Vanguard of the New Age: The Toronto Theosophical Society, 1891-1945 9780773586963

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vanguard of the new age

McGill-Queen’s Studies in the History of Religion Volumes in this series have been supported by the Jackman Foundation of Toronto. Series One: G.A. Rawlyk, Editor 1 Small Differences Irish Catholics and Irish Protestants, 1815–1922 An International Perspective Donald Harman Akenson 2

Two Worlds The Protestant Culture of Nineteenth-Century Ontario William Westfall

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An Evangelical Mind Nathanael Burwash and the Methodist Tradition in Canada, 1839–1918 Marguerite Van Die

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The Dévotes Women and Church in Seventeenth-Century France Elizabeth Rapley

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The Evangelical Century College and Creed in English Canada from the Great Revival to the Great Depression Michael Gauvreau

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The German Peasants’ War and Anabaptist Community of Goods James M. Stayer

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A World Mission Canadian Protestantism and the Quest for a New International Order, 1918–1939 Robert Wright

8 Serving the Present Age Revivalism, Progressivism, and the Methodist Tradition in Canada Phyllis D. Airhart 9 A Sensitive Independence Canadian Methodist Women Missionaries in Canada and the Orient, 1881–1925 Rosemary R. Gagan

10 God’s Peoples Covenant and Land in South Africa, Israel, and Ulster Donald Harman Akenson 11 Creed and Culture The Place of English-Speaking Catholics in Canadian Society, 1750–1930 Edited by Terrence Murphy and Gerald Stortz 12 Piety and Nationalism Lay Voluntary Associations and the Creation of an Irish-Catholic Community in Toronto, 1850–1895 Brian P. Clarke 13 Amazing Grace Studies in Evangelicalism in Australia, Britain, Canada, and the United States Edited by George Rawlyk and Mark A. Noll 14 Children of Peace W. John McIntyre 15 A Solitary Pillar Montreal’s Anglican Church and the Quiet Revolution Joan Marshall 16 Padres in No Man’s Land Canadian Chaplains and the Great War Duff Crerar 17 Christian Ethics and Political Economy in North America A Critical Analysis P. Travis Kroeker 18 Pilgrims in Lotus Land Conservative Protestantism in British Columbia, 1917–1981 Robert K. Burkinshaw

19 Through Sunshine and Shadow The Woman’s Christian Temperance Union, Evangelicalism, and Reform in Ontario, 1874–1930 Sharon Anne Cook 20 Church, College, and Clergy A History of Theological Education at Knox College, Toronto, 1844–1994 Brian J. Fraser 21 The Lord’s Dominion The History of Canadian Methodism Neil Semple 22 A Full-Orbed Christianity The Protestant Churches and Social Welfare in Canada, 1900–1940 Nancy Christie and Michael Gauvreau

23 Evangelism and Apostasy The Evolution and Impact of Evangelicals in Modern Mexico Kurt Bowen 24 The Chignecto Covenanters A Regional History of Reformed Presbyterianism in New Brunswick and Nova Scotia, 1827–1905 Eldon Hay 25 Methodists and Women’s Education in Ontario, 1836–1925 Johanne Selles 26 Puritanism and Historical Controversy William Lamont

Series Two: In memory of George Rawlyk Donald Harman Akenson, Editor 1 Marguerite Bourgeoys and

Montreal, 1640–1665 Patricia Simpson 2 Aspects of the Canadian Evangelical Experience Edited by G.A. Rawlyk 3 Ininity, Faith, and Time Christian Humanism and Renaissance Literature John Spencer Hill 4 The Contribution of Presbyterianism to the Maritime Provinces of Canada Edited by Charles H.H. Scobie and G.A. Rawlyk 5 Labour, Love, and Prayer Female Piety in Ulster Religious Literature, 1850–1914 Andrea Ebel Brozyna 6 The Waning of the Green Catholics, the Irish, and Identity in Toronto, 1887–1922 Mark G. McGowan

7 Religion and Nationality in Western Ukraine The Greek Catholic Church and the Ruthenian National Movement in Galicia, 1867–1900 John-Paul Himka 8 Good Citizens British Missionaries and Imperial States, 1870–1918 James G. Greenlee and Charles M. Johnston 9 The Theology of the Oral Torah Revealing the Justice of God Jacob Neusner 10 Gentle Eminence A Life of Cardinal Flahiff P. Wallace Platt 11 Culture, Religion, and Demographic Behaviour Catholics and Lutherans in Alsace, 1750–1870 Kevin McQuillan

12 Between Damnation and Starvation Priests and Merchants in Newfoundland Politics, 1745–1855 John P. Greene 13 Martin Luther, German Saviour German Evangelical Theological Factions and the Interpretation of Luther, 1917–1933 James M. Stayer 14 Modernity and the Dilemma of North American Anglican Identities, 1880–1950 William H. Katerberg 15 The Methodist Church on the Prairies, 1896–1914 George Emery 16 Christian Attitudes towards the State of Israel Paul Charles Merkley 17 A Social History of the Cloister Daily Life in the Teaching Monasteries of the Old Regime Elizabeth Rapley 18 Households of Faith Family, Gender, and Community in Canada, 1760–1969 Edited by Nancy Christie 19 Blood Ground Colonialism, Missions, and the Contest for Christianity in the Cape Colony and Britain, 1799–1853 Elizabeth Elbourne 20 A History of Canadian Catholics Gallicanism, Romanism, and Canadianism Terence J. Fay 21 The View from Rome Archbishop Stagni’s 1915 Reports on the Ontario Bilingual Schools Question Edited and translated by John Zucchi 22 The Founding Moment Church, Society, and the Construction of Trinity College William Westfall

23 The Holocaust, Israel, and Canadian Protestant Churches Haim Genizi 24 Governing Charities Church and State in Toronto’s Catholic archdiocese,1850–1950 Paula Maurutto 25 Anglicans and the Atlantic World High Churchmen, Evangelicals, and the Quebec Connection Richard W. Vaudry 26 Evangelicals and the Continental Divide The Conservative Protestant Subculture in Canada and the United States Sam Reimer 27 Christians in a Secular World The Canadian Experience Kurt Bowen 28 Anatomy of a Seance A History of Spirit Communication in Central Canada Stan McMullin 29 With Skilful Hand The Story of King David David T. Barnard 30 Faithful Intellect Samuel S. Nelles and Victoria University Neil Semple 31 W. Stanford Reid An Evangelical Calvinist in the Academy Donald MacLeod 32 A Long Eclipse The Liberal Protestant Establishment and the Canadian University, 1920–1970 Catherine Gidney 33 Forkhill Protestants and Forkhill Catholics, 1787–1858 Kyla Madden 34 For Canada’s Sake Public Religion, Centennial Celebrations, and the Re-making of Canada in the 1960s Gary R. Miedema

35 Revival in the City The Impact of American Evangelists in Canada, 1884–1914 Eric R. Crouse

46 Political Ecumenism Catholics, Jews, and Protestants in De Gaulle’s Free France, 1940–1945 Geoffrey Adams

36 The Lord for the Body Religion, Medicine, and Protestant Faith Healing in Canada, 1880–1930 James Opp

47 From Quaker to Upper Canadian Faith and Community among Yonge Street Friends, 1801–1850 Robynne Rogers Healey

37 Six Hundred Years of Reform Bishops and the French Church, 1190–1789 J. Michael Hayden and Malcolm R. Greenshields

48 The Congrégation de Notre-Dame, Superiors, and the Paradox of Power, 1693–1796 Colleen Gray

38 The Missionary Oblate Sisters Vision and Mission Rosa Bruno-Jofré

49 Canadian Pentecostalism Transition and Transformation Edited by Michael Wilkinson

39 Religion, Family, and Community in Victorian Canada The Colbys of Carrollcroft Marguerite Van Die

50 A War with a Silver Lining Canadian Protestant Churches and the South African War, 1899–1902 Gordon L. Heath

40 Michael Power The Struggle to Build the Catholic Church on the Canadian Frontier Mark G. McGowan

51 In the Aftermath of Catastrophe Founding Judaism, 70 to 640 Jacob Neusner

41 The Catholic Origins of Quebec’s Quiet Revolution, 1931–1970 Michael Gauvreau

52 Imagining Holiness Classic Hasidic Tales in Modern Times Justin Jaron Lewis

42 Marguerite Bourgeoys and the Congregation of Notre Dame, 1665–1700 Patricia Simpson

53 Shouting, Embracing, and Dancing with Ecstasy The Growth of Methodism in Newfoundland, 1774–1874 Calvin Hollett

43 To Heal a Fractured World The Ethics of Responsibility Jonathan Sacks 44 Revivalists Marketing the Gospel in English Canada, 1884–1957 Kevin Kee 45 The Churches and Social Order in Nineteenth- and TwentiethCentury Canada Edited by Michael Gauvreau and Ollivier Hubert

54 Into Deep Waters Evangelical Spirituality and Maritime Calvinist Baptist Ministers, 1790–1855 Daniel C. Goodwin 55 Vanguard of the New Age The Toronto Theosophical Society, 1891–1945 Gillian McCann

A religion in the making is surely the most interesting of human phenomenon. – Albert E.S. Smythe, Sunday World, 7 January 1912

Albert E.S. Smythe. Photograph courtesy of the Smythe family.

Vanguard of the New Age The Toronto Theosophical Society, 1891–1945 gillian m c cann

McGill-Queen’s University Press Montreal & Kingston • London • Ithaca

ISBN 978-0-7735-3998-3 (Paper) ISBN 978-0-7735-8696-3 (EPDF)

Bibliothèque nationale du Québec ancient forest

This book has been published with the help of a grant from the Canadian Federation for the Humanities and Social Sciences, through the Aid to Scholarly Publications Program, using funds provided by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada. McGill-Queen’s University Press acknowledges the support of the Canada Council for the Arts for our publishing program. We also acknowledge the Fund for our publishing activities.

Library and Archives Canada Cataloguing in Publication Vanguard of the new age: the Toronto Theosophical Society,

Includes bibliographical references and index.

'

In memoriam Raymond David McCann 1934–2008

Contents

Acknowledgments Introduction

xiii

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1 The Secret Doctrine in Canada: Theosophy and the Religious Topography of Late Victorian Ontario

7

2 In Search of New Light: An Overview of the Toronto Theosophical Society, 1891–1945 22 3 “The Blended Ideal of the Future”: Occultism, Race, and Empire 49 4 Spirit as a Transforming Power: Theosophy and the Creation of Canadian Culture 77 5 “All Life Is a Unity”: The Religious Worldview of Albert Smythe 102 6 Conclusions: Implications of the New Age

132

Appendices 1 Letter from D.P. Pandia to Maude Crafter, in TTS Errata 151 2 Letter from Albert Smythe to Emma Goldman

155

3 Selected Lectures at the Toronto Theosophical Society, 1928–45 157

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Contents

Notes 161 Bibliography Index

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203

Acknowledgments

First, I would like to thank my thesis supervisor and mentor, Professor Narendra Wagle, without whom this work would never have been completed. For their generosity in allowing me open access to their records, for their personal helpfulness in providing contacts and information, and for consenting to personal interviews, I must thank the following members of the Toronto Theosophical Society: Dhanesh Patel, Paul Bura, Sarah Lakin, Peter Lakin, Ruth Playle, Stan Treloar, Barbara Treloar, and Joan Suttcliffe. Special thanks go to Roger Middleton of the Toronto Theosophical Society, who assisted me throughout this process in all matters great and small, including helping me to lift boxes full of iles, giving of his free time to facilitate my research, and contributing his views on Theosophy generally. For consenting to be interviewed and for their hospitality during my stay in India, I would like to thank C. Seshadri, G. Sundari, Norma Shastri, and G. Sarada. I must also express my gratitude to Hugh and Bernice Smythe, Anne Smythe, and Moira Davis for their willingness to open the Smythe family records to a stranger and to discuss their family history. And special thanks go to Mantri, Gitte Bechsgaard, Nicola Mooney, and Hilary Earl for their unstinting encouragement throughout this long process. I wish to express my gratitude to Professor Neil McMullin, who introduced me to the study of religion and who has been such an inspiration for me through the years. My appreciation

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Acknowledgments

must be expressed to all at McGill-Queen’s University Press who moved the manuscript through the publishing process. My thanks to Dr Don Akenson, Kyla Madden, Mary-Lynne Ascough, Ryan Van Huijstee, Jacqueline Davis, and Robert Lewis at McGill-Queen’s and to the anonymous reviewers who helped me to reshape this work. For their support and encouragement, I would like to thank my family: Angela Rogers, Raymond McCann, Jeffrey McCann, Paulina Gillies, Kirsten McCann, and Logan McCann.

vanguard of the new age

Introduction

The New Age has always been more a state of mind than an actual event in time and space. Emerging from the urgency of millennial Christianity, the New Age is characterized by a sense of possibility and the feeling that the world is at a turning point. This dawning era has been understood as something beyond our current conception, carrying with it a sense of heightened expectation and glittering possibility. The intuition of the coming of an imminent new order has expressed itself in a variety of ways throughout Christian history, manifesting in the apocalyptic thinking of the Seventh Day Adventists and in the Utopian communities of Upstate New York. However, few relecting upon “Toronto the good” at the start of the twentieth century would associate it with radical occult movements dedicated to ushering in just such a New Age. Despite this impression, Toronto in the late Victorian era was a hub for labour activists, remittance men, and militant suffragettes. One such group whose members believed in the possibility of a perfected and spiritual society was the Toronto Theosophical Society. This small group of seekers was a part of a Canadian outpost of a far-lung movement that attracted a heady mixture of artists, writers, journalists, socialists, and temperance leaguers. Along with their more traditionally Christian friends and neighbours, they were concerned with questions of social amelioration and participated in the rise of the Social Gospel. But the new Jerusalem envisioned by

4

Introduction

Theosophists would add some gopurams and shikaras to the skyline of that great city, and in their vision the Ganges would meet in conluence with the River Jordan. Despite the fact that many Theosophists were inluential in the ields of journalism, politics, and the arts, their contribution to Canadian political, cultural, and religious history has remained almost completely undocumented.1 Although there has been a growing interest in the ield of alternative religion in the United States and Britain, no parallel body of work has been produced in Canada. The reasons for this gap in the historical record are complex. One explanation for the lacuna is related to the trajectory of Canadian historiography and to the traditional preoccupation of Canadian historians with issues of national identity.2 Another reason for the omission can be summed up by the reaction of one my favourite professors when he heard I was writing on the topic of Theosophy in Canada: “Why would you want to do research on a bunch of Rosedale3 matrons dabbling in exotica?” This perception of Theosophy as marginal, eccentric, and associated with women has resulted in its being largely ignored. It is due only to far-reaching changes in historiography – including the history of esotericism, the histories of new religious movements, feminist historiography, and social history – that the inluence of groups like the Theosophists has been revisited. Rather than viewing it merely as a footnote to the secularization of Western society and as a part of a “light from reason,” scholars have begun to rethink the meaning of the larger occult movement that blossomed during the nineteenth century. In his seminal essay “Forbidden Knowledge: Anti-esoteric Polemics and Academic Research,” Wouter Hanegraaf argues that the refusal to recognize the importance of esoteric history is a part of an ongoing process in Western society that constructs the esoteric as “other,” a topic to be either ridiculed or ignored entirely. However, serious engagement with the occult movements of the nineteenth century requires that we re-examine commonly held notions about the trajectory of postindustrial history. In The Place of Enchantment, Alex Owen writes of in-de-siècle occultism that it “not only addressed some of the central dilemmas of modernity but was itself constitutive or symptomatic of key elements of modern culture.”4 Groups like the Theosophists, then, can be viewed as part of an attempt to retain a religious worldview without paying primary allegiance either to rationalism and science or to the tenets of mainline

Introduction

5

Christianity. This particular way of attempting to rescue the religious worldview from the “disenchantment of the world” has had farreaching impacts on ideas about religion in the Western world. In her groundbreaking work documenting Theosophy’s connection to the British feminist movement, Joy Dixon discusses the tendency of historians to dismiss the Theosophical movement. As a result, she argues, most scholars have overlooked ways that religions like Theosophy were important spaces in which alternative visions of society were developed. This exercise in world building has always been a function of counterculture movements, which continue to serve as social laboratories feeding new ideas into the mainstream. As Ian McKay writes, “utopias portray the future as a set of compelling projects; and thereby reveal the role of human volition and effort in shaping and bringing it about.”5 In her work on the Utopian Theosophical community located at Point Loma, California, Penny Waterstone describes it as a refuge for artists and a “limited feminine commonwealth.”6 This new historiography reveals that, rather than being engaged in a process of retreat and wool gathering, occult groups like the Theosophical Society were directly and actively involved in most of the great cultural developments of the time. The Toronto Theosophical Society (tts) played an important role as just such a “realm of freedom,”7 providing an open forum for some of the most radical opinions of the time. The tts was also a hothouse for incubating artistic movements and included in its ranks members of the Toronto literati and artistic community. In a marginal environment and in a country still struggling to develop its own identity, the tts provided an ideological framework and a welcoming space for those who were articulating possible visions for the emerging nation. The relation of Theosophy to nation building has been noted by historians, particularly in the cases of India and Ireland. Theosophy has always been taken more seriously within the Indian context, where it is recognized for its key role in the movement for Indian Independence.8 The Theosophical inluence on the Irish Literary Renaissance is only now being fully appreciated, as its two key igures, William Butler Yeats and AE (George Russell), were both members of the society. The teachings of Theosophy were attractive to many who were attempting to articulate ideas of a better world, as they offered a syncretic and inclusive religio-philosophical framework. This philosophy worked just as well for a militant suffragist as for a bohemian painter

6

Introduction

since its theological openness allowed members to “articulate a new synthesis.”9 This Theosophical style of religiosity preigures the modern movements referred to collectively as “New Age,” and Helena Petrovna Blavatsky, the founder of modern Theosophy, has been referred to as the “Mother of the New Age.”10 This work sets out both to situate the tts historically in its proper place and to use it as a prism through which to examine religious and socio-cultural change in Canada from the late Victorian period up to the end of the Second World War. It examines how Theosophy inluenced the growth of Canadian nationalism, socialism, the engagement with comparative religion, the suffrage movement, paciism, and the development of an artistic milieu that was distinctly Canadian. Chapter 1 provides context through a history of the larger Theosophical movement and a sketch of the religious landscape of Ontario in 1891. Chapter 2 gives a condensed history of the tts from 1891 to 1945, providing an overview of the events and controversies that shaped the lodge. Chapter 3 concerns ideas related to race and empire and to religion as understood by Theosophists, chapter 4 looks at the inluence of Toronto Theosophists on the artistic and political culture of Canada and their involvement in burgeoning nationalist, artistic, and radical political movements, and chapter 5 examines the religious worldview of Albert Smythe, the leader of the Theosophical movement in Canada. The work concludes with an overview of Theosophy’s overall impact on culture and what this has to tell us about changing styles of Canadian religiosity.

1 The Secret Doctrine in Canada: Theosophy and the Religious Topography of Late Victorian Ontario

Like many of her Christian contemporaries, Helena Petrovna Blavatsky believed that the world was entering an apocalyptic age. The Victorian era, according to Blavatsky, was a pivotal moment in world history. Addressing what she saw as the central conlict of the period, she wrote, “The age of crass materialism, of Soul insanity and blindness is swiftly passing away. A death struggle between Mysticism and Materialism is no longer at hand but is already raging.”1 Blavatksy believed that the solution to this spiritual crisis was to be found in what she called the “Secret Doctrine.” This hidden truth, she explained, was the original source of the world’s religions. Blavatsky claimed that these esoteric teachings had been revealed to her by the Masters, a group of evolved adepts who were immortal and lived in India and Tibet. According to Blavatsky, these enlightened beings were now beyond the physical laws of the universe but were still able to guide mortals and even to affect the fate of nations. The content of the revelations from this mysterious group of adepts is the subject of many extremely abstruse treatises, but the exoteric aims of the Theosophists are easier to access. At the oficial founding of the society, its objects were stated as being, irst, “to form the nucleus of a Universal Brotherhood of Humanity, without distinction of race, creed, caste or colour; secondly to encourage the study of comparative religion, philosophy and science; and thirdly to investigate the unexplained laws of Nature and the powers latent in

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man.”2 The irst charter demonstrates the inclusiveness, idealism, and humanistic nature of Theosophical thought. This tolerant and inclusive view of other religions was another of its attractions, particularly for those who had begun to question the claims to exclusivity made by traditional Christianity. Blavatsky wrote that the Secret Doctrine was the essence of the great world traditions and that with Theosophy they would “merge back into their original element out of which each mystery and dogma has grown.”3 For this reason, according to Theosophists, barriers between religions were based upon an erroneous exoteric understanding of esoteric realities. The idea of the universal brotherhood of humanity lowed from this understanding that all religions and all people were equal. This undercutting of religious and racial difference was revolutionary at a time when members of various sects within Christianity refused to acknowledge each other’s communions. The Theosophists’ belief that Buddhism and Hinduism were equal to Christianity placed them at the radical end of the religious spectrum in Western society in the nineteenth century. Theosophy has been referred to as a hybrid religious tradition that combined “Hinduism, Spiritualism, Buddhism, occultism and rationalism.”4 However, members viewed Theosophy not as a bricolage of philosophies but as the original wisdom teachings from which all religions sprang.5 According to most Theosophists, although they were interested in all religions the Hindu and Buddhist traditions had remained closest to this original truth. Blavatsky taught that human life was ruled by the law of karma and that all beings were subject to reincarnation.6 Karma, a concept drawn from the Indian traditions of Buddhism and Hinduism, was regarded as the ultimate law that yoked “effect to cause on the physical, mental and spiritual planes of being.”7 The ultimate aim, then, was to escape from samsara, the endless cycle of birth, death, and rebirth. Because the human soul was understood to require many lifetimes to learn the lessons necessary to achieve this goal, rebirth was considered a necessity. This belief in reincarnation and karma marked Theosophy off from other alternative religions of the same period, such as Spiritualism and Christian Science. It is now generally recognized by scholars that Theosophy was one of the most inluential forces in carrying Indian philosophical ideas into the Western world. In fact, Theosophists are credited with introducing the words “reincarnation,” “karma,” and “nirvana” into the

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English lexicon.8 Theosophists were also instrumental in popularizing the practices of cremation, vegetarianism, and yoga in the West. All of this should not, however, obscure the fact that Theosophy was primarily shaped by Western/Christian categories of thought and consciousness. Although individual members of the Theosophical Society might have perceived themselves as making a radical break with their past, a closer examination reveals that the ideas espoused were chosen and shaped by Western, Christian modes of thought. Theosophists, like their more overtly Christian contemporaries, were responding to the challenges of their era and the sense of dislocation felt by many as a result of tremendous forces of social change. Both Wouter Hanegraaf and Christopher Partridge argue that Theosophy is in effect a form of neo-Romanticism and that it remains within the wider worldview of Western esotericism.9 It is unlikely that Blavatsky herself would have quibbled with this assessment, as she referred to herself as an occultist.10 Like other popular occult movements of the Victorian era, Theosophy resulted from a conluence of the religious currents of the period and expressed the concerns of societies that were profoundly destablilized in the wake of changes brought about by the Industrial Revolution. Blavatsky believed that Theosophists had a mission to save religion from annihilation by rationalism and materialism, on the one hand, and from the stagnation that she believed characterized mainline churches, on the other. To create a philosophy that could address a variety of new challenges, the Theosophists drew upon religious and philosophical concepts derived from Eastern sources. The decision made by Theosophists to apply Eastern ideas to Western problems can be understood only within the larger sweep of Western history. Although sociologists and anthropologists have developed useful methods for understanding and assessing cultural change, they have often underestimated the role played by religion in the process of social evolution. In examining how religion was impacted by modernity, Marxists and social scientists have consistently asserted the conservative role that religion played, yet its equally important role as a catalyst for change has been relatively understudied. Arthur Wright has argued that by studying the interactions of two cultures, much can be discovered about the role religion plays “as a carrier of elements of one great civilization into another.”11 Examining the protest or oppositional position that religion provides adds an important dimension to understanding the ways that societies transform. The

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role that new religious ideas can play in crystallizing innovative patterns of culture can be observed in the introduction of South Asian philosophical ideas to the West. George Peter Murdoch states that any serious alteration in a culture can result in more open attitudes toward alternative philosophies.12 The industrializing Western world, according to this model, was ripe for the introduction of new ideas. The hegemony of a strictly Christian worldview was being challenged by Biblical Criticism and Darwinism and was experiencing pressure from the increasingly powerful science establishment. The effects of these changes were felt more acutely by certain groups of people, and their willingness to engage with foreign ideas often expressed the social and psychological uneasiness of these individuals. The majority of the Englishspeaking world may not have radically altered their religious views in the nineteenth century, but certain members of society felt the problems of the age more keenly. These individuals were attempting to rescue a sense of meaning as the forces of change continued to accelerate. In doing so, they were planting seeds that would come to fruition in the twentieth century. One reaction to the sweeping changes brought about by modernity during the Victorian period was an increased interest in the occult. Francis King has argued that the esoteric movements that emerged in the nineteenth century were actually a coalition of many different groups united in their opposition to the rationalist, scientiic worldview that was gaining ascendancy.13 The occultists of the Victorian-Edwardian period were engaged in recovering what they believed were lost beliefs, including Gnosticism, Platonism, and alchemy.14 This variegated community was often interested in astrology, tarot, and crystals, and it “rejected knowledge” of all varieties.15 The Theosophical Society was perhaps the most inluential and organized member of the occult underground, and Joscelyn Godwin notes that Theosophy “holds a crucial position as the place where all these currents temporarily united, before diverging again.”16 Although virtually no research has been done on the subject of the occult underground in the Canadian context, the publication of Fred Bury’s Journal of New Thought and The Realm, both starting in 1898, and of the Journal of Psychosophy, beginning in 1899, indicates that an audience for occult research existed in Toronto in the late nineteenth century. These magazines covered topics such as health, animal rights, labour issues, New Thought, and Spiritualism, and they

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included advertisements for magnetic healers, clairvoyants, and massage therapists.17 As Canadians were facing the same pressures as the British and Americans, they too were forced to respond to the changes within society. Nonetheless, as Gene Howard Homel notes, we need to be careful about the application of American (and British) studies of socialism, labour, and politics when examining Canadian reactions to modernity.18 The introduction of the teachings of Asian religious traditions to English-speaking societies of the nineteeth century during the Victorian period directly inluenced the development of Theosophy. As Hanegraaf has noted, it was the Theosophists who positioned “Comparative Religions in an already existing western occultist framework.”19 The mechanisms of what Eric Sharpe calls “intercultural hermeneutics”20 have been the subject of works such as Carl Jackson’s The Oriental Religions and American Thought and Vedanta for the West and Philip Almond’s The British Discovery of Buddhism.21 This growing interest in the role that non-Christian religions played in shaping Victorian discourse has also led to a recognition of Theosophy’s contribution. Almond argues that those who grappled with ideas from the East in the Victorian era laid the groundwork for the “development of contemporary Western religious pluralism.”22 The accessibility of Indian philosophical and religious literature in the Victorian era was a by-product of British imperialism and a direct result of the colonial presence of Britain in India. These texts were then mediated for the Western public in a variety of ways. Some of the most important conduits of the mass introduction of Eastern philosophy and  religion were the periodicals of the time, including the Edinburgh Review, British Quarterly Review, The Academy, the Nineteenth Century, Fortnightly Review, and London Quarterly Review. As Almond points out, the ideas presented were always reconigured in the process in ways that made the ideas comprehensible and palatable to a Western audience. This process, particularly its relationship with colonialism, has increasingly been understood within the rubric of the theory of Orientalism as originated by Edward Said. Said’s project was centrally concerned with establishing the context and power dynamics at the root of these exchanges of ideas.23 In his study of the Bhagavad Gita’s career in the West, Sharpe seems to concur with this analysis, noting that most who were interested in Hinduism cared little for

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how Hindus themselves viewed their religion.24 As Richard King points out in his monograph Orientalism and Religion, many of the debates around the works being translated into English were occasioned by the “hopes and fears of the European imagination and its perennial fascination with the East.”25 Vasant Kaiwar, in discussing German interest in India, goes so far as to say that “arguably, the Oriental Renaissance had been a manifestation – if a transient one – of a crisis in European modernity.”26 Front and centre among those attempting to “make sense” of the East were the Theosophists. The Theosophical understanding of many Buddhist and Hindu concepts was a part of this larger project of “reimagining” Eastern traditions. However, Theosophists, with their international centre located in India, tended to remain both geographically and philosophically closer to the original traditions. Theosophists were among the irst to attempt to interpret South Asian philosophy for the mainstream public and were the “earliest neo-Hindu sect to carry propaganda outside of India,” even predating Swami Vivekananda’s Vedanta Society.27 Theosophists were also responsible for popularizing scriptures such as the Upanishads, the Bhagavad Gita, and the Dhammapada. The propriety of these reworkings and reinterpretations of religious traditions continues to be hotly debated into the present era with the controversies that have emerged around the teachings of New Age spirituality.28 This debate has often been framed in black and white terms, but a more nuanced discussion can be found in the work of Richard King, Homi Bhabha, and Richard Fox. Fox argues that East and West were never airtight categories but were in constant dialogue, admittedly within a skewed power relationship. He says of Theosophists like international president Annie Besant that they were representatives of “afirmative Orientalism,” which saw India as having a great deal to offer to the Western world.29 Fox points out that this style of Orientalism was also used by Indians to develop the incipient movement for Indian Independence.30 To simply dismiss all interest in India as a part of a hegemonic discourse is to miss the important ongoing international conversations between thinkers like Jawaharlal Nehru, Mohandas Gandhi, Leo Tolstoy, Edward Carpenter, and Besant regarding issues related to religion, nationalism, capitalism, and colonialism.31 That nations of the British Empire did indeed write and talk back is often forgotten in the dichotomizing model of powerful West and victimized East.

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Building on Bhabha’s idea of “hybridity,” King notes that “colonial discourses are deeply ambivalent and not susceptible to the constraints of a single, monolithic agenda.”32 Regardless of one’s opinion of cultural hybridity and syncretism, the encounter between religions was an important feature of the Victorian era. The impact of this dialogue was at irst almost imperceptible. Julian Stewart argues that the meeting of two cultures forms a dialectic that results in the “emergence of successive levels of sociocultural integration.”33 This process has been occurring now for over 150 years and explains the “sudden” explosions of interest in subjects such as yoga and other Indian systems of philosophy and healing in the twenty-irst century. Although there is a constant evolution occurring within all cultures, it is equally true that societies create a bulwark against any radical break in the social fabric. Hans Mol points out that the human desire for stability and predictability “has been both crucial and precarious.”34 Theosophists were among those most willing to embrace ideas deemed most radical, whether they were from Eastern or Western sources. Theosophists, who were always happy to mix and match, derived their theories from a variety of sources, both Eastern and Western. Olav Hammer describes Theosophy as offering a metanarrative that attempted to fuse the world’s spiritual traditions into “one historic myth.”35 Theosophy, if in a “garbled” form, absorbed all of the major strands of occultism and, according to James Webb, has been most responsible for the diffusion of the teachings of Gnosticism, astrology, and alchemy into mainstream society.36 Those interested in the occult were often at odds with both mainstream Christianity and the prevailing rationalistic ethos of the nineteenth century. Along with members of the Theosophical Society, artists and writers were often drawn to the study of esoteric knowledge, and painters Lawren Harris, Piet Mondrian, and Wassily Kandinsky and writers Algernon Blackwood and W.B. Yeats were all attracted to occult ideas.

Alternative Religion in Nineteenth-Century Ontario Toronto at the end of the Victorian era is not an obvious location for Theosophy to have taken root. In many ways, the movement could hardly have been more challenging given its exotic teachings.37

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Viewed as a sleepy backwater, with strong ties to the British Empire, Toronto during this period does not seem like a promising home for radical ideas of either a religious or a political nature. It has been noted by Canadian scholar Will van den Hoonard that Canada possesses a religious topography unsuitable for sectarianism and “third force” religious activity.38 At the end of the nineteenth century, the Canadian population was overwhelmingly Christian, with 97.9 per cent clustered in the traditional communions of Roman Catholicism, Protestantism (i.e., the Methodist, Presbyterian, and Baptist denominations), and Anglicanism.39 The Canadian religious landscape has always showed centripetal tendencies, which reached their logical conclusion with the formation of the United Church in 1925. In Ontario the concentration of churchgoers in the mainstream denominations resulted in an unoficial, yet extremely powerful, moral establishment.40 Norman Penner describes the overarching ethos of Ontario in the nineteenth century as “imperial, Tory and conservative.”41 This stands in contrast to the American case, where the strict separation between church and state prevented any such establishment from forming. The American situation has been likened to a “free market religious economy” in which alternative religions such as Mormonism, Christian Science, and Theosophy could be created and thrive.42 Another important factor related to the rise of new religions or sects in the United States was the existence of the frontier. The frontier, as both a physical and an imaginative space, created a liminal area that destablized traditional modes of social control, including religion. In the Canadian case, however, the frontier never really formed to the same extent and was always mitigated by colonial control. The British rulers were anxious to keep dissent in check and shaped a culture that was far more attached to tradition and the concept of law and order than was the American one. Overall, Canadian religion during the nineteenth century was conservative and traditional, with close ties to churches abroad. This ethos, with its aversion to extreme experimentation, differed signiicantly from that of the United States. Noting the Canadian tendency toward pragmatism, which militated against any tendencies toward innovation in religion, Laurence Fallis Jr writes, “Canadians, living as they did in what can best be characterized as a marginal environment, could little afford the dangerous social and political experimentation which was the hallmark of the Great Republic to the south.”43

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The ideological factors that contributed to these different approaches sprang from a Canadian ethos that did not lend itself materially, politically, or philosophically to the founding of a Utopian state. The American worldview was profoundly shaped by the Puritan vision of establishing a completely new society and by the Enlightenment ideals of the founding fathers. Because of these inluences, Americans perceived themselves as making a radical break with the past and forging a new nation largely unrelated to Europe. Canadians, in contrast, viewed their country as an extension of Europe. Canadian culture, then, was to be the combination of a variety of cultures rather than the creation of something new. Related to this sense of traditionalism, Canada possesses no founding myth of the creation of a perfect society such as the one forged during the American Revolution in 1776. Seymour Martin Lipset writes that “the United States is the country of the revolution, Canada of the counterrevolution.”44 In Survival, Margaret Atwood argues that the central organizing motif, both for French- and English-speaking Canada, is survival. Undoubtedly, this even more accurately describes the situation of the First Nations population of Canada. Clearly, such a worldview does not lend itself to the triumphalism and the broad experimentation that have typiied the American attitude. Discerning the inluence of alternative religion in Canada during the nineteenth century is extremely challenging. Contributing to the problem is that groups like the Theosophists had soft boundaries and that members could be both Theosophists and professing Christians. As Sydney Ahlstrom notes, “harmonial religions” such as Theosophy constitute a “highly diffuse religious impulse that cuts across all the normal lines of religious division.”45 Dissenting Protestant groups such as the Quakers and the Mennonites did have a signiicant presence in Ontario, and the Quakers in particular often participated in the development of new religions. Beginning in 1790, just after the American Revolution, Quaker communities made their way north, and Yonge Street became the site of one of the largest Quaker settlements in Canada. Breakaway Quaker movements, like the Children of Peace in York county, came mostly from Upstate New York. These immigrants brought with them ideas emerging from the Second Great Awakening of the “Burned over District,” which was one of the centres for the development of alternative religions in the United States.46 Although the number of adherents to alternative spiritual groups in Canada was always small,

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John Webster Grant notes that the existence of Mormons, Seventh Day Adventists, and Theosophists in nineteenth-century Ontario was indicative of underlying changes in the religious landscape.47 Masonry, arguably pre-eminent among occult societies prior to Theosophy, was also a part of the cultural landscape of Ontario. The irst Masonic lodge on record was founded in London, England, in 1717 and appears to have started as a trade guild before becoming an “occult fraternity and political crusade.”48 The Masons, like the Theosophists, believed in a “secret doctrine” and claimed a lineage that reached back into antiquity. Blavatsky adapted many of their philosophical concepts and utilized their structure as a model of organization for the Theosophical Society. Masonry arrived in Canada along with British forces, and a provincial guild lodge was established in Upper Canada as early as 1792.49 The tts had many Masons as members, and Masonry was a popular topic for public lectures.50 Spiritualism was of particular importance in terms of creating a more receptive milieu for new forms of religiosity. This diffuse and grassroots movement had become widespread in the United States and Canada by 1891.51 The majority of Spiritualists in Canada could be found in Ontario, and as Stan McMullin notes, there was a constant low of people and ideas across the Canada-US border.52 He also notes that many Spiritualists from Protestant backgrounds were “attempting to hold onto spirituality while accepting the progressive insights of science and technology.”53 The inluence of this movement was noted with some alarm by clergy, and the bishop of Kootenay was quoted in the Toronto Globe as saying, “many are now turning to spiritual matters, though instead of turning to the Christian Church they are patronizing all sorts of creeds such as Christian Science, Spiritualism, Russellism and Theosophy.”54 The inluence of Catholicism on the overall religious topography of Canada was one of the most obvious differences between the United States and Canada at the end of the nineteenth century. When statistics from 1900 are compared, the numerical difference is striking, with Roman Catholics making up 17.1 per cent of the American population and 41.2 per cent of the Canadian. Although the number and inluence of Catholics varied from region to region, even in Upper Canada, the heartland of Canadian Protestantism, the number of Catholics quadrupled between 1842 and 1861 due to Irish immigration.55 Also as a result of the inescapable presence of Quebec, Canada was bilingual and bi-religious from the beginning.56 In

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analyzing the Canadian religious character and factors affecting Canadian Protestant churches, Stewart Crysdale writes, “A curious paradox existed, in which the Protestant ethic of individualism, tending toward laissez-faire was tempered by the Roman view of benevolence in public policy. One form of conservatism, largely individualistic, was countered by another – corporateness.”57 This approach to religiosity resulted in what Nancy Christie and Michael Gauvreau describe as “liberal collectivism.”58 In typical Canadian fashion, religiosity tended to converge toward the centre, and most of the Christian communions shared the idea that governments should be inluenced by religious values. Grant writes that “voluntarist Protestants, as much as ultramontane Catholics, looked for the embodiment of their social vision in legislation and public institutions.”59 This understanding that the churches should play a central role in all aspects of social life was only to grow in the Canadian case until the Second World War.60 Throughout the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, the churches in Canada participated actively in all important debates. The strict division of church and state – so vaunted, at least in theory, in the United States – was never the ideal in the Canadian case. The notion of a “collected people” as understood by many Protestant religious sects, such as the Baptists, also did not take hold in Canada. This lack of what S.D. Clark calls a “spirit of separation” had an important effect upon Canadian history, both religious and political.61 This recognition of the role of religion in public life was also apparent in labour politics. Canadian labour leaders were often active in their churches and did not withdraw from religious life, as was typical in the United States and Great Britain.62 As a result of its lack of marginalization, Homel argues, “Canadian socialism was substantially derived from religious and ethical beliefs.”63 In the case of Christian reform movements, Christie and Gauvreau argue that the tenets of the Social Gospel, unlike in the American case, actually relected the beliefs of a majority of Canadian Protestants.64 As Richard Allen writes, “No major Protestant denomination in the nation escaped the impact of the social gospel, and few did not contribute some major igure to the movement.”65 The ideology of the Social Gospel called for active participation in the world and took strong hold within the milieu of late nineteenthcentury Ontario. According to Phyllis Airhart, “a commitment to apply religion to everyday life was characteristic of Methodism from

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its beginnings.”66 This movement followed the general trend of liberal Protestantism, with its rejection of strict Calvinism. The Social Gospel “substituted for the old dogmas of the depravity of man and his salvation through faith in vicarious atonement, the doctrine of the innate goodness of man and his salvation through a favorable environment. The Kingdom of God was to be brought to earth, not by an apocalyptic Second Coming of Christ, but through education and legislation in the Christian spirit.”67 The Methodist and evangelical impulse integral to the Social Gospel movement was a strong motivation toward political and social engagement. According to this model, it was the religious duty of the regenerated individual to contribute to the renewal of society. Activity in social and political causes was thus sanctiied and deemed desirable rather than suspect, consistent with the perspective within some strands of liberal Protestantism. Seen within this context, the career of someone like Phillips Thompson, who was a Quaker, Spiritualist, Theosophist, and labour leader, seems less anomalous. Progressives continued to shape public opinion, as they shared many of the prevailing beliefs and attitudes of the larger culture. William Arthur Deacon, an inluential literary critic, was sustained in his work toward creating a separate Canadian identity in literature by both his Methodist sense of mission and his “theosophist’s conviction of personal destiny and inevitable upward progress.”68 Social activists in Canada at the end of the Victorian age and throughout the Edwardian era had a wide sphere of inluence, and religion in the Canadian context played a central role in the development of public policy. Airhart argues that religion’s role was perhaps greater in Canada than in almost any other Western country.69 Millenarian tendencies, always latent within Christianity, also inluenced religious expression in Ontario. Millenarianism has been deined as the “intense expectation that the end of the present world order is near.”70 These beliefs are based particularly on the Book of Revelation in the New Testament and include a belief in the dawning of a New Age that will be a time of “peace, prosperity, and the fulilling of all hopes.”71 Although more extreme forms of millenarianism, such as that observed by the Seventh Day Adventists and Jehovah’s Witnesses, did not become mainstream in Ontario, a sense of expectation became wedded to more general notions of progress. This development, in turn, contributed to the idea that a new era was arriving in which humanity would conquer all of its age-old foes, including hunger, sickness, and poverty.

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The Canadian variety of millenarianism72 lent a driving evangelical force to social reform movements in Canada. This same tendency was highlighted within the Theosophical Society and lent a sense of urgency to many Theosophical programs. In Annie Besant’s case, this millennialism eventually manifested in her announcement in 1912 of a “World Teacher” who would usher in a New Age. Although not all Theosophists were willing to go this far, the millennial fervour of the time coloured their attitudes and strengthened their commitment to bringing about radical change. However, the predominance of Methodism in Ontario by 1891 was deinitive in shaping Ontario’s larger culture during this period. The inluence of Methodism, with its activist impulse and interest in social welfare, was crucial for the fortunes of Theosophy in Ontario. As in England, Methodism in Canada became the carrier of ideas that contributed to the larger climate of radicalism.73 The zeal for reform of all kinds that emerged from Methodism resulted in the transformation of the religious landscape of Upper Canada. This energy sparked the widespread growth of voluntary societies such as the Women’s Christian Temperance Union (wctu), which in turn created a place in the public sphere for women.74 The links between the work of the wctu and politics illustrate the connection between the spheres of religion and politics in Ontario more generally, and the wctu was the irst mainstream organization to support the movement for women’s suffrage.75 By the 1890s voluntary societies were a ixture of the Anglo-Ontario landscape, particularly in urban centres such as Toronto, and many of their methods of organization were adopted by the Theosophical Society. The intertwined nature of these voluntary reform activities can be seen in the person of Lelia Davis, who was a superintendent of the wctu and a member of both the Toronto Theosophical Society and the ledgling socialist movement in Canada. Whereas in the American case the revivalist impulse tended toward an apolitical expression, Ontario Methodists adopted the British model, with its idea that individual salvation had to be found within the salvation of the community as a whole. Among all of the mainstream Christian bodies, Methodism was also the most tolerant of more radical forms of belief. Many members of alternative religious movements such as Theosophy, Baha’ism, and Spiritualism were drawn from Methodist ranks.76 Methodist tolerance, however, should not be overstated. Controversies such as the

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trial of Methodist minister B.F. Austin for heresy reveal the limits of dissent within the Methodist Church. Something of the attitude of Methodists toward non-Christian religions can be gleaned from articles written in the Christian Guardian in 1891, the year that the tts was founded. In a piece entitled “Christianity and Other Religions,” the writer admitted that there were truths to be found in other religious traditions such as those of India and China. However, he stressed that this discovery should in no way undermine anyone’s faith in the superiority of Christianity.77 The Methodist disapproval of Theosophy is evident in a column called “Notes and News from India,” dedicated to covering missionary work in India. The columnist wrote, “We learn with regret that the wife of one of the most distinguished editors and citizens of New York has been ‘led so far astray by Madame Blavatsky as to lose her head.’ No one in India thinks as much of Mrs. B. as they do of a respectable beggar woman ... Even Hindus who were in perfect its of enthusiasm over the Theosophists and their occult nonsense, are now as cool as chilled iron.”78 Although the prediction of the demise of the Theosophical Society proved premature, the inimical attitude of the Methodists was evident. Individual Methodists might have been interested in Theosophical teachings, but the oficial line was vehemently against the movement. The attitude of the Anglican Church in Canada toward Theosophy was equally hostile. A committee that was struck at the Lambeth Conference of 1920 to study the teachings of Christian Science, Spiritualism, and Theosophy included a point-by-point explanation of how the teachings of these movements differed from orthodox Christian dogma. The writers of the report recognized that alternative religious groups like the Theosophists were a reaction against Christian traditionalism and exclusivism, but they concluded that the two belief systems were irreconcilable. The committee focused particularly on differing views of the nature of Jesus Christ and stated that the doctrines of reincarnation and karma moved Theosophy “into more or less direct conlict with the Christian faith.”79 The Catholic Church was the most forceful in its denunciation of Theosophy and forbade any attendance of Theosophical meetings or lectures or the reading of Theosophical literature.80 The social ethos of Toronto in the 1890s was also shaped by the growth of the city itself. After 1885 Canadian cities grew rapidly and were home to large immigrant communities along with those who were migrating from the countryside. S.D. Clark has commented on the unstable nature of these new centres: “the Canadian urban community

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towards the end of the nineteenth century was essentially a irst generation community. Few of the people in Montreal, Toronto, Hamilton, or other Canadian cities at this time had been born and raised in the communities in which they were then living. Many of them had come to the city from rural districts.”81 The looming problems of labour and urban poverty in rapidly growing cities like Toronto increasingly preoccupied both political and religious radicals. These reformers included socialists, suffragists, anarchists, and Social Gospellers who shared a desire to create a more humane and just society. Sharing the “myth of concern” with their more conservative neighbours, members of the tts were actively involved in the various debates of the time. Toronto in the late Victorian era was a hub that attracted immigrants from other parts of the British Empire and the countryside of Ontario as well as social reformers of all stripes. It became a meeting point for those interested in developing a separate Canadian religious and political culture. Woven into the Methodist black and white of Toronto were other threads that by 1891 created a far more complicated picture of the city during this period. Issues relating to industrialization, urbanization, and secularism were all looming and required new approaches that itted with the changing times. The Theosophists were determined to make a contribution to the new nation that would allow Canada to express its own unique dharma.82 An overview of Ontario in 1891 reveals a conservative society with much of its population clustered within the major Christian denominations. However, the Protestant denominations in particular had been permeated by the ideas of more radical political and religious groups. Ontarian society during this period is characterized by A.B. McKillop as retaining a strong moral vision that attempted to mediate between, on the one hand, speculative thought and new discoveries in science and, on the other, the social good.83 This religiously and culturally conservative milieu does not appear, at irst glance, to be a promising ield for the reception of new religious ideas, particularly those of Eastern origin. However, the situation was more complex than it might seem, as progressive movements for social reform gathered steam throughout Canada. Some of those interested in the Social Gospel also began to look to unorthodox sources for solutions to new problems. It was the most unorthodox individuals of this group – often from Anabaptist and dissenting Protestant traditions, many of whom were women and/or members of the occult underground – who viewed Theosophy as a potential panacea for the problems of the age.

2 In Search of New Light: An Overview of the Toronto Theosophical Society, 1891–1945

The history of the Toronto Theosophical Society (tts) begins with the chance meeting of two men in November 1884. They themselves would likely have attributed it to the workings of karma. En route to the United States, Albert Ernest Stafford Smythe, age twenty-three, met William Quan Judge aboard the SS Wisconsin. Smythe was leaving his home in Northern Ireland, and Judge, president of the American Theosophical Society, and also an Irishman, was returning to New York City. Smythe wrote many years later of this life-changing encounter, “I started on a quest for truth in 1884 and on the way to America, which I hoped had more new Light than I could ind in Belfast, met William Quan Judge, then returning from India.”1 Although Smythe did not remain long in the United States, he did not forget Judge or his introduction to Theosophy. Upon arrival in Toronto in 1889, Smythe began mailing out pamphlets on Theosophy to professional men he located in the telephone directories of Ottawa and Toronto.2 Smythe also renewed his acquaintance with Judge through correspondence and oficially became a member of the Theosophical Society that same year. He wrote to Judge, saying, “I think there is a good prospect for a branch here, and the ten or twelve more directly interested are sure to increase their numbers soon.”3 Judge replied with advice on administration, recommending that open meetings, a branch library, and constant distribution of literature were necessary for a successful

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chapter.4 By 1891, as a result of Smythe’s efforts, there was enough interest in Toronto to form a lodge.5 The charter of the Toronto Theosophical Society was received by Smythe dated 25 February 1891, making this document, signed by Henry Steel Olcott, William Quan Judge, and Helena Petrovna Blavatsky, one of the last signed by all three founders of the international Theosophical Society. The ive charter members of the Toronto lodge were Albert Ernest Stafford Smythe, Algernon Blackwood, Ethel Day MacPherson, and Drs Emily Stowe and Augusta Stowe-Gullen. The single most inluential person in Canadian Theosophy for the next ifty years, however, was founder Albert Ernest Stafford Smythe. Throughout his life, Smythe was active in an array of social reform causes, often in leadership positions, and Michele Lacombe says of Smythe that, “like many of his fellow Theosophists, he was a joiner.”6 He was a member of the Arts and Letters Club, president of the Toronto Press Club in 1907,7 and a member of the Dickens Fellowship.8 He was also vice-president of the Walt Whitman Fellowship and sat on the Toronto Social Hygiene Council.9 Smythe made a career in journalism working in Toronto for the Globe and the Daily Star, was editor of the Toronto World and of the Hamilton Herald,10 and became renowned for his reporting skills.11 Greg Gatenby says of Smythe that he was “one of the best known newspaper men in Canada, and serious critics would call him one of the best poets in the nation publishing two volumes of poetry.”12 Throughout his years as a paid journalist, Smythe also worked without salary as an editor on Theosophical publications. Love of poetry and of the company of poets was another persistent feature of Smythe’s long and varied life, and he played a role “on the edges of the Irish Literary Renaissance.” This literary movement had come about largely through the efforts of Theosophists like W.B. Yeats and AE (George Russell).13 Smythe knew many of the leading lights of the Irish Literary Renaissance personally and was surrounded by poets, artists, writers and newspapermen, and women throughout his long life.14 Ethel Day MacPherson, who served as secretary of the new lodge, was women’s editor of the socialist weekly the Labor Advocate and a suffragist. Like Smythe, MacPherson believed that Theosophy held the answers to the many challenges facing social reformers. In an article written for the Labor Advocate, she expounded on the connection between spirituality and reform as she saw it: “The law of

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karma is the law of action and reaction – of cause and effect, and teaches that each thought, word and deed, of our present life, is a cause that produces effects in the next reincarnation, that, in short, we are creators of our own destiny.”15 For MacPherson, Theosophy, with its emphasis on responsibility based on the law of karma, along with its belief in universal brotherhood, was a philosophy that could be applied to all the pressing social causes of the day. In MacPherson’s Theosophical vision, society would be based on the principles of cooperation rather than competition, with all members taking responsibility for their own actions. The Theosophists, like other members of the Toronto avant-garde, had highly idealistic ideas of the new society that they wished to build. However, they also realized that there were formidable obstacles to establishing the Kingdom of God on earth. A charter member of the Toronto Theosophical Society, Ethel Day MacPherson lamented that the Toronto of the 1890s lacked any real expression of the brotherhood of humanity. She argued that those who wished to create a more humanitarian system must eschew competition and brutality and put in its place a nobler “principle of association.”16 For Theosophists like MacPherson, social regeneration required political expression as one of the principal means of manifesting these progressive spiritual and political ideas in the world. tts charter members Emily Stowe and her daughter, Augusta Stowe-Gullen, were also committed to political and social reform. Both were well-known advocates for women’s suffrage and combined alternative religious beliefs with political activism. Mother and daughter were dynamic, well educated, and self-supporting, with a talent for leadership. Emily Stowe was born in Ontario to an American Quaker family and became the irst woman to practise medicine in Canada in 1867. Stowe’s unshakable commitment to the cause of women’s rights made her a central igure in the ight for suffrage in Canada. Historian Catherine Cleverdon writes, “largely owing to Dr. Stowe’s efforts, the University of Toronto opened its doors to women in 1886, and professional schools began to let down their bars. Dr. Stowe also strove to secure factory and health laws, a better Married Women’s Property Act, and above all, the political enfranchisement of women.”17 Stowe’s Quaker background, with its emphasis on education and the equality of men and women, no doubt contributed to her unusual sense of selfconidence.18 Emily Stowe did not remain an active member of the Theosophical Society, but she often returned to give lectures there.

