Unter Zions Panier: Mormonism and its Interaction with Germany and its People 1840–1990 9783515104197, 3515104194

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Kurt Widmer Unter Zions Panier

Missionsgeschichtliches Archiv Studien der Berliner Gesellschaft für Missionsgeschichte

---------------------------------Herausgegeben im Auftrag des Vorstandes von Andreas Feldtkeller Irving Hexham Ulrich van der Heyden Gunther Pakendorf Werner Ustorf Band 21

Kurt Widmer

Unter Zions Panier Mormonism and its Interaction with Germany and its People 1840–1990

Franz Steiner Verlag

Bibliografische Information der Deutschen Nationalbibliothek: Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen Nationalbibliografie; detaillierte bibliografische Daten sind im Internet über abrufbar. ISBN 978-3-515-10419-7 Jede Verwertung des Werkes außerhalb der Grenzen des Urheberrechtsgesetzes ist unzulässig und strafbar. Dies gilt insbesondere für Übersetzung, Nachdruck, Mikroverfilmung oder vergleichbare Verfahren sowie für die Speicherung in Datenverarbeitungsanlagen. © Franz Steiner Verlag, Stuttgart 2013 Gedruckt auf säurefreiem, alterungsbeständigem Papier Druck: Offsetdruck Bokor, Bad Tölz Printed in Germany

In memory of my Mother, Erna Widmer, 1931–2008

PREFACE The religious community commonly known as the Mormons, or rather, according to their self-designation, “Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints,” a religious group more widely known in North America than in Germany, has had a number of historical interactions with the Germans. These interactions have taken place for more than one and a half centuries. This historical relationship has rarely been the subject of academic research, though the Mormons have over 13 million baptized members, half of whom reside in North America. Joseph Smith founded the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints on April 6, 1830 in Fayette, New York. According to traditional lore, the founding of the church as retold in its founding narrative, occurs in 1820 when God the Father and Jesus appeared to Smith in a vision. This first vision is followed by the appearance of an angel in 1823. After several encounters over several years, the angel granted Smith a collection of golden plates, which he translated, with the help of two seer stones, the Urim and Thummim. This translation is known to us as the Book of Mormon, a book esteemed by the Mormons as a companion to the Bible. In the first years after the founding of the church the Mormons encountered hostility and severe persecution as a result of their practices, the foremost being their practice of polygamy. As a result Joseph Smith was murdered. To escape persecution, his successor Brigham Young led the Mormons from Smith’s city of Nauvoo, Illinois. A stylized saga recalls the trek to the west, in a time when few Euro Americans dwelt in the sparsely populated region of the Great Salt Lake In 1847 a large emigrant contingent of the approximately 30,000 Mormons established Salt Lake City, a city still thriving, and transformed the surrounding countryside, the future U.S. state of Utah (1896), into a fertile land. Salt Lake City is still the center and headquarters of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints. Despite several hostile interactions with the Federal Government, which resulted in a temporary ban on religious practice, the Mormons still comprise a large part of the population of Utah. The central question to be answered is: What has this American church to do with Germany? Kurt Widmer attempts in his book, based on his dissertation and defended at the Humboldt University in Berlin, to give a detailed answer to this important question. Kurt Widmer presents the general, popularly understood meaning of Mormonism, but attempts to develop a newer understanding of “Mormonism.” The latter is not an easy task, as even the interpretation of Mormon history is a rather complicated task, with such attempts being almost exclusively undertaken by adherents of Mormonism. This can neither satisfy religious studies, nor a scientific historical inquiry.

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Preface

Widmer, in addition to the religious aspects, examines the economic and political leanings of the Mormons, drawing attention to their structure that often is representative of an alterative theology. Noteworthy is the fact that Widmer evaluates a number of documents that illuminate the various German governments’ views of the religious community. The focus of the work is on the relationship of the Mormons to Germany, where at the present about 36,000 Mormons live. He describes in particular the first Mormon missionary efforts in the German states in the mid-19th Century. The author breaks new ground using standard methodological tools to examine, and analyze, the social backgrounds of German converts to Mormonism. Relatively unknown until now in historiography was how elements in German society reacted, and how the Prussian state responded – with the Erlaß of 1853 – to Mormon proselyting efforts. The first Mormon baptisms in Germany took place in the Elbe near Hamburg in September 1851. In April 1852, the “German mission” was organized and on August 1 of the same year, the first congregation consisting of twelve-members was founded. The “Book of Mormon” was published in German in 1852. At the turn of the 20th Century, about 1,200 followers, organized into 35 congregations, were believed to reside in Germany. The Mormons represented only a tiny minority among the German population, but were increasingly in the vizier of the state authorities. One of the great merits of this work is the discovery, evaluation, and analysis of relevant literary sources. Kurt Widmer presents an informative timeline of the Mormons in Germany, from their beginnings, through the Kaiserreich and Weimar Republic, to the present day. The Mormons under the regimes of the Third Reich and the GDR are also covered. While the subject of this book may initially appear as somewhat marginal for the “Missiongeschichtliche Archiv,” it presents a solid example, that in Christian Europe, mainly in Germany, proselytizing took place. This is not well known. The book by Kurt Widmer fills a gap in our knowledge of the history of missions. It has therefore earned a place in the series of studies of the Berliner Gesellschaft für Missionsgeschichte. Ulrich van der Heyden March 2013

CONTENTS Preface .................................................................................................................... 5 Abbreviations ........................................................................................................ 10 Acknowledgments ................................................................................................ 11 I.

Mormons, Mormonism, and Latter Day Saints .............................................. 13 A. Defining Mormonism................................................................................ 15 1. What is Mormonism? ....................................................................... 28 B. Mormonism in the History of North American Religion.......................... 31 C. Is Mormonism the Fastest Growing Religion? ......................................... 34 1. The Numbers: the LDS, the SDA, and the JWs................................ 42 2. Historical Statistics ........................................................................... 45 D. Attitudes Toward the Mormons ................................................................ 49

II. Establishing the Kingdom.............................................................................. 57 A. History as Theology .................................................................................. 57 B. Laying the Foundation for the Kingdom of God ...................................... 59 1. The Economic Kingdom ................................................................... 70 2. The Political Kingdom ...................................................................... 72 3. Regents for the Young Prince ........................................................... 74 C. The Kingdom Moves West ....................................................................... 76 1. Utah Mormonism and the Kingdom of God ..................................... 77 2. The Great Accommodation............................................................... 79 3. The Structure of the Kingdom .......................................................... 83 III. Early Mormonism and the German Immigrants ............................................ 86 A. The German Sects Seek Religious Refuge ............................................... 86 B. The German Sects in North America ........................................................ 98 1. German Separatists ........................................................................... 99 2. Johannes Kelpius and the Woman in the Wilderness ..................... 100 3. Johann Georg Rapp and the Harmoniegesellschaft ........................ 107 4. The Beliefs of Georg Rapp’s Harmony Society ............................. 112 5. Millenarianism and the End of the Community.............................. 115 C. The Harmony Society and the Mormons ................................................ 118 1. Early Mormonism and the Harmonists ........................................... 119 2. The Zundels, from Harmony to Zion .............................................. 122 D. The German’s role in Early Mormonism ................................................ 129 IV. The First Mormons in Germany .................................................................. 132 A. Orson Hyde and the First German Mission ............................................ 136 B. John Taylor and the Expansion of the Mormons into Germany ............. 141 C. The Missionary Work in Hamburg ......................................................... 147

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D. The Kingdom Has Come ........................................................................ 153 1. George C. Reiser in Württemberg .................................................. 154 2. Jacob F. Secrist and the Mission in Saxony ................................... 161 3. The Prussian Mission ...................................................................... 167 E. The First German Emigration ................................................................. 171 V. The Missionary Message ............................................................................. 175 A. The European Mission ............................................................................ 175 B. Missionary Activity ................................................................................ 177 C. Proselytizing ........................................................................................... 181 D. The Missionary’s Methods ..................................................................... 189 1. Public Meetings .............................................................................. 192 2. House and Cottage Meetings .......................................................... 196 3. Teaching Languages ....................................................................... 200 E. Mormon Missionary Literature ............................................................... 201 1. General Literature ........................................................................... 202 2. Newspapers ..................................................................................... 205 3. Tracts, Pamphlets and Booklets ...................................................... 206 F. The Kingdom of God, Gathering, and Plural Marriage .......................... 210 1. Plural Marriage ............................................................................... 215 2. The Gathering ................................................................................. 222 3. Minor Themes ................................................................................. 223 G. The Missionary Effort in Germany ......................................................... 225 VI. The Social Origins of the German Converts................................................ 230 A. The Social Construction of Great Britain ............................................... 230 B. Protestant Germany ................................................................................. 239 C. Education and Literacy in Germany ....................................................... 241 D. The German Converts ............................................................................. 247 1. The Social Origins of the Converts ................................................ 251 2. Mormon Emigration from Germany ............................................... 255 VII. Societal Responses to the Mormons ............................................................ 268 A. Religious Polemics: Catholics, Mormons, and Baptists ......................... 268 B. Sectarianism in the German Churches .................................................... 275 C. Mormonism in Europe ............................................................................ 278 D. The Arguments Against the Mormons .................................................... 287 1. Fanaticism and Irrationality ............................................................ 292 2. Deception ........................................................................................ 292 3. Low Bred Converts ......................................................................... 293 4. Polygamy ........................................................................................ 294 5. Plurality of Gods ............................................................................. 294 6. Materialism ..................................................................................... 295 7. Communalism and the United Order .............................................. 295 8. Theocracy........................................................................................ 296 9. Emigration and the Gathering ......................................................... 296

Contents

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10. Mysteries of the Temple ................................................................. 297 11. The American Islam........................................................................ 298 VIII. The State Takes Action 1853–1990 ........................................................ 301 A. The Prussian Decree of 1853 .................................................................. 307 B. The German States and the Mormons ..................................................... 316 1. Mormonism, Marxism and the Social Democrats .......................... 325 C. The Mormons in the Early Twentieth Century ....................................... 330 D. Supporting the National Socialist Regime .............................................. 333 E. The Mormons after the War 1945–1990 ................................................. 343 F. The Mormons in the Federal Republic ................................................... 346 G. Mormons in the German Democratic Republic ...................................... 348 IX. What Does History Tell Us? ........................................................................ 358 A. An Assesment ......................................................................................... 358 X. Bibliography ................................................................................................ 368 A. Archival Material .................................................................................... 368 B. miscellaneous Documents ....................................................................... 373 C. Newspapers and Popular Journals .......................................................... 375 D. Electronic Sources .................................................................................. 379 E. Books ...................................................................................................... 380 F. Journal Articles, Book Chapters ............................................................. 394 G. Unpublished Sources .............................................................................. 403

ABBREVIATIONS AKG

Auswertungs und Kontrollgruppe

BArch

Bundesarchiv, Berlin

BStU GStA

Die Bundesbeauftragte für die Unterlagen des Staatssicherheitsdienstes der ehemaligen Deutschen Demokratischen Republik, Berlin Geheimes Staatsarchiv Preußischer Kulturbesitz, Berlin

JW

Jehovah’s Witnesses

LDS

The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints

MfS

Ministerium für Staatsicherheit

NS

Nationalsozialistische

NSDAP

Nationalsozialistische Deutsche Arbeiterpartei

RIAS

Rundfunk im amerikanischen Sektor

RLDS

Reorganized Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints

SAPMO

Stiftung Archiv der Parteien und Massenorganisationen der DDR

SED

Sozialistische Einheitspartei Deutschlands

S.D.

Sicherheitsdienst

ZAIG

Zentrale Auswertungs und Informationsgruppe

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS The present work is a version of my doctoral dissertation that was accepted by the Philosophischen Fakultät I at the Humboldt–Universität zu Berlin. I wish to thank the following individuals for their help, and support, in bringing this project to fruition. Dr. Wolfgang Hardtwig, my dissertation supervisor, for his continual understanding and patience, and for his support and feedback on the research project in the areas in which I was deficient. I also wish to thank Dr. Ulrich van der Heyden of the theological faculty at the Humboldt–Universität zu Berlin for his input over the years and for his willingness to include this volume in the Berliner Gesellschaft für Missionsgeschichte serial. I would like to give a special thanks to Ms. Kerstin Brudnachowski, Dr. Hardtwig’s assistant, for her continual help while in Berlin, and thereafter. I also wish to acknowledge and thank the staff of several German archives in Berlin in which a large part of the research was conducted for their professionalism and willingness to provide documents relevant to the research. This thank you extends to the archivists and staff at the Geheimes Staatsarchiv Preußischer Kulturbesitz, Berlin for the time and effort they spent in locating documents. I also wish to thank the staff at the Bundes Archiv for providing documents relative to the National Socialist period and the staff at Die Bundesbeauftragte für die Unterlagen des Staatssicherheitsdienstes der ehemaligen Deutschen Demokratischen Republik, the BStU, in Berlin who provided support in researching and locating documents relevant to the Mormon’s interactions with the socialist regime of the GDR. Gratitude, gratefulness, and thankfulness goes to my partner Ilona Missbach. Without her help and support through what had become an extremely difficult time it is doubtful that this work would have seen completion. Kurt Widmer March 2013

I. MORMONS, MORMONISM, AND LATTER DAY SAINTS Much of the current writing concerning German history tends to concentrate on political history. Religious history is often seen as an extension of the larger political sphere and not an area that should be examined in its own right. While there have been several examinations of the role of religion in Germany during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries these studies have tended to concentrate on the dominant Christian confessions. Admittedly there is a gap in the history of the minor confessions within German historical writing. In his study of German sectarian movements Christoph Ribbatt critiques German religious historians for not paying enough attention to the various sects and separatist movements, and for being too concentrated on the larger confessions.1 In spite of the perception given by the literature, minority religions do have a long history in Germany.2 Throughout the centuries many indigenous religious groups had emerged, often lighting the religious landscape for a brief period. More often than not the indigenous sects vanished from the German landscape remembered only in the writings of the ketzerhistoriker. Yet the impact of German religious sects should not be underestimated. While they may have vanished from the German landscape they did not vanish from history. Many of these groups simply migrated to locales more favourable to their religious leanings. These native German sectarian movements often had greater success after leaving German territory than they had within Germany, some surviving into the 21st century. What has come to be called the “American religion” appears to have deep roots in German sectarianism. The two dominating themes of American religious history, evangelicalism and millenarianism can be traced to the German pietistic movements. In a certain way, the arrival of the Anglo-American sects in Germany during the nineteenth century was a return of German sectarianism to its geographical roots. While international exchanges of religious ideas had occurred prior to the early nineteenth century, generally, the expansion of Anglo-American sects into Germany coincided with the expansion of these sects within their own native

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Christoph Ribbat, Religiöse Erregung: Protestantische Schwärmer im Kaiserreich, Campus Verlag, Frankfurt, 1996, p. 22. As a nation state Germany did not exist prior to 1871. In order to avoid redundancy, constant clarification, and confusion throughout this writing reference to Germany includes the geographical boundaries that comprised the nation state of Germany in 1871 unless otherwise indicated.

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countries.3 If persons and dates are to be cited for the arrival of Anglo-American sects in Germany, Johann Gerhardt Oncken’s return to Germany in 1823 as an emissary for the Continental Society for the Diffusion of Religious Knowledge over the Continent of Europe stands as the possible starting point.4 By the 1870s the Anglo-American sects had become a familiar part of the German landscape and had gained general acceptance in many of the German states.5 The membership numbers for these groups is by no means small. Between the years 1890–1910 the Baptists grew from 29,000 to 54,000.6 It is estimated that over 100,000 persons joined churches outside of the mainline confessions during the same time period.7 The majority of these new members had converted through a series of revivals.8 Foreigners had originally led many of the Anglo-American sects situated in Germany. Soon native German revivalists and itinerant preachers would appear in German towns and cities.9 While the other Anglo-American sects made significant gains during this time, the Mormons in particular failed to make any significant gains during these periods of awakening. Their message simply failed to resonate with the German population. Often success of religious movements is measured in terms of conversions made, or membership numbers gained. In measuring the Mormons’ success in Germany during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries one is compelled to deduce that the Mormons were less than successful. But success is relative. The failure of the Mormons to garner significant adherents during a period when their Anglo-American cousins seemed to be gaining both converts and social acceptability seems odd. As well, the Mormons’ expansion into Germany failed to produce a convert ratio proportional to its host population, as had been the case in the

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Early movements that could be considered as having transnational influence are the Inspirationsgemeinden, Die Evangelische Brüder-Unität, commonly known as Herrnhuter, the Philadelphische Gemeinde, and the Halle Pietists. On the transnational religious dynamic see Peter Vogt, “Different Ideas About the Church: The Theological Dimension in the Transfer and Adaptation of German Religious Groups to the Pennsylvania Environment, 1683–1740,” pp. 17–43, Hans-Jürgen Grabbe (ed.), Halle Pietism, Colonial North America, and the Young United States, Franz Steiner Verlag, Stuttgart, 2008. See Wayne Alan Detzler, “Johann Gerhard Oncken’s Long Road to Toleration,” Journal of the Evangelical Theological Society, vol. 36, no. 2, 1993, pp. 229–240. For an early history of the establishment of the Baptists in Germany see Joseph Lehmann, Geschichte der deutschen Baptisten, Bd. 1, Bildung, Ausbreitung und Verfolgung der Gemeinden bis zum Anbruch wirklicher Religionsfreiheit im Jahre 1848, J. G. Oncken Nachfolger, Hamburg, 1896. Ribbat, Religiöse Erregung, p. 11. Ribbat, Religiöse Erregung, p. 28. Ribbat, Religiöse Erregung, p. 11. Two early revivals were the 1905 Mulheimer Erweckung and the 1907 Pentecostal revival in Kassel. See Ribbat, Religiöse Erregung, p. 12. Elias Schrenk was an early female Evangelist. See Ribbat, Religiöse Erregung, p. 12.

I. Mormons, Mormonism and Latter Day Saints

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other Mormon mission fields.10 Many explanations can be offered. Of course the standard organizational response is that the group faced state sanctions. Persecution, it is often claimed, is the central reason for the lack of the Mormons’ missionary success in Germany. Yet, is this really the case? In the following chapters we will examine the interaction between the Mormons and the German people. As Mormonism’s first encounter with Germany, its religious values, customs, language, and people occurred in North America, and then expanded into Europe we should examine this encounter from both sides of the Atlantic.

