engrained in life as it was lived each day in that mercantile all the stones and all the marble columns that he had already society. In 1309 the Collegio would write a letter to the galley brought from Sicily.''°

captain Dandolo: . . under Doge P ReferringGabriele to the reconstruction of the church Since our Church of San Marco has need of marbles in fine Domenico Selvo (1068), Zorzi Dolfin writes “that he labored condition, and since we have heard reports that on the — to adorn it with the most magnificent columns that could be island of Mykonos and also other Roman islands [of the found and they sent out to search [for them] throughout the

eastern Mediterrancan|, that there...are to be found world...”''* An anonymous chronicler is more specific: the most beautiful marbles of every color and type, we “And many gentlemen and commoners sent out to obtain ask ...that when you are in those parts... you make marbles in Aquileia and Ravenna, and many sent to ConstanInquiries everywhere about those marbles which are whole _ tinople, and others served much with money; thus the church shafts or pieces thereof, and about medium-sized columns — — was built very honorably.”'!

white, veined, green, porphyry, and every [other] type. Such rhetoric had a distinguished pedigree, which dated And if they are beautiful, you should procure them and _ back to ancient Rome. In the Byzantine sphere, Eusebius had load them into our galleys as ballast, [but taking care] not to written in the fourth century that the church of the Holy overload the galleys themselves on this account, nor to put Sepulchre in Jerusalem was constructed with columns that had off the affairs of our commune entrusted to you to the been sought out and “conveyed from every quarter; for it 1s detriment of business; and we will provide that those who fitting that the most wondrous place in the world should be have labored on this account will be compensated through adorned according to its worth.”''® Two centuries later

the Procurators of San Marco, as would be fitting and Procopius would remark on the construction of Hagia

, . . world.

just.!"? Sophia: “The Emperor, disregarding all expense, hastened to

. ; . . begin construction and raised craftsmen from the whole

This was the practical side of the myth of Venice. The edd ne

pragmatic values assumptions expressed letter were ,, i.underpinnings . Inand essence, theofspecial quality ofin thethe renovatio of; the, ;thirthe .mundane the — thirteenth-century an ; , teenth century was a venezianita groundedThe 1n what may renovatio: a product of contingency and calculation. center “major gg be ; . called an “aesthetic of diversity.” It rested upon two was; ;not just supported by, but was constructed from, the . ; . principles: or aggregation, material| of the periphery.accumulation, By the fifteenth century, this modus as ,and incorporation

acens: .

og: . 4. (but notcultural absorption).''® Tangible that can ay: be seen operandi of .inverse imperialism enteredworks the chronicles — , ; and , touched — buildings, spolia, icons, mosaics, sculpture, artifacts

as a guarantor of excellence. The Cronaca Bemba acites , a. ; of ; oo , ; — were more powerful than texts inincreating civicthe identity ninth-century doge who led the Venetians battle against the . i, . . Sar a reassuring historical density, for they were unmediated testimony: unprovable, thus unchallengeable.

Giustinian [Partecipazio] returned from this victorious In the fourteenth century came the transition from a comenterprise and brought with him many spoils of victory, munal to a patrician state. With a new and deliberate interbeautiful columns and other very fine stones of penetration between text and artifact, the civic past would marble .. . and into the construction of [San Marco] he put again be edited to conform to current needs.

29

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even more than in Padua, Rome was still a living material his most significant contribution was the inclusion of profile presence. With the Arena, the amphitheater and a number of _ portraits of the emperors copied by him directly from Roman

other ancient structures still surviving and in use, the city coins (Plate 36). His is the first demonstrable case of such boasted more Roman remains than any other city in northern coins being of interest for their historical information and for Italy. These physical deposits were augmented by the presence _ their age, and not simply for their rarity or for the value of the of the huge chapter library whose holdings of classical texts metal." were among the best in Europe; it was here that the poems of Venice also had its men of letters in the early decades of the

Catullus reappeared around 1300. fourteenth century, but none with humanist credentials equal 32

to those of their colleagues on the mainland. A certain The desire to further document the republic’s murky past Venetian indifference to the lure of humanistic studies in this and to define her singular present may have worked against early period can be explained only in part by the lack of a _ the perusal of serious classical scholarship in Venice during this university or of a major monastic library or by the absence of — period. Venetian attitudes toward the historical record display abundant Roman remains. Perhaps the most important causes two significant tendencies, neither limited exclusively to were not cultural, but political and social. For in Venice, Venice, but strikingly persistent there. The first was a positivexpertise in Latin was a practical thing, the prerogative of ist bias toward the eyewitness account or, lacking that, for the commoners — primarily the notaries in the Chancery — and document, both written and visual, as an essential element of not of the aristocracy. Despite the proximity of Padua and proof. Such a tendency was already evident in the affirmations Verona and, later on at mid-century, Petrarch’s extended — of Martino da Canal, who repeatedly challenged his readers to presence and friendship with doges and ducal secretaries, the verify his reports through outside witnesses or even through ruling élite of Venice remained, on the whole, resistant to the — the mosaic images that he regarded as documents of historical attractions of Roman history and Latin letters over its own — events.'? While not necessarily antithetical to humanist purbeloved vernacular tongue. For the deeds of the Romans that — suits, such a habit of mind tended to favor local history that were so seductive to their mainland contemporaries were not — could be corroborated by personal testimony or documents, the deeds of the Venetians. And Venice remained on the whether genuine or contrived, over the ancient authors. Thus periphery of humanistic studies until the last decades of the the citizen chronicle in Venice maintained a narrowly insular century. And yet the case should not be overstated. Although — focus, with modest local events taking on epic importance in an awareness of pagan antiquity played no significant role in the micro-history of the city. The second tendency grew out Venetian historiography and state art in these years, there are of the first, and was played out with particular finesse by sure signs of a changing historical sensibility, particularly in the — Venetians: the desire for a mutually confirming interpenctra-

private sphere. tion of text and image culminating in the creation of new historical artifacts.

36 Giovanni Mansionario, Historia Imperialis, early fourteenth century. Parchment, 30 X 23.5cm. Rome, Biblioteca Apostolica “OCCULATA FIDE”: THE NOTARIAL APPROACH

Vaticana, Cod. Chigi I. VII. 259, f. 13.

_- = oe a Martino da Canal was an ourstan ding oddity. It is fair to say patente > eee = a that he had no followers and, indeed, no equals in the writing

re ne por fe tare do ie piri uti fer 4 of civic history during the first half of the trecento. But his , pokey aenarn Bs i ig at Ege As PERO eyewitness approach was expressed in other ways. A good | meetin apie uC Chest ar si ee cme Mae eB) : example 1s the notarial activity of the Venetian ducal secretary

a pl fe pre al | SO ee a a) : Giovanni Marchisini in 1316. The occasion was the birth of

7 nan pda els sols Lord eee _ three cubs, “alive and furry,” to a pair of lions that had been

ge soot ee fon lane tn a at, given ° eos aa onan by Frederick of Aragon, the —. 5 otkanemi peor fm ne gies en Bee f a is : King ° ney 5 i" “se ad been placed in a cage under ane

malignant sigueniynee nat aly’ aa gmemage G7 bul ie Gat , wg portico ° the Palace o Justice facing the Piazzetta and t ier

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PePeNSee he iseeBERR reoeaSg mame. OF Co NS RR ARecigany ATOR, Wy +p. eA 57 Map of Rome, from Paolino Veneto, Chronologia magna, ¢.1323.

cy FY | —tee Do Parchment, X 35cm. Venice, Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana, aat aae” Ree « ee” ee47Oe et 3 * Prd sud tans 4Alufie. F , 3 BX ont 8 be | Cod. Lat. Z. 399 (1610), f. 98.

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56 Rome in the Form of a Lion, from Liber Ystoriarum Romanorum, | * ET EN ae ce perk i net a ae : a.

thirteenth century. Hamburg, Staats- und Universitatsbibliothek, +.» a! ee ine voce

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S, ha

Ss

an artificial port. Flanked by walls and towers for protec- but there where you see the port, to the east, there was a tion, it stretches out to give shelter from the wind. It small citadel which formerly served to defend a city nearer happens, nevertheless, that the arrival of ships is rendered to it. When the Romans had ravaged that city, what

ublic square: . ,

i? : . .disembarking, . and made a Buondelmonti ‘ghandac’, that, 1s ana enclave After follows wide roadsurrounded to the 8 , csby bi qhouses pressed one through against the Devastations foliowed Pp in great number theother. centuries. The Venetians difficult by the violent squalls.” remained of the population retreated into that secure place

To the right of this street in a conspicuous location | bought the entire island and girded Candia with vast observed a majestic portico with steps, inside which sat a ramparts.””°? croup of citizens; in the middle presiding over them were The portico cited by Buondelmonti was probably the

the governors of the entire island sent by the illustrious city — | yo

© Ven; Offer ; ‘a front ofath; bI; loggia built 1325 as anthis assembly place for Venetian of Venice. welcome in infront ; , the , ;proclama; 5 ering , , , P colonists of the island; it wasof also the public site of official

assembly, notary [Grimani] honored + dad “at f agIn all , 7theions andBonaccorsi a departure point for greatme processions.”

with these amiable words: “Very dear brother, if you have the __,. Chancellor 4 q the Ch . , likelihood, Lorenzo de Monacis,

of Crete

so much desire to visit this isle, tell me, I ask, so that I can since 1389, would also have been on hand to greet him. Like

assist you with all the Lorenzo means in my Briefly, B i of q , the € thecity cj of . onaccorsi, waspower.” a notary and aI told native

him everything. Then he began to show me the town saying]: d . b chdoes ent citnot Venice, tohis which he returned figure of saying]: “This number among thefrequently. ancient —some ,, yn. ©“This ’ literary prominence, role as chronicler ofAcities the Venetian Republic will be discussed further in chapter 5.” | 80 Tenedos, the Dardanelles, and ‘Troy, from Cristoforo Buondelmonti’s description of Candia is disappointingly

ee poe ee Se ye ee eree ate 4 ea .

