Urban Migration and Public Governance in China 9789819940523

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Public Economy and Urban Governance in China

Shangguang Yang  Danyang Wang

Urban Migration and Public Governance in China A Case Study of Shanghai

Public Economy and Urban Governance in China Series Editor Bojun Wu, East China University of Science and Technology, Shanghai, China

This book series aims to promote the research in innovation-driven development of public economy and urban governance in China, and ultimately the social governance model based on collaboration, participation, and common interests enhancing the foresight, precision, and efficiency of urban governance. Focusing on the urban governance of Chinese top megacities, this book series combines economics and sociology and explores a new way to solve problems of social governance concerning urban public goods supply mechanism, innovative models of social governance, as well as critical urban development issues like public safety, infrastructure and environmental pollution.

Shangguang Yang · Danyang Wang

Urban Migration and Public Governance in China A Case Study of Shanghai

Shangguang Yang School of Business East China University of Science and Technology Shanghai, China

Danyang Wang School of Insurance Shandong University of Finance and Economics Shandong, China

ISSN 2948-1872 ISSN 2948-1880 (electronic) Public Economy and Urban Governance in China ISBN 978-981-99-4051-6 ISBN 978-981-99-4052-3 (eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-4052-3 Jointly published with East China University of Science and Technology Press Co., Ltd. The print edition is not for sale in China (Mainland). Customers from China (Mainland) please order the print book from: East China University of Science and Technology Press Co., Ltd. ISBN of the Co-Publisher’s edition: 978-7-5628-6265-9 © East China University of Science and Technology Press Co., Ltd. 2023 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publishers, the authors, and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publishers nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publishers remain neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations. This Springer imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. The registered company address is: 152 Beach Road, #21-01/04 Gateway East, Singapore 189721, Singapore

Editorial Board

Editor-in-Chief Baijun Wu

Editorial Board Baijun Wu Chen Wanzhen Hou Liwen Li Jiachen Liu Xiaoliang Pan Chunyang Tang Maogang Tang Youcai Yang Jibo Yang Shangguang Zhang Chenfeng Zhao Fangdu

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General Preface

After more than 40 years of rapid development, the economic society of China has demonstrated some new characteristics in recent years, which is mainly reflected in changes in the ways the Chinese economy is developing at the current stage. These changes often occur when economic development reaches a certain stage, partly like what happened in the history of developed countries, but with unique Chinese characteristics. In economic growth and structural adjustment, a remarkable feature is the continuously increasing contribution made by the public goods sector to national economic growth. To counter the economic recession and maintain a fast economic growth and social stability, the Chinese government has continuously invested heavily in public infrastructure construction, particularly after the global financial crisis in 2008. At the same time, in the context of urbanization and population system reform, and the mounting needs of people’s social welfare to be met, the government has increased its investment in public services, such as education, health, safety and social security, which makes the supply of economic and social public goods an important part of the total social supply. Even in some years, investment and supply of public goods have become decisive factors for economic growth. In terms of social development and structural changes, although the overall social form and power structure has changed little, social forces, like the new emigrant class, middle income class and private capital class that came into being, as a result of modern social activities continues to grow, exerting an increasing influence on economic and social development. These emerging social forces are imperceptibly changing China’s social structure and having a profound impact on the pattern of social interests. At the same time, with people’s production and lifestyles becoming increasingly market-oriented and socialized, the ideas, social needs and demands of ordinary people have also undergone great changes, which adds to the difficulties in accurately grasping people’s needs, preferences and behavioral changes in social governance, and poses challenges to the effective implementation of public services. In addition, with the change of production mode and the expansion of economic activity space, people’s social mobility has been increasing, far exceeding the scope of administrative areas and posing a huge challenge to the traditional administrative vii

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management system and the top-down governance mechanism of the government. All these have put forward new requirements on how to reconstruct the structure and mechanism of social governance in the modern political and economic constructions. Seen from the economic development trend of various countries, the role and status of the public goods sector in the economic and social development are gradually improving, and its asset scale and proportion in the total social supply are constantly increasing, with the economic development and the improvement of residents’ income level. This reflects the state and trend of the continuous development of social economy. With a reference to the law of the development of the public goods sector in other countries, the rapid development of the public goods sector in China after the reform and opening up also reflects a regular trend of economic and social changes. However, it should be clearly realized that in the rapidly changing social and economic development environment, the growth of the private product sector will be affected by technological, market and institutional changes, and the development of the public product sector will also face many new challenges. This is manifested mainly in the following aspects: First, how to allocate social and economic resources reasonably and effectively in the private and public product sectors. This requires a comprehensive grasp of the objective needs of the economy and society, and an effective mechanism for resource allocation to achieve a balance between the supply of the two sectors and the needs of individuals and society, and a balance between moderate economic growth and the improvement of social welfare, so as to basically achieve the two goals of economic efficiency and social equity in development. Second, how to effectively supply public goods, especially according to China’s national conditions, to solve the problems that truly show people’s needs and preferences in theory and practice, adopt appropriate public choice methods, and let the public participate in the selection and decision-making system of public product projects. This problem involves a country’s public goods supply system and mechanism, and political, technological, market, social and cultural factors, but the core problem lies in the arrangement and mechanism design of political and economic systems. The old stereotype of an “all-in-one government” should be abandoned, the needs of the people be truly put squarely in the centre, and the government does what it should and refrain from what it should not, delegating power to the grassroots and freeing up space for the development of social organizations and their performance of social governance functions. At the same time, the government should also reform the existing government-led public goods supply mechanism through institutional arrangements and political procedures and explore a public goods supply mechanism featuring multi-subject cooperation, which is suitable for China’s national conditions. Third, how to build a social governance pattern featuring joint contribution, cogovernance and shared benefits, establish a social governance community in which “everyone is responsible, lives up to their responsibility and shares in the benefits”, how to establish a social governance system integrating the government, social organizations and the public under the leadership of the Communist Party of China, and

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how to stimulate the enthusiasm of the public to participate in community governance, and improve the ability and level of community workers and community affairs participants. Fourth, how to innovate grassroots governance methods, which involves making social governance the cornerstone and focus of national governance and the basic link in the modernization of the national governance system and management ability. At the same time, the government must eliminate any “idle” phenomena through institutional arrangements and rule of law and establish the governance methods that adapt to multiple governance subjects to resolve administrative dilemmas of community institutions, explore de-administrative reform paths for community grassroots organizations, and build systems for resource mobilization, public service provision, and public affairs decision-making. Fifth, how to innovate the production and supply methods of public products based on new technologies like the Internet, big data, and Al to improve public service efficiency and enhance community grassroots governance performance. This requires continuous improvement of laws and regulations, to enable public service departments to legally use IT to understand the real needs of society members for public products and services. It also provides sufficient information for public decisionmaking and technical means for the supervision and performance evaluation of public services, aiming to achieve effective resource allocation and supply. Based on the above thinking and understanding of China’s long-term social and economic development and structural changes, the Institute of Advanced Studies in Social Sciences at East China University of Science and Technology has formed a research team to study public economics and social governance issues in China’s socio-economic development. They aim to analyze China’s socio-economic development from a grassroots and microeconomic perspective in the context of the sea changes in China’s society and economy. The team, composed of young teachers specializing in public economics, sociology, and public management, has undertaken quite a number of international cooperative projects and State Fund projects, focusing on three main research themes: 1. Studying the basic theory of public goods sector development and China’s practice, exploring the structural relationship and internal mechanism of public economics and social governance in social development. 2. Investigating new methods and forms of public economics and social governance in the context of new technologies like the Internet, big data, and Al. 3. Conducting social surveys, field experiments, and empirical analysis in public infrastructure, public services, and community grassroots governance, aiming to find beneficial practical experiences with Chinese characteristics, review and revise classic theoretical views, and expand theoretical research scope. This series is a preliminary summary of their previous research work, with each volume reflecting these research themes. The content of this series mainly covers the areas of public economy, social governance and social policy. Regardless of the discipline, most of the research is based on the theory of public economics and public management and discusses scientific issues in public economy and social governance in an interdisciplinary way. We also study policy issues from the perspectives of different disciplines.

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Since the publication of the Chinese version, this series has received extensive attention from the academic community and society. In particular, studies on how to establish a diversified public goods supply mechanism for social organizations and public participation, and how to establish an effective grass-roots social governance mechanism have generated strong interest and triggered off more in-depth discussions. Now that the series is available in English, more readers can understand the great changes in the public economic sector and social governance in China since the reform and opening up, and understand the understanding of Chinese scholars on the practical issues of public economy and social governance. At the same time, it is hoped that scholars from all over the world will pay more attention to the reform process of China’s public sector, thus promoting international academic exchanges in this field. The publication of this series in the original has been sponsored by the National Publishing Fund and the “Publishing Project of Universities Serving the National Major Strategies”. Without the support of the East China University of Science and Technology Press and the hard work of its editors, the acquisition of the fund and high-quality publication would not have been possible. The English version would never have been imagined without the constructive cooperation with Springer Nature. To these quarters, we owe our heart-felt gratitude. Shanghai, China May 2020

Baijun Wu

Foreword

Migration is a complex economic and social phenomenon. The history of human economic and social development is a history of continuous changes in technology, industry, and social structure and human migration and integration into cities. In “The World Migration Report” 2015, it was pointed out that three million people worldwide flock to cities weekly. Rapid urbanization has brought enormous opportunities and challenges to migrants, societies, and governments. To pursue a better life and development goals, human beings are looking for new ways and paths of urban governance. They will take the initiative to innovate traditional management models. Since the twenty-first century, migration has been an important part of globalization. The situation of migrants and their social integration has become a hot research topic in international academic circles. For example, urban employment policies that gradually open up the preference for household registration will help immigrants to integrate into the local labor market and avoid the isolation of immigrant groups. Integration policies will lead to more flexible city management, lower labor costs, and improve cities’ social cohesion and economic competitiveness. In addition, many towns have cooperated with immigrant organizations to promote immigrant groups’ civic rights and political participation. In China, as urbanization continues to accelerate, urban migrants have become a large social group, and large-scale urban migration is profoundly changing the social structure of Chinese cities. While Chinese academics have long focused on migrant workers, landless peasants, and construction migrants, the composition of urban migrants in China in the twenty-first century is more complex and diverse than that of “migrant workers” in the 1980s, which was relatively homogeneous. With the constraints of China’s household registration system and localized welfare management, the white-collar class of new urban migrants also faces various problems in urban housing, employment, medical care, and children’s education, which have brought new challenges to China’s urban public policy. In particular, after 40 years of reform and opening up, with the slowdown of China’s population migration and the shift of China’s development goals from highspeed development to high-quality development, public policies on urban migration in China are facing new adjustments and changes. On June 23, 2020, the Ninth xi

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Plenary Session of the 11th Shanghai Municipal Committee was held at the Expo Center to consider and adopt “The Opinions of the Shanghai Municipal Committee of the Communist Party of China on Deeply Implementing the Important Concept of ‘People’s City Built by People, People’s City for People’ and Writing a New Chapter of People’s City in the New Era” (“The Opinions” for short). The introduction of “The Opinions” marks the change in China’s urban governance philosophy from “economic construction” to “people-oriented.” With the increasing development and opening of Chinese cities, the diversification of urban population structure makes integrating urban migrants with different economic and social structures an urgent issue. To build a warm city for everyone, the soft power and competitiveness of the city will be improved. The new concept of urban governance, such as “Better City, Better Life,” should be expressed not only in the improvement of hardware infrastructures such as urban transportation, green space, and medical care but also in meeting the service needs of different groups, especially the new urban migrants. In the face of diversified population sources and diversified interests of the people, the wisdom and courage of the Chinese government to modernize its governance capacity are also being tested to balance the service needs of new immigrants with different incomes, occupations, origins, and nationalities, under the multiple urban governance objectives of economic growth, environmental friendliness, and social equity. The main content of this book focuses on urban migration and public governance. The book reviews the concepts and theoretical schools of thought related to urban migration and urban governance in the international arena. It summarizes the trends of migration flows and policy evolution in the world, as well as the characteristics and types of urban migration in China. The innovation of this book is to try to analyze the main factors and mechanisms affecting urban migration and integration and to verify the subjective and objective reasons affecting urban migration and integration by using the case of Shanghai and the national data of the migrant population in Shanghai. Based on the personal and objective analyses, the book again reviews and examines theories from the perspectives of population migration, migration policies, and migrant integration, explores the dilemmas and transformation ideas of urban migration management in China, and finally proposes theoretically based and practical strategies for transforming and responding to the new governance of urban migration in China. This book is the result of collective wisdom, and the editor-in-chief of the series, Prof. Bojun Wu, has provided framework comments and suggestions on the outline and content of the book. The writing of this book was divided as follows: Wang Danyang worked on Chap. 1; Song Yanjing worked on Chap. 2; Ni Zerui worked on Chaps. 3 and 6; Yu Jiali worked on Chap. 4; Li Wenyong worked on Chap. 5; Wang Danyang worked on Chap. 7; Song Yanjing and Xu Lu worked on Chap. 8; Wang Danyang and Xu Lu worked on Chap. 9. This book is the result of the major project of Humanities and Social Sciences of the Shanghai Municipal Education Commission, “Research on Effective Supply Mechanism of Urban Public Goods” (2017-01-07-00-02-E00008) and the general project of the National Natural Science Foundation of China, “Research on Medical

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Demand, Behavior and Governance Response of the Elderly Population in Megacities.” (71874054). It is one of the research results of the “Public Economy and Social Governance Series” jointly published by the Institute of Advanced Studies in Social Sciences of East China University of Science and Technology and East China University of Science and Technology Press. Special thanks go to Vice President Wu Bojun and teachers Tang Youcai, Yang Jibo, Zhao Fangdu, Pan Chunyang, Zhang Chenfeng, Hou Liwen, Liu Xiaoliang, Li Jiachen, and Tang Mogang for their valuable comments and suggestions during the writing of this book and Mr. Lei Yutian for help. We thank Prof. Ding Jinhong, Prof. Wu Ruijun, and Prof. Wang Chunlan of East China Normal University for their contributions and quotations. We also thank Prof. Wang Yaolin of the University of Melbourne for his valuable suggestions. While the book’s main body was being prepared for publication, the emergence of a new pneumonia epidemic of coronavirus infection in China has led us to rethink the future urbanization strategy of China. With the improvement and development of infrastructure such as highways, high-speed railroads, and airports in China, the flow of population, labor, capital, and technology is accelerating, especially in China’s metropolises and megacities. Will the influx of immigrants increase public health risks? Should there be a reasonable threshold for the population size of Chinese megacities such as Beijing, Shanghai, and Guangzhou, especially megacities? Should the goal of urban development be economic growth alone, or should it be balanced among multiple purposes such as economic growth, social equity, and environmental friendliness? How to establish an effective and dynamic response mechanism for urban migration and public policy according to the changing economic and social development infrastructure? All these questions have attracted the reflection and attention of Chinese academics. China’s economy and society are currently in the critical period of crossing the “middle-income trap” and building a moderately prosperous society. In the period of economic development transition, how to resolve social risks and build public security in the future? This book provides standardized citations and descriptions of the research results of many domestic and foreign scholars who have conducted fruitful studies and published literature on urban migration and public governance in China. Due to time and energy constraints, this book must have many shortcomings and errors, and many classical theories and authors’ ideas are not exhaustively quoted; please forgive us. We hope that the research results in this book can enlighten our academic colleagues, and the authors will be happy to do so. Shanghai, China

Baijun Wu

Preface

After more than 40 years of rapid development, Chinese economic society has shown some new characteristics in recent years, which mainly refers to the changes in ways of present economic development. This change in economic development after a certain stage is partly similar to the history of developed countries, but more reflects Chinese characteristics. In terms of economic growth and structural adjustments, a remarkable feature is that the contribution rate of public goods sectors to national economic growth continues to rise. Especially after the global financial crisis in 2008, in order to resist the economic recession and maintain a high-speed economic growth and social stability, the Chinese government has continuously invested heavily in public infrastructure construction. At the same time, under the background of urbanization and population system reform, in order to meet people’s increasing needs for social welfare, the government has increased its investment in public services including education, health, safety, and social security, which makes the supply of economic and social public goods an important part of the total social supply. Even in some years, the investments and supply of public goods have become decisive factors for economic growth. In terms of changes in social development and structure, although the overall social formation and power structure have not changed a lot, the social forces based on modern economic activities, such as new immigrants, middle-income class, and private capital class, are increasing. And their influence on economic and social development is also increasing. These new social forces are subtly changing China’s social structure and profoundly affecting the pattern of social interests. At the same time, in the course of people’s increasingly marketized and socialized production and lifestyle, great changes have been witnessed in the ideology of grass-roots group, social needs, and demands, which adds difficulties to how to accurately know people’s preferences and behavior changes in social governance, and challenges how to effectively implement public services. In addition, with the changes of production mode and the expansion of economic activity space, the social mobility is growing, which

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has gone far beyond the reach of administrative regions. This has brought great challenges to the traditional administrative management system and the top-down governance mechanism and put forward new requirements in modern political construction and economic construction for how to reconstruct the social governance structure at basic level and governance mechanism. At present, it is difficult for us to form a definite judgment on the future development due to the changes and transformation of social economy. However, if we do not consider the factors of political system changes, we may be able to clearly find some laws of the evolution of social economy from that of social economy in various countries. Throughout the history of development in human society, changes in technology and production modes and market expansion provide economic security for people to get rid of the constraint of natural environment so as to pursue a prosperous life. However, the development of private product sectors can hardly ensure that every member of society enjoys a fair and safe development environment. The development of public goods sectors, whether under the planned economy system or the market economy system, and the supply of public goods and public services bring social welfare promotion to the members of society. Therefore, the functional characteristics and social functions of the above two departments require a country to rationally allocate resources to the private product sectors and the public product sectors in the process of economic development; otherwise, it will lead to a disharmonious relationship between economy and society. At the same time, in the development in private product sectors in many countries, as social wealth rises, the environmental damage, the gap between the rich and the poor, and social injustice are becoming serious. Moreover, the development of public goods has also seen some problems such as resource mismatch, low supply efficiency, bureaucratic privilege and administrative monopoly in the course of improving social welfare level and safety guarantee. Therefore, people are always looking for appropriate systems to restrain the excessive competition, negative externalities and widening gap between the rich and the poor among private product sectors, and also trying to improve the supply efficiency and social benefits in the development of the public goods sectors through systems. From the trend of economic development in other countries, as the economy and personal income grow, the function and status of public goods sectors in economic and social development are gradually enhanced, and its asset scale and proportion in total social supply are also increasing, which reflect an improving state and trend of social economy. Referring to the law of development of public goods sector in other countries, the development of Chinese public goods sectors after reform and opening up also reflects the regularity of social and economic changes. However, we must realize that in the radically changing economic development, not only the growth of the private goods sectors will be affected by the changes of technology, market, and system, but also the development of the public goods sectors will face many new challenges, which are mainly manifested in the following aspects:

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First is how to rationally and effectively allocate social economic resources to private goods sector and public goods sectors. It is necessary to grasp the objective needs of economy and society in an all-round way and allocate resources with an effective mechanism, so as to realize the balance between the supply of two sectors and the needs of individuals and society, and the balance between the economic growth and the improvement of social welfare to basically achieve the two goals of economic efficiency and social equity in development. Second is how to effectively supply public goods, especially how to theoretically and practically solve the problem of truly showing people’s demand preference and adopt appropriate public choice methods based on China’s national conditions, so as to let the public participate in the selection and decision-making system of public goods projects. This problem involves a country’s supply system and mechanism of public goods, as well as political, technical, market, social, and cultural factors. However, the its main problem lies in the arrangement of political and economic system and the design of mechanism and how to break the original “omnipotent government” and truly take the needs of residents as the its core. And the government can analyze every situation, delegate its power to lower levels, and release spaces for the development of social organizations and their performance of social governance functions. At the same time, the government should also reform its existing government-led public goods supply mechanism through institutional arrangements and political procedures to explore the multi-subject cooperation of public goods supply mechanism suitable for Chinese national conditions. Third is how to build a social governance paradigm based on collaboration, participation, and common interests, foster a community of social governance in which everyone fulfills their responsibilities and shares in the benefits, how to establish a social governance system that integrates government, social organizations, and the public, how to stimulate people’s enthusiasm for participating in community’s governance, and improve the ability and level of participants in community affairs. Fourth is how to innovate governance patterns in lower levels. This requires grassroots governance to become the cornerstone and focus of national governance and the basic stage of modernization of China’s system and capacity for governance. At the same time, through institutional arrangements and legal means the government should eliminate the “formalism” phenomenon of grass-roots governance, establish a governance mode that adapts to multiple governance subjects, to get rid of the administrative dilemma of community institutions and their affairs, explore the deadministrative reform path of grass-roots organizations in community, and build the operation system and mechanism of grass-roots organizations in community in resource raising, public service provision, and public affairs decision-making. Fifth is how to innovate the production and supply of public goods, improve the efficient of public service, and enhance the performance of grass-roots governance in community based on new technologies such as the Internet, big data, and artificial intelligence. This requires constantly improving laws and regulations, so that public service departments can legally use information technology to obtain the real needs of social members for public goods and our service, as well as provide sufficient

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information for public decision-making, technical means for public service supervision, and performance evaluation, so as to achieve the goal of effective allocation of resources and supply. Based on the above-mentioned thinking and understanding of the long-term development and structural adjustments in China’s social economy, the Institute of Advanced Social Sciences of East China University of Science and Technology has set up a research team, which has established the research purpose of exploring the issues of public economy and social governance in China’s economic and social development. It is hoped to have a subtle observation and partial analysis of China’s social and economic development based on the social grass-roots level and microeconomic level under the grand paradigm of social and economic changes. In recent years, a group of young teachers of public economics, sociology, and public management in East China University of Science and Technology have focused on public economy and grass-roots governance, and undertaken many international cooperation and state-funded projects. They have carried out a series of studies around three major themes: First, they have studied the basic theory of development in public goods sectors and China’s practice, especially through the integration of interdisciplinary research and multi-research paradigm, to explore the structural relationship and internal mechanism between public economy and social governance in the process of social development; the second is to study new modes and forms of public economy and social governance with new technologies including the Internet, big data, and artificial intelligence; the third is to carry out social investigation, field experiment, and empirical analysis in public infrastructure, public service, and community governance, trying to find some useful practical experiences with Chinese characteristics, so as to review and revise the classical theoretical views and expand the scope of theoretical research. This series is a preliminary summary of our previous research work, and each fascicle also roughly reflects the research topics in these aspects. The contents of this series mainly involve the fields of public economic, social governance, and social policies. No matter which discipline they belong to, most of the studies are based on the theories of public economics and public management and discuss the scientific problems in public economy and social governance in an interdisciplinary way; In view of policies, we also study it from the perspective of various disciplines. Four books in the series can be classified into public economics. Among them, Effective Supply Mechanism of Urban Public Goods in China sorts through the supply theory and research literature of public goods, discusses the mechanism of Chinese public goods supply and its gains and losses in reform, and focuses on the empirical analysis of investment, financing, production, and distribution in the fields of urban public infrastructure and public service; Urban Infrastructure and Economic Development in China summarizes the achievements and challenges of Chinese society in infrastructure construction in the past 70 years and reveals the internal mechanism of infrastructure affecting regional economic development from the theoretical perspectives of fiscal decentralization and comparative institutional analysis; using econometric analysis, this book explores the influence of Chinese infrastructure construction on the integration of the market, the open development, and the improvement of people’s livelihood and puts forward the theory and

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realization path of infrastructure supply model innovation from the perspective of political economy theory; Effective Supply Mechanism and Path of Environmental Public Goods in China studies the supply mechanism of various environmental public goods, focusing on the function and behavior pattern of household sector in environmental governance that people pay less attention to; taking the household sector as the supplying main body, the intergenerational factors are included in the analytical framework, and the theoretical model of effective supply of environmental public goods is constructed based on three valuation methods of environmental public goods. Interestingly, Multi-dimensional Collaborative Governance of Urban Sharing Platforms takes sharing economic as the research target and discusses the widespread publicity of private products. The book comprehensively sorts through the development mode, governance experience, and action mode of urban sharing platforms at home and abroad and puts forward the concept of multi-collaborative governance of sharing platform with self-governance priority, government supervision, and social assistance. This research breaks through the traditional restriction of supply of urban public goods and makes a pioneering research on the revolutionary changes of public consumption and production mode of private goods in the new technology environment. Generally speaking, these books take infrastructure, environmental protection, pollution control and other major urban public goods and public service as research targets, analyze the characteristics and internal operation mechanism of Chinese urban public goods supply, and put forward plans and policies for the reform of effective supply system of public goods. There are two books in the series that study the urban social governance. Urban Migration and Public Governance in China investigates urban governance in the process of urbanization and studies how to transform immigration control into immigration service and improve the level of immigration governance so as to enable immigrants to integrate into cities as soon as possible; targeting at the reality of frequent accidents in urban public security, Urban Public Security Risk Prevention and Control System systematically analyzes the sources and types of urban public security problems. On the basis of deeply analyzing the causes of urban security risks, it discusses the effective internal mechanism of prevention and control of security risks and constructs the prevention and control system of urban security risks. After the publication of this series in Chinese, it has attracted wide attention from academia and society, especially how to coordinate the development between the public sector and the private sector, how to establish a multiple public goods supply mechanism with social organization and public participation, and how to establish an effective grass-roots social governance mechanism. Now the series is published in English, which can make more English readers understand China’s great changes in the public economic sector and social governance field since reform and opening up and know Chinese scholars’ understanding of realistic problems of public economy and social governance. At the same time, it is expected that scholars from all over the world will pay more attention to the reform process of Chinese public sectors and promote international academic exchanges in this field.

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The publication of this series has been supported by the National Publishing Fund and the “University Serving National Major Strategic Publishing Project” combined with Shanghai Culture and Education Project. Thanks to the sincere support of East China University of Science and Technology Press and the hard work of editors, we can get financial support and high-quality publishing! Thanks to the support of Springer Nature and the high-quality work of editing and translation, this series can be published in English. Shanghai, China

Shangguang Yang Danyang Wang

Introduction

Population migration is one of human history’s most common and important economic and social phenomena. Human history is a history of human migration and the continuous integration of migrants in certain regions and cities. Japanese population economist Kuroda (1983) proposed that modernization is the history of population movement, and there is no modernization without population movement. With the deepening of economic and social development and globalization, the global movement of various factors such as population, capital, and technology will become more and more frequent. In “The World Migration Report,” released in 2015, it was pointed out that three million people are currently moving to cities worldwide every week. Rapid urbanization has brought great opportunities and challenges to migrants, societies, and governments. The report focuses on the important questions of how migration behavior and migrants shape cities and how migrants are shaped by cities and their inhabitants, organizations, and institutions. Since the Industrial Revolution, the phenomenon of migration has attracted a great deal of attention from scholars across countries as the interregional mobility of migrants has increased. Scholars from all over the world have approached the study of migration from various disciplinary perspectives and have developed definitions, theories, and public policies of “migration.” In 1885, Geographer E. G. Ravenstein published The Laws of Migration, a general and systematic study of the development and evolution of migration, which is considered to be one of the founding works of modern migration studies. From the perspective of spatial scale, scholars’ research is mainly concerned with two aspects: firstly, internal migration movements in developing countries, which are generally the movement of population between urban and rural areas in developing countries; secondly, international migration movements, which are external migration from underdeveloped or developing countries to developed countries on a global scale. According to David Popenoe, migration is divided into international migration (migration from one country to another) and internal migration (migration between different regions within a country) based on geographical location. Marie Price and Lisa Benton-Short point out that current international migration is mainly urban. In the studies on urban migration, urban migrants are mostly defined in terms xxi

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of the duration of migration, which usually refers to residents who have lived in a foreign city for more than six months or six months. Since the twenty-first century, migration has been an important part of globalization. The situation of migrants and their social integration has become a hot research topic in international academic circles. Scholars such as Spaan (2005) and Brar (2009) have analyzed different types of immigrants, such as Asian immigrants in Europe, Mexican immigrants in the USA, and South Asian immigrants in Canada. The scope of their research covers the economic, political, cultural, educational, community cooperation, and marital and family status of immigrants; the study coverage is rich and extensive. In addition, the emergence of issues such as multicultural integration has made the study of migration more complex (Hickman 2007). Anthony Giddens, a British sociologist, refers to recent migration trends as “global migration” patterns, which are manifested in the following four ways: (1) accelerated, with more international and domestic migrants than ever before; (2) diversification, with migration patterns, becoming increasingly diverse, including intellectual and business migrants; (3) globalization, the phenomenon of migration has become more global, and international migration has become more common, with more and more countries becoming both sending and importing countries; (4) feminization, the contemporary phenomenon of migration is more dominated by female migrants, for example, the emergence of the “mail-order bride” social phenomenon. For example, “mail-order brides” from Vietnam, Indonesia, and mainland China tend to marry in Taiwan and Hong Kong. In contrast, “mail-order brides” from Ukraine, the Philippines, and Mexico tend to marry in the USA or Canada. After the founding of the People’s Republic of China, China’s population movement has been increasing. After the founding of the People’s Republic of China, most of the population movements in China were due to the planned economic system and other institutional reasons. Still, with the development of the market economy and the deepening of economic reform, economic factors have become the main factors affecting population movements. However, with the development of the market economy and the deepening of economic reform, economic factors have become a major factor influencing population mobility. Population mobility has become one of the major factors promoting China’s economic and social transformation, such as industrialization, modernization, urbanization, marketization, and internationalization. As China’s urbanization process continues to accelerate, urban migrants have become a large social group, and large-scale urban migration is profoundly changing the social structure of Chinese cities. Wen (2005) points out that the definition of urban migrants differs from country to country. Still, the study focuses on the group that moves from the rural areas to the cities, which scholars in China call the “mobile population.” In contrast, the international arena collectively called “migrants.” Urban migrants are a new generation of people in a new context, influenced by institutional factors and the reorganization of new social networks. Tong et al. (2008) argue that urban migrants are those who have achieved self- or family-motivated status (2008); urban migrants are a new group of people who have achieved regional migration of themselves or their families through

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formal or informal channels and have obtained stable jobs and residences in the cities they have moved to, with the intention of long-term settlement. From the definition of urban migration by domestic and foreign scholars, we can see that population migration varies with different research perspectives because migration is influenced by the natural environment and socioeconomic and political factors. However, scholars in the academic field have considered two attributes of migration, i.e., temporal and spatial attributes, when studying migration. Regarding migration duration, only “permanent” changes in place of residence are referred to as population migration, excluding temporary changes in the home location. The spatial attribute of population migration refers to the issue of distance and boundary of residence. Only those who move a certain distance from their original place across the administrative boundary are called population migration, excluding those who change their home within the same administrative area. Under the definition of temporal and spatial attributes of population migration, three major elements must be present: the place of departure, the site of entry, and the time limit. The temporal attribute of population migration requires the definition of time scope, and the spatial attribute involves defining a clear regional scope. Thus, population migration can be divided into various types according to the migration area and migration time. Yu (2008) points out that internationally, the period is defined as more than half a year. Migration is classified into registration types and fixed period types according to the timescale. The registration type of population migration means that no matter when a person moves, they need to be registered with the relevant authorities in the place of migration; the fixed period type of population migration means that data are collected at a fixed period based on the time between two points. The latter is used in China, where migration data are collected for a specified period. The spatial nature of population migration determines that the classification of population migration is also based on the regional principle, which defines the boundaries between the place of departure and the business of entry of population migration. International migration, domestic migration, and mixed migration can be classified at the national level. Domestic migration can be divided into inter-provincial and intra-provincial migration according to provinces, and intra-provincial migration can be divided into counties and cities at a more detailed level. In addition, Chinese academics have long focused on migrant workers, dislocated farmers, and engineering migrants, while white-collar migration has been absent from scholarly research. The reasons why white-collar immigrants have become a forgotten group by scholars may come from two aspects: (1) White-collar immigrants may be in a better social situation and better integrated into immigrant cities; (2) they may cause fewer social problems (social conflicts, social crimes, etc.) compared to other immigrant groups. With the constraints of China’s household registration system and the territorialization of welfare management, white-collar urban immigrants also face various problems in urban housing, employment, health care, and children’s education; these issues bring new challenges to urban public policy. In addition, as China opens up more and more, it will face more and more international immigrants, and the management and social integration of international immigrants are beginning to attract the attention of Chinese urban governments.

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The composition of urban migrants in China in the twenty-first century is more complex and diverse than that of “migrant workers” in the 1980s, who were relatively homogeneous. Gong (2003) argues that one of the results of urbanization is the influx of large numbers of people into cities. In the process of urban population expansion, new groups of urban migrants are formed: educational migrants, investment migrants, entrepreneurial migrants, part-time migrants, resettlement migrants, and elderly migrants. Whether they are labor-oriented, intellect-oriented, or businessoriented, the problem of social integration is still a common problem they face. Urban immigrants can achieve high satisfaction in material life through their efforts or by improving the city’s overall economic development. Still, it is not possible to truly integrate into a city overnight. At present, exploring inclusive urban governance is a major challenge for the international community in the twenty-first century. With the increasing openness of China and the world, the mobility of the global population, technology, capital, and other factors will also increase. The heterogeneity and plurality of the urban population will be enhanced, so how to build a harmonious, inclusive, and pluralistic immigrant city and immigrant society will be a serious problem faced by both academic and practical circles at home and abroad. Only by paying attention to the development of all social classes, including immigrants, can cities achieve sustainable development. As a public service provider, the city government should reach out to immigrants and truly understand their needs. With the introduction of new governance concepts such as “People First,” “Better City, Better Life,” “Citizenship of Migrant Workers,” and “Equalization of Public Services “and other new concepts of governance, the issue of urban migration and social integration has gradually become a hot topic of academic research in China. As important allocators of resources and rule makers, city governments have the right and obligation to formulate and implement policy systems and institutional frameworks for migrant integration to build an inclusive urban society of “Better City, Better Life.” Currently, many cities worldwide are developing active policies to promote integration; for example, making employment policies in towns with a preference for household registration will help immigrants integrate into the local labor market and avoid the isolation of immigrant groups. These integration and cooperation policies will result in more flexible city management, lower labor costs, and increased social cohesion and economic competitiveness. In addition, many cities have established partnerships with immigrant organizations to promote immigrant groups’ civic rights and political participation. After 40 years of reform and opening up, public policies for urban migrants in China face new adjustments and changes as China’s population migration slows down. The country’s development goals shift from high-speed to high-quality development. In the context of multiple urban governance goals such as economic growth, environmental friendliness, and social equity, as well as the diversification of population sources and people’s interests, how to balance the service needs of new immigrants with different incomes, occupations, origins, and nationalities is also a test of the Chinese government’s wisdom and courage in modernizing its governance

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capacity. The core of urban immigrant integration is the citizenship or equalizing public services for immigrants. However, due to the financial constraints of local governments and urban development goals, urban migration policies cannot be implemented overnight. They must change according to the stage of urban development and the basic economic and social development conditions. Since the opening of the port, Shanghai has been the most active area of population migration in China, and the history of Shanghai migration is a modern history of China. At the same time, as one of the most urbanized, industrialized, market-oriented, modernized, and internationalized cities in China, the evolution of Shanghai’s urban migration policy is also the history of the change of China’s urban governance model. Therefore, this book will take Shanghai as an empirical case, international metropolises such as Paris, London, Tokyo, and New York, and Chinese first-tier cities such as Guangzhou, Beijing, and Shenzhen as comparative cases, and systematically sort out the evolution of urban migration in China, its influencing factors, social challenges, and social integration, to provide a scientific basis for the Chinese government to build a new model of urban governance. This book mainly follows the research lines of literature review, research progress analysis, construction of analytical framework, analysis of the evolution of global migration and global urban migration, analysis of the development of Chinese migration and major urban migration, analysis of the current situation of urban migration and urban integration in China, and transformation of public policy on urban migration to explore new urban governance theories and governance strategies in China in the new era, new environment, and new concept. It is hoped that this book will provide a theoretical and empirical basis for revealing urban governance models in the “Chinese context” and provide a Chinese sample for international academic research on urban migration and public governance in developing countries.