A. DEFINING MORMONISM Mormonism! For most of the past 150 plus years, Mormonism has often been used interchangeably with Latter Day Saints to designate the organization founded by Joseph Smith Jr. The common understanding of Mormonism sees an unbroken continuum between the original “Church of Christ,” founded by Smith, and the Mormons that migrated west from their base in Illinois and settled into what was to become the State of Utah. For many then, scholars included, Mormonism and the organization that is headquartered in Salt Lake City, Utah are one and the same. As the history of Mormonism is often written from the perspective of the Utah based LDS church, many, it appears, seem unaware that the organization in Utah, officially known as the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, is just one of many ecclesiastical bodies, that lays claim to being “the Mormons,” or better put, “the Latter Day Saints.” While the Utah based LDS church may be the largest and most recognized, this organization has no special right to use the term Mormon or Latter Day Saint and is not the sole representative of the movement to the exclusion of all others. When we speak of Mormons or Latter Day Saints then it should be with reference to all of the churches that base their teachings on the life experiences and messages of the founding prophet Joseph Smith Jr.11 Much of the current material dealing with the Mormons or Mormonism, whether literary, documentary, or popular media, fails to recognize the distinctions between the groups, and continues to equate the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints as Mormonism, and its members as the Mormons. For most of 10

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For the purposes of this writing a “Mormon Mission” is defined as a specifically named geographic area where proselyting by missionaries takes place. The geographic regions of the world are divided according to these mission areas. The word “mission” is used with reference to one of these defined geographic regions. Much of modern research into the divergency of the Latter Day Saint Movement owes a large debt of gratitude to Steven L. Shields who rescued many of the Latter Day Saint groups from obscurity.

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the movement’s history these “other” Mormon churches have come to define themselves in opposition to the LDS church. For most of the churches within the movement their individual self-definition was, and is, based on claims that they are different, and that they do not believe what the LDS church believes, that they are the true Mormons while all others are apostate churches.”12 Examining the claims of the various Mormon churches and pinpointing the legitimate successor to the church founded by Joseph Smith lies beyond the scope of this inquiry. Yet it is important to remark that there exists more than one Mormon church. If we were to look at current literature on Mormonism there exists an apparent difficulty defining, and subsequently placing what has popularly come to be called Mormonism into any descriptive category. The difficulty arises from the unusual makeup of the movement. Many see it as having no discernable parallel in nineteenth century America. Mormonism, on the surface, seems to be a composite of elements that seem foreign to the religious heritage of the American frontier from which it emerges. Yet, upon close examination the movement incorporates many longstanding currents in American religious history. Early Mormonism can be placed squarely on the shoulders of several concepts prevalent in the thought of both the Pilgrim and the Puritan colonists of New England, and to a lesser extent the German Radical Pietist sects of rural Pennsylvania. The twin concepts of “apostasy” and “restoration,” or “resitution,” in the case of the Radical Pietists, whether they take the forms of a complete or a partial 12

Making a distinction was important, especially for the Reorganized Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints (RLDS). The RLDS rejected distinctive LDS concepts such as apotheosis, polygamy, and the temple rituals. In the United States the RLDS leadership was instrumental in the fight against polygamy. Initially the German governments were unaware that various Mormon groups existed. The existence of other groups, and their differences, was brought to their attention through several exchanges between the RLDS leadership and the Kultusministerium. Consul Bopp, German Consul in San Francisco, sent a brief to Berlin to outlining the distinct differences between the Utah based LDS, and Missouri varieties of Mormons. This was done after an RLDS missionary was arrested for proselytizing in Prussia. See GStA PK, I. HA Rep. 76 Kultusministerium, III Sekt. 1 Abt. XIII a Nr. 28 Beiheft Bd. I–IV Sekte der Mormonen, 1853–1917, Bd. 3, June 28, 1909–April 10, 1912, p. 71. RLDS Missionary C. C. Jöhnck (spelling varies, also spelled Juncke) is expelled from Prussian territory on January 8, 1910. He complains to the U.S. embassy that a mistake has been made as he is not LDS and the Government ban should not apply. In an earlier communiqué to Berlin the German Consulate in San Francisco explains the differences between the RLDS and the Utah Mormons. See also “Kaiserlich Deutschen Konsulat San Francisco Abschrift III, April 8, 1909,” in GStA PK, I. HA Rep. 76 Kultusministerium, Bd. 3, p. 12. In a letter from Frederick M. Smith, President of the RLDS, to the German Embassy in Washington the differences between the RLDS and the LDS are outlined. This is in response to the RLDS missionaries being hindered on account of them being considered as LDS Mormons. See “Königliche Ministerium des Auswärtigen Angelegenheiten, IIIb 3569,” GStA PK, I. HA Rep. 76 Kultusministerium, III Sekt. 1 Abt. XIII a Nr. 28 Beiheft Bd. I–IV Sekte der Mormonen, 1853–1917, Bd. 4, April 4, 1912–1917, p. 57. Citations designated GStA are in reference to the files of the Geheimes Staatsarchiv Preußischer Kulturbesitz, Berlin.

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apostasy, and therefore a restoration or reform were both central to Pilgrim, Puritan, and radical Pietist thought. As well, the utopian driven ideology that America13 was a special place reserved for the elect of God was instrumental in defining the goals and aims of the Puritan colonists in New England.14 America was to be the central place where, in the words of John Winthrop, “the city upon a hill,” the beacon that would draw all eyes to the North American continent would be created. For the Puritans, America was to become the land where true, or pristine, Christianity was practiced by the elect of God. Much the same as it did with earlier Puritan thought Mormonism incorporated two central themes, important characteristics of American religious culture, evangelicalism and millennialism.15 Tenets of Radical Pietism also seem to have found their way into early Mormonism. Theosophical notions, esoteric practices and millenarian driven evangelization formed part of the early Mormon worldview.16 Of course I am speaking in generalities and using the two terms, millennialism and evangelicalism loosely. By evangelicalism I intend to convey the idea of the individual having an emotional religious experience that transforms the individual and provides a strong motivation to transform the world around them. Secondly, the word millennialism conveys the idea of a future state of peace and harmony. At which time, and how this future state is achieved, whether by divine or human action, is irrelevant.

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Unless otherwise designated the term “America” is used throughout this work as a synonym for the United States of America, or its colonial predecessor. America as a chosen land emerges in several sermons of Jonathan Edwards. Edwards felt that the New Jerusalem, the heavenly city from which Jesus would rule during the Millennium, would descend from Heaven to the American continent. Elements of Puritan thought regarding the establishment of a postmillennial New Jerusalem are best evidenced in the writings of Increase and Cotton Mather. See Cotton Mather, Magnalia Christi Americana: Or the Ecclesiastical History of New England: From Its First Planting, in the Year 1620, unto the Year of our Lord, 1698. London: Thomas Parkhurst, at the Bible and Three Crowns, Cheapside, 1702. The belief in the “Declension” of New England society prefatory to the Second Advent gave rise to the emotionalism that prevailed through the Great Awakening. For example see Michael Wigglesworth, The Day of Doom: Or, a Poetical Description of the Great and Last Judgment: With Other Poems, 6th edn, American News Co., New York (1662), 1867. The sermons of Jonathan Edwards are of particular interest to the discussion especially his sermons dealing with apocalyptic themes. See the sermons of Jonathan Edwards, in Stephen J. Stein (ed.), The Works of Jonathan Edwards, vol. 5, Apocalyptic Writings, Yale University Press, New Haven, 1977. The volume contains his commentary on the Book of Revelation. For discussion surrounding the millennialism of Puritan New England see C. C. Goen, “Jonathan Edwards: A New Departure in Eschatology,” Church History vol. 28, 1950, pp. 25–40. Naoki Onishi, “American Conceptualization of Time and Jonathan Edwards’ Post-Millennialism Reconsidered,” The Japanese Journal of American Studies, vol. 15, 2004, pp. 10–36. Aside from the esoteric practices of early Mormonism among the most significant parallels are the concept of a true church, and to separate from Babylon and gather to specific locations to avoid the coming apocalypse.

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Many of the historical examinations of Mormonism over the past few decades have neglected to emphasize the parallels and commonalities of Mormonism to other groups in time and place.17 Rather, they have chosen to emphasize a perceived uniqueness of the birth and growth of the Mormons as if it were placed in upstate New York through divine intervention. Of course, as any academic would conclude, the aspect of divine intervention is really the realm of faith and not of scholarship. Past attempts then have provided no major consensus to aid our understanding of Mormon origins, or in its subsequent development and expansion. What then is the Latter Day Saint movement? In their common understanding and their common usage, the terms Mormon, Mormonism, Latter Day Saint, and LDS have come to identify one particular group within that movement. That is to say, the terms have come to be used almost exclusively, and often interchangeably, to define the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints. The perspective that only one Mormon church exists, that one being headquartered in Utah, and not a larger movement with numerous groups is not difficult to understand. The Mormons of Utah have done an excellent job in controlling their history and the way in which this history is presented. Since the movement’s inception, keeping a history has been important.18 As the Utah based LDS church is the largest within the movement, it does not become difficult to drown out alternative voices or claims to the religious heritage left by Joseph Smith Jr.19 Most modern histories dealing with the Mormons assume that the body of Saints that followed the remaining Twelve Apostles westward to Utah are the legal and rightful heirs to the Church of Christ founded by Joseph Smith.20 Of course, the members and the leaders of

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As the current field of Mormon Studies is predominated by writers and academics with a faith commitment, or writers overtly sympathetic to the movement upholding the uniqueness of Mormonism, a pillar of the movements self definition, becomes a central theme of discussion. Exceptions do exist. See works listed in the bibliography by D. Michael Quinn and Dan Vogel. Mormonism‘s first official historian was John Whitmer, who was directed to keep a record of the Mormons and their experiences. An official historian has been employed until the 1980s when Leonard J. Arrington and his staff were transferred to the church owned Brigham Young University. For the remainder of this writing Joseph Smith Jr. will be referenced by his more common name Joseph Smith. As confusion may result in the use of names relative to the Latter Day Saint movement I have opted to refer to the church founded by Joseph Smith, and led by him until his death in 1844 as the Church of Christ. This was the legal entity as registered under New York state law in 1830. While the church did undergo several name changes during his life from the original Church of Christ, to the Church of the Latter Day Saints, to the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints by the time of his death in 1844. Judging from the spelling variants use in the names of several older groups with in the movement, and from period documents it appears that the unhyphenated capital D for Days was used rather than the hyphenated small d now prevalent in the Utah based church’s use of the name. Early Mormon criticisms of other groups centred on their use of Methodist, Lutheran, or Baptist to distinguish

I. Mormons, Mormonism and Latter Day Saints

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the other groups have historically disputed the claims of the Utah based LDS church as the rightful successor to the original church founded by Joseph Smith.21 These disputes have in turn led to the factionalism of Mormonism; with each church within the movement extending its claims to the restorative heritage introduced by Smith as being the legitimate heir to the first century Christian church. Attempts to provide a universally acceptable and historically accurate definition for Mormonism have been unsuccessful. Exactly where the Latter Day Saint movement should be placed within the greater spectrum of the religious traditions of the world has yielded numerous answers. Sect, church, Christian aberration, mystery religion, and new world religion have all been used to describe the movement. By using the term new world religion to describe the Mormons, researchers intend to convey the view that Mormonism presents us with such a

21

themselves from each other. The Mormons could boast of having the word “Christ” in their name. While the Utah church has by and far become the largest of the movement’s groups it is estimated that only 1/3 of the Mormons followed the Quorum of Twelve Apostles west. This is based on my own calculations taking into account several variants. This includes approximating the number of Mormons at the time of Smith’s death believed to be at around 30,000. These numbers were cross referenced with the numbers given in the Inez Smith’s history of the RLDS Church as well as statistics given in the The Latter Day Saints Millennial Star giving the number of converts still in Europe. Statistics given by the Strangites as well were used. Finally the Utah territorial census of 1850 was used which listed 10,000 plus as the total inhabitants of Utah Territory. See Utah Federal Population Census Schedules, Entire territory, 1850, United States Bureau of the Census, United States National Archives and Records Service, Washington, D.C. Copy in possession of author. See also D. Michael Quinn, The Mormon Hierarchy: Origins of Power, Signature Books, Salt Lake City, 1994, pp. 143–264. Quinn deals extensively with the succession question following the death of Smith. Quinn favours apostolic succession and subsequently is in favour of the claims of the LDS church. Gary James Bergera examines the conflict among the Utah leadership on the succession claims in an article appearing in Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought. See Gary James Bergera, “The Orson Pratt–Brigham Young Controversies: Conflict Within the Quorums, 1853 to 1868,” Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought, vol. 13, no. 2, 1980, pp. 7–58, and in book length form in his Conflict in the Quorum: Orson Pratt, Brigham Young, Joseph Smith, Signature Books, Salt Lake City, 2002. Bergera suggests that even among the remaining Quorum of the Twelve Apostles there was disagreement over choosing a single successor to the fallen prophet Joseph Smith. It was felt that the group should govern the church as a collective rather than as a hierarchy under a president. Additional claims such as James Strang’s can be found in his Book of the Law of the Lord: Being a Translation From the Egyptian of the Law Given to Moses in Sinai. Printed by Command of the King, at the Royal Press, Saint James, 1856. William D. Russell “King James Strang: Joseph Smith’s Successor,” F. Mark McKiernan, et al (eds), The Restoration Movement: Essays in Mormon History, Coronado Press, Lawrence, 1973, pp. 231–256. As well, Steven L. Shields in his Divergent Paths of the Restoration, Herald House, Independence, 2001; “The Latter Day Saint Movement: A Study in Survival,” Timothy Miller (ed.), When Prophets Die: The Postcharismatic Fate of New Religious Movements, State University of New York Press, Albany, 1991, pp. 59–77, 209–214.

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unique and radical reinterpretation of the religious tradition from which it emerged, Christianity, that it stands outside of the host tradition as something completely new. While uniqueness may form a part of what distinguishes a world religion from a simple denomination, or to use a current en vogue term, new religious movement, the central distinguishing point of a world religion is its universality. A religious movement must exhibit the ability to transfer itself and to root itself within all cultures and across all historical timelines. Although it lays claims to being a world movement, universality is something that Mormonism has not yet accomplished. Granted, it is represented in numerous countries and cultures around the globe. And yes, it has been present in these cultures throughout much of its history. Yet it is so closely tied to American culture that its tenets do not translate well outside of North America or into areas not predominately Christian. As long as educational materials, non-native missionaries leading the proselytizing efforts, the placement of non-natives in positions of prominence and the overt attempts to create a homogenous church worldwide are coordinated from the American continent it cannot, and perhaps will not attain universality. It will subsequently remain an American church with the majority of its active membership residing in the traditional area of Zion, in North America. That is to say it will remain a predominately American based church with the majority of active members residing in the intermountain west region from Mexico in the south to Alberta, Canada in the north. While the concept of America as Zion, and the call to gather to Zion has been abrogated, Zion still seems to be firmly rooted in America. As for the Mormon claims of uniqueness, most of these have been over emphasized within the pages of scholarly pursuits for most of the past century. I do not intend to convey the idea that parallels have not been made between Mormonism and the contemporary milieu from which it emerged. Rather, it is to say that this type of literature is in the minority. Connections between Mormonism and the esoteric traditions appear in early critical studies of Mormonism. These early criticisms dealt primarily with Smith’s involvement with the practice of money digging and his use of seer stones. More recent studies have fleshed out these long ignored connections and placed them within their proper perspective relative to the development of Mormonism.22 Other studies have concentrated on the relationship of the young Smith to his religious and social environment. They explore his involvement in the revivalism of

22

See Lance Owens, “Joseph Smith and Kabbalah,” Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought, vol. 27, no. 3, 1994, pp. 117–194; John L. Brooke, The Refiners Fire: The Making of Mormon Cosmology, Cambridge University Press, New York, 1994); and D. Michael Quinn, Early Mormonism and the Magic World View, rev. & enl. edn, Signature Books, Salt Lake City, 1998 [1987]).

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the day, and explain the origin of the Book of Mormon as a direct response, a polemic if you will, to his family situation and greater society.23 With much of the current writing dealing with Mormonism, the historical uniqueness of Mormonism is lauded while attempts to draw parallels to the host culture and society are negated based upon little more than a wilful attempt to preserve the perceived uniqueness. For many, Mormonism appeared to have originated in a vacuum, or divine intervention. What can we say of the Latter Day Saint movement? Is it unique? Or did Joseph Smith found his movement based on borrowed ideas? I believe it can safely be said that little of what Smith introduced into his movement is without parallels in American culture in his time. Granted, some reinterpretation was needed, but little of what Smith introduced was unique. One does not need to look far or force a parallel onto the thought of Joseph Smith to make comparisons to other nineteenth-century ideas. Much of the source material was readily available or easily attainable by Smith in order to develop his ideas and in reaching his conclusions. While Smith stands as the premier prophet among the Mormons, others were part of the consortium of leaders within early Mormonism. The contributions of early leader Sidney Rigdon should also not be discounted. Mormonism perhaps lost more than their founding prophet in the fall of 1844. The saints that moved westward left Illinois without the central influences of the founding years, Joseph Smith and Sidney Rigdon. The heavens appeared to close with the death of Smith as the Utah church’s beliefs centered on the last revelations of their founding prophet. Rigdon would go on to found two additional churches both extensions of his personality.24 The view that Smith established a unique movement is understandable. It derives mostly from the lack of scholarly attention devoted to religious groups, contemporaneous with Smith, but which now no longer exist. These movements in

23

24

D. Michael Quinn examines the religious revival aspect in a recent Dialogue E paper, particularly Methodist Camp meetings. Quinn argues that Smith was converted in a religious revival. See D. Michael Quinn, “Joseph Smith’s Experience of a Methodist Camp Meeting,” Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought, Dialogue Paperless: E-Paper # 3. This paper is available at the Dialogue website at www.Dialoguejournal.com. A copy is in the possession of the author. Dan Vogel argues that Smith produced the Book of Mormon to convert his father, a quasi deist, to the validity of the Christian message. This perspective forms a pillar for Smith’s adversity towards religious dissent, which he had experienced within his own family. See Dan Vogel, Joseph Smith: Making of a Prophet, Signature Books, Salt Lake City, 2004. Again both of these arguments are not new. The involvement of Smith with Methodism was first brought to our attention in the 1830s and formed the basis of criticisms against the claims of Smith as the time periods in which he was receiving theophanies coincided with his tenure as a Methodist exhorter. Rigdon, following his departure in the fall of 1844, founded the Church of Christ. Several years later Rigdon would found the Church of Jesus Christ of the Children of Zion. See Shields, Divergent Paths of the Restoration, p. 36.