Buondelmonti, Liber insularum archipelagi. Venice, Biblioteca terse, but he is more expansive when faced with decaying Nazionale Marciana, Cod. Lat. XIV 45 (4595), £ 43 verso (old f. 86). ruins. Arriving at the summit of Monte di Giove, a mountain

ee ee , :

consecrated by the ancient Cretans to Zeus Soter, he observes: BO mlonnbil pole eecgrnin dchcutidrde nnd 4 One sees spreading out all around some large villages and

See le, the | verdant vineyards. From oteehdblefponn’ mami ot mountain firtnua ROR a Nae gaaphf ding Ana. ih ee ah the profileaofdistance a face. On itsthis brow, I recognized. apresents temple of po ee ale pdinamnieomble er coe Jupiter, razed to the foundations. All around, we find dis-

ter tri ( mr . |

a ee stone: we believe that whoever cut them was not [just] a hoe ee ee man! After our explorations on the brow of the mountain, Pee SO Se ht aS on joined together. The first is the church of the Savior befeo a ye oe cS le ee ee ee SESS oF te “ cause, On this mountain Jupiter Was principally worshipped.

Bi ee ESERIES oR ORI GD ORE ree The second was called Pandon Aghion, that is the church

ee of All Saints, because the universe was governed by numer-

ee ous gods; the third 1s consecrated to St. George because in

ee antiquity the dominion of Crete was acquired by the Pe BLN Egg sword.”

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proportions, he also added, gratuitously, an attic story behind =~ — PS oe eS the pediment on which he drew the metope reliefs from the — : ie oe ae Re oe : oe aaa = : - a = oe ed 4 south side of the building. These too were probably copied ee from a separate Ciriacan source, this oneyunknown today, but ec ~= = == = ee ee ae ee ee rrrlLrlrr—“‘ BE oe . . . . eerationalized ote SC lLre—“Se—mr—r—~—~—r—C—C—C—C—CE now they were and incorporated by the architect Zoe De

into a completely new and fanciful structure. In fact, it reseem- Te ee

, . ‘ ee

original. In short, recast theRoman Athenian monumenteet thatee@ . (al ees —“§™ he had never seenSangallo into a familiar archetype.” Another telling connection for Cyriacus is indi- ‘avencos es" se pega! ei no | Venetian oy ASNOVIS COMSVMATIE.,

cated by a drawing in sepia ink on parchment of a rather gave spectacular monument. it bears an | Soe di eeoe : : : : : with : : the : equestrian :name — of: Theodosius, eo Th :itswe aeAlthough oe asSos inscription identification : Arg ee TAD= Selpe Se aeo ee

le SAN EESOG ee EE tA ,-_; . ,eo| ee OL Peet

the statue of Justinian that once stood on a high column in Pre ea ANGER Ee Constantinople is more plausible.” The sketch, now convinc- dé i SO HN go ee

ingly attributed to Cyriacus himself by Degenhart and ##f ac Ss

Schmitt, is bound into a manuscript of exc erpts from classical TC ( ————_ = ——_-__-_E

89

ne a “4 98 3 Plage ae oy : ay ee a : . ty Ea “rbaes Be . . . . . .

mtoto- > oo ee ee ee | .. a end of the volume in Cyriacus’s own hand suggest his presee ee ke Su Nig oo - ee, i ence, if not his direct participation, in the fuller elaboration of EPS 2 de | = ee eae the manuscript.” Ez see ee Benny . ort ee Cyriacus’s empiricism would have gratified a long-standing

eee ee re ; ae iS Pibabe ge eM oe ee ce = j

PE ae peo | te ES Venetian predilection for eye-witness accounts. And yet it is

ieee ot fe) Some Ss + seal = ae his romantic side,. nurtured Aegean, eSektpened PS ae ak é in: the . an. oethat. .would . . .con-. ey NO | "28 tribute to the rise of the pastoral vision of classical antiquity

aE Ca a em NY _ ae ; a os

ee | ‘ee ne | ee in Venetian art at the end of the century. For like fet Cae: Op _ Ay, me ANT Re Af o a4 Buondelmonti, Cyriacus also viewed antique ruins in the

fo | AS Noe ag gor AN a: «= context of locus amoenus. Scalamonti describes a visit to

ee ee ee a eeMS 1 ae2 OF Fey where TE h OIE SENON Cyprus, Ce eee eee Pee alm, €. aw. SKS, bs Ve

To RRS bie Vi Wi « in 4 , Intelligence, and Speech,” andand prays for “happy auguries” Accompanied by three conspicuous dolphins wearing a — +9405 , , ; io, dsshe “most jocund travels bygalley land in and sea.” dolphin cap, holds ahave sixteen-oared one hand." , , te ; 1: Cyriacus might been just another eccentric, if brilliant The_ drawing appears on a page with two views of Hagia , 106 . , ;in, _— romantic, in asthe Poggio once charged,'°° were for the fact Sophia Constantinople drawing book of Giuliano da . it not . i, , that he was a natural proselytizer. As noted, he not only Sangallo. It. is almost certainly a copy ofhe a sketch by Cyriacus ae , them away. . ; , collected inscriptions, also actively gave As that, 00 wasresult, itself his fashioned after his fanciful contribution rendering of is one of , ae ;thea most durable scholarly found in the giants from the Agora in Athens (Plates 94—s).'° As one . ccs . pages“in of the Corpus Inscriptionum for which scholar the process, theCommentaria giantLatinarum, had become - i, the ,, 3103observes, , _ inscriptions collected in his were the aessential

. ; , oundation.

giantess.”!” The suggestion that the nymph originally deco- fundat;

rated the title-page of a book of excerpts given by Cyriacus to

his friend Johannes Delphin, on whose ship he had admired kk Ok QI

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96 Fra Mauro, detail of North Africa from his Mappamondo, c.1460. Venice, Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana (after Gasparrini Leporace, I/ Mappamondo di Fra Mauro, Plate xxut).

- . the region called “Arabia”:

veif MAPPAMONDO OF FRA MAURO lems of evidence and proof. As he states in an inscription in The renowned cartographer, Pra Mauro of Venice, was 6

oO ~ ™ . lan + Oo ee

already in residence at the monastery of San Michele at About the confines or borders of these provinces. that is Murano in 1433 when Ambrogio ‘Traversari made the ac- Cirenaica and Libia Marmarica, together with Egypt, one quaintance there of Cyriacus and the leading collectors of cannot now speak correctly, because it is anything but antiquities in the city. By the time of his death in 1459, when certain if one follows what the authors write, since the he was commemorated with a medal proclaiming him names have been changed and the famous cities destroyed

(4 ‘-. -7 7: 99 . . . . . .

2

cosmographicus incomparabiilis,” Fra Mauro would create at which appear as great ruins in this Africa. . .'

least three magnificent mappamondi on a monumental scale.

One of these, made “a contemplation di questa Hlustrissima At times, however, the images themselves contradict the Signoria,” remains in Venice in the Biblioteca Marciana. It words, for the numerous towns are indicated by minarets or was probably begun before the fall of Constantinople in 1453 towers without a ruin in sight (Plate 96).

and completed in 1460, shortly after the friar’s death.’ Much of the visual art of this period is characterized by Although the numerous annotations throughout the map — similar perceptual inconsistencies in relation to the physical attempt to separate the factual from the fabulous, many of remains of the ancient world. And yet Venetian artists and them reveal a still medieval respect for scriptural authority architects strove to overcome these disjunctions with new over empirical observation. A rubric next to an image of the — synthetic statements. On the one hand, they would subsume universe tucked into one of the corners advises: “The number antique remains and motifs into a more perfect present; and of these heavenly spheres [is] according to the authority of the — on the other, they would disengage them from that present in sacred theologians.”'"* But Fra Mauro is also aware of prob- — order to create internally consistent semblances of the past. 92

Il] THE HISTORICAL SYNTHESIS: ACCOMMODATING THE CLASSICAL TRADITION

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the lost radiance of the classical past. positions Venice, marked by the lion of San Marco on a red First, unlike the pagan cities of ancient foundation, Venice and gold banner larger than those of any other city, in the had been Christian from the very beginning. Furthermore, center of the Mediterranean world (Plate 103). Venice is superior to Rome. Implicit in civic panegyric from De Monacis’s stance was defensive, motivated in part by the thirteenth century on, the claim is evident already in the criticisms of Venice’s expansionist policy in the terraferma. He poem of Pace da Ferrara of 1300, although his claims seem was also responding with a specifically Venetian laudatory modest by comparison. When monumental Venice finally agenda to the challenge of a new model for encomuiastic takes on the visual vocabulary of ancient Rome, she will do it literature recently adumbrated by the Florentine Leonardo not as a successor or daughter but as a moral superior. Beyond Bruni.° While the piece fits into a longstanding laus civitatis that, Venice embraces all things — even the winds of the earth. tradition common to many cities, it develops in a more Such a view lies at the heart of the lingering aesthetic of | elegant manner the essential elements of historical venezianita acquisition, diversity, and reconciliation familiar to us in already demonstrated in the quartine of 1420 and indicates that public art and architecture from the thirteenth and fourteenth such notions were common in Venetian historiography.’