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Stowe appears to have retained some of her Theosophical beliefs, and upon her death in 1903 she became one of the irst people in Canada to be cremated.19 Augusta Stowe-Gullen shared her mother’s pioneering spirit and became the irst woman to receive a medical degree from a Canadian university in 1883.20 She was an ardent feminist and was one of the irst women elected to the Toronto Board of Education in 1892. In 1912 Stowe-Gullen was elected to the Senate of the University of Toronto, where she served until 1924.21 Stowe-Gullen devoted much of her energy to the cause of women, succeeding her mother as president of the Dominion Women’s Enfranchisement Association from 1903 to 1911 and becoming one of the founding members of the National Council of Women.22 Emily Stowe and her daughter were representatives of a group referred to as “New Women” whose numbers were grappling with the era’s profound societal and religious changes. Those comprising this new class of educated, inancially independent women were often drawn to alternative religious and political ideas. The predominance of women in new religious movements has been noted by scholars of religion such as Catherine Wessinger, Mary Farrell Bednarowski, Diana Burield, and Ann Braude, as these newly liberated members of a burgeoning middle class sought a religious experience more in tune with their needs. With the mainstream churches still exclusively controlled by men and their interpretations of scripture, by the turn of the twentieth century, they were increasingly losing intelligent and energetic women to movements like Christian Science, Spiritualism, and Theosophy. These movements allowed for women’s full participation and also trained them in public speaking and organizing.23 The many Theosophical publishing houses and journals allowed women to publish on a variety of religious and social reform topics. Jill Roe notes that women were experiencing disaffection in both their personal and public lives and that Theosophical women disputed the “orthodox Christian doctrine of a male deity, a male clergy, and female depravity,” as well as “rigid attitudes to marriage and sex roles.”24 Theosophical women were often divorced, separated, widowed, or single and when married espoused the ideal of “companionate marriage.”25 This model of marriage viewed it as an egalitarian partnership that permitted the use of birth control and divorce by mutual consent. In Divine Feminine: Theosophy and Feminism in England, Joy Dixon demonstrates the ways that the Theosophical

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Society acted as a welcoming environment for those attempting to “articulate a feminist spirituality” and to combine this with radical political agendas.26 According to Dixon, the “afiliations between religion, especially esoteric religion, and feminist political culture were neither accidental nor idiosyncratic.”27 Little scholarly work has been done on the subject of New Women in Canada, although Canadian women were facing the same societal changes as women in Europe and the United States. The dropping birthrate, accessibility of education, and increased participation of women in the labour force in English Canada resulted in the agitation among a still small but vocal group of women for the full rights of citizenship. Linda Kealey, analyzing the situation of women in Canada between the late 1880s and the 1920s, notes the connection between interest in “dress reform, bicycle riding, spiritualism, and concern with the reform movements and duties of citizenship.”28 For many female members of the tts, drawn as they were from the ranks of bike-riding Spiritualists, alternative religion went hand in hand with a commitment to women’s rights. The other charter members of the tts show a similar mixture of interest in the esoteric, radical politics, and the arts. Algernon Blackwood was twenty-one when he became the irst corresponding secretary of the Toronto lodge. Born in Kent, England, into a devoutly evangelical Anglican family, he was sent to Canada by his father to make his fortune. While in Toronto, he worked as an assistant editor of the Methodist Magazine.29 Blackwood was ired shortly after he wrote an article on Buddhism that was so sympathetic that it scandalized his employer. In his extremely colourful and amusing memoir, he described himself as a Buddhist.30 He was also a staunch supporter of the suffragist movement. Blackwood did not stay long in Toronto, as he was driven out of town by creditors, and he went on to become an acclaimed occult novelist. Phillips Thompson, who was the lodge’s irst treasurer, was also born in England, and he came from a Quaker background. He was active in both the Spiritualist and labour movements. Thompson was a journalist, like many Theosophists, in both the mainstream and labour press and wrote an inluential book called The Politics of Labor (1887). Kealey and Palmer describe his work as a “sustained critique of all facets of Canadian industrialist-capitalist society.”31 Thompson’s crusading zeal and commitment to social justice put him at the radical end of the political spectrum in Ontario during the

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Victorian era. He argued that education and culture had a large role to play in the regeneration of society and that “every relic of class distinction, every social movement based upon the permanent inferiority of one section of the community to another, should be fought with all the means in our power.”32 The overall picture that emerges of the early membership of the tts is that of a loosely knit group of activists and freethinkers working through a variety of channels to realize their vision of a more equitable and humane society. They were, as Gene Howard Homel puts it, “sorting through a variety of concerns, platforms and panceas.”33 They were seekers, some of a more bohemian turn, who were actively involved in the key debates of the period and were thus a part of the Canadian avant-garde.34 The composition of the tts, with its New Women, Spiritualists, and journalists and its participation in radical politics, resembled other Theosophical groups in the English-speaking world. The membership of the Theosophical Society was linked to Spiritualist, Freemason, and esoteric circles from its beginnings in New York City, with Blavatsky and Olcott’s apartment serving as a sort of occult salon. The interests of these irst Theosophists were varied and included such topics as vegetarianism, homeopathy, natural medicine, and anti-vivisection. In her study of Irish Theosophy, Catherine Candy argues that “such turn of the century New Age groups continued the romantic anti-rationalistic reaction and helped spread the counter cultural quest for wholeness throughout the entire twentieth century middle class.”35 The activities of the Theosophical Society mirror those undertaken by other voluntary groups of the period, such as the Fabian Society in England. Samuel Lynn Hynes describes members of this group as being a “mixture of heterodoxies, held together, though only briely, by a common desire to lead the Higher Life.”36 Or to put in more unkindly, in the words of H.M. Hyndman, these groups sheltered “old cranks, humanitarians, vegetarians, anti-vivisectionists and anti-vaccinationists, arty-crafties and all the rest of them.”37

At Home and in the World: Adyar, America, and the History of the tts From the moment it was founded, the Toronto Theosophical Society was forced to negotiate the “Atlantic Triangle,” which has so fundamentally shaped Canadian identity. As a Canadian lodge, the tts

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was inluenced by the United States, on the one hand, and by international factors, on the other. This tension between American and international inluences perhaps most strongly contributed to shaping the identity of the tts. In this respect, the tts mirrored the larger pattern of Canadian history. Throughout its irst years, the Toronto Theosophical Society managed to skilfully navigate between American and international inluences within Theosophy. The lodge achieved this by maintaining contact with the American, Indian, British, and Irish sections of the Theosophical Society. However, over time, the tts was unable to avoid being drawn into the slipstream of the scandals and conlicts of the international society. The Toronto lodge was forged in controversy and conlicts that forced it to negotiate complex and competing loyalties. Even a cursory look at the history of the Theosophical Society reveals that it was regularly visited by controversy and schism. As a result of consistently having to assert its own position, the tts emerged from the shadow of both the American and international Theosophical Societies. Along with deining itself against powerful continental and international forces, a growing sense of distinctiveness within the tts developed as it entered the twentieth century. This new sense of separateness was related to larger trends within the Canadian nation, which was itself struggling to assert its own identity by determining its own position on the political and religious questions of the time. Parallel with its growing desire for sovereignty, the tts also developed an ideological position of its own beginning in the 1920s and became a key player in the “Back to Blavatsky” movement. This movement was an expression of generalized dissatisfaction led by a number of inluential Theosophists concerned with international president Annie Besant’s leadership and was especially strong in America, Australia, and Canada.38 Under the leadership of Albert Smythe, the tts established itself as a staunch opponent of the programs of Annie Besant and her closest conidante and advisor, Charles Webster Leadbeater. The religious makeup of the tts made it particularly unsympathetic to many of the ideas and movements emanating from Adyar, India, the international headquarters of the Theosophical movement. In her work on Theosophy in Britain, Dixon argues that under the leadership of Besant, the Theosophical Society evolved from a Victorian debating society into a devotional religion.39 However, the tts rejected this evolution, and by the end of the 1920s the Canadian

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section was considered the black sheep of the Theosophical Society. Albert Smythe, as the leader of the Canadian Theosophiscal movement, had become “one of the chief spikes in Annie Besant’s crown of thorns.”40 A number of key conlicts were watersheds for Canadian Theosophy and were deinitive in the history of Canadian Theosophy. The vagaries of these conlicts reveal a group whose members were willing to take on some of the most powerful leaders of the Theosophical movement.

To “Ever Remain an International Organization”: The tts versus Uncle Sam From the time of its founding in 1891, the fate of the tts was tied tightly both to its parent section in the United States and to the international headquarters at Adyar. Smythe’s connection with the American section was reinforced by his personal relationship with William Q. Judge, and this was to have important implications for the future of the lodge. Close relations were maintained with American lodges, and the tts subscribed to their paper The Path and sent delegates to the annual convention of the American section every year in Boston. However, despite the tts’s attempts at neutrality, the mounting tensions and power struggles that had plagued the international Theosophical movement began to impact the tts almost immediately. The tts held its irst meeting on 26 March 1891 at the home of Augusta Stowe-Gullen on Spadina Avenue. These irst meetings consisted in the reading of correspondence from other lodges and from Theosophical publications on topics such as “The Key to Theosophy on Karma” and “The Brotherhood of Humanity.”41 The interest in social welfare was evident from the beginning, and along with readings from religious scriptures such as the Bhagavad Gita, the members discussed how to spread Theosophy to the poor in order to “feed them physically and mentally.”42 The tts was connected to social reform groups, and Ethel Day MacPherson read out her paper on “Social Reform from the Point of View of Occultism,” which she intended to present to the Nationalist Association. As the membership of the tts steadily grew, meetings were moved to a public space on Yonge Street. Public lectures remained a prominent feature of Theosophical work from this period until the Second World War. However, the peace of the ledging group was quickly disturbed by news of the death of Helena Blavatsky on 8 May 1891,

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which brought to the surface latent conlicts within the Theosophical movement. These struggles centred primarily on the issue of succession in the Theosophical Society. Although there is a great deal of confusion surrounding who Blavatsky intended as her successor, Annie Besant was the most obvious candidate. A brilliant public speaker, already famous for her work in humanitarian causes, Annie Besant was a feather in Blavatsky’s cap. Blavatsky is quoted by Besant in her autobiography as saying, “Oh my dear Mrs Besant, if you would only come amongst us!”43 Besant was also given Blavatsky’s ring, a gesture with strong symbolic – some would say papal – overtones of the passing on of ofice. Besant’s reputation was well known within the tts, and in November 1892 it was decided that she would be invited to speak in Toronto. The lodge received a reply from the American section indicating she would not be able to visit. Not to be deterred, the tts once again invited Besant the following year. Displeased with the response from the American section, they decided to contact her directly.44 Many years later, Albert Smythe would write about this incident. He recalled that the president of the American section had expressed disbelief that Annie Besant would be interested in visiting the “backwoods of Canada,” a view that Smythe noted was “characteristic of the general attitude to Canada in those days.”45 As a result of this proactive move, the tts received a reply from Besant herself in which she agreed to give two lectures in Toronto. The September lectures were extremely successful and made a handy proit for the lodge. When she arrived again in 1897, there was a great deal of coverage in the mainstream press. The Toronto Daily Mail and Empire printed an extremely positive review of the event, noting that the auditorium was full and that “all classes of citizen were represented.”46 Besant spoke on the topic of “Reincarnation or the Evolution of the Soul,” and the reporter stated that “The visit of Mrs Besant to Toronto has aroused much interest among the local Theosophists, and among others who, though not connected to Theosophical Society, follow the progress of the movement.”47 The reporter for the Globe was just as enthusiastic, praising Besant’s rhetorical skills and her defence of the underprivileged. Noting that Besant was admired by many Torontonians before she converted to Theosophy, he wrote that “the reputation which proceeded her was conirmed by her visit to Toronto.”48 Despite these successes, the period directly following Blavatsky’s death was characterized by a calm before the storm, with Henry

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Steel Olcott continuing on in his role as president. By March 1892, however, William Quan Judge was already preparing to seize power within the Theosophical Society. On 1 March 1892 the tts received a circular from Judge that announced the resignation of Colonel Olcott from his position as president and that requested local branches to nominate a successor. A somewhat ugly scandal lay behind this seemingly innocent announcement. Judge had accused Olcott of an “immoral liaison” with a woman.49 None of this was mentioned in the communication, and the members of the tts appear to have been unaware of the machinations talking place behind the scenes. Taking the missive at face value, Algernon Blackwood and Phillips Thompson nominated Annie Besant for president to replace Olcott. In the minutes of the lodge, they stated their reasons for this choice: “While it is the unanimous opinion of all present that Mr Judge was best itted for this post it was also felt his removal to India consequent upon his nomination to the presidency would be too serious for the movement in America.”50 Alex Fullerton, a prominent American Theosophist, promptly made his disapproval of this nomination clear in a letter sent to the Toronto lodge.51 Fullerton stated that Judge’s election would not entail a move to India and all but demanded they change their nomination. Albert Smythe and Emily Stowe nominated Judge, but this was challenged by fellow charter member Phillips Thompson. Clearly irritated by the interference from the American section, he stated, “Mr Fullerton has overstepped his bounds in expressing to us his unoficial annoyance at our nomination and such bias should not be exercised on the branches.”52 Judge believed himself to be the logical successor to Blavatsky and offered as proof the backing of the Masters. According to him, the Masters had decreed it was their desire that the movement should not be exclusively Eastern and that, in fact, “the new Race was being prepared in the West.”53 This allusion was a reference to Blavatsky’s theory that the New World would be the cradle of the coming New Age. The issues at stake in the Judge controversy were twofold. His declaration highlighted disputes over the location of the power centre of Theosophy, whether it should be located in India or America, and over the philosophical direction of the society. Emmet Greenwalt has argued that Judge was concerned with the Indian focus of the Theosophical Society and wished to return the movement to a more Western system of occultism.54 However, scholars who have examined this part of Theosophical history agree that the

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split had more to do with personality and power politics than with a disagreement over doctrine. As Peter Washington succinctly puts it, Judge had built up the American section through dint of hard labour and “was now weary of his subordinate role.”55 Despite the tensions in the larger society, the tts launched its magazine The Lamp in 1894, with 5,000 copies being published in the irst run.56 It was recognized by the lodge that the mainstream press was largely uninterested in occult and Eastern topics and that the magazine would provide a forum to discuss progressive topics related to spirituality and social reform.57 As Mark Morrisson notes, groups like the Theosophists were well aware that the dominant public sphere often dismissed occultism as an unscientiic relic of a superstitious past and so were forced to create their own “counter-public sphere.”58 The irst editions of The Lamp covered a wide variety of topics, including biographies of famous Theosophists, world religions, astrology, vegetarianism, book reviews, and a horoscope for Queen Victoria. The Lamp also kept track of Theosophy in Canada, and by October 1894 the magazine listed two other lodges in Canada: the Kshanti lodge in Victoria and the Mount Royal Theosophical Society in Montreal.59 The studied neutrality of the tts regarding controversies was becoming increasingly impossible to maintain as 1895 wore on. On 17 April 1895 president Albert Smythe read a circular from Dr Buck of Cincinnati “regarding the proposed division of the section of the ts.”60 This rather cryptic communication was a reference to plans brewing within the America section to secede from Adyar’s control. The awkward position of the tts vis-à-vis the American section and Adyar became evident immediately, and the Toronto lodge did what all Theosophists in a crisis did: it drafted a resolution.61 At the Boston convention in April 1895, Judge declared his independence from Adyar and the reconstitution of the Theosophical Society in America with himself as president for life. When Judge seceded, he took most of the American section with him and declared that all departing branches must send their charters to him for ratiication. As a riposte, Olcott oficially expelled Judge from the society and cancelled the charters of the American and European lodges that had supported him. On the loor of the Boston convention, the loyalist group that refused to go along with Judge’s bid for independence was led by Alexander Fullerton, an ex-Episcopal priest, who took with him most of the Chicago lodge and thirteen other lodges from among the eighty-nine in the American section.

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The overall effect of these disputes, as Penny Waterstone argues, was that they were responsible for “rupturing the international Theosophical movement permanently and deeply.”62 Waterstone noted that for an already small, if growing, movement, secession was damaging monetarily and caused more competition for already limited resources and membership.63 The tts was quickly forced to pick sides in the Theosophical disputes. During a discussion at the lodge on 15 May 1895, it became evident that the Toronto delegation to Boston, led by Smythe, had voted, without permission from the lodge, to secede from the international Theosophical Society. The motivation for Smythe’s actions during this period seems evident: he was loyal to Judge, a fellow Irishman, who had introduced him to Theosophy. As Waterstone points out, “Ireland was the one country to almost wholly swing to Judge, their former countryman.”64 Upon realizing what Smythe had done, the other members of the tts called for a vote to determine whether the lodge supported his unilateral action. The group was split almost down the middle, with twelve voting yes and ten voting no.65 In the pages of The Lamp, Smythe attempted to downplay the conlict, noting blandly that “a number of the local members have decided to form a new society to be known as the Beaver Branch of the Theosophical Society.”66 Smythe implied thereby that the break was merely a matter of the creation of a new branch, not the result of an acrimonious split. At meetings held on 8 June 1895, the seceding group decided to apply for a new charter through the reconstituted American section. Those who remained afiliated with Adyar were determined to remain an international, rather than a North American, society. Throughout the controversy, the tts fought to retain connections abroad and expressed its desire to stand apart from sectarian quarrels by emphasizing the irst object of the society, which was the formation of a “universal brotherhood.” The tts’s position was likely also determined in part by the fact that members like Phillips Thompson had been born in England. Many Canadians in the tts likely understood themselves to be a part of the larger British Empire, and this no doubt contributed to their less isolationist attitude. The conlict generated by the Judge succession highlights the tension inherent in the “Atlantic Triangle,” which has been deinitive in Canadian history. The desire of most members of the tts to remain a part of an internationally afiliated body placed them in a tiny minority, with only fourteen other lodges remaining loyal to Adyar.67

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The Leadbeater Matter The Toronto Theosophical Society would recover both inancially and in terms of attendance from intra-Theosophical conlicts, rebounding from a low of meetings with ive people in attendance to again boast a “lourishing condition”68 by 1899. As its members had wished, the tts remained in contact with sections across the globe and hosted a speaker from India, J.C. Chatterji, that same year.69 In 1903 the lodges that had been divided by the controversy were amicably merged back together.70 Public meetings saw attendance from sixteen to ifty people on topics such as “Indian Religion,” “A Thesophist’s View on the Marriage Question,” “Comparative Religion,” “Yoga and the Lost Chord,” and “The Wonders of Psychometry.”71 The Leadbeater affair proved to be the most serious threat faced by the tts since the schism of 1895. The issues raised during the controversy relected fault lines in the power structure of the society, calling into question the idea of Theosophical orthodoxy. As Charles Webster Leadbeater became the chief ideologue of what detractors like Albert Smythe labelled “neo-Theosophy,” he increasingly came under attack for his move away from the teachings of Blavatsky. Like many of his fellow Theosophists, Leadbeater was prone to self-mythologizing, and sorting fact from iction in his reconstructed past has proved to be a challenge for historians. The conirmed facts are that he was born in 1854, was ordained as an Anglican curate in 1878, and as Washington writes, had a life-long fascination with “ritualism, spiritualism, elitism and adolescents.”72 His interest in the latter was to set off a chain of scandals around the globe. Leadbeater irst came into contact with Theosophy through Helena Blavatsky, but it was his relationship with Annie Besant that cemented his position within the Theosophical movement. By aligning himself with Besant, who was the leading disciple of the ailing Blavatsky, Leadbeater rapidly rose within the Theosophical organization.73 Along with Besant and his protégé C. Jinarajadasa, the three entered into occult investigations that were then turned into inluential coauthored books such as Occult Chemistry (1908) and Thought Forms (1901).74 Leadbeater and Besant’s indings often diverged radically from Blavatsky’s ideas, which fed the controversy that was building around the pair. Between 1895 and 1906 Leaderbeater established himself as one of the most internationally popular Theosophical

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writers and lecturers, with his work being translated into Swedish, Dutch, French, Italian, and German.75 Just as his fame was peaking in 1906, Chicago Theosophist Helen Dennis wrote to Annie Besant accusing Leadbeater of teaching her son and other boys to masturbate and alluding to sexual activity with youths. The letter was co-signed by Alexander Fullerton, president of the American section. The communication concluded by demanding immediate rectiication of the situation: “These charges are so grave, the evidence direct and substantial, the possible consequences to the movement so calamitous that immediate consideration, searching investigation and prompt action are demanded.”76 The protesting members of the American section made it clear that they would settle for nothing less than an immediate review of Leadbeater’s conduct and his resignation. A judicial committee was formed to hear the charges, with Henry Steel Olcott, the president of the international society, presiding. During his hearing, Leadbeater offered an “occult” defence for his behaviour, arguing that he could see “thought-forms” created by desire around the boys under his care.77 Thus, according to him, he had taught the practice of masturbation in their best interest “to preserve the purity of his boys and to prevent them from connections with a woman or criminal relations with a man.”78 In her work on Theosophy in England, Joy Dixon presents the controversy as a poststructuralist debate centred on the “existing vocabularies of sex.”79 This abstracting of the case to suit postmodern ends, however, obscures the most important facts of the controversy. Leadbeater had sworn the boys in his charge to secrecy regarding his teachings and admitted to sleeping in the same bed with them, although he insisted that this was not indicative of any improper behaviour. According to Leadbeater’s biographer Gregory Tillett, it is almost certain that Leadbeater was guilty of many of the charges laid against him. When Leadbeater was questioned closely by a member of the British Theosophical Society, the exchange went as follows: thomas: I would like to know whether in any case – I am not suggesting sodomy – there was deinite action. leadbeater: You mean touch? That might have taken place.80 Most of Leadbeater’s defence that followed consisted of his disputing the right of those on the committee to question him at all and his deeming the questions to be “gross impertinences.”

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As Dixon notes, the taboo around the issue of homosexuality during this period contributed to the lack of clarity that surrounded the proceedings. Certainly, the committee was preoccupied much more with condemning Leadbeater’s teaching on masturbation, and thereby protecting the reputation of the Theosophical Society, than with the emotional health of the boys concerned. When Olcott suggested that a notice be placed in the Theosophist, the international Theosophical journal, outlining the charges against Leadbeater and stripping him of his membership in the society, A.P. Sinnett, a long time member of the society, stated baldly, “I should be very sorry to see that published. It would be the end of the Theosophical Society.”81 G.R.S. Mead, another highly respected member of the society and committee member, argued that the matter could not be buried and that “when the thing gets known it will be the greatest shock the Theosophical Society has had.”82 As a result of the hearing, Leadbeater resigned and withdrew to England from the Theosophical Society’s headquarters in India to bide his time while maintaining contact with Besant. As expected, the incident caused shock waves throughout the Theosophical Society that reached as far as Australia and Canada. The scandal broke upon the various lodges, threatening the future of the movement. The international society was preoccupied with the controversy for two years, and by the time it had died down, the Theosophical Society had lost many dedicated members. The British section alone lost 691 members over the course of the debate.83 The tts, which maintained close ties with the Chicago lodge, the site of the controversy, was quickly apprised of the situation. Leadbeater was well known in Toronto, having made his irst appearance there in September 1900, and was an extremely popular speaker. He made a successful return visit in 1904 and discussed the topics of “Theosophy and Christianity,” “The Necessity of Reincarnation,” and ironically “The Use and Abuse of Psychic Powers.”84 On 26 July 1906 a circular was read to the Toronto lodge referring to the “Leadbeater Matter.” A resolution condemning Leadbeater’s behaviour was recorded at the same meeting: “Resolved that in reference to the Leadbeater matter, the Toronto branch wishes to place itself on record in favour of a pure mind and a clean life. It therefore utterly repudiates all sympathy with or toleration of the immoral and unclean practices which he admittedly taught the boys committed to his charge, and emphatically endorses the action of the Executive Committee of the American Section in taking prompt steps to purge

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the Society of both the teaching and the teacher.”85 While resolutions like these were being penned, Annie Besant was busying herself with damage control. She railed against Helen Dennis, stating that it was “unfair to condemn a man unheard, on the accusation of two confused boys.”86 The dissatisfaction of the tts with Besant’s handling of the case is evidenced by the fact that it did not offer to host Besant in Toronto during her North American tour in 1907.87 The controversy that exploded around Leadbeater prompted the tts to become actively involved on the wider Theosophical stage. The lodge sent a delegation to the annual Theosophical convention in Chicago in 1908, which voted against the reinstatement of Leadbeater. Although the vote was lost by those in opposition, with 1,245 in favour and 285 against, the Toronto members did not give up without a ight. They penned a resolution calling on international president Annie Besant to issue a statement regarding her position on Leadbeater’s open support of “self-abuse as a means of controlling sexual appetite.”88 The tts also sent a strongly worded letter directly to Besant stating its views on Leadbeater and claiming its right to dissent. The letter ended by saying that a large number of the members of the tts “look forward to the time when we shall have a Canadian Section and be free to manage our own affairs without outside interference.”89 However, with Besant as his champion, Leadbeater was reinstated despite continuing scandals and protected until his death in 1934. During the ongoing controversy, the Toronto lodge was careful to make a distinction between Leadbeater and Annie Besant, inviting her to lecture in Toronto in April 1909. Her reply to this overture was tart: “I will not visit your town during my approaching tour of North America. As I am an occultist and a Theosophical lecturer, I have no wish to arouse fear in the breasts of your members that I might, in the rather coarse language of your letter, ‘sexually pollute your boys or girls.’”90 Besant’s decision to endorse Leadbeater marked a turning point in the affairs of the Theosophical Society and resulted in the most serious conlict since the Judge secession. Leadbeater became one of the most divisive forces in the Theosophical Society, and many left the society due to objections to him and his teachings.91 The tension was only to increase with Leadbeater and Besant’s next scheme. Upon his return to Adyar in 1909, Leadbeater continued with his old habits; this time, however, his choice of boys was to have an even greater effect upon the larger movement, with implications that went beyond the Theosophical world.

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First Glimmer of the Star in the East The tts minutes for December 1911 make the irst mention of the new plans being hatched at Adyar, stating that Albert Smythe was to form a committee “to report on the expediency of forming a branch of the Order of the Star in the East.”92 This order, another undertaking of Leadbeater and Besant, was perhaps the most controversial of their many programs. Soon after returning to Adyar in 1909 following his exile, Leadbeater saw a young boy on a beach of the Adyar compound and was capitivated by “the size and beauty of the boy’s aura.”93 The boy was Jiddu Krishnamurti, the son of Jiddu Narayaniah, an employee at Adyar and a staunch Theosophist.94 Soon after this irst meeting, Leadbeater took both Krishnamurti, whom Jill Roe describes as a “dreamy motherless boy,”95 and his brother Nitya under his care, determined to turn them into “English gentlemen.” Leadbeater and Besant’s larger plan was to emerge over time as they came to believe that the eleven-year-old boy would be a “World Teacher” who would usher in the New Age. In 1910 Besant induced Narayaniah to grant her legal guardianship over the boys.96 However, as the father of the boys became aware of the plans for his sons, he became worried that Krishnamurti would become “the laughing stock of India.”97 By late 1912 the situation had resulted in a court case in which Leadbeater was also accused of “sexual impropriety with Krishnamurti.”98 Undaunted by legal entanglements, Leadbeater and Besant continued with their scheme, with Krishnamurti heading up the Order of the Star in the East and the publishing of the magazine Herald of the Star.99 This type of messianism was not limited to the fringes of society, as one might expect, and Roe notes the “millennial mood” of the time, which increased after the First World War.100 It was also not out of keeping with Besant’s own beliefs deriving from her upbringing in an evangelical milieu, as Catherine Wessinger argues convincingly.101 Blavatsky herself had announced that the end of the nineteenth century was the end of an era and would be followed by the dawning of a New Age.102 In 1890 Blavatsky wrote, “Woe to us, men and races born at the tail end of the present and most dreadful cycle!”103 and prophesied that the following ten years would witness the summing of national karmas. In the irst volume of The Secret Doctrine, Blavatsky told her readers, “many of us will witness the Dawn of the New Cycle.”104 Fuelled by this mixture of Christian

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Adventism and a Blavatskian version of Hinduism, Besant set upon building up an organization around Krishnamurti with her characteristic zeal. Membership grew at an ever accelerating rate, and as Washington writes, “It soon became clear that the World Teacher was having a dramatic effect on Theosophy’s prestige. By 1920 Krishnamurti’s fame had helped push membership to thirty-six thousand and in 1928 the numbers rose to an incredible forty-ive thousand.”105 However, despite the popularity and rapid growth of the Order of the Star in the East in countries like England and Australia, not all Theosophists were happy with this turn of events, which eventually induced the German section to break away under the leadership of the charismatic Rudolf Steiner.106 The Canadian reaction was not as immediately hostile as Steiner’s, and the lodge was reading At the Feet of the Master (1910), a work attributed to Krishnamurti and believed to be revelations from the Masters in meetings in 1912.107 The members of the tts were aware, however, of the controversy with Steiner and received a pamphlet from the German section concerning the controversy in 1913.108 By 1914 the lodge had apparently made up its mind: when a member of the Vancouver section of the Order of the Star in the East wrote encouraging the Torontonians to start a chapter, they replied that “the Toronto Theosophical Society was so fully occupied with the legitimate activities of the society laid down at its founding that they had no time for other things.”109

The Great War and the Golden Twenties: The tts, 1914–30 The tts seems to have been slow to realize the immensity of the changes being wrought by the First World War, and no mention occurs in the minutes until 1916 when the group voted to donate a library to the 97th Regiment.110 Although the Toronto Theosophists seem to have been remarkably oblivious to the war, the Theosophical party line, particularly as an English woman was president, was one of full support for the British forces. The oficial Adyar position was that the First World War was a matter of “Right against Might, Law against Force, Freedom against Slavery, Brotherhood against Tyranny.”111 Washington is more ironic in his assessment: “while political fraternity and religious universalism remained the oficial policy, chauvinism lourished within the Society and Theosophists were just as likely

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as anyone to assume that God was on their side.”112 Absolute paciists in the Theosophical movement, such as Lady Emily Lutyens, found themselves in a dificult position throughout this period.113 How much direct effect the First World War had on membership in alternative religious groups like the Theosophical Society is a matter of speculation, but scholars agree that a profound sense of moral disorientation was caused by the war.114 Anyone visiting France can see mute testimony to the devastation wrought on Canadian troops during the war in the rows upon rows of white gravestones bearing etchings of a maple leaf. In discussing Theosophy in Australia, Roe argues that “the losses and disruptions of war made new openings for Theosophy; and after 1916 the promise of postwar reconstruction mingled with an intensiied messianic urge.”115 Spiritualism was another alternative religious movement that gained a much larger following as a result of the First World War, as people sought solace in contacting sons, brothers, and husbands killed in combat via spirit mediums. Sir Arthur Conan Doyle, who had become an advocate of Spiritualism, spoke to crowds of over 22,000 in New York in 1922. Ruth Brandon writes of this reaction to the war, “such was the hunger of the bereaved generation which had endured 1914– 1918.”116 The First World War marked the real end of the VictorianEdwardian era and ushered in one that bore all the hallmarks of the present age with its anxieties and questioning of tradition. Although the Theosophical Society was slow to mark this change, its impacts were being felt by the movement even before the war ended. The year 1916 witnessed remarkable growth in the tts as a result of a series of lectures by L.W. Rogers, a prominent American Theosophist. In the wake of Rogers’s lectures, 32 people applied to become full members and 160 signed up, expressing interest in attending classes on elementary Theosophy.117 The lodge now had 119 members, an increase of 65 over the past year.118 The tts took immediate steps to capitalize on the interest, arranging for larger meeting rooms and an expanded advertising budget.119 Henry Tallman became head of the Organizing Committee,120 which subsidized the rental of larger classrooms and pushed for an increased slate of activities at the lodge, including classes for children.121 The tts entered 1920 on a wave of optimism fuelled by plans for the future. In its thirtieth year of operation, it had 237 members and was at the forefront of the movement to form a Canadian section. By 1920 the tts was in a position to become independent of the American section.122 The Canadian situation mirrored the larger

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pattern of the international Theosophical Society, whose membership continued to rise steadily, peaking at 45,100 in 1929.123 The tts was the driving force behind the creation of a Canadian section, and lodge secretary H.R. Tallman stated that the granting of the new charter “marks a new era of activity for the Theosophical Society in Canada.”124 Many Toronto Theosophists believed independence from the American section would impact their ability to work in Canada on their own terms and to inluence Canadian society. Albert Smythe’s vision was an ambitious one, as he saw the Theosophical Society in Canada being “an inluence for unity ... a leaven for transforming into one vital substance the whole mass of the nation.”125 The bylaws of the new section were also registered at Ottawa, along with the seal. The Canadian seal featured the Theosophical symbols of the six-pointed star, the euroborus crowned by a swastika (the Hindu symbol of auspiciousness), and the Sanskrit character for “Om.”126 At the bottom was the motto of the international society: “There is no religion higher than truth.”127 In 1920 the tts also purchased a property at 52 Isabella Street in downtown Toronto.128 The building was oficially opened in July 1921 with readings from Christian Science, New Thought, Baha’i, Sikh, Muslim, Christian, and Buddhist scriptures.129 The site housed a hall that sat 500, classrooms, ofices, a shrine room, and a library.130 The Toronto lodge’s ability to count on professional expertise and loans from its membership demonstrates the level of commitment of many of the members of the tts. Never a group given to grassroots methods of organization, this ability to take risks showed the conident mood of the Toronto Theosophists. Once a tiny group gathered in people’s homes, they were now an incorporated institution with a permanent headquarters. Another high-water mark was reached for Theosophy in Canada with the publication in March 1920 of the irst edition of the Canadian Theosophist, edited by Albert Smythe. The magazine, created as the voice of the Theosophical Society in Canada, also gave the Canadian section a proile internationally. The content of the Canadian Theosophist throughout the 1920s demonstrated the broad sweep of Theosophical interests. Like its predecessor, The Lamp, this magazine was illed with the eclectic subject matter of interest to what James Webb calls the “progressive underground.”131 Favoured subjects included Indian philosophy, occult topics like Masonry, kabala, and astrology, and vegetarianism. Providing information about the availability of rare

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books and addresses of booksellers was a particular service rendered by the magazine. The magazine was also intended to be a forum for Canadian writers, who were free to concentrate on Canadian issues. That editor Albert Smythe realized Canada needed its own literary and intellectual culture is clear from his irst editorial, entitled “Canada and the U.S.” There, he emphasized the differences between the two nations: “Canada has a different dharma, a different duty or destiny, or ideal from that of the United States. They differ as different species differ, through whom the one life operates, but with different aims. There is no reason why these aims and ideals should be incompatible, nor their labours inharmonious if governed by the true spirit of cooperation and brotherhood.”132 Smythe appears to have been giving notice that he would be steering an independent course for the Canadian section, which in turn relected a growing Canadian self-consciousness.

Back to Blavatsky The 1920s, the period considered the golden era of Theosophy internationally, was in the Canadian case also the period most illed with controversy. Despite the popularity of Theosophy, opposition to the leadership of Annie Besant and Charles Webster Leadbeater coalesced at this time around what became known as the “Back to Blavatsky” movement. In her history of the Theosophical Society, Josephine Ransom discusses the era under the title “Problems with Neutrality” and notes that many Theosophists objected to the direction that the leaders were taking the society. From its beginning, Albert Smythe was one of the leaders of the Back to Blavatsky movement in Canada.133 Smythe relentlessly challenged Besant over what he perceived as a move away from pure Theosophy and the growing cult of personality around both her and her protégé Krishnamurti. This conlict continued until the death of Annie Besant in 1933. The Back to Blavatsky movement was never a coherent, organized revolt against the policies issuing from Adyar, and the designation serves more as an umbrella term. It appealed to the many members of the Theosophical Society who were becoming disenchanted with the direction of the society and particularly with the activities of the ubiquitous Charles Webster Leadbeater. In his discussion of this period, Besant’s biographer Arthur Nethercott describes Smythe as the “eccentric head of the small new Canadian section” and as a “maverick, still owing allegiance to Annie

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Besant, but confessing a primary pull toward H.P.B.”134 This description alludes to the high-wire act that Smythe was to pull off in denouncing Besant and the policies emerging from Adyar while remaining within the Theosophical fold. The tenuousness of his position can better be understood when seen in relation to that of others who openly opposed Besant. Dr William L. Robins, an American Theosophist, was summarily expelled from the Theosophical Society when he challenged the president.135 For those who participated in the Back to Blavatsky movement, the solution to the society’s problems was a return to the original Theosophy found in Blavatsky’s writings. The key issues causing tension within in the international movement, aside from the longstanding problem of Leadbeater, were related to the programs of Leadbeater and Besant, such as the promotion of Krishnamurti as a messiah. The activities of the Order of the Star in the East were viewed by the adherents of the Back to Blavatsky movement as moving radically away from the philosophy of Helena Blavatsky and jeopardizing the reputation and integrity of the Theosophical movement. Many of Besant’s and Leadbeater’s ideas bore strong Christian messianic overtones that alienated members more interested in Eastern philosophy. Another problem often cited by dissenters was the “cult of personality” and worship of leaders, which was particularly highlighted in the case of Krishnamurti. The strategy of the tts relating to the Order of the Star in the East from 1913 onward was to ignore the whole affair. This became increasingly more dificult, however, as the 1920s progressed and the Order of the Star in the East gained in membership and inluence. The number of Canadian adherents in the order is dificult to calculate, as general secretary Albert Smythe did not include any reports of the activities of this group in the pages of the sectional magazine. Worldwide membership peaked at an estimated 88,000, of whom 71 per cent were Theosophists.136 The Canadian Theosophist relected Smythe’s views on the matter and mostly avoided direct mention of Krishnamurti. Allusions to his activities were couched in vague terms along with criticisms of sacerdotalism and personality worship. The February 1926 edition of the magazine contained an article, however, critiquing the would-be World Teacher directly. The article, written by W.M.W. of Hamilton, was entitled “As to Messiahs,” and the writer described the declaration that Krishnamurti was a World Teacher, or avatar, as “diabolical” and regarded the whole undertaking as a farce.137

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In October 1924 C. Jinarajadasa, the international vice-president of the Theosophical Society and one of the most eminent igures in Theosophy, visited Toronto. The visit received little coverage in the Canadian Theosophist, however, due to tensions between the Toronto lodge and Adyar. Jinarajadasa’s speeches were not reproduced in the magazine, but Smythe did note the vice-president’s willingness to “thresh out” various concerns of the members of the tts. Apparently, this discussion did not take place, with Smythe writing that during their meeting Jinarajadasa had appeared very reticent.138 Although the Back to Blavatsky contingent in the tts may not have approved of Jinarajadasa, there were apparently others who felt differently. The lecture he gave entitled “The Spiritual Factor in National Life” at the Theosophical Hall at 52 Isabella Street was illed to its 500-seat capacity. While in Toronto, Jinarajadasa also addressed the West End lodge on the subject of “The Coming Christ and His Message.” Again, he attracted a standing-room-only crowd.139 Although their opinions never appeared in the pages of the oficial magazine, it is clear that many of Toronto’s Theosophists did not agree with Smythe’s opinion regarding the Order of the Star in the East. For many international Theosophists, the switch from a philosophical, voluntary body to what Roe describes as a “spiritual community with an esoteric base” was extremely appealing.140 Jinarajadasa’s visit was noted by the Toronto Daily Star, if not by the Canadian Theosophist, and he was described as a “Theosophical missionary to the world.”141 The coverage in the newspaper showed warm admiration for Jinarajadasa, describing him as a “fellow-Britisher” and commenting that “like thousands of Indian intellectuals he speaks English with enviable grace and force.” Noting that there had been increased interest in India due to the activities of Mohandas Gandhi, the writer treated Jinarajadasa’s visit as one of international importance.142 In November 1926 Annie Besant arrived in Toronto for a four-day visit, her irst to the city since refusing to make a stop there during the Leadbeater scandal of 1909.143 Besant and her party were greeted at Toronto’s Union Station by Albert Smythe, his wife, and daughter, as well as by members of the General Executive and of the West End and H.P.B. lodges.144 A spirit of rapprochement was indicated by this warm welcome and by the lead article in the Canadian Theosophist, which was a transcription of her address to the Toronto lodge. Besant met privately with members of the General Executive

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of the Canadian section. Smythe was well aware that his loyalty to Besant was in question, and the 1926 visit to Toronto was a watershed in the conlict between Toronto and Adyar. Smythe offered suitable deference to Besant’s authority, and she agreed to meet with the Canadian section to address its concerns. The General Executive brought up the subjects of property rights within the society and issues around freedom of opinion. Somewhat strangely, Smythe wrote of this gathering, “it became very clear during the interview that Mrs. Besant was not responsible for much that had been going on at Adyar.”145 According to Smythe, Besant had reiterated the Theosophical policy of the autonomy of all lodges. A photograph taken at the time of Besant’s visit shows a happy crowd, many of the members being older women, with Albert Smythe ensconced on Annie Besant’s right-hand side.146 The issue of Krishnamurti as a messiah reached its own dramatic conclusion at the end of the decade with his sensational disavowal of his status as World Teacher. On 3 August 1929 he dissolved the Order of the Star in the East, delivering the famous speech in which he declared that truth was a “pathless land.”147 Krishnamurti told the bafled crowd at Ommen that they had no need for gurus, rituals, or ceremonials and ended his oratory by stating that it was his desire to “set men absolutely, unconditionally free.”148 His criticism of the activities and methods of the Theosophical Society revealed that Krishnamurti had more in common with the Back to Blavatsky contingent than with his own Order of the Star in the East. Throughout the 1920s the American section was the largest, followed by those of India, England, and Australia. The Canadian section reached its peak membership of 844 in 1922. Given that the post-schism disarray of the tts threw its survival into question, its evolution from hosting parlour meetings to renting Massey Hall for speakers is all the more astonishing. The tts remained the largest lodge throughout the 1920s, followed by the Vancouver and Winnipeg lodges.149 The many controversies within the Theosophical Society resulted in the tts’s spending much of the 1920s in dispute with the central authority at Adyar. The history of the Theosophical Society contradicts the seemingly logical assumption that controversy and scandal harm an organization, as the society under Besant’s leadership emerged with new vigour from every debacle. It can be argued that these controversies prove there is no such thing as bad publicity. Conlict, in the case of the tts, also galvanized the lodge

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to assert its own identity. Throughout its numerous battles both with Adyar and with the American section, it set its own course as an independent body with inluence in the larger Theosophical world.

The Dirty Thirties The inancial crisis of the 1930s forced the Toronto Theosophists to grapple with issues far beyond the horizon of the usual internecine quarrels within Theosophy. Changes within the tts in the 1930s were relective of large transformations in the zeitgeist of the Western world as the “jazz age” and prosperous 1920s gave way to the “Dirty Thirties.” After a decade consumed by the creation of a separate section and internal politics, the 1930s saw the tts increasingly turning its gaze outward to focus on a disturbed political and economic landscape. In the early years of the decade, the International Theosophical Society was still reeling from the defection of Krishnamurti in 1929. His dramatic disavowal of his role as a World Teacher had resulted in an immediate decrease in membership, and the international movement scrambled to deal with its effects. The Theosophical Society also witnessed the passing of the monumental igure of Annie Besant in 1933 and as a result faced these growing threats without a proven leader. The international Theosophical Society entered the 1930s preoccupied with its own internal political situation. The most overt sign of trouble within the society was the sharp decrease in membership throughout the 1930s. Having reached its peak in 1928, the movement had lost 5,798 members by 1931, and the downward trend was obvious to all. In 1930 alone the Theosophical Society lost 15.7 per cent of its overall membership.150 The leaders at Adyar recognized that the “trouble – whatever it may be – is universal.”151 A survey of the different national sections conducted by Adyar revealed the leading causes of the problem to be inancial depression, lack of local leadership, lack of lectures and propaganda, the inluence of Krishnamurti, loss of interest, and competition from spiritual movements with similar aims.152 For the tts, the beginning of the Depression was the decisive factor in its movement back toward social engagement, as its members witnessed and personally experienced the devastating effects of the stock market crash of 1929. In the Canadian case, the economic downturn was decisive, and 20 per cent of the population of Toronto were

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unemployed by 1933.153 Appeals were made in the lodge paper the Toronto Theosophical News for money to cover operating costs and mortgage payments for the property on 52 Isabella Street.154 The Canadian Theosophist was saved from having to cease publication by donations from several members, including Lawren Harris.155 The tts began to use new modes of publicity such as the new technology of radio, and increased attendance at its events was attributed to these broadcasts.156 The women of the tts held bazaars to shore up inances, and these efforts were remarkably successful.157 When the inancial situation became particulary dire, a contingent from the tts was sent to see Conn Smythe, son of president Albert Smythe and by now a successful businessman and sports impresario. He refused to give them money for the heating bill but instead offered them a racing tip. The members duly went to the track, put down their money, won, and paid off the bill.158 Facing the problem of members who were unable to pay their dues, the General Executive of the Canadian section suggested that lodges create funds to cover the membership dues of those who could no longer afford to pay.159 A trend toward a more socially engaged attitude in the tts continued into the 1940s and was indicated by the subjects covered in the Canadian Theosophist and in public lectures. Many of the articles and talks concerned challenges facing European and North American society.160 Many Toronto Theosophists watched in horror as Adolf Hitler rose to power in Germany and Spain was swept into civil war. As it became clear that Canada was to be caught in the maelstrom, Theosophists wrote and spoke regarding their opinions both on the causes of the conlicts and on potential solutions, including socialism and “Roosevelt’s Experiment.” It was suggested by Theosophist Cecil Williams that Theosophists form groups dedicated to the spread of a “spiritualized democracy” that rejected both fascism and communism.161 The conclusion of the Second World War signalled the end of an era for Canadian Theosophy. In March 1945 it was announced that due to his physical condition Albert Smythe had requested that the General Executive relieve him of his duties as general secretary of the Canadian Theosophical Society.162 In a show of respect, it was decided that Smythe would be made honourary general secretary for life.163 Although outwardly the tts was as active as ever and had a growing membership, the Toronto lodge, like Theosophy more generally, was

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facing a changing cultural landscape. The lodge fulilled social, artistic, and educational functions for its members, many of whom were bonded in long-term and warm friendships that lasted until the end of their lives. Throughout the 1930s and early 1940s, the members of the tts had been forced by the exigencies of the Depression and the Second World War to re-engage with social and political issues. Now the tts would have to grapple with issues of a world struggling to come to terms with the meaning of concentration camps, nuclear bombs, and a rapidly reconiguring social landscape. Like the igures in George Bernard Shaw’s Heartbreak House (1919), they sat on the brink of radical cultural change that would alter the world almost beyond recognition.

3 “The Blended Ideal of the Future”: Occultism, Race, and Empire

Like Theosophists the world over, Toronto Theosophists were especially attracted to Indian religion and philosophy. They also understood a part of their role to be presenting these ideas to the public and as a result became key carriers of Eastern ideas into the Canadian mainstream. Theosophists were among the irst to adopt the Hinduinluenced practices of cremation and vegetarianism and to accept the philosophical ideas of reincarnation and karma. However, in the Canadian case, interest in South Asian philosophy did not necessarily translate into concern for India itself. The attitudes of the members of the Toronto Theosophical Society (tts) toward India and Indians continued to be characterized by a complex mixture of Orientalist and imperialist sentiments and what Catherine Nash describes as “anti-Imperialism Orientalism,” which viewed “India as the home and source of spirituality over Western Imperialism, materialism and commercialism.”1 The attitudes of members of the Toronto Theosophical Society regarding issues of race and empire were profoundly shaped by the larger historical forces of imperialism and by their status as mostly loyal members of the British Empire. However, with the growing development of a distinct Canadian identity, national attitudes toward other cultures and religions were being reconsidered within groups like the Theosophical Society. As Canada began to develop its own ideas about citizenship, this evolution was also relected within the

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tts, and issues of race and difference were part of a larger discussion about the ideal of the “universal brotherhood” of humanity. As conceptions of race and religion evolved throughout the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, the Theosophical Society and its primary ideologue Helena Petrovna Blavatsky made a signiicant contribution to this discourse. At a time when Western civilization, particularly the imperialist nations, were at their most triumphalist, Blavatsky and her fellow Theosophists began to question the idea of the superiority of certain races and religions. The philosophical bases of Blavatsky’s critique of missionaries and imperialists were the Theosophical belief that all religions stemmed from the same Secret Doctrine and her belief in the universal brotherhood of humanity. Although a number of Blavatsky’s ideas related to race have been called into question, her thought was among the most progressive of the period. Canadian Theosophists, at least in theory, tended to be more broadminded than mainstream society in their attitudes toward other religious groups, and articles in the tts publications The Lamp and the Canadian Theosophist were often critical of missionary endeavours in India. Nonetheless, Theosophists were a part of the larger social milieu and continued to hold opinions shaped by the Victorian-Edwardian period. Even international president Annie Besant, despite all of her work for Indian Independence, fell afoul of Mohandas Gandhi because she believed that India should remain within the British Commonwealth. The complexity of Theosophical ideas on these topics was played out within the tts in a variety of ways over the years as abstract concepts clashed with actual political and social realities. In the Theosophical case, however, aspects of Indian religious traditions did have a direct impact upon social custom, which can perhaps be seen most clearly in the case of the practice of cremation.