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their time were not obscure groups hidden from the public. In the nineteenth century few would not have been aware of their existence.25 Yet for much of modern scholarship they remain as footnotes to the histories of groups that survived. Surveys of American religious history have tended to concentrate on Puritanism, or the dominant traditions such as Methodism, Congregationalism and Presbyterianism.26 Alternative religions of the nineteenth century are relegated to academic footnotes, or introduced in well meaning treatises designed to stimulate further research interest. Faith communities such as the Shakers, Amana, Zoar, the Perfectionists, Georg Rapp’s Harmony, Jemima Wilkinson’s Publick Universal Friend, and even the influential Moravian Brethren are, if examined at all, grouped together in a basket of the unusual, or a potpourri of the ecstatic. These groups were the dominant alternative religious communities of the early nineteenth century. Many of the religious contemporaries and competitors to early Mormonism have all but vanished, unlike the Mormons. Any study dealing with the origins of Mormonism can no longer ignore the alternative religions of the nineteenth century.27 The similarities in worldview, structure, and purpose between these groups and Mormonism are too striking to ignore. As these alternative religions were prominent on the American cultural landscape it is definitely within Smith’s capabilities to have drawn ideas from them that would fulfill his religious requirements as a prophet. A prophet in the nineteenth century and a literary plagiarist in the early twentieth century generally engaged in the same activities. They knowingly borrowed from available sources

25

26

27

For a solid treatise of many of these groups see the compilation by Julius Friedrich Sachse, The German Pietists of Provincial Pennsylvania: 1694–1708, Printed for the author, Philadelphia, 1895, Julius Friedrich Sachse, The German Sectarians of Pennsylvania, 1708–1742: A Critical and Legendary History of the Ephrata Cloister and the Dunkers, 2 vols, Printed for the author, Philadelphia, 1899–1900, Julius Friedrich Sachse, The Fatherland: (1450– 1700) Showing The Part it Bore in the Discovery, Exploration and Development of The Western Continent, With Special Reference to the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania: Pt. I of a narrative and critical history, prepared at the request of the Pennsylvania-German Society, vol. 7, Pennsylvania-German Society Publications, Philadelphia, 1897. By far the dominant area of study has been Puritanism. Mormonism is unique in the attention that is afforded it. Relative to its size more pages have been devoted to it than the other North American religious movements such as the Adventists, Bible Students Movement, or the Pentecostals. Most of these groups are seen as an eclectic collection of the excesses of nineteenth-century religion. Current scholarship is lacking in this area. Groups such as the Harmonists have been dealt with to large degree. Much of the Moravian Brethren’s Archives in Bethlehem, Pennsylvania remain untouched. It may be that many of these early groups contemporaneous with the Mormons were German in origin and are ignored, as the original sources are not readily available in English. Harmony, Zoar, Amana, the Moravian’s all left records written in their native German. Anabaptist material from groups such as the Mennonites, and Amish has been translated into English allowing for greater access.

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without referencing the source.28 Of course the standards concerning the use of intellectual property, or academic citation have changed since the nineteenth century so one should not judge them too harshly. Yet Smith did attempt to create a unique religious organization. Driven by a firm belief in an open canon and an ever growing self-confidence in his eschatological role as God’s final end time messenger, the “Prophet of the Dispensation of the Fullness of Time,” he saw it as his mission to restore all of the lost secrets pertaining to God. He had therefore concluded that all religions in existence were incorrect. At the most if they possessed or confessed any truth they possessed only partial truth. In order to create an organization containing full truth Smith appears to have consciously drawn from a variety of sources. His sources included a plethora of esoteric traditions and mainstream religion. Jewish Kabbalah, Freemasonry, Second Great Awakening revivalism and utopian idealism all found a home in Smith’s Mormonism. Smith was a magnet that grasped onto divergent currents and undertows in American society and compressed them, whether they fit together or not, into a single movement and presented it to the world as God’s final word on all aspects of human life and the afterlife. As we would find in any prophetic movement, if one accepted Smith’s prophetic leadership one would also need to accept the religious, political, economic, and social systems, or whatever else that was incorporated into his “fullness of the gospel.” How then should we define Mormonism? How can we develop a workable definition encompassing the various groups within the movement, which often hold radically distinctive positions from each other?29 A workable solution could read something like the following. The Latter Day Saint movement can most simply be defined as a collection of religious bodies having their origin in the American state of New York in the 28

29

In the early 1980s it was learned that Seventh-day Adventist prophetess Ellen G. White had borrowed material that she claimed was received under “inspiration.” This caused a reevaluation of her role within the Seventh-day Adventist Church. See Walter T. Rea, The White Lie, M & R Turlock, Publications, 1982. It has also been documented that Word of Faith “Prophet” Kenneth Hagin borrowed extensively from E. W. Kenyon. Hagin also claimed divine inspiration as his source. See Daniel Ray McConnell, A Different Gospel: Biblical and Historical Insights into the Word of Faith Movement, rev. edn, Peabody, Hendrickson, 1995. The radicalness of the distinctions between the groups within the movement are best evidenced by the Community of Christ, the church led by the immediate family of Joseph Smith and the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints (Strang). The Community of Christ today rejects much of what has defined Mormonism historically. The group rejects the historicity of the Book of Mormon, rejects the entire temple program and would be considered a liberal protestant church. By comparison the Strangites, who still exist, historically accepted plural marriage, the temple program with its rites and rituals, plus incorporated an animal sacrificial system. In reality the Strangites took Smith’s concepts further than Smith himself was able too.

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1830s. These groups base their beliefs on the teachings of Joseph Smith, whom the majority of groups believe was chosen by God to reveal his final or ultimate will to the world prior to the Second Advent, and the establishment of a millennial kingdom on the earth. The Latter Day Saints considered, and for the most part they still consider themselves to be living in a specific period of time known as the “end of days,” which has been described within the apocalyptic books of the Hebrew Bible and the early Christian writings. The teachings of Joseph Smith are seen as being unique and exclusive to the churches that look to him as their founder. Latter Day Saints tend to see themselves as the elect, the called out ones, and the sole earthly representatives of apostolic Christianity, which after an apostasy was restored in the modern period through Joseph Smith.30 I believe the above definition brings into focus the chief defining characteristics for most of the groups found within the movement. The main points of the proposed definition would include the claim to uniqueness through a divine act of God. This act was brought to the world through a divinely elected individual, Joseph Smith. The mission of Smith was to restore the divine truths of the past ages, wherever they were to be found, and to deliver a final set of divine truths to the world. This mission was of great importance as the world had entered into its final stages of existence and stood on the brink of cataclysmic upheaval. Those who failed to heed the warnings of God’s end time messenger, Joseph Smith, would be lost for eternity. While not comprehensive by any means, a defining set of tenets could be used as a starting point. The three main tenets can be summarized in the following manner. 1). Uniqueness and exclusivity: Generally Latter Day Saints see themselves as the elect of God, and the sole practitioners of God’s perfect will. 2). An open canon or prophetic leadership: In principle the claim to prophetic revelation is part of the core of the belief system. 3). An overarching theme of catastrophic millennialism, millenarianism, or in its popular theological understanding premillennialism.31 An imminent Second Advent and the steadfast belief in the establishment of an earthly Zion are central to the movement’s beliefs.

30

31

This is not to be confused with the Restoration Movement of Alexander Campbell, Walter Scott and J. Barton Stone. While there were similarities between the Restoration Movement or what is more popularly known as the Churches of Christ or the Disciples of Christ and the Mormons in the early formative period of Mormonism there is no connection. Grant Underwood in his The Millenarian World of Early Mormonism, University of Illinois, Urbana, 1999, argues that the millennial model of early Mormonism more closely resembles a variant of postmillennialism, in that the Mormons would play a role in the establishment of a millennial era prior to the Second Advent. While the early Mormons may not have been consistently millenarian in their thinking, the theme of a world saturated with evil, and a redeeming event culminating with the Second Advent and the ushering in of the millennium are the dominant characteristics of the Mormon eschatological view. Additionally one cannot discount that Smith set a date for the return of Jesus. For an additional interpretation see Dan Erickson’s, As a Thief in the Night: The Mormon Quest For Millennial Deliverance, Signature Books, Salt Lake City, 1999. Early Mormon writings dealing with the Millennium can

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Today the Latter Day Saint movement consists of close to 14 million people, scattered through out numerous ecclesiastical organizations, which are overwhelmingly located within the continental United States. All of the groups trace their origins to Joseph Smith, and to his experiences. When we refer to the movement as a whole we refer to it as the Latter Day Saint movement. There is no single Mormon church and the terms Mormon and Mormonism should also then be used to refer to the general movement rather than to a single entity within it. We do make such distinctions already in our use of Christianity or Hinduism, and on smaller scales of Lutheranism, Methodism, or Pentecostalism. It is proper to speak of Mormonism and Mormons as a single group only during the life of Joseph Smith. Following Smith’s death, Mormonism becomes Mormonisms.32 Without exception most groups within the movement consider themselves the only true representative of God’s church on the Earth. Generally, it is believed that the true church must have and bear God’s name.33 Groups within the movement have often taken on distinctive variants of the name Latter Day Saint, Church of Christ, or Church of Jesus Christ. The most common variant is the Church of Christ; the name by which the original church founded by Joseph Smith was incorporated under New York law in 1830. The name was changed to the Church of the Latter Day Saints in the mid 1830s and to the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints by the late 1830s. A variant spelling of the name Latter Day Saint does also occur. This is seen in the name Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, the preferred spelling used by the largest group, the Utah based LDS church. The overuse of the names Church of Christ and Latter Day Saints

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be found in the Latter Day Saints Messenger and Advocate, 3 vols, Frederick G. Williams, Kirtland, 1834–1837, vol. 1, no. 2, November, 1834, pp. 17–19; vol. 1, no. 3, December, 1834, pp. 39–40; vol. 1, no. 4, January, 1835, pp. 56–61; vol. 1, no. 10, July, 1835, pp. 149– 153; vol. 3, no. 2, November 1836, pp. 401–402; vol. 3, no. 7, April, 1837, pp. 490–491. From the 1840s we have additional statements found in the Times and Seasons, 6 vols, Robinson & Smith, Nauvoo, 1839–1846, vol. 2, no. 18, July 15, 1841, pp. 474–475; vol. 4, no. 2, December 1, 1842, pp. 27–28; vol. 4, no. 13, May 15, 1843, pp. 206–207. Smith comments on William Miller’s failed calculations of the Second Advent and the establishment of the Millennium, Times and Seasons, vol. 4, no. 15, June 15, 1843, pp. 230–231. One can also draw similar conclusions from later nineteenth-century writings by Orson Pratt and others. See Pratt’s “The Kingdom of God,” delivered on July 8, 1855, in Journal of Discourses: By Brigham Young, His Two Counselors, the Twelve Apostles, and Others, 26 vols, Latter Day Saints Book Depot, Liverpool, 1854–1886, vol. 3, pp. 70–74. Orson Pratt continues on the theme in Journal of Discourses, vol. 14, pp. 233–245, vol. 18, pp. 314–323; See Orson Hyde’s discourse found in vol. 4, pp. 257–263 and others, vol. 9, p. 346, vol. 11, pp. 324– 325. Shields, “The Latter Day Saint Movement,” pp. 59–77. See Jan Shipps, “Mormon Metamorphosis: The Neglected Story,” The Christian Century, 113, no. 24, August 14, 1996, pp. 784–788.

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often necessitate an appendage being added in order to differentiate the groups from each other.34 The movement since its inception has usually defined itself within the context of it having in its possession the final word of God. This is not to be understood only in an ecclesiastical or spiritual sense, but also in a secular sense. The movement presented itself as the definitive statement on all major theological and societal controversy within early nineteenth-century America. If one can imagine a broad, all encompassing religious movement reaching into all areas or spheres of life from social relations, to politics, to economics, one will have a solid understanding of the movement’s origin and subsequent development.35 The origin of the Native Americans, politics; (from monarchy to republicanism), theological concepts such as predestination, freewill, Trinitarianism, Unitarianism, and Deism all came under re-evaluation and reinterpretation in early Mormonism. Proper forms of church government; congregational or Episcopal, the creation of utopian societies, and proper forms of baptism, were all concepts that were addressed within the early Mormon tradition. Joseph Smith’s restoration was therefore a restoration of a complete society, and not merely a religious philosophy designed to govern the spiritual realm. Reacting against the pluralism and societal uncertainties in the early American republic, Smith sought to return to an earlier worldview rooted in the ordered security of Puritan society. Smith sought a return to the intertwining nature of religious values and societal constructs under divine direction from above. This did seem to be a novel idea for the newly minted American republic, perhaps, but it was not progressive or new by any means. It is instead a return to a medieval religious society as exemplified in pre-Reformation Europe, or the Caliphates of Islam, and carried, to a certain degree, by the Puritan colonists from Europe to the American shores. What the Protestant reformers had divided, the kingdoms of Heaven and Earth, the spiritual from the secular, Smith sought to wed once again and call it a revelation from the divine. Since 1830 there have been at least 100 Mormon groups all claiming to be the “Church of Christ,” the lineal successor to the original and duly authorized Christian church of the first century. The movement was originally established as a, (one) church, a local congregation in Fayette, New York on April 6, 1830.36 From 34

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An example would be Church of Christ (Elijah Message), Church of Christ (Restored), Church of Christ “Restored” (Independence, Missouri), Church of Christ, Restored, Church of Christ (Temple Lot), or Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints (Great Lakes Mormons), Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints (Strangite), Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (Salt Lake City, Utah). Dan Vogel in Joseph Smith: The Making of a Prophet, offers valuable insights into the motivations of Joseph Smith and his developing sense of “Prophet of the Restoration.” There is some evidence to suggest that the church was in existence as early as 1829 prior to the publication of the Book of Mormon. Early convert David Whitmer in his work An Address to All Believers in Christ, Richmond, 1887, p. 32, intimates that an organized and

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this initial church the movement would expand to several locations in New York, Ohio, Missouri and Illinois within the lifetime of the founder Joseph Smith. After his death a power struggle ensued with separate groups all vying for the remnant of Joseph Smith’s followers. Three main groups would eventually emerge to which the large majority of Mormons would attach themselves. These groups were led by; the Quorum of Twelve Apostles, late convert to Mormonism James Jesse Strang, and the eldest son of the founding prophet, Joseph Smith III. Under the Twelve Apostles, the largest contiguous group of about 10,000 made their way westward to Mexico into an area that was to become the United States federal territory of Utah. With a steady flow of European converts the Utah based Mormons eventually became the largest of all groups. The group led by James Jesse Strang located to Burlington, Wisconsin and then on Beaver Island in Lake Michigan. Small independent branches loosely affiliated but under no direct hierarchical control continued to exist in the American mid west.37 The majority of these branches would unify and form a formal organization in 1860, with the eldest son of Joseph Smith, Joseph Smith III, as its leader. Themes of exclusivity and an accompanying concept of a restoration of early Christianity play a dominant role in the beliefs of the groups within the movement. The concept of a restoration, what was restored by the founding prophet, has acquired varied interpretations over time. The earliest interpretation of restoration was tied to millennial expectations. The restoration embodied the idea that a new age of miracles with a concentration on the charismatic gifts as recounted in the Christian Pauline letters to the Corinthians and the Lukan account of the Acts of the Apostles had returned to the Earth.38 Over time the concept of a restoration has taken on alternative interpretations. These interpretations fall into several categories but the most dominant are that a church organization, a set of doctrines and beliefs, or authority to perform divine rituals, and act as agents of God were restored to the Earth directly through the teachings and person of Joseph Smith. The exclusive nature of Joseph Smith’s claims has led the movement to become aggressive in its proselytizing, and intolerant towards any criticism from

37

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structured church had been in existence since 1829. Some evidence seems to suggest that Manchester was the original founding location for the movement. I have chosen to remain with the traditional location. See Shields, Divergent Paths; “The Latter Day Saint Movement,” pp. 59–77, 209–214; Richard S. van Wagoner, “The Making of a Mormon Myth: The Transfiguration of Brigham Young,” Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought, vol. 28, no. 4, 1995, pp. 1–25, and Russell, “King James Strang,” pp. 231–256. See Dan Vogel, “The Restoration,” Religious Seekers and the Advent of Mormonism, Signature Books, Salt Lake City, 1988, pp. 97–128, “The Earliest Mormon Concept of God,” Gary James Bergera (ed.), Line Upon Line: Essays on Mormon Doctrine, Signature Books, Salt Lake City, 1989, pp. 17–33, and Kurt Widmer, Mormonism and the Nature of God: A Theological Evolution 1830–1915, McFarland and Co., Jefferson, 2000, pp. 28–41

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within and without.39 The movement with an extremely ethical dualistic worldview divides the world into two camps, those who belong to God, or true Israel, and therein the Mormons, and those of the Church of Satan, those who are not Mormon, the Gentiles. Historically this dualism has led to difficulties in all geographical areas in which the early Mormons resided and often hindered the acceptance of their message in North America and abroad. As this writing concerns itself with one particular church within the movement, the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, and in a few rare instances with the Reorganized Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints, I will refer to them as the LDS and RLDS churches respectively. Much of the source material used in this writing is of German origin, where no distinctions between the varying groups of Mormons, or “Mormonisms” were made. Early German sources referred to the Mormons by the general term of Mormoniten. Within the early Prussian Privy Council, ministerial, and diplomatic documents they are referred to as Mormonen. Generally the term Mormonen is used, but variants of the term Latter Day Saints, such as Heiligen vom jungsten Tage, does also appear. I will also use the general term “Mormon” when referring to the group within the appropriate contexts. 1. What is Mormonism? Classifying Mormonism has proven to be a difficult task. Currently several views dominate the discussion. From an academic perspective classification usually depends on the discipline with which the subject is approached. The central question to be answered of course, is Mormonism a church, a sect, a cult, a mystery religion, or a sub culture? Some have posited that it is a new world religion as distinct from its background in Christianity as Christianity was from first century Judaism.40 The general academic consensus in North America concludes that it is a church. It has been decades since the Mormons have been classified within the classic sociological “sect” category. Outside of academic circles Mormonism does not fair as favourably. In North America there appears to be a broad consensus among major bodies of Christiani39

40

Roger D. Launius and Linda Thatcher (eds), Differing Visions: Dissenters in Mormon History, University of Illinois Press, Urbana, 1994. See particularly Roger D. Launius and Linda Thatcher, “Mormonism and the Dynamics of Dissent,” pp. 1–22 The view of Mormonism as a new World Religion are evidenced in Rodney Stark, “The Rise of a New World Faith,” Review of Religious Research, vol. 26, no. 1, September 1984, pp. 18–27; Rodney Stark, The Rise of Mormonism, in Reid L. Neilson (ed.), Columbia University Press, New York, 2005; Terryl L. Givens, By the Hand of Mormon: The American Scripture that Launched a New World Religion, Oxford University Press, Oxford, 2003, and Jan Shipps, Mormonism: The Story of a New Religious Tradition, University of Illinois Press, Champaign and Urbana, 1987.