centuries. Again, De Monacis sets up a spiritual antithesis between

Finally, the metaphor of the phoenix for a city that con- Rome and Venice. In contrast to Rome’s modest beginnings stantly renews itself is perhaps the most crucial, if the most and corrupting taste for power and luxury as it rose to empire, elusive, concept to grasp if one is to come close to recapturing Venice had been free since its very origins and, because of the a Venetian sense of the civic past. The phenomenon of — sober virtue of her citizens, was entrusted by divine will with renovatio, discovered in several moments of Venetian history the mission of preserving and defending liberty. The proviby various scholars, rests on different premises from Petrarch’s dential character of Venice’s birth had continued, moreover, hope for a restitution of Rome after a dark age. Since nothing with the city enjoying the constant intervention of God was really lost, as it had been with pagan Rome — vanquished — throughout her history. by the barbarians as well as by Christianity — the issue Most importantly, that history was still in process, with the in Venice was that of renewal rather than of rebirth or best seemingly yet to come. This notion was demonstrated by

restitution.? a peculiarly Venetian civic variant of a three ages model of

This view engendered a Venetian model of historical time historical periodization: infantia, a golden age lasting about that was expressed in a more sophisticated way by the notary two hundred years from the city’s foundation to the Lombard Lorenzo De Monacis. Born in Venice to a notarial family in invasions when men lived simply, without ambition, luxury the middle of the fourteenth century, De Monacis rose or treachery; adolescentia, another two-hundred-year period, quickly through the ranks in the Chancery and was soon _ but this one of growth and struggle, during which the nascent acclaimed for the eloquence of his poetry. In 1388 he was republic was ennobled by the patriarcate and new episcopal elected Cancelliere of Crete, the highest Venetian office avail- sees; and juventus, an age of robust maturity.* This culminating able to a non-noble cittadino aside from that of Cancelliere period had been inaugurated with the transfer of the ducal seat Grande. It too was a lifetime post, but one that could only be to Rialto and the election of the first doge — events that enjoyed by residing permanently outside the city. Well edu- = marked the birth of the republic of the present-day, “that cated in the Latin classics, De Monacis could also read Greek, having begun at Rialto has been growing for six hundred although he once wrote to Francesco Barbaro that studying it years and more.’”

was “um inutile perdita di tempo.” He nonetheless took A sumptuous gold-encrusted triptych painted in 1421 by advantage of his residence in Crete to collect Greek texts and — Jacobello del Fiore for the Magistrato del Proprio, one of the sent Barbaro an Iliad as a gift, and perhaps also an Odyssey.* six courts of the palace, might well be regarded as a visual

Allowed to return to Venice only for short visits, De counterpart of Lorenzo’s message (Plate 104). In the central Monacis was poignantly aware of the homeland from which panel sits a queenly Venetia as Justice, holding a sword and a 100

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lation of the Laws and to dedicate the work to him: framed with the inscription “VENETIA MAGNA.” The artist was not just copying a motif; he was confirming an ideology.’ For when our city was because of historical circumstances Old and sick, the once-vigorous Foscari had become founded from the remains of other noble cities, and estab- increasingly incapable of fulfilling the duties of office. Delished by great and illustrious men who could find no safety posed in 1457 after an unusually acrimonious debate between elsewhere, partly by divine, partly by human counsel, and _ the Senate and the Maggior Consiglio, he died soon after, and 104

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SS fe = == come EARS = the classical funerary monuments into a reconstituted whole

| = : SG ‘ae oad = 4 | (Plate 133). The point is not that the artist of the manuscript i i, Za) ee was indebted directly to Jacopo Bellini (the possibility seems 2 oe ee hea | 7, a Beg \ most unlikely), but that such scenes were accepted as legitia | } J \\ pea ee /) p fa = | mate components of a humanist sylloge. 2 ae J 4 / SS Les 2 . = In another sylloge related to Cyriacus’s Commentaria, is a ao ae re : See oe Ae i oe | third element that will be taken up in Jacopo’s albums: the

| oe ee. « fe AS a See J Sa = / 39

ee er ro) y gS

a ee Se his example, drew the Trojan horse on one page, the walls of

ee ar aan Aren ye St.foGeorge SSthe Rae Po ;Dragon ; and Cee ny aN [ff Rage// ek Jacopo’s\\ rescuesON Princess from theAf: peepee Bae [fiON aS \ eee .

ONO eee a. GN theOO other (Plate s vl eeeMe aaTroy L fFonFy a is ae y134).°° The structural similarity to

HE \ SETI ces / ONE pe foo _ _ Ras ee eae R ay : close to suggest some conceptual affinity, \4ve une aes Beenough agi AY yA oedegree : . . of.Se =e FASE hy. \ / ESN \ collections ae eee Ca / Va Ce Our fourth point concerns the structure of these aa a 7 ai Ze DS | a) Ae several other paired drawings in the London album, with a ee Oa | \ : ii aaa | Ih ji | y large figure on one side and an architectural element on the it i AT Se / Sar Ue) A | other may not seem similar at first glance (Plate 135). But it is

pee SA — a NWYYANE even if the subject matter is not the same.*’

rn Oe a CW (PRS pass . es ee Se on : awe ; 132 Pagan Sacrifice, from Giovanni Marcanova, Collectio

BEE bis i | . eS ay), | eS on parchment and paper. Some sylloges were carefully organoS \ SEN / \ aN No Ly / bobs ized. Marcanova’s, for example, devoted separate sections to

2s q 405 p 3 || |MA og: sion, MS Garrett 158, -SIBI-ET: P«f.)8v.

TTT EEL pn sununumuuamnnovnni iin sirminammannn snd

‘\ sesesesssapssossteeienis diene tbee ene! auasaeseessesuntionseesbeesSiiad fides snenans tithes tts ctene hon su so naewe seteense negate: . . 7

| po nen” oe antiquitatum, after 1465. Pen and ink with wash on parchment, 36 x

| | | JAET ELLIA-PRI 7 3 26.§cm. Princeton, Princeton University Libraries, Manuscript Divi-

) VALERIO*‘P 2. a pai > gift made for Novello Malatesta, Lord of Cesena.” In a like : (ga | a e oe Se Po ae we manner, Fontius sent his epigraphical compendium to

Ne iM 4 oO ‘ ;

oe) eS Wee | = (j= > eats Be SN Ma 1 Guillaume de Rochefort, the chancellor of France, in 1489.% bl iN oh Oe SN 2 eetionatiaaeennmmneti Collections of classical inscriptions were thus objects of value, 4 Aa Es ee MARCO*ANTONTO® suitable pawns of exchange for humanists, princes, and prelates

4 g : wo’ e : ] : Ae ee S al a os aa ge RS . . . . - : (

He @ yy 4 , oo SE Bence cme oe. 10 the elaborate gift-giving and diplomatic protocols of Ren-

ieee ee : a : O Se O® Lake ae gy tS 3 . . . -

—— ss | € ne GQ hd (G aissance society. If Jacopo Bellini’s albums are pictorial

me Ae Kopin, ~~ :COUNterparts to the antiquarian eka‘ies eeeeae&nsee oe SS RARE SIRE MR sylloges, SOSA .then . Gentile Bellin1’s

Wy : a2 presentation of the volume now in the Louvre to the Ottoee Ss a aie - ~ man Sultan Mehmed IL in 1479, less than a decade after his

125

father’s death, becomes quite understandable. Whether or not (1444-6) and a complementary retrieval of its customs and the albums were originally intended, as some have suggested, daily life in the Roma Triumphans (1456—-60).°° But both to be just “libri studiorum” or a “set of blueprints” to establish Poggio and Biondo were men of many words and few images, an artistic tradition was no longer at issue. At that moment a and their descriptions were purely verbal. It would fall to bound collection of Jacopo’s drawings was considered a suit- artists like Jacopo Bellini and his contemporaries to open able gift for an oriental potentate, inspired by and akin to the windows into a visually intact, if fictive, classical past; they learned sylloges of his humanist contemporaries. The British offered a bewildering range of possibilities. Museum album remained in possession of the artist’s family At one extreme was the manuscript of Ptolemy’s Geography for another generation before it too left the workshop to enter copied in the original Greek for Cardinal Bessarion shortly a private collection, that of the Venetian patrician Gabriele after 1453. It features an imaginary portrait of Ptolemy him-

Vendramin.** self, painted by a Venetian miniaturist who, following a long

tradition, confused the subject’s name with the Ptolemies who

were kings of Egypt and accoutered him with a crown and

ANTIQUITY RECONSTRUCTED royal robes (Plate 1 36). Holding an astrolabe, the geographer

stands in the open air, surrounded by Gothic architecture The two roles of Jacopo Bellini — as antiquarian and as artist of unconstrained many-hued splendor that is __ totally

