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Urbanization In a Global Context
Uroanization IN a Global Context Edited by Alison L. Bain ana Linda Peake
UNIVERSITY
PRESS
OXFORD UNIVERSITY
PRESS
Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford. It furthers the University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education by publishing worldwide. Oxford is a registered trade mark of Oxford University Press in the UK and in certain other countries. Published in Canada by Oxford University Press 8 Sampson Mews, Suite 204, Don Mills, Ontario M3C 0H5 Canada www.oupcanada.com Copyright © Oxford University Press Canada 2017
The moral rights of the author have been asserted Database right Oxford University Press (maker)
First Edition published in 2017 All rights reserved. No part ofthis publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the prior permission in writing of Oxford University Press, or as expressly permitted by law, by licence, or under terms agreed with the appropriate reprographics rights organization. Enquiries concerning reproduction outside the scope of the above should be sent to the Permissions Department at the address above or through the following url: www.oupcanada.com/permission/permission_request.php
Every effort has been made to determine and contact copyright holders. In the case of any omissions, the publisher will be pleased to make suitable acknowledgement in future editions. Library and Archives Canada Cataloguing in Publication Urbanization in a global context / edited by Alison Bain and Linda Peake.
Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-0-19-902153-6 (paperback) 1. Urbanization—Case studies. I. Bain, Alison L., 1974-, editor II. Peake, Linda, 1956-, editor
HT361.U65 2017
307.76
C2016-907285-1
Cover images images (clockwise from top, right): Slums in Lima, Peru, © iStock/FrankvandenBergh; Chinatown in Bangkok, Thailand, © iStock/aluxum,; Alberta suburban housing, © iStock/Daniel Barnes; Dubai Skyline, © iStock/Owen Price. Oxford University Press is committed to our environment.
This book is printed on Forest Stewardship Council® certified paper and comes from responsible sources.
MIX FS
Paper from responsible sources
FSC
FSC®
C1 321 24
Printed and bound in the United Statés.of America 123
4—20
19 18 17
Alison L. Bain This book is for my inquisitive and inspiring undergraduate Urban Geography students who will hopefully continue to explore cities and become part of the next generation of urban scholars. Linda Peake
This book is for my much loved family, Karen de Souza, Essie B. and Barbara Peake, and the memory of my much missed mother and father, Marjorie and Frederick Peake.
Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2022 with funding from Kahle/Austin Foundation
https://archive.org/details/urbanizationinglo00Ounse
Contents Contributors — ix
Tables and Figures Preface
xi
xv
Acknowledgments _ xxii
1 Introduction: Urbanization and Urban Geographies Linda Peake and Alison L. Bain |
ri.
“yy
Urban Development
1
17
2 Shifting Urban Contours: Understanding a World of Growing and Shrinking Cities Kenneth Cardenas and Philip Kelly 3 National Urban Systems in an Era of Transnationalism André Sorensen
4 Globalizing Cities and Suburbs Richard Harris and Roger Keil
36
52
5 Incremental and Instant Urbanization: Informal and Spectacular Urbanisms Grace Adeniyi Ogunyankin and Michelle Buckley
Urban Policy and Planning
87
6 Urban Policy and Governance: Austerity Urbanism Betsy Donald and Mia Gray 7 Land Use and Creativity in Post-industrial Cities Alison L. Bain and Rachael Baker
89
103
8 Socialist and Post-socialist Cities in the Twenty-First Century Lisa B.W. Drummond and Douglas Young 9 Urban Planning, Indigenous Peoples, and Settler States Ryan Walker and Sarem Nejad 10 Urban Policy and Planning for Climate Change Daniel Aldana Cohen
III © Urban Forms
136
155
171
11 Gentrification, Gated Communities, and Social Mixing Nicholas Lynch and Yolande Pottie-Sherman 12 Unequal and Volatile Urban Housing Markets Alan Walks and Dylan Simone
190
13 Urban Public Spaces, Virtual Spaces, and Protest Ebru Ustundag and Gokboru S. Tanyildiz
209
173
120
70
19
viii
“
Contents
14 Urban Geopolitics: War, Militarization, and “The Camp” Nicole Laliberte and Dima Saad
IV *
Urban Lives
227
243
15 Placing the Transnational Urban Migrant Harjant S. Gill and Margaret Walton-Roberts
245
16 The Urban Poor: The Urban Majority and Everyday Life Sabin Ninglekhu and Katharine Rankin 17 Women
in Cities
260
276
Linda Peake and Geraldine Pratt
18 Urban Governance, Ethnicity, Race, and Youth Beverley Mullings and Abdul Alim Habib
295
19 Disabling Cities 309 Nancy Worth, Laurence Simard-Gagnon, and Vera Chouinard
20 Cities, Sexualities, and the Queering of Urban Space David K. Seitz and Natalie Oswin
V
«
Urban Infrastructure and Livability 21 Plants, Animals, and Urban Life
326
345
347