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ty who continue to categorize the Mormons as a heretical variant of Christianity. The majority of Christian denominations tend to classify the Mormons as a “cult.” This categorization is based on theological models rather than academic models of classification. In general they see the Mormons as using Christian terms and symbols, but having different meanings attached to these. Or, secondarily they may see Mormonism as Christian in the sense that they are not a Buddhist, Hindu, or Muslim sect, but, as Christians, they are defective in some way.41 While outsiders have a tendency to classify Mormons as a variant of nontraditional Christianity, the Mormons definitely see themselves as being Christian. Their self-view is, that they are not just a variant, a denomination, a sect, or a small part of Christianity. Rather, they see themselves as the only legitimate representative of Christianity. It is claimed that the true teachings of Jesus and his apostles cannot be found in any other organisation present in the world today. Their leaders, when they speak, speak for God. Mormonism seeks to redefine historically accepted forms of Christianity within its own unique worldview. With this as a central tenet, its message can only make sense against the backdrop of an already present and pervasive Christian culture. An important and often overlooked fact is that the majority of converts to Mormonism has been, historically, and continue to be, from dominantly Christian countries, primarily the United States and to a lesser extent areas of western Europe. Although missions have existed outside of North America, and Europe, some existing for at least 100 years, few converts have been made in predominately Hindu, Buddhist, or Islamic countries. Until the late 1970s due to LDS racial policy all of Africa except South Africa was ignored as a mission field. The lack of relative success outside of its home country, although the Mormons may claim the contrary, definitely requires an explanation. It was while looking at conversion statistics, both historical and modern, that I first began to look at the possibility of writing an in-depth examination of the LDS in Germany. I noticed that while the Mormons had been active in Germany since the early 1850s the success they had hoped for never materialized. Relative to the other

41

The list includes Catholics, United Methodists, Presbyterians, Lutherans, Greek Orthodox, and Anglicans. See Joseph Ratzinger, Response to a Dubium on the Validity of Baptism Conferred by “The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints,” called “Mormons,” From the Offices of the Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith, 5 June 2001. Available at www.vatican.va/roman_curia/congregations/cfaith/documents/rc_con_cfaith_doc_20010605 _battesimo_mormoni_en.html. As well the United Methodist General Conference passed a resolution in May 2000 clarifying its stance on the Mormons known as 806-NonDis. The resolution is available at www.gc2000.org/pets/cal/TEXT/c0806.asp. The Evangelical Lutheran Church in America issued a statement concerning former LDS, who had converted and wished to attain membership titled, Should Lutherans rebaptize former Mormons who are joining the congregation? The statement is available at, www.elca.org/Growing-InFaith/Worship/Learning-Center/FAQs/Rebaptism.aspx.

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mainly Protestant areas of Europe, Great Britain and the Scandinavian countries, the German speaking parts of Europe never provided the same proportional number of conversions as these countries had. The LDS response to the lack of conversions intimated that persecution, and government interference were the central reasons behind this. While this could have accounted for slow growth during certain historical periods when guaranteed freedom of religion did not exist, it could not account for the stagnated growth following official state recognition in Germany in the early 1950s. Originally I had set out to find some concrete answers surrounding the Mormons’ tenure in Germany and to produce a critical history of the LDS in Germany. The focus was to center the history within the greater theme of church-state relations. The study was intended to examine official responses to the Mormons in Germany on several levels and through various epochs of time. As I began examining German approaches to sects prior to the Mormon arrival I came to realize that many of the historical German sects had emigrated to the United States. I noticed, as well, through some quirk of history, these expatriated German sects had exerted a substantial influence on the development of Mormonism. This work is the result of that research. The claims of the Latter Day Saint movement are by no means unique. Historical antecedents and contemporary parallels do exist. For the membership, there is a strong belief that the practices, symbols and beliefs, though unique to themselves, are culturally relevant for the nation as a whole. Beginning a small, outcast, millenarian sect the movement has grown into a bastion of conservative American values. With other conservative Christian groups it shares common political, cultural, social, and family values. Mormonism shares a heritage with other nineteenth-century American millennial movements such as the Seventh-day Adventists and the Jehovah’s Witnesses who still seem to stand on the fringes of American social acceptability. Both groups still exist in an uneasy tension with society to a degree. That is more true of the Jehovah’s Witnesses, than of the Seventh-day Adventists who have been the leaders in advocating a healthy lifestyle, and the advancement of medical science. Mormonism differs from the latter groups in its attempt to move beyond the religious sphere and implement new measures into society in the here and now. Two of the best examples of this in the modern period were the vocal protestation against the Equal Rights Amendment during the 1970s, and the announcement of Mitt Romney as a candidate for the Republican Party’s presidential nominee in 2008 and 2012.42

42

Linda Sillitoe, “Church Politics and Sonia Johnson: The Central Conundrum,” Sunstone, vol. 19, January–February 1980, pp. 35–43; Mary L. Bradford, “All on Fire: An Interview with Sonia Johnson,” Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought, vol. 14, no. 2, 1981, pp. 27–47; Mike Allen, “A Mormon as President?,” Time Magazine, November 26, 2006.

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B. MORMONISM IN THE HISTORY OF NORTH AMERICAN RELIGION Questions surrounding how the Mormons fit within the Christian tradition is a valid one. Are they Catholic, Protestant, other, or are they the first “World Religion” to emerge since Islam?43 Mormons are basically conservative, evangelical, (experience and mission oriented), and doctrinally Protestant. They will disagree with this label, and so will many Evangelical Protestants for that matter. Mormons do possess distinct, peculiar, beliefs and rituals that do set them apart from other North American groups like the Watch Tower Bible and Tract Society (the Jehovah’s Witnesses), the Pentecostal groups, the Seventh-day Adventist, and the Churches of Christ. But similarities do exist with other groups having North American origins, primarily in eschatological areas. Being eschatologically similar to the Jehovah’s Witnesses, the Adventists, and many churches within the evangelical Christian community, the Mormons await an imminent return of Jesus during their lifetime. For most of the nineteenth century many Mormons, leaders and members alike, expected Jesus to return between February 14, 1890–1891.44 Along with the Churches of Christ, the StoneCampbell churches, the Mormons hold a common belief for the need of a restoration of proper authority, church offices, and rituals such as baptism. Similar to the modern Pentecostals, early Mormons practiced speaking in tongues, and still believe in prophetic revelation, healings, and miracles. They also saw this outbreak of the charismatic gifts as proof positive that the Second Advent was near. Originally isolationists, the LDS have made great attempts at gaining acceptability by society and mainstream Christianity. In order to accomplish this end they have distanced themselves from their history and its less palatable concepts. Unlike most religious groups, apologetics for the LDS has now moved beyond theological arguments and into the realm of the social sciences. The entrance into a secular world from almost a century of isolation created a new set of problems 43

44

This is one of the key arguments presented by Jan Shipps in her Mormonism: The Birth of a New Tradition. Connections between Islam and Mormonism have been made in other works as well. The most notable are Eduard Meyer, Ursprung und Geschichte der Mormonen: Mit Exkursen über die Anfänge des Islams und des Christentums, Niemeyer, Halle, 1912; Fawn Brodie, No Man Knows My History: The Life of the Mormon Prophet Joseph Smith, Alfred Knopf, New York, 1945 [1982]. While the Mormons have often disputed this set date, and that the date was conditional on him reaching the age of 85, there is strong evidence that Smith during his lifetime believed he would live to see the Second Advent. There are three statements made by Smith pointing to this date. It goes without saying that LDS leaders as they neared the appointed time fully expected the return of Jesus. The two primary figures were Apostle Moses Thatcher, and then President Wilford Woodruff. Woodruff’s diary is filled with millenarian expectations and he fully expected Jesus to return sometime between February 1890–1891. See Susan Staker, Waiting For World’s End: The Diaries of Wilford Woodruff, Signature Books, Salt Lake City, 1993. As well see Erickson, As a Thief in the Night, pp. 65–91; Underwood, Millenarian World of Early Mormonism, pp. 24–41.

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for the dogmatic orthodox hierarchy who had little tolerance for social liberalism, divergent ideology, or dissent. As the LDS leadership is often aged, the current leader being the first LDS leader to be born in the twentieth century, there is often talk of a double generation gap. The secularization continues today on two fronts within the LDS church, through the secular education of the membership and from the influx of new converts. It was the concentration on secular education by the RLDS church leaders, beginning in the late 1950s, that led to their inevitable rejection of most of the distinct Mormon claims.45 Mormonism has often been defined as an anti-creedal church, as there is no set of beliefs or a particular statement of faith to which all members must adhere. There does exist a collection of theological statements compiled as the Articles of Faith that outline Mormonism’s central tenets. Yet, the Articles of Faith should not be seen as the Mormons’ confession of faith, or as a statement of faith in a classic understanding of the terms.46 Rather, within Mormonism there exists, within a narrowly defined set of parameters, a set of concepts that are accepted and believed by most claiming to be Mormons. These concepts deal with the foundational principles, emphasizing that Mormonism is the final act of God in history. At the forefront stands the belief in the validity of Joseph Smith’s ministry. Often this is followed by a belief that God’s church, the only “correct” or “true” organization is on the Earth and is led by a living prophet. The last concept that should be included is the belief that the Book of Mormon is a literal history, or at the very least, an accurate record of the inhabitants of the ancient American continent. In principle, beyond this core set of beliefs, individuals are free to seek divine guidance for most matters of faith and practice. What may be allowable in theory does not often carry through in practice. As no clear set of beliefs exists one tends to follow the interpretations of the hierarchy regarding faith and practice. After all, the hierarchy does have a direct line of communication with the divine, and are therefore less prone to error.47 It is a perfect world, leaders lead and followers follow. In spite of the hierarchical nature of the LDS church, and the required belief in a living oracle, many converts often

45

46

47

See Roger D. Launius, “The RLDS Church and the Decade of Decision,” Sunstone, vol. 19, September 1996, pp. 45–55. As well see William D. Russell’s, “Richard Price: Leading Publicist for the Reorganized Churches Schismatics,” Roger D. Launius and Linda Thatcher (eds), Differing Visions: Dissenters in Mormon History, University of Illinois Press, Urbana, 1994, pp. 319–342 Joseph Smith wrote the Articles of Faith at the request of Chicago Democrat Editor John Wentworth in 1842. While they do outline the central tenets of Mormon beliefs they are representative of an earlier developmental period in Mormonism. The centrepiece of the LDS belief system, the Temple with its rituals, emerged after the Articles of Faith were written and are not included within them. See Cole R. Capener, “How General the Authority: Individual Conscience and De facto Infallibility,” Sunstone, vol. 9, autumn 1984, pp. 26–30.

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hold beliefs reminiscent of their pre-Mormon religious affiliations. It may be that even members from within the tradition are adopting these more commonly held beliefs. This trend was brought out clearly in a 2001 survey of religion in America. For example, some 26% of Mormons say they have made a personal commitment to Jesus Christ, believing that salvation is attained by virtue of having “confessed their sins and accepted Jesus Christ as their personal Saviour.” This statement rings truer of American evangelical Protestantism, and thereby in principle is foreign to historical Mormon teachings. In general though, few Mormons, like Catholics or Protestants for that matter, are able to define the basic beliefs of their church. Individuals in any of these groups often hold religious views that may be valid, but are often contradictory to their church’s teachings. An example of this is again found in the survey from 2001. The survey found that Mormons are more likely to accept the total accuracy of the biblical text, and to hold to an orthodox biblical view of God, than Catholics, Episcopalians, Lutherans or Presbyterians. Both of these concepts, biblical accuracy, or inerrancy, and Trinitarianism, are contrary to current official or historical Mormon ideology. 48 Rapid membership growth appears to bring inherent problems to a religious organization. No authority can force individuals into right thinking. Neither can a group purge its membership entirely of their previously held beliefs, regardless of re-education. Among the LDS, where practice and ritual takes precedence over clear, definitive statements of belief, the convert’s older perspectives are often simply added to any new beliefs. It seems to have always been that way. Mormon proselytizing efforts in the nineteenth century drew converts from like-minded millennialists and primitivist Seekers.49 These individuals joined because they already held similar views regarding eschatology and church structure.50 The concepts of heavenly visions, a 48

49 50

The survey made no indication as to which of the Mormon churches was included within the survey. It is assumed that do to its predominance in the United States that the LDS church would have been the primary church designated as Mormon. See the Barna Group’s Religious Beliefs Vary Widely By Denomination, June 25, 2001, retrieved August 15, 2009, www.barna.org/barna-update/article/5-barna-update/53-religious-beliefs-vary-widely-bydenomination?q=mormons; Protestants, Catholics and Mormons Reflect Diverse Levels of Religious Activity, July 9, 2001, retrieved August 15, 2009, www.barna.org/barnaupdate/article/5-barna-update/54-protestants-catholics-and-mormons-reflect-diverse-levelsof-religious-activity?q=mormons. Allan Taylor, “Rediscovering the Context of Joseph Smith’s Treasure Seeking,” Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought, vol. 19, no. 4, 1986, p. 22. For early Mormon eschatological views see the Book of Mormon, 3 Nephi 21–22, and Joseph Smith, The Doctrine and Covenants of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints Containing Revelations Given to Joseph Smith, the Prophet, with Some Additions by his Successors in the Presidency of the Church, Intellectual Reserve, Salt Lake City, 1981, section 87. Throughout this work I will refer to The Doctrine and Covenants of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints, by its more accepted designation, Doctrine and Covenants. Ear-

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restoration of primitive Christianity, revelations from Heaven, the charismatic or Pentecostal gifts of tongues, and healing, and a rigid concept of a church, addressed the religious questions of the last century. Today we live in an age of science and reason and generally hold to a less mythological worldview. The possibility of prophets, divine revelation, and heavenly visitations, are deemed less likely to occur in the natural world. There appears to be little middle ground when it comes to views on the supernatural. The supernatural is either out rightly rejected through rationalistic arguments, or is whole heartily accepted as has happened with many groups in western Christianity such as the LDS church and most modern evangelical Protestant groups. C. IS MORMONISM THE FASTEST GROWING RELIGION? How well have the Mormons done in gaining converts? From what sources are available, as we can only estimate, there are presently a little over 13,800,000 Latter Day Saints worldwide. The majority of these belong to the Utah based LDS church. The LDS, by their own accounts, claim to have close to 14 million members. The total Latter Day Saints within the remaining churches of the movement account for perhaps another 300,000. Aside from the LDS church, the two largest subgroups within the movement are the Community of Christ and the LDS schismatic Fundamentalist or Priesthood groups. The Community of Christ, formerly known as the Reorganized Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints, with a membership of around 250,000, is active in many countries around the world. The church was established on April 6, 1860 by followers of the founding prophet Joseph Smith who rejected the innovative concepts introduced by him in Nauvoo during the early1840s. The death of Smith in the summer of 1844 had left the question of legal and religious succession open.51 It was generally accepted by many that his eldest son should succeed his father. The contenders for the leadership would hold the Presidency in trust for the younger Smith until he could assume the mantle of leadership. The aspect of a lineal succession forms the basis for the RLDS approach to leadership. Since its

51

ly convert Ezra Booth; one of the original missionaries sent to Missouri to proselyte among the Native Americans outlines the early Mormon message in a series of letters. See Ezra Booth’s Letter no. 2, in E. D. Howe, Mormonism Unvailed, N.P., Painsville, 1834, pp. 179– 183. Each of the groups that emerged from this time period make arguments in their favour delegitimizing the claims of the other groups in the movement. The three largest groups to emerge the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints led by James J. Strang, the LDS church led by Brigham Young and the Quorum of Twelve Apostles, and the Reorganized Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints differed in beliefs and structure from the church founded by Joseph Smith. See Quinn, The Origins of Power, pp. 143–264.

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formation in 1860 until 1995 a direct descendant of Joseph Smith led the church. Smith’s first wife, Emma, and her sons never followed the Twelve Apostles west, and therefore were never part of the LDS church. The Community of Christ has differed distinctly from the LDS church since its inception in the early 1860s. Since their founding they have attempted to maintain a distinct identity. Different views existed on the succession in leadership; a direct descendent, or more precisely an appointment by the current prophetic leader, versus the LDS view of ascension to leadership from within a quorum of 12 individuals based on tenure. Other differences existed on the use and purpose of temples, rejection of the belief in a plurality of gods, the economic orders, and most importantly the rejection of the practice of plural marriage. What are often referred to as Priesthood Groups emerge as a direct result of the mainstream LDS church’s movement away from the defining tenets of nineteenth-century Mormonism. These groups, often classified as simply polygamists, or Mormon Fundamentalists are estimated to number anywhere between 37,000 upwards to 100,000. Judging from popular media accounts, that Mormon Fundamentalists continue the practice of plural marriage or polygamy is often the only distinct concept associated with the Priesthood Groups. Yet their belief structure is a little more complex. Mormon Fundamentalist beliefs are based on the central principles introduced, outlined, and taught by Joseph Smith and successive leaders within the LDS church throughout much of the late nineteenth century. These concepts were to prepare the earthly saints for eternal life. The believer’s mortal probation would give them an opportunity to live the same heavenly principles by which they would live throughout the eternal ages. The social order, polygamy was just one of these “fundamentals” that the faithful Mormon was to follow in their earthly probation. The fundamentals comprise the cornerstones upon which the Kingdom of God will be built. The physical Zion, a theocratic kingdom, must be established on the Earth before Jesus can return. This future kingdom is comprised of political, economic, social, and religious components. The central fundamentals of nineteenth-century Mormonism were living the Law of Consecration or the United Order, participating in plural marriage, understanding the true nature of God, as understood in the concept of Adam-God, and congregating in a designated place under the Law of the Gathering.52 Not merely believing in, but living the fundamentals was essential to exaltation. Those who failed to live by these principles would not attain the highest exaltation, becoming Priests and Priestesses, Kings and Queens, Gods and Goddesses.

52

We will deal with the Mormon Fundamentals in a following chapter. Throughout this work its abbreviated forms, the Gathering, or Gathering to Zion, will refer to the Law of the Gathering.