— made, in a sense, for an uneasy alliance. Each required the uncompromised by any archaeologically responsible classical delicate accommodation of two competing tendencies, both — reference. Bessarion, who would leave the volume and the

of which can be observed in Marcanova’s sylloges: one remainder of his library to the Venetian republic in a testafavoring empirical description and the other aiming at imagi- mentary bequest of 1468, was a figure of impressive erudition

native historical reconstruction. Cyriacus of Ancona had and impeccable humanist credentials. The Geography was said recorded ruins as he saw them and mentally stripped off later to have been one of his most prized possessions. It 1s worth additions to recapture the original state of monuments. While noting that he was apparently untroubled by any inconsistency he was not above completing partially effaced inscriptions, between the classical world of the antiquarian sylloges and the he also acknowledged the classical fragment as an object of | fabulous Gothic stage-set inhabited by Ptolemy. For him the intrinsic interest in itself. The 1430s and 1440s were the ancient world was reachable primarily through texts and formative decades for this approach. It is then that the first perhaps unrealizable through visual images.?! attempts to make comprehensive topographical surveys of the The full-page illustrations in Marcanova’s sylloges reprecity of Rome can be discerned. Alberti sought to represent it sented an equally fanciful trend, in which a classical past was in an objective and scientific manner in his Descriptio urbis depicted essentially as that which was other than Gothic. The Romae, a measured plan of the city, as well as in a city view.® — Baths of Diocletian in the Princeton codex, for example, were

Moved by a similar spirit, the humanist Poggio Bracciolini constructed of elements that had no place in either the tried to give a full account of what was left of the ancient city classical or the Gothic architectonic traditions (Plate 137). in his De varietate fortunae (c.1431-48).*° He worked from What the artist did not know, he made up, drawing upon his direct observations and aimed for a telling description of | own experience to represent a rudimentary hydraulic system antiquities in their fragmentary state along with medieval that would have been more surprising to a Roman than to a changes and additions. Opposite the Theatre of Marcellus he — quattrocento Italian. Neither the bather peering out the door noted “numerous marble columns, part of the portico of a of the baths nor Bessarion’s Ptolemy inhabited a world that temple said to be dedicated to Jove, whose circular arcade is was grounded in historical visual reality. By contrast, the occupied by new buildings and the interior by vegetable reasonably accurate drawings of classical artifacts that accomeardens.”*” An amphitheatre is observed “with a wall of brick, — panied the inscriptions in the main section of the sylloge seem near the church of Santa Croce in Gerusalemme, that is to have been part of another realm, which was not meant to inserted into new masonry to form part of the circuit of city — be lived in.” walls.”*8 Using the word “ruina” deliberately, Poggio com- At the opposite pole were Mantegna’s boldly classicizing pared the city of his own time to “a skeleton of a knocked _ frescoes in the church of the Eremitani in Padua (1448-$7): a down giant, rotted by the centuries and worn away in every — revolutionary alternative when compared to the exactly con-

part.” temporary Ptolemy miniature. Mantegna brought a new sense To most working artists, by contrast, damaged classical of pictorial decorum to the picture space that was based upon artifacts demanded reconstruction (as witness the wax tip on archaeology and antiquarian scholarship (Plate 139). He tried Plato’s marble nose) or incorporation: physically into architec- to provide correct Roman costumes and settings for Roman ture as spolia or conceptually into other works as painted, events; and he placed these events in an internally consistent drawn, or sculpted motifs. Similar tendencies animated the and well differentiated ancient world.** He was not, however, humanist Flavio Biondo who sought to present a full recon- = Venetian, and his lapidary vision entered Venice only in a struction of the monuments of Rome in his Roma Instaurata well mediated form. One of the major points of dissemination 126

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Although its base — significantly — remains intact, the lies ready on the ground. In ironic contrast a Roman soldier ensemble is shattered and lies in fragments on the ground. The and _ his horse collapse to the nght. Now the symbolism is capital has fallen nearby, its fastening holes conscientiously more nuanced and deliberately less clear; indeed, the labors of recorded in the manner of Cyriacus of Ancona. Here Jacopo the artisans may only signify the normalcy of ongoing life used the empirical methods of the latest antiquarian scholar- surrounding momentous events. But this normalcy is cast in ship to convey a Christian message: the new dispensation is terms of transience: great civilizations must be built up before inaugurated on the foundation of the old.** Salvatore Settis has — they can fall. With Jacopo’s rendering of imperfect or incom-

observed the inevitable tension created by the placement of plete antiquity, or antiquity under construction as it were, ruins in a narrative scene: on the one hand there is a sense of | temporality — the passage of historical time — has been brought

necessity, that of the providential and inexorable march into the istoria.®’ It is in these small details that the artist’s of Christian time; on the other there is the paradox of ancient personal, 1f ambivalent, recognition of detachment from the

clory — something good — now fallen.® past may be sensed.* In another drawing, however, the message is extended, Since nearly all of Jacopo’s large-scale narrative paintings becoming at once more subtle and complex. On the day that have been lost, whether or not they included classical ruins 1s Christ 1s led out of Jerusalem on the way to Calvary, the city unknown. But aside from isolated examples in the trecento, is undergoing reconstruction (Plate 150).% The column they seem to appear all at once in monumental Italian art of monuments rising up behind the high wall identify it as the 1450s.°° Among the earliest to survive are Squarcione’s De antique and pagan. Workers repair a crumbling wall on the — Lazara Polyptych of 1449-52 and Mantegna’s Eremitani fresco left, while in the foreground a sculptor puts the finishing of the Execution of St. James, now destroyed, but dating to

touches to a classical statue. It is to be set upon a column that —c.1454—7 (Plates 151-2).” |

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1§0 Jacopo Bellini, Christ on the Road to Calvary, from his Book of Drawings, f. 19. Pen and ink on parchment, 42.7 x 29cm. Paris, Louvre, Cabinet des Dessins (R.F. 1487/20).

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—an outstanding library of classical texts, eventually compris- proponent of a new crusade to liberate Constantinople, ing over a thousand codices in Greek and Latin — to the Bessarion had been sent to Venice in 1463 by Pope Pius II to Republic of Venice. In these passages from the letter accom- argue the case before a reluctant Venetian senate. While the panying the deed of donation, he spoke movingly of his Greek cardinal was successful in obtaining a Venetian commission to save Greek culture from oblivion after the fall of | mitment, his elation was to be short-lived. The pope’s death Constantinople to the Ottoman Turks in 1453 (Plate 156). in Ancona in July 1464 while waiting for the arrival of Doge His words are a reminder that the triumphal rhetoric of civic — Cristoforo Moro and the Venetian fleet put an end to the architecture of the later quattrocento in Venice had been grand scheme of a crusade.* played out against a backdrop of crisis and challenge. This The Turkish problem continued to dominate Venetian cataclysmic event was one of the defining moments of the _ politics for the rest of the century. Negroponte fell in 1470, period: though far away from the Venetian lagoon, it had set — Scutari was attacked in 1474, and Venice, eager to normalize up shock waves that would continue to resonate within the trade, made a treaty with Sultan Mehmed II in 1479. Venetian Venetian imagination for at least the next half-century. merchants — and with them the republic’s economy — thus The parameters of Venice’s engagement with the Turks continued to prosper, albeit under increasing strain, and for a were already drawn up in a letter written by the Venetian time the Venetian calendar was still defined as much by the Senate to Pope Nicholas V just a month after Mehmed II had _ periodic departures and arrivals of the great galleys as by the taken the Byzantine capital: “if our merciful God, your Sanc- _ feast days of the saints. But even though the republic was not tity and the other Christian powers do not offer their help — directly involved, the sea battles continued, and an ever more 145

powerful Ottoman fleet remained a constant threat. Its aggres- Paradoxically, Byzantium would become at once more dissive designs came to devastating fruition in 1499, when — tant and more close during those years: more distant in terms Venetian forces were overwhelmed, and Modone and __ of physical accessibility to Venetians and closer in terms of the Corone, the “two eyes of the Republic” in Greece, fell to the | Greek presence in Venice itself. Despite passionate (and futile) Turks. Frederic Lane points to the debacle as “the turning — calls by Bessarion and other western voices for a new crusade point of Venetian history,” when its old maritime hegemony — to retake Constantinople, the shift was irreversible, its finality in the East became ever more decisively only a memory.° underscored by the waves of immigration not only of poor In Attila flagellum Dei, an incunabulum published in Venice — refugees, but also of the most distinguished Greek scholars of

in 1477, the unnamed writer found an antecedent for the the time.’ present state of affairs in Venice’s own history. Recounting A number of these recent arrivals played a significant role in once again the beloved story of the city’s foundation by Venetian cultural life, and some were even included in the mainland refugees “fleeing the canine rage” of Attila the Hun, narrative paintings of the Great Council Hall. Gentile Bellini a “persecutor of the Christian faith” who “destroyed the had begun the replacement of the trecento fresco cycle of the fertile and beautiful Italia,” he concluded with an observation Story of Alexander III with oil paintings on canvas in 1474. on his own time. In the year 1477, he writes, during the Comprising fifteen paintings on the west and north walls, the

reigns of “the high pontiff Pope Sixtus, the Emperor _ first phase of the program was completed by 1523 and also Frederick and the illustrious Doge Andrea Vendramin,” other involved Giovanni Bellini, Alvise Vivarini, Carpaccio, and — Greek — refugees would flee the “cruel and abominable Titian." persecution of the perfidious Turkish dog... Abandoning

their sweet homelands, they came to these islands, on which Fo «6

. .- Ce . aeee hae a | Sy,

had been built the most powerful, famous and noble city of re oN Venetia.”° It was during this period that Donato Contarini Fo 4k ee drew the profile portrait of Attila the Hun at the bottom of a gage ee ey.