Laura Shillington and Alice Hovorka 22 Healthy Cities
361
Godwin Arku and Richard Sadler
23 Urban Water Governance 377 Rebecca McMillan, Sawanya Phakphian, and Amrita Daniére 24 Delivering and Managing Waste and Sanitation Services in Cities Carrie L. Mitchell, Kate Parizeau, and Virginia Maclaren 25 Global Convergence and Divergence in Urban Transportation Craig Townsend 26 Conclusion: Envisioning Global Urban Futures Alison L. Bain and Linda Peake
Glossary of Key Terms Index 459
436
426
394
409
Contributors Godwin Arku Associate Professor, Department of Geography, University of Western Ontario
Abdul Alim Habib Instructor, Department of Geography and Planning, Queen’s University
Alison L. Bain Associate Professor, Department of Geography, York University
Richard Harris Professor, Department of Geography and Earth Sciences, McMaster University
Rachael Baker Doctoral Candidate, Department of Geography, York University
Alice Hovorka Professor, Department of Geography and Planning, Queen’s University
Michelle Buckley Assistant Professor, Department of Human Geography, University of Toronto Scarborough
Roger Keil Professor, Faculty of Environmental Studies, York University
Kenneth Cardenas Doctoral Candidate, Department of Geography, York University
Philip Kelly Professor, Department of Geography, York University
Vera Chouinard Professor, School of Geography and Earth Sciences, McMaster University
Nicole Laliberté Assistant Professor, Teaching Stream, Department of Geography, University of Toronto at Mississauga
Daniel Aldana Cohen Assistant Professor, Department of Sociology, University of Pennsylvania
Nicholas Lynch Assistant Professor, Department of Geography, Memorial University of Newfoundland
Amrita Danieére Professor, Department of Geography and Planning, University of Toronto
Virginia Maclaren Associate Professor, Department of Geography and Planning, University of Toronto
Betsy Donald Associate Professor, Department of Geography and Planning, Queen’s University
Rebecca McMillan Doctoral Candidate, Department of Geography and
Lisa B.W. Drummond Associate Professor, Urban Studies, Department of Social Science, York University
Carrie L. Mitchell
Harjant S. Gill Assistant Professor, Department of Sociology, Anthropology and Criminal Justice, Towson University
Beverley Mullings Associate Professor, Department of Geography and Planning, Queen’s University
Mia Gray
Sarem Nejad Doctoral Candidate, Department of Geography and Planning, University of Saskatchewan
Senior Lecturer, Department of Geography, University of Cambridge
Planning, University of Toronto
Assistant Professor, School of Planning,
University of Waterloo
x
#
Contributors
Sabin Ninglekhu Postdoctoral Research Fellow, Earth Observatory of Singapore, Nanyang Technological University
Laura Shillington Lecturer, Geosciences Department, John Abbott College
Grace Adeniyi Ogunyankin Assistant Professor, Women’s and Gender Studies,
Laurence Simard-Gagnon Doctoral Candidate, Department of Geography and
Carleton University
Planning, Queen’s University
Natalie Oswin Associate Professor, Department of Geography, McGill University
Dylan Simone Doctoral Candidate, Department of Geography and Planning, University of Toronto
Kate Parizeau
Assistant Professor, Department of Geography, University of Guelph
André Sorensen Professor, Department of Human Geography, University of Toronto Scarborough .
Linda Peake Professor, Urban Studies, Department of Social Science, York University
Gokborii S. Tanyildiz Doctoral Candidate, Department of Sociology, York University
Sawanya Phakphian Doctoral Candidate, Department of Geography and Planning, University of Toronto
Craig Townsend Associate Professor, Department of Geography, Planning and Environment, Concordia University
Yolande Pottie-Sherman Assistant Professor, Department of Geography, Memorial University of Newfoundland
Ebru Ustundag Associate Professor, Department of Geography, Brock University
Geraldine Pratt Professor, Department of Geography, University of British Columbia
Ryan Walker Associate Professor, Department of Geography and Planning, University of Saskatchewan
Katharine Rankin Professor, Department of Geography and Planning, University of Toronto
Alan Walks Associate Professor, Department of Geography and Planning, University of Toronto
Dima Saad Master of Arts Candidate, Department of Anthropology, University of Toronto
Margaret Walton-Roberts Professor, Department of Geography, Wilfrid Laurier University
Richard Sadler Assistant Professor, Department of Family Medicine, Division of Public Health, Michigan State
Nancy Worth Assistant Professor, Department of Geography and Environmental Management, University of Waterloo
University
David K. Seitz Visiting Scholar in Sexuality Studies, Centre for Feminist Research, York University
Douglas Young Associate Professor, Urban Studies, Department of Social Science, York University
Tables and Figures Tables 1.1.