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The fundamentals were instituted to create an alternative society and intended to cover a broad spectrum in the lives of the followers. Economic aspects of kingdom life are contained in the concept of the Law of Consecration, also known as the United Order. The United Order is a form of communalism where all material wealth is given, or consecrated to the group, for the benefit of all belonging to the group. The social order is based on the concepts of plural marriage, special rituals called Sealings, which includes the Law of Adoption. Within the new social order members would be united through special temple rituals into a grand patriarchal family. Living relatives through proxy rituals performed on behalf of dead ancestors would create an eternal family. The religious aspects of the kingdom pertain to the true nature of God. In one of his final addresses to the Saints in Nauvoo shortly before his death, Joseph Smith revealed that individuals must understand the true nature of God. According to Smith the great mystery of the ages was that God was once a man and that man had the capacity to become a God. An extrapolation of the Smith sermon, popularly known as the King Follett discourse, would develop within the LDS tradition culminating in the Adam-God concept.53 The concept of Adam-God emerges during the 1850s within the LDS church. In principle it states that Adam, the first man according to the biblical tradition, came to this earth from another planet with one of his wives known as Eve. The god Adam, or Michael, as he was originally known, became mortal and began to populate the Earth.54 Understanding the true nature of God was vital, as only those who possess the correct knowledge of God could progress to become gods themselves. The last fundamental, the Gathering, had the greatest influence on Mormon missionary efforts in the nineteenth century, and on their efforts in building the kingdom of God. The concept of the Gathering has played an important role within Mormon history as traditionally missionaries were sent throughout the world to warn and to call all humankind to specified geographic locales. The Mormons saw themselves as heralds of the millennial dawn warning the world of the coming apocalypse.

53 54

Joseph Smith, History of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, 7 vols, Deseret News Press, Salt Lake City, 1902–1932, vol. 6, pp. 302–317. There are many good expositions on this concept. See Journal of Discourses, vol. 13, pp. 264, and Brigham Young, “I Propose to Speak Upon a Subject That Does Not Immediately Concern Your or My Welfare.” unpublished discourse, Brigham Young LDS General Conference, Great Salt Lake City, October 8, 1854, Brigham Young Papers, Family and Church History Department Archives, The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, Salt Lake City. Copy in possession of author. See also Bergera, “The Orson Pratt–Brigham Young Controversies,” pp. 13, 41; David John Buerger, “The Adam-God Doctrine,” Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought, vol. 15, no. 1, 1982, pp. 14–58; Cully Christiansen, The AdamGod Maze, Independent Publishers, Scottsdale, 1981. As well see my Mormonism and the Nature of God, McFarland Publishers, Jefferson, 2000.

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The elect, the called out ones, the newly converted were to come to Zion the appointed place of refuge from the coming apocalypse.55 While plural marriage was the most visible tenet of Kingdom ideology, it was the Gathering to Zion that had the greatest impact on early Mormon missionary endeavours. During the latter part of the nineteenth-century Utah Mormonism began to dismantle the core concepts associated with building the kingdom of God, and a physical Zion ceased to be an integral part of LDS identity and belief. As a direct result of the changes, what the fundamentalists call accommodation to Babylon, various groups began to emerge that resisted that move and retained a belief in the older, original teachings.56 While there had been a change in emphasis from a calling to gather to a specific place, Zion, usually defined as a place on, or as the North American continent, the LDS continued their missionary work at home and abroad. The LDS had always emphasized conversion, which usually was coupled with an intense drive to have the converts emigrate to Zion. This changed, and while many did continue to come to Zion many converts remained in their native lands. This shift in focus on the Gathering signalled the end of the LDS being an exclusively north American populated church.57 Although there was a change in emphasis in the early twentieth century, by the onset of the twenty-first century the majority of LDS adherents were still to be found in Utah and the intermountain west.58 Traditional areas of Mormon settlement run along the eastern slopes of the Rocky Mountains from Cardston, Alberta, Canada in the north to Colonia Juarez, Mexico in the south.

55 56

57

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“Ezra Booth Letter no. 2,” in Howe, Mormonism Unvailed, pp. 179–183. As well Book of Mormon 3 Nephi 21–22. For a solid over view of the origins of Fundamentalism see Martha Sonntag Bradley, Kidnapped From That Land: The Government Raids on the Short Creek Polygamists, Publications in Mormon Studies, vol. 9, University of Utah Press, Salt Lake City, 1996, pp. 1–39. It is estimated that by the later part of the nineteenth century of 160,000 LDS about 11,000 lived outside of the U.S. in Europe. See Leonard J. Arrington and Davis Bitton, The Mormon Experience: A History of the Latter-day Saints, University of Illinois Press, Urbana, 1992, p. 140. Recent statistics place membership totals at 8.2 million for North America, 3.3 million in South America. A little over 308,000 members reside in Africa, 472,000 in Europe, and 978,000 in Asia. By contrast, in traditional Mormon areas the state of Utah has 1.8 million members, Idaho 410,000, Arizona 310,000. See Statistical Information: Official 2009 statistics about the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints. Worldwide Church Statistics, retrieved August 15, 2009, newsroom.lds.org/ldsnewsroom/eng/statistical-information, See as well the “Pew Forum on Religion and Public Life” 2009 Poll, A Portrait of Mormons in the U.S., retrieved July 20, 2010, pewforum.org/Christian/Mormon/A-Portrait-of-Mormons-inthe-US.aspx.

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Beginning in the 1960s there was a growing perception that Mormonism was becoming a world church.59 Researchers with no hard data, except a few sporadic studies and census records, had no reason to doubt the growth in converts that the LDS church was claiming outside of North America. During the later parts of the twentieth century the LDS were claiming phenomenal growth in Latin America, primarily Mexico, Brazil, and Chile.60 While the LDS had been proselytizing in many of these areas since the middle of the nineteenth century, there appeared to be a convert explosion.61 Traditional and historical harvesting fields for Mormonism, such as Britain, Canada, Scandinavia, and Germany began to provide fewer and fewer converts in contrast to Latin America. As a result of the convert explo-

59

60

61

Most academic studies, census data, or popular presentations do not make distinctions with regards to the groups within Mormonism. For the most part while recognising the existence of other groups the terms Mormon, and Mormonism are used exclusively to refer to the LDS church. The 2000, and 2002 census for these three countries includes Mormons as a category for religious identification. Outside of the United States these countries are listed as having the greatest Mormon populations. The numbers are as follows: in Chile 103,000, Brazil 199,000, and Mexico 205,000 identified themselves as Mormons on their official census. These are slightly different numbers than the LDS’ own numbers, which claimed 561,000 for Chile, 1.1 million for Brazil, and 1.1 million for Mexico. See Federal Census Brasil, 2000, Tabela 1.3.1, Populaçăo residente, por sexo e situaçăo do domicílio, segundo a religiăo, Brasil, Instituto Brasileiro de Geografia e Estatística, IBGE, Rio de Janero, 2001; Federal Census Mexico, 2000, XII CGPV 2000, Tabulados básicos, Estados Unidos Mexicanos Población De 5 Años Y Más Por Entidad Federativa, Sexo Y Religión, Y Su Distribución Según Grupos Quinquenales De Eda, Instituto Nacional de Estadística, Geografía e Informática, 2005; Federal Census Chile, 2002, Caracteristicas Sociales y Culturales Sintesis De Resultados Religion, Comision Nacional Del Xvii Censo De Poblacion Y Vi De Vivienda, Santiago de Chile, 2003. The country census records are available in PDF form from the respective government agencies. Copies are in the possession of the author. Current LDS statistics are most readily available from the official LDS website which provides a comprehensive set of statistics for each region and mission. Statistical Information: Official 2009 statistics about the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints. Worldwide Church Statistics, retrieved August 15, 2009, newsroom.lds.org/ldsnewsroom/eng/statistical-information. Nineteenth-century LDS efforts in Brazil and Chile were not among the indigenous coloured peoples of these countries. The missionary efforts were geared toward Germans and other European immigrants to these countries. The LDS sanction against those of African descent holding the priesthood would have excluded the majority of the inhabitants from having full rights to participate within the LDS church. See demographics in “Pew Forum on Religion and Public Life” 2009 Poll, A Portrait of Mormons in the U.S., retrieved July 20, 2010, pewforum.org/Christian/Mormon/A-Portrait-of-Mormons-in-the-US.aspx. Armand Mauss, “The Fading of the Pharaoh’s Curse: The Decline and Fall of the Priesthood Ban Against Blacks in the Mormon Church,” Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought, vol. 14, no. 3, 1981, pp. 12–13; Lamond Tullis, “The Church Moves Outside the United States: Some Observations From Latin America,” Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought, vol. 13, no. 1, 1980, p. 66; Mark L. Grover, “The Mormon Priesthood Revelation and the Sao Paulo, Brazil Temple,” Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought, 23, no. 1, 1980, p. 41.

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sion, academics were proclaiming that the LDS church would soon outstrip conventional variants of Christianity with its overwhelming growth. Mormonism was heralded as the next “World Religion,” the first to appear since the rise of Islam. For much of the 1980s and 1990s journalists and social scientists heralded the growth rate of the Mormons.62 The Mormons, it was claimed, were the fastest growing religion in the world. They estimated that by 2035, if current growth rates continued, the Mormons would total 65 million. But something happened! Between the United States censuses of 1990 and 2000 a different picture began to emerge. The census told a different story, placing serious doubts on the way Mormon statistics and growth rate numbers had been accumulated and calculated. In short, the rates and numbers Rodney Stark had predicted fell far short of expectations. Although there is evidence to the contrary, the LDS church, the media, and the conservative Christian anti-cult movement continued to promulgate the myth of the LDS as the “fastest growing church.”63 Numbers, both applauded and feared, of 265 million followers by 2080 were being attached to the Mormons.64 The LDS church is aware of the statistical imbalance between its numbers and the actual, official, country census numbers, but has done very little to correct the public perception of being the “fastest growing religion.”65 Despite evidence to the contrary, the myth of Mormonism as the “fastest growing religion” seems to be ingrained in North American culture.66

62 63

64

65

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Stark, “The Rise of a New World Faith,” pp. 19–26. Stack, Peggy Fletcher, “Keeping Members a Challenge for LDS Church: Mormon Myth: The Belief That the Church is the Fastest-growing Faith in the World Doesn't Hold Up,” The Salt Lake Tribune, Tribune Publishing Co., Salt Lake City, June 22, 2006. See Stark, “The Rise of a New World Faith,” p. 22. As well Rodney Stark, “The Basis of Mormon Success: A Theoretical Application,” James T. Duke (ed.), Latter-day Saint Social Life: Social Research on the LDS Church and its Members, Religious Studies Center, Brigham Young University, Provo, 1998, pp. 29–67. Foreign authors were also using the growth projections. See Albert Mössmer, Die Mormonen: Die Heiligen der letzten Tages, Patmos Verlag, Dusseldorf, 1995, pp. 8–9. An article appearing in the June 2007 LDS church organ the Ensign, makes mention that most people are unaware of how the LDS church gathers statistics in calculating its membership totals and therefore there is bound to be inaccuracy in reporting the numbers. See “Membership, Retention on the Rise,” Ensign, vol. 37, no. 6, June 2007, pp. 75–76, p. 75. In two senior level courses that I teach, one on Religion in North America, the other on the Latter Day Saint Movement I spend one lecture going over statistics on the growth of North American based religious movements worldwide, and which of them is the “fastest growing” religion. In the first lecture of both classes I compare the membership totals, and growth statistics, of the LDS, the Seventh-day Adventists, the Jehovah’s Witnesses, and Pentecostalism. A multiple-choice question on the first exam asks, which of the four is the fastest growing religion? I would estimate that yearly 80% of the individuals answer that the LDS are the fastest growing religion even though it is stressed that Pentecostalism is the fastest growing, and no mention, either in the lecture or the text, is made of the LDS as being such.

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There are many reasons for citing growth rates as a measure of success. For the LDS the growth rate is interpreted as an indication of the truthfulness of their message. Academics, and popular media alike, apparently unaware of how the LDS gather statistics, had little reason to doubt the self-reported numbers and were astonished by the growth rates. The anti-cult movement also used the inflated statistics as a front to rally the Christian churches to halt the progress of Mormonism among their ranks. After all, it is from among existing Christian denominations that the Mormons have added the most converts. Historically, existing Christian denominations have been the well from which most Mormon converts have been drawn. Evangelizing among existing professing Christians is a concept foreign to most Christians outside of North America. This is historically illustrated in a question asked by German authorities in Hamburg in 1853 to the proselyting Mormons. The question put to the LDS missionaries was, “why don’t Mormons proselytize in non-Christian countries.” 67 History, however, tells another story regarding Mormonism‘s growth. One can only be truly astonished with the LDS growth when one fails to take into account the growth patterns of virtually every other religious movement that originated on the North American continent. True, the Mormons do gain converts at a rapid pace, yet so does virtually every other conservative Christian group in the United States. High demand religion is in. Mormonism, however, has difficulty in retaining these converts. It is a revolving door of entrance and exit that has only increased since the arrival of the Internet. Judging from simple Internet searches, ex-Mormon and websites critical of Mormonism have exploded. Where 20 years ago a few organizations distributed handbills, or tracts, written in English to whoever requested them, today one can find information in German, French, Japanese and a host of other languages. While information on Mormon beliefs was once the domain of select groups with the advent of the Internet information on Mormonism usually precedes the missionaries. One really has to ask why the LDS church stands guard to a revolving door and also why there are so many critics among the ranks of the ex-Mormons. A possible reason may come from a concept expressed as “milk before meat.” As a member an individual only learns about the organization’s teachings in a progressive fashion and advances within the hierarchical structure in a progressive set order. One only needs to consistently prove one is worthy, capable, and ready in order to progress to the next level. Mormons have never been well principled in areas of full disclosure, and the sceptical religion buying public often does like to see what is not being said, as much as what is being offered up front. With access to information so readily available to all who wish, the traditional methods of controlling the information about itself are failing.

67

The Latter Day Saints Millennial Star, 132 vols, The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, Manchester, Liverpool, London, 1840–1970, vol. 15, no. 10, March 5, 1853, p. 156.

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With few exceptions, Mormonism has historically been a high turnover religion. Due to the difficulty in officially becoming an ex-member, these disaffiliated members continue to be counted on the church as actual members.68 Their names remain on official registers but they do not participate. The embarrassment of appearing before a church tribunal and making a defense, or giving an account of a personal decision to disaffiliate is not that appealing for most individuals therefore members who leave the church continue to be counted as members on the official membership rolls. This may account for the massive discrepancy between the reported LDS membership numbers and the census self-identification numbers from Latin America. Historically, Mormonism has had its greatest success in particular cultural regions. Success in gaining converts has been largely in the English-speaking world, and primarily in the United States. Success in proselyting, as well, has been greater among Protestants than among Catholics. In dealing with historical statistics I was intrigued why countries with generally similar cultures, European, and similar religious orientation, Protestantism, did not yield proportionally the same number of converts. The central question for this current study of Mormonism in Germany became centered on the reasons for the lack of converts in Germany relative to comparable missions in Britain and Scandinavia. It seemed that while British and Scandinavians converted to Mormonism, in proportionally higher rates, early British and Scandinavian converts also were more likely to emigrate to Zion in North America, leaving smaller native convert populations. Yet Germany could still be considered a successful missionary field. For a time in the late nineteenth and into the early twentieth century, Germany was usually ranked third in total membership by country behind the United States and Canada. But how does one measure success? Does one measure success by the members remaining in the host country? Does one measure success in total baptisms by country? What if the baptized members emigrate, as most of the early converts did? The immigrants then become American members and are no longer considered British, Scandinavian, or German members. Many factors would have to be considered to make a study like this feasible. While on the surface Germany may be seen as a very successful mission field it encountered numerous problems from the outset that definitely subdued its growth. In retrospect, Germany never provided the explosion in converts that was

68

Gustav A. Zimmer von Ulbersdorf, in his Unter den Mormonen in Utah: Mit besonderer Berücksichtigung der deutschen evangelischen Missionsarbeit, Bertelsmann, Gütersloh, 1908, cites that many of the German converts he encountered in his missionary tours in Utah in the early part of the twentieth century had lost faith in Mormonism. Most remained as this was the only option that they saw as acceptable given the hardship they faced by making a formal break. Zimmer cited several letters from converts including correspondence with the editor J. H. Ward of Salt Lake City’s German newspaper who republished evangelical sermons in his Mormon oriented paper. See pp. 107, 114 ff.

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expected when the Mormons began a full-scale proselytizing program in the 1850s. The founding prophet Joseph Smith had great expectations for the German Mission. The first missionary on German soil, Orson Hyde, also had great expectations. He fully expected to convert many; so many in fact he request the authority to act independently in translating, publishing and distributing any and all material he deemed necessary to further the mission in Germany.69 Let us then look at some Mormon conversion numbers, both current and historical. By comparison, I have included two other North American indigenous religions that would have the same cultural advantages or disadvantages as the Mormons did. That is to say they are products of a time and place virtually identical to Mormonism in many dimensions, including the overriding theme of millenarianism. The Latter Day Saints, Seventh-day Adventists, and the Watch Tower Bible and Tract Society, better known as the Jehovah’s Witnesses, have much in common. All three groups have their roots in the turmoil of the nineteenth-century American evangelical revival known as the Second Great Awakening. All three groups used similar proselyting strategies to attract potential converts. By engaging the public through pamphleteering, and aggressive proselytizing they were able to personalize their attempts to gain converts. As well, all three of the groups proclaimed a millennial, or properly, a millenarian message. Their adherents were promised the imminent return of Jesus within their lifetimes. All three groups sought to create separated communities in one form or another. This took on several forms the dominant being the introduction of a dietary code. Specific requirements for the membership also contributed in the creation of separated communities and the sense of specialness among the membership. The end result was essentially the same, the creation of a separate and distinct community. The three groups then provide an excellent basis for comparison in their approaches towards proselyting, at home, in America, and abroad. 1. The Numbers: the LDS, the SDA, and the JWs In looking at the membership statistics of religious groups we are faced with two sets of statistics. The first is what can be termed the raw data. This comprises the group’s own numbers usually collected from membership roles using various methods of compilation. The raw numbers do not address activity rates, participation rates, and usually give no indication of how the group arrives at the number

69

Smith, History of the Church, vol. 4, pp. 123–124. In his King Follett discourse of 1844, Smith appeals to his knowledge of German to substantiate his rendering of biblical passages. See Times and Seasons, vol. 5, no. 15, August 15, 1844, p. 617. In one of his last sermons delivered on May 12, 1844 Smith calls the Germans an “exalted people” see Smith, History of the Church, vol. 6, p. 363

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of adherents it claims. Unless the group specifies how they gather their statistics, i.e. whether inclusion is based upon a set of criteria; the raw data will often be an inflated number compared to the actual participating members of a group, or those that claim affiliation with the group. There are several other ways in which to calculate the actual number of adherents in a group. Religious identification, whether done through independent surveys or in a general census, is often a good indicator of actual membership. That is to say, these numbers are based upon an individual’s claim to prefer one religious group to another. Yet even these statistics are not without error, as actually participating in the religious life of a group and claiming affiliation with a group has no real correlation. It is however safe to assume that a person claiming adherence to a group is more likely to participate in the group’s activities than those who do not identify with a specific group. It is also safe to assume that in a religious identification survey the actual participation rate of individuals may be lower than the numbers compiled but highly unlikely that they would be higher. An example of this problem would be if 10 people identify themselves as Catholic they may or may not attend a regular Mass. Yet the chances of attending a Mass would be lessened if they identify themselves as a Baptist. If people identify themselves as being Catholic more than likely they will attend a Mass if they attend any church service at all. Identification surveys give us a better picture of actual membership than raw data but they also come with their own set of problems. Unless a group specifies what constitutes active membership within their group we are left with a set of numbers that may or may not represent the actual active membership of a specific religious body. If we were to look at the major Christian groups and examine their growth rates we would see that a large part of worldwide Christianity belongs to groups that originated on North American soil. There are five major groups that we could consider, the Bible Student-Jehovah’s Witness movement, the Adventists, the Latter Day Saints, the Christian Churches, and the Pentecostal-Holiness churches. Of all the groups having their origin in the United States the Pentecostal-Holiness churches are by far the largest. Current estimated numbers of Pentecostal– Holiness–Charismatic churches is said to be around 450,000,000 adherents worldwide.70 Within this tradition the Assemblies of God is the largest with 62,000,000 adherents worldwide.71 In the United States the two largest Christian bodies are the Roman Catholics at 67,000,000 and the Southern Baptist Conven-

70 71

Michael Wilkinson, The Spirit Said Go: Pentecostal Immigrants in Canada, American University Studies 7, vol. 247, Peter Lang, Berlin, 2006, p. 15. Assemblies of God, “Our Position in the Christian Community,” Feb. 26, 2010, retrieved July 20, 2010, www.ag.org/top/about/fellowship.cfm.