, , SS Ce

the beard, horns and pointed ears of Pan, the drawing appears i ie to be based upon a medallic image that appeared in the north oe ee > i

Italian milieu around the middle of the fifteenth century (Plate | 4 ™& ee poele

1§7b). Like the numerous medals «es of Attila wereAttila struck the Ce OF &, a Nfthat 1§7b Hun.

over hundred; years, with3.5 reverses depicting the Bronze ee °f 57 lledthe ; £next Aquileia. Idh b some h £ UN X 4.§cm. (reproduced

walled city of Aquileia, it would have been yet anot er artifact “i oD larger than actual size). that documented in a tangible way an emblematic episode of ~~ oa Budapest, Hungarian National

the civic past.® ~ la Museum, fifteenth century.

i§7a_ Drawing of a medal of Attila the Hun, from Donato Contarini, Cronaca veneta sino al 1433, late fifteenth—early sixteenth century. Vienna, Osterreichischen Nationalbibliothek, f. 17.

salpot idfer raLyf s vneafeego ‘ : Ge A het. 4 j weeortmefia ; pe. are ey Cgjhole HOA DO ‘ “gh we ple: atvan csieG hag Mes / Le doeee be gra. fetehe ae Re te cea A204 poi a fre dte. (elmeife~ Sing mal eof asagtebefe- Cha 9 ot 8 FEET yote Chics faps' ove asia aati

somes’ plate nae Set P asetercfo aumehate to oapat j cateafen & yet acee Torus Bt bree fc fap ee ee é ni quege gf filores Je etna git hi fottes wavetucte ete he Mine Ue fho-Sesy Sees nafhertodin. Sof Abe ns 4 gb¢ DPD S_?CoComtech tg et pohfereat” ‘A Wd. Geitheee agile | [eres

| fate cegende Seth yG yllagaine great gos” equed wan” SHE Calle qraracon fo mde 1/erate, va w,) bs _Vidhe ad! aff beapes : yf HALind a ony cePorte Vrmou fore io oelitawil ee od ' ) que. Ly diirte Reape Medd Ww 9 VTE coaCope eh t",yhy ens

he glee te (fasfe whee Uthat’ afe- oe eo ctrode~ 9 Se jho fi ree Be a Ag a} of ~ : ‘f

cagi in 4c Re spo’ aloes. G ve atiln. tag poled poe Case crea quell Septhrea. Life Re; ae “f LH . tat ff

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fon wife Ff Tneefh es hepa sid ffeaefo a fiieaie Po 03 Lo A ncly enn nthe Ge fitatenn

Ce ee ee : peg NT a soa) eet bo VD Te tiftten, sel.

‘oda Gipol. hee leq iad— ji area Cen | ve cb “Ce te las ease S pe THPASCIA@- a gs ; ; 7 oe eieese — 8 pilgrims and merchants who would journey to faraway lands.

NOTVS ee . . .such as . a a 7 4EVRONOTVS.extraordinary vision ofLIBONOIVSa fledgling archaeologist

NO TOs. EY PONOTOZ AIBONOMS oo With Barbaro one hears another voice that puts the

| Bee | : “3 4 ~~ Cyriacus of Ancona into a broader perspective — a perspective

-Re SOMES POACLEORH coy .... — ere lolanuner aufod . . eee ae secelsiee ae the general vernacular culture in that period. And yet, at the

: fe cade | | ee that includes the “man of affairs” and, as such, gives a more

os EYPO = oo sun abonéteqequeaalf] = accurate idea of the sense of the ancient past that prevailed in Bo mp ee - chigtn'p@fierivimdedad © Same time, it reveals how a “mercantile mentality” could form ioose mexiegic Afoundation ‘al foundation f 1 Off arcnac— arch ie ae “Fade cyontul ey efierdzeye an essential for the eventua emergence

Se * aiidiglaraly ctaaet ,

ae & 4x pee ee ae | « eMATbiel conto ology as a scientific discipline. [= O PAZ KIAS. ‘ioe =. Wide sttoy tag Barbaro looked back some fifty years to 1436 and his arrival

Se eae ee eae in the distant Venetian colony of Tana on the north shore of

ee ee eeoe rionee Black Sea nearcorned the mouthpor of thecube River Don OS : Se ee ed ootheae Nslive are. . .where he oe -ee mahinaeibaieaes would for the next sixteen years.'? He .writes:

ee soe wet afi ple hela a| eeBo eS es: Bes (elant canavishora ee ; ee ee be seen an infinite number of little hills formed by hand as

ee a vga tencrctling: falta In that region are hills, rivers, and plains: where there are to . aoe le com aoe ee s Se signs of sepulchres, and on the top of each of them is a

ae & — babep. nul facefcam— — a ipod Alco ereat stone with a hole, in which they put a cross of one ‘ oe tmagrmbus ee a=te(er aude ed oyp pices CAuS iece made of another stone.'* - magnig 4bg Art aiifrnerd zpptieide

eS te —“—i—SsSsS Barbaro attributed these tombs to the Alani, a Christian tribe

bo ee whom he learned had been destroye d by the Tartars. As FSO

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165 Map of the travels of Giosafat Barbaro.

shown in a nineteenth-century print, the area featured a words, “an almost miraculous thing, which I will leave for number of burial mounds, among which were the ancient now." barrows or kurgans of the Scythians and the Sarmatians (Plate Perhaps it was the recounting of such profitable exploits 166).'© Whether Barbaro’s tombs were actually these ancient that turned the conversation to a tale of buried riches closer to mounds put to re-use, or more recent additions, the intriguing

question of their contents came up during a long evening in late November when Barbaro visited the home of his coun- 166 Perepyaticha kurgan (after Albin Kohn and Dr. C. Mehlis, tryman Bartolomeo Rosso. ‘The company included five other — Materialien zur Vorgeschichte des Menschen im Ostlichen Europa, Jena

Venetian friends whom Barbaro listed with enviable genea- —_1879, Plate m1).

logical precision. Aside from Rosso, he named Francesco

Cornaro, the brother of Iacomo Cornaro dal Banco; Catarino , ~,

Contarini, who later carried on his business in Constantino ee LF hgh “Be “oe OO

ple; Giovanni Barbarigo, the son of Andrea of Candia; Moises 3g 88° a ica (a eseemeaaala 4 es

Bon, the son of Alessandro. .of Giudecca; and da “3 ee” aeme AN cage lt tag . “the 4s ec ace ait a along an —Giovanni Eee foe no SO jf Ae faa syne Valle, who had manned a fusta oroebireme with some 9 he gaaeeaaol. : meegt oo” a ee, other Venetians at Derbent on the Caspian Sea in 1428. With ¢& hon - eae Se. ; pall i ee en a

the consent of the local signore, da Valle had once pillaged Baggy EP gi ee ee PES hy aus ships coming from Astarabad, or Strava, as Barbaro called it,a S Q@Rsmiers—o gle ———

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1er. art ePersia, East I Il Plate Rui PKUINS Travels into Muscovy, the t Indies... ., 737, U, I19 167 Lri€ O 5O mM m 5 Ld, )anI rtdiofLondon I 0 hePVSEpOlis, ITO ormenuus

ae) . . . aWw one-eighth ,h ty high s(that . . . V d d fi d h h t th d cats It took a eek to assemble

: n one of these littie nills e eC ac : “T WwW m1 ht well be considered testiW ” f th fi C stematic archaeolo ical di S OM ere persuaded that there should be 1 en a great treasure. mony Of one oO € frst sys s ?->

hand. For Bar aro continues:

The Venetians, as merchants were not averse to seeking profit record. The consortium hired 120 local men as digge 5

even 1 unfamiliar places . Thea ree etermine y t Ind tne treas- mont u s apiece.O s W

y Ww din food and to ols Ing, ure and ma characteristicall Venetian Manner,eapons rote up a supplies, inclu 2 »for weapdi 5 Seine

spoken oain;nlSS, nd ,, CVv n whi V ll.”o vel b sled on the 1ce of the River the copy . According to custom, e Pp | contract: “So that we agreed and bound ourselv es both by before the expedition set out. Their destination, S ty .

in writin recorded b Catarino Co tarin1 enetia miles (or about 1O4 kilometers) from 5 till ossess, to excavate this 1 reached 1n oO a day § tra y

hth hare of the rofit WwW ith the remainder oO1ng to Barbaro made careful note of the dimen S10NS of the site,

pious orks 18 describing a burial mound about fift passt OF paces 19 a °

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»Buthese .oO F he the hnoth accounted stratine ayers WI homb, h men seaO haW the 1S] d | Yyof O de“to M1 1S, about eighty-seven meters) and el hty di |vod. 2 nNed Ocade hb innings 3W ey return ba ioO with a flat top surmoun San

ec land. For once the workers began to d ed “_ : ;dg,:bar ' . gan modem archaeologist: writes, the W eart as frozen hdhh B CxS bh O ard thatSO neither NO th 1 k Wi matto WI W W W next rt 1 CKaxXeCS COU e In break it.” hwas y allto , ‘ win oth | | g t onder as that the fi Sst la g : Torts were frustrated OT) this occasion th Nex 7 = Al hough h ; e Tass the earth was bl k. Th o th it Wwcoals O Ns nonetheless t or he this vise enoueh enetia Wdetermined | : 'but Ww V oeregain the prize 1 l ww. “ )i. .