1.2 1.3. 2.1 5.1 6.1 17.1 17.2
One hundred years of growth in the world, urban, and rural populations and percentage
population increase, 1950-2050 (billions) 3 Annual average rate of change in total, urban, and rural populations, selected periods, 1950-2050 4 Milestones in world and urban populations 5 Key variables employed to define urban areas 21 Gulf-focused real estate and infrastructure development funds, 2007-2009 77 Ontario municipalities operating expenses by function, as percentage of total operating expenses 2009-2012 99 Feminist research on gender in the urban global South 278 Feminist research on gender in the urban global North 279
Figures 0.1 2.1 2.2 2.5 2.4 2.5 2.6 3.1 3.2 3.5 3.4 3.5 41 42 43 44 45 46 5.1 5.2 5.3 5.4 5.5 5.6 5.7. 6.1 6.2 6.3 6.4. 6.5
Map of case study cities inside cover Global urbanization, 1950-2050 22 Dense, low-rise buildings in Delhi, 2013 23 The global cluster of financial services in London 26 Map of Manila, the Philippines 30 Workers outside a new call centre in Manila 31 Taguig, Metro Manila 31 Commuters near Osaka Station 42 Map of Japan, the Tokaido Megalopolis, and the Pacific Belt 44 Fish marketin Tokyo 46 Club district near Ueno Station, Tokyo 46 Restaurants under the Bullet Train tracks, Tokyo 46 Pudong skyline, Shanghai, viewed from the Bund 54 \Informal arrangements for tapping electrical wires in Kolkata, 2012 56 Map of the Los Angeles Region, California 61 View of Bunker Hill from the Bonaventure Hotel, Los Angeles 62 Map of the social geography of Tehran, Iran 63 Aninformally built house in Tehran 64 Four prominent narratives framing understandings of contemporary urbanization and urbanisms 72 The Burj Khalifa, the world’s tallest building 73 Anarchitectural maquette for the Lagoons megaproject In Dubai 74 Map of Dubai, United Arab Emirates 75 Map of Ibadan, Nigeria 81 Ahouse in Foko, Ibadan 81 Houses in Ibadan, Nigeria, that contravene planning regulations 82 Map of Stockton, California 93 Stockton, California, foreclosure 94 Thecity of Stockton goes into bankrupty 94 View from Woodward and Garfield in midtown Detroit 95 Location of Detroit, Michigan 96
xii
6.6 7.1 7.2. 7.3. 7.4. 7.5. 7.6 7.7
8.1 8.2 8.3 8.4 8.5 8.6 9.1 9.2 9.3. 9.4 9.5 9.6 9.7 9.8 10.1 10.2
10.3 10.4 10.5 11.1 11.2 11.3 11.4. 11.5 11.6 11.7 12.1 12.2 12.3 12.4 12.5 12.6 12.7 13.1 13.2
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Shifting Urban Contours Understanding a World of Growing and Shrinking Cities Kenneth Cardenas and Philip Kelly
Introduction Sometime in 2007-2008 the world crossed a threshold. From that point onward, over half of humanity was living in urban areas (United Nations, 2008). This shift in
how, and where, people live has perhaps been the defining transformation in twenty-first-century history, and it is accelerating sharply. It has not, however, been a uniform movement towards city life, as patterns and speeds of urbanization have varied significantly around the world. Amid a general trend towards urbanization, some cities have declining rather than growing populations. Nor is urbanization necessarily an unproblematic shift to a better way of life—for many people, cities involve drudgery and hardships that are barely an improvement on a rural existence, and the expansion of urban areas has far-reaching social and environmental consequences. Nowhere is urbanization more dramatically on display than in China. In 1990 just 26 per cent of the country’s population lived in urban areas, but by 2014 this had risen to 54 per cent. It is estimated that 76 per cent of China’s population will be urbanites in 2050. The ways in which this process is unfolding give us some clues about how we can approach urbanization in general ina critical and analytical manner. (Canadian writer and journalist Doug Saunders (2010) examines the process of urbanization at the level of lived experiences. He describes a Chinese village called Liu Gong Li in Sichuan province, just south of the megacity of Chongqing. His story begins in the mid-1990s, when the village was still, in some ways, the same as it had been for generations, with land cultivated using basic (and unmechanized) techniques by the same
families. But the village was far from being the peaceful rural idyll that one might imagine for an Asian village. It had seen economic hardship and political repression, including many deaths from famine and starvation in the 1950s and 1960s.