References Brar S, Tang S, Drummond N, et al. Perinatal care for South Asian immigrant women and women born in Canada: telephone survey of users. J Obstet Gynaecol Can. 2009;31(8):708–16. Gong X. Research on urban migration structure and competitiveness. J Party Sch CPC Ningbo Municipal Committee. 2003;(06):53–5. Hickman MJ. Immigration and monocultural (re) imaginings in Ireland and Britain. Translocations. 2007;2(1):12–25. Kuroda T, Wang S. China’s third population census and population planning—the first large-scale population survey in the world. J Popul. 1983;(02):30–2. Spaan E. Asian migrants and European labor markets: patterns and processes of immigrant labor market insertion in Europe. New York: Routledge; 2005. Tong X, Ma X. “Amenity to the others” and “Transforming the whole into zero”—community integration of new urban immigrants. Soc Sci Res. 2008;(01):77–83. Wen J. The system composition and behavioral choices of new urban labor migrants in China. Nanjing Soc Sci. 2005;(01):54–8. Yu L. A study on the distribution of internal migration in China in the new era. Shanghai: Sanlian Bookstore; 2008.

Contents

1 Advances in Urban Migration and Urban Governance Research . . . . 1.1 Basic Concept and Connotation of Urban Migration . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.1.1 Definition and Scope of Urban Migration . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.1.2 Classification of Urban Migration . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.1.3 Causes of Urban Migration . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.2 Research Advances in Urban Governance . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.2.1 The Concept of Urban Governance . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.2.2 The Scope of Urban Governance . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

1 1 1 3 4 5 5 7 8

2 Overview and Characteristics of International Urban Migration . . . . 2.1 Overview of the Development of Urban Migration in the World . . . 2.1.1 Aggregate Characteristics of Urban Migration Development in the World . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.1.2 Regional Characteristics of World Urban Migration . . . . . . . 2.2 Trends in World Migration Flows and Policy Changes . . . . . . . . . . . 2.2.1 Trends in World Migration Flows . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.2.2 The Evolution of World Migration Policies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

9 9 10 12 17 17 19 22

3 Development Overview and Characteristics of Urban Migration in China . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.1 A General Overview of Urban Migration in China . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.2 Characteristics and Types of Urban Migration in China . . . . . . . . . . 3.2.1 Total Migration and Location Distribution . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.2.2 Intra-Provincial Versus Inter-Provincial Migration . . . . . . . . 3.2.3 Types of Chinese Immigrants . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

23 23 26 26 31 42 46

4 Influencing Factors and Working Mechanisms of Chinese Urban Migration and Integration . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.1 Influencing Factors and Mechanisms of Immigrant Cities . . . . . . . .

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4.1.1 Household Registration System Factors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.1.2 Income Disparity Factors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.1.3 Public Service Factors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.1.4 Environmental Factors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.1.5 Cultural Factors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.1.6 Mechanisms at Play in Migratory Flows . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.2 Influencing Factors and Mechanisms of Immigrants on Cities . . . . . 4.2.1 Impact on Urban Employment Opportunities . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.2.2 Impact on Urban Wage Differentials . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.2.3 Impact on Urban Education Resources . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.2.4 Impact on Urban Healthcare Resources . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.2.5 Implications for Urban Housing Patterns . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.2.6 Impact on Urban Social Security . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.2.7 Mechanisms of Migrant Impact on Cities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.3 Influencing Factors and Mechanisms of Immigrants’ Immersion into Cities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.3.1 Economic Factors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.3.2 Cultural Factors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.3.3 Policy Factors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5 The Evolution of the Macro Context of Urban Migration in Shanghai . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.1 General Overview of Shanghai’s Urban Development . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.2 Progress in Research on the Evolution of Urban Function Structure . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.3 Basic Information on Shanghai’s Urban Development . . . . . . . . . . . 5.3.1 Evolution of Shanghai’s Urban Economic Development . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.3.2 Evolution of Shanghai’s Urban Industrial Development . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.4 Evolution of Shanghai’s Urban Function Structure . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.4.1 Historical Evolution of Shanghai’s Urban Functional Positioning . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.4.2 Evolution and Development of Shanghai’s Urban Functional Structure . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.5 Driving Mechanisms of the Evolution of Shanghai’s Urban Function Structure . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.5.1 Evolution of Urban Development Planning . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.5.2 Evolution of Urban Governance Strategies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.5.3 Evolution of Economic Policy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.5.4 Foreign Capital Inflow . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.5.5 Information Technological Development . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.5.6 Increased Accessibility . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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5.6 Future Development Trend of Shanghai’s Urban Function Structure . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.6.1 Constructing a New Urban–Rural Development Pattern . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.6.2 Building a Comprehensive Transportation Network . . . . . . . 5.6.3 Enhancing the Core Functions of the Global City . . . . . . . . . 5.6.4 Creating a Good Business Environment . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6 Overview and Characteristics of Shanghai’s Urban Migration Development . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.1 Evolution of Urban Migration in Shanghai . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.1.1 From the Opening of the Port to the Founding of the People’s Republic of China . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.1.2 From the Founding of the People’s Republic of China to Reform and Opening-Up . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.1.3 After the Reform and Opening Up . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.2 Overview of the Development of Foreign Immigrants in Shanghai . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.3 Spatial Evolution of Urban Migration in Shanghai . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.3.1 Spatial Evolution of Shanghai’s Population . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.3.2 Spatial Evolution of the Migrant Population in Shanghai . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.3.3 Spatial Evolution of Shanghai’s Foreign Population . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7 The Status and Measurement of Immigrant Integration in Shanghai . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.1 Design and Selection of Urban Immigrant Integration Indicators . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.2 Empirical Analysis of Urban Migrant Integration in Shanghai . . . . . 7.2.1 Basic Regression Results . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.2.2 Robustness Tests . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.2.3 Tests of Heterogeneity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.3 Quantitative Results . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8 The Development and Evolution of Shanghai’s Urban Migration Policy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.1 Evolution of Urban Population Management Model and Current Characteristics in Shanghai . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.1.1 The Evolution of Shanghai’s Mobile Population Management Model . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.1.2 Current Features of Shanghai’s Population Control Policy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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8.2 Problems and Challenges in the Implementation of Shanghai’s Population Control Policy and Ideas for Transformation . . . . . . . . . . 177 8.2.1 Problems and Challenges in the Implementation of Shanghai’s Population Control Policy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 177 8.2.2 Pathways and Strategies of Population Control Policies in Shanghai . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 181 9 A Theoretical Review and Rethinking of Urban Migration in the Chinese Context . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9.1 Review of Theories Related to Urban Migration . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9.1.1 Review and Examination of Theories Related to Population Migration . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9.1.2 Theoretical Review and Examination of Urban Migration Policies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9.1.3 Theoretical Review and Examination of Urban Immigrant Integration . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9.2 The Dilemma of China’s Population Management and Ideas for Transformation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9.2.1 The Dilemma of China’s Population Management . . . . . . . . 9.2.2 Problems Facing China’s Urban Migration Policy . . . . . . . . . 9.2.3 Ideas for the Transformation of Urban Population Management in China . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9.3 Responsive Strategies for New Urban Governance in China . . . . . . . 9.3.1 Interaction Between Urban Governance and Immigrant Integration . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9.3.2 Connotation and Structure of New Urban Governance . . . . . 9.3.3 Constructing a Diversified System of Social Integration of Immigrants . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9.3.4 Establishing a Framework for the Joint Participation of Multiple Subjects . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9.3.5 Strengthening the Collaboration Mechanism Among Multiple Subjects . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9.3.6 Innovative Ways to Integrate Urban Migrants . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

187 187 187 190 195 202 202 204 206 209 209 211 212 212 213 215 215

Chapter 1

Advances in Urban Migration and Urban Governance Research

Migration is a complex economic and social phenomenon: the history of human economic and social development is a history of continuous changes in technology, industry, and social structure, as well as a history of constant migration and integration into cities. To pursue a better life and loftier development goals, human beings seek new urban governance ways and approaches and take the initiative to improve traditional management modes. This chapter mainly defines the concepts and connotations of urban migration, including its definition, scope, and categories, analyzes the theoretical schools of migration research, sorts out the theories and studies of urban governance, and combs through related Western studies. It also provides an analytical framework for China’s urban migration and public governance issues and corresponding theoretical support for constructing public policies for urban governance in the “Chinese context.”

1.1 Basic Concept and Connotation of Urban Migration 1.1.1 Definition and Scope of Urban Migration Urban migration is a complex notion: different disciplines have different interpretations of its definition and connotation. The specific scope needs to be defined concerning the following dimensions. 1. Defined by domicile attributes Conceptually, urban migrants work, live, or study in cities for a long period but do not obtain the cities’ household registration. Most cities in China implement a residence permit system, and holders of a residence permit can enjoy the benefits of residents. The welfare policies for residence permits vary from city to city. Holders © East China University of Science and Technology Press Co., Ltd. 2023 S. Yang and D. Wang, Urban Migration and Public Governance in China, Public Economy and Urban Governance in China, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-4052-3_1

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of different residence permits in the same town also enjoy disparate welfare benefits. For example, the residence permits issued in Shenzhen are divided into Shenzhen Residence Permit and Shenzhen Temporary Residence Permit, differing in employment, property, and validity. Therefore, the subdivision of urban migrants is premised on having a residence permit. 2. Defined by migration duration Tian (2010) argued that urban migrants tended to be time-dependent. In most European countries, foreigners usually do not need a visa or residence permit to reside for three to six months. After this point, they are considered by the law of the importing country as an act of settlement and need to apply for a residence permit from the competent authority. Therefore, the statistical rule for the international population is to stay in the city for six months or more. Then they are regarded as urban migrants. China’s migration statistics were shortened from one year and above in the fourth census to six months and above in the fifth and sixth census.1 The duration of urban migrants is set at six months and above, which aligns with domestic and international migration statistical standards. 3. Defined by residence attributes When determining whether an individual is a migrant in the city, it is important to consider whether the individual’s settlement is a long-term decision in his life. Most “floating population” only temporarily live in some towns to earn money. For example, students studying or staff training in a city are not included in the category of urban migrants. At the same time, graduates from higher education institutions who have stayed in the city to work, even though they have not obtained permanent household registration, still belong to urban migrants. Currently, the concept of “urban migrants” is generally used in academia to refer to the permanent external population, eliminating the binary opposition of cities and countries and focusing on urban society. Before the 1990s, most Chinese scholars started with the dual structure of urban and rural areas. They used the terms “migrant population,” “foreign population,” and “migrant workers” to describe the migrant groups from rural to urban areas. According to Zhou (2010), by 2010, China will have an additional 100.6 million urban residents. By 2050, this number will reach 551 million, and China’s urbanization rate will become 70%. It can be seen that cities are making a huge difference in how people live, work, and interact. Urban migrants are not only the builders of new cities but also an integral part of them. Managing migrant populations in cities plays an important role in economic and political development. Urban migrants are influencing the diversity of worldwide urban development in various ways. Since China implements a territorialized welfare system, many scholars agree that the household registration system in contemporary China is the root cause of its partiality in social justice and equality.

➀ Census Office of the State Council, Department of Population and Employment Statistics, National Bureau of Statistics. China’s 2010 Census Data, 2012. 1

1.1 Basic Concept and Connotation of Urban Migration

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1.1.2 Classification of Urban Migration Currently, there is no precise standard for classifying urban migrants. From the physically mobile population’s living conditions and social status, Zhu and Chen (2003) categorized new urban migrants into intellectual, capital, and physical migrants. Some scholars believe that new urban migrants cannot be equated with migrant workers. There is a fundamental difference between investment migrants, intellectual migrants, skilled migrants, and laborers who sell their physical strength or engage in basic service jobs, which requires special attention. Li (2014) classified urban migrants into four categories: labor migrants involved in manual work, intellectual migrants, business migrants, and policy migrants. From the perspective of social stratification, Jing (2016) classified urban migrants into four categories: urban migrants with higher education, urban migrants without higher education, rural migrants with higher education, and rural migrants without higher education. The division is based on place of origin and education level. Synthesizing the research of previous scholars, intellectual migrants refer to urban migrants who receive higher education and take jobs with relatively high employment thresholds and wages. Since the late 1990s, the enrollment scale of China’s higher education institutions has expanded dramatically. The policy of “unified enrollment and unified distribution” has been adopted for college graduates so that fresh graduates are given household registration in their place of employment and become city dwellers. However, employment policies change as the number of graduates increases. Now the vast majority of graduates have to find jobs by themselves. The urban settlement policy is increasingly strict: only graduates who meet the mandatory settlement conditions are allowed to settle. Those who have just graduated but do not have an urban Hukou (permanent household registration) can only be part of the city’s external population. With the gradual popularity of higher education, more people who receive higher education form a brand new migrant group, namely intellectual migrants. Entering the twenty-first century, the transformation of economic structure has prompted cities to scramble for “talents”, which further changed the settlement requirements differing between cities. Large cities, provincial capitals, and financial centers have issued preferential conditions that favor intellectual migrants, enhancing their welfare and options. Skilled migrants will likely come from surplus labor in rural areas or laid-off township workers. The increasing gap between China’s urban and rural economic development and the implementation of the rural household contract responsibility system has pushed the surplus rural labor force to the cities. Unlike the traditional labor-based migrant group, this type of migrant is recognized by the companies and cities where they work based on their professional skills and superior abilities. It is given priority to move to economically developed areas along the eastern coast due to the incentive mechanism for settlement. Most of the immigrants in this group are young people who have received compulsory education in junior high school or high school. Male immigrants mainly engage in construction and transportation, while

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female immigrants mostly engage in traditional service industries such as catering and cleaning. Investment immigrants own their investment industries in the city and rely on their capital or skills to run their businesses and generate profits to sustain their families and enterprises. The economic income of investment immigrants is higher than that of intellectual and skilled immigrants, but they also bear higher risks.

1.1.3 Causes of Urban Migration Scholars in and out of China have studied the causes of urban migration based on three broad perspectives: economics, social environment, and individual differences. 1. From the economic perspective Based on the quantitative analysis of the wage gap between the place of emigration and immigration, scholars such as Sjaastad (1962) and Michael (1970), argue that migration behavior depends on the person’s estimation of the benefits of migration and that migration behavior occurs when the expected benefits of migration are significantly higher than the costs of migration. Oded (1991) and others argue that income disparity has a different effect on migration behavior and that migration is not triggered by the absolute difference in income between the two places but by the psychological gap that results from the comparison reference. Within the same region, households at the bottom of the income scale are more likely to migrate than those with higher living standards. In areas with smaller income disparities, residents are more likely to settle down and less likely to migrate than in regions with income imbalances. Based on previous studies, Portes and Bach (1985) proposed the “community agglomeration theory,” which suggests that the economic circle formed by successful immigrant groups based on their development has a special attraction to the people in their original residence. In recent years, scholars have begun to combine the study of population movements with globalization trends based on the international flows of goods, capital, and information. 2. From the perspective of the social environment First, the natural environment is the basis of human survival and development. The richer the natural resources are, the greater the pull for population migration. For example, the “Gold Rush” in the United States and “break through to the east,” “take the west exit,” and “go down to the South Seas” in China have proven that rich natural resources are an important factor in attracting population movement. Secondly, the differences in social customs are also important factors affecting the movement of people between cities and villages and between cities and towns. In addition, social policies are also an important dimension influencing urban migration. For example, the Xinjiang Construction Corps has created several industrial bases and

1.2 Research Advances in Urban Governance

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cities through its policy projects, such as reclamation and “Third Line Construction,” which have also brought many migrants to the area. 3. From the perspective of individual differences Individual differences are an important driving force for population migration and mobility. Young people, who are the most active in migration and mobility, are the main carriers. Therefore, age plays a very important role in population migration, and the proportion of young people is the highest among those who go out for work, business, and study. While many active young rural laborers migrate to the cities, most of those left behind in rural areas are children, the elderly, and women. The special group of left-behind people also reflects the individual differences of migrants.

1.2 Research Advances in Urban Governance The study of urban governance involves a variety of disciplines, including economics, political science, and law. Most academic studies focus on the reasons for the emergence of governance, the concept of governance, and the role of government in governance. Governance research includes studies of the governance environment in individual countries, comparative studies of governance in different countries, studies of the governance of a particular organization, and studies of the governance of cross-regional situations.

1.2.1 The Concept of Urban Governance In the 1970s, the combined eruption of many social problems in Western countries announced the de facto failure of Keynesianism. Economic stagnation, fiscal crisis, trust crisis, and inefficiency provoked the emergence of neoliberalism. Therefore, since the mid-1980s, the New Public Management (NPM) movement has proposed the establishment of “corporate government” and “market-based public administration.” In the 1990s, driven by the wave of globalization and informatization, the changing international situation and internal changes in Western countries pushed the governments of large cities to redouble their research on more effective urban management concepts and methods, which led to the rapid development of urban governance research under the perspective of public management. Large international financial institutions, such as the World Bank, expect recipient countries to adhere to the institutional philosophy they have established, often using the term “governance” to describe “state reform” or “socio-political change” specifically. This is a way of discussing politically sensitive issues using a relatively non-offensive academic perspective. The purpose is to avoid the perception that international organizations and institutions have improper intentions of interfering in the internal affairs of sovereign states beyond their authority. By promoting the concept

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of “governance” that is appropriate to the functioning of the global economy, international organizations intervene in and guide the socio-economic systems of the countries within their organizations to seek a different approach from traditional governmental control and to develop advanced, universal, and innovative concepts of development worldwide. The Commission on Global Governance (1995) defines governance as the sum of the many ways in which public and private institutions are involved in governance matters, as a continuous process of reconciling the conflicts of divergent interests and promoting joint action. Governance includes both formulating formal institutions and rules and informal institutional arrangements. Governance is a continuous process of interaction rather than a practice or an activity; it is a foundation and coordination process that includes managing multiple parties in the public and private sectors. According to Zong and Gu (2003), urban governance is an institutional arrangement in urban development which determines the affiliation or mechanism of action among urban subjects or urban stakeholders. This institutional design affects the city’s stakeholders and interest parties’ position in the governance mechanism and their ability to influence urban decision-making. Urban governance evolves and innovates as cities develop and grow. Important forms of urban governance include: coordinating the relationship between city government and citizens, i.e., realizing the most basic issues of urban governance through the principal-agent relationship; coordinating the relationship between sections and levels within the city government organization, and resolving the principal-agent relationship in the administrative operation of the government; coordinating the relationship between multiple levels of city government, and maintaining the communication between the departments of the jurisdiction, the higher level of government and the central government; maintaining the coordinated development of the city and the suburbs, and balancing various forces in the development system of the city. We also coordinate the relationship between city governments, enterprises, and multinational organizations and maintain a good cooperation atmosphere. In the trend of economic globalization and informatization, urban governance is distinguished from urban management in that it means that the governance decisions of the city government include a variety of factors, including non-traditional elements, which require the government to change its functions and decision-making processes. Urban stakeholders have become more participatory and proactive in urban development in an increasingly complex and changing environment. The rise and fall of cities depend on streamlining government functions and requiring the cooperation of urban stakeholders. To summarize, urban governance is the intervention of urban subjects in managing urban public affairs. Its purpose is to effectively solve general urban problems through participation to maintain the collective public interests. There are two basic issues in urban governance: (1) the scope of governance and the role of governance agents in promoting socio-economic development; and (2) the ways and means for governance agents to achieve their governance goals. Since contemporary cities are gradually becoming distinctive protagonists in promoting world economic development, choosing the right governance ideas is particularly important. Urban governance should be formed by emphasizing cooperation, coordination, equity, efficiency, and

1.2 Research Advances in Urban Governance

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stopping at the good. Fairness, harmony, the pursuit of efficiency, and innovative urban governance models are significant in achieving sustainable urban development.

1.2.2 The Scope of Urban Governance The internal environment of the urban system is complex and changeable, especially the governance of mega-cities is a complex project. The external control of cities involves the governance of the urban development environment. It is mainly concerned with managing and maintaining the relationship between the city and the central government and the neighboring cities and towns. The central government has supreme responsibility in the country, with the service scope covering the whole country. There is an administrative subordination between local governments and the central government, but local governments do not passively accept this subordination but have a certain degree of autonomy. In the transition from centralization to decentralization, there are often “contradictions” between central government policies and local governments policies of individual departments, mainly due to the rapid growth of regional power or the inadequate environment for local policy implementation, which leads to the development of certain governance policies between local and central governments and between regions based on their interests. As a result, regional economic ties, cooperation, and conflicts are created. The internal governance of the city refers to the delineation of the boundaries of authority and responsibility of the stakeholders in the city, including the assessment of the appropriate economic stimulus, the regulation of the proper industrial structure and spatial layout, the maintenance of the stability of the market economy, the accumulation of urban wealth, and the increase of public infrastructure construction; social governance refers to the adjustment and improvement of urban distribution relations, the organization of the basic community units in the city to rectify and maintain urban security, and the reduction of social problems. Environmental governance mainly includes the management of pollution of urban air, water resources, land resources, and other production factors to create a comfortable and sustainable urban development environment; emergency governance is to establish early warning programs for possible disasters that threaten public safety and take real-time and effective means to avoid or mitigate the level of crisis. The construction of smart cities is blossoming everywhere, and new Internet technologies are deeply involved in city construction. Artificial intelligence, big data, and cloud platform gradually build a new city brain, and the development trend of intelligent, convenient, and humanized urban management and life is obvious. Establishing urban governance rules will significantly reduce the cost of urban governance, quickly stimulate urban vitality, and optimize social soft and hard environments. Diversity, tolerance, and innovation are the characteristics of urban development in the new era and the cornerstone for promoting the integration of urban migrants and achieving cultural identity. Compared with rational governance methods that

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are material, contractual, and institutional, the social cost, human cost, and environmental and resource pressure of residents’ self-governance formed in a good urban governance concept and cultural atmosphere is less.

References Jing Y. Research on social security of urban migrants from the perspective of social stratification. Central Party School of the Communist Party of China, 2016. Li S. A study of community renewal based on the resource needs of new immigrants in urban communities. Xi’an University of Foreign Languages, 2014. OdedStark. The migration of labor. Cambridge: Basil Blackwell, 1991. Portes A, Bach RL. Latin journey: Cuban and Mexican immigrants in the United States. University of California Press, 1985. Sjaastad LA. The costs and returns of human migration. J Polit Econ. 1962;70(5, Part 2):80–93. Tian Y. Migration and national security—a study of threat derivation and conditions. Shanghai: World Knowledge Press; 2010. Todaro MP. Labor migration and urban unemployment: reply. Am Econ Rev. 1970;60(1):187–8. Zhou D. An analysis of the housing needs of urban migrants in China. Urban Issues. 2010;(03):58– 61. Zhu L, Chen R. New urban migrants: a study of the migration in Nanjing. Nanjing: Nanjing University Publishing House, 2003. Zong J, Gu P. A new field of urban public management research—urban governance research and its development. J Tianjin Univ (Social Science Edition). 2003;5(04):358–61.

Chapter 2

Overview and Characteristics of International Urban Migration

This chapter first analyzes the development of international urban migration from both the aggregate and regional perspectives based on “The World Migration Report 2015” by the International Organization for Migration (IOM) and “The International Migration Report 2017” by the United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs (UN DESA). On this basis, the chapter introduces the evolution of migration in four representative global cities, namely New York, London, Paris, and Tokyo, in terms of migration characteristics (origin, composition, and quantity) and patterns through the websites and academic journals of major Western countries. The analysis of the development, overview and characteristics of international migration in this chapter can provide empirical references and comparative cases for analyzing the integration of Chinese urban migrants.

2.1 Overview of the Development of Urban Migration in the World Due to the aging of the world population, the imbalance of regional development within and between countries, and the instability of the natural environment and climate, the population is gradually shifting to cities. The current urban population is 3.9 billion and will continue to grow in the coming decades, reaching a projected 6.4 billion by 2050. The world’s rapid urbanization is not only due to natural population changes, but the growth of immigrant populations is the most important driver of urbanization. With about 3 million people migrating to cities every week, migration is essentially an urban problem, or in some sense, the essence of urban social issues is migration. However, many low-income countries do not have the conditions to conduct regular censuses, which makes the data on urban migration incomplete and relatively outdated worldwide. At the same time, the definition of the foreign-born population © East China University of Science and Technology Press Co., Ltd. 2023 S. Yang and D. Wang, Urban Migration and Public Governance in China, Public Economy and Urban Governance in China, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-4052-3_2

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in cities is not uniform across countries, resulting in statistics that may not be comparable; for example, most countries define foreign-born people as those born outside their territorial borders, while some countries, such as the Netherlands, represent the foreign-born population as including not only first-generation immigrants but also second- and third-generation immigrants born in the country. Other countries classify the foreign-born population in terms of legal status. In addition, the quality and content of the data vary greatly from country to country, and the conclusions drawn are not accurate, so the limitations of the data pose an obstacle to the quantitative analysis of urban migration in the world. Based on the scientific and availability of data, the following is based on two reports, “The World Migration Report 2015” and “The International Migration Report 2017”, which provide an overview of the development of urban migration in the world in two dimensions: total and regional.

2.1.1 Aggregate Characteristics of Urban Migration Development in the World International migration refers to the permanent spatial movement of people across national borders, especially those who have lived outside their country of permanent residence for more than 12 months. Under the impact of globalization, people come to international metropolises to obtain more jobs and higher wages than in their home countries. International migrants are mainly divided into (1) permanent migrants, mainly legal migrants, including those who have acquired citizenship or permanent residence in the country; (2) temporary labor migrants, mainly those who work seasonally or on non-permanent contracts in the country of entry; and (3) illegal migrants, including illegal human trafficking and smuggling migrants, as well as other forms of irregular or undocumented migrants. From 2000 to 2017, the total number of international migrants worldwide rose from 173 to 258 million, an increase of nearly 50% and a share in the global population rising from 2.8 to 3.4%. The number of migrants has been growing faster than the world population, and the average annual growth rate of the total number of migrants has remained above 1%, especially from 2005 to 2010, when the number of migrants grew at the highest rate of 2. 9%. In recent years, the growth rate of migration has declined but remained around 2%, and migration has become a common international phenomenon. Regarding the gender composition of international migrants, there are more men than women, and the gap is gradually increasing. In 2000, the number of male migrants was about 87 million, while the number of female migrants was about 85 million, with a difference of about 2 million. By 2017, the number of male migrants was about 133 million, and female migrants were about 125 million, with a difference of about 8 million. Regarding the age composition of international migrants, most migrants are between 20 and 59 years old, corresponding to the working-age population. The

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highest proportion of migrants is in the 30–34 age group, with this age group as the segmentation range: the older the age group, the higher the number of migrants; and the older the age group, the lower the number of migrants in the 34+ age group. Since 2000, the share of the 25–44 age group has been above 8%, and in 2017, 40.77% of immigrants were in the 25–44 age group. The main component of migrants is the working-age population, especially young and middle-aged people aged 30–44 with high average labor efficiency. In terms of international migration destinations, the traditional destination cities are relatively concentrated, mainly in North America, such as the United States and Canada, as well as in Europe, such as the United Kingdom and France, and Australia. The main emigration places are South America, South Africa, and Southeast Asia, which are developing countries with relatively backward economic levels. Of course, with the rapid development of emerging economies, some parts of developing countries have become emerging migration destinations, such as New Delhi and Mumbai in India, Shanghai, Shenzhen, and Hong Kong in China, Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo in Brazil, Buenos Aires in Argentina, Moscow in Russia, Johannesburg in South Africa, etc. They import migrants to foreign countries on the one hand and receive major migrants from the world on the other. This reflects the recent shift in global migration flows, with South-South migration from developing to developing countries playing an increasingly important role in international migration. The evolution of the proportion of the four migration paths of international migrants from 2000 to 2017 shows that South-South and South-North migration are the main migration paths. In 2013, South-South migration surpassed South-North migration. By 2017, the share of South-South migration was the highest, about 38%, and the percentage of South-North migration was about 35%, with less population movement between developed countries. Population movements from developed to developing countries are even smaller. North–North migration has declined steadily since 2000 to about 22% in 2017. North–South migration has remained constant, at around 5%. These facts reaffirm that migration between developing countries has become the new dominant mode of migration in the world, reflecting the concentration of population mainly in traditionally developed and developing and better-developed regions. At the same time, the number of internal migrants in the world’s emerging migration destinations is also growing, leading to rapid urban expansion in these countries. According to statistics, there are 740 million internal migrants in the world. According to the United Nations city typology, mega-cities are cities with a population of more than 10 million; large cities are cities with a population of 5–10 million; medium-sized cities have a population of 1–5 million, and small cities have a population of less than 1 million (Table 2.1). Of these, 40% of the urban population is concentrated in medium-sized cities and larger cities. “The World Migration Report 2015” notes that migrants, especially international migrants, tend to move to medium-sized cities and above. International and internal migration has contributed significantly to the creation and growth of cities worldwide.