S 18 Pp AUSIDIC, for there ere enough willo tl

they might easily build fires on the hill. Under this were Neither the name of Gulbedin nor that of Indiabu appears ashes a span [that is, about 20cm] deep. And this is also in other written sources, ancient or modern, and Barbaro possible, for having reeds nearby which they might burn, it must have been relying on oral — and perhaps apocryphal — was no great matter to make ashes. Then were there rinds _ tradition.’’

of millet another span deep, and because of this one might While the Venetian dig conforms on the whole to the infer that those of that country ate bread made of millet, medieval notion of antiquities as buried treasure, a more and would have saved the rinds to put in that place. I modern attitude is apparent as well. Barbaro was clearly as would like to know how much millet would have been fascinated with the process of excavation as with the results. necessary to cover such a hill of so great a breadth with As a “geologist,” his common sense making up for a scientific rinds alone for a depth of one span. Under this layer expertise that had not yet been invented, he gave a credible another span deep were scales of fish such as carp and other explanation for the distinct character and color of each layer similar species, and therefore it may be said that in the river — of earth. As an “archaeologist,” he used such mundane artione finds enough carp and other fishes whose scales would facts as fish scales and grain as primary data from which to suffice to cover such an hill. I leave it up to the judgment make a hypothesis about a lost civilization and adjudged the of the reader whether this thing could either be possible or | mound in which he was digging to be a deliberate fake and

plausible. What is certain 1s that it is true.** not a true and proper tomb. As an “historian,” he determined the reasons for such a fabrication from his knowledge of the However, dirt of whatever color was not what the entrepre- history of the region. neurs were seeking, and the digging continued for another Barbaro returned to Venice in 1462 and pursued a career in

three weeks. Barbaro continues: public life. Then in 1473 he returned to the East for another

; ; , five years, this time in an official capacity as Venetian ambasHaving made this cut and finding no treasure we deter_ pacity ;and . , ; sador to two negotiate a mutual defense treaty between Venice mined to dig trenches in the great mound, each meas, 38 ,. , , Shah Uzun Hasan against theheight. Turks.** Barbaro’s descriptions uring four paces in breadth and This done we found , ; ;, , , ; , ofhard ancient sitesinonwhich this second trip tosteps the East reveal a white earth we made onagain which to . his 7

. sharp eye and critical faculties. Derbent was, .he noted, “a carry up the barrows. And so going down five paces deeper aethe , town, so they say, built by Alexander, which is on of we found in the bottomnow certain vessels of stone, some ofa mountain . 59sea wr: , Bachu,” called the Caspian Sea.” With them with ashes, some with coals, some empty some 4. _he notes, by walls cH behind it topped by aalso castle, it is and protected, fuliec of, fish backbones. We found ¢§ or 6 paternostri as big , , that lead down from the castle into the sea, where, he continas oranges made of glazed terracotta and covered with glass «

_ .as,those ues,that“they arein submerged under the,, _water such are made the Marche of Ancona which

by a measure of , ; two paces.” Examining the masonry, he observes are tied as weights onto trawl nets. We also found half a ; , 30 that the

on the top.” 8

. walls of large stones allaadder’s romana. handle of a little ewerare ofbuilt silver, made with an head , , , , , While epigraphical remains also caught Barbaro’s attentive

; 2 ae | eye, he did not share Cyriacus’s passion for copying inscrip-

When the Monday of Holy Week arrived in mid-April the ons (nor that of Fra Urbano). Arriving at the port of Curico, custy winds from the Levant began to blow dirt and stones the ancient city of Corycium on the gulf of Cilicia, Barbaro into the faces of the workmen and the excavation came to an end. While such finds after six weeks of digging may seem 46g View of royal tombs at Nagqshi-i-Rustam near Persepolis. exiguous, considering the effort involved, Barbaro seems well Engraving by Pascal Coste in Eugéne Napoléon Flandin, Voyages en

satisfied, he goes on: Perse, Paris 1843-54, vol. 3-4. This place was previously called the caves of Gulbedin, but

after our digging it has been of thethat Bares Franchi, and is sothere called unto thiscalled day. the Forcave the work Us. =Ss| we did in those few days was so great, that one might » fig \° By | believe that scarcely 1,000 men could have done it in so Ko Fy BE ip Bs, | a short a time. We had no certainty of this treasure, but (as a oa oS much as we understood) if any treasure was there, the aN | Rig a ee reason that Indiabu, Lord of the Alani, had it put there amt ae ie Bea vin gee al ee cae below was because he knew that the emperor of the Tartars ok a be fo. a cara) | Sm. |

was coming against him, and deciding to bury it, so that no ee me La poe i : one could find it, he feigned to make his sepulchre accord- es aaa ACs ee io oes ing to their custom, and secretly had the treasure put there ee Oe a

and then had the mound built upon it.” I «TE ee

154

aa peor pars By ; \. . eae a 7 - ee

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.2 i(2 eee op PS NBO AN | \ oS —— Al Sy Se wey. ome ee ee PTB AN VN OS oR Rte FAST Ne | DR ee ee” ae” a le | pen een re v \ fo MM NB a if ere es | [J | eee eee - i . _ a

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a ae | an eee ee eee 170 Submission of Valerian to Shapur I, relief at Naqshi-1-Rustam.

. L Ss oer | io eee ee ce Engraving by Pascal Coste in Eugéne Napoleon Flandin, Voyages en

.-a"Eyee ) ns Meaa GK. Perse, SR Ee Sa aaa BeParis 1843-54, vol. 3-4.

* In nearby epithafia: read it if you wish to see them.”** Believing the Arco Toscolano and Benaco, a town taking its name from the dei Gavi in Verona to be a relocated portal to the famous ancient Lacus Benacus, he saw “an old church that is called Arena in the heart of the city, he took note of an epigram that Santa Maria de Benaco: There are many antiquities there; one was prominently inscribed on its face and, according to tradi- finds under the earth epitaphs with perfect letters and antique; tion, not just once, but twice. While the inscriptions actually and what I saw placed im the entrance by the door is this indicate that a freedman named Cerdone who was a follower recently found [inscription]: Antonini Pij Hadriani filij, and his of the famous Roman architect Vitruvius had designed the — genealogy follows, and many mosaics are dug up.”®? This was

arch, Sanudo was moved toward a more ambitious inference. the same church visited in 1464 by Mantegna, Felice He pronounced that it was written “in perfect and good Feliciano, and other friends of antiquarian inclination on their antique letters: Lucius Vitruvius L. L. (id est Lucij liberti) F. | well-known expedition in search of Roman inscriptions and Cerdo Architectus; thus it appears that Lucius Vitruvius, who immortalized by Felice in the Iubilatio. Sanudo’s description wrote about architecture, was Veronese and a most celebrated — was more circumstantial, if less literary, than his predecessor’s:

author, built the Arena, and hethe was the founder of it.’ with , i, , ,four , ow. ae , . the And the highoptimistic altarthat is in middle ofthe the inscription church This recalls equally attribution of _. _ ; Halys columns, andItupon is]—a particularly capital with an idol,; that of Livius in Padua. was aone tume[there when art , . ; is Jupiter Ammon in the form of Ariete Ram). There ancient art — was no longer in to the be anonymous, and when the ,the i . (thesmoke ; . 7 , is an Opening cupola, through which of need to give precise definition to artifacts of the past tended to . . Lge the sacrifices rose;caution.*° but above the altar there ,is a stone, overwhelm prudence and , oo, , , which, it is said,on runs sweat three Lake timesGarda a year:; |on Sanudo’s observations thewith territory around ;

a . _. ebruary ...

. . . . Christmas, on Holy Friday and on the day of Our Lady in

recall the early marriage of antiquarianism and arcadian pleas- Feb «0

ures portrayed so vividly in the writings of Cyriacus of ry

Ancona and his follower Felice Feliciano. Sirmione, located In the margin of his manuscript next to this entry, Sanudo on the tip of a peninsula jutting into the lake, was “the wrote, “Nota mirabilia,” and again “miraculum”: glosses used 158

throughout his text to call attention to other sites of more Fe = i ir ae ie eo ea aa conventionally Christian, if equally prodigious, character. One ae eg eg a ee is reminded of the ease with which a well-educated man of ~~ Pees aa i - “oye 3

- Oe ~~ Me ee . . pe: | ;GAL. Be)iewe) ee

the late fifteenth century could reconcile the Christian present (RSS) =)0 Qh S01" ae 0) ee with the newly rediscovered Roman past. Most striking 1s the 98 =) AON ae") es a A on

absence of any necessity to make a moral distinction between , 400, 2 er foc 2 fn a

the two. This would not always be the case. A century later [Beaesee a) Mas eee aoe wa 7 2

the “pagan altar” was broken into pieces by order of Carlo Sd Wea ee

Borromeo, Archbishop of Milan, during a pastoral visit. The |i, 8 iss Sa soe ae een ee rer surviving colonettes were recovered in the meteenth century Soi SS saienetnss dena sae keegeee a a ease taco e

and set at the top of a new staircase that leads to a chapel rie Pk.