With the construction of a road and bridge in 1995 to link Liu Gong Li with the booming city of Chongqing (just six kilometres [4 miles] away) and the opening up of land markets so that agricultural land could be converted to other uses, the village was transformed. By 2010 Liu Gong Li had become a “forest” of apartment blocks and a vast landscape of seemingly random self-built concrete shops and houses. In the intervening 15 years, the village population increased from just 70 to over 10,000, blending together with other villages to form part of Chonggqing’s mega-urban region. It is no longer a village at all. The problems of rapid urbanization experienced in Liu Gong Li are numerous—open sewers and inadequate
garbage disposal, congested roads, unsafe construction, and a hive of low-paid and unregulated workshops and factories. But at the same time, this newly minted urban space is also a foothold in the city for rural-urban migrants, many of whom live in buildings or neighbourhoods alongside other migrants from their former villages in the rural hinterland. Liu Gong Li represents a pathway out of rural life and into the possibilities—if not for migrants, then for their children—of upward mobility in the city. The example of Liu Gong Li provides a useful starting point for several issues that will be discussed in this chapter. ‘The main question concerns global
20
#
PartI)
Urban Development
patterns of urban growth and decline. While China’s rate of urbanization is impressive and far exceeds that of most other countries in terms of the absolute numbers involved, rapid rates of urban growth are a global phenomenon. And yet, while the overall trend is towards increasing urbanization, some towns and cities (referred to as shrinking cities especially in North America, Eastern Europe, and central Asia) have seen declining populations in recent years. It is important, therefore, to recognize the dynamic geography of urban population change around the globe. Inherent to this concern is the question of how we define urbanization. At what point does a village engulfed by new growth become urban rather than rural? How do we classify households in more distant villages that are being supported by migrants to the city—are they rural or urban? Given that almost every country has its own unique definition of what constitutes an urban space, urbanization statistics are peculiarly uneven and idiosyncratic and notoriously difficult to compare (Brenner and Schmid, 2014).
7
This chapter examines the processes that lie behind urban
growth
(and decline).
Increases
or decreases
in population due to demographic trends or migration flows are key processes causing urban growth or decline. In the case of Liu Gong Li, nearly all growth is due to internal migration within China. In a country such as Canada, most net population growth in cities is caused by international in-migration. But in all cases, behind these population changes are underlying economic and political contexts that drive them in a process commonly understood as uneven development. It is therefore important to ask why cities grow and attract new residents in the first place. This chapter also reflects upon some of the negative consequences and planning challenges that result from urbanization and the economic, social, and environmental changes that it entails. Many of the challenges of urbanization are evident in the case study of Manila. While 12 million people live within Manila’s metropolitan borders, the capital of the Philippines sits at the centre of an extended region that is home to twice as many inhabitants. The city and its region exhibit many of the driving forces, and consequences, of rapid urbanization in the twenty-first century, The chapter ends with an examination of issues of growing and shrinking cities within the Canadian context.
Patterns of Urban Growth and Decline What we know about urbanization processes around the world is subject to inconsistent definitions. When levels of urbanization are discussed, the usual basis for measurement is the proportion of a population that lives in urban areas. But what exactly constitutes an urban area and therefore an urban population? The definition varies across different countries and has also shifted over time. There are, however, a few key variables that tend to be used, outlined in Table 2.1. Only the last of these measures begins to hint at a definition of the urban that relates to the lifestyles and social interactions of people who live in urban or non-urban areas. The lifestyles that are possible in many “non-urban” areas of Canada, for example, with telecommunications, transport links, and retail services, allow many people to pursue lifestyles that are quite urban in every way except for their physical location. » These conceptual difficulties should be kept in mind whenever one reads and interprets claims regarding urbanization. Any standard for defining what is “urban” likely includes populations, landscapes, and lifestyles that other standards might not include, and vice versa. Setting these parameters is very much a social, and thus political, exercise./For instance, designating a place as urban often carries fiscal, administrative, and planning implications; a legally defined “city” might have taxation powers that a “county” does not, and different interests might line up behind either classification. The World Urbanization Prospects report (United Nations, 2015a) is perhaps the best data set available for tracking urban population trends from 1950 to the present and then projecting these trends up to 2050 (http:// esa.un.org/unpd/wup/). Among the most important trends that can be seen in this data are the following (also illustrated in Figure 2.1):
-
A greater share of the world’s population is living in cities. The share of the world’s population living in cities has steadily increased over the past century, and it is expected to keep increasing in the decades to come. In 1950 about 30 per cent of people worldwide lived in cities. Around 2008 the balance tipped so that for the first time in human history, more than half of the world’s population was classified
2 Cardenas/Kelly: Shifting Uroan Contours
%
21
Table 2.1 Key variables employed to define urban areas Jurisdictional Boundaries. In some countries, an urban area is taken to be the same as the administrative unit that forms the city government. This can, however, be very misleading and arbitrary. For example, the administrative area of Beijing in 1999 was estimated to be 11 times larger than the actual built-up area (Angel et al., 2011). In many cases, though, the situation is the opposite, with administrative city governments at the core of an urban region representing only a fraction of the actual urban area. The city of Vancouver, for example, had a 2011 population of just over 600,000, but the wider Vancouver region, represented by a Census Metropolitan Area, was home to nearly four times that number (Statistics Canada, n.d.).