Committed to Fire: The Toronto Press and the Cremation of Frederick Housser The sudden death of Theosophist Frederick Housser from a heart attack at the age of forty-eight threw Theosophy in Canada into the public spotlight in December 1936. Housser had been a successful inancial advisor, editor, and publisher.2 Along with his brother Harry, who was president of the Toronto Stock Exchange, Housser

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was a member of the Toronto establishment. He was also a part of a wide social circle that included artists, occultists, and journalists. One of his greatest interests was art, and his connection with the Canadian art scene was an intimate one. With the publication of A Canadian Art Movement: The Story of the Group of Seven in 1926, he became a respected art critic, who was admired for championing the Group of Seven. He worked closely with Lawren Harris in his role as subeditor of the “Theosophy and the Modern World” section of the Canadian Theosophist. Housser and Harris shared many radical views, and their interest in comparative religion had led both to join the tts, with Housser eventually becoming vice-president and a member of the General Executive of the Canadian section. The publicity surrounding his death due to his social position resulted in his unorthodox religious beliefs being placed under scrutiny. Frederick Housser had been gaining in power and inluence in the Canadian Theosophical movement just prior to his death and was being groomed by Smythe as a possible successor as president of the Canadian section. Much of the January 1937 issue of the Canadian Theosophist was dedicated to coverage of his death and reminiscences of his life. It was noted in the Toronto press that Housser’s progressive opinions were often expressed in his position as inancial editor of the Toronto Daily Star. In Toronto the Daily Star, the Telegram, and the Globe and Mail all gave full coverage to Housser’s unexpected passing and discussed his Theosophical activities.3 The attention of the Toronto press covering Housser’s funeral was focused, however, upon the fact that the service contained non-Christian elements, as Housser had been cremated, an extremely rare phenomenon in Toronto in the 1930s. The front-page article in the Daily Star ran under the headline “Service for Fred Housser Impressive and Mystical,” followed by the subheading “Committed to Fire.” The funeral service, held at the Toronto Crematorium Chapel, was covered in detail. Theosophist Dudley Barr’s funeral oration was quoted as saying, “We have brought this body to the ire that it may soon be reduced to its component elements and return to our Mother Earth. Therefore, inasmuch as in the Wisdom of the Eternal the soul of our brother here departed has been called home, we commit his body to ire, the visible emblem of the the Eternal Spirit.”4 According to this account, dirt was then thrown onto the casket in Christian fashion, followed

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by the statement that these rituals were performed “in the sure and certain hope of its [the soul’s] eternal life and its glorious return to the earth after rest.”5 The writer of the article pointed out that this was a reference to “the theosophical doctrine of reincarnation.”6 The article then included a short explanation of the concept of reincarnation for the paper’s readership. The Globe and Mail’s coverage of the event was equally sympathetic, and its headline read “Dignity Marks Service for Financial Editor of the Star.” The Globe and Mail also discussed the concept of reincarnation and quoted Barr as saying that “Mr Housser knew that all along the eternal pathway of life there are recurring doors of birth and death.”7 The Globe and Mail, unlike the Daily Star, however, downplayed the fact that Housser was cremated, mentioning it only briely at the end of the article. The connection between Theosophy and the practice of cremation stretches back to the irst cremation performed in the United States under the auspices of the Theosophical Society in 1876.8 Henry Steel Olcott, one of the founders of the society, noted as early as 1895 that “I have lived to see several reforms that I have helped in the cradle become world-wide successes. Of these cremation is one.”9 Cremation had been advocated in Europe and North America as a sanitary measure from the nineteenth century onward, but as Stephen Prothero asserts, “cremation’s migration from ancient India to modern America was made possible by the efforts of a few strong-willed pioneers.”10 The barriers to the acceptance of cremation were not so much legal as cultural and religious, as many sects within Christianity, particularly Catholicism, objected to the practice, and the Catholic ban on cremation was not lifted until 1963.11 Jews and some Protestants also objected on the grounds that it would end the tradition of grave visitation.12 Due to the conservative religious milieu of Ontario, cremation was slow to gain widespread acceptance.13 Some members of the tts, notably founding member Dr Emily Stowe, had opted for it as early as 1903, making her one of the irst people to be cremated in Canada.14 By 1936, the year of Frederick Housser’s death, the number of people cremated in Canada had increased signiicantly but still remained tiny and lagged behind the United States.15 Not all Theosophists chose cremation, but the tts had developed a funeral service to accompany either burial or cremation. This service included readings from the Bhagavad Gita, the Upanishads, the Bible, Walt

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Whitman’s “Song of the Universal” (1855), and Blavatsky’s Key to Theosophy.16 All of the chosen passages emphasized the immortality of the soul but within the framework of the Theosophical belief in reincarnation. At tts funeral services, an oration was read describing the condition of the soul after death, stating that it would review its previous life, and noting that the wise “recognize the Law of Karma in all its majesty and justice.”17 The rite concluded with the Lord’s Prayer, hymns from a list of suggestions, and the chanting of the sacred Hindu syllable “Om.”18 Interestingly, the Canadian Theosophist had never featured an article on the topic of cremation in the seventeen years of its existence. The lacuna seems curious in light of its fearlessness in addressing many controversial topics. This omission is likely indicative of the taboo surrounding the topic. This line of reasoning is corroborated by the fact that Housser and fellow Theosophist Dudley Barr had made a pact that if one died the other would ensure that the body was cremated.19 This is rather unusual, as both men were married and traditionally these decisions would be made by the spouse. Their agreement seems to indicate that the wish to be cremated was controversial within their families. As birth and death rituals are the most ingrained and slow to change of all religious practices, this radical break with traditional Christian practice was clearly a cause of controversy. Perhaps Toronto Theosophists, knowing their already marginal status, preferred not to make the topic of cremation a public subject of debate. Although Toronto Theosophists had been practising cremation for many years, it was undoubtedly Frederick Housser’s high social status that threw the subject into the spotlight in 1936. As a result, a great deal of attention was turned toward Theosophy itself. Theosophy had garnered coverage in Toronto newspapers before but usually in the society pages. The gossip section of the Daily Star often recorded events held at the tts, treating them as something of general interest due to their colourful nature. One writer, describing a visit to the tts by explorer Dr Jill Cossley-Batt, wrote, “Lady, how would you like to live in Tibet? It’s nothing there for women to live to be well over a hundred with all kinds of pep, and no gray hairs or wrinkles.”20 A photograph of the incoming president of the international Theosophical Society, George Arundale, and his wife, Rukmini Devi, also ran in the Daily Star in 1934 during his world tour.21 In Toronto the Daily Star and the Mail and Empire regularly covered such Theosophical social

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events as dances, bridge tournaments, and bazaars. In the case of the 1933 Greenwich Village Masquerade, the Daily Star featured photo coverage of several of the tts members in costume.22 Housser’s death, however, resulted in a more serious look at Theosophy. The Toronto Star Weekly ran a feature article on Theosophy in February 1937 titled “Wisdom and the Gods.” The piece began by acknowledging that the death and subsequent cremation of Frederick Housser had “turned considerable attention to Theosophy and its adherents in Canada.”23 The writer described the funeral as impressive but concluded that “what gave it chief prominence in the minds of the public was that the casket with the body was cremated immediately following the inal service.”24 An explanation of the practice of cremation was followed by a description of some of the basic tenets of Theosophy, including karma and reincarnation. The article noted that although Theosophists were not numerous in Canada, they had active branches in many cities that maintained libraries catering to both members and nonmembers. Canadian president Albert Smythe was quoted, and the graphics attached to the piece were a sketch of Blavatsky, a photograph of international president George Arundale and his “Hindoo wife,” Rukmini Devi, and a copy of the Theosophical crest. The overall tone of the article was even-handed, likely relecting the more liberal leanings of the newspaper generally, as well the esteem in which Housser was held by his former employers. In the coverage of the death and funeral of Frederick Housser, Theosophy in Canada garnered the most attention it had ever received from the mainstream Canadian media. Theosophy’s status as a third-force religion had left it in the position of being politely ignored for the most part. One of the countervailing forces against this wall of disinterest or disapproval was the fact that several of the members of the tts were prominent members of the Canadian cultural elite. Roy Mitchell, Lawren Harris, and Frederick Housser were all from the upper middle class and successful by their own society’s standards, and they could not be dismissed out of hand as eccentrics. It is also signiicant that many tts members were journalists and as a result were known to those who worked for the press. The strength of Housser’s Theosophical beliefs was made clear by his choice for cremation, which was a public marker of difference. This willingness to swim against the tide gained him the respect of his fellow journalists both for how he lived and for how he died.

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That cremation is now practised by nearly 50 per cent of the Canadian population demonstrates that in this sphere, as in so many others, Theosophists functioned as a part of the avant-garde in Canadian society.

Toronto Yogis: The tts, Indian Religion, and Imperialism Toronto Theosophists, like Theosophists the world over, viewed themselves as interpreters of Indian tradition to the West. According to Blavatsky, India had forgotten its own illustrious heritage, and the Occident meanwhile had become engulfed in “crass materialism.”25 In their self-proclaimed role as protectors of Hinduism in India, Theosophists were concerned with the threat posed by missionary activity. In an open letter to Theosophists in India written in 1890, Blavatsky stated that the chief desire of the Masters was to “defend the Ancient Wisdom contained in its darsanas26 and Upanishads against the systematic assault of missionaries.”27 Theosophists were among the few in the Western world to question the idea of Christian missions and their interpretation of South Asian religion. As Carl Jackson notes, “the darkest, most unpleasant portraits ever drawn of Asian religions originated with the nineteenth century missionary.”28 Theosophist Ernest Wood was one of many in the Theosophical Society who directly disputed with missionaries over their depiction of Hinduism.29 Theosophists were generally at cross-purposes with missionaries and British imperialists in their belief that all religions were fundamentally equal. Kumari Jayawardena notes that missionaries were “particularly appalled by the treachery of Westerners showing interest in Hindu religion and culture.”30 Observing that many of those who “went native” were women, Jayawardena writes, “At a time when white males were dominant and Britannia ruled the waves, white women who rejected their own religion and culture and accepted those of the colonized were a challenge to the ‘civilizing mission.’”31 The Theosophists were viewed as a grave threat to the British presence in India and to the missionary enterprise. Indeed, in a report of the Psychical Research Society in 1884, Richard Hodgson claimed that Blavatsky, along with being a fraud, was a Russian spy and a direct political threat to British interests.32 Theosophists believed that the blending of Eastern and Western traditions would result in a balanced philosophy that was derived from the best aspects of both. The November 1921 issue of the

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Canadian Theosophist carried an address from Annie Besant in which she stated that whereas European society emphasized the idea of “Rights,” Indian society was based on an ideal of “Duty.”33 Besant went on to argue that both had taken their approach to extremes, India becoming overly rigid and tradition-bound and the West becoming undisciplined and individualistic. The future of humankind and the “New Civilization,” she argued, was to be “shaped by the blended ideal of the future.”34 As a result, Besant believed that India and Britain shared a joint destiny as agents of this renaissance within a “Federation of Self-Governing Nations.”35 Theosophists believed that they had an important role to play both in India and the West, and Besant claimed that spreading the message of this blended worldview was “largely the mission of the Theosophical Society.”36 In 1933 Toronto Theosophist Robert Hughes concurred with this view, writing that in North America we “will create a blend of Eastern and Western thought that will endure as the religion of our people.”37 Thus Theosophy would simultaneously aid both India and the West by the reintroduction of the Secret Doctrine. This belief in the importance of cross-cultural dialogue was not unique to Theosophists and was shared by many members of the Hindu renaissance. Another famous proponent of the idea of an East-West dialectic was Swami Vivekananda. At a lecture in Madras (Chennai), India, he told his audience that the world was in need of the insights of Indian philosophy and that it was “time to work so that India’s spiritual ideas may penetrate deep into the West.”38 Swami Vivekananda and the Theosophical Society shared the radical idea that India, a conquered nation and object of the British “civilizing mission,” had something vital to offer the West. The interest of Toronto Theosophists in South Asian religion and philosophy is demonstrated by the content of the publications of the society. The Lamp and the Canadian Theosophist consistently featured articles on South Asian philosophy, and both regularly carried reviews of the latest translations of Hindu texts such as the Bhagavad Gita.39 Theosophists were rarely interested in actual Hindu or Buddhist religious practice and, in fact, generally considered ritual observance to be a degraded remnant of the “true” religion. They were also, for the most part, uninterested in mythology and in the Puranas,40 which are so central to popular Hinduism. The preoccupations of Canadian Theosophists, as relected in the Canadian Theosophist, centred on the Sanskrit texts of Hinduism,

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particularly Vedantic philosophy, the Bhagavad Gita, the Upanishads, and Patanjali’s Yoga Sutras.41 Terms such as “karma,” “dharma,” and “nirvana” were parts of the shared Theosophical lexicon that they used to discuss ine points of philosophy. Theosophists also succeeded in introducing many of these words, along with the ideas of reincarnation and karma, to the larger public.42 A Theosophical spin was put on many of these terms, such that words like “dharma,” a term notoriously dificult to translate, was rendered essentially as a synonym for “duty.”43 This reconiguration of concepts was inevitable as Sanskrit words were rendered in English for a Western audience. Although Theosophical ideas were drawn from many religious traditions, it was the Indian philosophical system of Advaita Vedanta that caught the imagination of most Theosophists. This school of philosophy, associated in the West with the Indian religious philosopher Shankara, taught radical monism, a belief in reincarnation, and that maya (illusion) veiled the truth that all was really Brahman. Theosophists used the term “maya” in a particular sense, often as a synonym for “ignorance.” The monism of Shankara was profoundly appealing to Theosophists, as it placed the onus on individuals to recognize their own divinity, as summarized in the famous aphorism “Brahman equals atman,” or soul. Many Theosophists were attracted to the introspective focus of Hindu philosophy, and Robert Hughes wrote in 1933 that “he who conquers himself is greater than the hero who conquers an empire.”44 Theosophists also appreciated Advaita Vedanta’s emphasis on knowledge and meditation and its eschewing of ritual and the anthropomorphism of God. This idea of individual realization resonated with the Protestant virtues of self-reliance and hard work and general suspicion of ritual. The concept also harmonized with the Protestant ideal of constant self-vigilance and self-improvement. For Theosophists, however, the process of self-improvement continued over many lifetimes. The Theosophical version of Advaita Vedanta, despite deriving from Shankara, would be comparable to the “neo-Vedanta” discussed by Wilhelm Halbfass in India and Europe: An Essay in Understanding.45 The neo-Vedanta constituted what has been called Protestant Vedanta. As Richard King has observed, this reconstituted Vedanta appealed to “the anti-clerical and anti-ritualistic sentiments of many Western intellectuals and proved amenable to abstraction from their own context via emphasis upon interiority.”46

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Monism also appealed to those radical Christians who were interested in the Transcendentalism of Ralph Waldo Emerson and Walt Whitman or to those who came from mystical traditions like Quakerism that put an emphasis on the “inner light” and personal religious experience.47 A related idea common within Theosophical thought was the belief that life was a journey of the spirit and that one was perennially a chela, or student. Evolution of the atman was a process of ongoing improvement until one reached the stage of mastery and became an adept.48 The idea of seeing oneself as a perennial student of life appealed to those seekers who were attracted to Theosophy. Theosophists also drew on the yoga tradition of Hinduism and interpreted Patanjali’s Yoga Sutras as teaching that life exists to educate the soul and that “our sorrows and losses teach us the pain and sorrow we inlict on others.”49 Belief in reincarnation was an axiomatic concept for Theosophists, and this tenet separated them from other analogous groups such as Spiritualists and Christian Scientists. In the principle of karma, Theosophists felt they had found the answer to the age-old theological problem of theodicy. According to the doctrine of karma, even if individuals went unpunished for bad deeds in this lifetime, they would pay for their actions in the next. The belief in a soul, or atman, that travels through many lifetimes reaping the effects of good and bad actions suited those who, while questioning the Christian concept of an all-loving God, sought for ultimate justice in the pattern of world events. Annie Besant herself provides a paradigmatic case study of the appeal of this philosophy to one who struggled with the Victorian crisis of faith. By 1889 Besant had grown progressively more dissatisied with the materialist Socialism she had been advocating as a cure for the various social evils evident in Victorian England as a result of industrialization. Besant wrote in her autobiography that advances in psychology and research in the occult had convinced her that “my philosophy was not suficient.”50 With Theosophy, Besant discovered a worldview that could “make sense of inequality and human misery” as well as provide a spiritual impetus toward the realization of the brotherhood of humanity.51 The Hindu concepts of karma and reincarnation possessed a continuing fascination for Toronto Theosophists and were among the most popular subjects of lectures and articles from the founding of the lodge in 1891. In the pages of the Canadian Theosophist, Smythe

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attempted to prove the compatibility of the ideas of karma and reincarnation with the teachings of the New Testament. Smythe asserted that large numbers of people, in turning away from the Calvinist concepts of predestination, election, and damnation, now found inspiration in the “recognition of the old truths of Eternal Justice and Immortal Being.”52 An article written by John O’Neill argued that life was a school for the soul, which allowed the ego to develop and mature over many lifetimes. Like many Theosophists, O’Neill asserted that the early Christian Church actually taught the doctrine of reincarnation and that these teachings had been suppressed by the church hierarchy.53 In an article reprinted in the Canadian Theosophist, Besant argued that reincarnation explained the unequal distribution of talent and opportunity that characterized human life and noted that the practice of yoga could accelerate one’s progress regardless of karmic demerits.54 For many Theosophists, the concepts of karma and reincarnation both helped to reconcile themselves to struggles within their own lives and accounted for many of the inequities within the world. In the pages of the Canadian Theosophist, contributors discussed the scientiic basis of a belief in rebirth and also noted the corroboration of poets and writers like Alfred Lord Tennyson, Walt Whitman, and Edward Carpenter.55 Theosophists were veteran debaters on the subject of reincarnation and were ready to marshal an array of arguments to prove its validity. Reincarnation and karma were the most dissonant of the ideas that Theosophists were attempting to import into the West, refuting as they did traditional Christian understandings of heaven, hell, and resurrection. For this reason, Theosophists continually had to present apologetics for their beliefs, justifying them both as religious and ethical values and as representing the views of esoteric Christianity. Although the concept of karma was often applied to larger social problems by Theosophists, it could also be used to make sense of an unhappy personal life. Sarah Lakin, a member of the Hamilton Theosophical Society, noted that she was reconciled with her mother as a result of accepting the concept of karma. She was told by tts president Albert Smythe that she should be thankful for the struggles in her life, without which she would have been a “milquetoast.”56 Ruth Playle, who joined the tts in the 1940s, was attracted to the society by a lecture on reincarnation that was advertised on the notice board at 52 Isabella Street.57

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Theosophical interest in yoga was also evident from the contents of the sectional magazine. This interest extended only to the texts, however, and the physical aspects of the tradition, such as the asanas (postures), were deemed off limits to westerners. This limitation had been placed upon the study of yoga by Blavatsky, who cautioned that the Masters had warned against the harmful physical and mental effects of the asanas and pranayama (breath control practices) if attempted by the inexperienced.58 Edith Fielding, a Vancouver Theosophist, reiterated this position in a series of article on Patanjali’s Yoga Sutras, stating that the physical practices of yoga “usually result in ill-health, if not worse, particularly in Western people who lack even the physical heredity necessary.”59 Theosophists were urged, instead, to focus on the ethical precepts of yoga, such as the yamas and niyamas. These instructions regarding proper moral conduct were seen as more in keeping with the Western psyche by writers like Fielding. For this reason, Theosophists were not directly responsible for the importation of the physical practices of yoga to the Western world. This would be left to the pioneers such as B.K.S. Iynegar and T.K.V. Desikachar, both disciples of the greatest of the yoga revivalists, Tirumalai Krishnamacharya.60 Connections between yoga and Theosophy abound, however, and Krishnamurti was trained in yoga asanas by B.K.S. Iyengar and in turn introduced them to Vanda Scaravelli, an inluential teacher of yoga in the West.61 The important role that Theosophists played in creating a hospitable environment for Indian philosophical systems such as yoga is recognized and noted in works on the history of yoga. Kathy Phillips writes of the Theosophical Society that it was “largely responsible for the exposure of Indian philosophy and philosophical literature to the Western world in the irst half of the twentieth century.”62 In Edith Fielding’s overview of the Yoga Sutras, she suggested modern English versions of the text and discussed her understanding of its main points. Fielding explained the concept of gunas, one of the central beliefs of the samkhya system of philosophy. The samkhya system was one of the six darshanas (schools) of Indian philosophy and provides the ideological underpinning of yoga. Her description also included a discussion of esoteric anatomy and concepts such as prana, nadis, and siddhis.63 The Hindu practice of reciting mantras was also discussed in the pages of the Canadian Theosophist and was recommended, as “the many thoughts of inferior men are wavering, scattered and disconnected.”64 Theosophists

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were among the irst to recognize a relationship between esoteric practices developed within the Hindu tradition and the modern ield of Western psychology. In a review of Geraldine Coster’s book Yoga and Western Psychology (1934), Eastern thought was recognized as being “much further along the road to real self-knowledge.”65 The discussion of these extremely recondite ideas reveals that many Canadian Theosophists were interested in moving beyond simplistic understandings of Hindu thought. Theosophists tended to mix and match and were not partisan in their choice of darshana, blending Vedantic concepts such as maya with those of the samkhya system. The concepts of purusha (spirit), prakriti (matter), buddhi (higher mind), manas (lower mind), and ahamkara (ego) all derived from the samkhya system and were part of the larger Theosophical vocabulary. This same mixing also occurred in India and was not considered to be unorthodox. The articles published in the Canadian Theosophist on South Asian philosophy did not relect any one orthodox position. Blavatsky also taught a version of the Hindu belief in the subtle bodies that surround the undying, unchanging atman.66 Many of the most complicated aspects of yoga philosophy covered in the Canadian Theosophist are only now really entering Western cultural discourse.67 The Canadian Theosophist drew its contributors on Indian philosophy from Canada, America, Europe, and India. As a result, Canadian Theosophists were exposed to interpretations of Indian philosophy both by English speakers and by those raised in the Hindu tradition. Subsequently, their understanding remained truer to the original than that of thinkers like Ralph Waldo Emerson and Henry David Thoreau, who had reshaped Indian concepts to it within their worldviews. Dudley Barr, a prominent member of the Toronto lodge, defended the use of Sanskrit terms to readers of the sectional magazine against those who argued that the ideas should be simpliied. Barr noted that no words in English expressed the nuances of words like “karma” and “atman,” and he argued that Sanskrit allowed for precision. Barr admitted that this made the study of Theosophy more challenging, as it “demands effort, study and clear thinking and one of the aids to accurate logical reasoning is the use of unequivocal terms.”68 This commitment to accessing the Indian philosophical teachings through the more complex, original sources typiied the approach of Canadian Theosophists. A mixture of “Orientalism”69 and “anti-Imperialism Orientalism,” or “afirmative Orientalism,” characterized much of Theosophical

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writing on India and Indian thought in the Canadian Theosophist. A series of articles written by Mrs Walter Tibbitts provides an example of the complex nature of Theosophical attitudes toward India.70 The title of one of the articles, “Pages from the Life of a Pagan: A Romance,” encapsulates the writer’s highly fanciful approach. Tibbitts goes on to describe herself as an “orthodox Hindu and therefore an Idolatress.” Despite her purple prose, the writer’s explanation of why she turned to Hinduism is telling. She states that the teachings of Hinduism stood in marked contrast to the “crude, cruel Calvinism” of her childhood.71 The author’s photograph, in which she is shown swathed in a diaphanous veil, typiies the exoticization that was a part of Theosophy’s version of India. Nonetheless, Tibbitts’s writings did contain a certain amount of accurate information about Indian religion. Intermingled with tangents about Giacomo Casanova were concepts such as kundalini and chakras, which she examined with some assurance.72 The Canadian Theosophist regularly reviewed translations of Indian texts and carried advertisements for booksellers such as N.W.J. Haydon, a veteran member of the Toronto lodge, who sold books on Theosophy and “allied subjects.”73 The magazine functioned as a rich source of information on Indian philosophy that would have been otherwise unknown to the Canadian public and was a part of what Mark Morrisson refers to as a “counter-public sphere,” which was one of the engines of the occult revival.74 For Theosophists, exposure to Indian philosophy in all of its complexity gave them a shared esoteric vocabulary that enabled them to talk about karma, reincarnation, chakras, and yoga long before these ideas were part of mainstream discourse. Although the audience for a magazine like the Canadian Theosophist was undoubtedly small during the 1920s and 1930s, the publication acted as an important conduit by which new ideas could enter Canadian culture at a time when comparative religion at Canadian universities was not even being seriously considered. News from India was also available to Toronto Theosophists through their international network of speakers. Guest lecturers like Madeleine Hindsley had lived in India and knew both Mohandas Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru personally. Hindsley also lectured on topics related to the religions of South Asia, such as “The Sacred Literature of India.”75 The tts regularly featured talks on South Asian philosophy and religion, including topics such as “The Theosophy of the Bhagavad Gita” by Felix Belcher, “The Caste System of India” by

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Ouma Chatterji, and “The Religion of the Sikhs,” by Sadhu Singh Dhami.76 Another source of information on India came to Toronto Theosophists through their international president, who lectured on topics related to India on visits to Toronto. And of course the Toronto Theosophists had as their international president one of the most articulate proponents of afirmative Orientalism and a critic of imperialism. In a lecture that she delivered at Massey Hall while in Toronto in 1926, Besant was highly critical of the British rule of India. An article written in the Toronto Daily Star did not mention her Theosophical connections but noted Besant’s support of Home Rule for India. While in Toronto, she spoke at length about the poverty and malnutrition in India, which she believed were caused by British mismanagement.77 Besant also argued that Gandhi’s movement for immediate independence had only gained in popularity since the Amritsar massacre of 1919, stating that the fruits of modern materialism and imperialism were “wars, plagues, famine and misery.”78 Even more radical ideas about imperialism were printed in the Canadian Theosophist. In an article published in 1927, W.B. Pease wrote, “The only people who get anything substantial out of colonies are Excellencies and Governors, their staffs, families and hangersons.”79 The membership of the tts represented a range of opinions on the topic of imperialism, and in 1938 Robert Hughes took an economic view, writing that “proud nations were humbled and subjected by Western imperialism to ensure sources of supply for the industrialists. Intricate lines of trade, shipping and communication arose to support this vast exploitation.”80 Smythe concurred with this view, writing in 1942 that “since 1857 ... the political state of India has been a reproach to the British Crown.”81 For many Theosophists, however, their interest in India lay only in an idealized version of its religion. Awareness of the actual problems faced by South Asians in Canada was heightened for Toronto Theosophists by active member Kartar Singh, who had joined the tts in 1918. Singh was an indefatigable worker for Theosophy, serving as librarian, treasurer of the tts, and on the General Executive of the Canadian section. He published a short-lived paper called “India and Canada,” dedicated to fostering a better understanding between Canadians and South Asians, and in 1926 he founded the monthly paper the Toronto Theosophical News. Singh used the pages of the Canadian Theosophist and the Toronto Theosophical News to acquaint Canadians with the achievements of South Asians. In an article entitled “The East Moves West,” he noted

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the contributions to world culture of philosophers and scientists like Rabindranath Tagore, Swami Vivekananda, and Sir Jagadish Bose.82 He argued in one essay that there was a “wider and growing appreciation of the culture of the East” within academic circles.83 Kartar Singh also acted as an advocate for the Indian community in Canada, and in 1928 he left Toronto to aid Sikhs in British Columbia in their struggle to become permanent citizens of Canada.84 Singh’s stated intention at the time of his departure was to start a magazine that would “interpret the Sikhs to the rest of Canada” and to function as a go-between in the community’s negotiations with Canadian authorities.85 This decision by Singh was motivated by his desire to address the problem of simmering racial tensions in British Columbia.86 Singh was also one of the organizers of the visit of Indian poet and Nobel laureate Rabindranth Tagore to Vancouver in 1929.87 Tagore, accompanied by missionary C.F. Andrews, lectured in British Columbia on issues facing South Asians throughout the British Empire.88 The Canadian Theosophist covered the event, reporting that Tagore spoke to sold-out halls. The magazine also reproduced an open letter from Tagore to the Canadian people that exhorted them as a pioneer race to eradicate all inequalities in their society “between rich and poor and also between the different races of mankind.”89 Although Singh had moved to western Canada, he remained on the General Executive of the Canadian section, and the Canadian Theosophist kept track of his activities. Smythe commented that Singh had taken on the challenge of changing attitudes toward Indians and concluded that it was the “privilege of all right-minded British people to help him.”90 The editor mused that “perhaps we are afraid of these clever people who come over and head our engineering classes, and make fortunes in lumbering and ishing and other lines where our native born are unable to succeed.”91 Singh’s political activism and dedication contributed to awareness within the Canadian lodges about the concerns of South Asians in Canada, rather than focusing on the purely abstract study of Indian philosophy and religion. Events within the tts suggested, however, that not all members shared Smythe’s attitudes.

D.P. Pandia and Racism in the Toronto Theosophical Society In July 1939 the Canadian Theosophist printed an announcement that arrangements for the visit of D.P. Pandia to Toronto were almost

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complete. Pandia would speak in the Theosophical Hall on the subjects of “Yoga and Yogis in India,”“India’s Living Spiritual Traditions,” “Ashramas and Yogis,” and “East and West in Religion.”92 Pandia was a noted Theosophist and an academic and was most famous for his role as secretary to Gandhi.93 There was little to indicate that this accomplished man would cause one of the most vitriolic conlicts in the history of the tts. One of the reasons for D.P. Pandia’s sojourn in Canada was to visit Theosophical groups, but the chief purpose of his visit was to defend the interests of a group of South Asians facing deportation to India from British Columbia.94 Pandia had been brought in as an advocate by the Sikh population of British Columbia due to his sterling reputation and his previous success in helping gain a congressional decision to naturalize 3,000 South Asians in the United States.95 The issue of the nonresident status of these men in British Columbia leads into the tangled web of Canadian immigration policy and its fundamentally racist bias at this time.96 Banning Indian immigration to Canada outright was legally dificult due to the fact that Indians were oficially citizens of the British Empire. This fact was circumvented by the invention of the infamous “continuous journey” clause, whereby an order-in-council in 1908 “required any immigrant arriving at a Canadian port to come on a continuous journey from his or her country of origin.”97 This policy was meant to preclude both South Asian and Japanese immigration.98 Racial tensions within British Columbia had been steadily worsening since 1907, and that year saw the founding of the Asiatic Exclusion League in Vancouver. One of the worst race riots in Canadian history, in which mobs in Vancouver attacked and destroyed Chinese and Japanese property, also occurred that year.99 Politicians, including Vancouver’s mayor, lobbied the Canadian government to put an end to Asian immigration. A number of spurious reasons were listed for this exclusion, including Canada’s cold climate, lack of familiarity with Canadian customs, that the caste system was a handicap to employment, and that Indians were not physically suited for hard work.100 South Asians in Canada were prevented from exercising the right to vote despite their status as members of the British Commonwealth, which resulted in Canada being censured by Britain at the Imperial Conference of 1921.101 The British, for their part, were motivated not by idealism in criticizing Canadian policy but by their fear of the growing radicalism of the Nationalist movement in India. Britain had been under pressure to address these problems throughout the British Empire after an

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investigative visit to Canada by V.S. Srinivas Shastri in 1921.102 Shastri had been active on the issue of immigration in Australia, where a colour ban had existed since 1902.103 In his work combating discrimination, Shastri was fully supported by Annie Besant, for whom “racism had assumed the greatest importance, as an Indian and imperial question.”104 D.P. Pandia entered into the fray in Canada, seeking to inluence public opinion through his many speeches and by meeting with Canadian politicians. While he was in Canada to ight the deportation case, Pandia gave lectures to many of the Canadian Theosophical lodges, beginning with his arrival in Vancouver in early May 1939. Pandia also addressed groups such as the Kiwanis Clubs in Vancouver and Winnipeg, delivering 110 lectures across Canada by the time he reached Toronto in June 1939.105 In Toronto Pandia’s visit was widely and sympathetically covered by the mainstream press, and he took the opportunity to discuss commonly held prejudices about Indian culture and religion. Articles appearing in the Globe and Mail, Telegram, and Daily Star focused on his opinion of Gandhi, Christian missions in India, Indian social customs, yoga, and Theosophy. Pandia described himself as an ambassador of goodwill and argued that Theosophy could serve as a rallying point for a “greater synthesis of all the best traditions of East and West.”106 The Toronto press was particularly interested in his views on the Indian political situation and reported Pandia as saying, “we want India to be ruled by Indians while still preserving our link with Britain.”107 Under the headline “Sees Danger to Empire If Gandhi Fasts Again,” Pandia warned that if Gandhi died during a fast, a “nationwide revolt would be inevitable.”108 Assailed with questions about child marriage, Pandia asserted that it was merely a form of engagement, explaining that “we book our brides early.”109 No doubt fed up with the predictable line of questioning, he replied to an inquiry about caste in a less sanguine tone, saying of Untouchables, “since these people were of a darker hue they were segregated in India. In Western countries you lynch them.”110 Pandia also criticized Christian missions in India, arguing that it was Gandhi who actually embodied Christ’s teachings in his stand against violence.111 A reception to honour Pandia’s visit was arranged by members of the Toronto Theosophical Society and was covered by all the major Toronto dailies. The party was held in the garden of tts member Ruth Somers, and Albert Smythe and his wife, Janie, received the

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guests along with Mary Kinman, wife of the vice-president of the lodge.112 Tea was served to 125 guests by a phalanx of Theosophical women.113 Pandia spoke at many venues during his stay in Toronto, including the Arts and Letters Club and the League of Peace and Reform, and he attended a luncheon at Hart House with the members of the League of International Politics.114 An indication that something had gone wrong was irst alluded to in the July edition of the Canadian Theosophist, with Smythe stating that Pandia “had a better reception from the outside public than from members of the ts.”115 Smythe extolled Pandia’s sincerity and integrity and stated, “it is true that many of those in Hamilton and Toronto, actuated apparently by race or colour prejudice, had no mind for his message.”116 The controversy seems to have arisen as a result of the treatment of Pandia by members of the tts who subjected him to a series of personal and professional insults. Pandia was invited to dinner at the home of Mary Stuart, the tts member responsible for all arrangements for his visit, and she treated him extremely rudely.117 This was followed by Stuart berating Pandia publicly before his lecture at the Theosophical Hall. At this stage Pandia told vice-president George Kinman that he would cancel all of his upcoming appointments if Stuart had anything further to do with them and insisted that Albert Smythe serve as chair during his lectures at the tts. Kinman was described by Smythe as being “discourteous in the extreme” when introducing Pandia before his lecture at the tts.118 Both George Kinman and Dudley Barr had decided that Pandia’s academic credentials were false, and consequently Kinman refused to refer to them during his introduction. The issue simmered within the tts throughout the summer, coming out into the open at the annual meeting of the society in September 1939. Of a possible 172 members, 54 gathered at 52 Isabella Street, with Albert Smythe presiding. Recounting the events of Pandia’s visit, Smythe stated that Kinman had informed him that Pandia was a “four-lusher.”119 Dudley Barr then sent a letter to Smythe that cast doubt upon Pandia’s academic credentials. Pandia had been described in press accounts as having a doctorate from the University of London. Smythe noted that he had accepted Pandia’s credentials in good faith and said that if Pandia was a conman, “then he was a very clever one, as he was entertained all through the West, by Premiers, Mayors and other prominent persons, only when the shrewd intellects of the Toronto lodge came into contact with him, they discovered he was an

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imposter.”120 A mud-slinging match followed this opening volley, in which all players in the drama asserted their often contradictory views of events. George Kinman denied calling Pandia a four-lusher, but he did not dispute the description of his actions before the Pandia lecture. Kinman then read letters to the meeting from Balliol College at the University of London that stated they had no record of Pandia’s attendance. Kinman objected to Smythe’s interference with arrangements made by the board and went on to say, “I feel that after your exhibition during Dr. Pandia’s visit, you are unitted [sic] to hold the position you do, for this reason if I am nominated, and I hope I will be, I shall be pleased to run against you.”121 Throughout the rest of the meeting, members weighed in with their opinions, with Maude Crafter, acting treasurer, backing Smythe’s version of events. Crafter stated that she had written to Pandia in the intervening months regarding his credentials and had been informed that he had registered at university under his caste name and that this was the reason for the confusion.122 Nominations were then taken for the position of president of the Toronto lodge, with both Albert Smythe and George Kinman being nominated. The result was twenty-three votes for Albert Smythe and twenty-nine for Kinman. Dudley Barr was voted in as vice-president, and the takeover was complete. In one evening, ittingly in the same month as the outbreak of the Second World War, an era had come to an end, as Smythe was unseated after twenty-two consecutive years as president of the tts. The conlict that erupted around Pandia’s visit seems to have resulted from a conjunction of factors. That racism played a large part is clear. Perhaps Toronto Theosophists were expecting a mystical “wise man from the East” and instead were faced with a welleducated, extremely politically astute, and conident visitor. Part of the problem seemed to centre on Pandia’s vocal support of Gandhi. Smythe noted that some Theosophists felt that economic and international questions should not be discussed and had objected to Pandia “due to his support of Gandhi.”123 Smythe wrote satirically of these reactions: “While our members of the ts are running after swamis and yoga systems and puzzling their ive wits over breathing exercises, the humble followers of the heart doctrine are moving mountains by their union with the Self. I have never heard a iner statement of the power of the teaching of Jesus, the force of his example as a life to be lived ... Gandhi carries two books, the Gita and the New Testament.”124 It is quite probable that many Toronto

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Theosophists were supporters of the British Empire and viewed Gandhi’s activities as seditious. The accusations made regarding Pandia’s education were irregular, as there was no precedent for this type of research into the bona ides of an invited speaker.125 After the debacle at 52 Isabella Street, Smythe made a point of reporting on the rest of Pandia’s tour in the pages of the Canadian Theosophist. An account of Pandia’s meeting in Ottawa with the prime minister stated that he had “successfully taken up the case of a number of British Columbia Hindus.”126 The attempt by Smythe to downplay the entire incident, however, does not obscure the fact that Pandia’s visit was the catalyst for an acrimonious conlict that profoundly affected the tts. Pandia’s own version of events makes his feelings clear and is contained in a letter he wrote to Maude Crafter. Although it was evident that he wished to put the trip behind him, he rallied to Smythe’s aid at Crafter’s request, writing that “All these days I wanted to try to forget my visit to Toronto. My ine impression of Canada was somewhat marred due to certain painful experiences in Toronto ... I found in Mr. Smythe ine qualities of sincerity and understanding. He is a Theosophist in the best sense of the term.”127 Pandia consented to having his letter read before the members of the tts, but this proved to be of little help in resolving the conlict. Pandia left Canada victorious in his main aim, which was to aid the Sikh victims of Canada’s racist immigration laws. Unfortunately, Pandia’s shabby treatment did not end with his departure from Toronto. He was closely watched by the Royal Canadian Mounted Police, who saw his activities as a “threat to the racial status quo.”128 Pandia, who went on to Trinidad to investigate the treatment of Indians in that country, was subsequently denied a permit to re-enter Canada and did not return until 1946.129 The attitudes of some members of the tts can thus be seen as relecting the prevailing ethos in regard to race relations in Canada during this period. Pandia returned to Canada in 1946 to address enfranchisement of South Asians in Canada and worked on this issue with fellow Theosophist, Kartar Singh. Eventually, the mission was successfully backed by Jawaharlal Nehru, who visited Ottawa in 1947.130 However, immigration laws that were completely devoid of racial bias did not come into effect in Canada until 1967.131

Theosophy and the Mystical Roots of Racism Theosophical attitudes toward race have received little attention. Theosophy’s belief in the unity of all humanity and its interest in

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comparative religion and South Asian culture would seem to clear it of any charge of prejudice, religious or racial. However, the Theosophical position on the issue of race remains somewhat ambivalent. Blavatsky’s theories of the evolutionary nature of race were ambiguous and open to racist interpretation. Francis King has argued that Blavatsky’s ideas were formative in the construction of “occult racism.”132 In his essay “The Origins of National Socialism,” G.I. Mosse suggests that there is a direct link between Theosophical thought and the early ideologues of the Nazi movement.133 Mosse asserts that Theosophy shared with the forerunners of National Socialism both nature mysticism and a rejection of the rational, and he contends that there was a “linkage between theosophy and the volkische worldview.”134 Others have argued that Theosophical views on race were progressive and that Blavatsky’s idea of the universal brotherhood and the belief in the value of all religions showed her to be “non-Eurocentric and non-racist.”135 These conlicting assertions are indicative of the ambiguity of Theosophy’s position on the question. Theosophists, although a part of the avant-garde, still retained in different measure the biases and attitudes of their respective societies. Abstract notions of universal brotherhood might have been espoused but actual practice often proved more problematic. The Victorian cultural milieu was the greatest force shaping the doctrines of Theosophy, and this overarching ethos took for granted the superiority of Western civilization. British imperialism rested ideologically upon the concept of a “civilizing mission,” and European thinking on race was shaped by racist thinkers such as Arthur de Gobineau. Collette Guillaumin notes that the development of the modern sense of race evolved as a reaction by the aristocracy to their loss of power after the French Revolution.136 During the nineteenth century, the concept of race came to be based on categories that were genetic/biological rather than legal and political.137 Gobineau’s The Inequality of Human Races, published in 1854, alleged the permanent inequality of the races and the superiority of the white race. Gobineau divided humanity into three races – black, white, and yellow – and classiied them physically and mentally. His work was a mishmash of theories that contained a marked appreciation of “masculine” values and a horror of the idea of racial mixing. Gobineau concluded The Inequality of Human Races by saying that “when Aryan blood is exhausted, stagnation supervenes.”138 This work presented all of the key doctrines that typiied European racism in the Victorian period and was a direct inluence upon the creation of Nazism.

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In Invisible Eagle: The History of Nazi Occultism, Alan Baker documents the inluence of Theosophy on Nazi theories of race and traces its theoretical contribution to the Ariosophy movement. He describes Ariosophy as a mixture of “racist volkisch ideology and the Theosophical concepts of Madame Blavatsky.”139 Theosophists, and most who were engaged in the Oriental Renaissance, were inluenced by what Vasant Kaiwar has called the “Aryan Model of History,” which he describes as the “unholy trinity of biology, philology and history.”140 Baker emphasizes, however, that Blavatsky’s ideas were “hijacked” for purposes of which she would never have approved. It is true that many Theosophists believed in Blavatksy’s concept of the “occult destinies of races,” as James Webb notes, and this idea inspired a variety of nationalist movements.141 Although Theosophy inluenced Canadian, Irish, and Indian Theosophists in a mostly positive manner in their struggles for separate political identities, this notion of national identity could easily be turned toward more sinister ends. This distortion of the idea of national character is part of what Peter Washington describes as the “racist side of occultism.”142 However, the varieties of racism that developed in Britain and that had the most profound impact on Canadian attitudes differ signiicantly from their German counterparts. These theories of race were never unitive or normative but comprised a system of beliefs that were in a continual state of lux since the “concept of race was socially created and thus historically variable.”143 British race theory was inluenced by the ideas of Social Darwinism and anthropology as well as by biological and eugenic ideas.144 The recognition by the English that they were derived from a mix of Celtic, Scandinavian, Norman, and Anglo-Saxon peoples mitigated against the development of the idea of the volk that arose in Germany. The most important inluence in shaping attitudes to race in Britain during this period was the fact of empire. It was through imperial conquest that the English came into direct contact with other cultures, either through texts or through personal relationships.145 The need to rationalize the imperialist endeavour required a legitimating ideology. This overarching ideology, as has been convincingly argued by Edward Said and Ronald Inden, lay in the concept of Orientalism.146 This division of the world into the dreaming, feminine, supine East and the rational, masculine, active West created a complex ideological framework that validated imperialism, rendering it a noble and necessary task. The British also propagated the idea of “advanced” and “backward” races, with the mission of

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the Anglo-Saxon race being to “spread freedom and justice to the more backwards parts of the world.”147 This belief in the superiority of British institutions included the notion that the Victorian gentleman was the pinnacle of human evolution. The British Empire also resulted in material effects, as Britain controlled the movement of peoples and goods across its territories. It is not surprising, then, that the British cast a suspicious eye on the activities of the Theosophical Society in India. The governors of India, quite rightly, realized that a group that championed the parity of Indian and British culture undermined the basis of the colonial endeavour. Theosophical attitudes to other cultures and religions were, overall, progressive for their time, but examining Blavatsky’s theories on race is a challenging task. Much of the relevant material is buried within her magnum opus The Secret Doctrine. Blavatsky’s ideas about race were related to her notion of world evolution, which is loosely akin to the Advaita Vedanta philosophical system of Hinduism. Theosophy adopted from this school a belief in monism, reincarnation, and karma. The manner in which she linked this religious concept to ideas about race, however, is unique to Blavatsky’s own viewpoint and inds no echo in the Hindu tradition. Blavatsky developed a complicated theology that included a belief that the evolution of each soul took place over the course of seven rounds, or cycles.148 According to Blavatsky, humanity had been in corporeal form only since the beginning of the fourth round and during the following three rounds would be “ever tending to assume its primeval form, that of the Dhyan Chohanic host.”149 Blavatsky claimed that humanity evolves from matter back to its divine source upon realizing its essential divinity. According to Blavatsky, at the time of the writing of The Secret Doctrine, the fourth round was transitioning into the ifth and had begun its ascent back toward spirit. She believed that a shift from gross materialism to spirituality was taking place that explained the conlicts in Victorian society during that period.150 Blavatsky’s ideas take her into choppier waters in the second volume of The Secret Doctrine, where she asserts that the “lowest specimens of humanity,” such as the “South Sea Islander, the African and the Australian, are simply the latest additions to the Human monads.”151 Blavatsky wrote that these groups were just evolving into fully human form. However, she stated emphatically that all races are capable of development and that “thus the reason given for

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dividing humanity into superior and inferior races falls to the ground and becomes fallacy.”152 Dan Edelstein also notes what he sees as latent anti-Semitism in her understanding of the Semitic versus the Aryan races.153 Olav Hammer, having noted some of Blavatsky’s more critical remarks about Judaism, states that any anti-Semitism “derives from the unfortunate position of Judaism as the origin of Christianity,” which was the primary recipient of her opprobrium.154 This theory, however, still posits a hierarchy, and as Francis King points out, both esoteric cultists and elements of the political right share “the conviction that human beings are essentially unequal in value to one another.”155 Although the Theosophical interpretation had more to do with spiritual inequality, these suppositions left an opening for racist interpretations. On a theoretical level, then, Theosophy cannot be completely cleared of the accusation of advocating potentially racist concepts. However, within the context of their time, Theosophists showed a remarkable openness to other cultures and religions. This tendency was strengthened by the move of the headquarters of the international Theosophical Society to India in 1879, and Blavatsky and Henry Steel Olcott worked and socialized with Indians throughout their careers. Annie Besant continued to do so in her position as president of the society and was vocal in championing the right of Indians to self-government. Theosophists were also socially far more open than their contemporaries, a fact that caused a great deal of consternation among the colonial British.156 In her autobiography, Emily Lutyens, a prominent Theosophist and friend of Besant and Krishnamurti, noted that a British guest at one of her dinner parties in New Delhi said that he had met more Indians that night than he had in twenty years in India as an administrator.157 At a time when the two races were strictly separated in British-run India, friendships across race were considered akin to treason. Theosophists were also known to marry outside their ethnic group, two examples of “mixedrace” marriage being vice-president C. Jinarajadasa’s union with Dorothy Graham, an English Theosophist, and president George Arundale’s union with Rukmini Devi. The Theosophical belief in reincarnation also affected ideas about race. For those who believed in rebirth, any individual would have been many different races over a series of past lives, and in this way the idea of race was de-essentialized. Prominent Theosophists like Annie Besant announced that they had been Indian in previous

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incarnations and felt that this explained their attraction to India. Joy Dixon has argued a related point convincingly in her work on Theosophy’s approach to gender. Sex, too, was transformed in Theosophical thought from an essentialist category, as one could also switch genders over lifetimes. The categories of male and female were no longer seen as iron-clad, and “the emphasis on the possibility of incarnation in both male and female bodies disrupted attempts to ind simple and straightforward solutions to the ‘Woman Question,’ and introduced considerable lexibility and ambiguity.”158 In the Theosophical view, experience of both genders and of the different races was necessary for the soul to have a complete understanding of human existence and to aid in its evolution.159 The Canadian racial climate during the 1930s was closely conditioned by the British. This was particularly true in the case of Canadian Theosophists, who were often of British extraction. Those who have examined the subject in Canada have focused on the role of immigration policy as the centrepiece of Canadian racism until the 1960s. The elite of Canadian society during this period belonged largely to the English and Scottish ethnic groups and maintained institutional control, which David Hughes and Evelyn Kaller deine as cultural, linguistic, and economic hegemony.160 As a result of this control of the political and social sphere, this group ensured that immigrants from northern and western Europe were favoured over those of other nationalities.161 B. Singh Bolaria and Peter Li argue that this policy allowed the British to retain their economic and social advantages.162 For the minorities who did reach Canadian shores, systemic barriers were put in place to check any progress toward equality, whether in employment, housing, education, medical and social welfare, or citizenship.163 One of the most egregious examples of this practice was the treatment of Japanese Canadians during the Second World War. Thus the overall Weltanschauung of Canada mirrored the nation’s status as a part of the sphere under British inluence and accepted many of the ideological underpinnings of the British Empire. As a part of a progressive group, some Canadian Theosophists were able to move beyond these attitudes of superiority. Canadian Theosophists were also increasingly aware during the 1930s of the ways that their views were being distorted, as indicated by a growing preoccupation with the topic of race in the pages of the Canadian Theosophist. As early as 1923, Theosophists were cognizant of the misappropriation of symbols like the swastika. In his quarterly letter to the tts, international

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vice-president C. Jinarajadasa wrote, “I was greatly astonished to ind that one part of our Theosophical symbol, the Swastika ... [is] in Austria and Germany a symbol of hatred against Jews.”164 Along with other members of the left-leaning press, theosophical writers observed the political situation in Germany with alarm. Frederick Housser wrote that the persecution of the Jews in Germany had shocked the world and had “reverberations in Toronto.”165 The article described a riot in Willowvale (now Christie Pits) Park between 10,000 Jews and Gentiles. The riot was precipitated by an attack upon a group of young Jewish men. An anti-Jewish group had also been formed, prompting the mayor of Toronto to ban the emblem of the swastika in Toronto in order to restore peace.166 As represented by the sectional magazine, the position of Canadian Theosophists on this issue was unequivocal: “humans love their prejudice more than truth. In Theosophical circles, however, anti-Semitism has no place ... [the Jews] are part of the Universal Brotherhood and have their own contribution to make towards the experiences of the whole race.”167 Aware that occult doctrines were being used by German fascists, the writers of the Canadian Theosophist were at great pains to distance themselves from fascist beliefs. In his essay “More Aryan Bunk,” William Sutherland emphasized that the Aryan theory put forward by Max Muller was to be applied only to linguistics, not employed to legitimate racist ideology.168 Sutherland went on to dispute any idea of purity of races and castigated German scientists for engaging in racial theorizing, saying that to do so was a “shameful prostitution of scientiic prestige to base political motives.”169 The views held by members of the tts, at least as indicated by the contents of the Canadian Theosophist, did not advocate racist doctrines. Under Albert Smythe’s editorship, this publication was also sympathetic to the cause of the Aboriginal populations in Canada, defending their treaty rights and noting that “modern law students are studying the Code of the Iroquois.”170 The sectional magazine also featured an article in 1932 describing efforts made in Canada to destroy traditional Native religious practices and arguing that “those who study comparative religion are aware of the value of these ceremonies.”171 Smythe wrote editorials in the mainstream newspapers that called on the Department of Indian Affairs to accept their “moral responsibility” regarding the rights of members of the Six Nations in Ontario.172 He went on to criticize oficials of the Christian community for the ban on Native religious rituals.173

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The Theosophical ideal of universal brotherhood regardless of race or creed mitigated against potentially racist interpretations of Blavatsky’s theories, as did the personal example of her life. In an article entitled “Fifty Years of Theosophy,” C. Jinarajadasa attributed changes in attitudes toward race to the work of Theosophy. He claimed that Theosophy had inluenced Western culture and that “race prejudice, though strong still, is now recognized as a blot on the highest culture.”174 Albert Smythe emphasized the Canadian virtue of tolerance, which he argued had been necessary in a nation developed from so many different nationalities. He also noted, with a nod toward his own background, that the Irish, along with many other immigrants, had come to Canada to escape various forms of oppression. He asserted that “There is no nation in the world which should more fully appreciate the thought that God made of one blood all the nations of the world.”175 Without a doubt, members of the Theosophical Society shared many of the prejudices of their day, and no sweeping statements can be made about the attitudes of individual members. In the Key to Theosophy, Blavatsky announced that Theosophy would “break down racial and national antipathies and barriers and will open the way for the practical realization of the Brotherhood of all Men.”176 The grey zone between theory and practice in matters of race seems to have come into sharp focus for the tts in 1939 with the visit of D.P. Pandia, exposing the dificulty that many members had in bridging the gap between their ideals and actions.