: on. “Aquile; cent in C ey : 1erl ltar

2 ficl .

behind the present Basilica of SS. Pietro e Paolo (Plate 175).°! Pegg re So ee neo The antiquities of the Friuli and Istria were accorded par- a PR SR «oo ce imager

ticular attention. “Aquileia, a most ancient city... [was] once 9 Saat :

very powerful and grand; it is now almost abandoned and 175 The columns formerly of the alta santa Maria de Benaco,

99 . “1:

‘nhabited b ho officiate at th thedral church seen by Sanudo; now removed from the church and placed near the

inAabited: Dy 24 canons who olniciate at the cathedral churcn, campanile of SS. Pietro e Paolo, Toscolano (Lago di Garda). and by some fishermen .. .’°* Aside from the basilica, Sanudo noted the remains of city walls, a theater, and an aqueduct, as

P qually

well as the monastery of Santa Maria Extra Muros, then file of Veronese history is, however, only a prelude to its inhabited by Benedictine nuns. There he found “a most altogether more abundant present: “But at last in 1404 it came ancient epitaph around the choir.” At first he judged it ileg- under the Venetian Empire; through its beneficence and libible, but after rubbing it vigorously with water with the help _ erty, it has experienced growth and opulence, and day by day of his companion Pylades, he was able “with great effort” to it renews itself better still.”’° decipher the letters.°° In Pula he copied down the inscription Brescia was accorded a less hallowed, but equally venerable from the Arch of the Sergii, just as Cyriacus of Ancona had foundation, and a precisely equivalent destiny:

done some sixty years before. In and around the city itself, he ;

, , vy , , °y “there It was built five hundred years before Rome and was called continues, areof innumerable epitaphs, I have , Co, S564 the city Hercules, and Hercules livedwhich there; and in the,

transcribed in citadel my work Deisantiquitatibus Italiae. , there are many oe old there an ancient palace where By Sanudo’s time the Venetian hegemony had come to ae . . _ ; antiquities that still survive; [there are] some marble colembrace a number of cities of ancient foundation, both large . , ummns in two rows where there was a street in between and and .small. Many are accorded histories that reached backbut to ,in 4 ae . many by into which its antiquity is shown; this, the ;distant past epitaphs and extended the Venetian present. Padua . . 7 , time, that“not is from 1440 on, when came .under the had been. a, ,Roman colony, like the others, [but]it rather . , growth Venetian Dominion, it has experienced admirable more fortunate.” The university, long the official organ of 50

. ; ; ; and opulence.

higher education for noble Venetians, provided yet another conduit of aggregation by which the best of the outside world Above a portal in the city wall of Roveredo, an inscription was brought into the Venetian domain: “At the Vo, the most confirms the now enduring presence of the Serenissima: celebrated gymnasium in Italy, there are many students in all ““Everyone sleep secure; the winged Lion himself, ever vigifaculties who come here from every nation, including many — lant, will protect this city, citizens.””! gentlemen from north of the Alps; it 1s supported with great Sanudo’s painstaking observations on the notable features of

y

expense by the Venetians.’ Venice’s recently acquired mainland — once the roth Regione Verona, Sanudo observes, was “most well-known to the in the time of Augustus — reveal a developing historical Hebrew writers and was built by Shem, son of Noah” (Plate imagination in which the sites, artifacts, and texts of Latin 176). The city was called “Hierusalem menor” — a “lesser antiquity are now incorporated into an expansive history of Jerusalem” — he reports, “because to this day, Monte Oliveto, Venice itself. the valley of Calvaria, Nazareth and Bethlehem remain, and Petrarch had looked at the land and saw settings for events are so named, demonstrating its antiquity.”°° In Roman times, — of the classical past. Cyriacus of Ancona had found monuSanudo continued, it was Brennus, general of the Gauls, “a ments whose original antique forms were to be mentally ferocious and bellicose people,” who came to Verona after reconstructed through archaeological investigation. Sanudo burning Rome and built his fortress on the mountain over- looked at many of the same places and saw classical substrata, looking the city.°' More recently, Verona had been ruled b foundations as it were, for events of the Venetian present. tyrants: Ezzelino Romano, the Scaligeri, the Visconti, and As attested by his frequent recourse in the Itinerario to Latin then Francesco da Carrara who had captured it “with great — literature, Sanudo already had a good classical education with calamity and intolerable damage.” This brief but dense pro- a reasonable proficiency in Latin. But even though he would TS9

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convl tons in CBECe byar J ordance is fresco ologicall Hebrew s of acopo Bnstrate with reco es forset th anew sta y conv! at th ncient atin ologic mi, clathe tian cted a ech urch of hi cing classi loo ely ancl or | chae ellini nstru ndar mcl ;1Svincinel |smply t mi are j al i Ss] ; R of th sical SI e n 18su ise-en-sce etintr inteeri ical exam saints 1istor e EF storica cal world ig stor e, histor SCONE oduced grity tsoman and imperi remita consi . dD and inati thei perial tani 1 sist perhapsae tl gnored. Thi cal dist ependi O Fecr in ation of ir pag al milie 1 in Pad ency in epi his stance j in eate classi survi ganeopled ¢ teub ua of the si epitom appro e is eith on ho a st2assical rviving ormen . Here h

ani even le sim ctu om fr rld nimat to ~1ce vel oghauth ral setti . Ins

scenes ixteenth oferon V ese.> centu e of th€ere ach societa ergered breacl eached wV one ones 1nto reliefs paled aarchite 3pigrams epi artifact actscopie of tersthe baent sed y the onCdi hris ry, wh petta nin r cloth it eone th ancl he itlin colo — eni hich actors 1nd wo irect

in t ea ria Ss , al Or Tepast pas ur ibili mpti “ audi ecria ity s, achi mfo mi innque a classi ience h on itshe SI ess - No chieved

€past ed the anti settin om sert| the imperi was t enti n credi al dr atte nb1th e4 gr endphal i arch tiquar ic Classi BS 4 an ¢

ec past” rthri » the to th

ight b ered thethestfoRstra ssical an all: tThG s othic side matter aanew appr consid righ t L not a archite orm qt tri opriatel tegy in i behind S atin. | cture w the wall 1umIStsay plt their 19M edper, fowhe I 52) entancol executl S the ca om e of were testimo untain land and ou hipro rm. lap tion clear

JO agonis paradi elo min 1S erin spo fr

Ic d prot ssance lly dev nd im ; J mes at . Ns litt . n and structe An)

A TASTE FOR ILLUSION of artistic sprezzatura as is the masterful handling of perspective

, , andofforeshortening and the rendering of descriptive Signs a moreinnuanced sense of virtuoso time, space and theispast are _ — ; , ; ; detail the rest of painting. Every element rationalized recognizable in two new forms of visual expression that ,and

, 4: seemingly swag, and tied soon together appear. first in Padua intouchable: the milieuthe of fruit Mantegna findin, the center with a jeweled fastener, hangs from golden rings; the

their way to Venice. Each testsclasps the are boundaries reality . detached , book uncoupled; between the cartellino can still7be

and artifice, and each is related to the written word. a ol, and taken away. Although nothing is known of the painting’s provenance, the civic resonance of the venerable angelic salu-

The cartellino tation — “PAX TIBI” — suggests a Venetian patron. Mantegna’s cartellino is generically related to the medieval An early of these forms can be found already 6 ° 5paintings y , —_ .in,Mantegna’s er — announcement banderoles that were still common in late Gothic earliest surviving signed work, a painting of Sr. i , . such as The Vision of Augustus in Stuttgart (Plate 148), as well Mark that was completed around 1448-9 while he was , So, - van Eyck , . ‘ as to the feigned incisions and 207).° graffiti painted byan Jan working; on the Ovetari chapel (Plate Framed by 4. .But ; 10 ae . . onto the parapet his portrait known as Timoteo.'° arch-shaped window with ina vaguely classical vocabulary, the iti, is.

a . . is - different from the first in positioned its fragmentary, saint a solidthe material presence, firmly accidental and cred- i.quality . ,ibly ; and from second in its ambiguous status — neither wholly at the threshold between the tangible and the painted ; , ; part of theofpainted of the material world. worlds.’ A scrap paper —nor a cartellino — is of tacked ontoholding the , . . ; , A precedent for the device, in the form a seraph window frame below. Creased with fold lines, it looks like an , ce , eeaa “casual, placard, appeared in Castagno’s of 1442 in as the — Chapel afterthought: temporary ticket offresco authenticity,” .But , , 3 . of San Tarasio in the Venetian Church of San Zaccaria. Millard Meiss once put it.®° But its inscription belies any ; | , , 7ofCastagno’s cartello should be regarded transitional work- .in notion haste or accident: “INCLITA MAGNANIMI VEN as .. ./a; cae

ee ee

. which theMANTEGNAE banderole motif 1sPICTORIS simply taken. one step further; EVANGELISTA PAX TIBI M[ARC|E /ANDREAE

59 . . ,The for signature the paperisisthere not abyfragment, scrapa display just unfolded, LABOR.” design, as amuch , ay ee ; but ; something still intact. The distinction is worth noting. Mantegna’s shopworn paper tends to undermine the idea of