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Table 2.1 Classification of city types City type

Population size/million Percentage of the world’s total urban population (%)

Megacities

> 1000

Large cities

500–1000

Medium-sized cities 100–500 Small cities

< 100

12 8 20 60

Source Based on the UN classification of city types

2.1.2 Regional Characteristics of World Urban Migration Due to the uneven development of regions, population flows are also destined to be inconsistent. Those regions with more job opportunities and better development conditions become the main destinations for international migrants. From 2000 to 2017, the absolute number of international migrants is unevenly distributed among different regions. (1) Regarding development level, the number of international migrants has been higher in developed countries than in developing countries (Table 2.2). The difference between the two was 42 million in 2005, reaching the maximum and then showing a decreasing trend. In 2017, the number of migrants in developed countries reached 146 million, an increase of about 41.75% compared to 2000. In contrast, the number of migrants in developing countries was 120 million, an increase of 62.32% compared to 2000. The difference between the two in absolute terms is 34 million, but the growth rate of developing countries is more than 20% higher than that of developed countries. (2) Geographically, Asia and Europe have been the two continents with the highest number of migrants, and the gap between them has not changed much (Table 2.2). In 2017, the number of immigrants in Asia amounted to 79 million and in Europe to 78 million. The number of migrants in North America has been on an upward trend and is growing faster, with 58 million in 2017. The number of migrants in Africa started to rise after 2005 and has been increasing, standing at 25 million in 2017. Latin America, the Caribbean, and Oceania have the lowest number of migrants, with 10 million and 8 million, respectively, in 2017. Regarding growth rates, Africa has the highest growth rate, with the number of migrants in Africa increased by about 66.67% in 2017 relative to 2000, followed by Asia with approximately 61.22%; Oceania ranks third with 60.00%; North America, Latin America, the Caribbean, and Europe have growth rates below 60.00%, with about 45.00%, 42.86%, and 39.29%, respectively. (3) In terms of relative share, in 2017, the percentage of international migrants in developed countries was 56.59% in developed countries and 43.41% in developing countries, the former being 13.18% higher than the latter. By geographical location, Asia, Europe, and North America accounted for 30.62%, 30.23%, and

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Table 2.2 Number and growth rate of international migrants by region, 2000–2017 Number of migrants/billions

Growth rate (2000 is the base 2000 2005 2010 2015 2017 period, and 2017 is the reporting period)/%)

By level of Developed development countries Developing countries By Asia geographical Europe location North America Africa

1.03

1.16

1.31

1.40

1.46

41.75

0.69

0.74

0.89

1.07

1.12

62.32

0.49

0.53

0.66

0.77

0.79

61.22

0.56

0.63

0.71

0.75

0.78

39.29

0.40

0.46

0.51

0.55

0.58

45.00

0.15

0.15

0.17

0.23

0.25

66.67

Latin America 0.07 and the Caribbean

0.07

0.08

0.09

0.10

42.86

Oceania

0.06

0.07

0.08

0.08

60.00

0.05

Data source UN Department of Economic and Social Affairs database

22.48%, respectively. In contrast, Africa, Latin America, the Caribbean, and Oceania accounted for significantly less than the above regions, with 9.69%, 3.88%, and 3.10%, respectively. Immigrants are mainly located in developed countries, but developing countries also have a large proportion. In contrast, Asia, Europe, and North America have become the main areas of concentration of immigrants. (4) In terms of gender composition, there are significant regional differences in the gender composition of immigrants. In 2017, the number of female migrants exceeded that of male migrants in Europe, North America, Oceania, Latin America, and the Caribbean, with the proportion of female migrants accounting for 52.01%, 51.50%, 50.98%, and 50.37% of the total migrants, respectively. In Asia and Africa, the number of female migrants is lower than that of male migrants, with female migrants accounting for 47.13% and 42.39% of total migrants, respectively. In contrast, the proportion of female migrants increased significantly in all five regions except Asia relative to 2000. The rise in female life expectancy may cause an increase in female migration. The sharp decline in the number of female migrants in Asia may be due to the increased demand for mobile labor in construction-related industries in West Asia, which require more male labor in these predominantly manual labor industries. (5) In terms of age distribution of immigrants, there are similarities and differences between developed and developing countries. In both developed and developing countries, the majority of immigrants are concentrated in the 20–59 age group, i.e., the employment age, with 70.03% of immigrants in this age group in developed countries and 68.56% in developing countries, which is consistent with the

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characteristics of the world aggregate age distribution. In the age group of 0–19, the proportion of immigrants is higher in developing countries than in developed countries, 21.06% in the former and 8.56% in the latter. In 60 years and older, developed countries have more immigrants than developing countries, 21.41% in the former and 10.38% in the latter. Migration is a global phenomenon, but it is mostly concentrated in some countries, such as the United States and Canada in North America, Australia in Oceania, Russia in Europe, etc. Table 2.3 shows the distribution of the top ten countries regarding the number of international migrants in 2017. As can be seen, the largest number of international migrants is in the United States, with a total of about 50 million migrants in 2017, accounting for 19.31% of the world’s total migrants, in line with its development level and historical tradition as a country of immigration. Saudi Arabia, Germany, and Russia account for 4.73%, 4.72%, and 4.52% of the world’s immigrants, respectively. The share of immigrants from the United Kingdom, the United Arab Emirates, France, and Canada is 3.43%, 3.23%, 3.07%, and 3.05%, respectively. Australia and Spain accounted for 2.73% and 2.31% of immigrants, respectively. The top ten countries account for more than half of the world’s migrants. In contrast, developing countries Saudi Arabia, Russia, and UAE rank second, fourth and sixth, respectively, indicating that developing countries are also important migrant-receiving countries. Table 2.4 shows the regional distribution of the number of migrants (emigration) by region in 2017. Asia has the highest number of emigrants, with 106 million, accounting for 41.09% of the world’s total emigration. Europe was the next largest region with 61 million migrants, accounting for 23.64% of the world’s migrant stock. Latin America, the Caribbean, and Africa accounted for 38 million and 36 million Table 2.3 Number of migrants in the top 10 countries and their share in the world migrant stock in 2017 Country

Several regional migrants/100 million

Share of total world migration (%)

The United States

0.50

19.31

Saudi Arabia

0.12

4.73

Germany

0.12

4.72

Russia

0.12

4.52

United Kingdom

0.09

3.43

United Arab Emirates

0.08

3.23

France

0.08

3.07

Canada

0.08

3.05

Australia

0.07

2.73

Spain

0.06

2.31

Total

1.32

51.10

Data source UN Department of Economic and Social Affairs database

2.1 Overview of the Development of Urban Migration in the World

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migrants, or 14.73% and 13.95% of the world’s total migrant stock. North America and Oceania accounted for 4 million and 2 million, respectively, or 1.55% and 0.78% of the world’s migrant stock. Table 2.5 shows the distribution of the top ten countries regarding the number of international migrants (sending) in 2017. India is the largest migrant-sending country, sending 17 million people in 2017, accounting for 6.43% of the world’s total migrant exports. Mexico is the next largest exporter, accounting for 5.04% of the world’s migrant stock. Russia ranks third, accounting for 4.11% of the world’s total migrant exports. China ranks fourth, accounting for 3.88% of the world’s total migrant exports. Bangladesh, Syria, Pakistan, Ukraine, and the Philippines accounted for 2.91%, 2.67%, 2.33%, 2.29%, and 2.21% of the world’s migrants, respectively. The United Kingdom, a developed country, also sends a relatively large number of migrants, sending 5 million people in 2017, accounting for 1.90% of the world’s total migrant exports. The top ten countries account for more than one-third of the world’s migrant output. Except for the UK, all other top ten countries are developing countries, indicating that developing countries are important migrant-sending countries. There are six different types of urban environments worldwide: global cities, secondary cities, declining urban and rural areas, semi-urbanized, informal settlements, slums, and transit cities. Global cities are cities that are economically important in their countries and the world, such as New York in the United States, London in the United Kingdom, Tokyo in Japan, and Hong Kong in China. According to the 2014 ranking, the top 20 global cities are evenly distributed among Europe, Asia– Pacific, and the Americas, as shown in Table 2.6. The number of immigrants in global cities is about 19%, the highest in the world. Figure 2.1 shows the foreign-born population ratios in the world’s major cities. The top city is Dubai, with a foreign-born population of 83%. The second largest city is Brussels, with 62%. Dubai is the economic and financial center of the Middle East region, and Brussels is home to the European Commission headquarters. These two cities have a high foreign-born population of more than 50%, indicating that the foreign-born population has surpassed the local population due to the concentration Table 2.4 Number of migrants (sending) by region and share of total world migrant sending Region

Number of migrants (sending) by region/100 million

Share of total world migrant stock (%)

Asia

1.06

41.09

Europe

0.61

23.64

Latin America and the Caribbean

0.38

14.73

Africa

0.36

13.95

North America

0.04

1.55

Oceania

0.02

0.78

Data source UN Department of Economic and Social Affairs database

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Table 2.5 Number of migrants (sending) in the top ten countries in 2017 and their share in the total world migrant sending Country

Number of migrants (sending) by region/100 million

Share of total world migrant stock (%)

India

0.17

6.43

Mexico

0.13

5.04

Russia

0.11

4.11

China

0.10

3.88

Bangladesh

0.08

2.91

Syria

0.07

2.67

Pakistan

0.06

2.33

Ukraine

0.06

2.29

Philippines

0.06

2.21

United Kingdom

0.05

1.90

Total

0.87

33.76

Data source UN Department of Economic and Social Affairs database

Table 2.6 Top 20 global cities in 2014 Region

Cities

Europe

London, Paris, Brussels, Madrid, Vienna, Moscow, Berlin

Asia Pacific

Tokyo, Hong Kong, Beijing, Singapore, Seoul, Sydney, Shanghai

America

New York, Los Angeles, Chicago, Washington, D.C., Toronto, Buenos Aires

Data source “World Migration Report 2015”

of a highly mobile workforce in these two cities. The third largest city is Toronto, Canada, with 46% of the population. In addition, Los Angeles, New York, and Chicago in the United States, Sydney in Australia, London in the United Kingdom, and Paris in France also have high percentages of foreign-born populations. In addition to global cities, secondary cities also absorb more immigrants. Secondary cities are important destinations for migrants because of their lower barriers to migration and their advantages in terms of employment opportunities, housing, personal safety, family ties, education, public transportation, medical conditions, and air quality. This new migration trend is most common in North America and Europe. In the U.S., net migration is dominated by low-cost-of-living sunbelt cities such as Dallas, Phoenix, and Houston and leading knowledge centers such as Austin, Washington, D.C., Seattle, and San Francisco. New and long-term immigrants in Canada are moving to secondary cities (Tucker 2009). Europe has a similar migration trend (Bayona et al. 2011).

2.2 Trends in World Migration Flows and Policy Changes

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Milan

Madrid

Chicago

Rotterdam

Montreal

Stockholm

Paris Frankfurt Amsterdam

Melbourne

New York

London Singapore

Los Angeles Sydney

Auckland

Toronto

Brussels

Dubai

Fig. 2.1 Foreign-born population ratios in the world’s major cities. Source “World Migration Report 2015”

2.2 Trends in World Migration Flows and Policy Changes 2.2.1 Trends in World Migration Flows International migration is a global trend in the twenty-first century. The growth in the number of transnational migrants and the large scale of migration have significantly influenced social transformation in different regions of the world. Migration driven by economic factors due to regional development disparities is still the mainstream of international migration. While developed countries generally face problems of aging populations and labor shortages, developing countries are mostly plagued by rapid population growth and high unemployment rates, thus creating an inherent need for migration. Most of the net increase in the total number of migrants is concentrated in the more developed regions. Between 2005 and 2010, net migration growth reached 14.72 million in the most advanced areas, compared to 9.65 million in the less developed regions. In the less developed areas, there is about one international migrant for every 70 people, while in the more developed regions, there is one international migrant for every ten people. About 60% of the migrants live in the most developed areas, and three-quarters of international migrants are concentrated in the 28 major destination countries. The United States (42.8 million), Russia (12.3 million), Germany (10.8 million), Saudi Arabia (7.3 million), Canada (7.2 million), France (6.7 million), the United Kingdom (6.5 million), Spain (6.4 million), India (5.4 million) and Ukraine (5.3 million) are among the top 10 countries with the largest number of international migrants worldwide. Among these countries, only India is a

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developing country. According to the Sixth National Census, the migrant population in China reached 261 million in 2010, accounting for 19.48% of the country’s total population. Under the influence of multiple factors such as globalization, urbanization, and regional integration, mega-cities such as Shanghai and Beijing have a strong attraction to domestic and foreign populations. The migratory population continues to grow at a high level, with the proportion of Shanghai’s mobile population reaching 39%. According to the new international division of labor, different labor forces meet different demand levels, thus forming internally differentiated and diversified migrant groups. International migration is diversified and can be divided into intelligent, labor, and refugee types according to the reasons for migration. Intelligent migrants, including students and professionals, survive better in the destination countries. In contrast, labor migrants generally have a medium survival situation, and refugee migrants have a poor survival situation. On the one hand, developed countries such as the United States, Canada, and Australia use various means and preferential policies to attract highly skilled people and business migrants; on the other hand, refugees, illegal immigrants, and female migrants become cheap laborers in the international labor market and engage in low-end jobs such as domestic services, catering and entertainment, and assembly. According to the United Nations, about half of international migrants are women, and in developed countries, the number of women migrants exceeds that of men. While economic globalization has intensified the frequent flow of international capital and commodities, it has also accelerated the migration and movement of international labor. In parallel with the diversification of migration, employment-based labor migration is undoubtedly the main body of migrants. International migrants supplement the labor force of destination countries and contribute to their economic development, but the dependence on foreign labor varies globally. A recent OECD report shows that the proportion of foreign work (of the total labor force in the region) is slowly increasing in most member countries. The largest share of the alien labor force is currently in Luxembourg with 66.7%, Austria and Switzerland with more than 10%, the UK, Germany, Spain, Belgium, and Greece with 8–10%, and France, the Czech Republic, the Netherlands, and Norway with 4–6%. In Asia, the proportion of foreign labor force in Japan and Korea is smaller, 0.3% in Japan and 2.2% in Korea. According to relevant statistics, the balance of the alien labor force in Shanghai is about 30%, which is higher than that of most developed countries. The migration behavior driven by economic factors due to regional development disparity is still mainstream international migration. As globalization and regionalization progress deepening and broadening, an organic structural chain is formed between the more developed and less developed regions, with the market economy, labor market, and institutional factors as the main links that influence the scale and main direction of migration. In the contemporary world, new forms of urbanization have emerged, breaking through the boundaries of urban administrative districts to form dense urban areas. These urban areas have become the main destinations for domestic and foreign population migration. With the effect of economies of scale and agglomeration,

2.2 Trends in World Migration Flows and Policy Changes

19

and the support of modern technologies such as transportation and communication, urban development is spatially expanding from point to surface, forming a new type of economic unit different from the previous single-core cities, collectively called “City Region,” and urban space is developing regionally. These urban regions are often important economic and political centers of the country, as well as huge “human agglomerations.” This urbanization process may appear to be decentralized. Still, the essence behind it is a larger-scale agglomeration process in which the overall influence of the urban area grows, and its spatial scope expands. Urban areas have shown strong demographic attraction and active migration. According to statistics, almost half of all immigrants admitted to the U.S. since 1960 have lived in the major Northeastern urban agglomerations. This phenomenon of “megacity” is widespread in all countries.

2.2.2 The Evolution of World Migration Policies Governments worldwide are currently cautious about international migration, with only a few countries publicly stating the desire to increase the scale of migration. Reflections on persistent low fertility, population aging, unemployment, brain drain and brain gain, labor remittances, human rights, social integration, human trafficking, and national security have led countries to re-examine immigration policies and the potential benefits and drawbacks. Over the past few decades, the number of countries adopting policies to influence the inward migration of migrants has been rapidly increasing. The demand for and benefits of international migration have led many governments to move away from a relative preference for reducing the number of migrants and toward maintaining the current levels. Most of the traditional destination countries have become more selective in international migration. More and more countries are welcoming high-level talent, shifting the focus of their immigration policies to skilled and investment migration, and adopting restrictive policies for general population migration. Governments focus on immigrants’ educational backgrounds and job skills to strengthen global competitiveness. In revising immigration laws, the quota for skilled labor immigrants is increasing, and the traditional family-based immigration policy will be tilted toward skilled immigrants. In many countries, the international migrant population of guest workers is strictly limited to contract labor system, generally not allowed to settle or bring their families. They do not enjoy citizenship and political rights and must return to their country of origin at the end of the labor contract. The international community has become more concerned about the welfare and life quality of migrants. In 2010, OECD members suggested they should open the door to migrant labor and actively make policy adjustments, even chanting “Better Policies for Better Lives.” This is not only out of the humanitarian concern and social harmony and stability but also out of concern that the aging and labor shortage in their countries will affect their long-term sustainable economic development.

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Governments’ understanding of the process of migration itself is deepening. Recognizing that “migration is not something that can be turned off like running water … requires responsive, equitable and effective migration and integration policies”. The policymakers are committed to prioritizing the development of integrated labor markets, reducing unintentional migration and illegal employment, or bringing them into legally proper channels to ensure a better life for migrants and their next generation. We should establish a policy framework for immigrant integration, build an organizational system for immigrant integration, focus on the role of community and non-governmental organizations in immigrant integration, and develop an evaluation index system for immigrant integration. At present, in response to the mobility of transnational migrants, various countries have taken different measures to promote migration flows and migrant integration, mainly as follows: (1) The legal system guarantees freedom of movement, and a flexible migration declaration system is implemented. As a fundamental human right, the right to freedom of movement has always been a concern of the international community. It has been enshrined in many important international human rights documents and the constitutions of most countries. Many countries only require the migrant to register at the police station or the internal affairs department after completing the migration process, i.e., the “ex-post notification system.” In Japan, there is a more detailed set of rules for transferring family members, and some procedures and registration are required. However, with the implementation of the “e-government” program, Japan has introduced the “Basic Resident Registration System,” which allows Japanese citizens to easily register their migration on the Internet with their registration numbers. (2) The system is designed to establish a tracking channel for domestic migration. Developed countries have more comprehensive and detailed information on migrating populations. Whether the population migration is registered afterward or beforehand to the government, or citizens do not fulfill the obligation of notification, the state can track the migration behavior and obtain relevant information through other ways and means, such as interdepartmental cooperation. For example, the U.S. does not have a direct migration registration system. Still, it can obtain the current addresses of taxpayers and their family members from the federal income tax returns of the Treasury Department and then use the social security code to counter-check the addresses and related information of the person concerned in the previous year, to determine whether the citizens have moved within the country during the year. (3) Inequality in welfare benefits also arises in population agglomeration in metropolitan areas, but the “urban duality” is characterized by mobility and less solidification of immigrant status and treatment. Regional and urban– rural development disparities inevitably lead to differences in welfare benefits between citizens and immigrants. The dichotomy of welfare benefits reflects the social order associated with taxation and welfare, which is a relatively honest

2.2 Trends in World Migration Flows and Policy Changes

21

relationship. At the same time, there are institutionalized channels to eliminate differential welfare treatment in large cities in developed countries, where the dual structure is not solidified. Those affected by the inequality of welfare treatment are generally those in the initial migration stage. After meeting the requirements of the waiting period, fixed period of residence, and bona fide residence, they can enjoy the same welfare treatment in the place of migration. Japanese citizens who have lived in a city for more than three months and have permanent residence are entitled to urban citizenship rights and welfare benefits, which greatly enhance the sense of belonging of residents. (4) The problem of migrant poverty in large cities is fundamentally rooted in the migrants’ lack of development capacity rather than in the consequences of a dualistic system. In the Latin American country of Brazil, for example, the population migration adopts an “ex post facto reporting and registration system,” and citizens can move freely with their ID cards. Due to the uneven distribution of industrialization, the rapid urbanization process has led to the concentration of the population in the top cities and mega-cities. The influx of rural people without work skills has caused serious social problems in large cities. Slum dwellers have lower income levels but also enjoy the state’s basic public education, health care, and unemployment benefits. The government also provides public goods and services to the “slum” population, and these immigrants become a lower-income but relatively stable social class and group in large cities. (5) All governments continue to pay attention to the rational distribution of urban and rural populations, and the number of countries adopting restrictive policies on rural–urban migration has decreased worldwide. However, the proportion of such countries is still more than half. Many countries have adopted policies to curb rural–urban migration to alleviate the problem of high concentration of population in large cities, especially in less developed countries and regions. The proportion of countries that adopted policies to restrict the migration of people to large cities reached 62% worldwide in 2009. Among countries in less developed regions, the share of countries that banned the concentration of population in large cities within their borders increased from 44% in 1976 to 72% in 2009, while the percentage of developed countries decreased from 55% in 1976 to 26% in 2003, and then gradually increased to 34% in 2009. (6) Market-based instruments are actively used to regulate the total population growth of large cities and solve urban congestion. In the urbanization process, almost all countries have undergone the development stage of population concentration in large cities. In countries worldwide, even in countries with a market economy, population growth in large cities is not left unchecked but is managed from both urban and rural areas. On the one hand, it establishes and improves the mechanism of transferring farmland and housing in rural areas, eliminates barriers to the movement of people and capital between urban and rural areas, and encourages the orderly activity of people to promote coordinated regional development. On the other hand, we focus on uneven spatialization in urban expansion. For example, the city of Paris has relocated some dense business and industrial areas to the surrounding suburbs based on determining the

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functional zoning of the town. In contrast, Japan has promoted the development of satellite cities and small towns on the periphery of big cities through convenient transportation.

References Bayona J, Gil-Alonso F. Foreign migration, urban growth and suburbanisation dynamics in large Spanish metropolitan areas. Toulouse: European Network for Housing Research, 2011. Tucker B. Immigration and Diversity in Canadian Cities and Communities [C]. Ottawa: Federation of Canadian Municipalities; 2009.

Chapter 3

Development Overview and Characteristics of Urban Migration in China

Since the reform and opening-up policy adopted and China’s society and economy rapidly developing, the level of modernization and urbanization in China has continued to increase. Also, the population distribution has changed significantly, and population migration has become increasingly active. China has formed a wave of migration from rural to urban, from within to outside the province, from domestic to foreign, and from uninhabitable to habitable. The increasing number of migrant populations has injected great vitality into China’s economic and social development. Urban migration is a complex social phenomenon resulting from a combination of pull factors in the incoming areas and push elements in the outgoing regions, including social, economic, political, and cultural reasons. This chapter explores the characteristics, trends, and patterns of urban migration in China through a general overview of urban migration in China and a comparison of the development profiles and features of three typical migrant cities, namely Beijing, Guangzhou, and Shenzhen.

3.1 A General Overview of Urban Migration in China After the reform and opening up in 1978, China’s economy and society embraced great development. The population began to pour into the cities on a large scale, which significantly accelerated the urbanization process and increased the scale of urban migration. After 1990, the types of urban migrants in China gradually changed, with diverse and heterogeneous groups from different regions appearing in the cities. Cross-regional immigrants account for an increasing proportion of the urban population, and multiculturalism has become increasingly prominent. Urban migrants have played an irreplaceable role in the transformation of China from a traditional agricultural society to a modern industrial society, accelerating the process of urbanization,

© East China University of Science and Technology Press Co., Ltd. 2023 S. Yang and D. Wang, Urban Migration and Public Governance in China, Public Economy and Urban Governance in China, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-4052-3_3

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modernization, and industrialization in China. This process is an evolution from the countryside to a town and a civilizational integration of the country and the city. The large scale of migration has greatly contributed to the economic development of China’s cities, providing a constant supply of human capital and endogenous growth drivers to maintain urban vitality. Many types of migrants, including labor migrants, business migrants, investment migrants, and high-tech migrants, have greatly contributed to urban socio-economic development. In addition, urban migrants have played an irreplaceable role in improving the age structure of the urban population and alleviating urban aging. Beijing, Shanghai, Guangzhou, and Shenzhen, the four top-tier cities, have a high level of urban immigrants in terms of absolute number and proportion of the total population. Their urban development vitality is inseparable from large-scale urban immigrants. Since the 1990s, with the deepening of the market reform and the reform of the household registration system, the trend of liberalization of population migration has become more and more obvious, and more migrants have started to flock to big cities, especially the developed eastern coastal regions such as the Yangtze River Delta (YRD) and the Pearl River Delta. As a less developed region, the central and western parts of China have been the most important places for urban migrants, especially in provinces such as Henan, Anhui, Sichuan, Hebei, and Hunan. Large cities in China, especially the fast-growing cities such as Beijing, Shanghai, Guangzhou, and Shenzhen, have attracted many urban migrants. According to “The China Mobility Report 2017”, the resident populations of four first-tier cities, Beijing, Shanghai, Guangdong, and Shenzhen, show rapid growth due to the influx of urban migrants (Table 3.1). In terms of the proportion of the migrant population, among the four first-tier cities of Beijing, Shanghai, Guangzhou, and Shenzhen, Shenzhen has the highest ratio of 67.70%, Shanghai ranks second with 40.51%, Guangzhou third with 38.01% and Beijing 37.20%. From the growth of the urban migrant population in the past five years, the growth rate of Beijing and Shanghai peaked around 2014 and slowed down and declined in the past two years. The data show that in 2014, the migrant population in Shanghai reached 9,964,200. After the high point, the migrant population in 2015 was nearly 150,000 less than in 2014. In fact, in the face of the growing urban disease in mega-cities such as Beijing, Shanghai, Guangzhou, and Shenzhen, China has been adjusting its urban development strategies and urban migration guidance strategies to allocate more development opportunities and functions to small and medium-sized cities outside the first-tier cities (Zhang 2018). According to “China’s Mobile Population Development Report 2016”, the proportion of urban migrants in the eastern region of China accounted for 74.7% of the national urban migrant population in 2015, while the ratio in the western area was 16.6%, which shows that the most concentrated urban migrants are still in the eastern part. Regarding cross-regional urban migration, the proportion of cross-provincial urban migrants in the east of the region to the provincial urban migrants in 2015 was 75.6%, accounting for more than 87.7% of the national cross-provincial urban migrants. The central cities are still the main accommodation for inter-provincial urban migrants. In 2015, the proportion of inter-provincial urban migrants to the

1350.11

1137.89

52.95

54.24

4.43

2.4

Net increase/10 thousand

Source “China’s Mobile Population Development Report 2017”

1404.35

1190.84

Guangzhou

Shenzhen

2415.27

2170.5

2172.9

2419.7

Beijing

2015 population/10 thousand

2016 population/10 thousand

Shanghai

City

384.52

870.49

1 439.5

1 362.9

Household registration/10 thousand

32.30

61.99

59.49

62.80

Percentage (%)

Table 3.1 Total resident population and household and non-household population in the four first-tier cities

806.32

533.86

980.2

807.5

Non-resident/10 thousand

67.70

38.01

40.51

37.20

Percentage (%)

3.1 A General Overview of Urban Migration in China 25

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3 Development Overview and Characteristics of Urban Migration in China

central cities was 54.9% of the total inter-provincial urban migrants nationwide. Although the return of migrants to the major towns has gradually emerged in recent years, more than half of the urban migrants still gather in the main cities. At this time, urban migrants tend to live in the peripheral areas of the cities rather than in the major cities. China’s urban social structure is undergoing profound changes in the new era. More and more cities are entering the ranks of “migrant cities,” with the migrant population in these cities exceeding half of their total population. The proportion of the migrant population in cities such as Shenzhen and Dongguan are more than 3/ 4 of the entire urban population. Urban migration has become an important driving force for cities to achieve their leapfrog development goals. However, against the slow progress in reforming the household registration system in large cities and high economic barriers, the attractiveness of large cities to foreign populations is gradually decreasing, while the beauty of small and medium-sized cities to migrants is increasing. A new trend of migration to small and medium-sized cities has emerged, with a gradual shift from rural to urban areas to “urban–rural,” “rural–urban,” and “urban-urban” and other migration patterns coexisting. The new trend of urban migration is gradually changing from one-way to two-way and multi-way migration, which is bound to drive the development of small and medium-sized cities. As of 2018, China’s migrant population is about 248 million, accounting for about 18% of the country’s total population. Population migration is generally divided into two stages: in the first stage, the population is moving from rural to urban areas, with people moving into first-, second- and third- and fourth-tier cities; in the second stage, the population is moving from rural areas and third- and fourth-tier cities to first- and second-tier metropolitan areas and satellite cities, with the third- and fourthtier population facing stagnation in migration. The number of people in metropolitan areas continues to increase, and the agglomeration effect is more obvious. According to international experience, China is in the second stage of population migration. The population in first-tier cities and some second-tier cities will continue to be concentrated, while the population concentration between cities and regions will be differentiated: the large cities in the eastern region will continue to show large net migration of population; the population in the central and western areas, such as Zhengzhou, Chongqing, Chengdu, and Wuhan, will grow faster, while the rest of the cities will have a slower migration.

3.2 Characteristics and Types of Urban Migration in China 3.2.1 Total Migration and Location Distribution In the mid-1950s, China adopted a strict household registration system, influencing the volume of population migration, migration flows, and the residence status of migrants in the places of entry. Since 1978, China’s rapid economic development and

3.2 Characteristics and Types of Urban Migration in China

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urbanization, the management system and control measures of population migration have changed with the acceleration of China’s reform and opening-up process, and the restrictions of population movement between urban and rural areas in China have been broken. From 1978 to 1983, the country’s joint production contract responsibility system liberated the surplus labor force. Still, people’s awareness of migration was weak at this time. The urban system reform had not yet begun, and the employment space provided was insufficient, so the population migration at this time showed the characteristics of small scale and slow growth. From 1984 to 1988, the state began to reform the population migration system and slowly released all kinds of restrictions on population migration. More peasants settled in cities and towns, township enterprises gradually developed, and urban economic system reform slowly began. In this context, the scale of spontaneous population migration expanded rapidly. From 1989 to 1995, the scale of migration in China grew rapidly, with an annual increase of over 10% and a peak of over 20%. In 1992–1993, the pace of reform and opening up and the marketization of the economy accelerated, and the demand for employment increased rapidly, pushing the scale of Chinese migration to a new high. From 1996 to the beginning of the twenty-first century, the growth of the migrant population slowed down, and the total volume leveled off. This is because, on the one hand, the impact of reform and opening up has been expanding to the mainland, the eastern region has accelerated the adjustment of industrial structure, and labor-intensive enterprises have gradually moved to the central and western areas, increasing the opportunities for economic development and the capacity of the employment market in the mainland; On the other hand, the shrinking employment space available to immigrants, coupled with changes in the overall macroeconomic environment in and out of China, led to increased difficulties in urban operations and more restrictive regulations on immigrant employment, which inhibited the expansion of Chinese immigrants during this period (Li 2001). After entering the new era, China’s transportation infrastructure has been improving. The rapid development of highways, high-speed railways, and airlines has contributed to the expansion of Chinese immigrants. The scale of migration in China continues to expand, with intra-provincial migration being the mainstay. The three national censuses from 1990 to 2010 show that China’s total number of immigrants has increased. The data from the Fourth Census in 1990 showed that the total number of immigrants was 34.1276 million, and the data from the Sixth Census in 2010 showed that the total number of immigrants was 1.198932 billion, with an increase of more than 251% (Yan et al. 2015). According to the Fourth Census in 1990, the size of migration in China from 1982 to 1987 was 30.533 million, 34.128 million in 1985–1990, and 36.426 million in 1990–1995. The immigrant population in 1985–1990 and 1990–1995 was equivalent to 3. 01% and 3. 02% of the total national population in 1990 and 1995, respectively. Between 1995 and the beginning of the twenty-first century, the size of China’s migrant population exceeded 80 million. After a period of slow growth in migration, China entered a new period in which the size of migration continued to expand, with an annual increase of about 8 million people. By 2014, China’s migrant population had reached 253 million, accounting for about 19% of the country’s total population.

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In 1982, there were only about 6.57 million immigrants in China, but by the Fifth National Census in 2000, there were 117 million immigrants in the country, an increase of nearly 18 times in 28 years. By 2005, the migrant population had increased by 25.32% compared to five years earlier, and by 2010, the migrant population had increased by 50.34% five years. In the following years, the expansion of the migrant population slowed down, and in 2014, it only increased by 14.48% compared to 4 years before. In general, the growth of China’s migrant population shows a characteristic of first accelerating and then slowing down, and overall tends to be flat, without a large-scale, explosive growth (Wang 2016). Based on the spatial and regional perspective of migration, migrants can be divided into two types: internal migrants and international migration. Internal migration refers to migration from one place to another within the same country (Yi et al. 2013). The internal migrants can be further subdivided into intra-provincial migrants and inter-provincial migrants according to whether they cross provincial areas or not; they can also be divided into urbanized migrants and agricultural migrants according to the direction of migration. International migrants refer to those who move from one country to another, including talented, skilled workers and laborers, and also include passive non-conventional migrants, such as refugees, but do not include those who leave the country for a short period for vacation, business and medical reasons (Li 2018). Internal migration is quite common in the development of Chinese society. There have been many large-scale internal migration activities in Chinese history, with a large number of people moving and a wide range of influences, such as “breaking through the East,” “going to the West,” “Down South,” “Third Line Construction” and “Three Gorges Migration,” etc. Due to the unbalanced economic development of domestic regions, there is a large gap between provinces, various territories in sections, and different geographical areas, which causes the universality of domestic migration. Most domestic migrants flow from underdeveloped to developed regions, underdeveloped to developed areas and unsuitable to suitable sites. People seek to maximize their interests through migration. In the twenty-first century, China’s internal migration has shown a tendency to be huge and to increase in scale. The process of urbanization is a process of reallocating resources and factors between urban and rural areas, and an important part of it is the migration and redistribution of population. As China’s development enters a new era, transportation infrastructure is improving, urbanization is developing rapidly, and the cost of domestic migration is decreasing. Domestic migration will become a more common type of Chinese migration, and the number of domestic migrants is increasing. According to a 2016 study by Ren Zeping, considering the growth rate of the resident population and the net inflow rate (household population/resident population), the former reflects short-term population inflow, and the latter reflects the size of the foreign population stock attracted. The eastern coastal regions are the top performers in both indicators. The Guangdong-Hong Kong-Macao-Great Bay Area is the most attractive, with a net inflow rate of 43.7% and a resident population

3.2 Characteristics and Types of Urban Migration in China

Beijing Net population inflow rate

Heilongjiang Jilin

Tianjin Shanghai Zhejiang

29

Canto Xinjiang Tibet

Liaoning

Growth rate of resident population

Henan Guizhou

Fig. 3.1 Growth rate of the resident population and net population inflow rate by province (%). Note The resident population growth rate is the average annual compound growth rate from 2015 to 2018, and the net population inflow rate is the data for 2017

growth rate of 2.4%. In contrast, the central and northeastern regions are still experiencing a net outflow of population, and the net flow of the population is large. At the inter-provincial level, Guangdong and Zhejiang provinces are more attractive to urban migrants. At the same time, Beijing, Tianjin, and Shanghai are less attractive to urban migrants due to their limited population carrying capacity and strict household registration system (Fig. 3.1). In comparison, mega-cities’ attractiveness to urban migrants has weakened due to the strict household registration system. The net population inflow rate of metropolis has approached that of mega-cities. In contrast, the resident population growth rate of Type I cities has exceeded that of mega-cities, and the attractiveness of strong second-tier cities to urban migrants has gradually increased. In addition, the net outflow of population from the stock of small and medium-sized cities in China is still relatively obvious. Shenzhen is the most attractive city for urban migrants among all cities. Guangzhou, a Tier 1 city, also performs well regarding resident population growth and net migration rates. At the same time, strong second-tier cities, such as Hangzhou, Changsha, Chengdu, and other second-tier cities, are gradually becoming more attractive to urban migrants. In addition, some non-central towns in the central and western regions, as well as non-provincial and planned cities in the northeast, are facing a shrinking resident population and remain less attractive to urban migrants, such as Neijiang in Sichuan, Zhoukou in Henan, and Jingzhou in Hubei (Fig. 3.2). Due to the massive influx of urban migrants, China’s urban population and its share have increased significantly. In terms of registered people, the urban population in China’s cities exceeded 330 million in 2006, and by 2017, the urban population in China’s cities was close to 410 million (Fig. 3.3). Regarding the resident population, the proportion of the urban population in China was less than 28% in 2005 but more than 34% in 2017. The main groups of international migrants in China today include overseas students, investment migrants, relative migrants, and labor migrants. International immigrants in China can be subdivided into two categories according to the place of

30

3 Development Overview and Characteristics of Urban Migration in China Hefei Wuhan Tianjin Suzhou Ningbo Foshan Shenzhen Dongguan Xiamen Haikou Zhengzhou Guangzhou Zhuhai Harbin Dalian Nanjing Shenyang HangzhouChengdu Ji’nan Benxi GuiyangChangsha Growth rate of resident population` Nanchang Shanghai

Beijing

Fuxin Langfang Xixian Jingzhou Chongqin Nanyang Neijing Tianmen Ziyang Zhoukou Net population inflow rate

Megacity Metropolis Type City Type City

Small and medium-sized city

Fig. 3.2 Growth rate of the resident population and net population inflow rate in prefecture-level cities and above in China (%). Note The net population inflow rate is the data of 2017, and the resident population growth rate is the average annual compound growth rate of 2015–2018. Some cities with missing data used the net inflow rate of 2016 and the resident population growth rate of 2015–2017. The data from Jilin Province and Heilongjiang Province are excluded due to the limited statistics. The dotted line shows the median level of the corresponding indicator; Xixian used the combined data of Xi’an and Xianyang

Number of population / 10,000 people

Fig. 3.3 Population of urban areas in Chinese cities, 2006–2017

inflow. One category is the immigrants from developed Western countries, mainly from Europe and the United States. These immigrants are large in scale and occupy the central position of international immigrants, mostly from large and medium-sized cities with high economic and cultural levels in China. They are mainly study-abroad immigrants, followed by family reunion immigrants. The other category is immigration to Southeast Asia and North America, and the number in this category is smaller (Ni and Lan 2011). After the reform and opening, China gradually relaxed its immigration policy. Its rapidly developing economy and frequent foreign exchanges have contributed to the expansion of international migration (Zhang and Sumin 2014). From 1990 to 2000, China’s global migrant population grew by an average of about 140,000 people per year, with an annual growth rate of 3%. From 2010 to 2013, China’s international migrant population reached 580,000, with an average yearly increase

3.2 Characteristics and Types of Urban Migration in China

31

of about 190,000 and an average annual growth rate of 2.2% (Song 2018). The total number of international migrants in China has increased from 4.09 million in 1990 to 9.55 million in 2015, making it the fourth largest migrant-sending country in the world, after India, Mexico, and Russia. The overall growth trend of international migration in China is obvious, and the education level of these migrant groups varies widely, with the fastest growth rate of highly skilled and qualified migrants. The size of China’s high-skilled migrant stock to the six developed OECD countries (Australia, Germany, France, Canada, the United States, and the United Kingdom) is growing much faster than that of low- and middle-skilled migrants. At the same time, the scale of international migration to China as a destination continues to expand. Between 2000 and 2013, the total number of international migrants in China increased by more than 50%, with a large proportion coming from developed countries, including highly skilled international labor, returning Chinese nationals, and international students.