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tion with 17,000,000. The Assemblies of God claim only 2,000,000 in the United States with the rest scattered around the world.72 The Jehovah’s Witness claim a total of over 18,100,000 who attend their conferences or Memorial Services worldwide.73 This number includes marginal members who do not meet the requirement to be counted as a full member. Full membership as a Witness entails set hours of mandatory tracting and attendance at meetings. The Adventists claim a worldwide membership totalling 15,900,000.74 The Latter-day Saints report about 13,800,000 worldwide.75 Most surveys do not make a distinction between the individual churches within the Latter Day Saint movement. The total membership within all other Latter Day Saint churches is relatively small so when we speak of Mormons in this context it is usually referring to the Utah based LDS church. The membership in all other Latter Day Saint churches outside of the LDS would in all probability number less than 300,000.76 How are these statistics gathered? Of the three church’s statistics the LDS is the most inclusive in counting its members. The LDS statistic includes “children of record” and what is termed “Lost File” members. The “children of record” represents all those born into LDS families who have not yet reached the accepted baptismal age of eight.77 The “Lost File” includes adults, families, etc., who have been baptized into the church but now no longer attend, or their current whereabouts are unknown. These individuals are counted as members until the individual reaches the age of 110 years or until someone has provided proof of death. This list would include many who have never requested their names to be withdrawn from official registers of the LDS church though they no longer consider themselves Mormon. While the LDS church does engage in proxy baptism, these numbers are not included. The raw membership numbers for the LDS then includes any one from ages 1 to 110 that has either been born into the church or has been baptized into the church and has never formally withdrawn in writing.78 The LDS 72

73 74 75

76 77 78

Statistics for the religious bodies in the U.S. are not uniform. They can be found at www.allcountries.org/uscensus/74_religious_bodies_selected_data.html, Section 74. Religious Bodies-Selected Data, retrieved July 20, 2010. Statistics: 2009 Report of Jehovah’s Witnesses Worldwide, retrieved July 20, 2010, www.watchtower.org/e/statistics/worldwide_report.htm. See Seventh-day Adventist annual statistics at Seventh-day Adventist World Church Statistics, retrieved July 20, 2010, www.adventist.org/world-church/facts-and-figures/. Statistical Information: Official 2009 statistics about the Church of Jesus Christ of Latterday Saints. Worldwide Church Statistics retrieved July 20, 2010, newsroom.lds.org/ldsnewsroom/eng/statistical-information. It is primarily the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, or LDS that we will concern ourselves with throughout the remainder of this study. Official Numbers Attract Media Interest, newsroom.lds.org/ldsnewsroom/eng/news-releasesstories/official-numbers-attract-media-interest, retrieved July 20, 2010. The “Lost File” or “in transit” numbers are discussed by former Brigham Young University President and General Authority Merrill J. Bateman in an interview with The Salt Lake Tribune. See Matt Canham, “Church Won’t Give up on Lost Members on LDS Rolls: Volunteers

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totals are very inclusive and are not even remotely indicative of actual participating membership. Unlike the Mormons, both the Witnesses and Adventists have set a criterion to determine an active member from a nominal adherent. For the Witnesses being a member entails being baptized into the movement, attending regular meetings, and performing at least 10 hours of tracting or proselytizing work per month. Accordingly then, based on their criteria for determining a member, the Witnesses have 7.3 million members who are also active proselytizing members worldwide.79 The Adventists also have a set of criteria by which they calculate their general membership and their active membership. For Adventists being enrolled and attending Sabbath School forms the basis for their activity criteria. Adventists claim to have 10.14 million actively enrolled in Sabbath School. Unfortunately, no set criteria to determine active vs. inactive membership exists for the LDS.

2. Historical Statistics The Mormons have always been missionary oriented. The first missionaries set out from New York in 1830 in an attempt to proselytize among the Native American Indians centralized by Andrew Jackson’s Indian policy west of the Missouri state line. Within a short period of time Canada would provide the Mormons with an opportunity to expand their membership. In turn the successes in Canada paved the way for the first European Mission in the late 1830s as the Mormons expanded into Great Britain. In 1841 the European mainland would see their first Mormon missionary. In April of 1840, Orson Hyde was commissioned by Joseph Smith to dedicate the land of Israel as a gathering place for the Jews. Arriving in England, Hyde began writing a tract in German that he hoped to publish. Hyde set out for Palestine by traveling to Rotterdam, then through Germany until reaching the headwaters of the Danube. Hyde was in Germany only a short time, but would return to Regensburg after his trip to the Middle East. Although having little success this was the first attempt to proselyte in Germany. Joseph Smith and Orson Hyde initially saw the German Mission as having great potential. German immigrants to the United States had already joined the Mormons in sufficient quantities to warrant a separate ward with a Bishop by 1843. Daniel Garn, the German

79

Spend Time Tracking Down Those Who Are ‘In Transit,’ Hoping to Bring Them Back,” The Salt Lake Tribune, October 17, 2005. Statistics: 2009 Report of Jehovah’s Witnesses Worldwide, www.watchtower.org/e/statistics/worldwide_report.htm, retrieved July 20, 2010.

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Bishop in Nauvoo, would become the first German Mission president in the early 1850s.80 Although there had been success among German immigrants, internal conflict at Nauvoo was not conducive to opening a new mission in Germany during the 1840s. The revolutions on the European mainland of 1848 and 1849 placed these plans on hold until a more favourable time. At the autumn church conference of 1852, the same conference at which the practice of plural marriage was made public, the German Mission was officially opened. Some missionary activity had occurred in Northern Germany as an overlap from both the Danish and French missions as early as 1851, but the official opening of the German Mission should be dated to 1852. The value Germany had as a mission field in the Mormons’ eyes is best summarized by Orson Pratt. Pratt believed that Germany would yield more converts than any other mission field. Pratt, echoing founder Joseph Smith, states: “Unter den deutschen ist ein Werk zu Thun, großer als in anderen Ländern, und in kurzen wird dieses Volk mehr Bekenner des Reiches Gottes zählen als England oder irgendeine andere Nation.”

Pratt continues that the converted Germans will return en masse to proselyte in Germany: “...dann werden die Grenzen niederstürzen, die Mauren gegen des Reiches Gottes gebaut werde brechen, die Funde stürzen, und das Wort wird Warnung machen in Deutschland.”81

Although early expectations were high, for one reason or another the hoped for successes among the Germans never materialized. The two oldest missions, the British and Scandinavian missions, had been in operation for several years prior to the Mormons’ arrival in the German states. By the late nineteenth-century the British and Scandinavian missions had become the central areas for Mormon converts. It is estimated that nearly 60% of the Mormons that eventually followed the Twelve Apostles west to Utah were English and Scandinavian in origin. Of these converts the majority were of English stock. While the Germans did accept

80

81

Der Stern der Heiligen der Letzten Tage: Eine Monatsschrift zur Verbreitung der Wahrheit, Karl Mäser, et al (Hrsgg.), 125 Bde., Kirche Jesu Christi der Heiligen der Letzten Tage, Bern, Zürich, Hamburg, Dresden, Berlin and Frankfurt, 1869–1999, Bd. 61, Nr. 2, January 27, 1929, p. 26. Der Darsteller der Heiligen der Letzten Tage, Daniel Tyler (Hrsg.), 4 Bde., Kirche Jesu Christi der Heiligen der Letzten Tage, Genf, 1855–1861, Bd. 2, Nr. 7, December 1856, pp. 108–109. There were two statements concerning mission work among the Germans said to have been made by Smith. Der Stern, Bd. 61, Nr. 2, January 27, 1929, p. 26, Bd. 61, Nr. 20, October 27, 1929, p. 315.

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the message of the Mormons, proportionally, it was far below the other areas in which the Mormons had a consistent missionary presence.82 A brief examination of statistics from the nineteenth and twentieth centuries should bear this out. Between the establishment of the British Mission in 1837 to the death of Joseph Smith in 1844 about 4,000 converts had immigrated to North America from Europe. At the European Mission’s annual conference held at Manchester, England, April 6, 1845, it was reported there were 9,635 members left in the European Mission. The European Mission for all intents and purposes consisted of the British Isles at this time. It was also reported that there were 1,910 baptisms since the spring of 1844.83 By 1854 the number of Mormons in England was calculated at 29,441. Baptisms for that year totalled 2,317 while 1,396 members had been excommunicated. Emigration to North America totalled 629 individuals. The Scandinavian Mission reported 2,447 members; most of them were in Denmark, 2,028. Germany, with its mission now two years old had a total of 56 members. In 1854 the number of German baptisms was calculated at 18 with 18 excommunications. That translated into a growth of zero converts. In 1854, 18 persons emigrated from Germany to America.84 Of the first 17 converts who left Germany in early 1853, 14 left the church prior to arriving in Utah. This early portrait of Mormons is Germany would change little during the next half century. It would not be until the twentieth century that Mormon membership in Germany would reach 2,000.85 In 1905 it was estimated that 4,500 German speaking LDS members were living in Utah.86 How many were converts from Germany proper would be difficult to determine. In the early part of the twentieth century German membership increased slightly. Between 1920 and 1960 Germany was consistently in third place with its membership totals behind only the United States and Canada. In 1930 there were more members in Germany than in Canada. A comparison of Canadian and German membership totals for the decades from 1920 to 1960 are as follows. In 1920 Canada had 9,411 while Germany had 9,100 members. In 1930 German membership stood at 11,586 to Canada’s 11,306. The totals for 1940 put Canadian membership at 13,801 to Germany’s 13,480, followed by 16,796 to 15,664 by the

82

83 84 85

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There are currently three Mormon groups represented in Germany the, Kirche Jesu Christi den Heilige der Letzten Tag, (LDS), die Gemeinde Christi, (the Community of Christ), and the Kirche Christi mit die Elias botschaft, (The Church of Christ with the Elijah Message). It is also reported that Mormon fundamentalist’s have a few followers in Germany, The LDS and Community of Christ have been represented in Germany for over 100 years. The Latter Day Saints Millennial Star, 132 vols, The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, Manchester, Liverpool, London, 1840–1970, vol. 5, no. 11, April, 1845, p. 178. Latter Day Saints Millennial Star, vol. 17, no. 5, February 3, 1855, pp. 75–79. There were 1,159 members in Germany at the end of the year 1900, Der Stern, Bd. 33, Nr. 3, February 1, 1901, pp. 40–41. Membership statistics are taken as given in Der Stern the official German publication of the Mormons in the German speaking countries. See Zimmer, Unter den Mormonen, pp. 104–106.

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1950s. By 1960 Canadian Mormon membership almost doubled German membership at 33,400 to 18,190. The gap continued to widen. In the twenty-first century Canadian membership stands at 110,000 to Germany’s 36,000. Early LDS proselytizing efforts were not to Germany, the nation, exclusively but encompassed the German speaking lands of Europe. This mission area historically included Switzerland, Austria, and Germany. Statistics relating to conversions do not often make the distinctions between the individual countries, but rather are gathered from the various geographic missions that the LDS established in these lands. Throughout the nineteenth century parts or all of Germany was included in the Swiss-Italian Mission, the Swiss Mission, and the Austrian Mission. It becomes extremely difficult to determine how many of the converts were from lands that became unified and recognized as the German nation in 1871. It would not be until the twentieth century that Mormon missionary regions and German national boundaries would roughly coincide. The lack of success by the LDS in Germany, relative to other Protestant European countries, provides an interesting starting point for our investigation. What reasons can be cited within German culture, religious, and political realms that would contribute to a rejection of Mormonism? What roles did the German churches and the local and state governments play in preventing the Mormons from expanding? Was the rejection of Mormonism a rejection of its apocalyptic message or did other factors come into play? Was the Gathering a hindrance to Mormon proselytizing efforts? It is precisely these questions that will be addressed in the following chapters. It is proposed that the Mormons were at a disadvantage from the start of their missionary endeavours in Germany. Generally speaking, the Mormons’ reputation preceded their entrance into Germany. Knowledge of their difficulties with state and federal authorities, of plural marriage, as well as their attempts to establish a theocracy were well known by German authorities and the general reading public of the time. As a result of this they were seen as seditious and likely to cause civil and social unrest as they had done in America. The message of Mormonism has its roots in the person and work of its founder Joseph Smith. Those that came after him interpreted his life, experiences and message within a cosmological and eschatological frame. Accepting Smith’s religious authority also meant accepting a complex system comprised of social, political, and economic dimensions, and institutions. This led to the obvious conclusion that the Mormons sought the creation of an alternate social order, an alternative Gesellschaft, and therefore for the Germans, a state within a state. For a country that had experienced decades of social unrest because of competing revolutionary, political, social, and especially religious ideas, this was seen as gefährlich, dangerous. It has been posited by scholars within the field of Mormon Studies that early Mormonism arose in opposition to rapid changes in post-revolutionary American society. Its birth is tied to the early Mormons rejection of the emerging worldview, which we now called modernity. Mormonism struggled as it tried to accommodate itself to the pluralistic, scientific, rational, and secular approach to

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life, and the surrounding world. As a result of its struggles Mormonism sought a return to an earlier, medieval conception of human existence through the establishment of a utopian society with themselves as the covenant people of God. In hopes of accomplishing this, Mormonism held to an absolutist view of right and wrong with Smith and the faithful always right. Mormons were sceptical of pluralism as it recognized other perspectives, and worldviews. It was also extremely critical of Jacksonian America’s emerging self-interested individualism and increasingly viewed the United States as a society that was highly secular and profane. Mormonism was therefore intensely separatist, creating a movement that considered itself separate and distinct from emerging American values and its variants of Christianity.87 It is without a doubt the view of a rapidly degenerating world and a nostalgic yearning to step back from the precipice created tension, not only in New York, Ohio, Missouri, and Illinois but also as the Mormons expanded into Germany. The Mormons’ self-view as agents of God had a definite impact upon their interaction with the German churches, its state and local governments, and of course its people.

D. ATTITUDES TOWARD THE MORMONS The roles of church and state are a long-standing issue in Germany. The crisis has its origin in Martin Luther’s Protestant reform. The Protestant Reformation broke the power and influence of the Roman Catholic Church in the realm of the secular state. The wars of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries resulted in a compromise to achieve social harmony. The concept of the Cuius regio, eius religio “whose realm, his religion,” was initiated through the Peace of Augsburg, and later extended to Calvinistic lands in the Peace of Westphalia. The religious confession of the crown determining the religious confession of the subjects achieved the desired harmony. This period in German history formed the basis for the German concept of religious freedom. For much of Germany’s history altar and throne have been united with the German churches playing a special role within the civil branches of government. The ruling princes also occupied a supreme position, as summus episkopus, supreme bishop within the established churches in their lands. The Germans had realized that religious dissent resulted in the deci-

87

This is perhaps the dominant view of Mormon origins and the determining factor in the development of Mormonism. See Marvin S. Hill, Quest for Refuge: The Mormon Flight From American Pluralism, Signature Books, Salt Lake City, 1989; Mario S. De Pillis, “The Quest for Religious Authority and the Rise of Mormonism,” Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought, vol. 1, no. 1, Spring 1966, pp. 68–88; Kenneth H. Winn, Exiles in a Land of Liberty: Mormons in America, 1830–1846, University of North Carolina Press, Chapel Hill, 1989; Dan Vogel, Religious Seekers and the Advent of Mormonism, Signature Books, Salt Lake City, 1988.

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mation of much of the population and through the recognition of three main Christian confessions the German states achieved a period of civil harmony. In North America a variant model of the relationship between church and state was instituted. In the aftermath of the American Revolution church and state were separated. This separation led to the birth of several distinct religious liberties, or values. In theory, if not always in practice, free conscience, free exercise, pluralism, disestablishment and religious equality have a long history in North America. These values, peacefully implemented and often promoted in the United States, had caused social unrest in Germany. In the nineteenth century the three main recognized religious bodies, or churches, the Lutheran, Reformed, and Catholic, all played an integral role within German society. Religious dissent and sectarianism, a long-standing problem, was seen as the cause of civil unrest. The recognized churches in turn were able to engage the political machinery to maintain their positions within German society. German churches did not compete for members. Proselyting among the major confessions was frowned upon, and upon birth each person was a citizen of a church and of a community. Mormonism was therefore not seen as a simple religious alternative with little bearing within society. Rather, it represented an alternative to German society that was not to be tolerated. Arguments against the Mormons appear to have been contingent upon the Mormons’ actions, not only in Germany but in the United States as well. German authorities, and the reading public, were fully aware of Mormon history. Generally, German society had access to quality, objective, nonsensationalistic material published by native Germans who had encountered the Mormons in America during their travels, by German immigrants to North America, and lastly by the German civil servants in North America. The information available in Germany on Mormonism did not present a favourable picture of the church. The Mormons’ continual wars with local populations, and with state and federal governments in the United States branded the Mormons as undesirables. That the Mormons were expelled and had troubled relations in each area that they had occupied since their inception did not count in their favour.88

88

Joseph Smith had sent ambassadors to Texas, France, Great Britain, and Russia in order to obtain favourable conditions for settling in areas beyond Illinois. Smith as well scouted several areas in Wisconsin territory and to the west in then Mexico territory. Moving from Illinois was certainly in the plans had Smith lived. For discussion see Quinn, The Mormon Hierarchy: Origins of Power, pp. 132–136. As well see the circular A Proclamation of the Twelve Apostles of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints to All the Kings of the World; to the President of the United States of America; to the Governors of the Several States and to the Rulers and Peoples of All Nations, Wilford Woodruff, James & Woodburn, Liverpool, dated April 6, 1845 relating to the kingdom of God. The circular announces the advent of the kingdom of God, as well Orson Pratt “The Kingdom of God” in Eight Tracts, R. James, Liverpool, 1848.