Population Criteria. Regardless of where the boundaries are placed around a jurisdiction, there is still the question of whether it constitutes an urban area or not. This is decided on the basis of criteria that vary from country to country, usually based on the total population and the population density (or people per square kilometre). In Canada, an urban area is one with 1000 inhabitants or more and a population density of at least 400 inhabitants per square kilometre. The United Kingdom simply requires a settlement to have at least 10,000 people, while in France a commune is urban if it has 2000 inhabitants or more who live in houses separated by no more than 200 metres (219 yards) (United Nations, 2015a). Built-Up Area. One way of going beyond arbitrary thresholds is to use satellite images to generate precisely delimited zones of built-up areas comprising pavements, rooftops, and compacted soil (Angel et al., 2011). While such techniques allow the physical urban landscape to be defined, it is also important to note that urban forms can be quite different in various contexts. For example, in parts of Asia with dense rural populations, there are regions around major cities that have intensely mixed landscapes. They juxtapose both urban and rural land uses and are hard to define as one or the other. Geographer Terry McGee called these zones “desakota’—combining the Indonesian terms for “village” (desa) and “city” (kota) (McGee, 1991). Functional/Sectoral. Another set of criteria for defining the urban relates to the categories of economic activity undertaken and the existence of certain types of services. Urbanization is generally taken to include a shift from resource-based economic activities to those involving manufacturing and service provision. The provision of certain kinds of services such as health care, education, and transportation may also be used as a basis for determining urban status. Finally, deciding the extent of an urban area may be based on its functional integration. In Canada, for example, a Census Metropolitan Area is defined as an urban agglomeration with at least 100,000 people and incorporating areas that have a high degree of integration with the central urban area as measured by commuting flows. Kenneth Cardenas and Philip Kelly
as urban. By 2050, it is estimated that 66 per cent, or two-thirds of humanity, will be living in urban areas (United Nations, 2015b).
‘The rate of urbanization is accelerating. While the trend towards ever-greater urbanization can be traced back to the Industrial Revolution in the nineteenth century, what will set the next half-century apart is the pace and scale at which global urbanization will proceed. From 2000 to 2050 the world’s urban population is expected to grow by 3.48 billion people. To put this figure in perspective, the world’s urban population only reached the 3.5-billion mark in 2010. By 2050 some 6.3 billion people are expected to live in urban areas, a number equivalent to the world’s whole population in 2003. _ Th The process of global urbanization is uneven. (Countries around the world are not een at the same rate.) The period until 2050 will see\some countries become “more urban” much faster than the overall pace.\ Haiti, Thailand, and China, in particular, are expected to zoom from 35 to 75 per cent urban between 2000 and 2050. Other countries, meanwhile,
will see little change in the proportion of their population living in urban areas. This is typical of countries that already have fairly high levels of urbanization, such as high-income countries in Europe./ Canada, for instance, is expected to see the share of itsurban population grow by only a little over 8 per cent, from 79.5 to 87.6 per cent. Likewise, within national contexts, some cities and regions are growing faster than others, even as other cities and regions see their populations shrink, And, lat the scale of individual cities themselves, certain neighbourhoods and districts experience growth or decline that may defy the trend for the city as a whole. Urbanization, in other words,
is a geographically uneven process, [Most urban growth will be in the global South.) little more than 93 per cent of urban growth from 2000 to 2050 is expected to take place in the global South, what the United Nations refers to as less-developed regions. Urban areas in these parts of the world will grow from 1.97 billion to 5.22 billion people (a staggering 165 per cent increase) in the first half of the twenty-first century. Urban populations in
PartI
Urban Development
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