3.2.2 Intra-Provincial Versus Inter-Provincial Migration 1. Provincial immigration Migration is the process of the population’s spatial movement across a region’s boundaries. There are three attributes, namely spatial attribute, temporal attribute, and purpose attribute, among which spatial attribute is the essential characteristic of migration (Yan and Huang 2015). There are many types of migration, among which those that occur within a country mainly include intra-provincial and inter-provincial, and intra-provincial migration is often dominant. The intra-provincial migration in this chapter primarily refers to the case where the usual place of residence five years ago has changed from the current home, and is in the province; in other words, the population only moves from one place in the area to another in the same region. The spatial agglomeration effect of intra-provincial migration is obvious, with concentric circle distribution. The province’s capital is strongly attracted to the population of neighboring provincial towns. The population is mainly concentrated from the surrounding areas to the province’s capital, with a significant spillover effect. When the endowment structure and economic level of a region in the section are better than those of other regions, the population concentration in the region is more obvious, and the attraction of the migrating population in the province is stronger. The advantage of a region’s endowment structure can be indirectly measured by indicators such as GDP, per capita income level, tertiary industry ratio, and public service level. China’s internal migration is mainly intra-provincial migration, and the scale of inter-provincial migration is relatively small. For example, in the Sixth Census, of the 221.03 million immigrants nationwide, the provincial immigrant population was 135.1548 million, and the inter-provincial migrants were 85.8763 million. The people of inter-provincial migrants are only 64% of those local migrants. This is

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3 Development Overview and Characteristics of Urban Migration in China

because since the reform and opening up, with the continuous promotion of urbanization and the continuous development of urban economy and society, employment opportunities in the provincial cities have increased, increasing the attractiveness of the local immigrant population. In addition, intra-provincial migrants have obvious advantages in terms of distance and urban integration costs. This has led to a shift in China’s internal migration from a comparable intra-provincial and inter-provincial migrant population in 2000 to the current predominance of intra-provincial migration. The scale of intra-provincial migration varies greatly among provinces. Six provinces, namely Jiangsu, Zhejiang, Shandong, Henan, Guangdong, and Sichuan, have the largest intra-provincial migration scale, exceeding 7 million people, accounting for 30% of the national total intra-provincial migration. Guangdong Province has the largest scale of intra-provincial migration, accounting for 10% of the full scale of intra-provincial migration in China. In Beijing, Tianjin, Shanghai, Hainan, Tibet, Qinghai, and Ningxia, the migration size is less than 1 million, accounting for less than 1% of the intra-provincial migration in the country (Wang and Zehan 2013). The general rule is that the larger the population base of a province, the larger the scale of intra-provincial migration tends to be. The correlation coefficient between the two is as high as 0. 93. Table 3.2 shows that the total number of migrants in China continued to expand from 1990 to 2010. Among them, the proportion of intra-provincial migrants in the total migrant population increased significantly, with intra-provincial migrants accounting for 67.47%, increased to 73.35% in 2000, and reached 95.39% in 2010, indicating that intra-provincial migration is the mainstay of current Chinese migration. This is partly due to the increasing proportion of intra-provincial migration and the decreasing proportion of inter-provincial migration. Domestic migration in China is still dominated by proximity migration (Yan and Huang 2015). Although China’s internal migration is dominated by intra-provincial migration, followed by inter-provincial migration, there are differences among provinces. Beijing, Tianjin, and Shanghai all have predominantly interprovincial migration, with the scale exceeding six times the scale of their intra-provincial areas and Shanghai exceeding 14 times. The more economically developed provinces of Jiangsu, Zhejiang, and Guangdong also have inter-provincial migration scales that are greater than or equal to the intra-provincial migration scale. In contrast, the migration of less economically developed provinces such as Anhui, Jiangxin, Henan, Hunan, and Guizhou in the central and western regions is dominated by interprovincial emigration. The inter-provincial and intra-provincial migration scales in Hebei, Guangxi, and Sichuan provinces are equal. In addition to the provinces and regions mentioned above, nearly two-thirds of the remaining sections and areas in China have their migration activities mainly within the sections, thus making China’s migration mainly intra-provincial. Since the reform and opening up, the proportion of intra-provincial migrants in the total number of migrants has been rising continuously, but the migration situation varies among geographical regions. The Sixth Population Census in 2010 showed that intra-provincial migrants in South, East, and North China accounted for a smaller proportion of total migrants. These regions are economically developed and

3.2 Characteristics and Types of Urban Migration in China

33

Table 3.2 Statistics on the number of domestic migrants in the Fourth to Sixth Population Censuses in China Year

Current residence

Total

Provincial Interprovincial Outside Geographical Geographical the area interval study area

The Fourth Census in 1990

North China

4146.7

2137.8

1998.9

10

679.4

1319.5

Northeast China

3697.3

2550.1

1146.1

1.1

477

669.1

Eastern China

8905.5

5677.7

3215.6

12.2

1457.5

1758.1

Central China

4807.6

3625.3

1180.8

1.6

222.1

958.6

South China Region

5256.3

3702.3

1550.1

3.9

605. 1

945

Southwest 4459.9 Region

3542.2

910.5

7.2

417. 1

493.5

Northwest 2854.2 Region

1790.3

1063.2

0.6

310. 9

752.3

Total

34,127.6

23,025.7

11,065.4

36.5

4169.2

6896.1

North China

1535.5

1149.2

386

0.3

99.8

286.2

Northeast China

1039.7

908.6

131

0.1

56.9

74.1

Eastern China

3734

2774

959.1

0.9

505.3

453.7

Central China

1320

1176

143.9

0.1

29.7

114.2

South China Region

2338.5

1137.6

1200.6

0.2

179.1

1021.5

Southwest 1377 Region

1166.3

210.2

0.4

115.9

94.3

Northwest 776. 8 Region

579.3

197.5

0

56.3

141.2

Total

12,121.4

8891.1

3228.2

2.1

1043

2185.3

North China

14,924.6

14,164.3

757.5

2.8

217.1

540.3

Northeast China

9882.3

9697.4

183. 2

1.7

75.2

108

Eastern China

35,416.1

33,054.7

2346. 7

14.7

1004. 1

1342.5

The Fifth Census in 2000

The Sixth Census in 2010

(continued)

34

3 Development Overview and Characteristics of Urban Migration in China

Table 3.2 (continued) Year

Current residence

Total

Provincial Interprovincial Outside Geographical Geographical the area interval study area

Central China

19,145.7

18,949

196. 2

0.6

36.2

159.9

South China Region

13,925

12,442.2

1481

1.9

269.8

1211.2

Southwest 17,690.1 Region

17,379.2

309.3

1.5

123.1

186.3

Northwest 8909.5 Region

8683.7

225.6

0.2

59.7

165.9

23.4

1785.2

3714.2

Total

119,893.3 114,370.4 5499.4

Unit: 10,000 people Note 1. The data were compiled from the 10% long form of the Fourth, Fifth and Sixth Censuses and magnified by a factor of 10 2. Outside the study area is the population of Hong Kong, Macau, Taiwan, and international migrants 3. The total migrant population is the sum of intra-provincial migrants, inter-provincial migrants, and migrants from outside the study area; the inter-provincial migrant population is the sum of intraand inter-geographic migrants

are the main migration areas in China, so inter-provincial migration accounts for a relatively large proportion in these regions. The balance of intra-provincial and interprovincial migrants is closely related to the level of regional economic development, and the ratio of inter-provincial migrants is larger in economically developed regions. In comparison, the proportion of intra-provincial migrants is larger in areas with relatively low levels of economic development (Yan and Huang 2015). The flow of intra-provincial migrants generally follows the flow from less developed areas to more developed areas, from problematic areas to suitable regions, and from areas with lower economic returns to parts with higher financial returns. On a large scale, intra-provincial migration is smaller in the central and western provinces, and the population mostly migrates to the east for inter-provincial migration. In contrast, in the eastern coastal regions, the scale of intra-provincial migration is larger, and the scale of inter-provincial migration is smaller because people tend to migrate to better-developed areas, which is also in line with the migration law. As a result, most of the migration in these provinces occurs within the boundaries of one section. 2. Inter-provincial migration. Interprovincial migration, which usually refers to the spatial movement of people’s residential location across provincial boundaries, can be subdivided into “interprovincial migration with hukou changes” and “interprovincial migration without hukou changes” due to the existence of the hukou system in China (Yang et al. 2015). The inter-provincial migration in this chapter refers to the case where the permanent residence five years ago has changed from the current home, and is in a foreign province

3.2 Characteristics and Types of Urban Migration in China

35

(excluding Hong Kong, Macao, and Taiwan). The size of inter-provincial migration is mainly considered in terms of immigration and emigration, which are not equal in most cases. Inter-provincial migration includes both inter-geographic migration and intra-geographic migration. Five years ago, the permanent and current residences were in the same geographic area, called intra-geographic migration. Five years ago, the permanent home and current residence were not in the same geographic area, called inter-geographic migration (Yan and Huang 2015). The results of the three population censuses show that the proportion of inter-geographic migrants to the total inter-provincial migrants is 62.33%, 67.69%, and 67.54%, respectively, indicating that inter-geographic migrants are the main component of inter-provincial migrants in China. The 1990s was a period of unprecedented migration in China. According to the results of the Fifth National Census in 2000, the total number of migrants in the country reached 124,662,500 from 1995 to 2000, an increase of about 2.65 times over the total number of migrants in the Fourth Census a decade earlier (34,127,600). The growth of inter-provincial migration is more prominent. Excluding inter-rural migration, the total number of migrants in the Fifth Census was 70.18 million by spatially comparable inter-county migration, an increase of about 2.65 times over the total number of migrants in the Fourth Census. The growth of inter-provincial migration is more prominent. Excluding inter-county migration, the total number of migrants in the Fifth Census was 70.18 million, 1.06 times higher than that in the Fourth Census. The average annual migration rate also increased from 6.0% to 11.3%, an increase of 0.88 times. Among them, inter-provincial migration increased from 110.654 million to 33.241 million, an increase of about two times, with an average annual growth rate of 11.6%. The migration rate increased from 2.0% to 5.4%, an increase of 1.70 times, greatly exceeding the growth rate of inter-county migration. The large increase in total migration reflects the high dynamics of China’s economic development. Interprovincial migration is usually a long-distance migration, and migrants need higher capacity and greater energy than interprovincial migrants. Therefore, if the significant growth of total migration marks that China has entered the era of high migration activity, then the faster growth of inter-provincial migration means China is entering a period of high migration capacity. Temporal trends in inter-provincial migration in China include three phases. From 1985 to 1995, inter-provincial migrants mainly moved to the Pearl River Delta, Shanghai-Jiangsu, and Beijing in the first stage. According to the 1990 census, the largest interprovincial net migration in 1985–1990 was Guangdong, with a population of 1.007 million, and five other provinces (districts and cities) with a net migration of more than 100,000: Beijing (540,000), Shanghai (530,000), Liaoning (250,000), Tianjin (170,000), and Jiangsu (170,000). Among them, the net migration of inter-provincial migrants from Guangdong, Beijing, and Shanghai accounted for 67. 4%. The largest net emigration was from Sichuan, with 850,000 people. In comparison, the net emigration from other provinces (districts and cities) exceeded 130,000: Guangxi (450,000 people), Zhejiang (300,000 people), Hunan (260,000 people), Hei Longjiang (240,000 people) and Anhui (200,000 people). According to the 1% sample survey in 1991, the largest net interprovincial migration in 1990–1995

36

3 Development Overview and Characteristics of Urban Migration in China

was still Guangdong, which increased to 1.68 million, while five other provinces (districts and cities) had a net migration of more than 200,000 people: Shanghai (590,000), Beijing (560,000), Jiangsu (510,000), Xinjiang (410,000), and Liaoning (230,000). The largest net interprovincial migration was still from Sichuan, with 1.03 million people. In comparison, seven other provinces (districts and cities) had a net migration of more than 150,000 people: Anhui (570,000), Hunan (480,000), Henan (460,000), Guangxi (420,000), Heilongjiang (380,000), Hebei (380,000), and Guizhou (240,000). In the second phase, from 1995 to 2000, inter-provincial migrants mainly moved to the Pearl River Delta, Yangtze River Delta, Beijing and Tianjin, Xinjiang, and Fujian. At this time, Zhejiang has changed from net migrant emigration to net migrant immigration. With the deepening of reform and opening up, the scale of inter-provincial migration has increased significantly since the mid-1990s. According to the 2010 census, the net interprovincial migration from 2005 to 2010 was mainly concentrated in the Yangtze River Delta (14.53 million), Guangdong (12.26 million), and Beijing-Tianjin (4.71 million) regions, accounting for 91.8% of the total population. In addition, Fujian (1.34 million), Xinjiang (0.55 million), and Liaoning (0.49 million) are also the main net interprovincial migration areas. The net interprovincial migrant emigration provinces mainly include Henan (5 million), Anhui (4.7 million), Sichuan (3.94 million), Hunan (3.9 million), Hubei (2.96 million), Jiangxi (2.78 million), Guangxi (2.22 million), Guizhou (2.09 million), Heilong (1.14 million), Chongqing (1.11 million), and Hebei (1.09 million). The third stage is from 2010 to the present, with inter-provincial migrants mainly moving into first-tier and some second-tier cities. From 2010 to the present, the first place of net inter-provincial migration is Beijing and Tianjin, while the return of migrant workers from central and western China has caused a significant decrease in net inter-provincial migration in the Yangtze and Pearl River Delta regions. The Eastern region is the most important gathering place of the migrant population, and its total inter-provincial migrant population increased from 32.115 million in 2000 to 68.136 million in 2010. The proportion of the national total inter-provincial migrant population also increased from 75.7% to 79.3%. Due to the low level of economic development, the central and western regions have been the most important migrant population since the reform and opening up, and the proportion of the migrant population in the national inter-provincial migrant population has always remained at about 75%. Among them, the ratio of the outgoing population in the central region to the total national migrant population is still increasing, rising from 43.6% in 2000 to 44.5% in 2010. The inter-provincial migration in the Northeast region, both inbound and outbound, is relatively small, and the population flow is more balanced. However, the outbound population still accounts for a larger proportion overall (Yang and Yuemin 2015). The inter-provincial migrant population is growing at a significant rate. In 2000, the interprovincial migrant population was about 42.42 million, and the people of interprovincial migrants reached 85.876 million in 2015: The growth in 10 years exceeded the total accumulated migration from 1978 to 2000 (Yang and Yuemin 2015). Compared with intra-provincial migration, inter-provincial migration is a

3.2 Characteristics and Types of Urban Migration in China

37

long-distance and large-scale population movement, which is important for regional socio-economic development and spatial redistribution of population. The analysis of inter-provincial migration in China is mainly carried out regarding immigration and emigration. The main inward migration areas are the relatively economically developed provinces, including Beijing, Shanghai, Tianjin, Zhejiang, Jiangsu, and Guangdong (regions and cities). At the same time, Xinjiang, Hunan, Hebei, Sichuan, Chongqing, Shandong, Yunnan, and Liaoning, with relative economic advantages in a small area, have attracted population from neighboring provinces and formed a certain scale of population migration (Liu and Jian 2014). The inter-provincial migrant populations of Beijing, Shanghai, Jiangsu, Zhejiang, Fujian, and Guangdong provinces (districts and cities) exceed 4 million, accounting for more than 5% of the national inter-provincial migrant population. All these provinces with large inter-provincial migrant populations are located in the eastern coastal region and boast better economic development. In 2013, the combined population of the six areas reached 61.0362 million, accounting for 71.07% of the national interprovincial migrant population (Wang and Zehan 2013). The inter-provincial migrant population in Guangdong Province is the largest, accounting for about one-fourth of the national inter-provincial migrants. In addition, areas with economic advantages in a small area can be attractive to neighboring provinces. In addition, places with economic-financial benefits in a small area can be beautiful to neighboring provinces and regions. Thus, there is a certain scale of population migration from sections such as Jiangsu, Zhejiang, and Guangdong (Liu and Jian 2014). Most major provinces are concentrated in the central and western regions with relatively backward economic development, such as Sichuan, Henan, Shaanxi, Hebei, Hunan, Hubei, and Yunnan provinces. Anhui, Hebei, Henan, Hubei, Hunan, and Sichuan are the six provinces with the largest inter-provincial migration scale in China, each with more than 5 million people, accounting for more than 5% of the total inter-provincial migrant population in China. In 2013, the total number of emigrants from the six provinces reached 46.06 million, more than half of China’s inter-provincial migrant population. Among them, Anhui Province is the largest, with 9,622,600 inter-provincial migrants, more than one-tenth of the total inter-provincial migrants in China (Wang and Zehan 2013). This shows that the inter-provincial migrant population mainly moves from west to east, from less developed to more developed areas. The emigration areas are scattered, while the immigration areas are concentrated. Currently, as the main inter-provincial migration areas, the outgoing population in the central and western regions mostly flows into the three major metropolitan areas of the Yangtze River Delta, Pearl River Delta, and Beijing-Tianjin (Hebei). In terms of absolute size, the top ten inflow areas of China’s inter-provincial migrant population (over 1.5 million people in size) in 2010 include Guangdong (21.498 million), Zhejiang (11.824 million), Shanghai (8.977 million), Jiangsu (7.379 million), Beijing (7.045 million), Fujian (4.314 million), Tianjin (2.992 million), Shandong (2.116 million), Xinjiang (1.792 million), and Liaoning (1.787 million). It can be seen that, except for some provinces (districts and cities) in the west, the inter-provincial migrant population mainly flows to the more economically developed

38

3 Development Overview and Characteristics of Urban Migration in China

areas on the east coast. The top ten outflows of inter-provincial migrants (with a size of more than 3 million) include Anhui (9.623 million), Sichuan (8.905 million), Henan (8.626 million), Hunan (7.229 million), Hebei (5.89 million), Jiangxi (5.787 million), Guangxi (4.185 million), Guizhou (4.409 million), Sichuan (3.507 million), Hebei (3.498 million), Shandong (3.096 million), and Jiangsu (3.059 million) (Liu and Jian 2014). From a broad regional perspective, the proportion of total immigration in the east and west increased slightly during 2000–2010, while the central region experienced a slight decrease. In terms of the growth rate of the immigration population, the western region increased significantly by more than 85%, followed by the eastern region with a growth rate of nearly 80%, and finally by the central region with a growth rate of more than 75%. This indicates that there is not much difference in the growth rate of immigration between the eastern and western regions during the decade. The significant growth in the western region is largely due to the country’s Western Development Strategy. Although the east region is still the main immigration area of China, the immigration scale is expanding with the rapid economic development of the western and central regions (Wang 2016). Comparing each geographical region’s immigration and emigration scale, we can find the changes in China’s main immigration and emigration places of interprovincial migration. The results of the Fourth Population Census in 1990 show that East China has the highest inter-provincial population in migration, while Southwest China is the region with the lowest inter-provincial population in migration. North China and South China are the main net migration areas of China’s population. According to the Fifth Census in 2000, South China is the largest inter-provincial migration area, while Southwest China remains the smallest. North and South China are still the major net migration areas, while Central China is the largest net migration area in China. According to the Sixth Census 2010, East China and South China are the regions with high inter-provincial population in-migration, while Northeast China, Southwest China, Northwest China, and North China are the regions with low inter-provincial population in-migration. North China and South China are still the main net migration areas, while Central China is still the region with the highest net population migration. The largest migration area in China has changed from Southwest China to Central China, mainly due to the proximity of Central China to the net migration areas of East China, South China, and North China, which shows the influence of distance on inter-provincial migration in China is greater. At the same time, economic development factors are also important factors influencing inter-provincial migration in China. The main purpose of inter-provincial migration is to find a more livable and economically rewarding area to live in, so the densely populated and less economically developed regions of Central and Southwest China become the main emigration areas. In contrast, East and South China’s relatively high level of economic development has become the main immigration area. According to the Sixth National Census in 2010, there are 17 inter-provincial migration flows with more than one million people and seven inter-provincial flows with more than two million people. There are 32 inter-provincial migratory flows

3.2 Characteristics and Types of Urban Migration in China

39

with more than 500,000 people, meaning that nearly half of the inter-provincial migratory flows are more than one million (Liu and Jian 2014). The cities with larger migrant populations are concentrated in the eastern coastal regions such as the Pearl River Delta (PRD), Yangtze River Delta (YRD), Beijing, and Tianjin, among which Dongguan and Shenzhen in the PRD, Shanghai, and Wenzhou in the YRD and Beijing and Tianjin have interprovincial migrant populations of more than 500,000. Most of these cities are core cities in China with high levels of urban economic development. Towns in the central and western regions with large inter-provincial migration include Kunming, Chongqing, Xi’an, and Wuhan. Kunming has a large inter-provincial migration scale due to its proximity to Sichuan, a major province for population migration. Chongqing, Xi’an, and Wuhan are all major towns in the central and western regions. They tend to be more attractive to immigrant populations from the west and central provinces and thus grow to have larger immigrant populations (Wang et al. 2012). The inter-provincial migration in the southeastern coastal region shows a net-like structure, while the inter-provincial migration in the central and western areas has a “one-peak” design. The inter-provincial migration in the southeastern coastal region is more active, while in the west, the inter-provincial migration in Sichuan and Yunnan outshines the others. Shanghai, Zhejiang, and Guangdong on the southeast coast have become the main immigration areas for inter-provincial migrants. In contrast, in central and western regions, Henan, Anhui, and Gansu have become net emigration areas for inter-provincial migrants. Most of the provinces with high immigration are located on the eastern coast and some western regions, the former due to economic development and the latter due to supportive policies. Most regions with high emigration rates are concentrated in the central and western parts of the country, and intra-provincial migration is more frequent in the northeast and some western provinces with central locations. In general, inter-provincial migration in China has the following patterns: (1) inter-provincial migration generally flows from the central and western regions to the eastern coastal regions and from the central regions to the growth centers in the north and south; (2) coastal regions with high economic development, such as the Pearl River Delta (PRD), Yangtze River Delta (YRD) and Beijing-Tianjin, are still the main migration areas in the country; (3) there are a large number of crossover and transition zones in the hinterland of the PRD and YRD regions, such as Sichuan, Guizhou, Hubei, and Jiangxi. The intersection of Beijing, Tianjin, and the Yangtze River Delta hinterland are mainly located in Shandong and Hebei provinces, indicating that these areas are affected by the migration of multiple sections simultaneously (Liu and Jian 2014). The inter-provincial migration has obvious gradient spillover characteristics, and the migrant population in the northwest region, besides moving directly to the southeast coastal region, more often moves into the central region first and then uses this as a springboard to move into the eastern region. Figure 3.4 simulates the change in the scale of inter-provincial population migration in China during 2010–2030. In general, the direction of net interprovincial migration has remained relatively consistent across the years. In 2020, the net migration scale of inter-provincial migration decreased significantly compared to 2010. In 2030, the equalization of basic public services and urban–rural integration will be

40

3 Development Overview and Characteristics of Urban Migration in China

2015 2025

2010 2020 2030

Total migrant population size/ 1 million

Total size of migrating population

Henan Anhui Hubei Hunan Guizhou Chongqing Hebei Jiangxi Sichuan Guangxi Heilongjiang Yunnan Shandong Gansu Jilin Shanxi Shanxi Tibet Ningxia Qinghai Hainan Liaoning Xinjiang Neimenggu Fujian Tianjin Jiangsu Beijing Shanghai Canto Zhejiang

Phrased migration of population size/ 1 million

gradually realized, and the development gap between regions will be substantially reduced. Inter-provincial migration tends to be balanced, and the absolute value of the net migration population will grow to zero. Zhejiang is the absolute leader among the net immigration provinces, with its cumulative new migrant population accounting for more than one-third of the total inter-provincial migration in China. This is followed by Guangdong, Shanghai, and Beijing, which account for 20%, 19%, and 12% of the total inter-provincial migration in China. The population size of Jiangsu, Tianjin, and Fujian are all less than 10%, but the number of migrants is still considerable (Xu et al. 2016). Among the net emigration provinces, Henan and Anhui have the largest number of emigrants, followed by Hebei, Hunan, and Guizhou, which account for 2%-8%. Most of these provinces are located in the central and northeastern regions, with high population density and large rural labor force but low economic development level and insufficient jobs available, resulting in a large emigration scale (Deng et al. 2014). Most of the provinces in the western region have a small share of the new migrant population size, at −1 to 1%, with inactive population movement. The spatial redistribution of the interprovincial migrant population has changed the demographic structure of the incoming and outgoing areas, resulting in changes in the total regional population and rural and urban population shares and contributing to the national and regional urbanization process. From 2000 to 2010, the contribution of inter-provincial migration to the increase of the national urbanization rate accounted for 18.13%. In addition, inter-provincial migration has reduced the difference in interprovincial urbanization rate and promoted the coordinated development of regional urbanization (Yang and Yuemin 2015).

Net immigration province

Net emigration province

Fig. 3.4 Simulation of the total spatial migration of the inter-provincial migrant population in China (2010–2030)

3.2 Characteristics and Types of Urban Migration in China

41

At the same time, population migration within metropolitan areas or urban agglomerations has also begun to accelerate, especially since the mobility of the labor force, the most active in migration, has become more frequent. The Yangtze River Delta is the most economically dynamic region in China. Since the reform and opening up, it has attracted a large amount of human capital from home and abroad, forming a “convergence flow field” of human capital. According to the 2000 National Population Census, the total employed population aged 15–64 in 16 cities in the Yangtze River Delta was 50,483,200, accounting for 7.80% of the total employed population (aged 15–64, the same below). From 1995 to 2000, 8,479,000 and 1,717,900 people moved in and out of 16 cities in the Delta, accounting for 16.80% and 3.40% of the total employed population in each of the 16 cities, respectively; 6,761,100 people moved in net, accounting for 74.97% of the total net population (aged 15–64) and 13.39% of the total employed population in the 16 cities. All 16 cities in the Delta show net inward migration with regions outside the Delta. Since labor mobility is industry-following, the migration gradient formed by labor mobility in YRD is consistent with the economic rise of YRD. Among the 16 cities in the YRD, Shanghai has the highest proportion of immigration and net immigration, with 28.04% and 33.21%, respectively, forming a high-intensity agglomeration area with Shanghai as the core. The second level is Jiangsu, Hangzhou, and Ningbo, accounting for 9.96%, 9.04%, and 8.95% of the total immigration and 11.02%, 9.64%, and 10.10% of the unlimited net immigration, respectively; the third level is Wuxi and Nanjing, accounting for 6.31% and 6.69% of the complete entire net migration, and 6.31% and 10.10% of the whole net migration, respectively. The other ten cities accounted for only 31.01% and 22.11% of the net migration. Migration within the Yangtze River Delta is active, mainly immigration from outside the Delta. Labor migration in the Delta is primarily composed of inter-city migration among 16 cities in the Delta and between 16 cities in the Delta and other regions in China. In the total number of migrant workers in the Delta cities, there are 7,893,600 people from outside the Delta, accounting for 88.44% of the total number of migrant workers. Shaoxing, Zhenjiang, and Hangzhou have the highest proportion of migrant workers from outside the Delta, with 93.17%, 93.14%, and 91.07%, respectively. Even Nanjing has the lowest proportion of migrant workers and the highest proportion of migrant workers outside the Delta, with 83.66%. In terms of intra-city migration, although the number is smaller than that outside the Delta, it is also quite active. Seven cities (Shanghai, Nanjing, Wuxi, Jiangsu, Hangzhou, Ningbo, and Jiaxing) show immigration. In comparison, the other nine towns show net emigration, with the latter (nine cities) sending 533,200 people to the former (seven cities). Shanghai absorbed 56.11% of the total. In general, 53.05% of the migrant population in the YRD cities are moving to other cities in the YRD, but there are significant differences among cities. In Shanghai, Jiangsu, Wuxi, Hangzhou, Ningbo, and Jiaxing, the emigration of the employed population is mainly outside the Delta, while in the other nine cities, the emigration of the employed population is primarily to other cities in the Delta. The proportion of emigration employed population in Huzhou is the lowest, only 13. 33% (Fig. 3.5).

42

3 Development Overview and Characteristics of Urban Migration in China

Extreme Core Peripheral Center Peripheral Sub-Centers 50,000+ people 30,000 - 50,000 people 15,000-30,000 people

Fig. 3.5 Population flow and direction of migration in Yangtze River Delta1

3.2.3 Types of Chinese Immigrants Migration is a multidisciplinary issue that encompasses political, economic, cultural, religious, and geographical factors. Different research perspectives, methods, and objectives can lead to varying types of migration in China. From the perspective of the personal will of immigrants, immigrants can be divided into two types: voluntary and involuntary. Voluntary migration refers to the subjective willingness and spontaneous migration activities of migrant subjects. It can be further subdivided into organized voluntary migration, unorganized voluntary migration, and completely voluntary migration. Involuntary migration refers to the migration activities of the subject being unintentional, passive, and forced to other places, usually caused by various external factors, such as construction, war, disaster, and ecological environment deterioration.

1

Qiao, Guanmin & Liu Zhenyu. A Study on the Spatial Mobility of Population within the Metropolitan Contiguous Area of the Yangtze River Delta. Journal of East China Normal University (Philosophy and Social Science Edition), 2004 (2).