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The Mormon preoccupation with the Gathering of the elect to Zion, or the mass emigration of its converts, was also detrimental to their successes in Germany. German interior policies encouraged emigration as a social release valve and also as a support mechanism for creating economic export enclaves in foreign lands. While emigration to escape compulsory military service could be cited as a reason for German official’s attempts to hinder emigration, it seems more likely that other factors played a larger role in the attempts to hinder Mormon conversion and subsequent emigration.89 Foreign immigration agents controlled a large portion of the immigration industry in nineteenth-century Germany. To prevent the immigrants from being relieved of their capital before leaving German territory, and thereby creating further problems, official immigration agencies were created. The protection of citizens wishing to emigrate, and the regulation of the immigration industry was part of government policy. While the Gathering was central to nineteenth-century Mormonism building stable churches, or forming lasting religious communities in mission areas, was not a significant part of the Mormon evangelization program. The thrust of Mormon missionary activity prior to the early twentieth century was to convert individuals and then prepare them for emigration to Utah.90 This of course ran counter to the role that German authorities had for a religious community of believers within its society. Adding to the view that the Mormons were creating societal instability was that the Mormon missionaries, along with their recent converts usually rented public facilities or met in house churches in the mission field. As there were no permanent meeting facilities erected, the Mormons were not seen as being contributors to, or even wishing to be part of German society. It was not until the early part of the twentieth century that permanent structures were erected, as the Gathering was de-emphasized along with the other nineteenth-century fundamentals.91 Prior to the twentieth century it would have been expected that all

89

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See Klaus Bade, “From Emigration to Immigration The German Experience in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries,” Klaus J. Bade, and Myron Weiners (eds), Migration Past, Migration Future: Germany and the United States, Berghahn Books, Providence, 1997, pp. 1–37 Der Darsteller der Heiligen der Letzten Tage, Daniel Tyler (Hrsg.), 4 Bde., Kirche Jesu Christi der Heiligen der Letzten Tage, Genf, 1855–1861, Die Reform der Heiligen der Letzten Tage, John L. Smith (Hrsg.), 1 Bd., Kirche Jesu Christi der Heiligen der Letzten Tage, Genf, 1862–64, the German language newspapers published during the early 1850s and 1860s in Switzerland aside from minor items of church news were solely devoted to the preparation of the converts to emigrate to America. There were letters from settled immigrants lauding the wisdom of their decision to come to Zion and packing lists of what should be taken, routes to be taken, and the amount of cash needed in order to buy needed supplies upon reaching the United States. With relation to the end of the Gathering see George Q, Cannon’s speech in Conference Reports of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, 139 vols, The Church of Jesus

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converts come to Zion. This unusual aspect of LDS belief comes under direct criticism in the German sources dealing with Mormonism. It was felt that Mormon activities in Germany should be curbed on ethical and moral grounds. After all, the primary goal of recruiting converts and having them immigrate to Utah was to increase the population, making the possibility of establishing a Mormon theocracy on the North American continent a reality.92 The Mormon’s non-disclosure of their missionary activity also proved to be another point of contention between German authorities and the Mormons. Attempts at covering their true intentions did not gain the Mormons any favours from the German authorities. Mormon missionaries would enter Germany claiming to be students, English teachers, or tradesmen in various occupations. In reality these claims were made to divert attention from their true occupations as Mormon missionaries. The Mormon missionaries often failed to register with the police when they sought residence in a city or town, which was a requirement of all residents of Germany, whether German or foreigner.93 Registering, or Anmeldung, of a permanent place of residence is still a requirement for all residents in Germany. The missionaries saw no reason to obey local, state, or federal laws as they felt all citizens were in need of hearing the Mormon message.94 German authorities also saw a discrepancy between Mormon actions and their professed beliefs. They were extremely suspicious of Mormon public statements regarding changes in belief and practice. This was particularly true after the issuance of the 1890 declaration by then President Wilfoord Woodruff, commonly called the Manifesto, and the subsequent revelations brought to light during the Reed Smoot Senate hearings from 1904 to 1907.95 The Manifesto had publicly counselled the membership to cease entering into polygamous relations. During

92 93 94 95

Christ of Latter-day Saints, Salt Lake City, 1880–1970, October 1898, p. 4. Cannon states: “There is one course that has been taken which I think will be attended with good effects, that is, counselling the Saints in the various lands where they embrace the Gospel to remain quiet for awhile; to not be anxious to break up their homes to gather to Zion. In an 1890 article Cannon reiterates this point, see The New York Times, June 1, 1890. For the implications in Germany see “Königliche Polizeipräsident, Tagesbuch SIII 939, Frankfurt, October 16, 1912,” GStA PK, I. HA Rep. 76 Kultusministerium, Bd. 4, p. 46. See Smith, History of the Church, vol. 1, p. 315. “Königliche Polizeipräsident, Tagesbuch SIII 939, Frankfurt, October 16, 1912,” GStA PK, I. HA Rep. 76 Kultusministerium, Bd. 4, p. 47. Latter-day Saints Millennial Star, vol. 42, no. 35, August 30, 1880, p. 554 Reed Smoot was elected to the U.S. Senate, although not a polygamist, as a member of the Quorum of Twelve Apostles he was denied the right to be seated. It was felt that his allegiances lay with the LDS church and not the nation. We will deal with Smoot and the hearings at a later time. The German Ambassador in Washington forwarded information on Smoot to Berlin. See “Königliche Ministerium des Auswärtigen Angelegenheiten, IIIb 4683, Washington March 19, 1904,” GStA PK, I. HA Rep. 76 Kultusministerium, III Sekt. 1 Abt. XIII a Nr. 28 Beiheft Bd. I–IV Sekte der Mormonen, 1853–1917, Bd. 2, February 1903–July 1908, p. 137.

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the Smoot hearings it was learned that the LDS had not ceased sanctioning plural marriage but had only done a better job at hiding that it did so. This caused a stir both in the United States and abroad.96 The doctrine of polygamy was part of the early Mormon missionary message in Germany. Orson Spencer’s tract in defense of plural, or Patriarchal Marriage, as it was at times called, and Joseph Smith’s revelation on plural marriage of 1843 were both translated and distributed in Germany by the 1850s. One of the first Mormon missionaries in Germany, George Reiser, claimed he had translated the Smith revelation and had distributed it on his original missionary journey in 1852.97 Though there is a discrepancy on the actual publication data, Spencer’s tract, Die Patriarchalische Ordnung, Oder die Mehrheit der Frauen, was published in German by 1857.98 For nineteenth-century Mormons no legitimate earthly authority; political or religious existed outside of their organization.99 Mormons were however prepared to use the established protections afforded by governments and community standards to further their goals. Their adherence to civil authority existed only to further their own ends. In Germany the Mormons knowingly broke German laws, then upon arrest appealed to American diplomats for protection.100 With the LDS church in a decades long conflict with the American government, American rep-

96

Two letters written two years before the Smoot hearing by the Evangelische Ober Kirchenrat admit that while their appears to be an outwardly change in LDS belief they felt that Polygamy was still being taught by the LDS and encourages the state to take action against the Mormons for contravening Paragraph 171 of the Reichsstrafgesetzbuch. See “Evangelische Ober Kirchenrat, EO Nr. 6546 TH, August 29, 1902,” GStA PK, I. HA Rep. 76 Kultusministerium, Bd. 2, p. 165, and “Evangelische Ober Kirchenrat, EO Nr. 6816 TH, September 4, 1902,” GStA PK, I. HA Rep. 76 Kultusministerium, Bd. 2, p. 167. 97 See “The German Mission,” Latter Day Saints Millennial Star, vol. 15, no. 10, March 5, 1853, pp. 156–158; vol. 15, no. 23, June 4, 1853, pp. 362–367 98 The date and publisher of the tract is unknown, as only one copy is known to exist. It is a German translation of Spencer’s, Patriarchal Order, or Plurality of Wives! By Elder Orson Spencer, A.M., Chancellor of the University of Deseret, Utah Territory, U.S.A., and President of the Prussian Mission of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints. Being his Fifteenth Letter in Correspondence With the Rev. William Crowel, Samuel W. Richards, R. James, Liverpool, 1853. A Danish translation debuted in 1854 and was republished in 1856. There is some speculation that Die Patriarchalische Ordnung, oder die Mehrheit der Frauen, was published in Zürich as early as 1855. 99 Latter Day Saints Millennial Star, vol. 20, no. 5, January 30, 1858, p. 65–67; “Aufenthalts Anzeige, Frankfurt, March 25, 1911,” GStA PK, I. HA Rep. 76 Kultusministerium, Bd. 3, p. 180; “Aufenthalts Anzeige, J Nr. 2553, Frankfurt, July 7, 1910,” GStA PK, I. HA Rep. 76 Kultusministerium, Bd. 3, p. 182. 100 Latter-day Saints Millennial Star, vol. 16, no. 39, September 30, 1854, pp. 621–623; Wanted Mormons Expelled: Notices Served on Missionaries in Germany Held Up Through Representations of American Embassy,” The New York Times, August 24, 1902; “Mormon Appeal To Kaiser: Mr. Cannon Will Ask Emperor William for Permission for the Missionaries to Stay in Germany,” The New York Times, April 27, 1903.

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resentatives in Berlin during most of the nineteenth century supported expelling LDS missionaries from German soil. While the revolutions of the late 1840s had implemented degrees of religious freedom in the German states, the German churches existed within a special sphere of the state. Freedom of conscious and practice of belief had existed since the mid 1600s, throughout Germany. Yet, these freedoms were dependent upon the organizations structure and also its recognition as a stable, fully functioning religious body, or church. A report from the late nineteenth century involving the Mormon missionaries in Lüneburg makes this clear. As the Mormons did not possess rights under public corporate law they were to inform the authorities when holding public meetings. This they neglected to do and were subsequently fined for holding unauthorized meetings101 It seemed that a religious group’s ability to contribute to civil society was a determining factor in allowing the group full public religious freedom. Traditionally the three major Christian churches, the Roman Catholic, Reformed and Lutheran, were virtually unhindered in pursuit of their beliefs and practices in public and in private. There were additionally recognized religious organizations as well. In time the Methodists, Mennonites and later the Baptists after having reached a point of recognized stability within the community were allowed public religious freedoms equal to the established churches. There were however limits to the public expression of religious beliefs, and therefore the curbing of religious freedoms for all religious groups in Germany. While believing themselves to have been singled out by state and church authorities, the Mormons were not alone. Since the Reformation period virtually every sect, denomination, or church faced state sanctioned opposition in one form or another, in one region or another. While many examples can be cited, one example of the distinction between public, and private exercise of religion comes to us from the early twentieth century and concerns the Salvation Army. The members of the Salvation Army were not permitted to sing, pray, parade in the streets or to preach publicly. Authorities also determined that the selling of their magazine, “The War Cry” was a gainful business undertaking, and therefore liable to taxation.102 Towards the later half of the nineteenth century legislation was enacted within Germany restricting religious leaders from using the pulpit to criticize the government.103 The legislation, which was passed during the Kulturkampf, intended to restrict primarily the Catholic Church within the German political arena. The

101 “England’s Policy in Africa: Germany Opposed to it as Well as France,” The New York Times, June 10, 1894. 102 “Mormon Menace Alarms Germany: Propaganda Said to be Making Great Headway Despite Authorities' Efforts,” The New York Times, July 28, 1912, Special Foreign Dispatches and Sports Section, p. C3. 103 Thomas Nipperdey, Deutsche Geschichte 1866–1918, 2 Bd., C. H. Beck, München, 1998; Bd. 2, Machtstaat vor der Demokratie, p. 374.

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continued acquisition of tracts of land largely populated by Catholics over time had created an uneasy tension to the historical balance that had existed between Protestantism and Catholicism in Germany.104 The rise of Ultramontanism within Catholicism was also not beneficial to the majority of Germany’s Catholics. To combat its rise, legislation such as the Kanzelparagraph, as well as anti-monastic, and especially anti-Jesuit laws, were put into place.105 A central part of the late nineteenth century legislation, the Kanzelparagraph, remained part of German law until 1953. While some restrictions were applied to the public display of religion, all members of all religious organizations were free to believe and to practice their faith privately. Only members of recognized churches were free to practice their faith publicly. All religious organizations though, by meeting the requirements set in place, could be recognized as churches.106 It was not until the early twentieth century that German Government scrutiny of the Mormons lessened. During the 1930s and 1940s under the National Socialist regime the Mormons were treated favourably. Unlike most other religious groups and their members in the Third Reich; the Seventh-day Adventists, Jehovah’s Witnesses, Baptists, Pentecostals, Salvation Army, and some Lutheran and Catholics included, the Mormons are almost completely absent from Gestapo and official government files. By the 1960s the Mormons had gained respectability and had become a recognized church under corporate public law in the Federal Republic of Germany. In the socialist German Democratic Republic (GDR) Mormons were granted a special status. In the early 1980s after almost 40 years of repression, religion in the socialist GDR was re-evaluated. The Mormons profited from this reevaluation. The LDS represented the perfect model for a socialist state religion and it received special favours in accordance with this new status. The LDS’s

104 Christopher Clark, Iron Kingdom: The Rise and Fall of Prussia, Belknap Press, Cambridge, 2006, pp. 568–576. 105 Nipperdey, Machtstaat vor der Demokratie, pp. 375–380. 106 The Bavarian Government in response to Mormon proselyting cited the Constitution as the grounds for preventing the Mormon missionaries to evangelise or practice in public. See “Beschluss Nürnberg, May 19, 1911,” GStA PK, I. HA Rep. 76 Kultusministerium, Bd. 3, p. 270. The document cites paragraph 3, 4, and 32 of the constitution. The paragraphs are found in “II Beilage zur Verfassungsurkunde vom 26. Mai 1818, Edict über die äußern Rechtsverhältnisse der Einwohner des Königreichs Bayern, in Beziehung auf Religion und kirchliche Gesellschaften,” Die Verfassungsurkunde des Königreiches Bayern: und die Verfassungsedicte in ihrem gegenwärtigen Bestand: Wortgetreur Abdruck des noch geltenden ursprünglichen Textes mit Einschaltung der späteren Zusätze und Aenderungen, 3 Aufl., Karl Brater, (Hrsg.) C. H. Beck, Nordlingen, 1868, pp. 47–63.

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historic difficulties with American state and federal governments had taught their leadership that religious principles should be abrogated in return for state favour. Research on North American religious movements in Germany is sparse. Useful studies have appeared dealing with German views of America, religion during the National Socialist period, and religion in the German Democratic Republic. The literature to date has provided a solid base but leaves much unanswered regarding foreign based sects and religious liberty in Germany. Presently there exists no comprehensive academic treatment of the Mormons in Germany in either German or English. As few countries have made such extreme political changes within such a relatively short period, Germany provides a unique case. The Mormons, who were often seen as representatives of an ideologically foreign nation, provide a unique case study of American based sects and their encounter with foreign cultures. Yet, the interaction between Mormonism and the Germans occurs decades before the Mormon missionaries arrived in Germany. There is evidence to suggest that American based German sectarian groups had an influence on early Mormonism. In the following chapters I will present a history of the Mormon interaction with the German people, during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. It is hoped that this writing will provide a base for further examination of the role of minority religions in Germany.

II. ESTABLISHING THE KINGDOM A. HISTORY AS THEOLOGY Latter Day Saints often view their history in a distinct way. History, the history of their movement, the significance of all past events, and the roles the movement will play in the future are tightly bound together. Events in the movement’s history take on a cosmological significance as prophetic passages from the Christian scriptures are applied to themselves. Historical events are seen as demarcations in a divine plan that will culminate in the end of days, the Second Advent, and the ushering in of the Millennium. It is not that unusual for religious groups to draw parallels to Biblical passages. The application of biblical texts to themselves often reinforces the groups’ identity as the chosen, the elect, the ones called to separate from “Babylon.” This self-view is very much then dependent on the role the group believes they play in world history. The question for Latter Day Saints then becomes; what do Latter Day Saints mean when they speak of Latter Day Saint or Mormon history? One would expect it would involve an attempt to accurately reconstruct and portray the events based upon the evidences gleaned from the available sources, much like a German, Canadian or American history is. The prevailing sentiment among the membership, often supported by their historians and expounded by their leaders, is that Mormon history is something completely different from a history of Mormonism.1 Mormon history, especially for those within the tradition, is seen as a ritualised interpretation, a living history, a sacred history. In the classic sense of the word it is a heilsgeschichte, a history of God and his dealings with his chosen people.2 For many Mormons, God has acted in history and he continues to do so through his chosen leaders. For the Mormons the history of God’s dealings with humankind was formerly conveyed through texts. The history of ancient Israel is recorded in the Hebrew Bible and the history of the early Christian Church within the Christian Scriptures. God’s dealings with his other chosen people, those on the American continent, the Nephites, Jaredites, and Lamanites, is recorded in the

1

2

Roger D. Launius and John E. Hallwas (eds), Kingdom on the Mississippi Revisited: Nauvoo in Mormon History, University of Illinois Press, Urbana, 1996, pp. 6–8; Leonard J. Arrington, “The Search for Truth and Meaning in Mormon History,” Dialogue A Journal of Mormon Thought, vol. 34, no. 1, 2001, pp. 35–46. Davis Bitton, “The Ritualization of Mormon History,” Utah Historical Quarterly, vol. 43, no. 1, 1977, pp. 67–85; Thomas G. Alexander, “Wilford Woodruff and the Changing Nature of Mormon Religious Experience,” Church History, vol. 45, no. 1, 1976, pp. 56–69.