4 Spirit as a Transforming Power: Theosophy and the Creation of Canadian Culture

The inluence of the Theosophical movement upon culture has only recently become a subject of investigation among scholars and writers of intellectual history. As a part of the larger counterculture and occult underground, the Theosophical Society provided a hospitable environment for the discussion and propagation of radical ideas. Theosophists were among the irst in the English-speaking world to champion the educational theories of Maria Montessori and to discuss the psychological concepts of revolutionary thinkers like Carl Jung.1 Theosophy was also a source of inspiration for artists and intellectuals and acted as an important catalyst in the Irish Literary Renaissance.2 Theosophy proved a powerful inspiration in India, contributing to the growth of the Independence movement and fostering a revival of the dance form Bharat Natyam due to the efforts of Theosophist Rukmini Devi. These artistic and cultural lowerings, both in India and in Ireland, developed alongside nationalist movements. In the Canadian case, esotericism, nationalism, and the arts also proved to be a fruitful combination. For Theosophists like Albert Smythe, it was the “synthetic attitude towards all departments of human knowledge and activities that distinguishes the Theosophical from all other movements.”3 For many Theosophists, art and politics were viewed not as separate spheres but as offshoots of the same spiritual impulse toward higher truth. For many Theosophists, art and politics were

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understood as the instrumental means for bringing about a New Age that would lead to sweeping cultural transformation. Painters, writers, and playwrights were often attracted to esoteric ideas of Theosophy for both practical and philosophical reasons. Point Loma, the community founded by Theosophist Katherine Tingley, was a haven where artists were sheltered from an increasingly consumer-driven world. Painter Edith White, who lived at Point Loma, noted that this Utopian colony had allowed her to pursue her original ideas without concern for the proitability of her work.4 Theosophists like Roy Mitchell shared this concern that control of production of art was being usurped by middlemen and business interests. Theosophical concepts, in turn, contributed to artists’ desire to move beyond purely representational forms of art. The inluence of Theosophists like James Cousins contributed to the larger Theosophical sympathy for all forms of art. Beginning in 1922, Cousins worked with the international Theosophical Society’s president Annie Besant to develop the Brahmavidyashrama, which provided free education in mysticism, religion, literature, and arts and crafts at the society’s headquarters in India.5 Theosophy was in many ways heir to the Romantic tradition, which viewed the artist as a “poet-prophet.”6 Theosophists asserted that creative art was “our highest tool of cognition” and that it emerged from the “buddhic plane.”7 The buddhic plane, according to Theosophical theorist C. Jinarajadasa, was the most spiritual and closest to the atman, or soul.8 Art was thus an expression of the spirit and meant to help draw the observer toward the divine realm. The Toronto Theosophical Society (tts), in keeping with this larger pattern, offered a welcoming environment for painters and creative artists and published essays and sponsored lectures by members of the Group of Seven. Group member Lawren Harris, who joined the tts in 1923, regularly contributed essays and poetry to the Canadian Theosophist and led a discussion group on Theosophy and its relationship to art.9 According to one biographer, Harris was accepted by Toronto Theosophists both as a painter and as a thinker, and he “beneited enormously from this support for the main enterprises of his life.”10 The Canadian Theosophist closely followed the careers and activities of members of the Group of Seven and noted their participation in the British Empire Exhibition in 1923. Ann Davis writes that these artists, along with art critic Frederick Housser, sought “the possibility of a more intense life” and, in doing so, found

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themselves drawn to Eastern spirituality and Theosophy.11 Theatrical visionary Roy Mitchell was also an active member of the Toronto Theosophical Society and shared many of the views of the Group of Seven. The tts offered both a physical and an ideological space where artists could meet, share ideas, and collaborate. The connection between arts and radical politics was also evident within the Theosophical Society. Samuel Wagar notes that Canadian Theosophists tended to adopt a type of cultural socialism in line with the thinking of Edward Carpenter and William Morris.12 As Clive Wilmer notes of Morris, who was an active socialist, the “desire to improve design was inseparable from his desire to improve society.”13 Many Theosophists built upon the ideas of the Arts and Crafts movement and believed that both socialism and art would facilitate a  larger cultural transformation. The “Theosophical Socialism,” or “Spiritual Socialism,”14 espoused by many Theosophists rejected the materialism of Marxism but accepted the idea of a society based on the equal distribution of wealth and the principle of cooperation. Theosophists were among the irst – beginning with the founder of modern Theosophy, Helena Petrovna Blavatsky – to offer a sustained critique of science, which they argued was “divorced from humanist morality.”15 For many Theosophists, although technology and socialism could contribute to the collective good, both had to be subordinate to spiritual values. In a prophetic statement, Smythe observed in 1937 that rather than being a panacea for the world’s ills, technology had remade the world so that there was “no peace, no security and no leisure.”16 The artistic community in Toronto was also a part of the larger discourse around a growing sense of Canadian nationalism. Michele Lacombe argues that Theosophy contributed a particular view of nationalism and internationalism that helped Canadian members to negotiate their often divided loyalties.17 Theosophy emphasized the idea of the individual karma of nations alongside a belief in internationalism. Inluential Theosophists like James Cousins called for a “true cosmopolitanism” that allowed for a “luid, lexible form of national identity.”18 This approach to issues of citizenship appealed to many Theosophists, and in the Canadian case helped them to forge a Canadian identity that did not reject a sense of connection to other countries. The ideas of Walt Whitman were also a part of the free thought of the time and appealed to many Toronto Theosophists. The Walt

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Whitman Club, founded by Theosophists, was eventually centred at Bon Echo, near Belleville, Ontario, on property belonging to Flora MacDonald Denison. For the feminists, writers, Spiritualists, and social reformers attracted to Bon Echo, Whitman was considered to be “the spiritual prophet of the ‘new age.’”19 One of the reasons for Whitman’s appeal was his continentalism and conident espousal of a separate identity for the New World, one equal to yet different from that of Europe. This concept meshed well with Blavatsky’s idea that a “new race” would be formed in America.20 Europe was characterized by Theosophists like Frederick Housser as rigid and tradition-bound, and he emphasized the need for Canadians to ind their identity in the “here and now and in the future.”21 This emphasis upon a break with the European past, inspired by thinkers like Blavatsky and Whitman, had a liberating effect on a number of Canadian artists.

Mystical Aesthetics: A Theosophical Vision for the Arts in Canada Concurrently with research done on occult movements in general, historians of modern art have started to make connections between the arts and spiritual movements beginning in the 1890s. These discoveries relect the often overlooked role that movements like Theosophy have played in the development of art forms such as painting, literature, and theatre. Maurice Tuchman argues that modern art relected “a desire to express spiritual, utopian or metaphysical ideals that cannot be expressed in traditional pictorial terms.”22 Tuchman disputes the commonly held view that modern, abstract art was “value-free” and concerned purely with aesthetics.23 Theosophy proved to be a powerful inspiration for many painters struggling to move beyond purely igurative painting, and many drew upon the rich philosophies of Theosophy, Anthroposophy, and alchemy both for images and for philosophical concepts. In her work on Russian artists and the occult, Bernice Glatzer Rosenthal states that occultists were searching for a new cosmology and conception of the individual’s place in the world. She concurs with Tuchman that these occult investigations inspired “new literary and artistic schools, and provided a language and symbols in which people could articulate their feelings and expectations.”24 The link between the Symbolist movement, both in literature and

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art, and occult groups is particularly marked, with both rejecting materialism and rationalism.25 Art historians Tuchman and Davis trace an even more direct link between Theosophy and modern art, placing the beginnings of the movement with the paintings done by Besant and her advisor Charles Webster Leadbeater in their work Thoughtforms (1901) and citing them as examples of abstract, symbolic art. Whereas Leadbeater and Besant used painting as a medium to depict the human aura and how it expressed different emotions to the clairvoyant eye, artists took up these ideas and used them to express their own artistic visions. Inluenced by Theosophical ideas, painters like Lawren Harris felt free to develop their own style of painting as inspired by the landscape in which they lived. In his history of the Group of Seven, Lawren Harris wrote that before the First World War Canadian art was limited by a colonial mentality within a milieu that was inimical to art.26 Harris described his meeting with fellow Theosophist and painter J.E.H. MacDonald at the Arts and Letters Club and his shock at and admiration of MacDonald’s originality and freedom from slavish imitation. Harris’s latent patriotism and vision were catalyzed by this meeting, and describing other artists at the time, he wrote, “They did not know their own country. They did not know its spirit as a transforming power. They did not think of the arts as a living creative force in the lives of the people.”27 Fellow Group of Seven member and Theosophist Arthur Lismer shared this belief that art had a key role to play in fostering a Canadian identity. He wrote, “the artist is making us nationally conscious with our environment setting a stage for true nationality.”28 The members of the Group of Seven fused the nature mysticism of Whitman with Theosophical concepts while looking to the natural landscape as an essential component of an emerging national sensibility. Harris linked art to spirit and to the land in his article “Revelation of Art in Canada,” writing that “no man can roam or inhabit the Canadian north without it affecting him.”29 He recognized that a sense of inferiority hindered the development of a distinctly Canadian form of art and emphasized that art had to have “its roots in the very soil” of a people and in “their emotional and imaginative life.”30 The efforts of Canadian Theosophists to create a different style of nationalism were consistent with those of many other Theosophists, such as James Cousins, who “attempted to reconcile ideas of anti-imperial resistance and national separatism with his belief in

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universal spiritual unity.”31 Toronto Theosophists like Frederick Housser and William Arthur Deacon believed that true nationalism was expressed not through war or imperialism but through a vibrant culture that expressed the soul of the nation. Lawren Harris was inspired by the work of Irish Theosophist AE (George Russell), maverick member of the Irish Literary Renaissance. Harris agreed with AE, who asserted that although artists should derive inspiration from other countries, these places could not ultimately substitute for one’s own.32 These artists were attempting to create a synthesis between continental and internationalist views supported by their esoteric beliefs. Theosophists were not opposed to nationalism, as Theosophical support for the Home Rule movements in India and Ireland attests. Housser argued that one’s birthplace was decided by his or her karma and that individuals thus shared in the fate of their society and country.33 He believed that Canada had the opportunity to create a vibrant new culture free of the inluences of Europe, which he described as “hard-set, conventional and decadent.”34 Housser wrote that “the Canadian environment is replete with potentialities for the creation of an idealistic national consciousness. This Canadian consciousness would in turn inspire the creation of art, literature, philosophy and science which would inspire those of other nations, rather than our being drawn to them for inspiration.”35 Members of the Group of Seven were also careful to differentiate Canada from the United States, seeing the destiny of Canada as unique.36 The idea that artists were interpreters of mysteries informed the creative conceptions of men like Mitchell, Lismer, and Harris. This view of the artist was developed by the Romantic movement and shared by mystical painters like Piet Mondrian and Wassily Kandinsky, who were also Theosophists. It was believed that artists, like mystics, were attuned to a higher reality and could communicate their visions to the rest of society. In his work on the Group of Seven, Housser wrote, “by the Artist I mean a creative seer of deep inner experience who uses the medium of the arts to express the experiences of his inner life.”37 This highly idealized view permitted experimentation and originality since, according to this view, no one who could question the personal vision of the artist. The history of art was viewed by the Theosophical members of the Group of Seven as a sort of master key to human evolution, with artists acting as interpreters of their place

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and time.38 In his visionary work Concerning the Spiritual in Art, Kandinsky wrote that the true artist was one who attempted to push his or her culture forward and out of the grip of materialism and that “literature, art and music are the most sensitive spheres in which this spiritual revolution makes itself felt.”39 Lismer concurred with this view of the role of the artist, writing that “Art is a relection of God’s purpose.”40 The ideas of Theosophical thinkers like Kandinsky and Cousins did indeed inluence a variety of artists, including those working in theatre. Creation of an indigenous theatre movement in Ireland in turn inspired Canadians like Mitchell who sought a model for a new Canadian theatre.41 Whereas in Ireland Theosophy contributed to a renewed pride in Irish culture, language, and art, in the Canadian case it fertilized a growing sense of a separate Canadian identity. Lacombe points out that Theosophy itself was rarely the subject of the works of these pioneers but instead “served to inspire and legitimize the production of new works by local dramatists.”42 Roy Mitchell, who met Albert Smythe while working for the Toronto World, joined the tts in 1909 and came into increasing prominence in the 1920s. Mitchell contributed to the Canadian Theosophist and was assistant editor of the magazine. In addition to being a journalist, he was a theatre critic, drama editor, press agent, and professor of drama. Mitchell moved in some of the most inluential artistic circles in Toronto, and his wedding in 1926 was covered by the society pages of the Toronto Daily Star. His primary biographer, Renate Usmiani, says of Mitchell, “there exists a very close interrelationship between Mitchell’s theatre aesthetics and his religious-philosophical views as a Theosophist.”43 The connection between artistic expression and spirituality was clear to Mitchell, and in an address he gave at the College of Fine Art in New York, he stated, “I have been interested specially in what underlies the effort of an artist to be an artist at all.”44 Mitchell is described in the Oxford Companion to Canadian Theatre as “the most prophetic voice in Canadian theatre history,”45 and Renate Usmiani writes that one of his primary objectives was to protect theatre from the encroachments of commercialization, the star system, and above all the idea of realism.46 Usmiani agrees with Mavor Moore that Mitchell preigured the more famous theatrical “apostles of modernism,” such as Antonin Artaud, Tyrone Guthrie, Peter Brook, and Jerzy Grotowski.47 Like so many of his fellow

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Theosophists, Mitchell was a proliic writer who authored various works, including Shakespeare for Community Players (1919), The School Theatre: A Handbook for Theory and Practice (1925), Creative Theatre (1929), and Through Temple Doors: Studies in Occult Masonry (1923). The type of theatre advocated by Mitchell was directly inluenced by his belief that all things “derive from an invisible and interior world.”48 Mitchell saw himself as a part of a vanguard championing a new form of theatre that acknowledged the spiritual basis of the art form. For Mitchell, theatre was not just entertainment or a form of spectacle but acted as a mediator between the audience and higher consciousness.49 He likened training in theatre to the Hindu guru parampara system, in which teacher and student are links in the chain of an age-old tradition.50 Mitchell described actors as celebrants in a mystery and compared the playwright to a priest and the director to a hierophant, “a revealer of the sacred elements of life.”51 The belief that artists were vital to the larger culture was no doubt a potent corrective for those living in southern Ontario in the early part of the twentieth century, where the overarching ethos was “utilitarian and pioneer.”52 In arguing the need for Canadian painters to develop their own unique style, Arthur Lismer stated, “It is necessary as Canadians we should believe that we are capable of producing great art ... The imminent generation of the youth of Canada will come to produce ine art and ine craftsmanship, aesthetically aware of their environment.”53 Related to this search for a Canadian aesthetic was an interest in inding a Canadian “mythos.” Although Eastern philosophy was considered the “spiritual mother” for Theosophists, it was argued that artistic movements had to be grounded in a concrete and particular sense of place. Further to this end of developing a unique Canadian mythos, Frederick Housser researched Native American mythology, which he saw as being fundamentally rooted in a unique Canadian experience. Housser wrote a series of essays in the Canadian Theosophist on Aboriginal myths “in relation to the Secret Doctrine.”54 The idea that art could serve as a mirror of culture was shared by many Theosophists. From their point of view, a healthy artistic community was essential to the wellbeing of the nation. Housser wrote in 1927 that “From the art of our country we are able to understand Something of ourselves, and for a Canadian whose race is just now emerging into a national consciousness, to learn something of himself

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and his people and to ind out wherein they are different from other peoples, is a true initiation.”55 This belief that art was essential to the psychic life of the nation contributed to the visionary work of Theosophical artists like Harris and Lismer. The link between religion and art was made by all of the Theosophical members of the Group of Seven. Arthur Lismer, who became director of the Ontario School of Art, wrote in 1925 that “art moves in close partnership with religion.”56 Religion and art in turn were tied in with nationalism for artists such as Lismer, who wrote that art was the expression of “a nation’s service on the path that leads toward spirit.”57 Spirit was expressed through all creative media, including “in beautiful architecture, in noble saga, in compelling drama, in a democratic literature.”58 This understanding of art was one shared by Theosophists, who saw artistic creation as a part of the evolution toward the higher life. C. Jinarajadasa, vice-president of the international Theosophical Society, wrote that “all activities, religious, educational, artistic ... are all parts of a Divine Plan of Evolution.”59 In an article that he wrote for the Canadian Theosophist in 1933, Harris argued that art was not a diversion from “real life” but a part of the training of the soul. According to Harris, when a sense of beauty is developed, “we will make the great discovery that the source of art and the source of religion is identical.”60 For Harris, there was no division between spiritual beliefs and artistic expression, and these merged into what Peter Larisey has described as “mystical aesthetics.”61 Lawren Harris, who was considered the primary ideologue of the Group of Seven, was also the member most interested in Theosophy. Harris oficially joined the tts in 1923 but had been friends with Toronto Theosophist Roy Mitchell since 1908.62 Harris was familiar with the artistic work of international Theosophists and was instrumental in arranging an exhibition at the Art Gallery of Ontario that featured the work of fellow Theosophists Piet Mondrian, Marcel Duchamp, and Wassily Kandinsky in 1927.63 Harris had also been inluenced by Kandinsky’s Concerning the Spiritual in Art, particularly by his theories about the role of the artist and by his colour theory.64 Although this exhibition was not well received by Canadian critics, Harris claimed to have no concern with his work’s reception, as he summed up in a letter to Emily Carr in 1930: “The true artist is outside of social recognition. He puts himself (or herself) outside ... His or her point of view (attitude) is the opposite of society’s

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attitude. Society lives by rule, creed, what is and what isn’t done. The artist lives from within not without. He has no code. He has an attitude and begins where imitation ends and where morality ends and where all bunk ends – hence the deep inner separation of the artist from all goose-steppers whether in religion, medicine, society, state or what you will.”65 Harris made clear in this letter the connection in his mind between religious and artistic nonconformity. Lawren Harris clearly lived by this attitude and also suffered for his bohemian lifestyle. In 1934 he was forced by scandal to leave Toronto when he became involved in an affair with Bess Housser, the wife of friend Frederick Housser.66 The two eventually married and moved to New Mexico, where Harris became a member of the Transcendental Painting Group and increasingly moved toward the painting of purely abstract forms based on his mystical vision of the world.67 In a city like Toronto, where there was little monetary or cultural support for the arts, the exotic and varied concepts found in Theosophy provided a rich source of inspiration for many artists. Canadian artists, like the members of the Group of Seven, shared with Theosophists a willingness to go against the grain and to challenge collective opinions. Lawren Harris described the similarities between the spiritual and artistic paths at a Theosophical convention in 1934. He stated that creative and spiritual lives were often illed with strife, and he asserted that this was unavoidable “because he must maintain the integrity of his vision despite whatever inner or outer opposition.”68 Theosophical philosophy also encouraged a spirit of cooperation, and members of the tts like Lawren Harris, Albert Smythe, and Roy Mitchell served as support and inspiration for one another. Despite Mitchell’s prominence and talent, venues for his extremely elevated theatrical vision were severely limited in 1920s Toronto. One place that allowed some scope for Mitchell’s experiments was the Arts and Letters Club of Toronto. This group, founded by Mitchell and Lawren Harris in 1908,69 proved to be a microcosm of the nascent Toronto artistic scene, and its membership included tts president Albert Smythe.70 The club was dedicated to fostering the arts and to providing relief from what Rudyard Kipling described as the “consumingly commercial” nature of Toronto.71 The membership was made up of those who wished to “promote intercourse amongst those who work in, or are interested in, the art of literature, architecture, music, painting, sculpture and drama.”72

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The Arts and Letters Club fostered a dynamic web of relationships that led to the founding of free lending-libraries in Toronto, the formation of the Group of Seven, and the creation of Hart House.73 Other members were Sir Edward Walker, a driving force behind the creation of the Royal Ontario Museum, and A.H. Robson, who was involved in the founding of the Art Gallery of Ontario and the Toronto Drama Festival.74 The club proved to be a nucleus for the embryonic cultural life of Toronto, fostering an atmosphere of mutual support and camaraderie that inspired members both individually and collectively to contribute to the arts locally. Using the stage and resources of the Arts and Letters Club, Mitchell mounted plays that included Rabindranth Tagore’s Post Ofice (1914) and John Millington Synge’s Riders to the Sea (1911).75 Mitchell also called upon the talents of Lawren Harris and J.E.H. MacDonald as stage designers.76 Mitchell was close friends with the Massey brothers, fellow members of the Arts and Letters Club, whose family funded the building of Hart House. A theatre was built as a part of the complex, and Mitchell became its irst director in 1919.77 Mitchell was committed to producing work by Canadian playwrights, and he drafted Merrill Denison, son of former tts member Flora MacDonald Denison, whose play Brothers in Arms (1921) he directed for the 1920–21 season.78 The eclectic and open-ended theories of Theosophy were an anodyne for artists trying to see their country through new eyes. Esoteric beliefs also fuelled the growing sense of Canadian identity that developed in Canada after the First World War. The Group of Seven directly linked this patriotism to the occult nature of the North in a way that continues to epitomize the Canadian sense of self. This new way of thinking, inluenced by Theosophy and the writing of Walt Whitman, contributed to a necessary sense of conidence that allowed the Group of Seven to break free of the debilitating sense of inferiority its members suffered as citizens of a postcolonial nation. As Housser wrote in A Canadian Art Movement in 1926, “our British and European connection in fact, in so far as creative expression is concerned, has been a millstone around our neck.”79 The sense of collective identity shared by members of the Group of Seven also helped them to withstand the combination of indifference and hostility that characterized the attitude of Canadian critics to their attempts to create an original style. Ultimately, Mitchell’s theatrical vision proved too revolutionary for 1920s Toronto. In 1927 he left for New York with his wife,

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fellow Theosophist Jocelyn Taylor, who was a sculptor, illustrator, and stage designer.80 Carroll Aikins, a Theosophist from British Columbia, went on to become artistic director of Hart House after Mitchell’s departure.81 Mitchell maintained strong ties with the Toronto lodge, giving lectures there when he was in town. Whereas Mitchell was forced to leave Toronto in order to pursue his dreams, several of his Theosophical colleagues in the Group of Seven chose to remain in Toronto, where they would become the most important and inluential group of artists in the history of Canadian painting.

A Leaven for Transforming the Whole Society: Theosophy and Politics For Toronto Theosophists, as with many Theosophists internationally, engagement with cultural and political movements was a part of a larger sense of mission. As Albert Smythe put it somewhat grandiloquently in 1934, “those who profess Theosophy must understand that their profession places them in the ranks of the Saviours of the world.”82 From the founding of the tts in 1891, many of its members were active participants in social and political debates of their time. This tendency only increased with the advent of the Depression and the rise of fascism. The attraction to political engagement rather than withdrawal is evidenced by the large number of Theosophists who took part in politics, including international president Annie Besant. In 1929 Smythe noted with pride that there were six Theosophists in the British Parliament, including George Lansbury, who became leader of the British Labour Party.83 For these Theosophists, their spiritual beliefs were the driving force behind their political work.84 For Theosophists like Charlotte Despard, Theosophy offered an ideology that allowed her to see “suffragettes and strikers as manifestations of the same irresistible spiritual force.”85 Although there was a wide spectrum of political belief represented within the Theosophical Society, even a cursory glance reveals the socialist leanings of many members, such as Annie Besant, Charlotte Despard, and George Lansbury. The connection between Canadian Theosophy and socialism is only now beginning to be examined. Wagar notes that six of the eight founding members of the Canadian Socialist League created in 1894 were Theosophists, one of whom was Lelia A. Davis, an early member of the tts.86 Unfettered capitalism

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and imperialism according to R.A.H., writing in the Canadian Theosophist, was the result of the “aggregate selishness of the race.”87 Socialism was the logical political choice for many Theosophists, and as Catherine Nash notes, Theosophy “was one of a series of modernist reactions to a sense of loss of shared systems of belief and intense and antagonistic individualism in modern life.”88 For many Theosophists, political action was a concrete way that they could work toward the universal brotherhood of humanity, and Housser wrote in 1931 that “The Secret Doctrine teaches the solidarity and interdependence of mankind.”89 For Theosophists, the teaching of occult knowledge was a prepatory phase of the coming of the Aquarian Age.90 In an article written in 1934, Cecil Williams traced all the world’s evils, including war and poverty, to spiritual ignorance, arguing that it was the role of the Theosophical Society to remedy this ignorance that led to unskilful actions in the world on both a personal and political level.91 In replying to criticism of his controversial political beliefs and his dissemination of “mob politics,” Smythe wrote in 1937 that it was the duty of Theosophists to enter into the affairs of the world rather than withdrawing into a position of neutrality on topics such as the growth of fascism in Europe.92 Coming as they did from Protestant backgrounds, the Toronto Theosophists showed the same interest in social reform as the Christian Social Gospellers. They too believed that society could be made more spiritual through the implementation of benevolent and compassionate legislation. Many Canadian Theosophists understood their work as augmenting the work of the mainstream church with a “leaven of Theosophy.”93 In this respect, Theosophical Socialism demonstrates congruence with Fabian Socialism, which rejected violent revolution in favour of “permeation” that would allow for the “gradual passage from capitalism to socialism by reforms rather than a revolutionary leap.”94 The Canadian milieu, which did not marginalize the more radical end of the political or religious spectrum, also created a conducive atmosphere for political engagement. Members of the tts belonged to a wide number of other groups, and Theosophists such as Phillips Thompson and Flora MacDonald Denison were involved in the labour movement. Theosophists tended to feel a natural afinity with groups that worked for cooperation, including the various forms of socialism that began developing in the late Victorian era. In the 1930s the growing peace movement also found many sympathizers

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in the Theosophical Society. International vice-president C. Jinarajadasa went so far as to claim that Theosophists were in fact the “irst League of Nations,”95 and many Canadian Theosophists were allied with this group.96

The Rediscovery of the World: Social Engagement in the Toronto Theosophical Society, 1930–45 The trend toward a more socially engaged attitude within the tts was indicated by subjects covered in the Canadian Theosophist beginning in the early 1930s. Many of the articles revealed a strong sense of foreboding concerning the fate of European and North American society. Many of the writers for the magazine castigated both the secular and religious leaders of the day. The advent of the Depression in 1929 forced Toronto Theosophists to grapple with issues beyond the horizon of either Theosophical politics or Canadian nationalism. After a decade that was concerned with internal policies and disputes, the 1930s saw the tts increasingly turning its gaze outward onto an ominous political and economic situation. It returned to its call for the New Age and to developing plans for how to bring this new era into reality.97 Theosophists tended to be sympathetic to socialism in a form that they termed “spiritual Socialism” or “Theosophical Socialism.”98 Research done by Samuel Wagar reveals the inluence of Theosophists in the ledging Co-operative Commonwealth Federation (ccf), which went on to become the New Democratic Party.99 Capitalism was viewed by Theosophical Socialists as an expression of the spiritually unevolved.100 Many Theosophists recognized the ideals they shared with other movements that were motivated by an “intuition of human solidarity.”101 Most, however, disavowed violence as a method for implementing their ideas and therefore diverged from communism. For many Canadian Theosophists such as Robert Hughes, both fascism and communism were to be rejected because they required bloody revolutions, “the destruction of civil, religious liberty and freedom of speech.”102 Frederick Housser advocated a system that was based upon altruism rather than proit and that offered free education in the creative arts and comparative religion. He asserted that the Theosophical belief in the universal brotherhood of humanity required that

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Theosophists be concerned about the welfare of all citizens. Housser backed up these arguments for socially engaged Theosophy in his article “Theosophy and the World Crisis,” in which he quoted Blavatsky as calling for active service on behalf of the poor and weak.103 Housser believed that Theosophical principles called for the equal distribution of wealth in the world and wrote that the “anomaly of millions facing starvation in a world where there is too much of everything strikes even the dullest witted as absurd.”104 Like members of the League for Social Reconstruction and the ccf, many Theosophists wished to replace “competition and exploitation with co-operation.”105 Demonstrating an internationalist perspective, Housser asked, “is the boasted standard of living of the American people secured at the cost of the low levels of existence for millions of other people in other lands?”106 Like fellow Theosophist J.H. Cousins, he expressed suspicion of ideas of international economic organization based on “western economic and political privilege.”107 Albert Smythe noted that those with power and wealth always worked to their own advantage, “one of the chief being the corporation, which by insidious legislation has gained more power for its owners than would be permitted to a king or an emperor.”108 For many Theosophists, socialism was the best replacement for capitalism, which “breeds selishness and greed.”109 As a result of its openness to new ideas in all spheres of activity, political radicals often found a sympathetic hearing at the tts. Flora MacDonald Denison, who joined the tts in 1918, was one of the most progressive voices of the period. Like founding members Emily Stowe and Augusta Stowe-Gullen, with whom she was friends, MacDonald Denison was an active worker for women’s suffrage and had been elected president of the Canada Suffrage Association in 1911.110 She paid the rent of the headquarters of the Canadian Suffrage Association on Yonge Street, which also ran a vegetarian restaurant. MacDonald Denison, whose belief in Spiritualism is described in B.F. Austin’s What Converted Me to Spiritualism,111 was also a writer and journalist who wrote the autobiographical Mary Melville the Psychic (1900), based on the story of her unorthodox family. She worked with Albert Smythe at the Toronto World, often writing on topics related to women’s rights.112 MacDonald Denison was a successful businesswoman and a radical feminist who supported the liberalization of laws regarding

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divorce and birth control and “even attacked the sanctity of the nuclear family.”113 She also swam against the tide in her opinions regarding the First World War, maintaining a paciist stance throughout the conlict. MacDonald Denison argued that the women of England had no quarrel with the women of Germany and, in fact, had much in common, as many of these women were losing their sons in battle. In her pamphlet War and Women, MacDonald Denison wrote: “if we cultivate race hatred and militarism we will get war ... Venus must be the star in the ascendant and the mothers of the race must assist in tracing out a new code of ethics.”114 She linked the issue of war to suffrage, saying that without the vote women were powerless to effect political decisions, and she argued that “there is no democracy while women are a disenfranchised class.”115 MacDonald Denison, like many of her fellow Theosophists, was also involved with the cause of labour. Sympathetic to the plight of needle-trade workers, then the largest industry in Toronto, she wrote on the subject of their abuse for Saturday Night magazine.116 MacDonald Denison left the tts only a little over a year after joining to move to Bon Echo, where she intended to create a Walt Whitman centre and start a Theosophical group. She remained connected to the tts, particularly Albert Smythe, as both were members of the Walt Whitman Fellowship. Smythe wrote a heartfelt eulogy in the the Canadian Theosophist upon her death in 1921.117 Emma Goldman, the American anarchist and feminist, was another controversial speaker who graced the stage of the Toronto Theosophical Hall. Exiled from her adoptive American homeland due to her political activities, she stayed in Toronto during the years 1926–28, 1933–35, and 1939–40.118 Goldman addressed both Yiddish- and English-speaking audiences during her stay in Toronto, and despite the conservative ethos of the city, she met with some success. However, Goldman had few positive things to say about her domicile, noting that “both Catholic and Anglican churches hold the city by the throat and mold the habits and opinions of the people of Toronto.”119 As a result, Goldman was prevented from speaking at the University of Toronto.120 In her autobiography, Living My Life, Goldman recalled that both the public and university libraries in Toronto lacked books on the most pressing social, educational, and psychological ideas being debated at that time. As a result, she used the private collection of H.F. Saunders, secretary of the Walt Whitman Fellowship.121

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Goldman lectured at the tts on numerous occasions on diverse topics, including trends in modern education and modern drama and the thought of George Bernard Shaw.122 In reviewing one of Goldman’s talks, Smythe stated approvingly that she had discussed the actual character of the Bolshevik Revolution, and he deemed her ideas “entirely Theosophical, although Miss Goldman dislikes to be identiied with the Theosophical movement as it has been understood in recent years.”123 Smythe also chaired one of Goldman’s lectures at the Labour Temple of Toronto, where she spoke out against the impending state execution of anarchists Nicola Sacco and Bartolomeo Vanzetti in the United States.124 Smythe gave a supporting lecture of his own at the Theosophical Hall entitled “Sacco, Vanzetti and Karma.”125 Smythe remained in touch with Emma Goldman even after she left Toronto, with the two exchanging correspondence.126 In the notice of death printed in the Canadian Theosophist in 1940, Smythe wrote that “another of the pioneers of the New Age passed away on May 14.”127 With the advent of the Depression in 1929, the intensity of Theosophical engagement with political and social issues intensiied. Looking out on the devastation wrought by the Depression, Smythe prophecied in 1934 that “we are living in a changing world, at the end of an epoch and the beginning of a new age.”128 According to Smythe, Western civilization stood at a crossroads, “One of which leads forward to chaos, disaster and barbarism, and the other, if we have enough sense to travel thereon, leads forward to a rosy dawn ... through socialistic and cooperative methods.”129 Smythe’s sympathy with this style of Theosophy and other progressive movements was shown by his publication of the transcripts of the radio sermons by American irebrand and Protestant minister Herman J. Hahn. Hahn critiqued the capitalist system from a Christian perspective in extremely radical terms. Like other Social Gospellers, he depicted Jesus as a social critic and wrote that “the most formidable foe to God’s kingdom on earth today, as in Jesus’s time, is the unbrotherly social order of selish wealth and power.”130 The minister laid the blame for the Depression on the American emphasis on individualism and the greed of corporations.131 Hahn also critiqued the Christian clergy for standing idly by as the Depression progressed. The Canadian Theosophist reported that Hahn had lost his radio program and had been prevented from crossing the Canadian border until direct protest to Ottawa declared

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the ban illegal.132 Smythe deplored this attempt to stile free speech, noting that the “United States used to boast of its liberty, but there are limits to it now.”133 Theosophists like Housser and Smythe agreed with the idea central to the Social Gospel that political and economic issues were, at their root, spiritual issues. They differed with the Social Gospel, however, in their interpretation of these issues, linking the economic problems of the Depression with the breaking of karmic law. Toronto Theosophists were convinced that Theosophy could be brought to bear upon every conceivable issue, whether personal or public. Beginning in 1933, Frederick Housser became the subeditor of a section of the Canadian Theosophist called “Theosophy and the Modern World.”134 The topics covered were eclectic and included “Roosevelt’s Experiment,” “Solar Energy as Power,” “Faith Healing,” and “Marriage, Divorce and Sex.” As the 1930s progressed, more and more space in the Canadian Theosophist was taken up by ruminations on the political events in Europe. The rise of fascism alarmed many Theosophists, and all aspects of the Theosophical repertoire were discussed, including the use of the occult science of astrology. The Canadian Theosophist for September 1934 featured a horoscope of Adolf Hitler by Robert Hughes, an astrologer and Theosophist from Hamilton. The horoscope predicted that Hitler would attain power for a time before falling into disgrace. Hughes felt the years 1934 and 1935 would be crucial and wrote that “the elevation of Hitler to the presidency, as well as still remaining chancellor, will result in the most tyrannous oligarchy that Fascism has yet devised. The sublime vanity and pride of this man cannot be satisied with anything less than that. In the words of Frederick William I, of Prussia, ‘I plant the royal power irm as a rock of iron.’ This Saturn in Leo will enable Adolf Hitler, to do for himself in Germany, to be followed by his violent and tragic end which will not bring peace to unhappy Germany.”135 Seeing that democratic institutions were under attack, Cecil Williams wrote on the origins of democracy and asserted that political systems must have a spiritual rather than materialist basis.136 Williams noted that criticism of democracy as leadership by the mob had led to an acceptance of fascism in parts of Europe and characterized this as a bourgeois reaction to Marxism.137 Williams, like most Theosophists, was an optimist, despite what he saw as menacing signs, and he asserted that reform was always

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possible, citing the Protestant Reformation and the abolition of slavery as signs of progress.138 All the writers contributing to the Canadian Theosophist shared a harshly critical view of German fascism. Frederick Housser asserted that Franklin Roosevelt’s New Deal, which was being implemented in the United States, might be a possible solution to both fascism and communism. All the writers called for active political engagement on the part of citizens, and Williams suggested that Theosophists form groups dedicated to the cause of a spiritualized democracy as a way to combine political and spiritual imperatives.139 The Toronto Theosophists were a part of the radical tradition in Canada, which had begun to merge into a larger socialist movement in Canada after 1900. This was to be a distinctly Canadian style of socialism, as J.S. Woodsworth stated, noting that he refused to slavishly imitate the British, American, or Russian models.140 These dissenters, despite coming from a variety of backgrounds – labour, Christian, Jewish, and Theosophical – were in basic agreement regarding “rejecting free-market assumptions as destructive and amoral.”141 Socialism, then, became an umbrella under which those coming from a variety of ideologies could shelter. This is turn fed into the creation of the CCF, which itself was a combination of trade unionists, farmers, and intellectuals.142 Theosophists shared with other radicals a broadly ethical critique of free-market capitalism and a belief in the “ethical, cooperative and community-based nature of radicalism.”143

“This Immeasuarable Evil”: Albert Smythe, Fascism, and the Second World War Despite their criticism of militarism, the attitude of Theosophists toward paciism was an ambivalent one. The Theosophical Society did not have a uniform or dogmatic approach to the issue of war. The society had within its ranks a spectrum of opinions ranging from radical paciism to unquestioning imperialism. Canadian Theosophists were often extremely critical of the militarism of both Britain and the United States, and in an article published in 1932 readers of the Canadian Theosophist were warned, “if there is no change we will be in the same position that we were in 1914.”144 Prominent Theosophists such as Emily Lutyens and Krishnamurti were among the most strictly paciist.145 The position of the leaders

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of Theosophy based at Adyar, India, during the First World War also revealed the tendency of Theosophists, when under pressure, to ignore their profession of universal brotherhood and to support the cause of their own country.146 However, after the First World War, which was after all supposed to be the war to end all wars, paciism became an increasingly popular ideal in many Western countries. Paciism’s appeal for many Theosophists was natural given its congruence with their belief in fraternity, peace, and international cooperation.147 In her writing on the subject, Annie Besant made it clear it was not enough to simply wish for the end of violence. From her vantage point in colonial India, she argued that peace would never be achieved without justice, which included the necessity of Dominion status for India. In an address to the World Congress of the Theosophical Society held in Chicago in 1929, Besant also warned that “Europe would never be at peace till the injustices of the Treaty of Versailles were eliminated.”148 In 1933 Canadian Theosophist Robert Hughes predicted a coming war if the nations of the world continued to embrace the idea of imperialism rather than cooperation.149 The ideal of paciism gained adherents rapidly throughout the 1920s and 1930s, culminating in the signing of the Kellogg-Briand Pact.150 However, the evolution of views on paciism can be seen in the shifting opinions of tts president Albert Smythe. Just as many social reformers of a religious bent were moving toward rejection of war as a solution to political problems, Smythe’s views on the topic were hardening. In his irst editorial in the Canadian Theosophist, he supported other Theosophists who joined groups that aimed at fostering “peace, gentleness and unselish regard.”151 Commenting on the spread of fascism in Europe in 1933, he wrote that war was a futile exercise and an indication of an “inferior mentality.”152 By this time, having witnessed the inhumanity and strife unleashed by the Depression, Smythe moved toward a more radical position in the realms of both politics and economics. Along with the devastation caused by the Depression, Smythe was aware very early on of the rise of fascism. He included in the April 1933 edition of the the Canadian Theosophist a resolution passed by the Saint Catherine’s lodge. This resolution, which was accepted by the General Executive of the Canadian section and forwarded to the League of Nations, stated that members of the section “emphatically express ourselves as protesting with all the force at our command against the injustices perpetrated and speciically at the most recent

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outrage, the injustices now being persecuted against the Jews in Germany under the Adolf Hitler regime.”153 From this period onward, Smythe published articles related to the rise of Hitler and its effect upon the Jewish community in Europe. The activities of fascist sympathizers in Toronto were also covered and condemned in the pages of the Canadian Theosophist.154 The magazine reported on international politics and the inability of the League of Nations to prevent the Italian invasion of Ethiopia.155 Smythe observed presciently that Germany, Japan, and Italy were preparing for war and castigated the United States for its isolationist policy and its refusal to join the League of Nations. By the late 1930s the idea of paciism became a subject of increasing debate within the Theosophical Society in North America. At the annual fraternal conference held in Buffalo in 1937, members debated whether or not the society should afiliate directly with the peace movement.156 At this convention Smythe reminded the meeting that lodges could not be forced into a particular stand on the issue.157 In the same year, Smythe wrote a closely argued reviews of Aldous Huxley’s What Are You Going to Do About It? (1936) and Richard C. Gregg’s The Power of Non-Violence (1935). These works called for “constructive peace” through the practice of paciism. Although sympathetic with the ends, Smythe was clearly unsure about the means. Smythe concluded that it was only through meditation and other “devices for effecting the sources of will” that individuals could start to truly change their actions. Without this inner transformation, he asserted, many professed paciists were in danger of merely being hypocrites who were tyrants at home or at work or who participated in unethical methods of business while preaching peace.158 The issue of paciism continued to preoccupy Smythe throughout the 1930s until the outbreak of the Second World War. He identiied the achievement of world peace as “the one great problem of the present day.”159 However, Smythe became increasingly impatient with those who rejected war under any circumstances. He disagreed with Krishnamurti, who upheld this ideal, and he responded impatiently to Krishnamurti’s declaration that happiness was the essential object of life, writing, “what have Theosophists to do with happiness in a world heading straight to ruin?”160 Smythe’s attitude toward Mohandas Gandhi changed over time as Gandhi’s ideas about the limits of paciism became clear. Formerly, he had admired Gandhi’s work against Untouchability,161 and in 1938 the Canadian

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Theosophist featured an article on Gandhi titled “Creative Men of Peace” that compared him to Jesus, the Buddha, Lao Tse, and George Fox. Gandhi was described as a saint who “has demonstrated to the West that non-violence is practical and workable.”162 By 1941, however, with the war raging, Smythe printed an article criticizing Gandhi for his public stance that his methods of passive resistance should be used in Nazi Germany.163 At this stage, Smythe moved his sympathies to Jawaharlal Nehru, who, despite being a leader in the struggle for Indian Independence, was supporting the British in their ight against fascism.164 Smythe pointed out that under Hitler paciists and Theosophists alike would be quickly wiped out.165 Smythe framed this approach to war and violence within a larger discussion of the existence of evil in the world and the necessity of resisting it. He used the Bhagavad Gita to support his argument regarding the necessity of war under certain circumstances. In an editorial titled “War and the Gita,” Smythe criticized all “Isolationists, Paciists and Nazi sympathizers.” Smythe warned that, according to the laws of karma, all would be held accountable for both their action and inaction.166 Like Besant, he argued that peace could be achieved only through justice and urged those who were hesitant about war to put aside their doubts: “as Krishna told Arjuna he needs not fear to slay his foes. They were already slain – slain by their own nature, brought to the bar of execution by their own acts. Whatsoever a man sows, that shall he surely reap.”167 Using the makeup of the traditional Hindu polity as a model, he argued for the necessity for both Kshatriyas (warriors) and Brahmins (priests/intellectuals), with the former protecting the latter within the natural order.168 In response to his critics, Smythe stated that he would support any other method of stopping Hitler if one could be produced.169 The outbreak of the Spanish Civil War in 1936 seems to have contributed to Smythe’s more austere outlook. In an editorial titled “International Karma,” he railed against the “wealthy landlords and princes of the church,” whom he accused of plunging Spain into the conlict. He argued that neutrality was unacceptable and criticized Britain and France for turning a blind eye in order to appease Germany and Italy. Smythe went on to predict that all the nations would eventually be pulled into the war and ended his article by asking, “when are our timorous nations, like Arjuna, going to lose their infatuation, hoping to tame their tigers with saucers of milk?”170

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Smythe astutely recognized that the Spanish Civil War was the opening round in a much larger conlict, noting the presence of 80,000 Italian and German troops in Spain.171 He also denounced the conservative Canadian newspapers for backing the fascists.172 In the later 1930s Smythe began to vocally support communist Russia in the pages of the Canadian Theosophist. He described the system as sympathetic to the cause of working people and as unselish and altruistic.173 Unsurprisingly, this was not appreciated by many Canadian Theosophists, who, despite being often sympathetic toward progressive causes, drew the line at communism. Correspondents began to weigh in with their opinions, some supporting Smythe and others arguing that Theosophy should steer clear of politics altogether. The idea that Theosophists should opt out of the political arena especially enraged Smythe. He objected to the insistence of some fellow Theosophists that the karma of various nations had to be played out and reiterated his belief that the Theosophical values should be applied to all aspects of life if Theosophy was to remain relevant. He accused those who wished to remain neutral regarding events in Europe of selishness and asked, “are we to stand by when the martyrs are being stoned and make no protest?”174 Smythe had scathing words for his opponents: “We wonder if Mussolini had sent four divisions of soldiers to Ireland, ‘to free the North’ as he did to free the north of Spain, would Britain feel so complacent?”175 By 1939 Smythe had used every platform at his disposal for years to move public opinion against fascism, including the Canadian Theosophist and lectures at the tts.176 Smythe accused British politicians of naively ignoring the real nature of the threat posed by Nazi Germany. He also inveighed against the Canadian government, which had done nothing to help Jewish refugees: “cruelly, coldly, heartlessly, they have turned away from all appeals. Canada has been deaf to appeals to help aflicted Jews. Her doors are closed.”177 The March 1939 issue of the Canadian Theosophist included the story of the attempts of two Viennese women to convince the Canadian government to allow leeing Germans and Austrians to immigrate to Canada.178 The same article discussed the concentration camps and argued that many early Canadian settlers had been refugees themselves. Smythe noted that these immigrants from Europe would greatly enrich Canadian society. Smythe harshly criticized Canadian politicians for ignoring the refugee problem since 1933 and for refusing to take a fair share of refugees.179

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When Canada entered the Second World War in 1939, Smythe gave extensive coverage to the events of the war in every edition of the Canadian Theosophist, and he was a great supporter of Winston Churchill and Franklin Roosevelt.180 Following the progress of the war in 1942, he confessed himself numbed by the spectacle of the horror writing: “Yet we must face it as we face death, the betrayal of friends, the deceit of the trusted, the meanness of politics, and other evils that we can measure. This immeasurable evil of War is beyond our consciousness.”181 Smythe, a man shaped by the optimism of the Victorian era regarding the perfectibility of humankind, struggled to grasp the events overtaking the Western world. The belief in progress that characterized that age was proved to be a false idol as news of the true nature of the Holocaust began to reach Canadian shores. Smythe was also affected personally by the war, as his son, Conn Smythe, was almost fatally wounded in action in 1944.182 As soon as the war began, articles appeared in the Canadian Theosophist on the subject of postwar reconstruction. For Smythe, Theosophy offered the best possible model on which to build a new society. Smythe also believed the prediction that the Piscean Age was ending and ushering in a promising new astrological age. In November 1940 he asked the rhetorical question, “What is Aquarius to bring us?”183 For Smythe, along with many of his fellow Theosophists, the imminent New Age would be a time that required that life be lived in accordance with spiritual truths. This approach included putting ethical limits on technological knowledge and a return to a healthy respect for nature. The dropping of the atom bomb in 1945 required that Western science “consider the Master’s rebuke” of the use of these new scientiic discoveries for immoral ends.184 According to Smythe, the New Age would be characterized by the development of ine arts and sciences guided by the “ethics and philosophy of the ancient saints and sages.”185 The Canadian style of Theosophy aimed at inluencing the larger culture and accepted Blavatsky’s dictum that Theosophy should be a leaven for transforming society. When offered an alternative vision, that of creating a separate community, as in the case of Tingley’s Point Loma, the Toronto Theosophists decided against it, choosing instead to try to transform mainstream society through their work in the media and the arts and through political action. In this decision, they hewed to the Canadian pattern and elected to stay within mainstream discourse despite a number of tempting visions for a perfect

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society. Toronto Theosophists were happy to cooperate with both Christian activists and those on the radical edge of the political spectrum, including thinkers like Emma Goldman, for they understood all of these activities as leading toward a better world. For Theosophists like Smythe, all the evils evident in society were traceable to a lack of spiritual understanding, which manifested as greed, cruelty, and eventually poverty and war.186 In the Canadian Theosophist, Robert Hughes attributed the problems of the era to forces such as imperialism, which was itself driven by a relentless desire for proit. Science and technology had been harnessed to business interests and were used in warfare rather than for the common good. Hughes issued a dire warning to those who resisted the necessary change: “We have given over the public wealth in the form of mineral resources, forests and waterways to the exploitation of predatory interests. Until we reclaim our common heritage, abolish forever private property, and enrich the life of all through equitable distribution of the income from the source of wealth production, civilization will grow increasingly insecure.”187 Many Toronto Theosophists like Smythe concurred with this socialist vision, advocating the public ownership of large industries such as railways.188 He argued that no lasting peace would be possible without the equitable distribution of wealth and wrote that “the earth is the Lord’s and ... the fullness of it is not the heritage of the few but all.”189 For Albert Smythe, the hope that some good would emerge from the tragedy of the Second World War rested on the premise that the nations involved would learn from their past mistakes. This outcome remained unsure, but he wrote that if the nations of Europe “learn the lesson of Brotherhood their blood and tears will not have soaked the earth in vain.”190

5 “All Life Is a Unity”: The Religious Worldview of Albert Smythe

When one views the history of Theosophy in Canada, Albert Ernest Stafford Smythe stands as an inescapable presence. For over forty years, he steered the course of the Toronto Theosophical Society (tts) and the broader movement in Canada. In considering the worldview and religious beliefs of the founder and ideologue of the tts, we can access a window into the process of cultural and religious transformation. In the life of Smythe, we can observe the ways that those on the progressive side of the political spectrum struggled with the challenges of modernity. In his ideals and religious beliefs, we can see the movement toward a much more personal, ecumenical, and Eastern inlected approach to an understanding of the religious. Albert Smythe was asked to summarize his Theosophical views for a special supplement of the Canadian Theosophist that commemorated his sixty years of service to Theosophy. The article he wrote in reply to this request, “All Life Is a Unity,” contained both a personal history and a discussion of his key beliefs. He expressed the conviction that an impersonal law permeated all of nature and that the “tendency of the Great Life was to draw men together in cooperation and harmony.”1 According to Smythe, this natural law manifested in the social world as universal brotherhood, regardless of race, creed, or nationality. Smythe’s summation of a lifetime of Theosophical belief and work in the world revealed his essential optimism and hope for humanity.