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Voluntary migration is a phenomenon in which people voluntarily move to better areas due to the deterioration of the ecological environment, poor economic development, and inadequate infrastructure in their original places of residence. Regional regions often have large disparities regarding natural conditions, economic base, infrastructure, education, and health care. Based on the benefits of bridging such differences, people will voluntarily relocate. Currently, most voluntary migrant relocations in China are organized, scaled, and planned under the government’s guidance. In recent years, voluntary migration has become an increasingly important way to address China’s poverty alleviation strategy. In modern society, voluntary migration is more about economic advancement and access to opportunities. It can be protected by more supportive policies and rules without being guided by the government or the community. They are planned initiatives to migrate according to their strengths, capabilities, goals, and plans (Wu 2016). Involuntary migration is a kind of activity forced by external factors such as construction, natural disasters, environmental degradation, and political conflicts to find a better living environment, including engineering migration, disaster migration, and ecological migration. Engineering migration generally arises from engineering construction; disaster migration arises from conflicts between human beings and nature or adverse natural changes; ecological migration generally commonly occurs from excessive exploitation of natural resources by human beings, resulting in the deterioration of the ecological environment of the original habitat and the loss of conditions for continued living and survival, resulting in forced migration and adjustment of the geospatial arrangement of the population. Involuntary migration is a special group that arises in economic and social development, which is often unavoidable and requires the government to deal with it properly. According to incomplete statistics, after the founding of the People’s Republic of China in 1949, the total number of involuntary migrants has exceeded 50 million, and the scale is still expanding (Wu 2016). Forced migration is compulsory, relatively short-lived, and concentrated, and the scale of forced migration in China accounts for a large proportion of the overall migration scale. Involuntary migration is often permanent. As ties to the region of origin are severed, the original social networks, friendly communities, and social structures have disintegrated. Social organizations and interpersonal platforms have been destroyed, especially in the case of dispersed resettlement, which has led to the disappearance of their original sense of belonging to their hometowns and the weakening of close kinship ties due to spatial separation, making it difficult for migrants to understand and adapt to their new social situation, thus causing a series of social problems. In addition, involuntary migration is non-selective in terms of people of interest. It involves many immigrant groups, such as age, gender, social class, cultural attitudes, and earning ability, making social integration more difficult for the government than voluntary migration. The migration, resettlement, and livelihood restoration of involuntary migrants is a systemic project involving political, economic, social, cultural, religious, resource, environmental, psychological, and engineering fields. The government needs to take a holistic view and grasp the whole picture. Large-scale, organized involuntary migration has increased the scarcity of

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water and land resources in the incoming areas, increased the tension between people and land, and increased the differences between regions and social classes, making it more difficult to relocate involuntary migrants and settle them properly. Therefore, it is especially important to focus on the construction of the legal system, improve the system of social organizations, build the mechanism of migrant expression, coordination, and balance of interests, and improve the information disclosure system to solve the problems caused by involuntary migration. Migration can be divided into the following categories according to the inducing factors, including political migration, economic migration, cultural (religious) migration, engineering migration, environmental (disaster) migration, and ecological migration. Political migration is usually triggered by war, coup d’état, etc. It can be forced migration by administrative or military means or spontaneous migration. Economic migration is usually induced by economic factors, including investment migration, commercial migration, welfare migration, and corporate migration. It can be autonomous migration or organized and large-scale migration. For example, the “reversal of migratory flows between Southern Europe and Latin America” in the twentieth century, and the migration from west to east, from rural to urban, and from less developed to more developed areas in China after the reform and opening up in 1978, are typical examples of economic migration. Cultural (religious) migration is usually induced by cultural and religious transmission. For example, the migration of monks and Taoists during the Tang and Song dynasties in China and the population migration due to Islam’s spread are typical examples of cultural migration. Conflicts between old and new religions, conflicts between different religious denominations, and conflicts within the same faith can lead to religious migration. Engineering migration refers to the activities caused by the construction of airports, railroads, highways, ports and reservoirs, and other engineering projects, which require the residents of the original residence to move to other places. Engineering migration is mostly led by the government, with a strong policy, and is organized, planned, and scaled overall relocation, the main body of which is usually farmers. Take the construction of reservoirs as an example: about 380,000 people migrated from Danjiangkou Reservoir, about 200,000 people from the Xiaolangdi Project of the Yellow River, and about 1.2 million people from Three Gorges Project of the Yangtze River, which are typical cases of engineering migration. Environmental (disaster) migration is usually caused by drought, floods, and earthquakes, which can be further subdivided into natural disaster migration, astronomical disaster migration, and social disaster migration. For example, the mass migration of the population caused by the May 12 Wenchuan earthquake in China belongs to environmental migration. Ecological migration includes government-led ecological migration and spontaneous ecological migration by the people. The former refers to the organized and planned migration of people from ecologically fragile areas to protect or rebuild the ecological environment. The latter refers to the migration activities in which people

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are forced to spontaneously move out of their original residence due to the deterioration of the ecological environment and the loss of conditions suitable for human survival and habitation. For example, by the end of 2009, the Sanjiangyuan Ecological Migration Project in China had relocated more than 50,000 people, making it one of China’s largest and most concentrated ecological migration projects. Ecological migration has been carried out in all parts of China, especially in the western region, effectively protecting China’s ecological environment. According to the development purpose, immigrants can be classified as developmental and pro-poor. Developmental migration is a way to improve productivity and living conditions in the resettlement process by organically combining the natural resources and human resources of the resettlement area. Developmental migration is common in the resettlement policy of Chinese reservoirs. Based on the policy background of improving energy structure and vigorously developing hydroelectric power generation, reservoir immigrants occupy the main part of developmental immigrants. Migrant resettlement mainly uses in situ backing and nearby relocation. At the present stage, developmental migrants still cannot leave the large agricultural resettlement. Still, due to the accelerated urbanization process, urbanized resettlement is becoming the preferred method of migrant resettlement, which is conducive to the improvement of migrants’ living conditions and environment on the one hand, and in line with the development trend of urbanization on the other hand (Song 2018). Poverty alleviation migration refers to organized, planned, and purposeful relocation activities to help poor people get rid of their poor living conditions and obtain better development conditions and the environment under the coordination of the government and other institutions. According to the causes of poverty, poverty alleviation migration can be subdivided into natural environment poverty alleviation migration and socio-economic environment poverty alleviation migration (Zhang et al. 2013). In 1983, poverty alleviation migration was first proposed to solve the problems in the Xihaigu area of Ningxia. The Ningxia government established the poverty alleviation policy of “using the river to help the mountain and the mountain to help the river” to solve the real problems of economic backwardness, population overload, ecological fragility, and environmental degradation in the Xihaigu region of Ningxia, and formally proposed the major strategy of poverty alleviation migration. After more than ten years of development and construction, by 1998, the total population of poverty alleviation migrants reached 283,000, and the poverty alleviation rate of the migrated population reached 94%. Poverty alleviation and migration are important forms of precise poverty alleviation and play an important role in building a moderately prosperous society. During the 12th Five-Year Plan period, with the support of the central government and local financial institutions, the total number of poverty alleviation migrants reached 11.71 million, which is of great significance to the poverty alleviation of the poor people living in the areas where “a piece of land cannot support a piece of people.” According to the 13th Five-Year Plan, by 2020, a total of 9.81 million people will be relocated to poverty alleviation areas, including four types of areas: (1) areas without basic development conditions; (2) areas prohibited or restricted to being developed; (3) areas with inadequate basic public service facilities and high construction and operation costs; (4) areas with serious endemic

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diseases and frequent geological disasters. From a regional perspective, the western region has the largest relocated population, accounting for more than 65% of the total relocated population, followed by the central area, accounting for 30% of the total relocated population; and the eastern part has the smallest relocated population, accounting for 2% of the total relocated population. For these migrants, the government often adopts the following two policies: (1) building new migrant villages to solve employment and improve migrants’ income by developing large-scale agriculture, efficient agriculture, and non-agricultural industries, and also effectively preventing the hollowing out of migrant villages; (2) integrating the relocation project into the track of urbanization, relocating migrants in towns or building new migrant villages around them. In addition to the above categories, there are other types of immigrants. For example, according to the fundamental purpose of immigration, migrants can be divided into subsistence immigrants and developmental immigrants; by the size of the bar, they can be divided into small groups of immigrants and large-scale immigrants; taking migration distance as the standard, they can be divided into short-range immigrants, long-range immigrants, and intercontinental immigrants; considering the time of immigration, they can be divided into short-term immigrants and longterm immigrants; from the legal point of view, migrants can be divided into legal migrants and illegal migrants, etc.

References Deng Y, Liu S, Cai J. et al. Analytical methods and empirical evidence on the evolution of interprovincial population patterns in China. J Geogr. 2014;69(10):1473–86. Hongxia Z. Study on the impact of foreign trade differences on the coordinated development of China’s regional economy. Beijing: People’s Publishing House; 2018. Li L. The internal migration in China since the reform and opening up. Geogr Stud. 2001;(04):453– 62. Li Y. International migration in China in the era of globalization. Soc Sci Forum. 2018(04):229–34. Liu Y, Jian F. The characteristics of population migration in China and its influencing factors—an analysis based on the sixth population census data. Hum Geogr. 2014;29(02):129–37. Ni Z, Li L. The sixth international symposium on overseas talents and china’s development. Overseas Chin J Bagui. 2011;(04):72–5. Song L. The four current migratory flows in China: problems and countermeasures. Soc Sci Dig. 2018;(05):23–5. Wang N. Changing trends and spatial patterns of population migration in China. Urban Environ Stud. 2016;1:81–97. Wang G, Zhiqin Q, Lilin C. Spatial distribution patterns of the migrant population in China at the end of the 20th century: an urban perspective. Geoscience. 2012;32(03):273–81. Wang G, Pan Z. Spatial distribution of China’s floating population and its influencing factors— analysis based on the sixth population census. Mod Urban Stud. 2013;(03):4–11, 32. Wu S. A review of the mechanisms of involuntary migration to poverty and poverty reduction paths. Water Econ. 2016;34(06):55–8. Xu S, Deng Y, Wang K. Interprovincial migration patterns, settlement patterns and citizenship paths of china’s mobile population. Geoscience. 2016;36(11):1637–42.

References

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Yan Q, Yuanyuan H, Long J. Analysis of the spatial and temporal dynamics of population migration in China from 1985 to 2010. Northw Popul. 2015;36(05):7–12. Yang C, Yuemin N. The evolution of inter-provincial population migration pattern in China and its impact on urbanization development. Geogr Res. 2015;34(08):1492–506. Zhang X, Mi S. The recent development and characteristics of international migration—analysis of the concepts of international migration and overseas Chinese. Stud Hist Chin Diaspora. 2014;(03):1–10. Zhang Y, Wen C, Sun X. Research on the classification of immigrants. J Yan’an Univ (Social Science Edition). 2013;35(05):66–70.

Chapter 4

Influencing Factors and Working Mechanisms of Chinese Urban Migration and Integration

The influencing factors and mechanisms of immigrant cities, the influencing factors and mechanisms of immigrants on cities, and the influencing factors and mechanisms of immigrants’ immersion into cities are the three cornerstones of understanding urban migration and public policy in China. This chapter first examines the factors and mechanisms that influence migration into cities, including the household registration system, income disparity, public services, environment, and culture; then analyzes the impact of migration on urban economic and social development, focusing on the effect on urban employment opportunities, wage differences, educational resources, medical resources, housing patterns, and social security; finally, we analyze the influencing factors and mechanisms of immigrants’ integration into cities, including economic factors, cultural factors, and policy factors.

4.1 Influencing Factors and Mechanisms of Immigrant Cities 4.1.1 Household Registration System Factors The household registration system is China’s basic urban–rural social management system. Various public services and social welfare system arrangements are nested in the household registration system, thus forming the institutional understanding of the urban–rural dual structure. Since the reform and opening up, especially since the 1980s, the urban–rural barrier formed by the household registration system has become more prominent as the level of development and public finance between urban and rural areas in China has widened. The household registration system and the social welfare system attached to it have increasingly influenced the widening rural–urban gap. In the past, the household registration system in cities did not accept © East China University of Science and Technology Press Co., Ltd. 2023 S. Yang and D. Wang, Urban Migration and Public Governance in China, Public Economy and Urban Governance in China, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-4052-3_4

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these temporary migrants, thus creating a distinction between the local population with local registration and the foreign population without local registration in urban areas and creating a dichotomous structure within cities. The household registration system and the employment, education, and social security systems established on this basis make it difficult for migrant populations to gain equal access to the economic and social benefits of urban development, resulting in the institutional exclusion of migrant populations from moving to the city and limiting the integration of migrant populations in urban areas into local society. Therefore, it can be seen that the “urban–rural dichotomy” caused by the household registration system is an important factor affecting the migration of the migrant population to urban areas.

4.1.2 Income Disparity Factors According to neoclassical economics, income disparity plays an important role in migration decisions. According to Lewis, rural–urban labor migration is the huge income gap between the modern urban industrial and traditional agricultural sectors. Population migration can somewhat balance the income gap between urban and rural areas. Existing studies have found a general rule that the lower the income of household residents, the higher the likelihood that their labor force will choose to move to urban areas, which is based on the fact that the incoming regions may have higher income opportunities than the outgoing areas. At the same time, the impact of different types of income on labor mobility varies greatly. It has been found that the greater the income gap between those who engage in agricultural or non-agricultural employment, the greater the probability that their laborers will decide to leave the city. Zhu (2004) argues that there is a mutual substitution relationship between rural surplus labor migration to urban areas and non-farm labor in local areas. If rural surplus labor earns higher income from non-farm work in the household registration area, the higher the probability of staying in the household registration area; if rural surplus labor earns higher income from non-farm labor work after migration to urban areas, the higher the likelihood of leaving. At the same time, income disparity is an intrinsic motivation for population migration, leading to a unidirectional flow of population migration between regions, from poor to rich areas and from rural to urban areas. In China, labor migration based on the widening of income disparity is mainly reflected in the flow of surplus labor from rural areas to urban areas for non-agricultural work. On the one hand, employment opportunities in rural areas are relatively homogeneous, mostly concentrated in the agricultural sector and a small number of low-end manufacturing and service production activities, and the duration of employment is also relatively short, all of which are the reasons for the large urban–rural income gap. In conclusion, laborers migrate to cities because of the lack of non-farm employment opportunities. On the other hand, the income disparity between industries is also an important factor in inducing labor mobility. According to their human resource endowment, the labor force usually chooses to flow into sectors with a high return rate of education.

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The relatively dense secondary and tertiary industries in urban areas and the relatively high returns to education in secondary and tertiary sectors also induce the rural labor force to move to urban areas from the perspective of enhancing the returns to human capital.

4.1.3 Public Service Factors Foreign scholars were the first to focus on the impact of public services on urban migration, and this theory can be traced back to Tiebout (1956), who suggested that public services affect people’s choice of residence, arguing that people prefer to live in places that match their preferences, thus creating population migration. In the domestic context, Xia and Ming (2015) found that laborers move to cities not only for higher wages and better employment opportunities but also for access to basic education and medical services in cities. Although wages play a greater role in labor mobility than public services, the policy of equalization of public services can, to a certain extent, alleviate the concentration of the population in large cities with higher levels of public services and higher wages and promote a more even spatial distribution of labor. In reality, along with the liberalization of the household registration system in small and medium-sized cities, the migrant population has more and more opportunities to enjoy public services such as medical care, education, and social security. It is difficult for the migrant population to enjoy the same general benefits as residents compared to the previous strict household registration system. In the twenty-first century, to promote the urbanization of people, the central government has taken several measures to ensure that the migrant population can truly enjoy urban public services. At present, when laborers choose to move to a certain city, they not only consider the wage level and employment opportunities in the town but also consider the level of basic education and medical services in the city, so public services, especially education and medical care, become an important basis for urban migration decisions. On the one hand, from the perspective of city geographic differences, cities in the eastern region are particularly good at attracting laborers to settle in the towns because of their better public service facilities. On the other hand, from the perspective of city size, the attractiveness of urban public service quality to urban migrants increases with the expansion of city size. Especially for migrant laborers who want to settle permanently, the level of urban public services has become an important reference for them to choose their place of entry.

4.1.4 Environmental Factors The environment is the material basis of human production and life because urban migration due to population migration is closely related to environmental factors.

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The classical model of labor migration decision is Donald’s push–pull population migration theory. The environment as an important factor is also an appropriate part of the push–pull theory. Specifically, the “push” of the environment includes the depletion of resources, environmental degradation, and environmental pollution in the place of emigration. At the same time, the “pull” is more in the natural conditions, such as suitable climate and environment in migration. Chang (2009) investigates how immigration policies should respond to population migration caused by environmental degradation and finds that an equitable and effective approach to environmental problems should be adopted and that the “freedom of movement” rule is the optimal decision for the environment. Using microdata from a social survey in the Phoenix area of the United States, an ordered logistic model was used to analyze the interaction between population migration, environment, and health. Gutmann and Field (2010) studied the effects of four common environmental factors on population migration in the United States. They confirmed that environmental factors have both hindering and facilitating effects on population migration. Zhang et al. (2013) used a multiple linear regression model to study the changes in the net migration index of Anhui prefecture-level cities and revealed the spatial characteristics of population migration in the province. Li and Yiran (2019) studied the influence of air pollution on the city choice of international students by taking the university-city choice of international students as the spatial migration research object. In addition, the environmental factors affecting migration include natural disasters and governmental decisions. Considering the current national conditions, it can be seen that the central and western regions of China are mostly mountainous, hilly, and basin areas with fragile and easily damaged ecological environments, and the frequency of natural disasters is higher than that of the eastern regions. Typical cases include the Wenchuan earthquake in 2008, the Yushu earthquake in 2010, and the Zhouqu mudslide, where the temporary and long-term resettlement of the affected areas is a matter of population migration. A typical example of governmental decisions affecting population migration is the Three Gorges Project, where the construction of the Three Gorges Project resulted in the inundation of many towns along the route, so local people had to choose to relocate. In conclusion, environmental factors are one of the most important reasons for urban migration.

4.1.5 Cultural Factors Since the reform and opening up in 1978, with the continuous development and growth of China’s market economy, the speed of China’s modernization process has been accelerating, and a series of “modernity” issues brought about by modernization are gradually penetrating all areas of society. As an important part of the social field, cultural and ideological concepts are bound to suffer certain impacts. Urban immigrants are more likely to encounter survival conflicts in the new environment, and the competitive environment in the city respects individual struggle and is more just and

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fair, which is different from the immigrants’ original family-based and neighborhoodoriented rural culture. Wang (2012) found that urban migrants break through spatial barriers to enter the city as a competition for local resources. Therefore, natives will differentiate from each other by strengthening the definition of immigrants’ heterogeneity, especially when they are in conflict. The potential exclusion of natives will be reinforced; the root of this competition and exclusion relationship lies in the difference in each other’s spiritual culture. Only by creating a public area that respects the culture of both can we gradually dissolve each other’s cultural friction. Tong (2015) proposed three stages of cultural integration for new knowledge-based immigrants based on the qualitative research paradigm: cultural conflict, adaptation, and integration. The cultural integration problem should be studied regarding the new knowledge-based immigrants’ needs for cultural integration, personal capital and adaptability, their attitudes toward integration in different fields, and the degree of openness and assistance the residents give. Based on a sample of 200 white-collar foreigners in Shanghai, Zhang (2011) investigated the influence of cultural factors (identity, language adaptation, and interaction adaptation) on urban immigrants and found a significant correlation between the length of residence in Shanghai and the level of acculturation of white-collar foreigners. The general logic of selecting urban migrants due to cultural factors is as follows: firstly, when culture encounters modernity, it will impact people’s mindset, changing their original way of thinking and philosophy. The modern civilization order includes the core values of freedom, rationality, and individual rights, as well as a set of institutional systems based on democratic politics, a market economy, and a national country. Urban migration not only broadens the mindset of the people who move into the city but also enhances their horizons and lays the foundation for their development. Most urban migrants are urban workers, so they choose to migrate to change their fate. With the liberalization of the household registration system, their children can enjoy more preferential policies in education, medical care, and social security. Compared with staying in rural areas, urban migrants seem to have better futures and prospects. As a result, more and more laborers migrate to the cities based on the change of cultural and ideological concepts, eventually growing into a certain scale of urban migrants.

4.1.6 Mechanisms at Play in Migratory Flows Urban migrants are mainly affected by household registration systems, income disparity, public service, and environmental and cultural factors. Figure 4.1 provides a brief description of the elements and mechanisms that influence the migration flows of urban migrants in China. In particular, the household registration system barrier is not conducive to urban migration; if the income in the place of origin is higher than that in the place of migration, it is not conducive to urban migration; if the cultural difference between the place of birth and the city of migration is too large, it is not conducive to the cultural identity of residents and affects urban migration; if the income in the place of origin is lower than that in the place of migration, it

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4 Influencing Factors and Working Mechanisms of Chinese Urban … Household registration system factors

Urban income level is greater than the place of domicile Urban income level is lower than the place of domicile

Access to resources Public service factors

quality

health

Access to quality education resources

Access to social security

Migrant inflow cities

Major factors affecting migratory inflow

Income disparity factors

Household registration system barriers

Suitable urban environment Environmental factors Environmental pollution and ecological degradation in the original place of residence

Similar culture to the place of domicile

Cultural adaptation

Cultural factors Cultural conflict

Fig. 4.1 Influencing factors and mechanisms of migration flows of Chinese urban migrants. Note “+” means promoting migration to cities; “−” means discouraging migration to cities

is more conducive to urban migration. In addition, the need for resources such as medicare, education and social security, access to a suitable urban environment, and a culture similar to that of the place of migration are all conducive to the choice of urban migration.

4.2 Influencing Factors and Mechanisms of Immigrants on Cities 4.2.1 Impact on Urban Employment Opportunities With the increase in urban migration, the impact of urban migration on urban employment opportunities has attracted the attention of scholars. Different scholars have come up with different views. Some scholars believe that urban migrants will encroach on the employment opportunities of urban residents, and some believe that urban migrants and residents are complementary and that they can contribute to

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increasing employment opportunities in cities as a whole. Some believe that both encroachment and complementary relationships exist. There are various theoretical foundations for the study of the impact of migration on the labor market, including Production Theory, Human Capital Theory, and Dual Labor Market Theory. Production theory is one of the most common approaches to evaluating the impact of migration on the labor market. Production theory suggests that the relationship between rural migrant labor and residents is either substitutional or complementary. If the connection is an institution, the migrant labor force will lead to a decrease in productivity in the periphery on the one hand and compete with the residents for jobs in the city on the other hand, i.e., they will be a threat to the residents or have a substitution effect on the residents, resulting in lower wages or career difficulties for the residents. Suppose the relationship between the two is complementary. In that case, the rural migrant labor force will solve the problem of local labor shortage, form an industrial structure, promote the development of productivity in the surrounding borders, boost the local economy, and enable the local population to receive higher salaries. There are some shortcomings in using production theory to explain the impact of migration on the labor market in terms of complementarity and substitution, which to a certain extent, ignores the subjective initiative of migrants as the main body of economic activity. It is too simplistic to consider rural migrant labor and residents as mere “substitution.” In addition, when analyzing the impact, we only see the competitive relationship’s disadvantages but ignore its positive side. The human capital theory, co-founded by the famous American economists Schultz and Becker, provides the basis for humanity to open up a new direction of productive capacity. Human capital theory mainly considers physical capital as the capital of material goods, which generally includes money, machines, raw materials, land, factories, and other valuable securities. In contrast, human capital mentioned in this theory is the capital of people themselves, which is not only the professional quality and self-conditions but also the education, professional quality, and vocational training of producers. According to human resources theory, the personal income of a worker is proportional to the monetary gain of human capital. The explanation of the worker’s income is the essence of human resource theory. In layperson’s terms, employers care more about your ability to maximize profits than other external factors such as origin or race. Thus, when migrant workers have certain skills that employers want, they are not discouraged from hiring them because they are not native to the area. As a result, not only will rural migrant laborers experience varying degrees of unemployment, but residents will also experience changes in income and social status due to foreign migration. Therefore, the higher level of migration threatens the local population. The human capital theory is reasonable in explaining the impact of rural labor migration. Still, it is also unreasonable and has certain shortcomings, such as ignoring the ability level of “migrants” and not clearly explaining their impact on the market. In addition, the education received by migrants may be different in many ways, and this may be a huge problem for migrants, so it impacts the life, employment, and income of residents in many ways.

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In 1979, Michael Pioli proposed a dual labor market theory called Segmented Labor Market Theory (SLMT). He argued that the industrial economy usually produces two major occupations—capital and labor-intensive categories. These two categories are not simply categorized; capital corresponds to the primary sector of the market (Primary Sector), and conversely, labor-intensive corresponds to the secondary sector (Secondary Sector). This study indicates that the labor force in the primary sector, which is generally composed of native residents, offers workers quality treatment and a range of benefits, such as good pay. The migrant population is mainly employed in the secondary sector, usually with low incomes, unstable working conditions, and seasonal and cyclical jobs, with little access to job benefits. Residents typically do not care about the occupation of foreign workers. Therefore, in this respect, the relationship between the two is not competitive but complementary. The complementary relationship is such that neither side’s income is affected, and both sides have positive goals. The dual labor market theory emphasizes that customary or institutional constraints prevent free competition in the labor market. The gap between the two needs is not only a long-term income gap but also reflects the demands of both companies and firms on the labor force, such as collective bargaining by labor unions, regardless of the education and skills of the workers. However, there are also disadvantaged groups in the local area, such as women, children, and the elderly, so there is inevitably some competition between the immigrant labor force and the local population. Therefore, there is a link between the two markets, and it would be inaccurate to say that they are both relatively independent. The dual labor market theory proposed by Pioli divides the labor market into two models: the first labor market and the second labor market. For example, the first labor market is dominated by professional and technical personnel, with good working conditions and high salaries, but the requirements for the quality of the workforce are also high; in short, the threshold is high, and the treatment is good; the second labor market has relatively lower requirements for the quality of the employed person, but salaries for the industry are also lower. There is no direct competition between urban migrants and employed persons in a class I labor market. Therefore, the employed people in the first category labor market will not be affected. As enterprises’ production scale expands, the labor demand will increase, and the need for work in enterprises will also increase, whether in the first-class or the second-class labor market. There will be many people, resulting in more jobs in cities. After the rural laborers move to the town, they usually enter the second category of labor positions, which will not affect the first category of labor positions. They will not replace the people in the first labor position category. Hence, the urban migrants form a complementary relationship with the residents and promote the development of the local labor market. However, the change in enterprise size will also have an impact on the labor force. If the size of the enterprise increases, the demand for the labor force will also increase, and this increase will lead to the loss of equilibrium in one type of labor market so that the demand curve will shift to the right. In this way, the labor force and employment salary will also increase. Therefore, from this situation, the transfer

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of labor from rural to urban areas will not threaten the existing employment in urban areas and will not affect, but will bring certain advantages, so that the production scale of enterprises will be expanded, and the income of laborers will be increased, which will produce a certain scale effect. The coexistence of rural–urban and local labor in the secondary labor market gradually leads to two different effects. One is the substitution effect, and the other is the scale effect. The substitution effect refers to the competition between rural– urban labor and local labor. When rural migrants enter the city, other conditions do not change, and the number of immigrants increases; if the number of jobs remains the same, migrants and the local population competes, and urban immigrants will have a substitution relationship with the local people in the city so that the local population’s employment opportunities are reduced. The scale effect refers to the increase in labor supply and the lower salary level of immigrants after entering the urban labor market. Hence, the production cost of enterprises is relatively lower. The profit of enterprises will increase, which makes enterprises further expand the scale of production, and enterprises will absorb the labor force so that labor opportunities increase. When the substitution effect exceeds the scale effect, local labor is replaced by urban migrants in the secondary labor market, and the overall employment opportunities for local labor decrease, resulting in a negative aggregate effect; when the scale effect exceeds the substitution effect, the available employment opportunities in the secondary labor market increase, and the employment opportunities for local labor increase, resulting in a positive aggregate impact.

4.2.2 Impact on Urban Wage Differentials Whether the influx of immigrants will affect the wage rate of the local labor force and touch the vested interests of residents is not only a concern of every resident but also a widespread concern in today’s society. There are two different views on this issue. The first view is that every immigrant will take a job away from the residents and increase the unemployment rate of the residents, and at the same time, make the residents’ wages decrease. This is a common view, which is not only in residents’ minds but also local policymakers’ minds. Because of this, although China’s local labor market is opening up, the labor and employment system retains obvious exclusivity, forming an invisible wall. In particular, some city governments have introduced discriminatory employment policies that exclude foreign labor and protect residents and workers in the name of “re-employment projects,” thus impeding the free flow of labor (Cai et al. 2005). The second view is completely different from the first one, which believes that the overall quality of foreign migrants is not as good as that of residents and that the jobs they take are those that residents are unwilling to do, which will have little impact on residents. This view is usually found among the local elite labor force, which may be because these groups are at a higher social level and are less exposed to the competitive impact of migrants.

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There is a wide range of scholarly opinions on the impact of in-migration, with different studies yielding different views. One view sees immigration as a substitute for local labor and concludes that the wage rate of local work will fall. This view is based on a simple textbook economic principle: all else being equal, immigration leads to an increase in the labor force in a given location, and when the number of jobs remains constant, the demand for local labor decreases, resulting in a decrease in the wage rate. Another view is that the entry of immigrants will cause a series of economic adjustments, such as the expansion of local capital and the increase of consumer demand, which will have a positive effect on the wage rate of the local labor force to a certain extent, and on the contrary, will hurt the local labor force. Therefore, immigrants have little effect on the wage rate of the local labor force. The specific adjustments are mainly as follows. (1) Capital flow adjustment. The entry of immigrants is a positive signal for capital expansion, which stimulates the inflow of foreign capital or stimulates local enterprises to increase investment, expand the scale and create a large number of complementary jobs. Immigrants may also bring more savings to the locality when they first arrive or during their residence, increasing capital stock and generating new labor demand. (2) Consumer demand adjustment. Foreign immigrants are also consumers, which can drive the local market to increase consumption and stimulate the expansion of local production. (3) Adjustment of local labor supply. Under the competitive pressure of new immigrants, some local workers may choose to move out, and this Crowding-Out Effect eases the pressure on the local labor market. (4) Interregional trade may, to a certain extent, optimize the impact of migrants on the local labor force. The third view is that labor is heterogeneous. Immigrants and local labor are not exact substitutes but may be complementary, so immigrants can improve productivity and increase wage rates under this view. Some studies have pointed out that immigrants can lead to changes in production technology, expansion of some industries (usually low-skilled labor industries), specialization, and redistribution of occupations, i.e., immigrants and native laborers choose jobs according to their comparative advantages, with immigrants being more manual-intensive and native laborers being more coordination-intensive. In this case, the two types of labor are complementary. The distribution of labor and the nature of labor are also different. Immigrants and local labor can be complementary, or at least they are not exact substitutes; the level of education and experience is an important reason why local labor and immigrants are not precise substitutes; new immigrants mainly compete with old immigrants, not directly with local labor. Whether it is increased consumption, industrial expansion, or a more occupational complementary division of labor and specialization, all contribute to higher local productivity and, therefore, higher wage rates.

4.2.3 Impact on Urban Education Resources The impact of the influx of immigrant students on the distribution of local compulsory education resources and the educational outcomes of local students is one of the

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concerns of residents and the government. According to the survey, residents in immigrant cities such as Beijing, Shanghai, and Shenzhen are concerned that relaxing the admission threshold for immigrant children or changing the current education selection system will ultimately harm the interests of local students and reduce the quality of local education. Economics and sociology have different interpretations of this issue, with economics mostly based on the Peer Effect or Education Production Function to analyze the impact of immigrant students on the educational outcomes of native students. On the other hand, sociology discusses that issue mostly from the perspectives of School Segregation, School Composition, and Equal Educational Opportunity. The mechanisms by which immigrant students influence the education of native students are explained from economic and sociological perspectives, respectively. The peer effect is a very common behavior in daily life and is also very common in relationships between people. For example, the old proverb “those who are close to the vermilion are red, those who are close to the ink are black” describes this effect. Stories such as Three Migrations of Mother Meng express the Chinese people’s awareness of the peer effect in education. The current school choice frenzy in China is a realistic expression of the peer effect—parents choose schools for their children based on several factors, not only the school’s education but also the student body it accommodates. As defined by economics, peer effects in formal schooling refer to the influence of peer groups on the educational outcomes of individuals, and there are three different types of impact. The first type of effect is the Correlation Effect, such as the increasing convergence of student achievement in the same school by the same teacher and school climate; the second type of effect is Exogenous Effects, which are similar to school composition studies in sociological research. This type of peer effect is similar to school composition studies in sociology, which focus on the effects of peer group social experiences on individual student achievement; the third type is endogenous effects, i.e., the removal of contextual factors and the change in individual behavior over time due to peer group interaction. If education is viewed as a production process, economics suggests that the influx of migrant students in compulsory education affects educational inputs and ultimately causes changes in academic outputs. Thus, scholarly output changes in response to changes in the composition of immigrant students. Betts explains the specific mechanisms by which immigrant students affect the production process in education, arguing that the public budget for education is relatively fixed and that the influx of immigrant students increases the student base, decreases the per pupil funding level for native students, and affects both teachers and students, resulting in lower teacher education and student achievement. However, he also emphasizes that the impact of immigrant students as part of the educational input on the educational outcomes of native students is not always negative. The influx of more low-level immigrants can also increase competition in the secondary labor market, increasing the returns to education for native students with advanced degrees and facilitating more native students to choose to enter higher education; at the same time, immigrant students can increase diversity in basic education schools and thus contribute to

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school productivity. Sociological research is more concerned with social equality than economic explanations and thus appears more critical. In sociological terms, the composition of immigrant students and their impact on native students in compulsory education cannot be explained simply by peer effects or educational production functions because they are also influenced by external social influences, especially the inequalities caused by social segregation. Therefore, the focus on the impact of immigrant students on native students in compulsory education shifts to school segregation. Specifically, sociology has identified two types of effects of increased immigrant student numbers on native students: the impact of school segregation on educational processes (e.g., learning behaviors and habits) and outcomes (e.g., grades, dropout rates, and promotion rates); and the effects of increased immigrant student migration on the migration of native populations, as the increasing influx of immigrant students causes native students to flee the school district, creating a vicious cycle of racial segregation. Similar to economics, which focuses on exogenous influences, sociology focuses on how immigrant students influence the education of native students through school composition. Sociologists focus on the effects of school-level social experiences, background composition, ability group composition, and school composition, such as gender and immigrant (ethnicity), on individual educational outcomes. Immigrant populations generally influence the social experience and ability group composition of compulsory schooling, affecting student outcomes. Sociology argues that changes in the number and distribution of immigrant students affect school segregation and composition and, more importantly, individual student access to educational opportunities, undermine performance selection, and compromise the educational function of a democratic society. Equality of opportunity in education has multiple dimensions, such as access, inputs, educational outcomes, and educational impact. Coleman has argued that equal education opportunities vary from society to society and from one historical period to another. In addition, compulsory education plays an important role in guiding clubs. Therefore, the influx of immigrant students and the clustering and segregation of itineraries are inequalities in educational opportunities. Over time, this inequality can also lead to social injustice. Although the focus of economics and sociology is different, the two disciplines are beginning to intersect and show a trend toward integration as research progresses. More and more sociologists are discussing the issue in the context of peer effects and educational production functions. More economists include variables such as segregation indices in their studies to discuss school segregation, school composition, and equality of educational opportunity. Brunello and Rocco’s data show segregation affects local students’ academic performance. But, the higher the level of segregation, the lower the academic performance of native students. The mechanism of the effect of immigrant students on the educational outcomes of native students at the compulsory education level is shown in Fig. 4.2. The increase in migrant students in compulsory education has both direct and indirect effects on native students, with the direct effect being the migrant students exerting short- and long-term educational outcomes on native students and the indirect effect being the various mediating mechanisms at the district, school, and

4.2 Influencing Factors and Mechanisms of Immigrants on Cities

Regional level Education resource allocation Local labor market Education yield

Increase in immigrant students

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Short-term educational outcomes for local students

School level School composition School segregation Learning environment Teacher resources

Individual level Learning motivation Learning behavior, habits

Long-term educational outcomes for local students

Fig. 4.2 Diagram of the mechanism of the effect of migrant students on the educational outcomes of native students in compulsory education1

individual levels. These mediating mechanisms include district-level educational resource allocation, local labor market, and educational returns; school composition, segregation, learning environment, and educational resources at the school level; learning motivation and behaviors and habits at the individual level. From the current findings, the net effect of immigrant students on native students in compulsory education, i.e., the direct endogenous effect, is insignificant or even absent. Immigrant students affect educational achievement mainly through various mediating mechanisms such as changes in school composition, learning environment, allocation of educational resources, and motivation (van Ewijk and Sleegers 2010); in addition, immigrant students have a greater impact on access to native students to competitive educational opportunities than on the entrance to basic education (Betts and Fairlie 2003).

1

Zhang, Wenwen. “The influence of migrant students on the education of native students in compulsory education: New developments in overseas studies.” Journal of Educational Scholarship. 2017(2).