207 Andrea Mantegna, St. Mark, c.1448~9. (?)Casein on canvas, 82 the entire painted surface as a window and thus diminishes the

op pe i LCE oo Li present, it seems to be a deliberate one. p Kad a Le Kass Ee Two drawings in the Paris album, dated to around 1440 by

Ce) Sk aia A MARO MODICIS (a Degenhart and Schmitt, a mythological realm that Se ASS apredPARENTIDVS arone:qué quidam opificEVI splaresma’ | (CASE ay een ;illustrate 4: PERE EI QV 5 Ye gett ss tio msanaran: nox bint ge | SME) 1 nothing to do with inscriptions and pays no respects to the ae ee Weer a) evum tradiderunt: qué guuam agricolarionreiqs ruftice gregt fj aes 2

So soememenaierr CANprimum VSS ea fet filuis communis et apibus ee geenon-textual Seema ru oRpast ce) :in: ye NS acta mes eaten | oefocer “supreme Thunderer.” iscurandis a sensuous, es cae polod fe SA ce confIduum ocubrium dicin pago:qui andes dicitur:quidtaMa 2. It Gigs Jas ae Pe ;

Cie| mee ye oo calranmam:que s pre ‘Maia forniautranixa |? Loon ae Wafee “pam ospracsa tena ebffiintela. cemerer palais oS tex :Ld habited only by Bacchus, Silenus, erotes, and a company of

pe |VAG 5spartan cat te cents lppemaupaies feeceuttpoms flo © d oth | deities: naked t — half Ca cgiel)bie a fautbasen mS satyTs, auns aniotf: Cr syindicarer. Van €lties: Nake Peagadeh eradeosmiti uulew fuiffe: haud dubiam fpem profpenoris geniture iam tum Etac Fees 1, Shcreatures RR ESSE : *a . HEE) icalind prefagium . Siquidom uirgapopulea$fmoreregenisin Io) HS.) EE — 1 rs,horns, and split a cine:| |Mictokinmiomtepmiotemernemimgnred \aeeeg humanpurperiseadem and half goat tari — with pointed ears, p ee) OS | Seared fem golem ipo eginefapenciom Detour he “hooves GGao2)“| |gam ora Inert egiterei-annouien sopurco Aa S. et cepit Hat illis afetimum confulibusannum iterumCrznon quibus natus erat: Euenitque ipfo. die lucretius . poe be Bee \ oe . : Fey | fadeslowSal Vagus aCronong MediolanumseidcpulpofNepol mantis Voigam | Yt Pe In one scene a revel is under way (Plate 209). The god

Be indulfit medicine. et mathematias Quibussebus cum ante alios: eruditior paitiorgue effet: ee ; ce cee . . : . .

PEGGY |_| Ginmten oils staingmagite taba quorum Angutl aman macs mulostia i a ee Bacchus, his chariot pulled by a galloping horse, is a visitor to SUNN) || tacdonosemtas gat omnia fpen porendlont uinans ce certanemege ie | osree- the satyrs’ world. Young, middle-aged, and old, they frolic

CHAE ue _Hitne-cum alpesiice Maro mage: rabult dba marum eieexmorbofrequazet net ainbus, | ie | gee | . PLLC (8 | Sto wotaterdupliay ipftmeadom panesiulir, Cus nemex Hagan Augato i ee and eat and drink and sleep. Their various actions are bound Lee Ene te: os ‘cognito ;mandats NM :corum wut: EEE IG the 8 SCHR SERS 5~ aait EEE nae canes dono mitterentur parentes Nirgilius efrhythms anime celeritatenique fuss. He f l : : kall f l LiRe ram Qu cognito elm pose pligirur:ommibus aetcq enum5 Hs 72. SOS _:-dixit together by of contrapuntal grouping PANN ue AAS) Goce pratsAmotis arbinis illum in penitiorem:par: | WAIN UAL NS ERS | : i y in a skillfu

(| cite qn el: em of MtnNoui et | | mquit Vi paraphrase of their prototypes on classical reliefs. other A |a)Seber oo nes frculeatem:haberer. Maro te Ccfarem Augffim et feme ¢quam Gun dfs.The Oe es ,,

Ee Te humus dere tfcTane men Vin ai Naopune ero fali — MenatimOcauio:quidam scene involves an abductionfupian (Plate |210). ESTE 5] Athipro uccogeae dovequeim. Augutus Sp) |Eros, | | accoutered with

eo | oe aa eae ree ee ‘| spurs tied around his ankles and armed with bow and arrows, —— fi donatam abeo difeetirum Adhecomlos oaulis A gufs infigens Marodfacitins. alt in cg: ie Sa im ip £ | b k ¢ h d d . aa Nisiy cee |} ters animalibus quali arent icis er philofophrs RONLpOHUNES WENO. eas Fe ewes See AT

BAY FE aeemenea polis aioed detect habs flan us orga diceret. exami pa At Aa tlle has bound a young to the Rete ec ae | ter runs {ci him. abar. Au quidnam quantum go faun MRE NEback ee :of. a. horse : . . . raped in a Ree. fe inligee pollu pions nguit, Obtupaceat afar etn quo td pace | TiS ae rustic caparison of lion skins. Despite the objections of an ig he / fe eri potuerits aio. tolucbat.Interumpens Virgilias aa a a ee nonnk re EDS po

ee — ETE OT eee 4: meg | NNN a Re ‘ Le [ERs Fy EF | LR , .

FAN £4) da enunciarispeedixerim: intelligt feirig: non nifi. ab erudinffimis ftummufque aris EC cae ONC CRT ee te eee i ee : : ; :

Def ‘ fnt: Ta7preps ovis plore fern teofc pesene in meen da ifiqued a poi thee elderly companion, heYS carries ‘the creature swiftly away. FCS | sutnan Ar dens inguitguide Catron a ptorefed aregemagnam’ a , rernty

be pela ft gen patna lute ca Ne ro - Me, es Bellini added here, atypically, an inscription at the bottom of

ee aco et faucibus ac dolore capitis laborabat . Sanguiné ér fepius eiccit: abi aint co PRLBESS eee “1: : :

be. oe cic ai ef cum libidinis promiors m pucras fuifie. Sed bont tra cum pucros amar : cs fe the page: “Pegasus flilijo di Pler] seo che 4m1z0 Me dusa”’

a= cyan . a ee Se ,(Pegasus, Perseus who Medusa). Perhaps wishing ene Gi to displayson hisofknowledge of slew classical literature, he alluded, ae i BLE Re SB gy Fe somewhat incorrectly, to the myth in which the dying EP i. Rhafi:a(2 oo.a Cae he Perseus. | | (=) Medusa gave birth to Pegasus after she waswings decapitated by i Boa PPL ae AG But unlike the classical Pegasus whose are iarge

Sel yy SV) = and grow from his shoulders, Bellini’s horse has little webbed

—— — appendages attached to his legs like the fins of a sea-creature.

a 7 id Eros c

Pli ntispiece to Virgilius Maro _ ; ; ;

BN veils. NV ~- He is, in fact, a figural version of the architectural pastiches

208 Master of the London Pliny, Frontispiece to Virg > that Bellini contrived as stage sets for historical narrative. In

Opera, Venice: Antonio di Bartolomeo da Bologna, 14[7]6, f£. aar. he th fp d Eros could svmbolize the Parchment, 32.8 X 26.6cm. London, British Library, C.19.e.14. antiquity the theme o anh a a yt ’

contrast between natural and civilized love, but it is hard to

acopo w ,

find a deep philosophical meaning in Bellini’s scherzo, which seems to be more erotic fairytale than moralizing allegory.”

AN ACCESSIBLE PAST Jacopo was in constant dialogue with his classical sources

Mantegna’s archaeological rigor surely heightened the anti- Among the later drawings of the Paris album (c.mid-1450s), he quarian sensibilities of his contemporaries, but it yielded unex- goes back directly to antique models for anatomical studies. A

pected results in Venice, where it took a willful turn. nearly nude figure strains under the burden of a huge marble Indisposed or unable to disjoin the world of classical antiquity capital that he carries on his back: a mirror image to a drawing from their own, Venetian artists began to create synthetic on a single sheet that came out of Bellini’s circle if it was not visions that linked two autonomous realms. The artistic result actually by his own hand (Plates 211 and 212). Inspired by the was a past that was both separate from, and yet still accessible figural realm of the antique sarcophagus, already a source of to, the Renaissance viewer: the “past in the present” and the eraphic inspiration to such artists as Gentile da Fabriano,

“present in the past.” Pisanello, and Squarcione, it is, as yet, a past without an

Mantegna’s father-in-law Jacopo Bellini had struggled to inviting landscape (Plate 213).73 address the issue with his fanciful constructions of buildings The themes of revelry, drunkenness, sleep, and the chase that were neither Gothic nor classical and with antique ruins _ return again in two double-page drawings in Jacopo’s London or architectural components in varying states of disrepair. He album. Created in the early 1460s, around the time of the addressed it as well in his drawings of Bacchic themes that purported Garda expedition of Felice Feliciano and friends, were set within generalized landscapes. It is here that the these works are suggestive clues to Jacopo’s changing sense of earliest signs of a characteristically Venetian intrusion of the _ the past. The first recasts the Triumph of Bacchus, setting it in 193

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