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A religious seeker from an early age, Smythe was raised in a strictly Protestant, Pietist Northern Irish home. However, like a growing minority of Victorians, Smythe rejected traditional Christian dogma yet remained religious and philosophical by nature. Theosophy, with its syncretic and open approach to philosophy, allowed him to reconcile his Christian past with a more expansive and eclectic set of beliefs. Once Smythe had committed himself to Theosophy upon meeting William Quan Judge in 1884, he remained convinced of its truth and eficacy throughout his life. Smythe’s beliefs show all of the hallmarks of the “occulture” described by Christopher Partridge and were a mixture of Christian, occult, Gnostic, Buddhist, and Hindu ideas.2 Smythe, like most Theosophists, did not consider these traditions to be distinct but instead argued that they were derived from one ancient wisdom tradition. Smythe accepted all of the tenets of Theosophy as presented by Helena Petrovna Blavatsky, the founder of modern Theosophy, including the doctrine of reincarnation, karma, the existence of enlightened Masters, and the universal brotherhood of humanity. He did, however, reject her virulently anti-Christian stance and remained a nominal Protestant throughout his life. These theosophical beliefs, in turn, profoundly inluenced his views on economics, politics, and war, which he then promulgated in newspapers for which he worked and through the Theosophical publications that he himself launched. Throughout his power struggles with igures within the larger Theosophical movement, such as international president Annie Besant, Charles Webster Leadbeater, and Katherine Tingley, Smythe remained committed to his version of Theosophy. He also maintained his right to actively oppose their views and insisted on complete freedom of thought and conscience. Although Smythe did not change his religious ideals, his views regarding how these would manifest in terms of political and economic systems did evolve over the years. In an inversion of the usual assumption that people grow more conservative as they age, Albert Smythe became increasingly radical when faced with the realities of the Depression, the rise of fascism, and the cataclysm of the Second World War. The connecting thread in all of Smythe’s acitivities was his desire to ameliorate the conditions of life for all, and his underlying vision was of a society based on the Theosophical ideal of universal brotherhood. As Catherine Wessinger has argued in the case of Annie Besant, although at irst her activities seem bewildering in their variety, they were linked by an urge to right the wrongs of the

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world and to improve the lot of the disadvantaged, an urge shaped by her evangelical upbringing.3 Theosophy provided an expansive enough worldview that Smythe was able to organize his many interests under a single spiritual rubric, and it remained the underpinning of his many and varied activities. Smythe’s views on life were holistic, and he believed that beneath the seeming diversity of religion, race, and creed, there was an essential unity that could be realized if one was able to see beyond the maya (illusion) that characterizes the phenomenonal world.4 The ultimate aim of life, then, was to work in cooperation with the laws of nature until one had become enlightened, or an adept. Once this stage was reached, it was the obligation of this perfected person to remain in the world and help others to achieve the same state. In this belief, he showed congruence with what Wilhelm Halbfass has dubbed “Protestant Vedanta.”5 The Protestant admixture is also evident in the activist tone of this belief, which does not characterize the classical Hindu idea of the sage. Albert Smythe often made reference to the fact that he had completely rejected his religious upbringing, going so far as to say, “I spent years in leaning to forget what my elders generously, as they thought, illed my susceptible head.”6 Raised in a rigidly Pietist family suspicious of the morals of William Shakespeare, he on several occasions described himself as a “congenital heretic” and wrote in 1944 of his religious afiliation, “My religious instruction began with attendance in the Gracehill Moravian Church, where I sat in the organ loft and a acquired a sense of detachment from the rest of the congregation which has followed me through the numerous churches which I have attended.”7 The Moravian Church was an offshoot of the Anabaptist movement, which developed from Lutheranism. This church emphasized a form of Pietism that stressed enthusiasm and evangelicalism, and many Moravians were active missionaries.8 The Moravians were also considered to be antinomian due to their refusal to be bound by creed, their assertion that the Kingdom of Heaven was available to all, and their emphasis upon personal experience.9 Smythe seems to have questioned even these liberal beliefs from an early age, although he was clearly marked by the sect in which he was raised in his own emphasis on freedom of conscience and activist zeal. Smythe attended services of both the Church of Ireland (Anglican) and the Methodist Episcopal Church when he was in the United States and appears to have been unconcerned by denominational boundaries.10

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Smythe’s assertion that he had forgotten everything he was taught was of course an exaggeration made for rhetorical effect, or at least it shows great naivete about human psychology. This sort of overstatement was probably intended to demonstrate his belief in absolute independence of thought. Also his claim to have rejected Christianity outright is belied by the fact that almost every article he wrote on Theosophical or religious topics used Christian sources and typical imagery and tropes. Despite his tendency toward hyperbole, Smythe seems to have always considered himself a Protestant, and his son, Conn, was baptized in the Christian Church.11 Albert Smythe’s beliefs and attitudes bore the mark of his Protestant Christian background, and he wrote in The Lamp that “Theosophy must ever keep alive the spirit of higher Protestantism.”12 Much later in his life, he reiterated this sentiment when he said of all Theosophists, “we are all Protestants of one kind or another, and are often inclined to protest each other’s opinions, which is a healthy attitude.”13 It can, therefore, be argued that Albert Smythe operated on the fringe of radical Protestantism throughout his life. Although Smythe was not a churchgoer and was deeply critical of many of the activities of the clergy, he remained culturally Protestant in the sense that religion consists in a “total view of the world and man’s place in it.”14 This conception of Protestantism as a cultural complex was most famously argued by Max Weber in The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism, in which Protestantism is described as a complete Weltanschauung that is often divorced from any particular reference to religious practice.15 Thrift, honesty, punctuality, independence, and hard work were central to the larger Protestant ethos and fundamentally shaped the individual personalities and societies of Protestant communities regardless of regular participation in traditional Christian rituals.16 Another feature of Smythe’s religious thought was an emphasis upon ethics, which inluenced his life both personally and professionally. This moral framework was drawn from both Christian and Buddhist sources. Smythe referred to the Buddhist Eightfold Path as  being the “moral standard of humanity.”17 He contrasted this approach with what he referred to as “phenomenon hunting,” and in 1895 he inveighed against Spiritualist séances and necromancy on the part of Theosophists.18 Although Smythe acknowledged the possibility of communication with the dead, he warned of the dangers of such activities. Later in his career, he launched a similar attack on the left-hand teachings of tantra. He discouraged the pursuit of what

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he described as the lower siddhis, the powers that could be gained by practices such as breath control and ascetic disciplines.19 In his opinion, these powers were usually of an order that embraced the “lower coarse psychic and mental energies.”20 Smythe, like many of his fellow Theosophists, also retained some of the millenarian cast of his early upbringing, which charged his activities with urgency. The traditional Christian sense of the imminent return of Jesus and the creation of the Kingdom of Heaven that was to follow was transposed in the Theosophical case onto the idea of a New Age. Many Theosophists believed that a change of epoch was occurring and that Theosophy was to play a key role in the transformation of society. The Hindu concept of the Kali Yuga, or Dark Age, was grafted onto this Christian concept, and Smythe wrote that during the Kali Yuga “events moved with heightened rapidity.”21 Theosophists also possessed a distinctly Christian sense that spiritual meaning was woven into history and believed that Helena Blavatsky had been sent by the Masters to usher in a New Age. Although Smythe did not display the extravagant millenarianism of Annie Besant and Charles Webster Leadbeater, with their belief in a living messiah in the person of Krishnamurti, he did accept Blavatsky’s teaching that the Masters worked behind the scenes for the good of the world. Smythe also accepted Blavatsky’s prophecy that another messenger would appear in 1975 and her claim that it was the duty of Theosophists to prepare for his or her arrival.22 Fuelled by a sense of urgency and an intuition that the world was in the birth throes of a new era, Smythe was also motivated by the Protestant idea of work as a calling or vocation, and as a result all of his projects were undertaken in a spirit of devotion and self-discipline. This ideal, which emerged out of the Protestant Reformation, sanctiied worldly engagement and made it the “highest form which the moral activity of the individual could assume.”23 Smythe appears to have made no distinction between his professional and religious life, and he exhorted his readers to “look upon life as sacramental, ind your calling and make it sure.”24 Something of his austere attitude can be gleaned from one his poems entitled “Song of a Worker”: Who cares my life is friendless? Who cares my heart is tired? Who cares the hopes are endless Ambition once has ired?

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A thousand hearts are straining Against the steep incline; My brothers we are gaining Gold from a cruel mine.25 Smythe also seems to have acknowledged that this approach to life might thwart efforts at personal happiness, writing in an early poem addressed to a potential lover that he had no gifts to bring, as he was ruled by “a law of self-denial.”26 In 1934 Smythe wrote that all Theosophists were saviours of their race and that it was their duty to serve humanity. For a true Theosophist, according to him, “their life is not their own. They have a duty, a task, a mission in life.”27 In Smythe’s life philosophy, a Protestant sense of a personal calling merged with the Christo-Theosophical value placed on selflessness, creating an extremely ascetic and disciplined approach to  life that was coupled with a zeal to spread his understanding of Theosophy. Smythe’s overall attitude toward Christianity was far more positive than that of his exemplar Helena Blavatsky. Blavatsky railed against Christianity, particularly the Roman Catholic Church, throughout her career and oficially converted to Buddhism in 1880.28 However, Albert Smythe took the approach of reinterpreting Christianity, and throughout the 1890s he held regular scripture classes under the auspices of the tts.29 Smythe viewed the essence of Christianity, which he understood as something apart from the church, as universal, and he objected to the Christian belief in a closed communion. He believed instead in a universal brotherhood that was struggling toward perfection regardless of religious difference.30 Albert Smythe’s Protestantism is also demonstrated by his evident anti-Catholicism, which was typical of Theosophists in general. This strain of anti-Catholicism is not surprising given Smythe’s Northern Irish heritage and is part of the larger paradox that Theosophists were tolerant of all religious traditions except Catholicism.31 The extremely conservative and anti-Catholic Orange Order had started in Northern Ireland and became an essential part of community life for Protestants.32 As Patrick Buckland puts it, the Anglo-Irish may have been unclear about their identity, but they knew “they weren’t Catholics.”33 Despite this prejudice, Smythe’s relationship with Catholicism and Catholic Ireland was complicated and ambivalent.34 In his memoir If You Can’t Beat ’Em in the Alley, Conn Smythe gives some insight

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into his father’s feelings on this topic. He describes a dinner with his father just before being sent off to the front during the First World War. Conn Smythe notes his shock and amusement when it was suggested by his father that it would be a lucky thing if he were ighting next to a division made up mostly of Irish Catholics: I protested, “But all my life you’ve told me ‘beware of Catholics. Don’t have anything to do with them, you know don’t trust them.’” “Yes,” he said, “but they can ight like hell.”35 This incident illustrates the intricate and contradictory nature of Smythe’s attitudes toward Catholics. At times, it seems he relished having such a redoubtable enemy as the Vatican to rail against. This incident may also be indicative of a trait Smythe admired that he felt epitomized Irish Catholics and that he himself shared, namely the willingness to ight for a cause against the odds. This also supports the argument made convincingly by Donald Harman Akenson that differences between Catholic and Protestant Irish tended to be exaggerated by both groups.36 Albert Smythe was not without circumspection on the issue of religious bigotry, and in 1928 he denounced the self-proclaimed messiah Brother XII (Edward Arthur Wilson), who had become inluential within the Theosophical Society in Canada and who illed his publication The Chalice with anti-Semitic and anti-Catholic diatribes.37 Smythe came out against him in the pages of the Canadian Theosophist, arguing that these broadsides were neither Theosophical nor brotherly.38 He went on to declare, over optimistically as time would show, that in Canada Catholic Quebec and the rest of the country had maintained a “working agreement.” Smythe asserted unequivocally that members of the Theosophical Society were to have no personal animosity toward Roman Catholics but were to oppose all “ritualistic, sacerdotal and anthropomorphic religion.”39 Smythe criticized the bigotry found both within Roman Catholicism and Orangeism, and he stated that setting the two confessions against each other was a “diabolical policy.”40 Smythe may have shared the biases of his community, especially in his personal life, but when these prejudices threatened to result in outright hatred, he drew a sharp line. Like many Irish who immigrated to Canada, he no doubt wanted to leave this aspect of the past, redolent with potential violence, in the past.41

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Other aspects of his Irish background were claimed by Smythe as  part of his own heritage. Like members of the Irish Literary Renaissance and Irish Theosophists, many of whom he knew personally, he asserted an Irish identity. They believed that the Irish sensibility was distinct and opposed to the English-Victorian obsession with facts and emphasis upon utilitarianism. The Celtic race, as constructed according to this understanding, was “ever desiring the things that lie beyond the actual.”42 The disproportionate number of Anglo-Irish involved in the Theosophical Movement – Annie Besant, William Quan Judge, Margaret and James Cousins, W.B. Yeats, AE (George Russell), and Charlotte Despard – seems to support this argument. Ashis Nandy concurs with this analysis and notes that Catholicism, which so profoundly shaped the Irish ethos, accepted “premodern or non-modern categories of thought.”43 According to Anglo-Irish Theosophist AE, the Irish “preserved with some less excellent things, a gift of vision, which has died out among more hurried and more successful nations.”44 Irish Protestants like Smythe, although Protestant, identiied with this quality of the larger Irish milieu and claimed it for themselves. Smythe, with his mystical leanings, saw the Irish as embodying a combination of the characteristics of vision and action. Arguing for his own brand of spiritually based activism, he wrote, “It is one of the deepest fallacies of our age to set over against each other as essentially opposite types, the mystic and contemplative dreamer, and the man of action. This is an unnatural divorce – as those who have read the life of Dante and St. Theresa will ind – for the intellect and senses are not contraries but complimentaries. We Irish have, perhaps, kept the secret of this medieval synthesis of character.”45 Although he often clashed with other Theosophists over this issue, he never changed his opinion and, in fact, became more political as he aged. For him, Theosophy required active engagement with the world and rejected the idea that religious beliefs and ideals should be linked to withdrawal from the world or be a strictly private affair. Smythe accepted a universalized approach to religion, and he believed the spiritual truths of all mystics and the notion that heaven was not a place but a state of mind – that the Kingdom of Heaven was to be sought within and was available to all.46 This extreme version of the reformed Protestant impulse was described by Smythe as being an effort to “seek God without priests, a revelation without prophets, a covenant written in the heart.”47 As with many Anabaptist sects, this

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approach also resulted in a radically egalitarian view of the world and contributed to his insistence that no special honours should be given to Theosophical leaders, his rejection of all messiah projects, and the movement of his political beliefs toward socialism the older that he became. Although Smythe’s worldview was shaped by his radical Protestant background, his religious beliefs were also a hybrid of Theosophical, Hindu, Buddhist, and Christian ideas. In this way, he demonstrates the eclecticism that has become the hallmark of new religious movements. He also demonstrates the “turn East” that has been discussed by various scholars.48 Victorians were increasingly exposed and open to religious and philosophical concepts that came from the East. The beliefs derived from Hinduism, which Smythe saw as central to Theosophy, were a belief in karma and a belief in the doctrine of reincarnation.49 These concepts attracted many Theosophists, as they offered compelling answers to age-old questions about theodicy and the existence of injustice in the world. For some Protestants, who by the nineteenth century were turning away from the theory of predestination taught by John Calvin, the ideas of reincarnation and karma supplied a parallel, yet more satisfactory, explanation of evil in the world.50 In an article entitled “Calvin and Karma,” Smythe argued that “freewill and predestination are but two aspects of one truth and karma includes both.”51 Smythe’s irst introduction to the theory of reincarnation came through reading Blavatsky’s Isis Unveiled (1877), and he was immediately convinced of its truth.52 Smythe accepted Blavatsky’s version of cyclic time, in which the cosmos was ruled by the law of periodicity, as evident in personal death and in the pralaya, or temporary dissolution of the universe.53 Based upon a Hindu understanding of time, this view presupposed endless and beginningless time that was divided into smaller units called yugas.54 According to this model, every being “pursues an obligatory Pilgrimage, selfimposed, through all Nature’s Kingdoms.”55 This meant that the universe in its entirety was embued with spirit and that the atman, or soul, travelled through the mineral and animal kingdoms before becoming human. According to this perspective, the law of karma acted not only upon the physical plane but also upon the mental and moral planes. However, once the soul reached human form, the individual could begin to cooperate with natural law on a conscious level.56

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The laws of karma and reincarnation presumed the universe adhered to a cosmic pattern that ensured all accounts were ultimately balanced and all individuals received their proper reward, whether in this lifetime or the next. At the same time, these laws de-emphasized the idea of a punitive God found in many strands of Christianity. The soul was seen as a “student of life,” and reincarnation presupposed a continuing evolution over many lifetimes. Smythe, like many Theosophists, believed that the theories of reincarnation and karma had actually been part of original Christian doctrine but had been misinterpreted by theologians.57 This fusion of Hindu and Christian ideas was typical of Theosophists, who believed that all religions had developed from one original wisdom tradition. The law of karma appealed to Smythe’s sensibility, as it placed responsibility for progress (another very Victorian value) in the hands of the individual. This detraditionalized idea of karma, which removed it from its Hindu basis in the caste system, itted well with the Protestant sense of individualism and self-reliance. As he wrote in 1899, “I was mainly attracted to Theosophy by the fact that it inculcated individual responsibility and effort.”58 The rate of one’s development, according to this understanding, could be increased by cultivating increased levels of consciousness through relection and study of scripture.59 Smythe, like Blavatsky, completely rejected the Christian belief in vicarious atonement. He felt that the doctrine was pernicious and resulted in a lack of responsibility, and he argued that justiication for this teaching did not exist anywhere in the New Testament.60 In this way, as Christopher Patridge notes, Western notions of progress were wedded with Hindu concepts, resulting in what he calls “an eclectic, Western occultic version of Indian thought.”61 As understood by Theosophists, the achievement of salvation or enlightenment was up to the individual, and the only redemption available was self-redemption, as it is “we who make and play the great game of life.”62 As a result, any idea of grace was discarded, and Smythe went so far as to say, “all men are potential gods, and they may enter into their inheritance, they may ignore it, they may barter it for the desires of the lesh ... but they come under the operation of the law of rebirth.”63 In Smythe’s understanding, which ended up sounding very Christian, the ultimate aim of the incarnated soul was to redeem the world of matter until it was fully spiritualized. Once the soul was completely puriied, it would be “transubstantiated into spirit.”64

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Smythe believed that the doctrines of karma and reincarnation would replace the ideas of foreordination, predestination, election, and damnation and, in so doing, would free people psychologically from “crystallized dogmas and creeds.”65 Ramsay Cook has noted the rejection of Calvinist ideas of election and damnation as part of the development of “the emergence of modernist theology.”66 Smythe argued that karma and reincarnation were in harmony both with the indings of science and with esoteric Christianity.67 This understanding also appealed to his sense of justice and fairness, and he wrote, “upon no other principle can man be reconciled to the apparent injustices of life.”68 That these were not mere philosophical abstractions for Theosophists like Smythe is revealed in a poem he wrote about the death of his twelve-year-old daughter, Mary, “Before the Burial.” The poem is saturated with grief but ends with the following lines: When thy soul shall walk the earth Clothed anew in mortal birth, May I follow through the spheres Worthy of thy love and tears!69 A belief in reincarnation and karma sustained Smythe through his own personal crises, reassuring him that there was a greater meaning behind the suffering in life. This theory also provided him with an explanation for the inequity and injustice that he perceived in the arenas of politics and economics. Like Besant, his sense of social justice was perhaps the one great engine of his activity in the world. The theory of karma assured him that there would be ultimate justice despite how things might play out in the short term. This was to come in for serious testing as he weathered the First and Second World Wars, in which his son, Conn, fought, and the Depression. Despite the fact that he drew on many Hindu philosophical ideas, Smythe rejected the practices of popular Hinduism based upon bhakti (devotion) and all of the forms of ritual that had always typiied lived Hinduism. Like so many who took the turn East, he seemed remarkably uninterested in how Hindus understood their own religion. Smythe continuously castigated the Theosophical oficials in Adyar, India, for encouraging “sacerdotalism,” which he characterized as rituals, ceremonials, and the use of priests as intercessors. All

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of the above, of course, are central to Hinduism. Again showing a Protestant bias, Smythe’s Hinduism was purely textual and philosophical, based mostly upon the teachings of Advaita Vedanta as propounded by Blavatsky. This system postulated that the atman is equivalent to Brahman (the Ultimate, the Ground of Being) but remained unaware of this fundamental identity due to avidya (ignorance).70 Shankara, the foremost philosopher of this school, also taught that God was nirguna (without attributes) and that any type of devotional religion was therefore a lesser form of knowledge.71 Smythe shared this attitude toward any form of religion that emphasized worship of a deity. This monist conception of God also itted comfortably with the Advaita Vedantin belief in the immanence of the sacred. In this respect, Smythe’s beliefs are fully congruent with what Halbfass refers to as “neo-Vedanta.”72 As a result of his understanding of Hinduism, Smythe eschewed any type of anthropomorphism, which he referrd to as “idolatry.” Taking this idea even further than the Puritans, he believed that personalized versions of the divine were for the “ignorant and weakminded.”73 The underlying and impersonal laws of the universe, according to Smythe, manifested in the world as universal unity, causation, human solidarity, karma, and reincarnation.74 This idea of a hidden pattern that underlies the cosmos accords with the Vedantic and Hindu belief in rta, or dharma, the eternal law that underlies all.75 For Smythe, this organizing factor was impersonal and was expressed through the moral and ethical order. According to him, it was the duty of individuals to discern “the scope and operation of these laws ... and to live in ethical harmony with them.”76 From this point of view, there was no room for the role of grace or a personal relationship with a deity and Smythe rejected both mainstream Hindu and Christian ritual practices and beliefs about the divine. Although many of Smythe’s views and frames of reference were Christian, his beliefs relating to Christology appear to have never been fully resolved. Throughout Smythe’s writing, Jesus was referred to consistently, but how he was understood was often contradictory. This relects an overall dilemma within Theosophy itself. Victorians had been wrestling with the issue of the historicity of Jesus as a result of Biblical Criticism and works such as Ernest Renan’s The Life of Jesus (1863).77 Two approaches to Christology accepted by Theosophy, and by Smythe, were the idea of Jesus as an avatara, or enlightened Master, and the view that the story of Jesus was a myth

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and symbolic of the evolution of the soul.78 In viewing Jesus as an example of a perfected person, Smythe was inluenced by Hinduism and Buddhism, and he wrote in an article called “The Living Christ,” “We all believe in the Living Christ. But we call It by different names and we deine it differently. Some describe the Christ as a Man. Some as a Principle. The man who is Christed becomes a Christ.”79 Those who perfected themselves were seen by Smythe as examples of the ultimate end of human spiritual evolution, the greatest such individuals being the Buddha, Krishna, and Christ.80 This concept de-emphasized the unique status of Jesus, viewing him as “initiate, adept and Master.”81 In an editorial entitled “A Scripture Class,” Smythe asserted that Jesus was a real man and “had became a Christ in the same way as Gautama became a Buddha.”82 In this view, Smythe was following the thinking of other Theosophists.83 Smythe moved between traditional and radical understandings of Jesus throughout his writing, often using whatever interpretation suited the point he was making. Regardless of the lack of consistency of his Christology, the igure of Christ was central. The seeming contradictions in Smythe’s understanding of Christ are not an isolated phenomenon, and Wouter Hanegraaf notes that the “unique metaphysical status” attributed to Christ is ubiquitous in New Age religions.84 Coming as he did from a Pietist background, Smythe’s de-emphasizing of the historical personage of Jesus is not surprising. The more radical Anabaptist groups such as the Moravians and Quakers rejected the concept of creeds and dogmas along with a clergy that acted as intercessor between God and the individual. Quakers believed in the Inner Light, which was God in each person and was available to all regardless of whether or not they were Christian.85 As a result of their taking this belief in the “priesthood of all believers” to its logical end, the promptings of this Inner Light were always the inal arbiter for individual Quakers, not any external religious structure or tradition. The emphasis of Quakers and early Methodists upon personal relection and introspection resulted in their being more open to innovation and alternative religious movements such as Spiritualism and Theosophy.86 In fact, as Graham Ward points out, this increasing gravitation of the locus of all religious authority to the individual is part of the logic of Protestantism generally.87 Spiritualists were a part of the larger movement of mainstream, liberal, American Protestantism away from the Calvinist and Puritan

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doctrines. The Spiritualists, like the Theosophists, “Shocked their contemporaries by following the national liberal trend in theology so far that it led them to question the most fundamental Protestant doctrines: the divinity of Jesus and the divine origins of the Bible.”88 Smythe himself noted the similarities between Pietists, Catholic mystics, Mormons, and Shakers in their emphasis on the “inner heart,” meaning that scripture took a subsidiary role.89 In his rejection of the unique status of Jesus, Smythe was a part of a larger trend within the radical wing of Protestantism. Another concept embraced by Smythe was the avatara doctrine derived from the Hindu tradition but given a Theosophical spin. Although there are numerous understandings of the avatara theory in Hinduism, the most famous is found in the Bhagavad Gita, where Krishna reveals his true identity as the god Vishnu. Explaining his mission to Arjuna, the hero of the epic, Krishna states, Whenever there is decline in Dharma and Ascendance of adharma then, O scion of The Bharata race I manifest myself (incarnate) In a body.90 One of the most common Hindu understandings emerging from the Vaisnavite tradition was that there had been nine avatars, including Rama and Krishna, with the tenth to appear at the completion of the world cycle.91 Theosophists adapted and expanded this concept, and Blavatsky taught that all the great sages in history, such as Jesus and the Buddha, were avataras.92 These exemplars were not seen to be identiied with the god Vishnu, as in the Hindu case, but instead were regarded as representatives of a Brotherhood of Adepts. In times of darkness, this brotherhood was believed to send one of its members into the world to “reawaken in the minds of men the spiritual, moral and ethical truths which have become obscured or forgotten.93 In the Theosophical view, then, any person who had evolved far enough upon the path could eventually become a Master/avatara. According to this understanding, Jesus had become Christ, which was a consciousness available to all advanced souls, although this was of course a rare occurrence.94 In this admixture, we see Blavatsky combining occult ideas about a hidden brotherhood with the Hindu concept of the avatara. It also demonstrates a blending of religious traditions in the idea that all religious teachers were sages

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rather than unique embodiments of the sacred. From this point of view, Jesus was one of many sages who taught the perennial philosophy.95 Smythe espoused a style of universal religiosity that rejected any claims to superiority by any tradition. In doing so, he was typically Theosophical. Throughout his career, he inveighed against the intolerance of mainstream Christians. In his article discussing the visit of evangelist and missionary John R. Mott to Toronto, he wrote that “It is perhaps more astonishing to hear a university preacher uttering such narrow views about the great religions of the world.”96 He went on to castigate evangelist D.L. Moody for his limited understanding of the “brotherhood of man.”97 Like many of his fellow Theosophsts, Smythe was one of the few to question Western and Christian notions of cultural superiority. In the pages of The Lamp, Smythe argued against missionary efforts in Australia, New Zealand, and India and defended Indian customs.98 Although, from the outside, Smythe’s beliefs might appear to be a congeries of Eastern and Western ideas, he did not perceive them in this light and viewed them as a consistent whole. The teachings of Saint Paul served as one of the central organizing principles behind Smythe’s religious thought. By interpreting Saint Paul’s teachings esoterically, Smythe was able to deploy them in order to harmonize the Hindu and Christian strands of his thinking. Like Blavatsky, Smythe considered Saint Paul to be an adept, or initiate, and asserted that he had taught the doctrine of reincarnation and karma. Smythe based his reading of Pauline philosophy upon works such as Blavatsky’s The Esoteric Character of the Gospels (1887), William Kingsland’s The Esoteric Basis of Christianity (1895), and George R.S. Mead’s Fragments of Faith Forgotten (1906).99 Smythe disputed traditional translations of many passages of the New Testament and, for instance, considered anastasis, a term used by Paul that is usually understood to mean “resurrection,” to be a reference to rebirth.100 He made the same argument about the term palingenesis, translated into English as “regeneration.”101 Smythe described Saint Paul as a Gnostic and neo-Platonist who “knew that life was a probation in which he had to attain a certain level. If he failed, he had to try again in a new reincarnation.”102 Smythe consistently quoted Saint Paul’s Letters to the Corinthians to buttress his argument that the Kingdom of Heaven was within.103 Smythe also believed that Saint Paul’s teachings agreed in principle, if not in detail, with Theosophy’s teachings, which drew on Hindu

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ideas about the subtle bodies and about the septernary nature of the layers of the gross and subtle bodies.104 In his view, Saint Paul’s references to physical, psychical, and pneumatic bodies were identical with the Theosophcial concept of the subtle bodies.105 The true self, then, resided not in the personality but in the Inner Christ, or atman, which remained unchanged over the span of many lifetimes.106 Smythe argued that Jesus had taught these esoteric doctrines to disciples but had used parables with the general public.107 These Gnostic and Theosophical interpretations of the New Testament, although anathema to most traditional Christians, were one of the ways that Theosophists like Smythe created a meeting ground where Hindu and Christian ideas could be blended. Saint Paul’s vision was viewed by Smythe as a universal one, not conined to Christianity. He argued that the belief in one Ancient Doctrine common to all religion was advocated by Saint Paul. He believed that this universalistic approach to religion would inspire tolerance rather than “religious competition and conlict,” which had characterized Christian history. The religious worldview of Albert Smythe remained consistent throughout his life. Imprinted by the Victorian-Protestant milieu from which he emerged, he approached the Victorian “crisis of faith” with a minimum of crisis. Smythe’s Anabaptist-Protestant religious background gave him the lexibility and openness to engage with the ideas of other religions. Also, as a member of a Protestant minority in an overhwhelmingly Catholic country, he developed a more permeable sense of identity. As a result, he did not feel it was necessary to completely reject or revile the religion of his childhood. Rather, he embraced a syncretic approach. By focusing upon the mystical traditions of all traditions, which he believed were identical to one another, Smythe could emphasize the similarities while steering clear of dogma. He did not accept the traditional idea that Christianity was the only means to salvation and accepted the Theosophical idea that the essential and esoteric message of all religions was the same.108 Smythe rejected the Calvinist belief in eternal damnation or original sin, and he possessed a typically Victorian and optimistic view of human nature and the perfectability of humanity. The doctrine of karma itted well with this outlook, affording as it did endless time for the individual to evolve and attain enlightenment. In turn, as Hanegraaf points out, this doctrine itted in neatly with the overarching Victorian ideas of progress and evolution.109 This egalitarian,

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ethical, and optimistic view of humanity was the driving force behind all of Smythe’s varied activities in the world. Smythe’s opinions of the political and economic spheres were shaped by these principles, and he struggled throughout his life to express them in concrete form. Smythe also believed in the necessity of “rigid sexual purity” in order to make progress, grafting his own Puritanical values onto ideas about celibacy in the Hindu tradition.110 Despite the fact that Smythe greatly admired the poetry and ideas of Walt Whitman, he did not share Whitman’s relaxed attitude about sexuality. He remained a Victorian throughout his life and inveighed against those who succumbed to the left-hand path of tantra.111 In his view, all individuals decided from moment to moment whether they would yield to the “seduction of sense” or choose ignorance over awareness.112 In many ways, Smythe’s work ran parallel to that of the Social Gospellers, who strove to build a New Jerusalem on earth and whose work had such an impact on social welfare in Canada.113 He shared with them an optimism about the regeneration of both individuals and society, a belief in brotherhood, and concerns about the increasing gap between the rich and the poor in Canada. Smythe too was active in a variety of reform causes and participated with all of the proselytizing zeal bequeathed to him by his Christian background. The gospel that he wished to spread, however, was of a more inclusive nature, as he acknowledged that the Kingdom of Heaven was open to all.

Of Utopias and Messiahs: Albert Smythe and the Role of Religion in the World Although Albert Smythe’s spiritual views changed remarkably little during his lifetime, his ideas regarding how they were to be translated into reality went through a number of stages. His conception of how Theosophy could inluence society was shaped both by the internal forces of the Theosophical movement and by the political and social world of a rapidly changing Canadian milieu. As head of the Toronto Theosophical Society, and later of the Canadian section, he was engaged with all the larger debates taking place within the Theosophical Society. Following the death of Helena Blavatsky in 1891 and the formation of new Theosophical bodies, Smythe was forced to choose between not only different models of leadership but also different conceptions of polity. These disputes about the nature of authority

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within the movement and about differing theories of organization constantly threatened the stability of the Theosophical Society. Smythe’s opinions shifted during the succession of the American section and the rise of Katherine Tingley, whose style of leadership was more autocratic. By the latter half of his career, Smythe’s position had solidiied into a steadfast belief in the maximum amount of autonomy for all Theosophists and Theosophical lodges. Until the end of his life, he argued against the centralization of power at Adyar and lobbied for full freedom of expression for all Theosophists. Two struggles within the Theosophical movement that crystallized – and demonstrated the arc of – Smythe’s ideological journey are the cases of Katherine Tingley and Brother XII. These two charismatic igures highlight some of the tensions within the Theosophy movement, which was often perched precariously between being a Victorian-Edwardian study group and debating society and a fullledged religion complete with a messiah. Although some Thesophists of a more rationalist mindset, such as Smythe, wished the Theosophical Society to be run much like any other voluntary society, others with more mystical temperaments preferred the Besantine approach. Joy Dixon has noted this divide and argues that this tension was never resolved.114 The events following Willian Quan Judge’s decision to remove the American section from the authority of Adyar and his subsequent early death immediately affected the Theosophical Society and forced Smythe to begin to determine his own ideas about the direction that the movement should take as he witnessed the rise of the “Purple Mother.”

Purple Demonstrations in Toronto the Good As discussed in chapter 2, after the split within the tts, the secessionists, led by Albert Smythe, held their irst meeting of the newly christened Beaver branch of the Theosophical Society in America on 12 June 1895.115 Having had scarcely a year to recover from the effects of the schism, the Beaver branch received notice of the death of Judge in New York in March 1896. In response to this loss, and clearly recognizing the threat posed to the new American section by his premature death, Smythe drafted an open letter expressing the branch’s belief that “such a loss entails upon every member a redoubled responsibility and increasing earnestness and devotion in the cause for which he laid down his life.”116 As a result of Judge’s

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unexpected death, the American organization was destabilized at a crucial point in its development. This power vacuum played directly into the plans of a powerful igure who was waiting in the wings. Katherine Tingley, like Blavatsky, is a mysterious igure, and historians have found it dificult to document her career prior to her appearance in the world of Theosophy. What seems certain is that she was born in Massachusetts, married twice, and had likely been a professional actress. Tingley was involved with the Spiritualist movement just prior to being introduced to Theosophy. She irst met William Judge in 1894 while she was running a soup kitchen for striking workers in New York City as a part of her Do-Good Mission.117 Like many Theosophists, her activities combined participation in social reform movements with an interest in esoteric religion and mysticism. After this irst meeting with the president of the American section, she rapidly became a close conidante of Judge, and when he became ill she positioned herself to take control of the American section. Using the tried and true method of asserting that her position was supported by the Masters and using her Spiritualist past, she convinced key people in the American section that she was channelling messages from both the Masters and Judge after his death. Following her irst public appearance, where she was swathed in a purple veil, Tingley embarked upon a “World Crusade” in which she attempted to consolidate her power base as leader of the American section of the Theosophical Society both at home and abroad. The crusade was also meant to address the growing power of Annie Besant. Although Henry Steel Olcott was still oficially president of the Theosophical Society based at Adyar, he was often ill, and Besant was his obvious successor. However, this attempt at what Penny Waterstone describes as “US Theosophical Imperialism”118 was unsuccessful. Tingley was a charismatic speaker who became known to her followers as the Purple Mother, but she was no match for Annie Besant, who was internationally known. Tingley had no real support outside of the United States and scant regard for Indian philosophy. Unsurprisingly, this attitude did not make her any friends in India, and after the crusade of 1897, she desisted from any further attempts to challenge Besant on her own turf in India or Britain. Nethercott refers to this episode in Theosophical history as “The Clash of the Amazons,”119 as Besant embarked on a tour of the United States and Canada, her rival’s centre of power, during the same period.

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Katherine Tingley’s crusade rolled into Toronto in April 1897, and lectures at the Princess Theatre attracted an audience of 1,500.120 Addresses were given by E.S. Hargrove, H.B. Patterson, and the Reverend W. Williams and followed by a reception held in Tingley’s honour. The Toronto paper the Evening Star was apparently not as impressed as some Theosophists with Tingley and company and ran a cartoon featuring a caricature of her as a huge igure dwaring her male colleagues. Clearly skeptical of Judge’s credentials and, by extension, of Tingley’s, the cartoon showed a igure behind her pointing to a scroll that listed “The Great Leaders of Theosophy” as Buddha, Christ, Socrates, and William Quan Judge.121 Despite the success of her appearance in Toronto, Smythe’s patience with the new leader was already wearing thin and the growing tension within the American section, led by Tingley, was becoming public. Smythe struggled valiantly to remain faithful to the capricious Tingley until 1897, when he mutinied. Although it is dificult to discern exactly what happened between Smythe and the Purple Mother, there was clearly antipathy on both sides. Smythe, who disappeared abruptly from the minutes of the Beaver branch and shut down The Lamp in January 1897, appears to have undergone a crisis. This trouble was related to inancial and family problems as well as to challenges within the Theosophical Society. He reminisced about this period in the Canadian Theosophist in 1920: [A]fter 18 months in Ireland in the days of the origin of the literary revival under W.B. Yeats, George W. Russell and the Dublin group, [I] lectured from January to May 1889 all over the U.S. from New York to San Diego, winding up in Point Loma. [My] brand of Theosophy was not acceptable to Mrs Tingely, who then expelled [me] and [my] friend D.N. Dunlop ... After this “purple” demonstration Mrs Tingely announced in her magazine that [I] would be either insane or dead in a year. Her occult forces appear to have miscarried.122 Smythe might have been considering a move to the Point Loma community,123 and this episode threw him into a temporary state of disorientation. Relations between the Purple Mother and the Beaver branch rapidly deteriorated, and in December 1899 Tingley sent a letter to “Lodge Number 49 of the Universal Brotherhood” (her designation

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for the Beaver branch) that revoked its charter. The Beaver branch retaliated by declaring 27 December to be Independence Day for the Beaver Theosophical Society.124 The changes that resulted in the withdrawal of the charter had been brewing for many years. Katherine Tingley had been systematically changing both the form and function of the American Theosophical Society since the moment of her assumption of power. At the 1898 convention of the American section of the Theosophical Society, Tingley made herself “Leader and Oficial Head for Life,” and motions were passed giving her power to appoint or remove oficers.125 At this juncture, Tingley renamed the organization the Universal Brotherhood and Theosophical Society. These changes moved the society in the direction of practical philanthropy, away from the study of the occult, and toward a more centralized, less democratic form of governance.126 Tingley also continued the shift west inaugurated by Judge, and under her leadership the American section was almost entirely purged of any connection with India. Waterstone, a historian of the Point Loma community, argues that this change was an attempt to move Theosophy into mainstream discourse and to protect it from “ridicule.”127 Tingley showed herself to be more interested in social and educational reform, with her efforts directed at “replacing Eastern esoteric knowledge with plain American commonsense.”128 Tingley appeared mostly uninterested in Indian religions and philosophy, and any activity related to India was strictly philanthropic, supporting causes such as Indian famine relief.129 Like the Christian missionaries, Tingley appears to have felt that India had little to offer the Western world. At this stage, Tingley’s long-term plan began to take shape. Henceforth, her considerable energies would be poured into efforts to construct an ideal society at Point Loma, California, where “a renewed humanity could be nurtured.”130 W. Michael Ashcraft asserts that Tingley’s aspirations were a part of the larger sense of millennial movement and that Tingley, along with many others, was convinced that “the times were pregnant with new, unfolding possibilities.”131 Numerous Utopian experiments had been essayed in the United States throughout the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, and Peter Washington calls Point Loma “perhaps the most magniicent of the many Utopian communities.”132 Tingley’s plan for her city was broad in scope and included a publishing house, experimental farming techniques, and a boarding school.

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In her history and analysis of Point Loma, Waterstone traces Tingley’s idea for a “city on the hill” to Puritan John Winthrop’s dream in the seventeenth century.133 Toronto Theosophists, who had run afoul of their leader, compared her to another Utopian, Thomas Lake Harris,134 in unlattering terms. This comparison to a demagogue was not without justiication, as Tingley maintained ultimate control over the colony, all property was held in her name, and she handpicked those allowed to live at Point Loma.135 At its peak, Point Loma was home to 500 members, but it was never self-supporting, and Tingley relied on donations from wealthy members.136 Although Katherine Tingley’s core band of faithful signed on for this experiment in communal living, both her methods and her aims were out of sympathy with many members of the Theosophical Society, especially those in Canada. The Canadian tradition had no precedent for the creation of a Utopian society, and members of the Beaver branch resented Tingley’s increasingly dictatorial decisions. Finding it dificult to control her far-lung organization, Tingley systematically expelled members and dissolved lodges that questioned the changes she was making to the society.137 In 1900 the entire staff of the New York headquarters of the society moved to Point Loma, and in 1904 the public work of the lodges was eliminated entirely.138 The Beaver branch in Toronto was one of the lodges that refused to submit to Tingley’s form of centralized control and thus was dissolved by iat.139 The conlict became increasingly personal between Tingley and Smythe, and in The Lamp Smythe listed intimidation, a system of spies, character assassination, threats of lawsuits, and threats of a loss of karmic progress as parts of the arsenal deployed by those at Point Loma to silence their opposition.140 Smythe seems to have withstood these psychic and epistolary onslaughts, for as he stated, “I was not afraid of anything or anybody.”141 In rejecting Katherine Tingley’s program, Smythe rejected both an autocratic, nondemocratic form of leadership and the Utopian/communal ideas that had always found fertile soul in the United States. Smythe cleaved to the model adopted by Canadian Social Gospellers of striving to inluence mainstream society rather than withdrawing from it. Although Smythe resolved the issue regarding charismatic authority to his own satisfaction, it continued to be an ongoing point of controversy within both the international Theosophical movement and the Canadian section.

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Many Theosophists who were interested in the occult and the esoteric were of a more mystical-ecstatic personality type and so were often attracted to the various self-proclaimed prophets who arose periodically throughout the “messianic twenties.” Annie Besant was herself of this type and promoted her own messiah in the form of Krishnamurti. The issue of charistmatic authority recurred with particular force and even closer to home with the arrival of Brother XII in Canada. Smythe was once again faced with an opponent who was magnetic and authoritative and whose claims threatened to explode the existing structures of the Theosophical Society in Canada.