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4.2.4 Impact on Urban Healthcare Resources While immigrants are becoming increasingly common, they have been discriminated against by the government and public opinion in the places where they move out of concern that the public service resources originally enjoyed by residents will be “encroached upon” by immigrants entering the city. Empirical evidence shows that local governments have developed many discriminatory policies and systems to prevent local laborers from losing employment opportunities and to deal with the “appropriation” of local resources by immigrants. These policies and systems are designed to increase the cost of living and employment for immigrants in the region and to raise the barriers to investment, housing, education, and employment in the region to restrict immigrants from obtaining a household registration in the place of entry. In addition to discriminatory government policies, residents also discriminate against immigrants by refusing to share their high-living resources. The media and public opinion generally associate immigrants with social problems such as urban overcrowding, social disorder, and violent crime. There are still theoretical misconceptions and a lack of empirical support for whether immigrants “crowd out” the resources of public services enjoyed by residents. From a theoretical perspective, when immigrants move into a region, they have two effects on the supply of public goods—a negative competitive effect and a positive fiscal effect. It can be seen that the relative magnitudes of the competitive and budgetary impact on the supply of public goods in a region are the fundamental determinants of the effects of immigrants on the supply of public goods in the area. The reasons are: first, immigrants will cause direct competition for shared interests in the incoming region, thus increasing the cost and reducing the supply of public goods; second, immigrants will have a positive fiscal effect on the collection of public goods in the incoming region, i.e., they will directly contribute to the tax revenue of the incoming area, which has the potential to promote the economic growth and indirectly increase the fiscal revenue. At present, immigrants are mainly young and middle-aged, and their high labor productivity and participation rate will improve the financial situation of the incoming region. If the competitive effect of immigration is greater than the fiscal effect, the supply of public goods in the area will decrease, while the opposite will increase. Thus, it is necessary to analyze the impacts and outcomes of migration in the incoming region from a comprehensive perspective. Health is an important human capital. As workers employed in urban and nonagricultural industries, the physical labor of migrant workers in urban areas has become the focus of their socio-economic activities in cities. After more than 40 years of reform and opening up in China, there are still many problems, many migrant workers are engaged in industrial labor in the city, but they only have the right to choose low-end occupations in the secondary labor market. These occupations often have great labor intensity and pressure in highly polluted, high incidence or prevalence of occupational diseases, and a high degree of environmental danger. In labor-intensive manufacturing industries where migrant workers are concentrated, poor ventilation conditions, dense working space layouts, and many raw chemical

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materials lead to high levels of pollutants in the workplace. In 2008, Cheng Shuqun et al. measured the air quality of 28 textile, printing, chemical, mechanical, construction, and transportation enterprises in Chongqing. They found that benzene pollution seriously exceeded the standard, with an average passing rate of 27%. The health status of urban migrants is unsatisfactory, mainly due to: (1) low education level, lack of proper health care knowledge and awareness; (2) poor economic status, sometimes at the expense of personal health to save money to return home; (3) lack of social support, the original social network is disrupted to varying degrees in the process of mobility, and it is difficult to integrate into the society in the place of migration; (4) lack of community culture or traditional social norms, and the existence of health risk behaviors; (5) limited social welfare in the place of migration, etc.

4.2.5 Implications for Urban Housing Patterns The housing problem of urban migrants has become an important issue affecting cities’ joint economic and social development. According to Zhou (2010), the housing needs of urban migrants are generally characterized by large dispersion and small clusters, with intergenerational differences in the housing needs of urban migrants. Second-generation immigrants have higher education levels and are generally concentrated in service industries in non-core urban areas. Due to the small amount and poor conditions of housing provided by their workplace, most young urban migrants choose to rent their housing. Suppose it is difficult to realize the housing needs of many urban migrants entering the new living system. In that case, it will largely affect the city’s economic and social development. Liu and Ye (2016) argue that good urban planning and housing policies should be formulated to increase the housing supply for immigrant groups. In communities with a mix of residents and urban immigrants, it is important to increase opportunities to create exchanges between both sides, which can help promote the social adaptation and psychological identity of urban immigrants. There is a need to design a set of institutional tools to provide secure housing policies for low-income immigrant groups, such as rental subsidies to encourage urban immigrant families to seek housing in the formal housing market. In addition, urban public services should be planned to avoid uneven distribution and change the current situation in which public services are concentrated in urban centers. The rehabilitation of public services in the urban–rural interface, such as in urban migrant settlements, will encourage greater integration of urban migrants into urban society. Urban migrants are sensitive to the quality of their housing location. On the one hand, their willingness to pay for public services and amenities increases as their income rises; on the other hand, local public services influenced by the household registration system discourage them from investing in upgrading their human capital, both of which result in a loss of welfare. Housing restriction policies in mega-cities for immigrants and employment discrimination by

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institutional units against non-resident populations are often problems arising from immigrants’ integration into cities. Since the 1990s, China has entered the urbanization stage, and more and more immigrants are coming to the cities. In this context, immigrants who wish to stay and continue their development must consider how to deal with the housing problem. For a long time, migrant housing has been a hot spot for geographic research in large and small cities in and out of China. Given the historical process, migrant housing is characterized by a poor environment, low quality, and marginalization. In this context, the distance from the place of employment, length of residence, occupational status, income level, and family life cycle are all factors that determine the housing status of migrants. In addition, the system (the state’s choice of housing for immigrants, the actual housing situation, etc.) is also one of the influencing factors. In recent years, studies on the housing of new generations of immigrants have begun to emerge, focusing on whether the housing options of new generations of immigrants are still marginalized (e.g., renting private housing, social housing, etc.), whether their status and housing conditions have been substantially improved, and whether spatial differentiation still exists. Theories of immigrant housing research can be divided into two types: assimilation studies and stratification studies. Assimilation is the process by which immigrants actively or passively accept the values, cultural traits, and lifestyles of the native population. The classical assimilation theory is based on the view that economic assimilation, cultural assimilation, structural assimilation, and spatial assimilation are interrelated and are different stages of the same process. Based on neoclassical economics, Spatial Assimilation Theory suggests that immigrants change from residential segregation to residential integration, a natural resource acquisition and conversion process. Before economic, social, and cultural adaptation, immigrant groups usually choose to live with their group to draw necessary resources and network support. In this process, immigrants gradually adapt to the mainstream society and culture, build up social networks outside the immigrant community, accumulate an economic base for upward mobility, and eventually transform the acquired resources into higher quality living conditions and move into mainstream communities with better public services and health care, thus achieving spatial integration with the native population. Spatial assimilation theory holds the view that the social, economic, and housing status of urban migrants will change because of generational changes among immigrants. If the socioeconomic status of urban immigrants increases, they are likely to improve their housing status, such as purchasing housing and fitting in with mainstream society by moving into neighborhoods with large numbers of native residents. The main points of spatial assimilation theory can be summarized as follows. (1) The residential integration of immigrants and natives is part of a broader assimilation process in which spatial assimilation is achieved and can contribute to the overall assimilation process. (2) Racial residential segregation is the overlap of class and ethnic differences, and residential segregation results from differences in socioeconomic status and cultural adaptation. (3) Socio-economic integration will greatly contribute to the spatial integration of immigrants’ residences. (4) Spatial integration of immigrants can also be facilitated by cultural integration. (5) Residential

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segregation of immigrants is a temporary economic and social phenomenon, while the transition from residential segregation to residential integration of immigrants is inevitable. As a complement to spatial assimilation theory, residential stratification theory does not deny that socioeconomic and cultural factors are important causes of immigrant residential segregation. Still, it emphasizes that discrimination and prejudice by native residents independently affect immigrants’ residential patterns. Dwelling stratification theory suggests that immigrant residential segregation reflects differences in socioeconomic achievement and the reality of segregated residential markets. Natives integrate their negative feelings and perceptions of immigrants into institutions such as government, finance, insurance, and real estate, resulting in the significant exclusion of immigrants in their areas of residence. According to residential stratification theory, discrimination and prejudice by natives permeate all aspects of society, and the residential segregation of immigrants from natives does not disappear over time. Residential bias diminishes the effect of socioeconomic resources and cultural capital on immigrants’ residential choices. The Place Stratification Model asserts that different social groups have different hierarchical sequences in the allocation of spatial resources, and it does not simply depend on “free choice.” The “dominant group” usually uses many different means to maintain its social and spatial distance from urban migrants. A new pattern of pluralism emerges from the latest research and its results. The majority of migrants in some European regions (Berlin, Germany, Amsterdam, Netherlands, Brussels, Belgium, etc.) live in the inner city by renting social or private housing; the majority of urban migrants in Paris live in the periphery of the town by renting social housing; the majority of new generation Albanian migrants in Athens are concentrated in the inner city, and their housing situation depends mainly on real estate agents and housing agencies. The homeownership rate of suburban immigrants in London increases with the rate of social and private housing rented by immigrant groups in the central city; the ethnic suburbanization of North American cities (Los Angeles, Vancouver, etc.) is more pronounced, with middle-class “Ethnoburb” in the process of generation. According to the existing studies, it is possible to explore the social integration of immigrants by focusing on the housing patterns (renting, home ownership, etc.) of urban immigrants. In terms of research findings on urban housing in China, the main contents of the studies usually include housing policies, unit housing, residential relocation, separation of employment and residence, housing property rights, housing differentiation and spatial differentiation of living space, etc. The results of the studies show that the pattern of urban housing in China has gradually developed towards diversification as the economy has transformed from planned to market. There are still a few studies on urban migrants’ housing issues in China, mainly focusing on the housing choices of migrants in cities, in which the quality of housing is explored, and the impact of the housing system on the marginalized status of migrants is found; or, using the “employment-residence” relationship as a starting point, the residential space of the migrant population in large cities in China is analyzed; some scholars have also explored the low quality, marginalization, and regional differences in the

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housing stock of the migrant population in Shanghai and their causes. The urbanization process in China has been developing rapidly in recent years. A new generation of “post-80s” and “post-90s” urban migrants have emerged, most of whom have different consumption concepts and material and cultural needs from traditional ones: some are investors with certain economic capacities, some are university graduates who are regarded as “ants,” and some are a new generation of migrant workers who live in “urban villages.” One view is that migrant workers have often been homogenized due to the urban– rural identity system. Their growing diversity, differences, and differentiation are easily ignored within a static social stratification framework. The other viewpoint focuses on occupational mobility and argues that the current migrant workers have been divided into three different social strata after occupational differentiation— owners who have a certain amount of productive capital and can employ others, selfemployed business people who have a small amount of money for self-employment, and wage earners who depend only on part-time jobs without productive capital. On the whole, this study has used “residence” as a measure to specifically classify social classes and distinguish different groups of urban migrants, which is a rare phenomenon. Most studies focus on analyzing the residence status of urban migrants and related influencing factors.

4.2.6 Impact on Urban Social Security Thanks to the implementation of China’s reform and opening-up policy in 1978, society has undergone drastic changes, and China’s economy has embarked on a rapid development path. At the same time, the urban migrant population has been increasing. According to “The China Mobile Population Development Report 2017,”: In 2016 alone, the size of China’s migrant population reached 235 million, accounting for 17. 71% of the total population of the country. The migrant population is concentrated in developed cities along the southeast coast of China, forming a certain scale of urban migrants who, while bringing positive effects to the local economy, social development, and cultural integration, have also largely intensified their conflicts with the local society and caused local social security. They have positively affected many local economies, social development, and cultural integration. However, at the same time, they have also caused the intensification of conflicts with the local society to a large extent and created uncertainty in the local social security. While they bring positive effects to the local economy, social development, and cultural integration, they also cause the intensification of social conflicts within the local society to a large extent and create uncertainty in local social security. In this section, the crime rate is used as a social security measure to examine the impact of urban migrants on regional social security. The academic descriptions of urban migration and crime are mainly from psychological, sociological, and criminological perspectives, resulting in several policy recommendations. Many of the above studies on urban migration and crime are

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based on the hypothesis that urban migration leads to social instability. However, with the uncertainty of the premise as a hypothesis, it still needs to be tested and often loses its fairness. Therefore, in sociology, there is still no unified opinion on the effect of urban migration on crime rates. It is debatable whether the increase in the mobile population stimulates crime. Among them, social disintegration theory holds that large numbers of urban migrants accelerate social change and the disintegration of existing societies, making forming shared social values more difficult and thus stimulating crime and increasing crime rates (Taft 1933). In the perception of culture clash theory, urban migration leads to clashes of mainstream social norms against immigrant social norms, intensifying social conflicts and increasing crime rates. The social tension and opportunity theory suggest that since most immigrants are less educated, they usually work in low-value-added industries such as agriculture, low-end services, and manufacturing in cities, and are therefore inevitably discriminated against by residents, and have less access to fair and equal social resources (employment, housing, education, and health care), thus increasing their psychological imbalance and crime rate. The economics of crime does not assume that urban immigrants will commit crimes. Its theory focuses on the large income gap between immigrant groups and native residents and the lack of deterrent effects. On the one hand, immigrants are more likely to commit crimes because of the income gap with the native population. Deterrence theory in the economics of crime suggests that the severity of punishment, especially the probability and manner of punishment, deters criminal behavior and that the likelihood of punishment is more deterrent than the severity (Kessler and Levitt 1999). On the other hand, the propensity of immigrants to commit crimes depends on a clear definition of the crime. Studies have found no significant difference between immigrants and natives in the proportion of serious crimes. In contrast, urban immigrants account for a larger proportion of minor crimes.

4.2.7 Mechanisms of Migrant Impact on Cities The mechanisms of the economic and social impacts of urban migration are mainly reflected in employment opportunities, wage differentials, health resources, educational resources, housing models, and social security (Fig. 4.3). The number of immigrants is rising. On the one hand, immigrants will take away the original residents’ employment opportunities and affect the residents’ employment choices, increasing unemployment; On the other hand, immigrants will form a complementary employment relationship with residents. Due to the lack of immigrants’ status, education and ability, immigrants mostly take up jobs that residents are unwilling to take up, thus promoting the integration and increase of employment opportunities. In terms of wage differentials, most arguments support that immigrants increase unemployment among natives, resulting in lower wages for natives and labor wage rates. The effect on health resources is twofold: On the one hand, urban migration will encroach on urban healthcare resources, resulting in higher costs and a lower supply of public

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health resources; On the other hand, immigrants moving to the city will increase the local government’s fiscal revenue and promote the supply of health resources. The role of educational resources is more in the relaxation of the entrance barrier, which affects the quality of local education. Housing is characterized by the assimilation and differentiation of housing patterns. The role of social security is to promote integration with local culture and to intensify social conflicts.

Education resources

Health resources

Employment opportunities

Wage disparity

Misappropriation of health resources

Increasing fiscal revenue

Rising costs and reduced supply of public goods

Increasing the supply of public goods

Easing entry barriers and changing the education system Decreasing the quality of local education

Encroaching on existing employment opportunities Promoting existing employment opportunities Increasing local unemployment, decreasing wage compensation and wage rates

Mechanisms by which immigrants affect urban economy and society

Promoting cultural integration

Assimilation model Stratification model

Intensifying social conflicts

Social security

Fig. 4.3 Mechanism of the impact of migration on urban economy and society

Housing model

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4.3 Influencing Factors and Mechanisms of Immigrants’ Immersion into Cities 4.3.1 Economic Factors Researchers have begun to focus on the prevalence of poverty among immigrants in the places they move to. Michael E. Fix and Jeffrey S. Passel analyze the poverty of immigrants in the United States, who have higher poverty rates than U.S. citizens, with about 25% of low-income Americans being immigrants. At the same time, immigrants have insufficient access to subsidies, such as food stamps, and cannot meet their everyday consumption needs. At the same time, immigrants are generally unable to accumulate capital and wealth for their children because of their low incomes, resulting in intergenerational poverty. Lynette A. Rawlings and Randy Capps’ empirical study found that most immigrants live in poor urban neighborhoods with slow economic development and low educational attainment. This spatial externality of poverty, in turn, exacerbates economic poverty, resulting in a lack of integration of urban immigrants into the local community.

4.3.2 Cultural Factors For urban migrants, both economic and non-economic migrants have to face differences in culture, ideology, and values from the place of migration, which entails huge psychological costs. Therefore, achieving cultural identity is the key to integrating urban immigrant groups (Huntington 1996). Cultural identity is, in fact, the answer to the question, “Which cultural model should we adopt?” For example, as empirical studies in many countries have found, recent immigrants to the United States face a variety of adjustments, including lifestyle, language, customs, and diet. In contrast, immigrant children or adolescents are more concerned with their future development. Whether cultural differences are evident or not, the question of cultural identity transition is the first social identity question that every immigrant needs to answer, which is probably why contemporary research on immigrants’ cultural identity is the richest. Cultural identity is reflected in the clothing worn, the food eaten, the people one interacts with, the values one adheres to, and the strategies used to adapt to the new culture and the natives (Ward et al. 2001). Currently, there are two models of acculturation: the “assimilationist” model, which emphasizes the absorption of incoming culture by immigrants, and the “multiculturalist” model, which highlights the retention of incoming culture by immigrants. The higher the immigrant’s cultural identity with the place of migration, the more effective the interaction between the immigrant and the residents can be. The higher the level of education of immigrants, the higher their cultural identity with the place of migration, and the easier it is to interact and integrate with the residents. If immigrants have a limited education level, they will be reluctant to abandon their old

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patterns of interaction and cultural attitudes and thus will not be able to integrate into the culture of the place of immigration in time, which will limit the communication between them and lead to the concern of the residents about the arrival of immigrants. These problems, such as the crime rate of immigrants, the impact of immigrants on the labor market in the incoming area, and the unemployment of immigrants, have increased the residents’ alienation from immigrants. However, there are no consistent findings on the impact of immigrants on employment and wages in incoming areas. Racist, xenophobic, and nationalistic natives motivate local governments to restrict immigration. At the same time, residents of countries with higher per capita GDP are more supportive of immigration than residents of countries with lower per capita GDP.

4.3.3 Policy Factors Discriminatory immigration policies can, to a certain extent, hinder the level of integration of immigrants. Zheng Huiping (2010) analyzed German immigrants’ integration policy and philosophy. They found that before the twenty-first century, Germany’s immigration policy was not guided by the federal government’s negative attitude toward the status quo of immigrants, which led to the lack of a philosophy of immigration policy, and its integration status was not optimistic. In general, immigration policy is formulated with four objectives: economic, political, demographic, and humanitarian. Financial goals: mainly to achieve economic growth and improve people’s living standards; political goals: primarily to enhance the sense of national and regional identity, especially to improve the country’s international status; demographic goals: mainly covering the education, occupation, and size of the population to ensure that there is sufficient labor in the local labor market; humanitarian purposes: including family reunification, as well as providing a certain level of support for refugees affected by natural disasters and persecution. Humanitarian purposes: including family reunification and providing some assistance to refugees who have been affected by natural disasters and persecution. Sweden, in 2002, was influenced by the free movement model and cooperated with the European Free Trade Association, which effectively improved the immigrants’ skills and occupational structure. The study of 12 ECO countries shows that immigration policies emerge to meet the needs of certain groups. For example, the United States considers the residence of immigrant family members in its immigration laws; Canada has a system that combines individual and labor markets; the European Union has provisions that regulate the movement of citizens from non-member countries; and the Nordic countries, Sweden does not have immigration restrictions. Of course, some scholars have questioned the unilateral migration policy as inefficient and ineffective in a permanent way, and the multilateral agreement is needed to achieve the Pareto optimum. At the same time, the sentiment of the local population towards immigrants is also influenced by immigration policy and plays a crucial role in the integration of immigrants.

References

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The evolution of urban function and structure affects the number and structure of in-migration, and the number and structure of in-migration affect the public policy preferences of the city government. Shanghai’s urban functions have evolved from single to diversified, from low to a high level, and from “localization” to “internationalization.” In this chapter, we analyze the evolution of Shanghai’s industrial, economic and social space, review the historical evolution of Shanghai’s urban function positioning, and study the evolution of Shanghai’s urban function spatial structure by dividing Shanghai’s administrative divisions into functional core areas, functional expansion areas, new functional development areas and ecological connotation areas based on the idea of the division of main functional areas. At the same time, the dynamics of the evolution of Shanghai’s urban functional structure and its possible future development are explored in terms of government actions such as urban development planning, urban governance strategies, economic policies such as finance and taxation, and market actions such as the entry of foreign enterprises, information technology development and accessibility.

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Zhang SB, Zhu Y, Jin XL, et al. Spatial characteristics of population migration in Anhui Province and its influencing factors. Econ Geogr. 2013;33(05):24–30. Zheng L, Wu H. An analysis of the integration policy and philosophy of immigrants in Germany in the new century. Ger Stud. 2010;25(04):12–19. Zhou D. An analysis of the housing needs of urban migrants in China. Urban Issues. 2010;(03):58– 61. Zhu N. Leaving the land or leaving the country? An analysis of the relationship between geographical and occupational mobility of rural labor in China. World Econ J. 2004;(01):53–63.

Chapter 5

The Evolution of the Macro Context of Urban Migration in Shanghai

The evolution of urban function and structure affects the number and structure of urban migrants, and the number and structure of urban migrants affect the public policy preferences of the municipal government. Shanghai’s urban functions have evolved from single to diversified, from low to a high level, and from “localization” to “internationalization.” In this chapter, we analyze the evolution of Shanghai’s industrial, economic and social space, review the historical evolution of Shanghai’s urban function positioning, and study the evolution of Shanghai’s urban function spatial structure by dividing Shanghai’s administrative divisions into functional core areas, functional expansion areas, new functional development areas and ecological conservation areas based on the idea of the division of main functional areas. At the same time, the dynamics of the evolution of Shanghai’s urban functional structure and its possible future development are explored in terms of government actions such as urban development planning, urban governance strategies, economic policies such as finance and taxation, and market actions such as the entry of foreign enterprises, information technology development and accessibility.

5.1 General Overview of Shanghai’s Urban Development Since the reform and opening up, especially since the development and opening up of Pudong in the 1990s, Shanghai has achieved rapid development in various fields such as industry, trade, shipping, finance, and culture, and the central government’s positioning of Shanghai’s urban functions at that stage was to serve the whole country. With the approval of the Shanghai Urban Master Plan (1999–2020) by the State Council in 2001, Shanghai was required to accelerate its development into a modern metropolis that is one of the international economic, financial, trade, and shipping centers. Shanghai’s functional orientation with the construction of “four centers” as the core gradually took shape. In 2017, the State Council approved in principle © East China University of Science and Technology Press Co., Ltd. 2023 S. Yang and D. Wang, Urban Migration and Public Governance in China, Public Economy and Urban Governance in China, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-4052-3_5

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the “Shanghai Urban Master Plan (2017–2035)”, requiring Shanghai to accelerate the construction of the “five centers” of the international economy, finance, trade, shipping and science, and technology innovation, and strive to build Shanghai into an international cultural metropolis, a global city of excellence and a modern international socialist city. Shanghai’s positioning as a city with “five centers” as its core function has been determined. In order to fulfill the important tasks assigned to Shanghai by the central government at different times, Shanghai has taken a series of measures such as constructing an international functional system, laying out major functional facilities and expanding the framework of urban development, continuously optimizing the functional structure of the city, promoting the transformation and upgrading of the industrial structure and improving the business environment of the city, which has greatly enhanced Shanghai’s comprehensive strength and international status and also played a great role in promoting the rapid development of China’s economy and enhancing China’s international competitiveness. It has also played a great role in promoting China’s rapid economic development and enhancing China’s international competitiveness. China has shifted from the stage of high-speed growth to the stage of high-quality development. Statistics show that China’s GDP growth rate has declined since 2010, from 10.4% in 2010 to 6.9% in 2017. As a national economical center, Shanghai’s economic development is also facing great challenges. Due to its high dependence on land resources, the endogenous driving force of Shanghai’s economic development is a “two-wheel drive” pattern of wealth and investment. At the same time, it is also facing many problems, such as increasing economic pressure, tightening constraints on resources and environment, increasing challenges in structural transformation and upgrading, lack of scientific and technological innovation capacity and vitality, urgent need to enhance the international influence of cultural brands, and urgent need to improve the quality and efficiency of development. According to statistics, in 2015, the proportion of construction land in Shanghai reached 46% of the city’s land area, much higher than the 20–30% of international metropolises such as London, Paris, and Tokyo. Among them, the land for industrial and mining warehouses is about 840 square kilometers, accounting for 27%, which is two to three times that of cities such as Tokyo and New York. In addition, Shanghai’s GDP growth rate dropped from 10.3% in 2010 to 6.9% in 2017, with an average annual decline of 0.425. Economic development is facing greater downward pressure. It is urgent to optimize Shanghai’s urban spatial structure, improve the comprehensive functions of the city, and promote the transformation and upgrading of the economic structure to achieve high-quality economic development. Against this background, the State Council approved in principle “The Shanghai Urban Master Plan (2017–2035)” and requested Shanghai to strengthen its core functions, gradually promote the decentralization of non-core functions to the suburbs and larger areas and promote the rationalization of the spatial layout of Shanghai’s urban functions and the optimization and upgrading of the city’s functional structure. In his keynote speech at the opening ceremony of the First China International Import Expo on November 5, 2018, Xi Jinping announced the expansion of the Free Trade Zone, the establishment of the Science and Technology Innovation Board,

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and the elevation of the Yangtze River Delta integration to a national strategy. The introduction of the three strategies shows the special status and role that the Chinese central government has given to Shanghai in the new era of opening up to the outside world, which is to become a window and a demonstration zone in the new era of opening up to the outside world and to lead China’s transition to a higher quality of development. On August 6, 2019, the State Council approved the establishment of the new Lingang Pilot Free Trade Zone in China (Shanghai). As to how to build the new zone in Shanghai Lingang, the overall plan of the new zone in China (Shanghai) Pilot Free Trade Zone (FTZ) approved by the State Council calls for the management of the zone concerning the special economic zones and the speedy establishment of a system to promote investment and trade liberalization, with a specific focus on the promotion of freedom of investment, trade, capital, transportation, and employment. Compared with the expansion of the FTZ in 2014–2015, the construction of a new zone in the Shanghai FTZ proposed in 2019 has a more profound meaning.

5.2 Progress in Research on the Evolution of Urban Function Structure Early scholars divided urban areas into different functional areas based on the type of land use at a particular stage of the city and conducted studies on urban functions. Burgess firstly divided the spatial layout of urban functions by urban land use, taking the central city as the center of the circle and extending to the periphery, and dividing them into the central business district (CBD), transitional district, working-class district, residential district and commuter district, with different functional areas taking up corresponding urban functions. Harris and Ullman (1945) argue that most urban land use patterns do not focus on a single center but rather have multiple centers, such as retail, warehousing, manufacturing, education, and financial centers. The number of urban functions is not strictly limited by urban class, but the higher the density and population of a lower-class center, the more likely it is to cross the market consumption threshold and take on more urban functions, possibly even those that higher-class centers can only perform. Batty (1995) points out that metropolitan areas are usually composed of several cores, such as CBDs and high-tech parks, and the functions of each core tend to be specialized. Along with the rapid development of the metropolitan area, the urban function structure of the metropolitan area is also changing. Hirsch (1990) analyzed urban functions’ formation and evolution mechanism from the perspective of comparative cost benefits, pointing out that both production and demand drive urban functions. The forces driving the formation of urban functions do not come from the supply side but from the market demand inside and outside the city. However, upgrading urban functions results from the joint action of supply and demand. Scholars have also focused on nature, connotation, and characteristics of urban functions. According to Liu (2013), the urban function is essentially the effectiveness

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and role of a city in providing all products and services internally and externally. In other words, urban function refers to the properties, capabilities, effects, and roles of material, information, and energy within and outside the urban system in the interaction process. Zhao (2012) classifies urban functions into non-basic functions and basic functions according to their effects and roles, where non-basic functions serve the city’s internal activities, and basic functions serve the external functions of the city. The division of urban functions into core and non-core functions points out that core functions play a dominant role and can influence the operation of non-core functions and determine the nature and development direction of the city. Sheng et al. (2018) define urban functions from a broad perspective, arguing that functions that contribute to strengthening the nature and development goals of cities, such as finance, shipping, manufacturing, technology, innovation, and culture, should be considered as core functions of global cities. Some scholars have also studied the characteristics of the core functions of global cities, saying that the core functions of global cities, such as economy, finance, shipping, science, technology and innovation, and culture, have four characteristics: efficient connectivity, core hub, node control, and strong attraction, which fully demonstrate their functions of allocating global resources and strategic elements. Along with the development of cities, the connotation and expression of city functions have also been changing. They have undergone an evolutionary process from a single function to a multifunctional complex and from the traditional military, religious and political functions to modern city functions such as industrial production, trade center, financial services, science, education and culture, storage and transportation, information center, and political center. Xu et al. (2009) point out that urban functions have developed continuously from pre-industrial, industrialized, and post-industrialized societies. The connotation and form of urban functions have been greatly enriched. Over time, they have evolved from single to multiple and comprehensive, from simple to complex, scattered to complementary, and low to high. Liu et al. (2015) further point out that urban functions have undergone a process of unification and simplification in the pre-industrialization stage, diversification, and complexity in the industrialization stage, and post-industrialization stage based on the differences in location advantages, factor endowments, human capital, and technological innovation, which have driven cities from internal cooperation to external cooperation and further caused regional functional spatial differentiation. The formation of functional-spatial differentiation additionally drives the development of urban functions in the direction of diversification, specialization, complementarity, and differentiation. It integrates spatial “flows” through tangible or intangible channels to form a spatial network of complementary urban functions. With the change in urban spatial structure and the emergence of new spatial organization methods, urban functions in the information age have gradually become globalized, flexible, complex, and differentiated (Wei et al. 2013). In contrast to modern cities, which combine industrial production, finance, information, trade, science and technology, commerce, education, culture, and administration, the functions of cities are linked by the “spatial flow” represented by people, materials, and information. The functions of cities are interconnected and mutually

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constrained. Traditional cities, as national or regional political, religious or military centers, have economic and cultural functions that strictly depend on military or political functions, so the structure of urban functions is relatively unified. All urban functions have a strong military or political dimension, and urban functions are linked only by people (Xu et al. 2009). With the development of globalization, some megacities are playing the role of global factor resource transit platforms, also called global cities. Hall (1996) argues that only when seven basic characteristics are met, namely being a major political center, financial center, international trade center, talent center, information center, population center, and international recreation and leisure center, can a city be called a global city; in other words, only when it has international political, financial, trade, information, and leisure functions can it become a global city. Sassen (2013) focuses on the functional evolution and trends of global cities such as New York, London, and Tokyo and finds that global cities have been assigned certain functions to undertake specific production, service, technology, and financial tasks in the process of global economic restructuring. Sheng Wei et al. (2018) argue that global cities are a collection of the market (international orientation), physical (local strategic locations), functional (financial, shipping, and science and innovation centers), and institutional (convenient, global, law-based business environment) capabilities and that the optimization of their urban functional structure, such as the rational development of financial, shipping, and manufacturing functions, will have a profound impact on the development of global cities. Due to the influence of urban planning, macro policies, and market factors in different stages of urban development, the evolution of urban functional structure is not in a continuous dynamic state but can be stagnant in stages due to path dependence. Long (2001) discusses the intrinsic link between urban structure and urban function, arguing that urban function is dependent on and derived from the urban structure and changes with the economic, cultural, political, spatial, social, and ecological structures of cities and that the focus of cultivating urban function is to adjust and optimize the urban structure. Mozuriunaite (2016), based on the research results of the largest Lithuanian cities from 1960 to 2011, analyzes the influence of urban functions and technological factors on the abrupt changes of urban functions and points out that with the development of technology, economy, globalization, and lifestyle, the urban structure has become more complex, changing the city’s functional structure. It is noted that urban function is closely related to the spatial distribution of the population, and only when the functional design of the city is optimized and rational can the city continue to operate stably and achieve sustainable development. Urban functions have dynamic evolutionary characteristics; as cities are at different stages of development, the focus and direction of their function expansion will differ. However, some scholars argue that the functional structure of cities will stagnate after a certain stage of development. Jiang (2006) analyzes the reasons for the stagnation of the functional structure of urban centers, arguing that the checks and balances among the internal factors of the urban system lead to the inability of the urban plan to form sufficient traction for system transformation in the short term. Under the effect of path dependence, urban centers’ function and industrial development are fixed on a specific path (Morgan and Kubo 2008). According

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to Liu and Lu (2011), path dependency promotes the optimization of functional structure and industrial development in the rising stage of functional evolution and industrial development in urban centers; however, in the declining phase of functional growth and industrial development, path dependency hinders and causes the functional structure of urban centers to stagnate and cannot optimize and upgrade the functional design. In this case, government guidance is needed to promote the optimization of the function structure of urban centers. In a study related to urban functional structure and urban spatial structure, Fuentes (2000) analyzed the urban function of Ciudad Jurez, Chihuahua, and its impact on the urban structure and found that the industrial park located in the northeast of Ciudad Jurez, Chihuahua, has changed the traditional concentric growth and urban spatial structure. The industrial park northeast of Ciudad Juárez, Chihuahua, has altered the traditional concentric development and residential area, which high-income residents dominate. In contrast, the middle-income residential area occupies an intermediate position between the central business district and the low-income periphery of the city. Tian et al. (2002) used Nielsen analysis to analyze the urban functional structure of Chinese cities from the perspective of industry employment rates. They found that manufacturing employment was the highest among large Chinese cities. However, they showed a steady decline from 1989 to 1996, while jobs in science, education, culture, health, and finance continued to increase. The larger the city, the lower the employment in mining, manufacturing, and construction, and the greater the employment in science, education, finance, insurance, real estate, and administrative power. Zhang and Du (2001) explored the relationship between the transfer of urban functions and the optimization of urban spatial structure in Shanghai. Based on the fifth population and the first economic census, Yu et al. (2006) used principal component factor analysis to measure the degree of specialization of urban functions in China. They analyzed the evolution pattern of urban functions in China. Based on the general rule of the evolution of economic functions from the early city to the modern city, Guan et al. (2006) empirically analyzed the evolution of economic functions and the evolution of urban functions in Shenzhen. The relationship between the optimization of spatial structure and the evolution of urban spatial structure is considered a process of continuous adaptation to the evolution of economic functions. Wang (2007) found that the migration of urban functions from the central city to the suburbs of Shanghai showed obvious structural characteristics: the residential area first moved from the central city to the suburbs and then to the distant suburbs; the industrial, storage and cultural and educational functions moved directly to the distant suburbs, while the commercial and office functions are concentrated in the central area. In summary, scholars in and out of China have conducted many studies on the definition, connotation, and characteristics of urban function, the evolution of urban function structure, and the internal linkage between urban function structure and urban spatial structure. The studies have focused on the impact of urban functions on urban development. However, there are few studies on the evolution of urban function structure and the driving mechanism behind it. At this critical stage when Shanghai has been positioned as an international economic, financial, trade, and

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shipping center and a global city of excellence, studying the evolution of Shanghai’s urban function structure and its driving mechanisms is of great theoretical and practical significance for expanding Shanghai’s urban development space, unleashing its development potential, optimizing its urban function structure, and achieving high-quality economic development. At the same time, studying Shanghai’s urban development and functional structure evolution can also help us understand the mechanisms behind the historical trajectory of Shanghai’s urban migration and the paths and strategies of future urban public policies.

5.3 Basic Information on Shanghai’s Urban Development 5.3.1 Evolution of Shanghai’s Urban Economic Development Since the founding of the People’s Republic of China, China put forward a plan to change the backwardness of its economic development, revitalized the economy based on the Soviet economic development model, and formulated the “Five-Year” development plan one after another. From the “First Five-Year Plan” in 1953, the central government proposed the construction policy of maintaining, utilizing, and actively transforming Shanghai, requiring Shanghai to use its better industrial base to serve the national economic recovery and construction, making Shanghai the frontline of China’s reform and opening-up in 1978, formulating the Shanghai Pudong opening-up and development strategy in 1992. Then, in the new era, Shanghai was given the historical mission of becoming a global city of excellence. In terms of Shanghai’s economic growth (Fig. 5.1), the total GDP of Shanghai showed a steady growth trend from 1952 to 2017. It grew steadily from 3.666 billion RMB in 1952 to 27.281 billion RMB in 1978 and 3,013.386 billion RMB in 2017. In terms of the year-on-year growth rate of Shanghai’s GDP, the economic growth rate of Shanghai from 1952 to 2017 can be divided into three stages. The first stage is from 1952 to 1992 when the economic growth rate fluctuated widely and did not show an obvious trend of continuous increase or decrease. For example, the GDP growth rate was 3.2% in 1955 and rose sharply to 29. 1% in 1960, then dropped rapidly to 4.1% in 1975, and rose again to 15.8% in 1978. The second stage was from 1992 to 2007, during which the economic growth rate achieved double-digit growth for 15 consecutive years, even reaching 15.2% in 2007, and Shanghai’s GDP also increased rapidly from 111.432 billion yuan in 1992 to 1,266.812 billion yuan in 2007, an increase of about 11.4 times. The third stage is the new normal stage after the international financial crisis; after the outbreak of the international financial crisis in 2008, especially since 2010, Shanghai’s economic growth rate showed a fluctuating downward trend from 10.2% in 2010 to 6.9% in 2017: the economic growth slowed down.

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100 million yuan

year-on-year growth rate

Fig. 5.1 Shanghai GDP and its year-on-year growth rate, 1952–2017. Source Shanghai Statistical Yearbook

5.3.2 Evolution of Shanghai’s Urban Industrial Development In terms of the development of Shanghai’s three industries (Fig. 5.2), Shanghai’s three industries have achieved rapid development, and the gross domestic product of Shanghai’s three industries showed a steady growth trend from 1952 to 2017. Among them, the primary industry grew from 211 million yuan in 1952 to 1.1 billion yuan in 1978 and then to 9.889 billion yuan in 2017, with an average annual increase of about 150 million yuan; the secondary industry grew from 1.922 billion yuan in 1952 to 21.105 billion yuan in 1978, and then to 925.14 billion yuan in 2017, with an average annual increase of about 14.2 billion yuan; The tertiary sector increased from 1.527 billion yuan in 1952 to 5.076 billion yuan in 1978 and to 2078,347 billion yuan in 2017, with an average annual increase of about 31.9 billion yuan. Secondly, from 1952 to 2017, the structure of Shanghai’s three industries changed from “two, three, one” to “three, two, one”, and the industrial structure became more and more reasonable (Fig. 5.3). Among them, the proportion of primary industry has experienced a fluctuating downward trend, from 5.9% in 1952 to 2.7% in 1960, then rose to 6.7% in 1968, and then fluctuated down to 0.3% in 2017. The share of the secondary sector experienced a rise and then a decline, from 52.4% in 1952 to a historical high of 77.9% in 1960, then fluctuated down to 30.7% in 2017. The proportion of tertiary industry has generally gone through an evolutionary process of first decreasing and then increasing. Among them, 1952–1972 showed a continuous downward trend, from 41.7% in 1952 to 17.3% in 1972, then experienced a period of increase and exceeded the share of the secondary industry for the first time in 1999.

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The primary industry/100 million yuan The secondary industry/100 million yuan The tertiary industry/100 million yuan

Fig. 5.2 Evolution of Shanghai’s three industries’ GDP from 1952 to 2017. Source Shanghai Statistical Yearbook

The primary industry/% The secondary industry/% The tertiary industry/%

Fig. 5.3 Trends of industrial structure in Shanghai from 1952 to 2017. Source Shanghai Statistical Yearbook

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5.4 Evolution of Shanghai’s Urban Function Structure 5.4.1 Historical Evolution of Shanghai’s Urban Functional Positioning Since the 1840s, when Shanghai was forced to open its doors to trade, it has gradually developed from a small, unknown city into a national economic, financial, and trade center and the largest port city in China. Shanghai has also gone through several stages in terms of its functional positioning. 1. Positioning before the founding of the People’s Republic of China: port city and industrial and commercial center. Since Shanghai was established as a special city in 1927, a comprehensive urban development plan was formulated for the first time, namely the “Greater Shanghai Plan” (“the Plan”), which took into account the actual situation of Shanghai at that time and focused on the characteristics of Shanghai as a port city. In order to meet the needs of post-war reconstruction and to further consolidate and enhance Shanghai’s position in the country, the Shanghai Municipal Government formulated and issued the “Greater Shanghai Urban Plan” (the “Urban Plan”) in 1946, which proposed to develop Shanghai into a national and international port city, financial center, and industrial and commercial center. Shanghai grew from a small, unknown city by the sea into the largest city in China and one of the most important commercial, financial, and industrial centers in China and the Far East (East Asia) at the time, becoming an important window to China’s external relations. During this period, Shanghai was mainly responsible for the city’s shipping, industrial production, trade, finance, and cultural functions. 2. Development of Shanghai from the founding of the People’s Republic of China to the early stage of reform and opening up: a production city with industry as its mainstay. After the founding of the People’s Republic of China, to resume national economic development as soon as possible and speed up the establishment of a socialist economic foundation, China carried out the socialist transformation of agriculture, handicrafts, and capitalist industry and commerce. The Shanghai Municipal Government also actively participated in the “Three Great Transformations”, optimizing the city’s economic and social development environment through political, economic, and legal means. The Shanghai Municipal Government also actively participated in the “Three Great Transformations,” optimizing the city’s economic and social development environment through various political, economic, and legal means. With China’s general line of prioritizing the development of heavy industry and accelerating socialist industrialization during the transition period, the central government decided to draw on the Soviet model of economic development, i.e., to formulate short-term economic and social development plans, followed by the implementation of the First Five-Year Plan (the “One Five Plan”). During the First Five-Year Plan,

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the central government positioned Shanghai as an old industrial base to serve the country. According to the central government’s positioning requirements, Shanghai relied on its favorable conditions. It actively promoted the construction of industrial and science and technology bases while developing textile and other light textile industries and heavy industries such as mechanical and electrical industries, providing strong support for the national industrialization construction. Through continuous development, Shanghai also became a comprehensive industrial city with more complete categories and more developed light textile and heavy industries. In order to further optimize the spatial structure of the city and promote the economic development of the city, the Shanghai Municipal Government issued the “Shanghai Master Plan” in 1953, which was the first systematic planning of Shanghai’s urban land space and provided detailed guidance on the layout of Shanghai’s residential areas, harbor areas, factory areas, sports grounds, railroads, architectural art, and warehouse areas. In 1959, Shanghai issued the “Preliminary Opinions on Shanghai Urban Master Plan,” which proposed the urban construction policy of orderly transformation of old urban areas, control of the spatial scale of industrial areas, and planned construction of satellite cities, and successively proposed the establishment of satellite cities and suburban industrial areas such as Minhang, Wujing, Jiading, Anting, and Songjiang. The establishment of satellite cities and suburban industrial zones greatly promoted Shanghai’s industrial development and other consolidated Shanghai’s position as a national industrial production base. 3. Positioning of the city from the reform and opening up to the first stage of Pudong development and opening up: international economic center and trade center. In 1978, the central government established the policy of economic construction as the center of China’s urban development, and the understanding of the functions of cities changed from emphasizing the “industrial production” of cities to “cities as multi-functional centers of social and economic activities.” With the strategic idea of economic construction as the center, the central government put forward new development requirements for Shanghai, the industrial center of China, in order to promote China’s economic development and improve its comprehensive strength. In 1985, the State Council approved the “Outline of the Report on Shanghai’s Economic Development Strategy” (the “Outline”), which stated that Shanghai should give full play to the role of a multifunctional central city and strive to become an open, multifunctional, highly civilized city with a reasonable industrial structure and advanced science and technology by the end of the twentieth century. In 1986, the “Shanghai Urban Master Plan” (“the Plan”) was approved by the State Council, which pointed out that Shanghai was one of the key industrial bases in China, as well as the economic, scientific and technological, trade, financial, information and cultural center of the country, and that Shanghai should be built into one of the largest economic and trade centers on the west coast of the Pacific Ocean. At this stage, the central government’s positioning of Shanghai’s urban function has been upgraded from a domestic center in the past to an international center now, and Shanghai’s urban development has entered a new stage. In order to complete

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the positioning of Shanghai’s urban development given by the central government, the Shanghai government put forward the development ideas of transforming and building the central city, actively developing and opening up the Pudong area, enriching and developing satellite cities, and spreading out to the northern coast of Hangzhou Bay and the southern coast of the Yangtze River Estuary in a step-bystep manner. By taking the initiative to optimize the spatial structure of the city and strengthen the interaction with Hangzhou Bay cities and cities along the Yangtze River estuary, Shanghai promoted rapid economic development, with the total GDP growing from 49.083 billion yuan in 1986 to 89.377 billion yuan in 1991, playing an important role in driving the national economic growth. 4. Urban positioning from Pudong development and opening up to the early stage of the new era: “four centers” and global science and technology innovation center. In 1992, the central government put forward the demand to focus on the development and opening up of Shanghai Pudong New Area, to continuously expand and open up the cities along the Yangtze River, and to accelerate the development of Shanghai into an international economic, financial and trade center (the “three centers”). In May 2001, the “Shanghai Urban Master Plan (1999–2020)” was approved by the central government, which explicitly proposed to accelerate the development of Shanghai into a modern metropolis with a prosperous economy, a civilized society, and a beautiful environment, while supporting the development of Shanghai into one of the international economic, financial, trade and shipping centers. Thus, the “three centers” were further extended into “four centers”, and Shanghai’s urban development entered a brand-new historical period. With China’s economic development entering a new normal stage, China’s economic development is facing unprecedented challenges. In order to fully utilize both domestic and foreign resources and markets, promote sustainable and sound economic development, and enhance China’s international status, the central government made the strategic decision to continue to expand reform and opening up, and once again gave Shanghai a new historical mission. In August 2013, the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China (CPC) agreed to establish the China (Shanghai) Pilot Free Trade Zone, making Shanghai a new testing ground for China’s opening up to the outside world. In May 2014, General Secretary Xi Jinping asked Shanghai to accelerate its development into a global science and technology innovation center with global influence and to be at the forefront of China’s science and technology innovation. In March 2016, China’s National 13th Five-Year Plan further proposed building Shanghai into an international comprehensive transportation hub and supporting Shanghai in building a global science and technology innovation center. Shanghai’s functions as the core of the “four centers” and the construction of a global science and technology innovation center were clarified. 5. City positioning since China entered a new era: “five centers” and a global city of excellence. As socialism with Chinese characteristics enters a new era, Shanghai, as the leader of reform and opening up and the pioneer of innovation and development, has again

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been given a new historical mission by the central government. In December 2017, the “Shanghai Urban Master Plan (2017–2035)” (the “New Plan”) was approved by the State Council. The new plan positions Shanghai’s urban development as “five major centers of the international economy, finance, trade, shipping, science and technology innovation, a cultural metropolis, and a national historical and cultural city”. It aims to build Shanghai into a global city of excellence and a modern socialist metropolis with a world influence, and Shanghai’s urban development enters a brandnew historical period. The “four centers” have been fully extended into “five centers,” and the city functions are clearly defined with the “five centers” and the construction of an outstanding global city as the core. At the same time, in order to further optimize the layout of urban functions and accelerate the development of Shanghai into a city of innovation, humanities, and ecology, as well as a global city of excellence and a socially modernized metropolis. The new era of Shanghai’s development is called for in terms of land use planning, urban spatial layout, and functional infrastructure development. This will have a profound impact on the improvement of Shanghai’s urban functions and the optimization of the city’s functional and spatial structure. The “New Plan” sets stricter requirements on the area and proportion of residential land, public facilities land, industrial storage land, green plaza land, etc., arable land, forest land, and other non-construction lands among the non-construction land (Table 5.1). For example, the area of planned industrial storage land is controlled at 320–480 square kilometers, and the proportion of planned construction land is controlled at 10–15%; the area of green plaza land is not less than 480 square kilometers, and the proportion is not less than 15%. The area of planned public facilities is not less than 480 km2 , and the proportion of planned construction land is not less than 15%. The “New Plan” also makes new arrangements for improving Shanghai’s urban functions and functional spatial layout, requiring Shanghai to accelerate the improvement of the city’s functional level, focusing on optimizing and adjusting urban spatial functions and industrial spatial layout from the municipal district level. To highlight the role of transportation hubs in optimizing the layout of urban functions, to guide the clustering of functions and composite development in the hub areas so they can bear important urban functions. In addition, the functional level of the main urban area should be improved. The central city and the four main urban areas around the central city, namely Hongqiao, Chuansha, Baoshan, and Minhang, should be regarded as the main bearing areas for global urban functions; the new cities of Jiading, Songjiang, Qingpu, Fengxian, and Nanhui, which are located on important regional corridors and have a good development foundation, should be cultivated into comprehensive node cities with a radiation-driven role in the Yangtze River Delta urban agglomeration, and fully undertake the core functions of global cities (Table 5.2).

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Table 5.1 Shanghai’s planned land balance Current status 2015

Planning 2035

Area (km2 )

Ratio (%)

Area (km2 )

Ratio (%)

Urban residential 660 land

21.5

830

26

Rural residential land

514

16.7

≤ 190

≤6

Public facilities land

260

8.5

≥ 480

≥ 15

Industrial storage 839 land

27.3

320–480

10–15

Green square land

221

7.2

≥ 480

≥ 15

Road and traffic facilities land

430

14.0

640

20

Other 147 construction land

4.8

200

6

Subtotal

3071

100

3200

100

Arable land

1898

–

1200

–

Forest land

467

–

980

–

Other non-construction land

1397

–

1453

–

Subtotal

3762

–

3633

–

6833

–

6833

–

Land use categories Construction land

Non-construction land

Total

Source “Shanghai Urban Master Plan (2017–2035)”

5.4.2 Evolution and Development of Shanghai’s Urban Functional Structure Urban functional structure refers to the form and manner of the interrelationship and interaction of urban functions, including functional-spatial structure. Xiao and Wang (2015) advocate using location quotient to measure the spatial structure of urban functions. The reason is that the essence of urban function is that cities provide products and services for the inner and outer parts of the city through their industrial systems. From the market perspective, market forces will spontaneously promote the formation of corresponding functional areas in the city; for example, the automobile sales industry will spontaneously concentrate in a certain area of the city so that the area will mainly play a trade function. Both the government’s planning arrangements and the market’s spontaneous formation are based on the fact that the area that receives the corresponding function is more suitable than other areas to carry the function, and locators can intuitively judge the “advantage” of this function. Therefore, the location quotient can, to a certain extent, reflect the spatial structure of urban functions.

5.4 Evolution of Shanghai’s Urban Function Structure

87

Table 5.2 Spatial planning of urban functions in Shanghai Level Main urban area

New City

Name

Planned population/ Functional guidance 10,000 people

Central City 1400 Main City Area

The central city is the main area, and the four main districts of Hongqiao, Chuansha, Baoshan, and Minhang are the main areas for global urban functions

Jiading New City

70

An important node city on the Shanghai-Nanjing corridor, with automobile R&D and manufacturing as the leading industry; a modern ecological park city with humanistic charm, technological innovation, and radiation service to the Yangtze River Delta

Songjiang New City

110

A node city on the Shanghai-Hangzhou corridor, a modern and livable city driven by science and education, and innovation, supported by a service economy, strategic emerging industries, and cultural and creative industries, a leisure and tourism resort with Shanghai’s historical and cultural heritage and natural landscape features, and a regional base for higher education

Qingpu New City

65

A node city on the Shanghai-Lake corridor, an ecological waterfront city, and a modern lakeside city supported by innovation and R&D, business and trade, tourism and leisure functions, an ecological water town city and a modern lakeside city with the historical and cultural heritage of Jiangnan

Fengxian New City

75

A node city on the coastal development corridor along the riverside, a comprehensive service core city on the north coast of Hangzhou Bay serving the Yangtze River Delta, a smart, livable, low-carbon, and healthy city with unique ecological endowments and technological innovation capabilities

Nanhui New City

65

A node city on the coastal development corridor of the river, a coastal city, supported by advanced manufacturing, shipping and trade, and marine industry, and an early test area for a new round of reform and opening up in China, driven by innovation in the system of the free trade zone, industrial technology, and intelligent culture (continued)

88

5 The Evolution of the Macro Context of Urban Migration in Shanghai

Table 5.2 (continued) Level

Name

Planned population/ Functional guidance 10,000 people

New Town

Core town

Guiding moderate population concentration

Including Jinshanwei Town and Shanyang Town in Jinshan Binhai Area and Chengqiao Town in Chongming Chengqiao Area. The Jinshan coastal area will further increase the ecological and living shoreline and promote the use of marine resources. The Chongming Chengqiao area will further develop ecological and livable functions

Central town

Appropriate increase in population density

Including new towns such as Luodian, Anting, Zhujiajiao, Sheshan, Fengjing, Zhujing, Tinglin, Haiwan, Fengcheng, Huinan, Zhuqiao, Changxing, Chenjiachen, as well as new towns such as Nanxiang, Jiangqiao, Jiuting, Pujiang, Zhoupu, Kangqiao, Tangzhen, Cao Lu, etc., which are located around the central city. The facilities are constructed, and services allocated according to the standards of medium-sized cities, strengthening integrated services and special industrial functions

General towns

–

Towns with a low level of urbanization in the suburbs, highlighting functions such as modern agriculture and ecological protection and meeting the basic public service and employment needs of the surrounding urban and rural residents

Source Based on the “Shanghai Urban Master Plan (2017–2035)”

In this chapter, based on Xiao Zhouyan’s approach, we divide Shanghai districts and counties into four types of functions: functional core areas, functional expansion areas, new functional development areas, and ecological conservation areas in accordance with the “Shanghai Main Functional Area Plan in 2012”. In order to correspond to modern urban functions such as industry, finance, information, and politics, 20 major industries are categorized and integrated. Among them, agriculture, forestry and fishery, construction, transportation, warehousing and postal industry, information transmission, computer services and software industry, six major categories of industries are retained; mining, manufacturing, electricity, gas and water production and supply industries are combined as industry; wholesale and retail trade, accommodation and catering, rental and business services are combined as business services; the two major categories of the financial industry and real estate industry into the financial real estate industry; the ten categories of scientific research, technical services and geological exploration, education, culture, sports and entertainment, health, social security and social welfare, residential services and others, water, environment and public facilities management were merged into science, education,

5.4 Evolution of Shanghai’s Urban Function Structure

89

culture and health; the two categories of public administration and social organizations and international organizations were merged into administration. To a certain extent, this division and consolidation method reflects the spatial distribution pattern of Shanghai’s urban functions as the center of transportation and storage, information, industry, commerce, finance, real estate, science and technology, culture and health service, and politics. Based on the data from the Fourth, Fifth, and Sixth Population Censuses and the 2015 Shanghai 1% population sample survey, this section measures the location quotients of major functions in each district and county of Shanghai. It analyzes the spatial and temporal evolution of the location quotients of functional core areas, functional expansion areas, new functional development areas, and ecological conservation areas in order to depict the evolution trend of the spatial structure of functions in Shanghai. Table 5.3 shows the results of location quotients for each district and county in Shanghai in 1990. It can be seen that the location quotients of the core functional areas, such as Huangpu District and Xuhui District are all greater than 1, except for the location quotients of agriculture, forestry, animal husbandry, and fishery, while the location quotients of construction, post, and telecommunications, storage, and transportation are all greater than 1. The location quotients of agriculture, forestry, animal husbandry, and fishery in the functional expansion areas, new functional development areas, and ecological conservation areas are all greater than 1; the location quotients of science, education, culture, and health, finance and real estate are all less than 1. Table 5.4 shows the location quotient of each district and county in Shanghai in 2000. It can be seen that the location quotients of agriculture, forestry, animal husbandry and fishery, industry and construction in the core functional areas such as Huangpu District and Xuhui District are all less than 1, while the location quotients of post and telecommunications, storage and transportation, and commercial services are all greater than 1. The location quotients of agriculture, forestry, animal husbandry and fishery industries in Minhang and Jiading have changed from greater than 1 to less than 1 in 1990, except for the location quotients of agriculture, forestry, animal husbandry and fishery industries in Pudong New Area, Jinshan District, Songjiang District, Qingpu District and Fengxian County in New Functional Development Area and Chongming County in Ecological Containment Area, which are all greater than 1. At the same time, the location quotients of industries in New Functional Development Area and New Functional Development Area have gradually changed from less than 1 to greater than 1 in 1990. Table 5.5 shows the location quotient of each district and county in Shanghai in 2010. The location quotients of agriculture, forestry, animal husbandry and fishery, industry, and construction in the core functional areas of Huangpu and Xuhui Districts are all less than 1. The location quotients of post and telecommunications, storage, and transportation in the administrative districts of Huangpu, Xuhui, and Jing’an Districts are also less than 1. The location quotients of science, education, culture and health, administration and information transmission and computer services in

1.0311

1.0442

1.0713

0.0164

0.0911

0.0477

1.2827

1.1578

2.0584

Hongkou District

Yangpu District

Functional core areas

Minhang District

Baoshan District

Pudong New Discrict

0.9847

0.9300

1.1444

1.0953

1.0840

Putuo District

0.0523

1.0254

0.0067

Jing’an District

Zhabei District 0.0592

0.9039

1.0203

0.0548

0.0677

Xuhui District

Changning District

1.0245

0.0316

Industry

Huangpu District

Agriculture, forestry, animal husbandry and fishery

1.2057

2.4063

1.0520

0.8576

0.7989

0.8208

0.8178

0.9918

0.7174

1.0641

1.0353

0.7682

Construction

0.4971

1.2096

0.9709

1.2601

1.4190

1.3822

1.5673

1.3443

0.7093

0.9022

0.8852

1.3559

Post and telecommunications, storage, and transportation

Table 5.3 Location quotients of functions in each district and county in Shanghai in 1990

0.6072

0.6954

0.6909

1.3486

1.0663

1.4916

1.3326

1.1489

1.5518

1.1277

1.1833

1.6167

Commercial services

0.5786

0.7220

0.6995

1.3402

0.9978

1.6238

1.1246

1.1340

1.8359

1.3705

1.4068

1.4213

Finance and real estate

0.4560

0.6339

0.6424

1.4328

1.2059

1.3887

1.1993

1.3226

1.6894

1.7072

1.9944

1.3471

Science, education, culture and health

0.7436

0.8859

0.8917

1.1907

0.9193

1.1146

1.0439

0.9698

1.1647

1.2752

2.0368

1.1698

(continued)

Administration

90 5 The Evolution of the Macro Context of Urban Migration in Shanghai

2.3720

2.2705

2.5258

2.0131

2.0990

3.0406

3.0406

Songjiang County

Qingpu County

Fengxian County

Functional core areas

Chongming County

Ecological containment zone

0.8836

0.8836

0.9048

1.0105

0.6828

0.8909

1.2894

0.5921

1.4783

Construction

0.6831

0.6831

0.6637

0.4604

0.5008

0.6625

0.8271

0.8392

0.7898

Post and telecommunications, storage, and transportation

0.4803

0.4803

0.6458

0.5905

0.6513

0.6670

0.6049

0.7208

0.6492

Commercial services

0.6850

0.6850

0.6130

0.6161

0.5742

0.6258

0.5336

0.7205

0.6434

Finance and real estate

Note 1. The data for Minhang District is calculated based on Shanghai County and Minhang District data 2. The data for Huangpu District is based on the data for Nancheng District, Luwan District and Huangpu District 3. The data for Pudong District is based on Chuansha County and Nanhui County data 4. Pudong New District was established in 1992 and named Pudong District for comparison purposes

0.8070

0.8070

0.9565

1.0067

0.9003

0.9282

1.1192

0.8340

Jiading County 1.3300

0.9907

1.6474

Industry

Jinshan County

Functional core areas

Agriculture, forestry, animal husbandry and fishery

Table 5.3 (continued)

0.3093

0.3093

0.5644

0.5228

0.4751

0.4843

0.6485

0.6725

0.5449

Science, education, culture and health

0.6715

0.6715

0.8127

0.7475

1.0038

0.8750

0.7091

0.7575

0.8145

Administration

5.4 Evolution of Shanghai’s Urban Function Structure 91

0.0063

0.0086

0.0375

0.0108

0.0377

0.0130

0.0068

0.0411

0.0219

0.4263

Huangpu District

Xuhui District

Changning District

Jing’an District

Putuo District

Zhabei District

Hongkou District

Yangpu District

Functional core areas

Minhang District

Agriculture, forestry, animal husbandry and fishery

1.2139

0.8507

0.9821

0.7926

0.9527

0.8562

0.7052

0.7721

0.8269

0.7750

Industry

1.1925

0.7401

0.5573

0.7573

0.5507

0.8238

0.6956

0.9350

0.8414

0.7547

Construction

0.9715

1.3521

1.5662

1.8149

1.6183

1.5070

1.0309

1.1112

0.9395

1.0057

Post and telecommunications, storage, and transportation

1.1426

1.8545

1.2963

1.7172

1.2943

1.7193

3.2758

2.3693

2.3665

1.8503

Information transmission and computer services

Table 5.4 Location quotients of functions in each district and county in Shanghai in 2000

0.9666

1.4560

1.2382

1.4622

1.4611

1.5008

1.5173

1.4529

1.3782

1.7837

Commercial services

0.9278

1.6145

1.4607

1.8121

1.2791

1.4796

2.1190

1.8484

1.6661

1.6625

Finance and real estate

0.8743

1.4477

1.4267

1.3743

1.2745

1.3255

1.6085

1.5387

1.6598

1.4464

Science, education, culture and health

(continued)

0.8649

1.2305

1.1280

1.3543

1.1536

1.2033

1.6729

1.2896

1.2411

1.1372

Administration and management

92 5 The Evolution of the Macro Context of Urban Migration in Shanghai

0.7152

1.1250

0.8840

0.9191

2.7212

1.4724

1.9724

2.0527

1.7942

Baoshan District

Pudong New District

Functional core areas

Jiading County

Jinshan County

Songjiang County

Qingpu County

Fengxian County

Functional core areas

Agriculture, forestry, animal husbandry and fishery

Table 5.4 (continued)

1.2251

1.1934

1.1956

1.2886

1.0631

1.3586

1.0667

1.0325

1.0035

Industry

0.9419

0.9347

0.8896

1.1610

0.8243

0.8977

1.3817

1.3172

1.7573

Construction

0.5951

0.5342

0.5134

0.6112

0.6706

0.6357

0.9951

0.8620

1.3818

Post and telecommunications, storage, and transportation

0.1623

0.1301

0.0886

0.1441

0.1279

0.2959

0.8129

0.7770

0.5607

Information transmission and computer services

0.5466

0.5043

0.5307

0.5458

0.3938

0.7272

0.9318

0.9128

0.9466

Commercial services

0.4146

0.4056

0.4167

0.4196

0.3452

0.4753

0.8688

0.9093

0.6960

Finance and real estate

0.6124

0.5789

0.5620

0.5817

0.5550

0.7587

0.8812

0.8825

0.8850

Science, education, culture and health

(continued)

0.9172

0.8237

1.1805

0.9307

0.7494

0.9124

0.8828

0.8772

0.9170

Administration and management

5.4 Evolution of Shanghai’s Urban Function Structure 93

5.3759

Ecological containment zone

0.5305

0.5305

Industry

0.4120

0.4120

Construction

0.3550

0.3550

Post and telecommunications, storage, and transportation

0.0278

0.0278

Information transmission and computer services

Note 1. Huangpu District data is calculated based on Luwan District data and Huangpu District data 2. Pudong New Area data is based on Pudong New Area data and Nanhui County data

5.3759

Chongming County

Agriculture, forestry, animal husbandry and fishery

Table 5.4 (continued)

0.2765

0.2765

Commercial services

0.1928

0.1928

Finance and real estate

0.3945

0.3945

Science, education, culture and health

0.5333

0.5333

Administration and management

94 5 The Evolution of the Macro Context of Urban Migration in Shanghai

5.4 Evolution of Shanghai’s Urban Function Structure

95

the functional expansion areas of Minhang District, Baoshan District and Pudong New Area have changed from less than 1 to more than 1 in 2000. Table 5.6 shows the results of location quotient measurement for each district and county in Shanghai in 2015. It can be seen that the location quotients of agriculture, forestry, animal husbandry and fishery, industry, construction, post and telecommunications, storage and transportation in the core functional areas such as Huangpu District and Xuhui District are mostly less than 1. The location quotients of industry and construction in Jiading District, Jinsan District and Fengxian District are basically greater than 1. From the trend of the location quotient of each function in the functional core area from 1990 to 2015, the location quotient of the functional core areas such as post and telecommunications, storage and transportation, business services, information transmission and computer services, finance and real estate, science, education, culture and health, and administration is basically greater than 1, while the location quotient in agriculture, forestry, animal husbandry, and fishery, industry, and construction is basically less than 1, showing a decreasing trend. The location quotients of Huangpu District, Xuhui District, and Changning District, which are the core functional areas, are basically greater than 1 for commercial services, financial and real estate, information transmission, and computer services and administration, which to a certain extent, indicates that the core functional areas mainly play economic, technological, cultural and political functions. However, only the location quotients of commercial services in Huangpu District, information transmission and computer services in Putuo District, financial real estate in Zhabei District, administration in Hongkou District, and financial real estate in Yangpu District show a continuous upward trend. At the same time, the location quotients of commercial services, information transmission, and computer services, financial real estate, science, education, culture and health, and administration in other districts in the core functional area show an upward and then downward trend. This indicates that the spatial structure of functions changes over time. In addition, the location quotients of agriculture, forestry, animal husbandry, and fishery, industry, construction, post and telecommunications, storage and transportation in the core functional areas, such as Huangpu District and Xuhui District, generally show a decreasing trend, except for industry, construction and post and telecommunications, storage and transportation, where the location quotients are greater than 1 in some years, the location quotients of agriculture, forestry, animal husbandry and fishery are less than 1, indicating that the functions of the core functional areas in production and transportation are weakening. The reason for this is that the Shanghai Municipal Government has optimized the spatial structure of Shanghai’s urban industries, spreading the functions of production, manufacturing, transportation and logistics to the suburbs, and concentrating the functions of high-end manufacturing, business services, technology and culture in the eight core functional areas such as Huangpu District. From 1990 to 2015, the location quotient of the functional expansion areas showed a general trend of fluctuating increase in the location quotient of the functions of post and telecommunications, storage and transportation, business services, information transmission and computer services, finance and real estate, science, education,

0.0176

0.0533

0.0410

0.0061

0.0613

0.0282

0.0250

0.0362

0.0393

0.2617

Huangpu District

Xuhui District

Changning District

Jing’an District

Putuo District

Zhabei District

Hongkou District

Yangpu District

Functional core areas

Minhang District

Agriculture, forestry, animal husbandry and fishery

1.0331

0.5095

0.6081

0.4614

0.5262

0.5479

0.3282

0.4147

0.5638

0.3654

Industry

0.9768

0.6841

0.7333

0.6378

0.7224

0.7589

0.6390

0.6594

0.7161

0.4393

Construction

0.9886

1.1159

1.3233

1.1762

1.3382

1.2454

0.7851

1.0112

0.8191

0.8331

Post and telecommunications, storage, and transportation

1.0228

1.6705

1.5476

1.6307

1.5964

1.7663

1.4113

1.9842

1.9985

1.0644

Information transmission and computer services

Table 5.5 Location quotients of functions in each district and county in Shanghai in 2010

1.0805

1.4266

1.1504

1.4571

1.5073

1.4333

1.5870

1.4443

1.3132

1.8870

Commercial services

0.8480

1.6267

1.5857

1.6671

1.4371

1.6353

2.0658

1.9015

1.5403

1.5651

Finance and real estate

1.0343

1.4466

1.5614

1.4913

1.1792

1.2252

1.7002

1.5907

1.6452

1.4044

Science, education, culture and health

(continued)

0.8537

1.3667

1.4790

1.4368

1.3763

1.1635

1.6026

1.3718

1.3826

1.3660

Administration and management

96 5 The Evolution of the Macro Context of Urban Migration in Shanghai

0.3283

0.9030

0.6167

0.7728

1.6986

0.4484

1.8153

2.1767

1.2294

Baoshan District

Pudong New District

Functional core areas

Jiading District

Jinshan District

Songjiang District

Qingpu District

Fengxian District

Functional core areas

Agriculture, forestry, animal husbandry and fishery

Table 5.5 (continued)

1.5184

1.5087

1.4923

1.5743

1.4586

1.5110

0.9548

0.9507

0.8591

Industry

1.0640

1.2347

1.1377

0.9842

1.0661

0.9765

1.1385

1.2069

1.1746

Construction

0.6352

0.5128

0.6131

0.5809

0.6243

0.7981

1.2219

1.0897

1.8972

Post and telecommunications, storage, and transportation

0.3119

0.2056

0.2059

0.3822

0.3018

0.3908

1.1286

1.2509

0.9429

Information transmission and computer services

0.6640

0.6098

0.6270

0.6821

0.6107

0.7323

1.0124

0.9644

1.0492

Commercial services

0.4412

0.3439

0.3609

0.5769

0.4062

0.4376

1.0576

1.2482

0.8293

Finance and real estate

0.6600

0.6226

0.6512

0.6566

0.8076

0.6298

0.9822

0.9781

0.9223

Science, education, culture and health

(continued)

0.9017

0.8802

1.1057

0.8684

1.0849

0.7257

0.8420

0.7757

1.0048

Administration and management

5.4 Evolution of Shanghai’s Urban Function Structure 97

12.2271

Ecological containment zone

0.7967

0.7967

Industry

1.1811

1.1811

Construction

0.4973

0.4973

Post and telecommunications, storage, and transportation

0.1655

0.1655

Information transmission and computer services

0.4360

0.4360

Commercial services

Note Huangpu District data in the table are calculated based on the data of Luwan District and Huangpu District