The Aquarian Age Cut Short: Albert Smythe and Brother XII The second contretemps that Smythe faced with a charismatic leader preaching a Utopian message resulted in a crisis that threatened to destroy the Canadian Theosophical movement. Just as relations with Adyar were settling into something like a détente, Canadian Theosophists were faced with the advent of another messiah. Edward Arthur Wilson, or Brother XII, as he styled himself, passed through the Canadian scene rather like March coming in like a lamb and leaving like a lion. Originally from England and a sea captain, he announced that he was a chela (disciple) of one of Blavatsky’s Theosophical Masters, under whose auspices he wrote books and tracts.142 This Master, according to Wilson, was the twelfth of the “Great White Lodge,” and so he, as a follower, had been renamed Brother XII. According to Wilson, his mission was to revive the original message of Helena Blavatsky, which he said had been lost as a result of inighting in the Theosophical movement. Brother XII also believed, like many Theosophists, that the world was entering a New Age that he predicted would be preceded by an era of chaos and destruction.143 His teachings were millenarian, and he predicted the imminent collapse of the world order in the form of wars, anarchy, and Bolshevism.144 In response to this looming crisis, Brother XII created an organization called the Aquarian Foundation in order to gather workers who would be “Pioneers of a New Race” and who would usher in the Age of Aquarius.145 Brother XII bolstered his claims by using Blavatsky’s concept of root races and her claim that the coming sixth subrace would occur in North America.146 As a result, Brother XII decided to move his foundation to Canada from England and to settle in southern

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British Columbia.147 Brother XII had ambitious plans for his colony and told his followers, “it will be the center of spiritual energy and knowledge for the whole continent of North America.”148 One of his alleged messages from the Great White Lodge was printed in the Canadian Theosophist. Brother XII announced that great changes were coming and that “the nations of Europe in particular are upon the threshold of a vast upheaval, and all over the world there are drastic and far-reaching changes ... There will be a great outpouring of spiritual power but before this can be accomplished the Masters must have a vessel into which Their Power can be poured – a reservoir of Light and Energy available for all who strive to realize Brotherhood, to attain inner illumination.”149 Included with the missive was a caveat from Smythe noting that members of the tts had recommended its publication but warning that all readers should use their own “experience, reason and discrimination” regarding the message.150 Apparently, Brother XII resented even the hint of skepticism on Smythe’s part and wrote a letter to the Canadian Theosophist castigating the general secretary of the Canadian Theosophical Society for his temerity. He included another message, which he asserted was the “trumpet blast of the New Age,” and underneath his signature wrote, “The Master’s personal Chela K.”151 The offended prophet arrived in Canada in the spring of 1927 and was greeted enthusiastically by Theosophists in Montreal. From there, he and his disciples travelled to Ottawa in March 1927, where he gave a lecture to the Ottawa lodge of the Theosophical Society.152 He told his audience that they would form a “select mental and spiritual aristocracy” if they decided to join him in his mission.153 This presentation was so convincing that almost the entire membership of the Ottawa lodge joined his foundation. From Ottawa, Brother XII travelled to Toronto and gave several talks at the tts.154 Two members of the Toronto lodge agreed to join Brother XII in his work, which consisted in helping him to build a “centre of safety” in British Columbia.155 This colony was to be the sacred remnant that would survive the coming world crisis and lead Western civilization into the New Age. The campaign to set up this community met with similar success at Theosophical lodges in Hamilton, London, and Windsor.156 By this stage, Albert Smythe’s patience was exhausted, and he began to openly attack Brother XII. In an article entitled “The Blind Leading the Blind,” Smythe characterized Brother XII as a wolf in sheep’s clothing who was waging an “insidious campaign to break

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up the TS” and to draw the members away to his own organization.157 Smythe, who clearly considered himself a Canadian by this point, deemed Brother XII an “alien” who was unaware of the Canadian political and social climate and its “cosmopolitan ideals.”158 Smythe had obviously read Brother XII’s publication The Chalice and noted its marked anti-Catholic and anti-Jewish bias. Smythe went on to say that a plan to set different religious groups at each other’s throats violated the Theosophical principle of brotherhood.159 Smythe called Brother XII a fraud and lamented that Canadians would fall for the blandishments of such a charlatan.160 Brother XII responded in the pages of The Chalice with even more vitriol. Countering Smythe’s claims, he accused the general secretary of breaking up the Canadian Theosophical Society due to his highhanded behaviour.161 Brother XII called Smythe a “jesuitical prevaricator” and a “monster of hatred,” saying, “this man will die, choked with the lies he utters ... the man is already dead to truth, to honour, and to Brotherhood ... Albert E.S. Smythe has made the Theosophical Society in Canada a house of lies.”162 No doubt inured to psychic death threats after the Tingley affair, Smythe appears to have remained unmoved by Brother XII’s prediction that “the lower astral worlds yawned” for him.163 Smythe had essentially won at this point, as he had goaded his opponent into publicly showing his true colours. Other leaders in the Theosophical world such as Henry N. Stokes, editor of the inluential Oriental and Esoteric Library Critic, rallied behind Smythe, denouncing Brother XII as a charlatan.164 The inal act in the story of Brother XII was played out at his colony on Vancouver Island, where he amassed a fortune through the donations of wealthy followers. He wielded absolute power over his acolytes until some of his followers began to question his methods. He was ultimately run aground by the de rigueur sex scandal that seems to be the fate of so many self-proclaimed prophets. Brother XII’s liaison with a married woman divided the members of the Aquarian Foundation, as did his assertion that the child they were to have would be the next World Teacher, or avatar.165 In October 1928 three members of the group began legal proceedings against Brother XII, charging him with misuse of funds.166 Some of the followers remained loyal, but Brother XII grew increasingly paranoid, building up an arsenal at the colony and exhibiting erratic behaviour.167 Members of the community, including elderly women, were given strenuous and sometimes dangerous tasks to perform. Others were

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paired up against their wishes on the orders of Brother XII, who decreed that this would allow them to access their kundalini energy.168 The whole situation was inally resolved in 1932 when another lawsuit iled against Brother XII caused him to lee to Switzerland, where he died in 1934.169 Back in Toronto, Albert Smythe had been attempting to ignore the entire subject, but in a short note in the Canadian Theosophist in November 1929 he had noted with some sarcasm, “There is nothing to be said about recent events in Vancouver Island. We warned the members and they generally accepted the warning. It is astonishing how money pours into the coffers of those who are out to deceive people, and how little is contributed to a society which works for Theosophy and nothing else and whose oficials receive no pay and look for no reward.”170 Looking back over the debacle in 1933, Smythe recalled that all attempts to deter his fellow Theosophists had merely resulted in estrangement.171 The vagaries of Brother XII’s career also resulted in the almost complete collapse of the Theosophical Society in Ottawa.172 Smythe’s skirmishes with both Katherine Tingley and Brother XII show clearly his evolving ideas about leadership and the role of Theosophy in society. They also reveal his attitude toward utopian colonies so popular in the United States. Robert Hines describes these communities as pilot projects that sought to “establish a new social pattern based upon a vision of the ideal society.”173 Of course, the ultimate template for these communities was a Christian one that had gained momentum after the Protestant Reformation.174 The attraction of this form of community for Theosophists was a natural one, as many of them came from liberal and/or Anabaptist backgrounds. Overall, Theosophists were also idealistic and extremely optimistic about human nature, and they held beliefs about cooperation and a nonindividualist ethic, all of which made them sympathetic to the Utopian vision. However, Theosophists were divided regarding the desirability of withdrawal from larger society as an effective way of spreading Theosophical ideals. The two strands continued to exist within the movement, as illustrated in the case of Brother XII, and were an ongoing subject of debate. The issue was resolved deinitely for Albert Smythe after he himself lirted with the idea of moving to Point Loma as a result of his conlicts with Katherine Tingely. Referring to Annie Besant’s advocacy of the building of Theosophical

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schools, he wrote in 1920, “Mrs. Tingley has practiced segregation with the deliberate object of wrecking the Theosophical movement ... Are we not in danger of narrowing down our interests to the circle of our society and our enquiries and pursuits and personalities of those who belong to it, when the original idea was to gradually ‘leaven the great mass of thinking and intelligent people’ with its large-minded and noble ideas of Religion, Duty and Philanthropy? People will not go to the segregated communities. We must go to them.”175 Smythe was also not in sympathy with the creation of a Theosophical university at Krotona, California, which was proposed by the American section in 1920.176 He argued that public universities were already removed enough and in danger of losing touch with mainstream society. This question of whether communal separation was the most effective means of practising Theosophy continued to cause discussion throughout the movement. In 1935 an article appeared in the Canadian Theosophist in which the writer concluded that since people were at different stages of spiritual development, the dificulties in maintaining a closed community were insurmountable.177 Smythe believed that Theosophists should remain within the wider public sphere of the larger society, and in this respect his views mirrored the broader Canadian pattern, which tended to move political discourse to the middle ground, eschewing all extremes of left or right.178 For Smythe, there was no perfect place to be found on earth, and according to his view, living within normal conditions was a part of the soul’s training since the “initiations of life come through our daily circumstances and experiences.”179 Albert Smythe believed that Theosophy should beneit all of society and that the best way to achieve this end was to engage fully with others regardless of religious afiliation. He embraced a cosmopolitan form of Theosophy that allowed for diversity of opinion and took a pragmatic, rather than Utopian, approach. In this respect, Smythe was typically Canadian and, like others of Protestant background, more concerned with the implementation of ideas on a broad scale in society.180 His aim was for Theosophy to “permeate the thought of the age.”181 According to this way of thinking, numbers were not important, and he wrote, “if we had ten men wholly devoted, unalterably pledged to Universal Brotherhood, our movement would leaven the whole nation.”182 Smythe’s views on Theosophical organization and the role of religion vis-à-vis the larger world were

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shaped by the “purple episode” of 1896, when he witnessed Tingley’s speedy dismantling of the democratic structures of the society. This outcome irredeemably hardened his attitude against dictorial forms of religious leadership and against Utopian forms of religious organization.

The Toronto Theosophical Society after Albert Smythe Following the death of Albert Smythe in 1947, the tts continued to function in much the same way as always. It maintained its publication of the Toronto Theosophical News, its Sunday lecture series, which was a feature from the nineteenth century, and its weekly study classes. The election of veteran George Kinman as president in 1947, a position he maintained until his death in 1967, contributed to the stability of the lodge. Barbara Treloar, who joined the tts in the 1950s, remembers president Kinman and vice-president Dudley Barr as an effective team that oversaw all the activities of the lodge. She recalls that both were charismatic public speakers.183 The tts remained in the three-storey house at 52 Isabella Street throughout the 1950s, with librarian Madeline Hindsley living on the premises.184 In the mid-1960s the lodge was approached by developers who wished to buy the property. The 1960s were a time of frenzied and uncontrolled development in Toronto, and so the property at 52 Isabella went the way of so many beautiful buildings in Toronto. Walking in the area, one is confronted with the sight of unsightly highrises in an area Greg Gatenby quite rightly calls an “urban planning disaster,” lamenting that one does not even have the “satisfaction of knowing that someone went to jail for this outrage.”185 The members of the tts were assured by developers that they would retain rooms as renters in the new structure when it was completed. As a result, they found temporary accommodations at 310 Dupont Street. When it became apparent they would not be given space at 52 Isabella, they purchased a former Baptist Church at 12 MacPherson Avenue in 1970. These premises eventually proved unsatisfactory, and the tts moved to 109 Dupont Street in 1988, where it remains currently. Membership numbers at the tts remained high throughout the 1950s and 1960s, and there were 170 members in 1969. The lodge maintained its inancial security due to astute money management and the frequent receipt of legacies from members.186

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By the 1970s, however, the tts had developed an approach more sympathetic to establishment values than to the counterculture and was no longer in step with the cultural changes of the times. Librarian Nellie Potter, no doubt referring to a hippie interested in eastern philosophy, commented in 1967 that the “present type of young person has never been encountered before.” She added that “some of them are voluntary beggars and make no claim to respectability.” The librarian went on to state that these young people needed to be guarded against, as they could provide no ixed address and, much to her dismay, were living in groups. Despite the fact that Theosophists themselves had once been viewed with hostility, they now clearly saw no commonality between the their beliefs and activities and those of the emerging counterculture. The attitude to the tts is also revealed by correspondence carried on between the lodge and Vijay Agnew, a representative of the Multicultural History Society (mhs), in 1978. Agnew informed the tts that the mhs wished to collect and preserve “materials relating to immigrant groups ... and ethnic organizations such as yours.” He also felt sure that the tts would want to ensure that its contribution to the “social, cultural and political life of Ontario” was recorded.187 The reply from the secretary of the tts, Joan Suttcliffe, was terse and stated that the tts was interested in higher wisdom and comparative religion “rather than dwelling on distinctions of a cultural nature.” She went on to say that the tts had nothing to offer the museum.188 Along with the tts’s lack of connection to “ethnic” communities, this interchange indicates its apolitical stance and its movement away from the community, or political, activism of the past to become strictly a place for esoteric study. Membership numbers remained stable until a steep drop occurred in the late 1970s, with the total hitting thirty-ive in 1989. In the early 1990s the tts became embroiled in a debate with Adyar and in 1992 was oficially excommunicated by international president Radha Burnier. During the conlict, the Canadian section acknowledged that it had always been the black sheep in the society due to its “Back to Blavatsky” stance. Following the break from Adyar, the process of fragmentation continued, and currently the tts constitutes the only remaining member of the former Canadian section. The membership of the tts as of 2003 stood at ifty-two. Members publish a newsletter, continue to run a library, offer lectures, and run study groups from their location on Dupont Street.189 However,

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according to secretary Roger Middleton, the focus is now on group study rather than lectures. There is now more interest in the works of Alice Bailey, a former Theosophist who started her own group, known as the Arcane School. The activities of the tts include study groups on kabala, the nature of the soul, and creative meditation.190 The present tts, although still interested in Indian philosophy, bears little resemblance to the one that gathered in 1891. It is now strictly concerned with the study of philosophy and is apolitical and disinterested in engaging with the larger social and economic issues of Canadian society. The group does, however, retain an interest in astrology, psychology, mysticism, and at least in the abstract sense, the universal brotherhood of humanity.

6 Conclusions: Implications of the New Age

Caught in the classic Canadian triangle of international versus American inluence, from its inception, the Toronto Theosophical Society (tts) chose to walk its own road. In fact, the many controversies between the tts and American and British/Indian Theosophists forced it to establish its own identity. Although the Toronto Theosophical Society always remained closely connected with the international networks, it developed along unique lines due to the intellectual, social, and political dynamics at work in Canada. The personality and cultural background of members such as Albert Smythe contributed greatly to this tendency of the tts to chart its own course. Smythe believed in a particular and separate dharma, or destiny, for Canadian Theosophy that was neither American nor English. This distinct identity was to ind its expression in politics, in the arts, and in social life. In this conviction, the tts mirrored and contributed to the growing sense of Canadian nationalism that was a feature of the larger culture after the First World War. At the time of its founding in 1891, the membership of the tts was drawn from the occult underground described by James Webb in The Flight from Reason.1 Toronto Theosophists were interested in a wide variety of topics, including alternative religions such as  Spiritualism, women’s suffrage, labour issues, public health, alternative medicine, and esoterica that included tarot and astrology. The early membership of the tts reveals a strong interest in

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social reform. Smythe characterized himself and his fellows as “cranks,” a term used to denote those interested in health reform, vegetarianism and dietary experiments of various kinds, socialism, and progressive causes, including labour politics and women’s suffrage. Interest in this broad array of issues was not an unusual phenomenon in Toronto during this period, as it was a “centre of radical opinion” throughout the 1890s.2 The tts attracted a number of “New Women,” such as Emily Stowe, Augusta Stowe-Gullen, and Flora MacDonald Denison. However, as a result of tts president Albert Smythe’s insistence on a “Back to Blavatsky” position within the lodge, the tts never underwent the transformation that Joy Dixon describes as the “feminization” of Theosophy.3 Both Dixon and Jill Roe have noted the inluence of international president Annie Besant on the development of “theosophical feminism.”4 However, the tts, under the leadership of Albert Smythe, remained a sort of discussion and debating society rather than an esoterically based mystical fraternity/sorority and did not foster the leadership potential of women. Although three of the ive charter members were women, throughout the course of its history, women rarely held positions of power. Albert Smythe appears to have had extremely conventional beliefs regarding gender roles despite his radical political beliefs, and throughout his presidency women worked strictly in a support capacity and on committees traditionally associated with women, such as those organizing social events. The fundraising activities of the women of the tts were vital to the survival of the lodge during the Depression, but they were rarely rewarded with positions of authority such as membership on the General Executive of the lodge. An overview of the founding members of the tts reveals that all came from liberal Protestant, particularly Methodist, or dissenting Protestant backgrounds. The makeup shows congruence with groups such as the Baha’i communities and with the Vedanta Society in the United States.5 Those who joined the tts tended to be Protestants interested in alternative religious ideas such as New Thought, Spiritualism, and Christian Science. Toronto Theosophists also demonstrated “soft boundaries” in terms of religious commitment, and members often retained a Christian afiliation along with a Theosophical membership.6 Because so many of the Toronto Theosophists were from dissenting Protestant backgrounds, they tended to be unsympathetic to a number of the campaigns emitting from Adyar, India, such as the

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Liberal Catholic Church, which they found to be too uncomfortably Catholic. The activist, Protestant cast of Toronto also had a deinitive effect upon Toronto Theosophists and lent an activist, reforming impulse to their religious expression. This interest in social reform placed them in close sympathy with members of the Christian Social Gospel movement. From the beginning, the tts attracted an inordinate number of journalists, and Albert Smythe, Phillips Thompson, Roy Mitchell, and Flora MacDonald Denison were all prominent writers on the Toronto scene. Many of these writers were brought on board by Smythe through his newspaper connections. Journalists had found Theosophy attractive from the time of the founding of the Theosophical Society, and Helena Blavatsky, Henry Steel Olcott, and Annie Besant continued to write for the mainstream press throughout their careers. As Diana Burield has noted, by the late nineteenth century, journalism had become a part of a “new salariat of: civil servants, journalists and clerks.”7 The inluence of journalists was felt particularly in the tts due to the pivotal role played by Albert Smythe in the Toronto lodge. Smythe had a highly idealistic sense of the worth of his profession and wrote in the Theosophical publication The Lamp that “the true journalist is as far possible from being a news monger. He is a seer, a leader and a just man.”8 In upholding this standard, Theosophical publications were a part of what Mark Morrison refers to as “counter-public spheres” and a forum for the most radical opinions of the day.9 The subject matter of The Lamp reveals the spectrum of the interests of Toronto Theosophists and their understanding of themselves as participants in the key social reform and religious movements of the time. The contents of this publication remained eclectic throughout its run, and articles expressed typical Theosophical disapproval of Christian missionary activity. The Toronto Theosophists were a part of a small minority in the West during the Victorian period who questioned the idea of the superiority of Western civilization and religion. Smythe went so far as to criticize Christian missionaries and to champion Hinduism. The dailies that had sprung up in Toronto were important platforms for those wishing to inluence public opinion and argue their various causes. The inluence of print media was clearly grasped by members of the tts, and Smythe wrote, “one editor has more inluence than a score of parsons.”10 During this period, Toronto was the

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newspaper capital of Canada, and Theosophists were quick to realize the necessity of having their own paper. As Joy Dixon notes in her work on Theosophy in England, Theosophists were extremely sophisticated in their use of media and publicity. Unlike the members of avowedly grassroots movements like Spiritualism, they demonstrated “bureaucratic managerial eficiency, effective advertising, and a lare for the theatrical.”11 The Toronto Theosophists were active participants in what Ramsay Cook describes as the ield of “dissenting journalism.”12 In many ways, the tts was shaped by controversies being played out in the world of international Theosophy. Despite trying to remain neutral, Toronto Theosophists were often forced into taking sides in various disputes. The push and pull between continental and international inluences was irst experienced by the tts in the controversy over the succession of William Quan Judge. Although the resulting controversy resulted in a split within the tts, both the tts and the Beaver branch ultimately rejected the continental focus of Judge and his successor, Katherine Tingley. Tingley’s move away from the esoteric aspects of Theosophy, dictatorial style of governance, and interest in founding a Utopian community did not resonate with the majority of Toronto Theosophists. In looking back on this period in 1929, Albert Smythe said of the Judge schism that “the irst split should have been avoided at almost any cost.”13 According to Smythe, the irst schism set in motion a separatist tendency that went on to weaken the Theosophical movement as a whole.14 Toronto Theosophists also revealed a continuing skepticism toward charismatic leaders in their refusal to participate in the Utopian community founded by Brother XII. The controversy over Charles Webster Leadbeater and the messiah project built around Krishnamurti highlighted points of tension within the movement and the increasing power wielded by Adyar, particularly Annie Besant. The reaction and continued opposition of the tts show, however, that it refused to be swayed either by Adyar or by the leaders of the American section. Albert Smythe was one of her most vocal opponents, and he established the reputation of the tts as a “Back to Blavatsky” lodge. The tts sponsored and oversaw the creation of a separate Canadian section. Smythe stated that the independence of lodges in Canada had “always preserved the independent and democratic spirit of the original constitution.”15 He wrote, with some pride, that no other nation had as “clear a

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conception of the aim of the Theosophical masters which the ts in Canada supported.”16 For Smythe, the ideal was to chart a middle way between an extreme of grassroots organization and a highly bureaucratized and centralized model. Roy Mitchell outlined the ideal for the Canadian section: “It is my irm belief, based on many years’ observation of the government of national Theosophical bodies, that the Canadian lodges should strive to reduce centralization to a workable minimum. An analogy of the new organization should be found in the loose yet effective tie which unites these Canadian provinces into a Dominion.”17 This form of governance was maintained, according to Mitchell, by an “easy but powerful bond.”18 Despite a commitment to maintaining its independence, the tts also retained an international focus. It participated in the larger world of Theosophy, which provided speakers and supported the tts at crucial points in its development. Access to popular lecturers like Countess Constance Wachmeister and Annie Besant after the irst schism allowed the tts to recover from the effects of the split. As a result of the ethnic makeup of the lodge, with many members coming from the United Kingdom, Toronto Theosophists were always aware of the wider political world. Following the general Canadian pattern, members of the tts did not advocate for North American isolationism. During the 1930s members of the tts brought their Theosophical beliefs to bear upon the issues of global economics and the rise of fascism. The Canadian Theosophist, with Albert Smythe as editor, served as a forum for some of the most radical opinions in the Canadian spectrum during this period. This struggle contributed to a growing sense of Canadian identity, gaining momentum particularly after the First World War. The Theosophical stance, which rejected parochialism but insisted upon sovereignty, proved extremely attractive to artists and reformers who were attempting to imagine a Canadian nation distinct from both the United States and Britain. The tts was, without a doubt, the driving force behind the larger Theosophical movement within Canada. By 1920 the lodge had expanded and diversiied its activities. With its large membership, lecture hall, control of the national magazine, and dedicated and talented members, the lodge was well positioned to take a leadership role. The Canadian section reached its maximum membership of 844 in 1922, with the tts remaining the largest lodge in the country.19 That Toronto was the centre of Theosophy in Canada is

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unsurprising for a variety of reasons. Toronto was a large, cosmopolitan, and Protestant city, and as Roe notes in her work on Theosophy in Australia, the Theosophical Society’s work was popular only in cities like Sydney.20 Those living in the harsh conditions of the Australian or Canadian countryside had little use for the esoteric and often radical beliefs of Theosophy. Although Montreal was the larger of the two Canadian cities during this period, it was deeply Catholic, and the Catholic ban on Theosophy kept it in a marginal position. Despite its social conservatism, Toronto was large and diverse enough to allow the Theosophical Society to gain a foothold. The second largest branch, the Vancouver lodge, was successful for the same reasons. Toronto also had a pool of immigrants, many from the United Kingdom, who had been exposed to Theosophy in their native countries. That Toronto was part of a postcolonial nation is an important element in understanding the growth of Theosophy in Toronto. Theosophists like Albert Smythe and Flora MacDonald Denison revered Walt Whitman, who asserted that the New World was as important as the Old.21 Theosophy, with its theories of nations and their particular destinies as developed by Blavatsky, contributed to the feeling that Canadian Theosophists had a speciic role to play in world evolution. According to Blavatsky, North America would be home to a new, more spiritual race, and as Michele Lacombe points out, this helped Canadian Theosophists to resolve the conlict of “conlicting claims made by nationalism and continentalism.”22 Canada, lacking both the traditional homogenous unity of European nations and what W.L. Morton describes as the “fusing ideology” of the United States, was forced to develop its own version of nationalism beginning in this period.23 For the key players in the Canadian section, its creation signalled a new period in which Canada would take its place alongside other international Theosophical sections. Albert Smythe believed that Theosophy would prove to be of great national beneit, writing that the Theosophical Society in Canada “should be such an inluence for unity, such a touchstone for discovering the underlying harmony of purpose in all religious efforts, such a leaven for transforming into one vital substance the whole mass of the nation.”24 The issue of a separate Canadian identity came into focus within the tts in the 1920s, as evidenced in articles in the the Canadian Theosophist. Smythe asserted that Canada was a true democracy that rejected the English practice of

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landed aristocracy and the extreme stance of the Republic to the south, choosing instead to stand with its “sister nations of the British Commonwealth.”25 Smythe also emphasized the need for each nation to make its own contribution, as “homogeneity cannot supply what heterogeneity provides.”26 In an article entitled “Canada’s Place in Human Evolution,” Cecil Williams discussed the various political forms with which societies were experimenting, including socialism. Williams recognized the challenge of the Canadian position: “He is conscious of a mighty destiny, but cannot clearly visualize it; he has intuitively to resist the two streams of thought – the British and the American – which would submerge his identity.”27 Williams went on to claim that Canada was in fact in advance of these two other nations, noting that it was the irst to abolish slavery.28 Smythe concurred with this understanding of a separate destiny for Canada, noting that the country had a contribution to make “to the Theosophical Society as well as to the world which that Society seeks to serve.”29 The tts was the irst group in Canada to attempt to systematically introduce Indian religious and philosophical ideas to the Canadian public in a sympathetic manner. In doing so, they were in direct opposition to missionary activity that also had its centre in Toronto. Like Theosophists worldwide, they understood themselves as bringing together the best of Western and Eastern traditions. The Theosophists presented their understanding of concepts derived from the South Asian spiritual traditions through weekly public lectures, classes held at the lodge, and various publications, including The Lamp, the Canadian Theosophist, and the Toronto Theosophical News. They published articles on Indian philosophy in translation from original texts, giving readers a relatively unmediated introduction to Indian philosophical systems such as yoga, samkhya, and Advaita Vedanta. As tts veteran Felix Belcher stated in 1937, “Theosophical and Occult Literature provides the only avenues through which the Western seeker after knowledge can come into touch with Oriental thought.”30 The interest of Toronto Theosophists in Indian philosophy also led to an interest in and involvement with Indian politics and Indians in general. Toronto Theosophical publications were among the few that questioned British imperialism. The limits and paradoxical nature of this goodwill toward India, however, were highlighted in the case of D.P. Pandia. The tts was motivated by a Victorian sense of optimism and belief in progress, and many members of the tts believed that Indian religious and philosophical ideas, particularly the concepts of reincarnation and

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karma, would contribute to hastening the coming of the New Age. A sense of mission and the consequent desire to spread their beliefs were clearly derived from their Protestant Christian backgrounds. This conviction resulted in a group who spread Indian religious ideas with the zeal of Christians. They partook of the traditional means used by churches and Christian-inspired voluntary groups to spread their message, employing journals, pamphlets, public lectures, and discussion groups. Like the Social Gospellers who were attempting to “build a Christian civilization,”31 the Theosophists also wished to apply spiritual truths to the social challenges of their time. Unlike those who believed in the Social Gospel, however, members of the tts believed that Eastern traditions could contribute to this spiritualized society. Despite its relatively small membership, the tts contributed to the emerging ideal of religious pluralism and tolerance by championing the idea of the equality of all religious traditions. The Theosophical belief in the equality of all religions, and all cultures, can be viewed as an important contribution to nascent ideas of multiculturalism. The founder and primary ideologue of the tts, Albert Smythe, was one of the strongest voices for religious and racial tolerance in Canadian Theosophy. His interest in all cultures and belief in the equality of all religions, with some lapses into antiCatholicism, made him among the most progressive thinkers of his time. Toronto Theosophist Kartar Singh was instrumental in concretely aiding members of the South Asian community in their efforts to attain citizenship in Canada. The contribution of Theosophical ideas to the burgeoning artistic community in Toronto is seen clearly in the lives of Theosophists like Roy Mitchell, Lawren Harris, and Albert Smythe. At a time when one had to “ight tooth and nail for the spontaneous, free and creative,”32 the ideal of cooperation was central to Theosophical thought and was a guiding principle for many key members of the tts. The members of the Group of Seven participated, along with Roy Mitchell, in staging plays, and they shared ideas and resources. Inspired by internationalist Theosophists like AE (George Russell), W.B. Yeats, Wassily Kandinsky, Annie Besant, and Bhagavan Das, they were supported in their belief that Canadians were capable of creating great art. For Theosophists like Harris, Theosophy offered an escape from “the severest orthodoxy of the Protestant culture of Southern Ontario.”33 Like fellow Theosophist William Arthur Deacon, they were determined to establish a separate Canadian artistic identity.

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The publications and lectures of the tts appealed to those who were culturally and politically radical. The restrictiveness and conservativism of Ontario society during this period should not be underestimated, and as Norman Penner points out, Canada was second only to the United States in the harsh manner in which it dealt with labour unrest.34 It was commonplace in Toronto during the 1930s for the police to break up meetings that were deemed to be communist.35 From its beginning, the membership of the tts included many members of the early socialist movement and continued to host revolutionary thinkers such as Flora MacDonald Denison and Emma Goldman. During this period, the tts was one of the few venues available to those who questioned the opinions of mainstream society. The tts attracted artists, writers, journalists, and poets who were often politically radical. Members like Lawren Harris, Roy Mitchell, and Frederick Housser used Theosophical tenets to build a stronger sense of a noncolonial Canadian identity. The reputations of men like Housser, in turn, helped to gain a sympathetic hearing for Theosophy from the Canadian public. Toronto Theosophists were among the irst to introduce the ideas of thinkers such as Emma Goldman, Carl Jung, and Maria Montessori to the Canadian public. Despite their unorthodox activities in a religiously conservative milieu, Toronto Theosophists appear to have been mostly tolerated. Theosophists may have felt socially marginalized,36 but they seem to have rarely been seriously disadvantaged either professionally or personally due to their beliefs. This is likely attributable in part to the fact that members like Harris and Housser were drawn from the elite of Toronto society and so likely forestalled any overt attacks on Theosophy. The Toronto press was also willing to give Theosophy a sympathetic, if sometimes slightly condescending, hearing. This openness may have been related to the fact that a number of the members of the tts were journalists themselves. Another contributing factor to this tolerance was that the members of the tts never took the anti-Christian stance evident in the work of founder Helena Blavatsky. The soft boundaries of Theosophy also contributed to this tolerance, as many members of the tts remained professing Christians. Toronto Theosophists seemed to have held their syncretic beliefs without any sense of strain. Deriving their beliefs from Hindu and Buddhist sources as well as Christian, they shared with many Toronto Christians of the time a desire to usher

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in a New Age. As a result, they were involved in many of the same social reform causes as more traditional Christians. At the end of the Second World War, despite the drop in membership in the Theosophical Society worldwide, the tts remained a respected ixture of Toronto’s cultural life. The lodge was a social, artistic, and educational centre for Theosophists, many of whom were bonded in long-term and warm friendships that lasted until the end of their lives. Much of the success of the group seems to have sprung from a strong organization and committed individuals who were willing to work unstintingly and without pay. Popular visiting lecturers, along with a more open post–First World War environment, had contributed to the growth and vitality of the tts. Although the tts did not mirror the British model regarding the role of women, the lodge did function as an avant-garde movement, as it had in Britain. The activities of the members of the tts contradict the idea commonly held by writers such as James Webb that members of the occult underground were in “retreat from reason.”37 This belief is based on the idea that those interested in the occult and spirituality more generally seek solace and to remove themselves from the travails of daily life. However, this charge cannot be levelled against members of the tts, who could hardly have been more politically, socially, and culturally active. The tts sponsored publications, lectures, and classes, and individual members authored books, lectured, and wrote poetry, pamphlets, and articles for mainstream magazines and newspapers. Many Theosophists, such as Flora MacDonald Denison, Albert Smythe, and Lawren Harris, made lasting contributions to Canadian culture. Like Theosophists around the world, the members of the tts were determined to play a role in shaping society and did not understand spirituality as a matter of strictly personal solace. Rather, for many members of the tts, their spiritual beliefs provided the impetus for working toward the creation of a better world. The vagaries of historiography have tended to erase the political contributions of Theosophists, as Joy Dixon notes.38 The failure to understand religion as a powerful motivating factor in political action has rendered the work of Theosophists largely invisible until recently. In the Canadian case, this equation of religion with the apolitical and irrational has obscured the radical political nature of groups such as the Theosophists. The members of the tts belonged to a larger Canadian pattern in which religion and politics worked closely together, and as Richard Allen notes, “After 1908 professed socialists

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in the churches seem not to have been so isolated or so peripheral.”39 Closer examination reveals that, rather than being a sleepy backwater, Toronto from 1891 to 1945 was a location where socialism, new religions, and the Social Gospel could come together. In the Canadian case, the most effective radical political challenges, in terms of social policy, did not come from the communist movement but instead from religious and spiritual groups that had imbibed many of Karl Marx’s key arguments. Members of the Toronto Theosophical Society were among the most radical and, like their founding member, Phillips Thompson, were convinced that a “radical new religion was a prerequisite for a reonovated social order.”40 After the Second World War, members of the Toronto lodge were facing a rapidly changing landscape as the world struggled to come to terms with a new social order. In his editorial for November 1945, Dudley Barr, in surveying the history of Theosophy, acknowledged that numerically the movement remained small. However, he argued that Theosophy had “profoundly affected the spirit of the age.”41 According to Barr, Theosophy had broken down materialistic thinking, encouraged interest in comparative religion and Indian philosophy, and introduced the concepts of reincarnation and karma into Western society. Writing in the Toronto Theosophical News in 1945, editor Dudley Barr exhorted the members of the society not to despair of their cause despite their small numbers. Barr summed up the achievements of Theosophy and made his predictions for the future: Historians of the twentieth century, when tracing the beginnings of the co-operative brotherly unity ... will doubtless cite the founding of the Theosophical Movement in the nineteenth century as one of the most important sources in modern times ... You and I as individuals may feel that we can do little to inluence world tendencies – but perhaps we can do a great deal. We can live as though we were a member of the nucleus of human Brotherhood ... The Theosophical ideal is always passed on through the lives of men and women. The world needs now the art and science of Brotherhood, and from one small candle a thousand lights may be lit.42 Although the tts managed to maintain itself, it increasingly struggled to remain relevant in the postwar world. The essentially Victorian

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values enshrined within a highly bureaucratic organizational structure, as well as its optimism, would be questioned more and more in the coming years. Meanwhile, a different style of counterculture began to emerge, coming to fruition in the youth and political movements of the 1960s. Members of these movements were, in many ways, the children of Theosophy, although the two would not have recognized each other. The hippies made their own journeys to India without ever knowing of the paradigmatic voyages of Helena Blavatsky, Henry Steel Olcott, and Annie Besant. The hippies, however, travelled with far less luggage. They did not take copious minutes, as did the Victorians and the Edwardians, and so their movements will be much harder for historians to document. But they were the recipients of Theosophical ideas germinating in the occult underground. The two movements shared a seeking spirit, a sense of idealism, and a willingness to experiment. They also shared the belief that, despite all evidence to the contrary, humanity would overcome its long history of bloodshed and division and truly become a universal brotherhood and sisterhood without distinction of race, creed, sex, caste, or colour as it moved from the Piscean into the Aquarian Age.43

A Religion in the Making: Implications for Contemporary Religiosity Those who have examined the history of new religious movements note that individualism, emphasis on the experiential, rejection of institutions and dogma, and a sense of life-long seeking are parts of a new pattern of religiosity in late capitalist society.44 Increasingly, we ind people describing their religious belief by saying, “I am spiritual but not religious.” This seemingly innocuous statement, when unpacked, reveals a sea change in the approach to religiosity, and the transformation has a long geneaology, with Theosophists being among the irst to take up this approach to religious life. The members of the tts belonged to a small but inluential avantgarde community in Toronto and were among the most culturally creative of their society. Their approach to religiosity, and that of Theosophists the world over, preigured a reconigured approach to religion in a whole section of Western culture. As Alex Owen argues, the members of occult groups such as the Theosophical Society

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attempted to rework religion in a way that would allow it to remain relevant and in doing so rejected the extremes of pure secularism and the call of fundamentalists for a return to orthodoxy.45 The experiments that situate the Theosophists on the most radical edge of Protestantism have a genealogical link with the eflorescence of interest in Eastern religion in the 1960s and early 1970s and with the more recent explosion of interest in the practices of yoga. The worldview and religious ideas of Theosophists like Albert Smythe offer a window onto a process of transformation that has culminated in what Steven Sutcliffe calls “the discourse of ‘New Age’ Spirituality.”46 This approach to religion has a great deal to tell us about contemporary forms of religiosity, which are so often noninstitutional, deritualized, and individualistic in approach. It is also highly abstracted and radically disembedded from cultural community. Although many of the broadsides against this New Age style of religion have come from concerned theologians observing the erosion of traditional forms of religious practice, scholars of religion have also noted that this attitude its remarkably well with late capitalism given its consumption-driven, technologically obsessed, and geographically mobile citizenry. New Age spirituality overall possesses no ethical discourse, rejects any concrete sense of community, and focuses on personal satisfaction and meaning. In the conclusion of his book The New Age Movement, Paul Heelas, although sympathetic to the movement and its ideals regarding self-realization, recognizes that this radically disembedded form of religiosity runs the danger of becoming simply a justiication for self-absorption in an already largely narcissistic culture.47 Although few, if any, practicing this style of religiosity would make the connection, it was Theosophists who developed most clearly this approach, building on Protestant concepts of the importance of individual conscience and the ideal of “Romantic individualism.”48 They were also among the irst to understand themselves as seekers on a constant quest for esoteric knowledge in which, as Robert Wuthnow puts it, “the journey becomes more important than the destination.”49 As Sutcliffe notes, “the typical actor in the ‘New Age’ is a religious individualist mixing and matching cultural resources in an animated spiritual quest.”50 This mixing emerged from the spoils of imperialism and in the case of the New Age movement shows very little awareness of the politics of cultural appropriation. The New Age also recapitulates many Utopian hopes so

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central to Thesophical discourse.51 However, in the former case, these wishes are mostly divorced from the political and social action that was typical of Theosophists. Those who count themselves as “spiritual but not religious” also continue to “turn East.” India in particular has proved durable as a symbol of all that is not modernity, as popular interest in tantra and yoga continues to attest. Of course, the seriousness with which these ideas are pursued is debatable. They are often picked up by magazines, enjoy a few months of discussion, and just as summarily are dropped. Whereas the Theosophists tended to adopt a more scholarly approach, Peter Emberley notes that New Age seekers, despite the fact that they may be expressing genuine spiritual hunger, are also obsessed with what is “transitory, ephermeral, distinguished by alterations and novelty.”52 In this respect, the line between entertainment and religion becomes increasingly blurred. Theosophists were the irst to espouse the eclectic, Eastern-inlected type of spirituality that can be observed in practice in any major metropole in North America, which Emberley refers to as “fusion faith.”53 Like those who have come after them, they often understood Jesus as being one among many sages and exemplars. Their emphasis on a monistic cosmology54 and rejection of any external authority, including that of texts, can be seen in the New Age styles of spirituality. As Owen has convincingly argued, the secularization hypothesis needs to be revisited and was never a monolithic process.55 Theosophists were among the many thinkers who attempted to rescue the divine from Max Weber’s “Iron Cage.”56 As was true of Theosophy, New Age approaches to religiosity have found most of their popularity in the counterculture and have been inluential in popularizing ideas such as organic and health food, alternative medicine, and feminist spirituality. This style of spirituality continues to act as a “sphere of freedom” from which new ideas are slowly fed into the mainstream and is supported by alternative media, as it was during the Victorian and Edwardian periods. The success of these formally countercultural movements can be seen in the continuing growth of the environmental movement, food movements, and the ield of feminist religiosity. A marked difference between the Theosophists and those who participate in New Age styles of spirituality is the domination of advertisements in many of these publications, which often act as platforms for selling various products. Theosophists, overall, were

146

Vanguard of the New Age

far more scholastic and were interested in a fuller engagement with the philosophies they studied. The Theosophists, as heirs of the Romantic movement, undoubtedly participated in this project of ighting for the place of enchantment.57 The results of their efforts, however, may have surprised them. As Ramsay Cook notes in The Regenerators, those struggling for a Christianized social order ultimately put themselves out of business since social workers and psychologists came to replace clergy in the contemporary Western polity.58 Emberley, in contrast, understand contemporary religious seekers as representing a challenge to the secular assumptions of the modernizing process.”59 However, this seems unlikey, as late capitalist modernity has proved to be a much wilier foe than even the established churches of the Victorian period. Under the logic of capitalism, topics such as Eastern philosophy simply now become consumer products seen as sources of revenue, as the rise and fall of interest in tantra and yoga reveal. The desultory and disembedded nature of this approach to religion offers no coherent program for developing a new and better society. As Theosophists were the prototypes of “the nomadic spiritual quest of the autonomous self”60 in Canada, one wonders what someone like Albert Smythe and the groups of radicals that formed around him would have made of contemporary New Age styles of spirituality, with their cyber shamans and power yoga. I suspect they would have been appalled at the largely apolitical stance of these New Agers. For many members of the tts, committed as they were to ighting the good ight to establish a better society, political action and community participation were vital parts of their religious beliefs.61 Many Canadian Theosophists also remained connected to mainstream Christian churches and to their cultural and professional communities, thereby resisting the drift toward atomization so noticeable in contemporary society. In terms of its ability to offer alternatives or to critique neoliberalism, one is inclined to agree with Wouter Hanegraaf that “it may be legitimately doubted whether a New Age movement that has become increasingly subservient to the laws of the marketplace is likely to offer a viable alternative to a culture of liberal utilitarianism.”62 As Graham Ward has noted, this free-loating approach to religiosity has in many ways allowed it to become merely another consumer item among many.63 However, whatever one’s personal opinions

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regarding this movement in contemporary religion, the members of the tts were undoubtedly vanguards of the New Age in Canada. The more positive legacy of the Toronto Theosophists can be seen in their support of artistic movements such as the Group of Seven, their concept of religious socialism, their sheltering of Canadian feminists, and their tolerant attitude toward other religions and cultures. The activities of the Toronto Theosophists offered a model of socially engaged religiosity that rejected both fundamentalism and dogmatism. In terms of this social engagement, their ideas and story can perhaps come into fruitful dialogue today with those who are “spiritual but not religious.”

appendices

appendix one

Letter from D.P. Pandia to Maude Crafter, in TTS Errata

Chateau Laurier Ottawa, Ont. September 19, 1939 Dear Miss Crafter, I am ever so sorry for my long silence. I have been extremely busy since my arrival in Ottawa a few weeks ago. I hope you will forgive me for my long delay in replying to your letter of the 18th of July. It is a pity that Miss Stuart and her friends are making a mountain out of a molehill. Theosophy teaches us tolerance, understanding, compassion and love. But it would appear that some of the Theosophists have not understood the real spirit of these great principles. It is to be hoped that our great Society will not be guided by petty minds who will neither forget nor forgive. Such people place their personal feelings above the good of the Society. They are so self-centred that they even seem to think that they are the Society. If anyone goes against their wishes their vanity is touched and they go to any extent to vilify their supposed enemy. They are revengeful, brutal and vindictive towards their own fellow members. Thirty years of membership in their great organization has not taught them the primary principles of Theosophy. Hatred not love is the guiding principle in their life.

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Appendices

All these days I wanted to try to forget my visit to Toronto. My ine impression of Canada was somewhat marred due to certain painful experiences in Toronto. Miss Stuart was most unkind and very rude to me. I understand that she is one of the pillars of the Theosophical Society at Toronto. She once invited me to her place for dinner and when I arrived for dinner she refused to shake hands with me and would not join me in the dinner, neither would she speak a word to me in her home although I was her guest. After a little while she left the place, leaving me alone with her two friends. In India, if I were to invite my friend from Canada or any other country to my home for dinner, I, though coming from a “heathen” land, would have shown towards my guest better manners and consideration. The same evening when I arrived for my lecture at the hall, she came to me near the door and shouted at the top of her voice, insulting me before many of those who were coming to attend my lecture. I was very much perturbed and almost lost my patience. I told Mr. Kinman to cancel all my engagements if Miss Stuart had any further hand in the arrangements. I also insisted that I should like to have Mr. Smythe as the Chairman for my lectures as his presence on the platform gave me a lot of conidence and moral support. I found in Mr. Smythe ine qualities of sincerity and understanding. He is a Theosophist in the best sense of the term. He has devoted the best part of his life to the cause of Theosophy in Canada. He is a fearless ighter who puts truth above policy, humanity above country, and love above hatred. Let us not desert at this juncture the true adherents of Theosophy, such as men like Mr. Smythe who all along has been ighting for a iner art, a purer life, a cleaner race, unmasking imposture and replacing the false by the true. I am one of the admirers of Mr. Smythe and but for him would have left Toronto within two days of my arrival there. Miss Stuart and her friends by their snobbery and racial prejudice had made my stay in Toronto most uncomfortable. It is I who asked Mr. Smythe to stay with me at Toronto throughout my visit there. He at great personal sacriice was good enough to accede to my request. At no time did he interfere with arrangements made by those in charge of my lecture programme; though once or twice I saw him being insulted by Miss Stuart, he never lost his patience or treated her in any unkind way. Some of my critics in Toronto have called me an impostor. I do not call myself a perfect man. Even the tallest trees do not touch heaven. The very best of men have some failings. Unwittingly I might have

Appendices

153

offended a few people at Toronto because of my frank statements but that does not justify their attitudes towards me. I came to Toronto as your guest and I expected better consideration. My service was purely voluntary, and I never received any money for my lectures or imposed on anyone there. When I arrived in Vancouver I received a letter from Miss Stuart on behalf of the Society in Toronto asking me to address meetings under their auspices. I accepted the invitation through a letter which I sent from Saskatoon. It will be clear to you therefore that my visit to Toronto was not made on my own initiative but on that of your Society in Toronto. During all my lectures in Toronto my audiences were very kind and sympathetic to me and in my humble way I endeavoured to spread the great truths of Theosophy. I expected that the Society would at least have acknowledged my services to them instead of allowing a few of its members to vilify me. I was just reading a copy of a letter which Miss Stuart sent to Mr. Kinman on July 3rd. To be frank the letter is full of false statements. As far as I am aware Mr. Smythe never interfered with arrangements made by Miss Stuart. If any alterations were made in the programme it was made at my suggestion. She states that “on Sunday evening June 25th Mr. Smythe locked Dr. Pandia in the section ofice and refused to allow her to speak to him.” This is not true. Nobody locked me in any room. Miss Stuart also suggests in her letter that I left Dr. Cunningham’s place on the advice of Mr. Smythe. The fact is that due to [a] certain misunderstanding between us I left the Tuxedo Hotel and moved to the Royal York. I do not want to explain anything further on this matter as I feel that I have a perfect right to change from one hotel to another if I ind it is desirable. Miss Stuart also states in her letter that I told her that Mr. Smythe had warned me against her before coming to Toronto. This is absolutely untrue. Mr. Smythe never said a word to me against Miss Stuart or anyone else during my stay with him in Hamilton or at any time after. I understand that your Society has been trying to learn more about me and with that aim you seem to have been writing to Oxford and the Inner Temple, London, and I was told that you have not been able to ind my name in either of the places. In England I used my caste name and that is different from the one I am known by in India. I am sorry that I did not think it necessary to bring with me papers to prove my Oxford standing and other degrees, but in my

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Appendices

travels at various times in many countries I have never come in contact with the type of people who would question my bona ides. In case it may help to clear up matters I am sending along a paper which I happen to have with me from Madras University. Please return this to me before Saturday. At a time like this when we are witnessing a terrible and sinister event in the history of the world let us rise above petty matters and concentrate on worthy things for which the Theosophical Society was founded by its great exponent, Madame Blavatsky. We are called upon to return good for evil. “Not by hate is hate destroyed; by love alone is hate destroyed.” Let us be tolerant even with the intolerant, be gentle with the violent. Only this ideal can cure hidden wounds and soften personal animosity. Let me before closing thank you for your kindness and hospitality to me during my short sojourn in Toronto. Please convey my kind regards to Mrs. Somer, Mr. and Mrs. Kinman, Miss Stuart and Mr. Fellows, Mr. Haydon and other friends at Toronto. My greetings and love to you all. Yours in great life and love, (signed) D.P. Pandia P.S. This letter may be read to the Society.

appendix two

Letter from Albert Smythe to Emma Goldman [In Institute of International Studies, Emma Goldman Papers Project]

[July 1930] Dear Miss Goldman, It was very good of you to remember me, and I was very happy to get your card from Bad Eilsen. I do not know whether this will reach you, as you speak of being at a new address in the middle of July. We are now in the throes of a General Election in Canada and there is nothing new in the situation. The war has settled nothing so far and the League of Nations does not appear to be holding its weight. The gravest doubts are felt about the future of Russia and the situation between France and Italy, especially with Mussolini’s arrogant attitude, makes one nervous about the future of Europe. The United States is very disappointing as representing the hope of democracy. We in Canada cannot complain, although we suffer from the usual ills of our system, we are better off than many other nations. I suppose you have been reading Bernard Shaw’s book “The Intelligent Woman’s Guide to Socialism”. This is the only document I have had in recent times which seems to throw any light on our mixed conditions. I have been in Hamilton for the last two years and do not know much about the Toronto situation, my wife is in Ireland since April last and may remain for the remainder of the year. We are all expecting to hear about your book, and will do what we can to

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promote its circulation. I hope the treatment has been successful which you undertook for your eyes. Literary work such as you have been doing is not the best remedy for the malady. With kind regards dear Comrade from all of us, and best wishes for your success. Fraternally Yours, A.E.S. Smythe General Secretary t.s. in Canada

Appendix three

Selected Lectures at the Toronto Theosophical Society, 1928–45

Date 1928 1 January 15 January 29 January 29 January 1929 12 May 14 July 21 July 28 July 28 July 1930 4 May 18 May 1931 6 September 27 September

Subject

Speaker

“Life after Death” “Mysticism and Occultism” “The Occultism of Shakespeare’s Plays” “The Approach to the Child”

Charles Lazenby Felix Belcher Dudley Barr

“Art and Life” “Buddhism and the Science of Life” “Symbolic Dreams” “Meditation” “Dionysius or the Divine Man”

Arthur Lismer Albert Smythe

“Objections to Reincarnation” “The Esoteric Basis of Christianity”

Albert Smythe Dudley Barr

“Theosophy and the Depression” “Visiting Speaker from the American Section”

Albert Smythe Fritz Kuhn

Emma Goldman

Roy Mitchell Roy Mitchell Roy Mitchell

158

Appendices

Date

Subject

Speaker

1936 9 February 19 April

“The Lost Continent of Atlantis” “The Religion of the Sikhs”

Dudley Barr Sadhu Singh Dhami (India) Robert Hughes (Hamilton) Albert Smythe Mrs John Grieve George Kinman Albert Smythe

26 April

“The Romance of Astrology”

3 May 17 May 24 May 7 June

“Walt Whitman and the Masters” “The International Crisis” “Free Will or Fate?” “The Godliness of Russia”

1937 1 August 11 October 17 October 19 December 1938 20 February 27 February 1939 29 January 5 February 12 February 19 February 24 April 30 April 6 August 26 November 1940 20 May 10 November 17 November 24 November 1941 2 February 23 February 2 March

“The Martyrdom of Spain or National Karma” “Jung’s Great Theosophical Discovery” “The Theosophy of Paul the Apostle” “Krishna, or Theosophy and Hinduism”

Albert Smythe

“Are We in a New Era?” “Gospels”

George McIntyre Leslie Floyd

“The Bhagavad Gita” “Karma and Dictatorship” “The Oneness of Mankind” “Reincarnation” “The Astrological Basis of the Bible” “Theosophy and the Economic Problem” “The Maharishi Ramana” “Some Aspects of Indian Art and Life”

Mrs R. Somers Albert Smythe Various* Felix Belcher Alvin Kuhn George Kinman

“The Meaning of the Tarot” “Universal Symbols in Literature” “The Way of the Dead: Tibhetan [sic] Theosophy” “The Negro and His Literature”

Charles Sinclair Horace Huxtable Leslie Floyd

“What Happens at Death?” “Has Art a Contemporary Social Signiicance?” “Nature Forces in Nutrition”

Albert Smythe Yvonne Housser

Alvin Kuhn Leslie Floyd Leslie Floyd

Miss M. Stuart A.R. GopalAiyengar

D.A. Wyke

Stewart Easton

* Under the joint auspices of the Baha’i Society and the tts, speakers included Rabbi Eisendrath, Mrs H.C. Ives of the Baha’i Society, and George Kinman.

Appendices Date

159

Subject

Speaker

“The Place of Science in Theosophy” “The Caste System of India”

Felix Belcher Miss Ouma Chatterji (India)

1942 1 March 15 March 22 March

“Between Incarnations” “Have We Free Will?” “Miracles”

Albert Smythe George Kinman Dr E.J. Norman

1943 10 January

“The Racial Myth”

Dr George Thatham G. Rupert Lesch G. Rupert Lesch Leslie Floyd

27 July 23 November

28 January 29 January 18 April 1944 9 April 16 April 19 November 1945 7 January 14 January 4 November 11 November 18 November

“Karma” “Intuition” “The Golden Flower: A Study of Chinese Yoga” “Parsifal” “Islam and Theosophy” “Theosophy and St. Paul”

J.W. Sutton N.W.J. Haydon Leslie Floyd

“Richard Rolle, The English Mystic (1300–1349)” “The Post-War World: A Survey of Current Trends” “Evolution” “The Search for Truth” “Three Gospels of Asia”

Madeline Hindsley Dr George Tatham Dr E.J. Norman J.A. Evans, md Leslie Floyd

Notes

Introduction 1 The only signiicant work done on Theosophy in Canada can be found in Michele Lacombe, “Theosophy and the Canadian Idealist Tradition: A Preliminary Exploration,” Journal of Canadian Studies 17, no. 2 (Summer 1982): 100–17; and Samuel Eldon Charles Wagar, “Theosophical Socialists in the 1920s Okanagan: Jack Logie’s Social Issues Summer Camps” (ma thesis, Simon Fraser University, 2005). 2 See A.B. McKillop, Contours of Canadian Thought (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1987), ix. 3 Rosedale is a wealthy area in North Toronto. 4 Alex Owen, The Place of Enchantment: British Occultism and the Culture of the Modern (Chicago, il: University of Chicago Press, 2004), 8. 5 Ian McKay, Rebels, Reds, Radicals: Rethinking Canada’s Left History (Toronto: Between the Lines, 2005), 12. 6 Penny Waterstone, “Domesticating Universal Brotherhood: Feminine Values and the Construction of Utopia” (PhD diss., University of Arizona, 1995), 339. 7 McKay, Rebels, Reds, Radicals, 21. 8 The founder of the Indian National Congress, Allan Hume, was a Theosophist, and Annie Besant, president of the international Theosophical Society from 1907 to 1933, was actively involved in

162

Notes to pages 6–9

the Indian Independence movement. Mohandas Gandhi was associated with the Theosophical Society in his youth, and Jawaharlal Nehru was initiated into Theosophy by Annie Besant. See Kumari Jayawardena, The White Woman’s Other Burden: Western Women and South Asia during British Rule (New York: Routledge, 1995); and Jeffery Paine, Father India: How Encounters with an Ancient Culture Transformed the Modern West (New York: HarperCollins, 1998). 9 Hans Mol, Identity and the Sacred: A Sketch for a New SocialScientiic Theory of Religion (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1976), 587. 10 Sylvia Cranston, H.P.B.: The Extraordinary Life and Inluence of Helena Blavatsky, Founder of the Modern Theosophical Movement (New York: Jeremy P. Tarcher and Putnam Books, 1994), 521.

Chapter One 1 Helena Petrovna Blavatsky, H.P. Blavatsky, Collected Writings, vol. 12, 1889–1890 (Wheaton, il: Theosophical Publishing House, 1980), 2. 2 Josephine Ransom, A Short History of the Theosophical Society, 1875–1938 (1938; reprint, Adyar, India: Theosophical Publishing House, 1989), 551–2. Only a Theosophist would refer to a book that is over 500 pages as a “short” history. 3 Helena Petrovna Blavatsky, The Secret Doctrine: The Synthesis of Science, Religion and Philosophy (1888; reprint, Pasadena, ca: Theosophical University Press, 1988), vol. 1, viii. 4 Carl T. Jackson, The Oriental Religions and American Thought: Nineteenth Century Explorations (Westport, ct: Greenwood, 1981), 158. 5 Helena Petrovna Blavatsky, The Key to Theosophy (1889; reprint, Pasadena, ca: Theosophical University Press, 1995), 8. 6 Ibid., 233. 7 Ibid., 201. 8 Sydney E. Ahlstrom, A Religious History of the American People (New Haven, ct: Yale University Press, 1972), 1040. 9 Wouter J. Hanegraaf, New Age Religion and Western Culture: Esotericism in the Mirror of Secular Thought (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1998), 450; Christopher Partridge, The Re-enchantment of the West (London: T&T Clark International, 2004), vol. 1, 89. 10 Blavatsky, Secret Doctrine, vol. 2, 438.

Notes to pages 9–12

163

11 Arthur F. Wright, Buddhism in Chinese History (1959; reprint, Stanford, ca: Stanford University Press, 1999), 3. 12 Murdock lists changes related to population, environment, migration, contacts with other cultures, crop failures, epidemics, and the crises of war. See George Peter Murdock, “How Cultures Change,” in Man, Culture and Society, ed. Harry L. Shapiro (London: Oxford University Press, 1974), 32. 13 Francis King, Satan and the Swastika: The Occult and the Nazi Party (St Alban’s: Maylower, 1976), 21. 14 See Joscelyn Godwin, The Theosophical Enlightenment (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1994). 15 King, Satan and the Swastika, 32. 16 Godwin, Theosophical Enlightenment, xi. 17 These subjects are closely parallel to those found in contemporary New Age publications. 18 Gene Howard Homel, “James Simpson and the Origins of Canadian Social Democracy” (PhD diss., University of Toronto, 1978), xiv. 19 Hanegraaf, New Age Religion, 449. 20 See Eric Sharpe, The Universal Gita: Western Images of the Bhagavad Gita: A Bicententary Survey (LaSalle, il: Open Court, 1985), xi. 21 Jackson, Oriental Religions; Carl T. Jackson, Vedanta for the West: The Ramakrishna Movement in the United States (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1994); Philip C. Almond, The British Discovery of Buddhism (Cambridge, uk: Cambridge University Press, 1988). 22 Almond, British Discovery, ix. 23 See Edward Said, Orientalism (New York: Vintage Books, 1978); and Ronald Inden, Imagining India (Cambridge, uk: Basil Blackwell, 1990). 24 Sharpe, Universal Gita, xv. 25 Richard King, Orientalism and Religion: Postcolonial Theory, India and “the Mystic East” (London: Routledge, 1999), 97. 26 Vasant Kaiwar, “The Aryan Model of History,” in Antinomies of Modernity: Essays on Race, Orient, Nation, ed. Vasant Kaiwar and Sucheta Mazumdar (Durham, nc: Duke University Press, 2003), 29. 27 R.C. Zaehner, ed., The Concise Encyclopedia of Living Faiths (1959; reprint, Boston, ma: Beacon, 1967), 257. 28 See Ellen Goldberg, “The Re-orientation of Buddhism in North America,” Method and Theory in the Study of Religion 11 (1999): 340–56.

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Notes to pages 12–14

29 Richard G. Fox, “East of Said,” in Edward Said, Edward Said: A Critical Reader, ed. Michael Sprinker (Oxford: Blackwell, 1992), 152. 30 For a sympathetic discussion of Theosophists like Annie Besant, see Ashis Nandy, The Intimate Enemy: Loss and Recovery of Self under Colonialism (1983; reprint, New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1992). 31 Fox, “East of Said,” 152. 32 King, Orientalism and Religion, 86. 33 Julian K. Steward, Theory of Culture Change: A Methodology of Multilinear Evolution (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1963), 5. 34 Hans Mol, Identity and the Sacred: A Sketch for a New SocialScientiic Theory of Religion (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1976), 587. 35 Olav Hammer, Claiming Knowledge: Strategies of Epistemology from Theosophy to the New Age (Leiden: Brill, 2001), 139. 36 James Webb, The Flight from Reason, vol. 1, The Age of the Irrational (London: Macdonald, 1971), 48. See also Jutta K. Lehmann, “The Inluence of the Theosophical Movement on the Revival of Astrology in Great Britain and North America in the 20th Century” (PhD diss., Concordia University, Montreal, 1998); and J. Gordon Melton, “The Revival of Astrology in the United States,” in Religious Movements: Genesis, Exodus and Numbers, ed. Rodney Stark, 279–99 (New York: Paragon House, 1985). 37 Even in 1938, when Theosophy had a irm foothold in Toronto, Albert Smythe wrote, “We are operating in a community where orthodox religion is very strong and very respectable”; see Canadian Theosophist 19, no. 4 (1938): 170. He also noted that “Relations are often hostile to the student of Theosophy”; see Canadian Theosophist 21, no. 6 (1940): 164. 38 Harry Hiller uses this term to describe those religions that adopt “unique or novel ideological positions” and includes in this description Jehovah’s Witnesses, New Thought, Spiritualism, and Theosophy. See Harry Hiller, “Continentalism and the Third Force in Religion,” Canadian Journal of Sociology 3, no. 2 (1978): 205. 39 David B. Barrett, George Kurian, and Todd M. Johnson, eds., World Christian Encyclopedia: A Comparative Survey of Churches and Religions in the Modern World, 2nd ed. (New York: Oxford University Press, 1982), vol. 1, 170. 40 John Webster Grant, A Profusion of Spires: Religion in Nineteenth Century Ontario (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1988), 224–5. 41 Norman Penner, The Canadian Left: A Critical Analysis (Scarborough, on: Prentice-Hall, 1977), 8.

Notes to pages 14–17

165

42 Roger Finke and Rodney Starke, The Churching of America, 1776– 1990: Winners and Losers in Our Religious Economy (New Brunswick, nj: Rutgers University Press, 1992), 18. 43 Laurence Fallis Jr, “The Idea of Progress in the Province of Canada: A Study in the History of Ideas, 1840–1870,” in The Shield of Achilles: Aspects of Canada in the Victorian Age, ed. W.L. Morton (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1968), 181. 44 Seymour Martin Lipset, Continental Divide: The Values and Institutions of the United States and Canada (New York and London: Routledge, 1990), 1. 45 Ahlstrom, Religious History, 1020. 46 This region was the birth place of Mormonism, Spiritualism, and many Utopian movements, such as the Oneida Perfectionists and the Shakers. 47 Grant, Profusion of Spires, 219. 48 Arthur H. Nethercott, The Last Four Lives of Annie Besant (Chicago, il: University of Chicago Press, 1963), 39. 49 John E. Robbins, ed., Encyclopedia Canadiana (Toronto: Grolier of Canada, 1971), 400. 50 Canadian Theosophist 1, no. 2 (1920): 26, notes in a short biography of executive member Harry Tallman that he, “like Mr. Mitchell and many other members of the Toronto Lodge ... is a Freemason.” 51 See Ann Braude, Radical Spirits: Spiritualism and Women’s Rights in Nineteenth Century America (Boston, ma: Beacon, 1989). 52 Stan McMullin, Anatomy of a Séance: A History of Spirit Communication in Central Canada (Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2004), 12. 53 Ibid., 17. 54 Globe, 3 November 1917, 12. 55 Brian Clarke, “English-Speaking Canada from 1854,” in A Concise History of Christianity in Canada, ed. Terence Murphy (Toronto: Oxford University Press, 1996), 126. 56 Of course, the Aboriginal nations of Canada predated the Canadian nation, but during this period they were regrettably left out of the public discourse on nation building. 57 Stewart Crysdale, “Social Awakening among Protestants, 1872– 1918,” in Religion in Canadian Society, ed. Stewart Crysdale and Les Wheatcroft (Toronto: MacMillan and Maclean-Hunter, 1976), 204. 58 Nancy Christie and Michael Gauvreau, A Full-Orbed Christianity: The Protestant Churches and Social Welfare in Canada, 1900–1940 (Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1996), xiv.

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Notes to pages 17–19

59 John Webster Grant, “Religion and the Quest for National Identity: The Background in Canadian History,” in Religion and Culture in Canada, ed. Peter Slater (Waterloo, on: Wilfrid Laurier University for the Canadian Corporation for Studies in Religion, 1977), 14. 60 Christie and Gauvreau, Full-Orbed Christianity, 245. 61 S.D. Clark, Church and Sect in Canada (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1948), xi. 62 Crysdale, “Social Awakening,” 205. 63 Homel, “James Simpson,” 6. 64 Christie and Gauvreau, Full-Orbed Christianity, 245. 65 Richard Allen, The Social Passion: Religion and Social Reform in Canada, 1914–28 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1971), 15. 66 Phyllis Airhart, Serving the Present Age: Revivalism, Progressivism and the Methodist Tradition in Canada (Montreal and Kingston: McGill–Queen’s University Press, 1992), 105. 67 Emmet A. Greenwalt, The Point Loma Community in California, 1897–1947: A Theosophical Experiment (New York: ams Press, 1955), 14. 68 Clara Thomas and John Lennox, William Arthur Deacon: A Canadian Literary Life (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1982), 129. 69 Phyllis Airhart, “Ordering a New Nation and Reordering Protestantism, 1867–1914,” in The Canadian Protestant Experience, 1790– 1990, ed. G.A. Rawlyk, (Burlington, on: Welch, 1990), 99. 70 Catherine L. Albanese, America: Religions and Religion (Belmont, ca: Wadsworth, 1981), 429. 71 Ibid., 424. 72 Post-millenarianism was this-worldly, as opposed to pre-millenarianism, which discouraged all political activity and characterized sects such as the Jehovah’s Witnesses. 73 Homel, “James Simpson,” 5. 74 Sharon Anne Cook, Through Sunshine and Shadow: The Women’s Christian Temperance Union, Evangelicalism and Reform in Ontario, 1874–1930 (Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1995), 12. 75 Catherine Cleverdon, The Woman Suffrage Movement in Canada (1950; reprint, Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1978), 11. 76 See Will C. van den Hoonard, The Origins of the Baha’i Community of Canada, 1898–1948 (Waterloo, on: Wilfrid Laurier University Press, 1996); and B.F. Austin, ed., What Converted Me to Spiritualism: One Hundred Testimonies (Toronto: Austin Publishing Company, c. 1901).

Notes to pages 20–3

167

77 The author also cautioned against glorifying “heathen traditions.” See Christian Guardian, 22 April 1891. 78 Christian Guardian, 27 May 1891. 79 Lambeth Conference Proceedings (London: spck, 1948), 127. 80 Russell B. Shaw, Our Sunday Visitor’s Encyclopedia of Catholic Doctrine (Huntington, in: Our Sunday Visitor Catholic Publishing Company, 1997), 675. Toronto Theosophists were well aware of Roman Catholic antipathy toward their ideas and noted that the society had been placed on the Index Expurgatorus; see Canadian Theosophist 24, no. 9 (1944): 268. 81 Clark, Church and Sect, 422. 82 The Theosophists took the Hindu term “dharma” and adapted its meaning to express a sense of spiritual destiny combined with duty. 83 A.B. McKillop, Contours of Canadian Thought (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1987), x.

Chapter Two 1 2 3 4 5 6

7

8 9

10 11 12

Canadian Theosophist 80, no. 2 (1999): 38. Ibid., 38–9. Canadian Theosophist 71, no. 6 (1991): 123. Ibid. Ibid. Michele Lacombe, “Theosophy and the Canadian Idealist Tradition: A Preliminary Exploration,” Journal of Canadian Studies 17, no. 2 (Summer 1982): 102. Henry James Morgan, The Canadian Men and Women of the Time: A Handbook of Canadian Biography of Living Characters (Toronto: William Briggs, 1912), 1043. The Dickens Fellowship was a charitable group that worked with underprivileged children. The Toronto Social Hygiene Council was a group working in the ield of mental health that advocated for reform in the diagnosis, treatment, and institutionalization of the insane and questioned traditional approaches to the mentally ill. See Lacombe, “Theosophy and the Canadian,” 106; and Canadian Theosophist 3, no. 2 (1921): 27. Lacombe, “Theosophy and the Canadian,” 102. Greg Gatenby, Toronto: A Literary Guide (Toronto: McArthur, 1999), 114; Daily Star, 6 October 1947. Gatenby, Toronto, 228.

168

Notes to pages 23–6

13 Lacombe, “Theosophy and the Canadian,” 102. 14 Canadian Theosophist 24, no. 2 (1943): 41–2; Moira Davis, interview with author, Ottawa, November 2001. Smythe met W.B. Yeats on several occasions during his trip to Dublin in 1897–98 and found him “certainly aloof if not repellent”; see Canadian Theosophist 24, no. 2 (1943): 41. 15 Labor Advocate, 13 February 1891. 16 Ibid. 17 Catherine Cleverdon, The Woman Suffrage Movement in Canada (1950; reprint, Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1978), 19–20. 18 Janet Ray, Emily Stowe (Don Mills, on: Fitzhenry and Whiteside, 1978), 4. 19 Mary Beacock Fryer, Emily Stowe, Doctor and Suffragist. (Toronto: Hannah Institute and Dundern Press, 1990), 120. 20 John E. Robbins, ed., Encyclopedia Canadiana (Toronto: Grolier of Canada, 1972), 418. 21 National Reference Book on Canadian Men and Women, 6th ed. (Montreal: Canadian Newspaper Service, 1940), 674. 22 Robbins, ed., Encyclopedia Canadiana (1972), 418. 23 See Catherine Wessinger, ed., Women’s Leadership in Marginal Religions: Explorations outside the Mainstream (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1993); Ann Braude, Radical Spirits: Spiritualism and Women’s Rights in Nineteenth Century America (Boston, ma: Beacon, 1989); and Alex Owen, The Darkened Room: Women, Power and Spiritualism in Late Victorian England (London: Virago, 1989). 24 Jill Roe, Beyond Belief: Theosophy in Australia, 1879–1939 (Kensington, Australia: New South Wales University, 1986), 167. 25 Diana Burield, “Theosophy and Feminism: Some Explorations in Nineteenth Century Religious Biography,” in Women’s Religious Experience, ed. Pat Holden (London/Totowa, nj: Crooms Helm/ Barnes and Noble, 1983), 50. 26 Joy Dixon, Divine Feminine: Theosophy and Feminism in England (Baltimore, md: John Hopkins University Press, 2001), 6. 27 Ibid., 5. 28 Linda Kealey, “Introduction,” in A Not Unreasonable Claim: Women and Reform in Canada, 1880s–1920s, ed. Linda Kealey (Toronto: Women’s Educational Press, 1979), 1. 29 Gatenby, Toronto, 122. 30 See Algernon Blackwood, Episodes before Thirty (London: Cassell, 1923).

Notes to pages 26–31

169

31 Gregory S. Kealey and Bryan D. Palmer, Dreaming of What Might Be: The Knights of Labor in Ontario, 1880–1900 (Cambridge, uk: Cambridge University Press, 1982), 304. 32 Ibid., 303. 33 Gene Howard Homel, “Fading Beams of Light in the Nineteenth Century: Radicalism and Early Socialism in Canada’s 1890s,” Labour/ Le Travail: Journal of Canadian Labour Studies 5, no. 5 (Spring 1980): 9. 34 See Lacombe, “Theosophy and the Canadian”; and Gatenby, Toronto. 35 Catherine Candy, “The Occult Feminism of Margaret Cousins in Modern Ireland and India” (PhD diss., Loyola University, Chicago, 1996), 13. 36 Samuel Lynn Hynes, The Edwardian Turn of Mind (Princeton, nj: Princeton University Press, 1968), 88. 37 Quoted in Dixon, Divine Feminine, 10. 38 Josephine Ransom, A Short History of the Theosophical Society, 1875–1938 (1938; reprint, Adyar, India: Theosophical Publishing House, 1989), 452. 39 See Dixon, Divine Feminine, ch. 3. Dixon attributes this change to the increasing power of women within British Theosophy. This change did not occur in the case of the tts, where women were active in the lodge but rarely held positions of authority. 40 Arthur H. Nethercott, The Last Four Lives of Annie Besant (Chicago, il: University of Chicago Press, 1963), 376–7. 41 TTS Minutes, 26 March 1891. 42 TTS Minutes, 7 June 1893. 43 Annie Besant, Annie Besant: An Autobiography (1893; reprint, Adyar, India: Theosophical Publishing House, 1995), 311. 44 TTS Minutes, 2 August 1893. 45 Canadian Theosophist 15, no. 8 (1935): 226. 46 Daily Mail and Empire, 24 August 1897. 47 Ibid. 48 Globe, 24 August 1897. 49 Nethercott, Last Four Lives, 29. 50 TTS Minutes, 1 March 1892. 51 TTS Minutes, 8 March 1892. 52 Ibid. 53 Ransom, Short History, 305. 54 Emmet A. Greenwalt, The Point Loma Community in California, 1897–1947: A Theosophical Experiment (New York: ams Press, 1955), 8.

170

Notes to pages 32–4

55 Peter Washington, Madame Blavatsky’s Baboon: A History of the Mystics, Mediums and Misits Who Brought Spiritualism to America (1993; reprint, New York: Schocken Books, 1995), 100. 56 TTS Minutes, 29 August 1894. 57 The Lamp 1, no. 8 (1894): 118. 58 Mark S. Morrisson, “The Periodical Culture of the Occult Revival: Esoteric Wisdom, Modernity and Counter-Public Spheres,” Journal of Modern Literature 31, no. 2 (Winter 2008): 5. 59 The Lamp 1, no. 3 (1894): 40. 60 TTS Minutes, 17 April 1895. 61 The announcement that the tts voted to send to the Boston convention of the American section read, 1st That this branch is of the opinion that a revision of the constitution of the society in the direction of decentralization of power would be beneicial. 2nd That in any such revision the irst object of the ts should be kept clearly in view and no change made that would interfere with that. 3rd That in any change made or suggested by the American Section the one object which should be kept in mind is the welfare of the society and the cause it represents and no change should be suggested upon personal affection or antipathy. 4th That we are opposed to any disruption of the ts; it should ever remain an international organization. 62 Penny Waterstone, “Domesticating Universal Brotherhood: Feminine Values and the Construction of Utopia” (PhD diss., University of Arizona, 1995), 59. 63 Ibid. 64 Ibid., 76. 65 TTS Minutes, 15 May 1895. 66 The Lamp 1, no. 11 (1895): 175. 67 Ransom, Short History, 313 68 TTS Minutes, 10 March 1899. 69 TTS Minutes, 23 April 1899. 70 Canadian Theosophist 4, no. 12 (1924): 210. 71 TTS Minutes, 9 June 1904. 72 Washington, Madame Blavatsky’s Baboon, 116. 73 Most scholars agree that the relationship between Besant and Leadbeater was not a sexual one, as Leadbeater was known to have found women so physically repugnant that he could not even shake their hands.

Notes to pages 34–8

171

74 Gregory Tillett, The Elder Brother: A Biography of Charles Webster Leadbeater (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1982), 4. 75 Ibid., 74. 76 Anonymous, The Evolution of Mrs Annie Besant (Madras, India: Justice Printing Works, 1918), 114. 77 Ibid., 117. 78 Washington, Madame Blavatsky’s Baboon, 120. 79 See Joy Dixon, “Gender, Politics and Culture in the New Age: Theosophy in England, 1880–1935” (PhD diss., Rutgers, the State University of New Jersey, 1993), 208; and Dixon, Divine Feminine, ch. 4. Although it is true, as both Tillett and Dixon note, that attitudes toward sexuality have changed drastically since Edwardian times, when “self-abuse” was believed to cause physical and mental damage, the case was not simply a matter of Victorian-Edwardian prudery. See Dixon, Divine Feminine, ch. 4; and Tillett, Elder Brother, 198–200. 80 Tillett, Elder Brother, 198–200. 81 Anonymous, Evolution, xxi. 82 Ibid. 83 Nethercott, Last Four Lives, 121. 84 TTS Errata, tts pamphlet, 1904. 85 TTS Minutes, 26 July 1906. 86 Nethercott, Last Four Lives, 95. 87 The tts decided to leave the inviting of Besant to individual members. This was a strong expression of disapproval, as the lodge had always oficially hosted Besant on her visits to Toronto. See TTS Minutes, 27 June 1907. 88 TTS Minutes, 24 September 1908. 89 TTS Minutes, 27 May 1909. 90 Included with ibid. 91 Tillett, Elder Brother, 298. 92 TTS Minutes, 20 December 1911. 93 Tillett, Elder Brother, 103. 94 Washington, Madame Blavatsky’s Baboon, 128. 95 Roe, Beyond Belief, 149. 96 Anonymous, Evolution, xxxvi. 97 Ibid., xxxvii. 98 A full account of the court proceedings and following appeals can be found in ibid., and the complicated story of Krishnamurti is told in Lady Emily Lutyens’s eyewitness account Candles in the Sun (Philadelphia, pa: J.B. Lippincott, 1957).

172

Notes to pages 38–41

99 Ransom, Short History, 391. 100 Roe, Beyond Belief, 151. 101 Catherine Wessinger, Annie Besant and Progressive Messianism, 1847–1933 (Lewiston, ny: E. Mellen, 1988). 102 Dixon, “Gender, Politics and Culture,” 63. 103 Ibid. 104 Helena Petrovna Blavatsky, The Secret Doctrine: The Synthesis of Science, Religion and Philosophy (1888; reprint, Pasadena, ca: Theosophical University Press, 1988), vol. 1, xliv. 105 Washington, Madame Blavatsky’s Baboon, 139. 106 Steiner went on to found his own movement of Anthroposophy, which came to rival Theosophy in popularity. 107 TTS Minutes, 21 February 1912. 108 TTS Minutes, 19 February 1913. 109 TTS Minutes, 15 April 1914. 110 TTS Minutes, 15 March 1916. 111 Ransom, Short History, 410. 112 Washington, Madame Blavatsky’s Baboon, 163. 113 Ibid., 167. 114 Vera Brittain’s Testament of Youth (1933) is a highly personal and harrowing account of her experience of losing her brother, iancé, and best friend in the First World War. It also the story of the lost generation in England. Unfortunately, to my knowledge, there is no similar work written about the Canadian situation. 115 Roe, Beyond Belief, 213. 116 Ruth Brandon, The Spiritualists: A Passion for the Occult in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries (Buffalo, ny: Prometheus Books, 1984), 220. 117 TTS Minutes, 7 October 1916. 118 TTS Minutes, 21 February 1917. 119 Ibid. 120 Canadian Theosophist 1, no. 1 (1920): 26. Tallman had joined the tts in 1914. A Canadian by birth and a Freemason, he had investigated Spiritualism before becoming interested in Theosophy. 121 TTS Minutes, 18 October 1916. 122 By 1919 the lodge had seen remarkable institutional development and expansion. Membership had grown from 18 at the time of the schism in 1895–96 to 237 in 1919. See TTS Minutes, 4 February 1896 and 18 February 1920. 123 Ransom, Short History, 506.

Notes to pages 41–7

173

124 TTS Minutes, 18 February 1920. 125 Canadian Theosophist 1, no. 2 (1920): 17. 126 These symbols show a typical Theosophical mixture of Western occult and Indian elements. For the controversy over symbols like the swastika, see chapter 5. 127 This set of symbols was a modiied version of those used by the international Theosophical Society, which were themselves adapted from Helena Blavatsky’s personal seal. 128 TTS Minutes, 17 November 1920. 129 Canadian Theosophist 2, no. 5 (1921): 74. 130 TTS Building and Finance Committee Minutes, 22 June 1921; Canadian Theosophist 2, no. 5 (1921): 74. 131 James Webb, The Flight from Reason, vol. 1, The Age of the Irrational (London: Macdonald, 1971), 228. 132 Canadian Theosophist 1, no. 1 (1920): 3. 133 Nethercott, Last Four Lives, 314. 134 Ibid. 135 Ibid., 313. 136 Ibid., 388. 137 Canadian Theosophist 6, no. 12 (1926): 204. 138 Canadian Theosophist 5, no. 9 (1924): 139. 139 Ibid., 140. 140 Roe, Beyond Belief, 49. 141 Daily Star, 16 October 1924. 142 Ibid. 143 Canadian Theosophist 7, no. 9 (1926): 194. 144 Ibid., 182. 145 Ibid. 146 Ibid., 195. 147 Roland Vernon, Star in the East: Krishnamurti, the Invention of a Messiah (London: Constable and Robinson, 2000), 181. 148 Nethercott, Last Four Lives, 425. 149 Canadian Theosophist 2, no. 5 (1921): 76; Canadian Theosophist 10, no. 5 (1929): 151. 150 Ransom, Short History, 507. 151 Annual General Report of the International Theosophical Society (1934): 11. 152 Ibid. 153 James Lemon, Toronto since 1918: An Illustrated History (Toronto: James Lorimer, 1985), 59.

174

154 155 156 157 158 159 160 161 162 163

Notes to pages 47–52

Toronto Theosophical News 7, no. 3 (n.d.): 3. Canadian Theosophist 12, no. 1 (1931): 17. Canadian Theosophist 15, no. 9 (1934): 272. TTS Minutes, 10 November 1937. Peter Lakin, interview with author, Toronto, September 2000. Canadian Theosophist 14, no. 8 (1933): 242. See chapter 5. Canadian Theosophist 14, no. 11 (1934): 292. TTS Minutes, 21 March 1945. Ibid.

Chapter Three 1 Catherine Nash, “Geo-centric Education and Anti-imperialism: Theosophy, Geography and Citizenship in the Writings of J.H. Cousins,” Journal of Historical Geography 22, no. 4 (1996): 399. 2 Globe and Mail, 28 December 1936. 3 This press coverage of Housser’s death was noted by Smythe, who wrote regarding the memorials of igures like the Reverend Robert Norwood and AE (George Russell) that “it is one of the curious things about modern journalism that in none of the oficial newspaper obituaries is there a word about Theosophy.” See Canadian Theosophist 16, no. 6 (1935): 172. 4 Daily Star, 31 December 1936. 5 Ibid. 6 Ibid. 7 Globe and Mail, 31 December 1936. 8 Henry Steel Olcott, Old Diary Leaves: The True Story of the Theosophical Society (New York and London: G.P. Putnam’s Sons, 1895), 166–84. 9 Ibid., 197. 10 Stephen Prothero, Puriied by Fire: A History of Cremation in America (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2001), 24. 11 Ibid., 197. 12 Ibid., 76. 13 The irst federal charter to build a crematorium was granted in Canada in Montreal in 1901. This facility was endowed by Sir William MacDonald, a member of a Montreal family whose fortunes were made in tobacco. Apparently, protests came from Catholic clergy in Quebec, not from the Canadian government. Andrew Roy,

Notes to pages 52–5

14 15

16

17 18 19 20 21

22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29

30

175

interview with author, Mount Royal Crematorium, Montreal, 17 April 2002. Mary Beacock Fryer, Emily Stowe, Doctor and Suffragist (Toronto: Hannah Institute and Dundern Press, 1990), 120. The number of cremations in 1902, the irst year that statistics were recorded, was 3; between 1934 and 1938 there were 4,160, constituting 0.75 per cent of total deaths. See Cremation Association of North America, “Statistics about Cremation Trends,” http://www.cremation association.org/?page=IndustryStatistics3 (accessed 20 November 2011). Canadian Theosophist 8, no. 12 (1928): 298–302; Helena Petrovna Blavatsky, The Key to Theosophy (1889; reprint, Pasadena, ca: Theosophical University Press, 1995). Canadian Theosophist, 8, no. 12 (1928): 300. Ibid., 302. Daily Star, 31 December 1936. TTS Scrapbook. Daily Star, 13 October 1934. The picture appeared over the comment “Mrs Rukmini Arundale, high caste Indian, whom he [Arundale] married fourteen years ago when she was ifteen ... note the caste mark [sic] on Mrs Arundale’s forehead.” Daily Star, 24 November 1933. Star Weekly, 27 February 1937. Ibid. Helena Petrovna Blavatsky, H.P. Blavatsky, Collected Writings, vol. 12, 1889–1890 (Wheaton, il: Theosophical Publishing House, 1980), 2. Here, Blavatsky is referring to the six orthodox schools of philosophy within the Hindu tradition. Ibid., 159. Carl T. Jackson, The Oriental Religions and American Thought: Nineteenth Century Explorations (Westport, ct: Greenwood, 1981), 85. Ernest Wood published An Englishman Defends Mother India: A Complete Reply to Mother India (Madras, India: Ganesh, 1930) in order to refute Katherine Mayo’s claim in Mother India (New York: Harcourt Brace, 1927) that all of India’s problems could be lain at the feet of Hinduism. Mayo’s book was so inluential that it continues to colour public perceptions of India and its traditions and to be quoted in some textbooks of religion. Kumari Jayawardena, The White Woman’s Other Burden: Western Women and South Asia during British Colonial Rule (New York: Routledge, 1995), 132.

176

Notes to pages 55–9

31 Ibid., 175. 32 Charles J. Ryan, H.P. Blavatsky and the Theosophical Movement, ed. Grace F. Knoche (1937; reprint, Pasadena, ca: Theosophical University Press, 1975), 26. 33 Canadian Theosophist 2, no. 9 (1921): 129. 34 Ibid. 35 Arthur H. Nethercott, The Last Four Lives of Annie Besant (Chicago, il: University of Chicago Press, 1963), 219. 36 Ibid. 37 Canadian Theosophist 14, no. 3 (1933): 94. 38 Swami Vivekananda, “Leaders of Hindu Reform and Revival,” in Sources of Indian Tradition, vol. 2, Modern India and Pakistan, ed. Stephen Hay (New York: Columbia University Press, 1988), 76. 39 Canadian Theosophist 10, no. 1 (1929): 12. 40 The Puranas are popular Hindu texts concerned largely with the mythology and geneaology of the gods and goddesses. 41 In this preference, Canadian Theosophists shared the views of academic Orientalists who focused on the Sanskritic textual traditions of India and also showed their Protestant distaste for ritual and the role of priests in religious practice. 42 Jackson, Oriental Religions, 169. 43 In its original setting, the word “dharma” is tied to the idea of caste, but as this concept was irrelevant in a Western setting, it was simply omitted. 44 Canadian Theosophist 13, no. 11 (1933): 365. 45 Wilhelm Halbfass, India and Europe: An Essay in Understanding (Albany, ny: State University of New York Press, 1988). 46 Richard King, Orientalism and Religion: Postcolonial Theory, India and “the Mystic East” (London: Routledge, 1999), 122. 47 Ibid. 48 Here again, we see the typical Theosophical mixture of Indian and Western occult concepts, as the idea of an Adept is derived from Western occult sources. 49 Canadian Theosophist 13, no. 4 (1932): 103. 50 Annie Besant, Annie Besant: An Autobiography (1893; reprint, Adyar, India: Theosophical Publishing House, 1995), 308. 51 Jeffery Paine, Father India: How Encounters with an Ancient Culture Transformed the Modern West (New York: HarperCollins, 1998), 70. 52 Canadian Theosophist 6, no. 3 (1925): 33. 53 Canadian Theosophist 8, no. 10 (1927): 1–4.

Notes to pages 59–61

177

54 Canadian Theosophist 7, no. 10 (1926): 231–2. 55 Canadian Theosophist 4, no. 11 (1924): 73–6; Canadian Theosophist 9, no. 10 (1928): 313–16. 56 Sarah Lakin, interview with author, Toronto, November 2000. 57 Playle has explained that, for her, Theosophy was a perfect it since “The mystical has always enticed me and I have an interest in the unexplained ... I believe in reincarnation, and for twenty-ive years I have been studying astrology.” Ruth Playle, interview with author, Toronto, June 2000. 58 Blavatsky, H.P. Blavatsky, vol. 12, 615. 59 Canadian Theosophist 7, no. 9 (1926): 198. 60 See the excellent article by Fernando Pages Ruiz, “Krishnamacharya’s Legacy,” Yoga Journal, May/June 2001, 97–101, 161–8. 61 See Vanda Scaravelli, Awakening the Spine (New York: HarperCollins, 1991). 62 Kathy Phillips, The Spirit of Yoga (London: Cassell Illustrated, 2001), 38. 63 In yoga prana is the subtle breath that carries the life-force, the nadis are the subtle channels through which prana lows, and the siddhis are the powers believed to accrue to advanced practitioners of yoga, which include paranormal abilities such as clairvoyance. 64 Canadian Theosophist 22, no. 12 (1942): 13. 65 Canadian Theosophist 15, no. 9 (1934): 285. This line of research is one that has continued to expand, with the interrelationship between both Hinduism and Buddhism being combined with psychological insights in works such as Stephen Cope, Yoga and the Quest for the True Self (New York: Bantam Books, 1999), Judith Harris, Jung and Yoga: The Psyche-Body Connection (Toronto: Inner City Books, 2001), and Howard Coward, Yoga and Psychology: Language, Memory and Mysticism (Albany, ny: State University of New York Press, 2002), to name just a few examples from this growing body of research. 66 For greater detail, see Helena Petrovna Blavatsky, The Secret Doctrine: The Synthesis of Science, Religion and Philosophy (1888; reprint, Pasadena, ca: Theosophical University Press, 1988), vol. 2, 632. 67 Currently, the channels for dissemination of these ideas continue to be magazines, including Yoga Journal, Ascent, and Yoga International, and the rapidly expanding literature on yoga and ayurveda, which has been increasing in popularity since the second great wave of interest in Indian thought began in the 1960s.

178

Notes to pages 61–4

68 Canadian Theosophist 7, no. 1 (1926): 5–6. 69 I am using the term “Orientalism” here in the Saidian sense. See Edward Said, Orientalism (New York: Vintage Books, 1978). 70 For a critique of just this sort of writing, see Inderpal Grewal, Home and Harem: Nation, Gender, Empire and Cultures of Travel (Durham, nc: Duke University Press, 1996); Anne McClintock, Imperial Leather: Race, Gender and Sexuality in the Colonial Context (New York: Routledge, 1995); and David Spurr, The Rhetoric of Empire: Colonial Discourse in Journalism, Travel Writing and Imperialist Administration (Durham, nc: Duke University Press, 1993). 71 Canadian Theosophist 2, no. 10 (1921): 149; Canadian Theosophist 3, no. 3 (1922): 37. 72 The concepts of kundalini and chakras are derived from tantra and yoga traditions. Kundalini is described as the energy coiled at the bottom of the spine, which, when activated through various religious practices, is believed to move up through the seven chakras, or energy centres, located along the spine. When the energy reaches the inal, or crown, chakra, the individual is believed to have reached enlightenment. 73 Canadian Theosophist 10, no. 7 (1929): 213. 74 Mark S. Morrisson, “The Periodical Culture of the Occult Revival: Esoteric Wisdom, Modernity and Counter-Public Spheres,” Journal of Modern Literature 31, no. 2 (Winter 2008): 3. 75 “The Sacred Literature of India,” TTS Lectures, 23 March 1941. 76 Felix Belcher, “The Theosophy of the Bhagavad Gita,” TTS Lectures, 9 January 1907; Ouma Chatterji, “The Caste System of India,” TTS Lectures, 23 November 1941; Sadhu Singh Dhami, “The Religion of the Sikhs,” TTS Lectures, 19 April 1936. Singh Dhami was a professor at the University of Alberta. See Norman Buchignani, Doreen M. Indra, and Ram Srivastava, Continuous Journey: A Social History of South Asians in Canada (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1985), 92. 77 Daily Star, 1 November 1926. 78 Ibid. 79 Canadian Theosophist 7, no. 11 (1927): 230. 80 Canadian Theosophist 19, no. 7 (1938): 211. 81 Canadian Theosophist 23, no. 1 (1942): 16. 82 Canadian Theosophist 7, no. 7 (1926): 138. 83 Ibid. 84 Canadian Theosophist 9, no. 11 (1929): 338. 85 Ibid., 339. 86 See Buchignani, Indra, and Srivastava, Continuous Journey.

Notes to pages 64–7

87 88 89 90 91 92 93 94 95 96

97 98 99 100 101 102 103 104

105 106 107 108 109 110 111 112 113 114 115 116

179

Canadian Theosophist 10, no. 7 (1930): 7. Buchignani, Indra, and Srivastava, Continuous Journey, 85–6. Canadian Theosophist 10, no. 3 (1929): 78. Canadian Theosophist 10, no. 5 (1929): 152. Ibid., 153. Canadian Theosophist 20, no. 4 (1939): 111. Telegram, 24 June 1939. Buchignani, Indra, and Srivastava, Continuous Journey, 92. Ibid. For an examination of Canadian immigration policy leading up to this incident, See Iqbal Wagle, “South Asians in Canada, 1905–1920: A Bibliographical Essay,” in Ethnicity, Identity, Migration: The South Asian Context, ed. Milton Israel and N.K. Wagle, 196–216 (Toronto: Centre for South Asian Studies, University of Toronto, 1993). Buchignani, Indra, and Srivastava, Continuous Journey, 23. As no ships went straight from India to Canada, this clause effectively prevented immigration. Buchignani, Indra, and Srivastava, Continuous Journey, 22. Wagle, “South Asians in Canada,” 199. Buchignani, Indra, and Srivastava, Continuous Journey, 81. Ibid. Jill Roe, Beyond Belief: Theosophy in Australia, 1879–1939 (Kensington, Australia: New South Wales University Press, 1986), 280. Ibid., 279. Both Annie Besant and George Arundale, who succeeded her as president of the Theosophical Society, possessed good track records in this regard, and Arundale carried on Besant’s efforts to advocate for free immigration to Australia and for fair treatment of the Aboriginal population; see ibid., 330–1. Telegram, 24 June 1939. Ibid. Ibid. Globe and Mail, 26 June 1939. Daily Star, 30 June 1939. Telegram, 28 June 1939. Daily Star, 25 June 1939. Globe and Mail, 26 June 1939. Canadian Theosophist 20, no. 5 (1939): 150–1. Ibid., 142. Ibid., 141. Canadian Theosophist 20, no. 5 (1939): 140.

180

117 118 119 120 121 122 123 124 125 126 127 128 129 130 131 132 133

134 135 136 137 138 139 140

Notes to pages 67–71

Errata, Letter from D.P. Pandia to Maude Crafter, 19 September 1939. See appendix 1 for a full account of these events. TTS Minutes, 20 September 1939. A “four-lusher” is an impostor, bluffer, or con man. Ibid. Ibid. There is no record of whether this matter was pursued further. Annual General Report of the International Theosophical Society (1940): 95. Canadian Theosophist 20, no. 5 (1939): 141. In Leadbeater’s case, the bona ides were pure iction. Canadian Theosophist 20, no. 8 (1940): 244. “Hindu” was a general term used for all people of South Asian origin during this period. TTS Errata, Letter from D.P. Pandia to Maude Crafter, 19 September 1939. For the full text of this letter, see appendix 1. Buchignani, Indra, and Srivastava, Continuous Journey, 93. Ibid. Ibid., 97. David R. Hughes and Evelyn Kaller, The Anatomy of Racism: Canadian Dimensions (Montreal: Harvest House, 1974), 113. Francis King, Satan and the Swastika: The Occult and the Nazi Party (St Alban’s: Maylower, 1976), 57–9. G.I. Mosse, “The Mystical Origins of National Socialism,” Journal of the History of Ideas 22 (1961): 87. Francis King deines this term as “the idea of Nordic racism combined with German nationalism”; see King, Satan and the Swastika, 65. King, Satan and the Swastika, 65. Jayawardena, White Woman’s Other Burden, 117. Collette Guillaumin, Racism, Sexim, Power and Ideology (London: Routledge, 1995), 35. Ibid., 43. Arthur de Gobineau, The Inequality of Human Races, trans. Adrian Collins (1915; reprint, New York: H. Fertig, 1967), 212. Alan Baker, Invisible Eagle: The History of Nazi Occultism (London: Virgin, 2000), 38. Vasant Kaiwar, “The Aryan Model of History,” in Antinomies of Modernity: Essays on Race, Orient, Nation, ed. Vasant Kaiwar and Sucheta Mazumdar (Durham, nc: Duke University Press, 2003), 28. Kaiwar notes the ongoing inluence of this model on historiography both in India and in the Western academy. TTS

Notes to pages 71–4

181

141 James Webb, The Flight from Reason, vol. 1, The Age of the Irrational (London: Macdonald, 1971), 92. 142 Peter Washington, Madame Blavatsky’s Baboon: A History of the Mystics, Mediums and Misits Who Brought Spiritualism to America (1993; reprint, New York: Schocken Books, 1995), 165. 143 Shearer West, “Introduction,” in The Victorians and Race, ed. Shearer West (Aldershot, uk: Scolar Press; Brookield: vt, Ashgate, 1996), 3. 144 Paul Rich, “Imperial Decline and the Resurgence of English National Identity, 1918–1979,” in Traditions of Intolerance: Historical Perspectives on Fascism and Race Discourse in British Society, ed. Tony Kushner and Kenneth Lunn (Manchester, uk: Manchester University Press, 1989), 15. 145 Ibid., 12. 146 See Said, Orientalism; and Ronald Inden, Imagining India (Cambridge, uk: Basil Blackwell, 1990). 147 Ibid., 13. The British also divided the populations of India into racial groupings, deeming the Sikhs a “martial race,” for instance. 148 Blavatsky, Secret Doctrine, vol. 1, 151. 149 Ibid. 150 Ibid., vol. 1, 185. 151 Ibid., vol. 2, 168. 152 Ibid., vol. 2, 425. 153 Dan Edelstein, “Hyperborean Atlantis: Jean-Sylvain Bailly, Madame Blavatksy and the Nazi Myth,” Studies in Eighteenth Century Culture 35 (2006): 275. 154 Olav Hammer, Claiming Knowledge: Strategies of Epistemology from Theosophy to the New Age (Leiden: Brill, 2001), 143. 155 King, Satan and the Swastika, 58–9. 156 According to C. Seshadri, who joined the Theosophical Society in 1926 in Madras (Chennai), India, he was attracted by the idea of a universal brotherhood and by the fact that Indians and Europeans mixed on equal terms in the society, unlike in the rest of Britishcontrolled India. C. Seshadri, interview with author, Adyar, India, December 1997. 157 Emily Lutyens, Candles in the Sun (Philadelphia, pa: J.B. Lippincott, 1957), 96. 158 Joy Dixon, “Gender, Politics and Culture in the New Age: Theosophy in England, 1880–1935” (PhD diss., Rutgers, the State University of New Jersey, 1993), 106. 159 Canadian Theosophist 24, no. 6 (1943): 181.

182

Notes to pages 74–8

160 Hughes and Kaller, Anatomy of Racism, 112. 161 Ibid., 113. 162 B. Singh Bolaria and Peter S. Li, Racial Oppression in Canada (Toronto: Garamond, 1988), 16. 163 Joseph F. Krauter and Morris Davis, Minority Canadians: Ethnic Groups (Toronto: Methuen, 1978), 115–16. 164 Canadian Theosophist 4, no. 9 (1923): 140. 165 Canadian Theosophist 14, no. 7 (1933): 221. 166 Ibid., 122. 167 Canadian Theosophist 15, no. 11 (1935): 349–50. 168 Canadian Theosophist 15, no. 9 (1934): 282. 169 Ibid. 170 Canadian Theosophist 4, no. 12 (1924): 186. 171 Canadian Theosophist 13, no. 1 (1932): 6. 172 Canadian Theosophist 18, no. 4 (1937): 107. 173 Canadian Theosophist 12, no. 12 (1932): 6. 174 Canadian Theosophist 6, no. 7 (1925): 97. 175 Canadian Theosophist 8, no. 11 (1928): 254. 176 Blavatsky, Key to Theosophy, 305.

Chapter Four 1 Jill Roe, Beyond Belief: Theosophy in Australia, 1879–1939 (Kensington, Australia: New South Wales University Press, 1986), 234. 2 Ernest Boyd, Ireland’s Literary Renaissance (Dublin and London: Maunsel, 1916), 212–52. 3 Canadian Theosophist 10, no. 5 (1929): 145. 4 Emmet A. Greenwalt, The Point Loma Community in California, 1897–1947: A Theosophical Experiment (New York: ams Press, 1955), 122. 5 Josephine Ransom, A Short History of the Theosophical Society, 1875–1938 (1938; reprint, Adyar, India: Theosophical Publishing House, 1989), 453. 6 Olav Hammer, Claiming Knowledge: Strategies of Epistemology from Theosophy to the New Age (Leiden: Brill, 2001), 508. 7 Peter Larisey, Light for a Cold Land: Lawren Harris’s Work and Life – An Interpretation (Toronto and Oxford: Dundern, 1993), 49. 8 Quoted in ibid. 9 Toronto Theosophical News 3, no. 7 (n.d.): 5.

Notes to pages 78–81

183

10 Larisey, Light for a Cold Land, 46. 11 Ann Davis, The Logic of Ecstasy: Canadian Mystical Painting, 1920–1940 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1992), xvi. 12 Samuel Eldon Charles Wagar, “Theosophical Socialists in the 1920s Okanagan: Jack Logie’s Social Issues Summer Camps” (ma thesis, Simon Fraser University, 2005), 27. 13 Clive Wilmer, “Introduction,” in News From Nowhere, by William Morris (London and New York: Penguin, 1993), xxvii. 14 Canadian Theosophist 10, no. 7 (1930): 201. 15 Canadian Theosophist 19, no. 10 (1939): 309. 16 Canadian Theosophist 18, no. 10 (1938): 290. 17 Michele Lacombe, “Songs of the Open Road: Bon Echo, Urban Utopians and the Cult of Nature,” Journal of Canadian Studies 33, no. 2 (Summer 1998): 152–67. 18 Catherine Nash, “Geo-centric Education and Anti-imperialism: Theosophy, Geography and Citizenship in the Writings of J.H. Cousins,” Journal of Historical Geography 22, no. 4 (1996): 403. 19 Lacombe, “Songs of the Open Road,” 153. Overlap between followers of Whitman and of Theosophy is noted in Michael Robertson, Worshipping Walt: The Whitman Disciples (Princeton, nj: Princeton University Press, 2008). 20 Helena Petrovna Blavatsky, The Secret Doctrine: The Synthesis of Science, Religion and Philosophy (1888; reprint, Pasadena, ca: Theosophical University Press, 1988), vol. 1, 444. 21 Canadian Theosophist 10, no. 5 (1929): 131. 22 Maurice Tuchman, The Spiritual in Art: Abstract Painting, 1890–1985 (New York: Abbeville, 1986), 17. 23 Ibid., 18. 24 Bernice Glatzer Rosenthal, “Introduction,” in The Occult in Russian and Soviet Culture, ed. Bernice Glatzer Rosenthal (Ithaca, ny: Cornell University Press, 1997), 30. 25 Ibid., 12. 26 Lawren Harris, The Story of the Group of Seven (Toronto: Rous and Mann, 1964), 12. A good sense of the prevailing attitude at this time is summed up in a statement made by a woman to Group of Seven painter A.Y. Jackson: “It’s bad enough that we have to live in this country without having pictures of it in your home”; quoted in Peter Mullen, The Group of Seven (Toronto and Montreal: McClelland and Stewart, 1970), 5. 27 Ibid.