12.2271

Chongming County

Agriculture, forestry, animal husbandry and fishery

Table 5.5 (continued)

0.2624

0.2624

Finance and real estate

0.7179

0.7179

Science, education, culture and health

0.9854

0.9854

Administration and management

98 5 The Evolution of the Macro Context of Urban Migration in Shanghai

0.0248

0.0442

0.0430

0.0172

0.039 8

0.0309

0.016 3

0.1220

0.0491

0.1438

Huangpu District

Xuhui District

Changning District

Jing’an District

Putuo District

Zhabei District

Hongkou District

Yangpu District

Functional core areas

Minhang District

Agriculture, forestry, animal husbandry and fishery

0.9696

0.4360

0.5499

0.3743

0.5333

0.4421

0.2625

0.3238

0.4917

0.272 3

Industry

1.004 7

0.715 3

0.628 4

0.596 8

0.633 1

0.993 0

0.313 9

0.468 4

1.013 2

0.470 4

Construction

0.9560

0.9682

1.2024

1.3296

1.0496

0.9769

0.6438

0.8577

0.6818

0.7497

Post and telecommunications, storage, and transportation

1.076 1

1.602 0

1.381 9

1.605 1

1.590 8

1.777 8

1.262 0

1.859 3

1.885 7

0.997 7

Information transmission and computer services

Table 5.6 Location quotients of functions in each district and county in Shanghai in 2015

1.0901

1.4065

1.1170

1.3678

1.4141

1.4181

1.6234

1.4964

1.2842

1.956 2

Commercial services

0.8459

1.5720

1.6295

1.5652

1.5697

1.6031

2.0783

1.5420

1.4956

1.3971

Finance and real estate

1.1218

1.3882

1.5355

1.4182

1.1445

1.1914

1.5746

1.6512

1.4460

1.316 6

Science, education, culture and health

(continued)

0.9696

1.2530

1.4674

1.5306

1.2566

1.0209

1.4775

1.1568

1.2118

1.119 6

Administration and management

5.4 Evolution of Shanghai’s Urban Function Structure 99

0.4019

1.1633

0. 760 1

0.3995

1.7800

0.495 2

1.388 7

1.753 9

1.030 8

Baoshan District

Pudong New District

Functional core areas

Jiading District

Jinshan District

Songjiang District

Qingpu District

Fengxian District

Functional core areas

Agriculture, forestry, animal husbandry and fishery

Table 5.6 (continued)

1.5620

1.6946

1.4514

1.5978

1.5869

1.5065

0.9036

0.9150

0.7856

Industry

1.012 5

0.974 1

1.453 4

0.753 3

1.501 7

0.707 7

1.155 0

1. 274 1

1.008 2

Construction

0.8119

0.6305

1.1307

0.6067

0.5822

1.0067

1.1625

1. 0846

1.6520

Post and telecommunications, storage, and transportation

0.415 0

0.171 5

0.311 6

0.519 4

0.260 9

0.649 4

1.148 4

1. 264 2

0.910 6

Information transmission and computer services

0.7041

0.6068

0.6549

0.7050

0.5663

0.8859

1.0194

0. 9193

1.2149

Commercial services

0.4597

0.4171

0.4402

0.6066

0.3502

0.3998

1.1271

1.348 0

0.8580

Finance and real estate

0.7501

0.7066

0.6589

0.8444

0.7690

0.7502

0.9754

0.9152

0.9584

Science, education, culture and health

(continued)

0.8976

0.9119

1.0440

1.0377

1.0342

0.5390

0.9153

0.8579

1.0091

Administration and management

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12.693 7

Ecological containment zone

0.9062

0.9062

Industry

0.885 8

0.885 8

Construction

0.8980

0.8980

Post and telecommunications, storage, and transportation

0.216 0

0.216 0

Information transmission and computer services

0.5903

0.5903

Commercial services

0.2879

0.2879

Finance and real estate

Note The data in this table are calculated based on the data of the Shanghai Population Sample Survey (1%) in 2015

12.693 7

Chongming County

Agriculture, forestry, animal husbandry and fishery

Table 5.6 (continued)

0.9104

0.9104

Science, education, culture and health

1.3307

1.3307

Administration and management

5.4 Evolution of Shanghai’s Urban Function Structure 101

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culture and health, and administration. For example, the location quotient of financial real estate increased from 0.6434 in 1990 to 1.1271 in 2015; the location quotient of business services increased from 0. 6492 in 1990 to 1.0194 in 2015, from less than 1 to more than 1. It shows that the functional expansion areas gradually assume certain functions such as finance, science, education, culture and health, and information transmission and computer services over time. However, the location quotients of the FCZs in agriculture, forestry, animal husbandry, and fishery, industry and construction generally show a fluctuating decline. For example, the location quotient of agriculture, forestry, animal husbandry, and fishery decrease from 1.6474 in 1990 to 0.7601 in 2015, indicating that the production function of FCZs is weakening. Among the functions in Pudong New Area from 1990 to 2015, only information transmission and computer services and finance and real estate in Pudong New Area showed the location quotient. The location quotients of only two functions in Pudong New Area, namely, information transmission and computer services and finance and real estate, show a steady growth trend and are significantly greater than 1 in 2015, indicating that the functions of financial services and information transmission and computer services in Pudong New Area are strengthening continuously. The location quotients of only science, education, culture, and health in Minhang District show a growth trend from less than 1 to greater than 1. With the establishment of campuses of Shanghai Jiao Tong University and East China Normal University in Minhang, Minhang District is taking on the functions of education, culture, and science and technology. The location quotient of the construction industry and postal, storage, and transportation in Baoshan District has been greater than 1. In terms of the evolution of the location quotients of the new functional development areas, the location quotients of agriculture, forestry, animal husbandry, and fishery, industry, and construction in the new functional development areas basically change from less than 1 to more than 1; the location quotients of postal, storage and transportation, business services, information transmission, and computer services, finance and real estate, science, education, culture and health, and administration are always less than 1, which indicates that the new functional development areas are mainly responsible for the production of agricultural and sideline products, industrial production and other functions. The reason is that due to the rising cost of business, a large number of manufacturing enterprises have moved their factories from the central city to the suburbs of Shanghai, such as Jiading and Fengxian districts, which has promoted the development of suburban industries. Specifically, from 1990 to 2015, the location quotient of agriculture, forestry, animal husbandry, and fishery in Jiading District showed a steady decline, from 1.33 in 1990 to 0.3995 in 2015. The industrial location quotient shows an increasing trend, from 1.119 2 in 1990 to 1.5065 in 2015. In 2015, the location quotients of Jinshan, Qingpu and Songjiang Districts in administrative functions were all greater than 1, indicating that they began to assume certain administrative functions. The industrial location quotient of Fengxian District is always greater than 1 and shows a steady increase, indicating that the production function of Fengxian is increasing. From the trend of the evolution of the location quotient of each function in the ecological cultured area, only the location quotient of agriculture, forestry, animal

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husbandry and fishery in Chongming District as an ecological cultured area is always greater than 1, increasing from 3.0406 in 1990 to 12.6937 in 2015. The location quotients of industry, construction, post and telecommunications, warehousing and transportation, business services, information transmission and computer services, finance and real estate, and science, education, culture and health are almost all less than 1 from 1990 to 2015, indicating that Chongming District does not have the advantage of undertaking industrial production, financial services, and science, education, culture and health functions, which is consistent with Shanghai’s positioning of Chongming District as an ecological nurturing area. It should be noted that the location quotient of administrative functions in Chongming District from 1990 to 2015 has changed from less than 1 to more than 1, which indicates that Chongming District also has the advantage of undertaking administrative functions. According to the above analysis, we find that the spatial structure of Shanghai’s urban functions is in the process of continuous evolution and development and tends to be rationalized in general. As functional core areas, Huangpu District, Xuhui District, Changning District and other 8 central urban areas mainly undertake Shanghai’s economic, scientific and technological, educational, cultural, financial, information, and political functions; as functional expansion areas, Pudong New Area, Minhang District and Baoshan District mainly undertake Shanghai’s post and telecommunications, storage and transportation, and some financial and commercial functions; as a functional expansion area, Pudong New Area, Minhang District and Baoshan District are mainly responsible for post and telecommunications, storage and transportation, as well as some financial and commercial functions of Shanghai; as new areas of ecological development, Fengxian District, Jinshan District and Jiading District mainly undertake Shanghai’s agricultural and by-product production and industrial production; Chongming County, as an ecological conservation area, mainly undertakes the agricultural and by-product production functions and recreational functions of Shanghai.

5.5 Driving Mechanisms of the Evolution of Shanghai’s Urban Function Structure The change of urban function structure is the external expression of the interaction between the city and the external environment, as well as the interconnection and interaction between the functions within the city system, which changes according to the internal and external environment of the city. The government and the market play an important role in the evolution of Shanghai’s urban function structure.

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5.5.1 Evolution of Urban Development Planning During the evolution of each city or urban area, the government has given it the mission to undertake the corresponding urban functions. At different stages of urban development, the government makes new urban development plans to adjust the existing economic, political, cultural, technological, innovative, commercial, service, and recreational urban functions of cities and urban areas according to the changing situation, resource endowment, location conditions, industrial base and history and culture of cities or urban areas. Throughout the development history of international metropolises such as London, Paris, and Tokyo, the improvement of urban functions, rationalization of functional layout, and optimization of functional structure were always the result of government planning and guidance (Sun 2012). Since the founding of the People’s Republic of China, the central government has made timely adjustments to the functional structure of Shanghai according to changes in domestic and international conditions and development goals at different times. In the 1950s, in order to promote the development of socialist industrialization, China positioned Shanghai as an important industrial base in the country. In accordance with the positioning of the central government, in 1959, Shanghai put forward the development strategy of controlling the scale of development of suburban industrial areas and building satellite cities in a planned manner in the “Preliminary Opinions on Shanghai Urban Master Plan”, and successively built satellite cities and suburban industrial areas such as Minhang, Wujing, Jiading, Anting, Songjiang, etc., so that Shanghai’s industrial production expanded from the downtown to the periphery of the city. The spatial layout of Shanghai’s urban functions has changed. After the reform and opening up, especially after the implementation of the Pudong development and opening-up strategy, the pace of Shanghai’s urban functional structure transformation accelerated. In 2001, the “Shanghai Urban Master Plan (1999–2020)” was approved by the State Council, which positioned Shanghai as an international economic, financial, trade, and shipping center. Shanghai gradually shifted from an inward-oriented city with industrial production as the main focus to an outward-oriented city with multiple centers of industry, finance, trade, and shipping; Shanghai’s urban function structure also changed from the function of dominant industrial production to a multifunctional structure with industry, shipping, technology, and finance. Since China’s economic development has entered a new normal stage, the central government has once again adjusted the positioning of Shanghai’s urban development. In the “Shanghai Urban Master Plan (2017–2035)”, the central government has positioned Shanghai as an international economic, financial, trade, shipping, technological innovation center and cultural metropolis, a national historical and cultural city, and an outstanding global city. The structure of Shanghai’s urban functions has been further changed and developed in the direction of more rationalization, advancement, and diversification.

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5.5.2 Evolution of Urban Governance Strategies The carrying capacity of a city or an urban area determines whether the city or an urban area can take on one or several urban functions. When the costs of overcrowding, environmental pollution, and deteriorating living conditions in a city or urban area exceed the benefits of agglomeration economies and imperfect competition, the decentralization of non-core urban functions from urban governance will become inevitable (Xia and Sun 2017). The government adopts regulatory policy tools such as population regulation, industrial regulation, and spatial regulation, which are important tools for decentralizing non-core functions and changing the functional structure of the city. In practice, the government regulates and relocates economic and social activities that do not conform to the main functions of cities or urban areas through various means, such as adjusting planning, administrative orders, land approvals, qualification examinations, and financial taxes, according to the changes in the bearing capacity of cities or urban areas. From the urban development history of developed countries such as the United States, France, and Germany, the government has adopted such means as industrial transfer, increasing supply of green land, and population relocation in order to control environmental pollution and solve urban problems such as traffic congestion. In the process of Shanghai’s urban development, the Shanghai government has also taken such measures as controlling the scale of industrial and green land, decongesting noncore functions, and optimizing the population structure to strengthen the core functions of the city. For example, after the establishment of Shanghai’s “four centers” in 2001, in order to combat environmental pollution, promote the transformation and upgrading of industrial structure, and optimize the functional structure of the city, Shanghai shifted industries with serious environmental pollution and low economic efficiency, as well as industries that did not conform to Shanghai’s functional development position, to the central and western regions of China through various means such as population regulation, industrial regulation, and spatial regulation. During this period, Shanghai’s industrial structure and urban function structure have been optimized and upgraded. Since 2017, Shanghai has been optimizing its urban land use structure and urban function layout, especially strengthening core urban functions and promoting the decentralization of non-core urban functions, in accordance with the goal of building “five centers” and establishing a superior global city. In short, the government’s policy tools of population regulation, industrial regulation, and spatial regulation have played an important role in the formation and evolution of Shanghai’s urban functional structure.

5.5.3 Evolution of Economic Policy Economic policy refers to the sum of various measures, laws, and instruments formulated by the government to achieve economic development goals in a specific period

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of time. It is an important tool of government macro-control. Economic policy instruments usually include fiscal, taxation, financial, and foreign trade policies. According to different stages and situations of economic development, the government can adopt different economic intervention policies. In fact, whether it is a fiscal policy or taxation policy, or foreign trade policy, all may change the direction of the city or regional economic development. The fiscal, taxation and financial policies implemented by the central government and the Shanghai government over the years have played an important role in the industrial development of Shanghai, the upgrading of the city’s functional capacity, and the optimization of the city’s functional structure. From the founding of the People’s Republic of China to the new era of socialism with Chinese characteristics, the central government has issued a series of policies to promote Shanghai’s economic development in different historical periods, including the establishment of the Pudong New Area and the China (Shanghai) Pilot Free Trade Zone, which have kept Shanghai at the forefront of China’s reform and opening-up, and provided a constant impetus for the transformation of Shanghai’s economic structure and the optimization of the city’s functional structure. Based on the national positioning of Shanghai’s functions, the Shanghai government has introduced a series of policies on finance, taxation, and banking to attract the entry of high-tech industries, modern service industries, and strategic emerging industries and to promote the transformation and upgrading of Shanghai’s industries. For example, in order to attract multinational corporations (MNCs for short) and corporate headquarters to Shanghai, Shanghai issued regulations to encourage MNCs to set up regional headquarters in 2002, 2008, and 2011 respectively. For example, in order to attract MNCs and corporate headquarters to Shanghai, the city issued regulations to encourage MNCs to set up regional headquarters in 2002, 2008, and 2011, giving a series of preferential policies such as tax rebates and financial subsidies to MNCs and corporate headquarters in Shanghai. Regional headquarters or R&D centers of multinational companies such as Kimberly-Clark, Kubota, AstraZeneca (Asia Pacific), Rhodia, BASF, etc. have been introduced to promote the rapid development of Shanghai’s economy and the transformation and upgrading of the city’s functional structure. In addition, the Shanghai government has introduced the BuildOperate-Transfer (BOT) and Public–Private-Partnership (PPP) models to enhance the development of urban transportation, which has greatly improved the accessibility of suburban areas and enabled the spread of Shanghai’s urban functions such as industry, technology, education and finance from the central city to the suburban areas, changing the spatial structure of Shanghai’s urban functions.

5.5.4 Foreign Capital Inflow After the reform and opening up, China promulgated the “Law of the People’s Republic of China on Chinese-Foreign Joint Ventures” in 1979 to encourage open coastal areas to use foreign capital for economic development. As an open city, Shanghai also started to explore the use of foreign capital for economic development

5.5 Driving Mechanisms of the Evolution of Shanghai’s Urban Function …

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and gradually formed a pattern of using foreign capital in many forms, from a wide range of sources and at many levels. Foreign-invested enterprises bring advanced production lines, technologies, and management concepts, which have a profound impact on the structural changes of Shanghai’s urban functions. In general, the impact of foreign-invested enterprises on Shanghai’s urban function structure has gone through three stages: the first stage is to strengthen Shanghai’s production and manufacturing functions; the second stage is to strengthen Shanghai’s production, manufacturing and technological innovation functions; the third stage is to strengthen Shanghai’s advanced manufacturing, modern services, technological innovation and cultural functions. From the 1980s to the end of 1990s, the purpose of introducing foreign investment into Shanghai was to renovate and upgrade the equipment and technology of old enterprises, improve urban transportation and communication, and so on, but seldom to invest in industries with high technological content. Shanghai United Woolen Textile Co., Shanghai Bell Telephone Equipment Manufacturing Company and other foreign-funded enterprises in textile and equipment manufacturing were mainly concentrated in eight national development zones and nine municipal industrial zones, including Minhang, Hongqiao Economic and Technological Development Zone and Caohejing New Technology Development Zone. The entry of foreign enterprises at this stage mainly strengthened the production and manufacturing functions of the cities where foreign enterprises were located. After entering the twenty-first century, Shanghai adjusted the direction of attracting foreign investment, focusing on attracting multinational headquarters and foreign R&D centers, as well as foreign investment projects with high technological content, high economic efficiency and low environmental pollution. According to statistics, in 2003, there were only 56 multinational regional headquarters and 106 foreign R&D centers in Shanghai, but by 2012, the number increased to 403 and 351, respectively, and Shanghai’s international influence was rapidly enhanced. By attracting a number of high-quality foreign investment projects, Shanghai has promoted the upgrading of the city’s functions and the transformation of its functional structure. Since the international financial crisis in 2008, Shanghai has closely integrated the introduction of foreign investment with the construction of the “Four Centers” and the global science and technology innovation center, focusing on the introduction of high-tech industries, high-end manufacturing, and modern service industries. According to statistics, in 2010, Shanghai introduced 203 large-scale projects in the modern service industry and advanced manufacturing industry, such as Guosheng Lyon (Shanghai) Equity Investment Management Company Limited, Yingrui Optoelectronics Technology (Shanghai) Co. The amount of foreign investment contracts reached 12.57 billion U.S. dollars, accounting for 82.1% of the total foreign investment utilized in the year. In addition, in 2017, the number of regional headquarters of multinational companies in Shanghai reached 625. Among them, 70 are Asia–Pacific headquarters; 345 are investment companies; and 426 are foreign-invested R&D centers. Shanghai’s advanced manufacturing, modern services, science and technology innovation and other urban functions continue to strengthen, and gradually occupy a dominant position.

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5.5.5 Information Technological Development The rapid development of communication, information and technology has significantly reduced the communication costs of enterprises and the coordination and management costs caused by the spatial separation of production, R&D and marketing departments, which are important forces driving the change of the spatial structure of urban functions. As the development of information technology enables enterprises to unify the management of production, manufacturing, R&D and marketing functions in different geographic spaces at a lower cost, enterprises have located their production, R&D, and marketing functions in different cities or urban areas for the purpose of cost saving and profit maximization. As many enterprises adopt the same practice of locating production, manufacturing, R&D, and marketing functions in the same city or urban area, the concentration of many similar functions on the same city or urban area will lead this area to undertake this function mainly. By this route, each city or urban area will mainly undertake a particular function, thus changing the spatial structure of urban functions. In practice, in order to reduce the rising cost of doing business, such as land rent and labor, companies may choose to move one or even all of their functions to areas where business costs are relatively low, for example, by moving manufacturing departments located in urban centers to suburban areas, resulting in the strengthening of manufacturing functions in suburban areas. In contrast, in order to enhance R&D and innovation capabilities and to be closer to the market, firms may move R&D and marketing functions located in lowertier centers to higher-tier centers, resulting in the strengthening of innovation and service functions in higher-tier centers. Both the transfer of functions from and to the enterprise will lead to changes in the functional structure of the city. From the perspective of Shanghai’s industrial development process and thanks to the development of information technology, the focus of introducing enterprises in Shanghai has shifted from introducing domestic and foreign enterprises in the early days to introducing regional headquarters of multinational companies, headquarters of local enterprises, and green and low-carbon high-quality large-scale projects. The focus of introducing enterprises in Shanghai has changed from introducing domestic and foreign enterprises in the early stage to introducing regional headquarters of multinational companies, headquarters of local enterprises, and green and low-carbon quality large-scale projects. According to statistics, in 2002, there were only 25 regional headquarters of multinational companies in Shanghai. Still, in 2015, the number increased to 535, and 312 and 396 investment companies and foreign R&D centers, respectively, changing Shanghai’s economic structure and urban function structure. It can be seen that the development of information technology is an important force driving the change in the functional structure of the city.

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5.5.6 Increased Accessibility Location theory suggests that the location choice of enterprises is mainly influenced by factors such as market potential, service level, resource endowment, transportation accessibility, and land price. Areas with high accessibility, high service level, low tax burden, and low land price are usually the ideal locations for enterprises. However, the location advantages of a region are not constant, but are constantly changing with the development of transportation under the compression of space and time. Since 1843, when Shanghai was forced to open its doors to commerce, its location advantages have become increasingly prominent thanks to the development of transportation facilities such as sea and land transport, attracting a large number of enterprises to enter the city and developing into an international financial center of the Far East, an economic center and a trade center of the country in the 1930s. After the founding of the People’s Republic of China, Shanghai became the industrial center of China with its good industrial base and outstanding location, mainly undertaking industrial production functions; after that, Shanghai continued to increase the capital investment in transportation infrastructure construction, of which, the total investment in transportation construction in Shanghai during the 11th Five-Year Plan reached 363 billion yuan, which accounted for 7.1% of Shanghai’s GDP in the same period. Along with the initial completion of the regional rapid transportation network consisting of a national expressway network, high-speed railroad network, and intercity rail network of Yangtze River Delta, Shanghai’s urban development has focused on the construction of “five centers” and realized the initial formation of a hub-type, functional and networked structure of modern urban infrastructure system. The formation of a modern urban infrastructure system, especially the rapid development of transportation infrastructure, has significantly improved the transport capacity, road network capacity and enhanced the accessibility of Shanghai, laying the foundation for enhancing the comprehensive service functions and agglomeration and radiation capacity of international economic, financial, trade, science and innovation and shipping centers. Zhang Lei et al. (2014) studied the distribution characteristics of enterprises in the Konggang Economic Zone of Hongqiao Airport. They found that enterprises in the Konggang Economic Zone of Hongqiao Airport are highly concentrated in areas with high accessibility from 0 to 6 min. At the same time, there are no enterprises in areas with poor accessibility. There is a high spatial coincidence between dense enterprise areas and accessibility areas. It can be seen that traffic accessibility influences the spatial layout of enterprises, which in turn affects the functional structure of the city.

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5.6 Future Development Trend of Shanghai’s Urban Function Structure With the introduction of Shanghai’s “five centers”, “four brands,” and the excellent global city strategy, the future development and evolution of Shanghai’s urban functions will become the basis of Shanghai’s urban economic and social development. They will affect the inflow of various factors such as population, capital and technology.

5.6.1 Constructing a New Urban–Rural Development Pattern The Shanghai government should strengthen the planning to lead, according to the environmental carrying capacity of the urban area, combined with the comprehensive transportation to support the development of the city, and constantly optimize the spatial structure of Shanghai urban functions. Specifically, there are several aspects: (1) Accelerate the functional level of the central city and the four main city districts of Hongqiao, Chuansha, Baoshan, and Minhang as the main bearing areas of global city functions; (2) Highlight the comprehensive node city functions of the new cities, and actively cultivate the new cities of Jiading, Songjiang, Qingpu, Fengxian and Nanhui to become comprehensive node cities with radiation-driven functions in the Yangtze River Delta city cluster, bearing part of the global city functions; (3) Classify and develop new cities and towns according to their functional characteristics, mainly carrying non-core urban functions of global cities, as well as urban and rural services, ecological livability, and leisure and recreation; (4) Highlight rural livability functions, improve rural infrastructure and public service facilities, moderately develop leisure, tourism and creative industries, and carry urban functions such as ecological livability and leisure and recreation.

5.6.2 Building a Comprehensive Transportation Network Through the previous analysis, we found that traffic accessibility has an important influence on the spatial layout of enterprises in Shanghai, and most enterprises are located on the main traffic arteries with strong traffic accessibility. Accelerating the construction of transportation network is an important factor in attracting enterprises to Shanghai. It is also an important precondition for the orderly decentralization of non-core urban functions to new suburban cities and new suburban towns. In the new era, Shanghai should accelerate the construction of an integrated external and internal transportation system that matches the functions of a global city. The new cities will be able to connect with the main city and radiate to the outside world through a comprehensive transportation network and promote the linkage between

5.6 Future Development Trend of Shanghai’s Urban Function Structure

111

the central and peripheral areas, as well as peripheral areas. At the same time, improve the layout of freight hubs, develop a modern multimodal freight logistics system, and strengthen Shanghai’s hub-type function.

5.6.3 Enhancing the Core Functions of the Global City The development positioning of Shanghai as a “five centers” and a global city of excellence means that Shanghai must enhance its existing functions of finance, trade, shipping, culture, and technological innovation. Due to the tightening of urban space constraints, it is urgent to optimize Shanghai’s urban function structure and promote wise development under the tightening of constraints. In the new era, Shanghai should accelerate the gathering of high-end elements of science and technology innovation, create an institutional environment to stimulate innovation, and improve the level of information and communication hub services; explore the construction of a financial city and free trade zone, and accelerate the construction of high-quality business clusters; accelerate the concentration of advanced manufacturing industries and the transformation and upgrading of traditional industries, and promote the development of high-end industries, services, clustering, integration, and low carbon. Strengthen Shanghai’s leading functions in finance, trade, shipping, culture, and technology innovation. At the same time, through optimizing the land use structure, implementing financial and tax policies, and setting standards, for example, reducing the supply of inefficient industrial land and orderly promoting the decentralization of non-core urban functions to new cities and towns in the suburbs of Shanghai and the central and western regions of China. The priority is to decentralize industries that are not in line with the development orientation of urban functions and to strictly eliminate enterprises with high pollution, high energy consumption, and low output.

5.6.4 Creating a Good Business Environment A good business environment is an important support for Shanghai’s external communication and contact, interaction and exchange, competition and cooperation, and an important symbol of Shanghai’s urban civilization. The central government has given Shanghai the development position of “five centers” and a global city of excellence, which means that Shanghai’s city function should not only serve the whole country but also occupy a leading position in the domination of high-end global elements and strategic resources. Creating a world-class business environment with rule of law, internationalization, and facilitation, making Shanghai one of the cities with the most convenient trade and investment, the most efficient administration, the most standardized service management, and the most perfect rule of law system, will help Shanghai attract more high-quality multinational enterprises, large-scale projects, and local corporate headquarters. As the market is the fundamental force

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driving the evolution of Shanghai’s urban function structure, and enterprises are one of the important subjects of the market, only by vigorously introducing the headquarters of multinational enterprises, foreign-invested research and development centers, and other headquarters economies, can Shanghai effectively enhance the level of internationalization and strengthen the international influence. In the new era, Shanghai should actively create a good business environment and promote the transformation and upgrading of the city’s functional structure: (1) Continuously improve the level of the rule of law in the business environment and vigorously create a strong atmosphere for the whole society to do business in accordance with the law; (2) Continuously improve the international level of Shanghai’s business environment, for example, explore the establishment of international intellectual property protection; (3) Promote the reform of “simplification of government, combination of decentralization and management, and optimization of services”.

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Chapter 6

Overview and Characteristics of Shanghai’s Urban Migration Development

The influx of urban migrants has injected vitality and strong power into the rise of Shanghai, and how to manage and serve urban migrants well is a key part of Shanghai’s high-quality development in the new era. This chapter divides the evolution of Shanghai’s urban migrants into three stages: from the opening of the port to the founding of the People’s Republic of China, from the founding of the People’s Republic of China to the reform and opening up, focusing on the analysis and comparison of the development profile and characteristics of Shanghai’s urban migrants in these three stages. As a typical immigrant city, Shanghai has been the main destination for international immigrants in China since the opening of the port. More and more international immigrants will come in as Shanghai opens up to the outside world in a high-quality way. At the same time, this chapter also explores the spatial distribution of Shanghai’s native resident population, foreign resident population, and foreign resident population from a spatial perspective.

6.1 Evolution of Urban Migration in Shanghai 6.1.1 From the Opening of the Port to the Founding of the People’s Republic of China Shanghai was historically a typical city of immigrants. From the middle of the nineteenth century to the middle of the twentieth century, it was known as “the enclave of the empire and the paradise of immigrants”. After the opening of Shanghai in 1842, the city developed rapidly, not only surpassing the neighboring historical cities, which had absolute dominance in political, economic, and cultural aspects but also becoming the largest central city in China and Asia. The fundamental driving force behind Shanghai’s rapid development from an ordinary regional commercial port © East China University of Science and Technology Press Co., Ltd. 2023 S. Yang and D. Wang, Urban Migration and Public Governance in China, Public Economy and Urban Governance in China, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-4052-3_6

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to a national economic center and a financial center of the Far East was immigration (Wang et al. 2009). After the opening of the city, thanks to the advantageous geographical conditions, the special political pattern, and the agglomeration effect of the multifunctional central city, a large number of urban immigrants came to Shanghai. It converged with other favorable factors to form a powerful development momentum, which injected fresh energy and strong momentum into the rise of Shanghai and became one of the important resources for the rapid development of Shanghai (Li 2001). According to the population statistics of the public and Chinese Concessions, the native population in the public Concession was the largest in 1930, but it only took 22%, while the Chinese community had the largest share of the native population in Shanghai in 1929 and 1932, but the share was only 28%; The smallest proportion of the native population in the public concession was 15% in 1885, while in the Chinese sector it was 24% in 1936 (Zou 1980), which shows that urban migrants dominated the population structure of Shanghai (Table 6.1). In 1929 and 1932, the native population in the Chinese community was the largest, but only 28%; in 1885, the smallest percentage of the native population in the public. The smallest proportion of the native population in the public rented area was 15% in 1885, while the proportion in the Chinese community was 24% in 1936 (Zou 1980), showing that urban migrants dominated the population structure in Shanghai (Table 6.1). After the opening of the port in 1842, migration to Shanghai became an instant trend, and the population expanded rapidly, from 544,000 to 5,455,000 between 1852 and 1949, of which urban migrants accounted for 84.9% of the total population of Shanghai (Yang 2006). The urban migrants in Shanghai mainly come from Jiangsu, Zhejiang, Anhui, Fujian, Guangdong, Shanxi, and Yunnan provinces, among which the proportion of migrants from Jiangsu and Zhejiang provinces to the total urban migrants in Shanghai is 48.0% and 25.7% respectively, much higher than other provinces and regions. In addition to Jiangsu and Zhejiang, migrants from Anhui, Shandong, and Guangdong also accounted for a large proportion of the total population, followed by migrants from the middle reaches of the Yangtze River and the Central Plains, and then from the southwestern and northwestern provinces and the eastern provinces. At that time, most of the immigrants who moved to Shanghai were concentrated in ship repair yards and export processing enterprises run by foreign capitalists, as well as in modern enterprises founded by domestic capital. The establishment of Shanghai as a foreign trade center led to the development of finance, processing and transportation, and commodity trading industries, creating a Table 6.1 Gender ratio in Shanghai in 1930 Area

Number of males

Number of females

Male to female ratio (%)

Chinese community

972,985

719,350

135

Public concession

437,300

280,709

156

French concession

228,218

153,066

149

Source “A study of population change in old Shanghai”, by Zou Yiren

6.1 Evolution of Urban Migration in Shanghai

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large number of jobs and absorbing more immigrants to Shanghai. Especially after the 1880s, with Shanghai’s modern industry beginning to rise, the city’s population capacity expanded greatly. The light textile industry, which could absorb the most labor force, gradually took shape. In addition to industrial and commercial enterprises, a large number of immigrants also worked as service workers, domestic servants, apprentice shopkeepers, and manual laborers. It can be seen that the rapid rise of modern Shanghai is indispensable to the contribution of urban migrants. From 1852 to 1936, the total population of Shanghai grew by more than 600%, from 540,000 to 3.8 million. Excluding the natural increase in population, at least 2.55 million of the 3.8 million people were the result of mechanical growth brought about by migrants to Shanghai. By the end of 1936–1948, the cumulative number of migrants in Shanghai exceeded 1.6 million. The immigrant population accounted for more than 50% of Shanghai’s total population, thus forming a typical immigrant urban demographic pattern. This pattern is mainly due to the three “waves of immigrants” after the opening of the city. From 1855 to 1865, the first wave of urban migration took place in Shanghai. As a result of the Taiping Rebellion, the middle and lower reaches of the Yangtze River, especially around Jiangsu and Zhejiang, were frequently at war. For the purpose of refuge, a large number of urban immigrants flocked to Shanghai, which was politically more stable and economically more attractive. During this period, Shanghai received a total of 110,000 urban immigrants. Socio-economic development determines population growth and decline, while population growth and decline also play an important role in the inverse of socioeconomic development. Generally speaking, socio-economic development requires that cities maintain a moderate population that is compatible with the production of material goods and can produce maximum benefits. Due to various “push and pull” forces, such as the population pressure of the settlement, the disintegration of the natural economy, the social unrest of war and disaster, and the attractiveness of the city, a large number of immigrants flocked to Shanghai, bringing abundant labor resources to the city’s economic development. From 1910 to 1927, Shanghai witnessed the second peak of urban migration, with a total of over 1.36 million immigrants. As the proportion of immigrants to the total population increased, the group concept of “Shanghainese” was gradually formed in the 1930s, and its cultural connotation transcended its geographical connotation, to some extent losing the meaning of origin and becoming more of a cultural identity. This resulted from a combination of socio-economic factors such as industrialization, migrant society, and environmental push. From 1937 to 1949, Shanghai witnessed the third peak of urban migration. Most of the urban migrants during this period fled from the war, and the total number of migrants increased by more than 700,000 in 12 years. After these three migration peaks, Shanghai’s population increased dramatically, providing sufficient human capital resources for the city to develop into a cosmopolitan city with world influence. The influx of large-scale urban migrants has provided sufficient human capital for Shanghai’s socioeconomic development. Most of these migrants are unmarried, young, and skilled males, a high-quality labor force.

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Table 6.2 Age composition of the population in the Chinese community, 1935 Age group/year