184

28 29 30 31 32

33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41

42 43 44 45

46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59

Notes to pages 81–5

Canadian Theosophist 5, no. 12 (1925): 178. Ibid., 86. Canadian Theosophist 7, no. 5 (1926): 86. Nash, “Geo-centric Education,” 400. Frederick Housser, A Canadian Art Movement: The Story of the Group of Seven (Toronto: MacMillan, 1926), 38. Harris’s respect for AE is also noted by Mullen, Group of Seven, 111. Canadian Theosophist 8, no. 5 (1927): 81. Ibid. Ibid., 82. Canadian Theosophist 7, no. 5 (1926): 85. Canadian Theosophist 8, no. 2 (1927): 21. Canadian Theosophist 5, no. 12 (1925): 177. Wassily Kandinsky, Concerning the Spiritual in Art (1947; reprint, New York: Wittenbom Art Books, 1976), 33. Canadian Theosophist 5, no. 12 (1926): 177. See Michele Lacombe, “Theosophy and the Canadian Idealist Tradition: A Preliminary Exploration,” Journal of Canadian Studies 17, no. 2 (Summer 1998): 100–17. Ibid., 110. Renate Usmiani, “Roy Mitchell: Prophet in Our Past,” Theatre History in Canada 8, no. 2 (Fall 1987): 148. Canadian Theosophist 8, no. 6 (1928): 161. Renate Usmiani, “Roy Mitchell,” in The Oxford Companion to Canadian Theatre, ed. Eugene Benson and Leonard W. Conolly (Toronto: Oxford University Press, 1989), 343. Usmiani, “Roy Mitchell,” 159. Ibid., 148. Roy Mitchell, Creative Theatre (New York: John Day, 1929), xvii. Ibid., 11. Ibid., 196. Ibid., 56. Larisey, Light for a Cold Land, xi. Canadian Theosophist 5, no. 12 (1925): 179. Canadian Theosophist 4, no. 10 (1923): 145. Canadian Theosophist 8, no. 2 (1927): 23. Canadian Theosophist 5, no. 12 (1925): 177. Ibid. Ibid. Canadian Theosophist 6, no. 7 (1925): 98.

Notes to pages 85–7

185

60 Canadian Theosophist 14, no. 5 (1933): 130. 61 Larisey, Light for a Cold Land, 52. 62 Dawn Ambler, “Lawren Harris: A Thesophist Who Painted” (PhD diss., University of Ottawa, 2002), 32. Harris was part of a larger artistic Theosophical circle that included Frederick Housser and Vincent Massey, both of whom he met in 1899 while attending Saint Andrew’s, a private Presbyterian school in Rosedale, Toronto; see ibid., 20. 63 Sylvia DuVernet, Lawren Harris and William Lumpkins, Members of the Transcendental Painting Group, New Mexico, 1938–1940 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1994), 14. 64 Dennis Reid, Atma, Buddhi, Manas: The Later Work of Lawren S. Harris (Toronto: Art Gallery of Ontario, 1985), 17. 65 Letter from Lawren Harris to Emily Carr, 1930, in Carr-Harris Correspondence, National Archives of Canada. 66 DuVernet, Lawren Harris and William Lumpkins, 19. Apparently, this was an extremely Ontario sex scandal, as according to Lawren Harris and Bess Housser there was no sex and theirs was a strictly spiritual relationship. Also, Harris and Housser remained friends. 67 Harris returned to Canada in 1942. 68 Canadian Theosophist 14, no. 5 (1933): 131. 69 Ambler, “Lawren Harris,” 24. 70 Arts and Letters Club of Toronto, Constitution of the Arts and Letters Club (Toronto: Court Lane, 1917), 5–8. 71 Rudyard Kipling, Letters of Travel, 1892–1913 (London: Macmillan, 1920), 141. The accuracy of Kipling’s judgment of Toronto at this time is illustrated by the fact that Canadian painters were discouraged from painting winter scenes because they might discourage immigration; see Mullen, Group of Seven, 5. 72 Arts and Letters Club of Toronto, Constitution, 1. The club was strictly for men, and Augustus Bridle, biographer of the group, was extremely indignant when describing how the wife of a visiting Italian impresario dared to accompany him to dinner at the club; see Augustus Bridle, The Story of the Club (Toronto: Ryerson Press, 1945), 15. 73 Bridle, Story of the Club, 19–21. 74 Ibid., 21, 28. 75 Ibid., 5. Dora Mavor Moore, who was one of the great pioneers in Canadian theatre and acted in one of Mitchell’s productions, recalled later that the “stage” at the Arts and Letters Club was made up of

186

76 77 78 79 80 81

82 83 84

85

86 87 88 89 90 91 92 93 94 95 96 97 98 99 100 101

Notes to pages 87–90

150 moveable boxes; see Paula Sperdakos, Dora Mavor Moore: Pioneer of Canadian Theatre (Toronto: ecw Press, 1995), 43. Ibid., 22. Greg Gatenby, Toronto: A Literary Guide (Toronto: McArthur, 1999), 208 Ibid. Housser, Canadian Art Movement, 13. Ibid. Samuel Eldon Charles Wagar, “Theosophical Socialists in the 1920s Okanagan: Jack Logie’s Social Issues Summer Camps” (ma thesis, Simon Fraser University, 2005), 25. Canadian Theosophist 14, no. 3 (1933): 65. Canadian Theosophist 10, no. 7 (1929): 217. Joy Dixon, Divine Feminine: Theosophy and Feminism in England (Baltimore, MD: John Hopkins University Press, 2001), makes this point convincingly, noting that standard political histories have often ignored the spiritual motivations of those involved in social and political reform movements. She argues that the histories of socialism have been particularly guilty of this oversight. Andro Linklater, An Unhusbanded Life: Charlotte Despard, Suffragette, Socialist and Sinn Feiner (London: Hutchinson, 1980), 158. Wagar, “Theosophical Socialists,” 17. Canadian Theosophist 13, no. 3 (1932): 81. Nash, “Geo-centric Education,” 399. Canadian Theosophist 11, no. 5 (1930): 131. Canadian Theosophist 12, no. 11 (1932): 328. Canadian Theosophist 15, no. 10 (1934): 301. Canadian Theosophist 18, no. 7 (1937): 197. Canadian Theosophist 15, no. 3 (1934): 66. Norman Penner, From Protest to Power: Social Democracy in Canada, 1900–Present (Toronto: James Lorimer, 1992), 13. Canadian Theosophist 4, no. 7 (1923): 140. Canadian Theosophist 5, no. 2 (1924): 24. Canadian Theosophist 12, no. 11 (1932): 328. Canadian Theosophist 10, no. 7 (1929): 201; Canadian Theosophist 12, no. 5 (1930): 132. Wagar, “Theosophical Socialists,” 36. Canadian Theosophist 13, no. 3 (1932): 81. Canadian Theosophist 12, no. 12 (1932): 354.

Notes to pages 90–3

102 103 104 105 106 107 108 109 110 111 112 113

114 115 116 117 118

119 120 121 122 123 124 125 126 127 128

187

Canadian Theosophist 15, no. 10 (1934): 292. Canadian Theosophist 12, no. 8 (1931): 225. Canadian Theosophist 12, no. 5 (1931): 129. Thomas P. Socknat, Witness against War: Paciism in Canada, 1900– 1945 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1987), 137. Canadian Theosophist 15, no. 10 (1935): 301. Nash, “Geo-centric Education,” 403. Canadian Theosophist 22, no. 12 (1942): 353. Canadian Theosophist 24, no. 6 (1943): 170. Catherine Cleverdon, The Woman Suffrage Movement in Canada (1950; reprint, Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1978), 29. B.F. Austin, ed., What Converted Me to Spiritualism: One Hundred Testimonies (Toronto: Austin Publishing, c. 1901), 95–6. Gatenby, Toronto, 114. Deborah Gorham, “Flora MacDonald Denison, Canadian Feminist,” in A Not Unreasonable Claim: Women and Reform in Canada, 1880s–1920s, ed. Linda Kealey (Toronto: Women’s Educational Press, 1979), 49. TTS Errata, Flora MacDonald Denison, War and Women, pamphlet (1916), 5. Ibid., 7. For more on MacDonald Denison, see Lacombe, “Songs of the Open Road.” Canadian Theosophist 2, no. 3 (1921): 57–8. Albert Moritz and Theresa Moritz, The World’s Most Dangerous Woman: A New Biography of Emma Goldman (Vancouver: Subway Books, 2001), 2. Richard Drinnon, Rebel in Paradise: A Biography of Emma Goldman (1961; reprint, Chicago, il: University of Chicago Press, 1982), 261. Ibid., 262. Emma Goldman, Living My Life (1931; reprint, New York: Dover, 1970), vol. 2, 991. Canadian Theosophist 8, no. 4 (1927): 70–1; Canadian Theosophist 8, no. 10 (1928): 229. Canadian Theosophist 8, no. 4 (1927): 71 Canadian Theosophist 8, no. 7 (1927): 142. Ibid. See, for example, appendix 2. Canadian Theosophist 21, no. 4 (1940): 118. Canadian Theosophist 15, no. 3 (1934): 66.

188

129 130 131 132 133 134 135 136 137 138 139 140 141

142 143 144 145

146 147 148 149 150

151 152 153 154 155 156

Notes to pages 93–7

Ibid. Canadian Theosophist 8, no. 2 (1927): 38. Canadian Theosophist 8, no. 12 (1928): 365. Ibid., 369. Ibid. Canadian Theosophist 14, no. 5 (1933): 146. Canadian Theosophist 15, no. 7 (1934): 202. Canadian Theosophist 14, no. 11 (1934): 291. Ibid., 289. Ibid., 291. Ibid., 292. Quoted in Desmond Morton, NDP : Social Democracy in Canada (Toronto: Samuel Stevens Hakkert, 1977), 3. Gene Howard Homel, “Fading Beams of Light in the Nineteenth Century: Radicalism and Early Socialism in Canada’s 1890s,” Labour/Le Travail: Journal of Canadian Labour Studies 5, no. 5 (Spring 1980): 11. W.L. Morton, The Progressive Party in Canada (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1967), 283. Ibid., 21. Canadian Theosophist 13, no. 5 (1932): 154. Peter Washington, Madame Blavatsky’s Baboon: A History of the Mystics, Mediums and Misits Who Brought Spiritualism to America (1993; reprint, New York: Schocken Books, 1995), 63–7. Ibid., 163. Ibid., 170. Canadian Theosophist 10, no. 7 (1929): 199. Canadian Theosophist 13, no. 3 (1932): 81. Martin Marty, Modern American Religion, vol. 2, The Noise of Conlict, 1919–1941 (Chicago, il: University of Chicago Press, 1991), 232. The Kellogg-Briand Pact, or the Pact of Paris, was a contract avowing that the signatories would not use “war as an instrument of national policy.” Sixty-three nations signed on, including the Soviet Union. Canadian Theosophist 1, no. 1 (1920): 1. Canadian Theosophist 14, no. 9 (1933): 257. Canadian Theosophist 14, no. 2 (1933): 52. Canadian Theosophist 14, no. 7 (1933): 221. Canadian Theosophist 16, no. 9 (1935): 297. Canadian Theosophist 17, no. 5 (1936): 137.

Notes to pages 97–101

157 158 159 160 161 162 163 164 165 166 167 168 169 170 171 172

173 174 175 176 177 178 179 180 181 182 183 184 185 186 187 188 189 190

189

Ibid. Ibid. Canadian Theosophist 17, no. 7 (1936): 210. Ibid. Canadian Theosophist 18, no. 2 (1937): 35. Canadian Theosophist 19, no. 3 (1938): 99. Canadian Theosophist 22, no. 7 (1941): 199. Canadian Theosophist 23, no. 2 (1942): 51. Canadian Theosophist 22, no. 12 (1942): 368. Canadian Theosophist 23, no. 9 (1942): 265. Ibid., 265. Canadian Theosophist 22, no. 12 (1942): 368. Canadian Theosophist 22, no. 5 (1941): 146. Canadian Theosophist 17, no. 12 (1937): 369. Canadian Theosophist 18, no. 1 (1937): 8. Smythe also noted that the Globe and Mail had called for the dismissal of a professor at the University of Toronto after a speech he made on freedom of the press. According to the Globe and Mail, Victoria College at the University of Toronto was “seething with socialism”; see Canadian Theosophist 18, no. 4 (1937): 114. Canadian Theosophist 18, no. 5 (1937): 5. Canadian Theosophist 18, no. 7 (1937): 197. Ibid., 199. Toronto Theosophical News 14, no. 2 (n.d.): 4; Toronto Theosophical News 15, no. 8 (n.d.): 4. Canadian Theosophist 19, no. 12 (1939): 380. Canadian Theosophist 20, no. 1 (1939): 27. Canadian Theosophist 24, no. 7 (1943): 209. Canadian Theosophist 21, no. 11 (1941): 322. Canadian Theosophist 23, no. 10 (1942): 327. Conn Smythe, If You Can’t Beat ’Em in the Alley (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1981), 158. Canadian Theosophist 21, no. 9 (1940): 270. Canadian Theosophist 26, no. 8 (1945): 224. Ibid., 271. Canadian Theosophist 15, no. 10 (1934): 301. Canadian Theosophist 19, no. 7 (1938): 215. Ibid., 373. Canadian Theosophist 22, no. 3 (1941): 74. Canadian Theosophist 25, no. 5 (1944): 141.

190

Notes to pages 102–6

Chapter Five 1 Canadian Theosophist 80, no. 2 (1999): 29. 2 Christopher Partridge, The Re-enchantment of the West (London: T&T Clark International, 2004), vol. 1, ch. 4. 3 See Catherine Wessinger, Annie Besant and Progressive Messianism, 1847–1933 (Lewiston, ny: E. Mellen, 1988). 4 Canadian Theosophist, 80, no. 2 (1999): 28. 5 Wilhelm Halbfass, India and Europe: An Essay in Understanding (Albany, ny: State University of New York Press, 1988). 6 Canadian Theosophist, 23, no. 8 (1942): 233. 7 Canadian Theosophist 80, no. 2 (1999): 36. 8 David L. Edwards, Christianity: The First Two Thousand Years (London: Cassell, 1997), 394. 9 Canadian Theosophist 8, no. 10 (1927): 218. 10 Canadian Theosophist 1, no. 1 (1920): 28. 11 This christening was likely in a Methodist church, according to grandson Hugh Smythe, who stated that his grandfather was “deinitely Protestant.” Hugh Smythe, interview with author, Toronto, December 2000. 12 The Lamp 1, no. 10 (1894): 151. 13 Canadian Theosophist 22, no. 8 (1941): 241. 14 Trevor Ling, The Buddha: Buddhist Civilization in India and Ceylon (London: Temple Smith, 1973), 26. 15 Max Weber, The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism, trans. Talcott Parsons (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1976). 16 The inluence of Protestantism, especially Methodism, on Ontario, particluarly Toronto, is well known and has resulted in the joke that in Toronto they say, “Thank God it’s Monday,” relieved that they can go back to work. 17 Canadian Theosophist 24, no. 3 (1943): 78–9. Smythe listed the Eightfold Path as “Right Views,” “Right Aspirations,” “Right Speech,” “Right Conduct,” “Right Mode of Livelihood,” “Right Effort,” “Right Mindfulness,” and “Right Rapture” (the last is usually translated as “Right Concentration”). 18 The Lamp 2, no. 7 (1895): 24. 19 In the Hindu tradition, siddhis are the powers that are believed to come through tapas, the practice of extreme asceticism and meditation, and consist of a variety of superhuman powers, including clairvoyance and clairaudience.

Notes to pages 106–8

191

20 Canadian Theosophist 23, no. 11 (1943): 336. 21 The Lamp 1, no. 2 (1894): 53. That the “New Age” was essentially a Christian idea can be proved by the fact that Hinduism has no parallel idea, having completey different concepts of cyclical time. 22 The Lamp 3, no. 8 (1896): 148. 23 Weber, Protestant Ethic, 80. 24 The Lamp 4, no. 1 (1897): 10. 25 Albert Ernest Stafford Smythe, Poems Grave and Gay (Toronto: Imrie and Graham, 1891), 17. 26 Ibid., 28. 27 Canadian Theosophist 15, no. 3 (1934): 65. 28 Charles J. Ryan, H.P. Blavatsky and the Theosophical Movement, ed. Grace F. Knoche (1937; reprint, Pasadena, ca: Theosophical University Press, 1975), 117. 29 TTS Minutes, passim. 30 Canadian Theosophist 24, no. 1 (1943): 1. 31 Patrick Buckland, A History of Northern Ireland (Dublin, uk: Gill and Macmillan, 1981), 6. 32 Ibid., 4. 33 Ibid., 6. 34 Smythe’s grandson commented on this attitude: “there were two sides to the philosophy of Theosophy: we’re all brothers and want universal peace, [and] the other side was, ‘those awful Catholics.’ You still see it, people can hold two sets of beliefs that to a third party seem antagonistic.” Hugh Smythe, interview with author, Toronto, December 2000. 35 Conn Smythe, If You Can’t Beat ’Em in the Alley (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1981), 38. 36 For a necessary corrective to general impressions about cultural differences between the two groups, see Donald Harman Akenson, Small Differences: Irish Catholics and Irish Protestants, 1815–1922 (Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1988). 37 John Oliphant, Brother Twelve: The Incredible Story of Canada’s False Prophet (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1991), 76. 38 Canadian Theosophist 9, no. 2 (1928): 58. 39 Ibid. 40 Ibid., 59. 41 This sentiment can also be seen within the larger sweep of the growing rapprochement between the communities in Ontario. See Mark C. McGowan, The Waning of the Green: Catholics, the Irish and

192

42 43

44 45 46 47 48

49 50

51 52 53 54 55

56 57 58 59

Notes to pages 109–11

Identity in Toronto, 1887–1922 (Montreal and Kingston: McGillQueen’s University Press, 1999). Phillip L. Marcus, Yeats and the Beginning of the Irish Literary Renaissance (Syracuse, ny: Syracuse University Press, 1987), 24. Ashis Nandy, The Intimate Enemy: Loss and Recovery of Self under Colonialism (1983; reprint, New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1992), 36. Nandy also notes the sympathy of many of the Anglo-Irish with the cause of Indian Independence, the most obvious example being Annie Besant. Marcus, Yeats and the Beginning, 24. The Lamp 3, no. 8 (1896): 124. The Lamp 2, no. 5 (1895): 65. The Lamp 3, no. 10 (1896): 153. See Harvey Cox, Turning East: Why Americans Look to the Orient for Spirituality and What That Search Can Mean to the West (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1977). The Lamp 1, no. 8 (1893): 115. Canadian Theosophist 6, no. 3 (1925): 33. Certainly, Blavatsky herself held this view of karma, writing that “it is only this doctrine, we say, that can explain to us the mysterious problem of Good and Evil, and reconcile man to the terrible and apparent injustice of life”; see Helena Petrovna Blavatsky, The Secret Doctrine: The Synthesis of Science, Religion and Philosophy (1888; reprint, Pasadena, ca: Theosophical University Press, 1988), vol. 2, 303. The Lamp 4, no. 4 (1897): 122. Canadian Theosophist 11, no. 1 (1930): 14. Blavatsky, Secret Doctrine, vol. 1, 69. Ibid. Canadian Theosophist 1, no. 4 (1920): 51. Something of the Hindu understanding (and lack of a sense of urgency) can be gleaned from the teachings of Swami Satyananda and Shree Maa, who write, “There is no one who is not on the path ... By means of dharma, every individual soul is making its pilgrimage in creation ... every individual soul is destined to manifest its own ideal of perfection”; see Shree Maa and Swami Satyananda, The Guru and the Goddess (N.p.: Devi Mandir, 1995), 46–8. Ibid. Ibid., 33. The Lamp 3, no. 10 (1899): 175. The Lamp 3, no. 6 (1897): 84.

Notes to pages 111–14

60 61 62 63 64 65 66 67

68 69 70 71

72

73 74 75 76 77

78

193

The Lamp 2, no. 10 (1896): 149. Partridge, Re-enchantment of the West, vol. 1, 94. Canadian Theosophist 6, no. 3 (1925): 36. The Lamp 2, no. 2 (1895): 19. Canadian Theosophist 11, no. 10 (1930): 289. Canadian Theosophist 6, no. 3 (1925): 33. Ramsay Cook, The Regenerators: Social Criticism in Late Victorian English Canada (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1985), 4. Ibid., 34–5. This is a typical strategy of Theosophists and other followers of alternative spiritualities. Of course, these ideas ignored the fact that most scientists and Christians would reject such claims; for a full discussion, see Wouter J. Hanegraaf, New Age Religion and Western Culture: Esotericism in the Mirror of Secular Thought (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1998). The Lamp 3, no. 2 (1896): 21. Albert Ernest Stafford Smythe, The Garden of the Sun (Toronto: MacMillan, 1923), 78. See Heinrich Zimmer, Philosophies of India (1951; reprint, New York: Princeton University Press, 1989). Gavin Flood, Hinduism (Cambridge, uk: Cambridge University Press, 1996). This being said, the idea of approaching religion solely by studying a text is pretty much unheard of in India, and those studying Advaita Vedanta do so under the supervision of a guru. It should be noted that Advaita Vedantins also often perform rituals. Halbfass, India and Europe. See also Richard King, Orientalism and Religion: Postcolonial Theory, India and “the Mystic East” (New York: Routledge, 1999), 69. Canadian Theosophist 24, no. 5 (1943): 129. Canadian Theosophist 2, no. 5 (1921): 75. Robert Lingat, The Classical Law of India, trans. J. Duncan and M. Derrett (New Delhi: Thomson, 1973), 3. Canadian Theosophist 24, no. 5 (1943): 147. Richard D. Altick, Victorian People and Ideas: A Companion for the Modern Reader of Victorian Literature (New York: Norton, 1973), 220–1. As Olav Hammer notes, arguments around Christology are nothing new within Christianity itself, which has historically developed a “dazzingly variety of Christologies”; see Olav Hammer, “Alternative Christs: An Introduction,” in Alternative Christs, ed. Olav Hammer (Cambridge, uk: Cambridge University Press, 2009), 2. The Lamp 1, no. 12 (1895): 188.

194

Notes to pages 114–18

79 Canadian Theosophist 23, no. 10 (1942): 311. 80 The Lamp 2, no. 1 (1895): 3. 81 James A. Santucci, “The Conception of Christ in the Theosophical Tradition,” in Alternative Christs, ed. Olav Hammer (Cambridge, uk: Cambridge University Press, 2009), 193. 82 Canadian Theosophist 24, no. 3 (1943): 66. 83 See Santucci, “Conception of Christ.” 84 Hanegraaf, New Age Religion, 189. 85 See Wilmer A. Cooper, A Living Faith: A Historical Study of Quaker Beliefs (Richmond, in: Friends United Press, 1990). 86 Ann Braude, Radical Spirits: Spiritualism and Women’s Rights in Nineteenth Century America (Boston, ma: Beacon, 1989), 65. 87 Graham Ward, True Religion (Oxford: Blackwell, 2003), 59. 88 Ibid., 36. 89 The Lamp 3, no. 12 (1900): 219. 90 Srimad Bhagavad Gita, trans. Swami Tapsyananda (Mylapore, India: Sir Ramakrishna Math, 1988), ch. 4, verse 7, 119. 91 Klaus Klostermaier, A Survey of Hinduism (Albany: Univeristy of New York Press, 1994), 50. 92 Canadian Theosophist 1, no. 4 (1920): 50. 93 Ibid. 94 Santucci, “Conception of Christ,” 198. 95 Olav Hammer, Claiming Knowledge: Strategies of Epistemology from Theosophy to the New Age (Leiden: Brill, 2001), 143. 96 Sunday World, 7 February 1915. 97 Ibid. 98 The Lamp 1, no. 2 (1894): 27. 99 Canadian Theosophist 23, no. 7 (1942): 206. 100 Canadian Theosophist 22, no. 4 (1941): 98. 101 Canadian Theosophist 23, no. 7 (1942): 205. 102 Canadian Theosophist 15, no. 9 (1934): 258. 103 Canadian Theosophist 23, no. 7 (1942): 227. 104 The Lamp 2, no. 2 (1895): 19; Canadian Theosophist 23, no. 7 (1943): 203–6. 105 Canadian Theosophist 24, no. 3 (1943): 65. 106 Ibid. 107 Ibid., 66. 108 The Lamp 1, no. 9 (1895): 132. 109 Hanegraaf, New Age Religion, 262. 110 The Lamp 3, no. 7 (1899): 100.

Notes to pages 118–22

195

111 Canadian Theosophist 21, no. 10 (1941): 309. Some forms of lefthanded tantra developed sexo-yogic techniques, which are believed to facilitate the raising of kundalini energy (see chapter 3, note 70). Observing the bizarre way that tantra has been taken up in Western popular culture, one is tempted to agree with Smythe. Hugh Urban records an amusing interchange with a sadhu (religious renunciant) in which he asked about sexual rituals. Finally fed up, the ascetic said, “All you Americans want to know about is sex. Don’t you get enough of all that in your own country? Go back home to your pornography and ‘free love’”; see Hugh B. Urban, Tantra: Sex, Secrecy and Power in the Study of Religion (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2003), xiii. 112 The Lamp 2, no. 3 (1895): 35. 113 See Cook, Regenerators; and Nancy Christie and Michael Gavreau, A Full-Orbed Christianity: The Protestant Churches and Social Welfare in Canada, 1900–1940 (Montreal and Kingston: McGill– Queen’s University Press, 1996). 114 Joy Dixon, “Gender, Politics and Culture in the New Age: Theosophy in England, 1880–1935” (Phd diss., Rutgers, the State Univeristy of New Jersey, 1993), 10. 115 Beaver Branch Minutes, 12 June 1895. 116 Beaver Branch Minutes, 8 April 1896. 117 Bruce F. Campbell, Ancient Wisdom Revived: A History of the Theosophical Movement (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1980), 132. 118 Penny Waterstone, “Domesticating Universal Brotherhood: Feminine Values and the Construction of Utopia” (PhD diss., University of Arizona, 1995), 104. 119 Arthur H. Nethercott, The First Four Lives of Annie Besant (Chicago, il: University of Chicago Press, 1960), 54. 120 Beaver Branch Minutes, 7 April 1897. 121 Evening Star, 2 April 1897. 122 Canadian Theosophist 1, no. 2 (1920): 28. 123 Joan Suttcliffe, interview with author, Toronto, September 2000. 124 Beaver Branch Minutes, 20 December 1899. 125 Emmet A. Greenwalt, The Point Loma Community in California, 1897– 1947: A Theosophical Experiment (New York: ams Press, 1955), 39. 126 Waterstone, “Domesticating Universal Brotherhood,” 120. 127 Ibid., 132. 128 Ibid., 79. 129 Greenwalt, Point Loma Community, 37.

196

Notes to pages 122–6

130 W. Michael Ashcraft, The Dream of a New Cycle: Point Loma Theosophists and American Culture (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 2002), 14. 131 Ibid., 43. 132 Peter Washington, Madame Blavatsky’s Baboon: A History of the Mystics, Mediums and Misits Who Brought Spiritualism to America (1993; reprint, New York: Schocken Books, 1995), 110–11. 133 Waterstone, “Domesticating Universal Brotherhood,” 7. 134 Thomas Lake Harris was a charismatic leader whose own Utopian colony quickly dissolved as a result of sexual scandals. 135 Waterstone, “Domesticating Universal Brotherhood,” 207. 136 Greenwalt, Point Loma Community, 173. 137 Waterstone, “Domesticating Universal Brotherhood,” 175–6. 138 Ibid., 268. 139 Beaver Branch Minutes, 20 December 1899. 140 The Lamp 3, no. 11 (1900): 194. 141 Ibid. 142 Oliphant, Brother Twelve, 12–13. 143 Ibid., 15–17. 144 Ibid., 21. 145 Ibid., 29. 146 Blavatsky, Secret Doctrine, vol. 2, 444–5. 147 Oliphant, Brother Twelve, 35. 148 Ibid., 36. 149 Ibid. 150 Canadian Theosophist 7, no. 7 (1926): 149–51. 151 Canadian Theosophist 7, no. 9 (1926): 197–8. 152 Oliphant, Brother Twelve, 39. 153 Ibid., 41. 154 Ibid., 42. 155 Ibid. 156 Ibid. 157 Canadian Theosophist 9, no. 2 (1928): 57. 158 Ibid., 58. 159 Oliphant, Brother Twelve, 71–5; Canadian Theosophist 9, no. 2 (1928): 59. 160 Ibid. 161 Oliphant, Brother Twelve, 93. 162 Ibid., 94. 163 Ibid.

Notes to pages 126–9

164 165 166 167 168 169 170 171 172 173 174

175 176 177 178

179 180

181 182 183 184 185 186

197

Ibid. Ibid., 110. Ibid., 145. Ibid., 312. Ibid., 295. On kundalini, see chapter 3, note 70. Ibid., 326–40. Canadian Theosophist 9, no. 9 (1928): 273. Canadian Theosophist 14, no. 4 (1933): 117. Canadian Theosophist 10, no. 5 (1929): 149. The Ottawa lodge went from ifty-three members in 1927 to six in 1928. Robert V. Hine, California’s Utopian Colonies (New Haven, ct: Yale University Press, 1966), 5. Gerald Gutek and Patricia Gutek, Visiting Utopian Communities: A Guide to the Shakers, Moravians and Others (Columbia: University of South California Press, 1998), 1. Canadian Theosophist 1, no. 4 (1920): 60. Canadian Theosophist 1, no. 5 (1920): 78. Canadian Theosophist 16, no. 4 (1935): 124. John H. Simpson and Henry G. MacLeod, “The Politics of Morality in Canada,” in Religious Movements: Genesis, Exodus and Numbers, ed. Rodney Stark (New York: Paragon House, 1985), 233. Those who dislike this tendency refer to it as the mushy middle. Canadian Theosophist 14, no. 4 (1933): 118. Harold Falding, “Mainline Protestantism in Canada and the United States of America: An Overview,” Canadian Journal of Sociology 3, no. 2 (Spring 1978): 142. Canadian Theosophist 1, no. 5 (1920): 78. Canadian Theosophist 18, no. 6 (1937): 174–5. Barbara Treloar, interview with author, Toronto, February 1998. Ibid. Greg Gatenby, Toronto: A Literary Guide (Toronto: McArthur, 1999), 99. The tts received many substantial legacies from former members: $6,729.44 from Felix Belcher in April 1958, $1,000.00 from Mary Ann Harmon in November 1960, and $9,888.54 from Alice Duvall Richardson in May 1961. Members also sometimes left property to the tts, such as the cottage bequeathed by the Amos sisters in February 1937. In the TTS Annual Report, 1977–1978, the secretary noted that 70 per cent of the lodge’s income was derived from donations and interest on bequests from members.

198

Notes to pages 130–5

187 TTS Errata, Letter from Vijay Agnew to the tts, 24 October 1978. 188 TTS Errata. 189 At the time of this writing, the tts was considering relocating to a property close by on Madison Avenue in Toronto. 190 Toronto Theosophical Newsletter, May-June 2002.

Chapter Six 1 James Webb, The Flight from Reason, vol. 1, The Age of the Irrational (London: Macdonald, 1971). 2 Gene Howard Homel, “Fading Beams of the Nineteenth Century: Radicalism and Early Socialism in Canada’s 1890s,” Labour/Le Travailleur: Journal of Canadian Labour Studies 5, no. 5 (Spring 1980): 9. 3 Joy Dixon, “Gender, Politics and Culture in the New Age: Theosophy in England, 1880–1935” (PhD diss., Rutgers, the State University of New Jersey, 1993), 16. 4 See Jill Roe, Beyond Belief: Theosophy in Australia, 1879–1939 (Kensington, Australia: New South Wales University Press, 1986). 5 See Will C. van den Hoonard, The Origins of the Baha’i Community of Canada, 1898–1948 (Waterloo, on: Wilfrid Laurier University Press, 1996); and Carl T. Jackson, Vedanta for the West: The Ramakrishna Movement in the United States (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1994). 6 Examples of this Christian afiliation are that member Mary Ann Harmon bequeathed money to both the tts and the Anglican Church and that Leslie Floyd left money in his will to both the tts and a Cistercian monastery. See TTS Errata. 7 Diana Burield, “Theosophy and Feminism: Some Explorations in Nineteenth Century Religious Biography,” in Women’s Religious Experience, ed. Pat Holden (London/Totowa, nj: Crooms Helm/ Barnes and Noble, 1983), 29. 8 The Lamp 4, no. 7 (1900): 208. 9 Mark S. Morrisson, “The Periodical Culture of the Occult Revival: Esoteric Wisdom, Modernity and Counter-Public Spheres,” Journal of Modern Literature 31, no. 2 (Winter 2008): 1–22. 10 The Lamp 4, no. 7 (1900): 208. 11 Dixon, “Gender, Politics and Culture,” 38. 12 Ramsay Cook, The Regenerators: Social Criticism in Late Victorian English Canada (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1985), 153. 13 Canadian Theosophist 10, no. 6 (1929): 161.

Notes to pages 135–41

14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21

22 23

24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31

32 33 34

35

36 37 38

199

Ibid. Canadian Theosophist 1, no. 1 (1920): 10. Canadian Theosophist 9, no. 2 (1928): 58. Canadian Theosophist 1, no. 3 (1920): 33 Ibid. Canadian Theosophist 2, no. 5 (1921): 76; Canadian Theosophist 5, no. 10 (1924): 152. Roe, Beyond Belief, 267. See Michele Lacombe, “Song of the Open Road: Bon Echo, Urban Utopians and the Cult of Nature,” Journal of Canadian Studies 33, no. 2 (Summer 1998): 152–67. Ibid., 104. W.L. Morton, “Victorian Canada,” in The Shield of Achilles: Aspects of Canada in the Victorian Age, ed. W.L. Morton (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1968), 312. Canadian Theosophist 1, no. 2 (1920): 17. Canadian Theosophist 4, no. 4 (1923): 59. Canadian Theosophist 4, no. 11 (1924): 162. Canadian Theosophist 5, no. 1 (1924): 2. Ibid., 3. Canadian Theosophist 4, no. 11 (1924): 162. Canadian Theosophist 18, no. 5 (1937): 158. Phyllis Airhart, Serving the Present Age: Revivalism, Progressivism and the Methodist Tradition in Canada (Montreal and Kingston: McGill–Queen’s University Press, 1992), 126. Peter Larisey, Light for a Cold Land: Lawren Harris’s Work and Life – An Interpretation (Toronto and Oxford: Dundern, 1993), 63. Ibid., 50. Norman Penner, The Canadian Left: A Critical Analysis (Scarborough, on: Prentice-Hall of Canada, 1977), 26. The Canadian militia was used on thirty-three separate occasions between 1876 and 1914 to interfere with strikes. The most infamous of these interventions was of course during the Winnipeg General Strike of 1919. Michiel Horn, The League for Social Reconstruction: Intellectual Origins of the Democratic Left in Canada, 1930–1942 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1980), 17. Canadian Theosophist 18, no. 1 (1937): 21. Webb, Flight from Reason, vol. 1, Age of the Irrational, xiii. Joy Dixon, Divine Feminine: Theosophy and Feminism in England (Baltimore, md: John Hopkins University Press, 2001), 5.

200

Notes to pages 142–6

39 Richard Allen, The Social Passion: Religion and Social Reform, 1914– 28 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1971), 14. 40 Cook, Regenerators, 169. 41 Canadian Theosophist 22, no. 5 (1941): 1. 42 Toronto Theosophical News (1945). 43 Canadian Theosophist 24, no. 1 (1943): 9. 44 See Christopher Partridge, The Re-enchantment of the West (London: T&T Clark International, 2004), vol. 1, ch. 5. 45 Alex Owen, The Place of Enchantment: British Occultism and the Culture of the Modern (Chicago, il: University of Chicago Press, 2004), 13. 46 Steven J. Sutcliffe, Children of the New Age: A History of Spiritual Practices (London and New York: Routledge, 2003), 213. 47 Paul Heelas, The New Age Movement (Oxford: Blackwell, 1996), 221. 48 Robert C. Fuller, Spiritual but Not Religious: Understanding Unchurched America (New York: Oxford University Press, 2001), 142. 49 Robert Wuthnow, After Heaven: Spirituality in America since the 1950s (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1998), 160. 50 Sutcliffe, Children of the New Age, 200. 51 Sarah M. Pike, New and Neopagan Religions in America (New York: Columbia University Press, 2004), 148. 52 Peter C. Emberley, Divine Hunger: Canadians on Spiritual Walkabout (Toronto: HarperCollins, 2002), 199. 53 Ibid., 198. 54 Partridge, Re-enchantment of the West, vol. 1, 67. 55 Owen, Place of Enchantment, 16. 56 Max Weber, “The Spirit of Capitalism and the Iron Cage” (1905), in Social Theory: The Multicultural and Classic Readings, ed. Charles Lemert, 100–4 (Boulder, co: Westview, 1999). 57 Catherine L. Albanese, A Republic of Mind and Spirit: A Cultural History of American Metaphysical Religion (New Haven, ct: Yale University Press, 2007), 507. 58 Cook, Regenerators, ch. 12. He writes, “when the fog of intellectual confusion lifted, the Christian social reformer had turned into a secular social worker” (231). 59 Emberley, Divine Hunger, 246. 60 Partridge, Re-enchantment of the West, vol. 1, 33.

Notes to page 146

201

61 I am perhaps being too harsh here, as suggested by a scathing indictment of rightwing politicians by Caroline Myss, one of the most famous igures within the “New Age” movement. See Caroline Myss, “Crimes against the Soul of America,” Hufington Post, 5 September 2009, http://www.hufingtonpost.com/caroline-myss/crimes-againstthe-soul-o_b_278188.html (accessed 9 September 2011). 62 Wouter J. Hanegraaf, New Age Religions and Western Culture: Esotericism in the Mirror of Secular Thought (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1998), 523. 63 See Graham Ward, True Religion (Oxford: Blackwell, 2003).

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Index

Advaita Vedanta, 57, 72; neoVedanta, 57, 113, 138; Protestant Vedanta, 104, 113 alchemy, 10, 13, 80 alternative health movements (natural health), 11, 27, 132, 145 alternative religious movements, 4, 14–15, 19–20, 25–6, 132 Anglicans, attitude toward Theosophy, 20 anti-imperialism, 49, 61, 81–2 anti-Semitism, 73, 75, 97, 108, 126 anti-vivisection, 27 Aquarian Age, 89, 100, 124, 143 Arts and Letters Club, 23, 67, 81, 86–7 Arundale, George, 53–4, 73 Aryan race theory, 70–1, 75 Asiatic Exclusion League, 65 astrology, 10, 13, 32, 41, 94, 131–2 “Atlantic Triangle,” 27–8, 33, 132 avatara, 43, 113, 115, 126

“Back to Blavatsky,” 28, 42, 44–5, 130, 133, 135 Bailey, Alice, 131 Barr, Dudley, 51–3, 61, 67–8, 129, 142 Beaver branch, creation of, 33, 119, 121–3, 135 Belcher, Felix, 62, 138 Besant, Annie, 12, 19, 28, 34–5, 42–6, 56, 58, 63, 66, 78, 88, 103, 106, 109, 112, 120, 124, 127, 133–6, 139, 143; attitude toward race, 50, 66, 73; controversy over Krishnamurti, 38; controversy over Leadbeater, 36–7; inluence on modern art, 81; paciism, 96; successor to Blavatsky, 30; visits to Toronto, 30–1, 44–5, 63 Bhagavad Gita, 11–12, 29, 52, 56–7, 62, 98, 115 bhakti, 112 Biblical Criticism, 10, 113

222

Index

Blackwood, Algernon, 13, 23; time in Toronto 26, 31 Blavatsky, Helena Petrovna, 6–9, 16, 20, 23, 27, 31, 34, 43, 53–5, 60–1; attitude toward Christianity, 73, 103, 107; attitude toward missionaries, 55; attitude toward science, 79; death of, 29–30; and the New Age, 38; views on race, 50, 70–3, 76, 79–80, 91, 100, 103, 106–7, 110–11, 113, 115–16, 118, 124, 134, 137, 140, 143, 154 British Empire, 12, 14, 21, 33, 65, 69; racist attitudes, 71–2, 74 Brother XII, 108, 119, 124; visit to Toronto, 125–7, 135 Buddhism, 8, 12, 26, 41, 56, 103, 105, 110, 114, 140 Calvinism, 59, 62, 110, 112, 114, 117 Canadian identity, 5, 41, 77, 79; arts role in fostering, 81–4, 132, 136–8 Canadian section, 37, 40, 42, 135; creation of, 41 Canadian Socialist League, 88 Canadian Theosophist, launching of, 41–2, 47 capitalism, 12, 88–91, 93, 95, 146 Carpenter, Edward, 12, 59, 79 Catholicism, 16; attitude toward Theosophy, 20 Christian Science, 8, 14, 16, 20, 25, 41, 58, 133 Christie Pits (Willowvale Park) riots, 75 Christology, 113–15 church and social policy, 17

“civilizing mission,” 55, 70 colonialism, 12–13 communism, 47, 90, 95, 99, 140, 142 comparative religion, 7, 10–11, 34, 51, 62, 70, 75, 90, 130, 142 Co-operative Commonwealth Federation (ccf), 90–1, 95 counterculture, 5, 27, 77, 130, 143, 145 Cousins, James, 78–9, 81, 83, 91, 109 cremation, 9, 25, 49–55 Darwinism, 10 Davis, Lelia, 19, 88 Deacon, William Arthur, 18, 82, 139 de Gobineau, Arthur, 70 Denison, Flora MacDonald, 80, 89, 91–2, 133–4, 137, 140–1 Denison, Merrill, 87 Depression, the, 46, 48, 90, 93, 96, 103, 112, 133 Despard, Charlotte, 88, 93, 109 dharma, 21, 42, 57, 113, 132 disenchantment, 5 esotericism, 4, 9, 13, 26–7, 61, 77–8, 82, 122, 124, 132 fascism, 47, 88–90, 94–9, 103, 136 feminist spirituality, 26, 145 52 Isabella Street, purchase of property, 41, 129 First Nations, 75, 84 First World War, 39; impact on Theosophy, 40, 87, 92, 96, 108, 112, 132, 136 frontier, 14 Fullerton, Alex, 31–2, 35

Index

Gandhi, Mohandas K., 12, 44, 50, 62–3, 65–6, 68–9, 97–8 gender, 74 Gnosticism, 10, 13, 103, 116–17 Goldman, Emma, 92–3, 101, 140 Group of Seven, 51, 78, 81–2, 88, 139 Gullen, Augusta Stowe, 23, 91; meeting in her home, 29; women’s rights, 24–5, 133 Harris, Lawren, 13, 47, 51, 54, 78, 81–2, 85–7, 139–41 Hart House Theatre, 87–8 Hinduism, 8, 11–12, 39, 55–6, 58, 61–2, 103–4, 110, 112–18, 134, 138, 140 hippies, 130, 143 Hitler, Adolf, 47, 94, 97–8 Housser, Frederick, 75; cremation, 50–5; Group of Seven, 51, 78, 80, 82, 84–7, 89–91, 94–5, 140 Hughes, Robert, 56–7, 63, 90, 94, 96, 101 hybridity, 13 imperialism, 11, 49–50, 55, 63, 70, 89, 91, 95, 101, 138, 144 India, 5, 12, 31, 50, 55–6, 63, 66, 116, 120, 122, 145 Indian Independence, 5, 12, 66, 77, 98 Industrial Revolution, 9 Irish Literary Renaissance, 5, 23, 77, 82, 109 Jinarajadasa, C.J., protégé of Annie Besant and Charles Leadbeater, 34; visit to Toronto, 44, 73, 75–6, 78, 85, 90

223

journalism, 4, 23, 26–7, 51, 54, 83, 134–5, 140 Judge, William Quan, meeting with A.E.S. Smythe, 22–3, 29, 31; secession, 32, 109, 119–22, 135 Jung, Carl, 77, 140 Kandinksy, Wassily, 13, 82–3, 85, 139 karma, 8, 20, 22, 24, 29, 38, 49, 53–4, 57–9, 61–2, 72, 79, 82, 93–4, 98–9, 103, 110–13, 116– 17, 139, 142 Kingdom of Heaven (God), 18, 24, 104, 106, 109, 116, 118 Kinman, George, 67–8, 129 Krishna, 98, 114–15 Krishnamurti, Jiddu, 38–9, 42–3, 45–6, 60, 73; paciism, 95, 97, 106, 124, 135 labour movement, 11, 17, 26, 92, 132–3, 140 Lakin, Sarah, 59 Lamp, The, irst published, 32, 33, 121 Lansbury, George, 88 Leadbeater, Charles T., 28, 34; abuse allegations, 35; inluence on modern art, 81; and Krishnamurti, 38; scandal, 36–7; visits to Toronto, 36, 42–3, 103, 106, 135 League for Social Reconstruction, 91 League of Nations, 90, 96–7, 155 liberal collectivism, 17 Lismer, Arthur, artistic vision, 81–5 Lutyens, Lady Emily, 40, 73; paciism, 95

224

Index

MacDonald, J.E.H., 81, 87 MacPherson, Ethel Day, 23; concept of karma and brotherhood, 24, 29 Masonic Lodge (Masonry, Freemasons), 16, 27, 41 Masters, the, 7, 31, 39, 55, 103, 106, 113–15, 120, 124 Mennonites, 15 messianism, 38, 40, 43 Methodism, 17–20; attitude toward Theosophy 20; public policy, 114 Millenarianism, 18–19, 106, 122, 124 missionaries, 50, 55, 66, 104, 116, 134, 138 Mitchell, Roy, 54, 78, 82; relationship with members of the Group of Seven, 86–7, 79, 82, 134, 136, 139–40; theatrical vision, 83–4 modernity, 4, 11–12 Mondrian, Piet, 13, 82, 85 Montessori, Maria, 77, 140 Moravian Church, 104, 114 Morris, William, 79 Nazism, connections with the occult, 70 Nehru, Jawaharlal, 12, 62, 69, 98 New Age, 18–19, 27; concept of, 3, 31, 38, 78, 80, 90, 93, 100, 106, 124–5, 139, 141, 147 new religious movements, 4, 5, 6, 12, 14; and women, 25, 106, 110, 114, 143–7 New Women, 25–7, 133 occult, 4, 9–10, 13, 16, 27, 29, 31–2, 34–5, 41, 51, 62, 80, 124, 132, 141

occult racism, 70–1 “occulture,” 103 Olcott, Henry Steel, 23, 27; connection with practice of cremation, 35–6, 52, 73, 120, 134, 143; power struggle with Judge, 31–2 Orange Order, 107–8 Order of the Star in the East, 38–9, 43–5 Orientalism, 11, 12, 49, 61, 71; afirmative Orientalism, 63 paciism, 6, 40, 92, 95–7 Pandia, D.P., 64–9, 138 peace movement, 89, 97 Pietists, 103–4, 114–15 Playle, Ruth, 59 Point Loma, 5, 78, 100, 121–3, 127 property at 52 Isabella Street, 41, 44, 47, 129 public meetings, 29 Quakers, 15, 18, 24, 26, 58, 114 race, 49–50; Blavatsky’s views, 70–3 reincarnation, 8, 20, 24, 30, 36, 49, 52–4, 57–9, 62, 72; and race 73–4, 103, 110–13, 116, 138, 142 religion and public policy, 17–18 religion and social change, 9 religious pluralism, 11, 139 Romantic (neo-Romantic) movement, 9, 78, 82, 146 Rukmini Devi, 53–4, 73, 77 Russell, George (AE), 5, 23, 82, 109, 121, 139 rta, 113

Index

Saint Paul, 116–17 Samkhya philosophy, 60–1, 138 Second World War, 6, 17, 47–8, 68, 74, 97, 100–1, 103, 112, 141–2 Secret Doctrine, 7–8, 16, 38, 50, 56, 72, 84, 89 Sikhs, community in British Columbia, 64–5, 69 Singh, Kartar, 63–4, 69, 139 Smythe, Albert Ernest Stafford, 6, 30–2, 34, 41–2, 44–7, 51, 54, 58–9, 64, 66–8, 77, 79, 83, 86, 88–9, 91–4, 101–2; antiCatholicism, 107–8, 139; attitude toward Christianity, 103, 107; attitude toward First Nations, 75; “Back to Blavatsky,” 42; career in journalism, 23; Christology, 113– 15; conlict with Annie Besant, 29, 42, 103; conlict with Brother XII, 125–7; conlict with Katherine Tingley, 123–4; dispute over D.P. Pandia, 67–8; fascism, 89; founding of the Toronto Theosophical Society, 22–3; Irish identity, 109; Irish Literary Renaissance, 23; Jewish refugees, 99; journalism, 134; meeting with William Quan Judge, 22; paciism, 96–9; Protestantism, 105–7; Spanish Civil War, 98–9; Spiritualism, 105; Utopian movements, 122–9 Smythe, Conn, 100, 105, 107, 112; racing tip, 47 Social Darwinism, 71 Social Gospel, 3, 17–18, 21, 89, 93–4, 118, 123, 134, 139, 142 socialism, 6, 11, 17, 19, 21, 58, 79, 88–91, 93, 95, 101, 110, 133, 138, 140–2, 147, 155

225

Spanish Civil War, 47, 98 Spiritualism, 8, 10, 16, 18–20, 25–7, 34, 40, 58, 80, 91, 105, 114–15, 120, 132–3, 135 Steiner, Rudolf, 39 Stowe, Emily, 23, 91; cremation, 25, 52; women’s rights, 24, 31, 133 Swami Vivekananda, 12, 56, 64 swastika, 41, 74–5; on tts seal, 41 Tagore, Rabindranath, 64, 87 Tallman, H.R, 40–1 Tantra, 105, 118, 145–6 Tarot, 10 Theosophy and nation building, 5, 81–5 Theosophical Socialism, 79, 89–90 third-force religion, 14, 54 Thompson, Phillips, 18, 26, 31, 33, 89, 134, 142 Tingley, Katherine (the Purple Mother), 78, 100, 103, 119; “World Crusade,” 120–1, 122–3, 126–9, 135 Toronto, 10, 13–14, 20–1, 30, 46, 86, 92, 134, 137, 142 Toronto Theosophical Society (tts), schism, 33, 35 Universal Brotherhood, 7, 24, 33, 50, 70, 75–6, 89–90, 96, 102–3, 107, 116, 128, 131, 142–3 Upanishads, 52, 57 Utopian communities, 3, 5, 78, 122, 127, 135 Utopian ideals, 5, 15, 80, 123–4, 127–9, 144 Vedanta Society, 12

226

Index

vegetarianism, 9, 27, 32, 49; vegetarian restaurant in Toronto, 91, 133 volkisch ideology, 70–1 voluntary societies, 19, 119, 139 Walt Whitman Fellowship, 23, 92 Whitman, Walt, 53, 58–9, 79–81, 87, 92, 118, 137 Williams, Cecil, 47, 89, 94, 138 women in Theosophy, 5, 25–6, 47, 133, 141, 147 Women’s Christian Temperance Union (wctu), 19

women’s suffrage, 6, 19, 23–6, 91–2, 132–3 World Teacher, 19, 38–9, 43, 45–6, 126 World War I. See First World War World War II. See Second World War Yeats, W.B., 5, 13, 23, 109, 121, 139 yoga, 9, 13, 34, 58, 60–2, 65–6, 68, 138, 144–6 Yoga Sutras, 57–8, 60