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Book of Mormon. As well there is a tendency among Mormons to see their history from 1830 onward as a sacred history, a chronicle of the church of God in the last days. It is a continuation of the biblical histories of the Israelites and the early Christians and, in particular, of their ancient precursors on the North American continent. As God spoke to the prophets of ancient Israel, so too did he speak to Joseph Smith Jr. As the ancient Israelites carved a home from the desert, so too did the Latter-day Saints suffer hardships in Utah. As the early Christian Apostle Paul of Tarsus withstood the political powers of the Roman Empire, so too did late nineteenth-century leader John Taylor withstand the United States Government. Parallels are drawn from the past and are used to convey the sense of election, specialness, and an ultimate cosmological, and eschatological purpose. In a sense, for many Latter Day Saints, history and theology are intertwined and often indistinguishable from one another. Nearly all-religious traditions contain elements of the supernatural, or human–divine interaction often in pivotal points in the past. Mormon history sits on a pillar grounded in continuous, ongoing human–divine interaction. Mormons see themselves as God’s chosen people, the elect, called out from a decaying evil world to help usher in the rule of Christ and his theocracy. The ideological quest to establish the Millennial Kingdom of God makes the process of weighing historical evidence and reaching conclusions a serious business.3 As the primary figure of the movement, whose purpose was to establish God’s rule, Joseph Smith is considered to have acted under divine guidance, and his claims are to be accepted a priori. Any inquiry, specifically historical inquiry, and any conclusions reached, that could topple the foundational claims of the movement must be rejected. History, then, is not seen as presenting data; it usually takes on cosmic consequences, a dualistic battle of good versus evil, the children of light against the children of the dark. For the members within the movement there already exists a true history. This history is recorded and told by those who experienced it. In a dualistic system where insiders are good and outsiders are evil, the group becomes the sole dispenser of truth. History within Mormonism then takes on a theological nature. Only those given the mystical right of interpretation, the leadership, and often the membership, can write a faithful history. Only the group can speak for the group. Under such parameters, myth then becomes history.

3

Within the context of this writing the terms Millennial Kingdom of God, Millennial Kingdom, and the physical Kingdom of God are used with particular reference to a literal kingdom as referenced within Jewish apocalyptic texts, and the Christian Bible. The Millennial Kingdom refers to the literal one thousand-year reign of Christ specifically mentioned in Revelation 20:1–6. This is usually seen as the same Messianic Kingdom anticipated by the Jewish writers, and is interpreted as such by millennialists. In addition to the Christian Book of Revelation, the primary text used is the Book of Daniel, especially chapters 2 and 7.

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While this view of history may seem peculiar, it has parallels in the historical development of most religious traditions. Christianity, Islam, and even Judaism have all claimed their histories as chronicles of God acting in history.4 Much has been written regarding Mormon origins. Works written in English have dominated the field. Specialised treatments of Mormonism have been readily available in many languages since the 1840s. Most foreign language publications did, and continue to draw upon sources and works first written in English. As Mormonism has its origins within recent history and in an age of literacy, hiding behind the veil of the past becomes a difficult task.5 Literary works both aided and hindered the expansion of Mormonism around the world. Newspapers, tracts, books, and pamphlets were all tools of the Mormon missionary’s trade. These very same tools were used by the Mormons’ detractors to oppose the advances of the missionaries both in the United States and abroad. While I do not intend to write a comprehensive history of the Mormons and their critics, I do feel it is important to outline the key historical developments of the movement. It was these developments that proved problematic for the early Mormons’ missionary efforts both in North America and abroad. Problematic issues were often related to the Mormons’ claims to speak on all political and religious questions. Fundamental to these claims was the creation of a communal utopia under theocratic control, an earthly Kingdom of God. While the modern LDS have departed from their kingdom building of the nineteenth century, the vestiges of that time are still to be seen. By examining the nineteenthcentury fundamentals we will have a greater understanding of the early Mormons and perhaps the reasons that host societies had in pushing them to their fringes.

B.

LAYING THE FOUNDATION FOR THE KINGDOM OF GOD

Eighteenth-century America had been a structured society. The Calvinistic heritage had produced a harmonic society through civil religion through an amalgamation of church and state. Membership in one was required for membership in the other. By creating the ideal Christian community in the new world the Puritan divines hoped to provide the model for the Christian world. Early Puritans sought to create a covenanted society on North American shores. The covenant between

4

5

Richard N. Ostling, and Joan K. Ostling, Mormon America: The Power and the Promise, San Francisco, Harper, 1999, pp. 238–39. For in-depth discussion on the nature of history within the movement see George D. Smith (ed.), Faithful History: Essays on Writing Mormon History, Signature Books, Salt Lake City, 1992. Martin Marty, “Two Integrities: An Address to the Crisis in Mormon Historiography,” George D. Smith (ed.), Faithful History: Essays on Writing Mormon History, Signature Books, Salt Lake City, 1992, pp. 174.

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the people and their God provided the backbone for the New England colonies’ social structure. The concept of a covenant implies a relationship with duties. The key words describing the relationship can be explained as “if you, then I will.” Requirements for entrance into the covenanted relationship were established. In time the requirements for entrance into the Puritans covenant were lessened as the individual no longer needed to provide the community with material examples of his relationship with God. The close relationship between civil and religious, sacred and secular would remain part of the American social structure into the early nineteenth century. It was believed that civil prosperity and peace lay with the state support of organised religion.6 The model of state sponsored religion was the dominant model copied from the European mainland. In the post-revolutionary era there is a movement away from state sponsored religion towards an open market of religious belief.7 It was this very move, a strong division between the sacred and the secular, a separation between church and state, which fuelled the early Mormon critique of Jacksonian America.8 In the aftermath of the American Revolution, nineteenth-century American society was transformed. The rise of individualism and religious pluralism all had their effects. For many it may have signalled the end of the world. Society as it been for nearly 200 years, structured, proscribed, fell into chaos and uncertainty. Politics was not the only institution that was democratised. New theological interpretations gave birth to religious movements, which also began to vie for public attention. The congregants now determined what was heard from the pulpits. Min-

6

7

8

Robert N. Bellah, The Broken Covenant: American Civil Religion in Time of Trial, Seabury Press, New York, 1975; Nathan O. Hatch, The Democratization of American Christianity, Yale University Press, New Haven, 1989. Several key individuals can be seen as contributing to this, most notably would be Thomas Jefferson, and James Madison. Both saw a free market on religion as a check and balance against any religious group dominating the affairs of the infant republic. The first amendment to the U.S. constitution outlines this position clearly. See “Thomas Jefferson, Letter to the Danbury Baptist Association, January 1, 1802,” in Merrill D. Peterson (ed.), Thomas Jefferson: Writings, Library of America, New York, 1994, p. 510; “James Madison, letter to Edward Livingston, July 10, 1822,” Adrienne Koch (ed.), The American Enlightenment: The Shaping of the American Experiment and a Free Society, George Braziller Press, New York, 1965, pp. 465–466. See Marvin S. Hill, Quest for Refuge: The Mormon Flight From Religious Pluralism, University of Illinois Press, Urbana, 1989. See also Hill’s “Religion in Nauvoo,” Roger D. Launius and John E. Hallwas (eds), Kingdom on the Mississippi Revisited, University of Illinois Press, Urbana, 1996. As well see Kenneth H. Winn, Exiles in a Land of Liberty: Mormons in America, 1830–1846, University of North Carolina Press, Chapel Hill, 1989.

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isters who failed to deliver soon found themselves replaced by a pastor more malleable to the tastes of his listeners.9 Deists, Unitarians, Freemasons, and Transcendentalists appealed to America’s social and intellectual elite. Baptists, Methodists, and Presbyterians influenced the broader base of the American religious and cultural milieu. There were many messengers and messages in early nineteenth-century America bound by extremes of optimism and pessimism. The political victories in the revolutionary war and the westward expansion of the American frontier led many to see the hand of God guiding America’s future.10 Many of the institutions that would come to define the United States sprouted in this period. Democracy, free market capitalism, individualism, and religious pluralism all began to develop and take shape in the infant American republic. While many took advantage of the increased opportunities, many were also left behind. For them a return to a more ordered society, a return to a structured, religiously grounded society was preferred. As they turned to their Bibles to console the misery they found themselves in, they saw the social upheaval as proof that the end of days of prophetic time was near. For them only divine intervention could save America from the coming Apocalypse. Interpreting their time as an age near the end of prophetic time, many looked for a restoration of God’s power to the Earth through miracles, healings, prophecy, and speaking in tongues. These were taken as sure signs that God had not abandoned them. Others found solace in an ordered community of like-minded believers. They drew from people who possessed sublimated optimism. A general sentiment prevailed that things are bad but the hour of the Second Advent is at hand. They were content to wait out the storm and welcome the millennial dawn. Out of this rich mixture of ideas Joseph Smith Jr. founded his church. On April 6, 1830 the Church of Christ was established in the Finger Lakes area of upstate New York. The early Mormons were to be found in New York and Pennsylvania. Both states had a history as centres of interest for roaming prophets, itinerant evangelists, and communitarian utopias. Names almost forgotten by time, Jacob Cochran, Jemima Wilkinson, Ann Lee, Georg Rapp, John Humphrey

9

10

For religion and society in this period see Hatch, The Democratization of American Christianity, and William G. McLoughlin, “Religious Freedom and Popular Sovereignty: A Change in the Flow of Gods Power, 1730–1830,” Joseph D. Ban and Raul R. Dakar (eds), The Great Tradition: In Honor of Winthrop S. Hudson, Essays on Pluralism, Volunteerism, Revivalism, Judson Press, Valley Forge, 1982, pp. 173–192; William G. McLoughlin, Revivals, Awakenings, and Reform: An Essay on Religion and Social Change in America, 1607–1977, University of Chicago Press, Chicago, 1977; Robert N. Bellah, The Broken Covenant: American Civil Religion in Time of Trial, Seabury Press, New York, 1975; Frank Lambert, Inventing the Great Awakening, Princeton University Press, Princeton, 1999. Robert S. Wicks and Fred R. Foster, Junius and Joseph: Presidential Politics and the Assassination of the First Mormon Prophet, Utah State University Press, Logan, 2005, pp. 10–11; McLoughlin, “Religious Freedom and Popular Sovereignty,” pp. 173–192.

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Noyes, and William Miller all found followers among the residents of the old middle colonies. While some of their names may no longer be familiar their ideas continued to inspire many long after they had left this earth. Early Mormons were drawn to the movement by charismatic authority.11 The emotional displays that were part of the early Mormon religious practices drew many to their ranks. With the influence of the Great Awakenings emotional religion was no longer seen as the sphere of the lowbred classes. Through the involvement of mainstream denominations at Cane Ridge, Kentucky and the preaching of Charles G. Finney, a sense of respectability now accompanied emotional religion. Now no longer the domain of the farmer, the artisan and the uneducated, emotional religion displayed itself throughout all social ranks. For many, God was speaking again in the age of reason. Mankind had entered the final stage of history when God spoke once again spoke to his creation through signs and wonders and divinely inspired messengers. The Mormons were able to capitalise on this emotional sentiment. After all, the foundational principle of Mormonism, the theophanic experience of Smith, occurred during a religious revival. Traditional Mormon history dates the origins of Mormonism to an initial theophany known as the First Vision. While many accounts survive, the young Smith never related the story to many individuals within the organisation until it was first published in 1840. The story can be seen as a classical evangelical conversion story reminiscent of earlier Puritan conversion narratives and of those that would come to dominate the evangelical world.12 Charles G. Finney in his, Lectures on Revival, intimated that revivals were worked up not prayed down.13 In Finney speak, that meant that an exhorter or minister had the power to bring the sinner to the point of conversion. The individual was led through a series of steps that were needed in order to bring the penitent to a moment of crises. Smith’s First Vision, when striped to its bare essential details, is the simple telling of a conversion during an evangelical revival. The story, however, expands from its earliest version, the conversion experience, and becomes a call to a greater mission as prophet of the last days by the early 1840s.14 By the latter part of the

11

12

13 14

I use this term in reference to what has been called the “gifts of the spirit.” These are recognized as having a divine origin within Christianity. The list, as recorded in 2 Corinthians 12 are; the word of wisdom, word of knowledge, faith, gifts of healing, the working of miracles, prophecy, discerning of spirits, divers kinds of tongues, and the interpretation of tongues. These “gifts” have been evidenced in many groups throughout Christian history. The first publication retelling the initial theophany of Smith is found in Orson Pratt, Interesting Account of Several Remarkable Visions, and of the Late Discovery of Ancient American Records, Ballantyne & Hughes, Edinburgh, 1840. Charles G. Finney, Lectures on Revivals of Religion, 2nd edn, rev. & enl., E. J. Goodrich, Oberlin, 1868. There are nine recognisable steps that all conversion stories more or less would fit into. 1). A person finds themselves in a state of concern about the state of one’s soul and asks what can

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nineteenth century the LDS would convert the simple conversion account into a complete theology.15 Alternative accounts of the divine encounter, theophany, or conversion, give additional hints of the hermetic and magical world in which Smith worked and lived in during the 1820s. The Smith family involvement in the magical and esoteric circles of the early nineteenth century has been brought out in several books and articles in the past two decades. Long thought to have only been part of Smith’s early career as a “glass looker” and “treasure seeker,” it now appears that Smith’s preoccupation with the esoteric continued until his death in 1844. The parallels between various schools of esoteric thought including alchemy, hermeticism, kabbalism, Freemasonry, and the distinct concepts Smith introduced during the early 1840s are difficult to dismiss.16 Sources for both the official ecclesiastical documentary of Smith’s life and the actual historical account of Smith’s life are found in the diaries and statements of those closest to Smith. Smith’s wife, Emma, his family, and close associates who witnessed the events provide the majority of the source material. The traditional ecclesiastical history includes additional accounts of heavenly visitations from John the Baptist, and the Apostles Peter, James, and John. These persons granted the church, through Smith, apostolic authority through restored priesthoods. Traditional accounts also include a reference to a spirit being named Moroni, whom Smith claimed appeared to him in 1823. The spirit of Moroni, a dead Native American warrior, directed Smith to an ancient record engraved on golden plates that were buried near his home in New York State. For those who concern themselves with the writing of an accurate

15 16

I do to be saved? 2). This concern leads to a state of spiritual anxiety and fear over the final destination of the soul, and the prospect of eternal damnation. 3). The anxiety grows into a sense of conviction. 4). There is a state of realisation that one is condemned for their actions. 5). Conviction is the point at which one recognises that they can do nothing to stand blameless before God. 6). There was something the penitent could do 7). The penitent could fully repent and surrender unconditionally to the will of God and then serve him. 8). The moment of surrender to the will of God was the moment of conversion. 9). At the precise moment of conversion the promise of the Atonement for human sin, God’s merciful grace was given to the repentant sinner. I have discussed this at length in my Mormonism and the Nature of God. The revised interpretation appears to have been retrofitted into the past and onto the original account. See Lance Owens, “Joseph Smith and Kabbalah: The Occult Connection,” Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought, vol. 27, no. 3, 1994, pp. 116–194; John L. Brooke, The Refiners Finer: The Making of Mormon Cosmology, 1644–1844, Cambridge University Press, New York, 1994; Dan Vogel, “The Locations of Joseph Smith’s Early Treasure Quests,” Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought, vol. 27, no. 3, 1994, pp. 198–231; Michael Homer, “Similarity of Priesthood in Masonry: The Relationship Between Freemasonry and Mormonism,” Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought, vol. 27, no. 3, 1994, pp. 2–114; D. Michael Quinn, Early Mormonism and the Magic World View, rev. & enl. edn, Signature Books, Salt Lake City, 1998 [1987]).

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history, re-reading the accounts, and using the sources non-selectively, will usually be able to reconstruct a less supernatural portrayal of the events surrounding the birth of Mormonism.17 While a person should not do violence to the traditional accounts, they should not be satisfied with a simple retelling of the supernatural and call it history. There is an inherent problem if simply retelling faithpromoting events are portrayed as accurate history. For those groups that maintain that God acts in history, a certain amount of criticism will be directed towards them. An accurate history is not based upon faith, but rather on weighing of sources, and sober judgment in reaching conclusions. Smith’s claim of the discovery and translation of the golden plates provided the early Mormons with a new set of scripture. When we speak of translation within the context of early Mormonism it is not the common understanding of the word. That is to say, a person with knowledge of an existing language producing a copy in another existing language. Rather, translation within the context of early Mormonism meant producing a text through supernatural means. Smith did however acquire certain language skills and was able to translate, in the conventional sense of the word, toward the end of his life.18 The Book of Mormon was the first of many “ancient texts” that Smith translated. Smith’s translation of the golden plates, printed as the Book of Mormon, would become the Mormons’ first missionary tool. Smith, as God’s final prophet, set out to deliver God’s final message to his creation. As the oracle of God, Smith’s revelations were to guide the people in all spheres of their life. Smith sought a return to an earlier, less secular, less individualistic world. The people who followed Smith were assured that the heavens had heard their pleas and had sent a guiding light. Direct communication with the divine was again possible. God no longer “had spoken,” he still speaks. In addition to the earlier translated work, Smith produced several other books, which were, and are, accepted as scripture by his followers. In 1833 the first work containing Smith’s revelations, the Book of Commandments, was published. Over

17

18

A simple example of this is seen in the works of David Whitmer and Martin Harris. Both were party to the original events related to the finding of the Book of Mormon. Both claimed they saw and handled the plates in a vision. Traditional accounts remove the vision part of their accounts and thus it becomes a physical rather than a spiritual event. In what has now become a foundational part of Mormon claims, the restoration of priesthood authority, and the means by which God acts in the Earth, through the biblical figures Peter, James, and John are not mentioned in early Mormon accounts. David Whitmer mentions that the priesthood was an afterthought primarily brought in through Sidney Rigdon. See David Whitmer, An Address to All Believers in Christ, N.P., Richmond, 1887, p. 35. In the 1830s Smith in the “School of the Prophets” spent a winter learning Hebrew. See Kurt Widmer, Mormonism and the Nature of God: A Theological Evolution 1830–1915, McFarland and Co. Publishers, Jefferson, 2000. Smith at the time of his death, judging from his sermons, was able to read German, and some Greek. Alexander Neibaur likely taught these languages to him.

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the next decade additional works such as the Doctrine and Covenants, a revision of the Biblical text known as the Inspired Version, and a translation of Egyptian papyri appeared. The translation of the papyri was published in 1842 in the Mormon newspaper, the Times and Seasons and is known as the Book of Abraham. In 1851 a compilation of minor translations, revelations, and a statement on the beliefs of the Mormons, the Articles of Faith, were published in a single book called the Pearl of Great Price. The original Pearl of Great Price contained selections from Smith’s revision of the bible, corresponding to the first chapters of Genesis, the Book of Abraham, and several revelations taken from the Doctrine and Covenants. The Pearl of Great Price would become an important missionary tool in the European mission field during the 1850s and beyond.19 While each of the additions to the Mormon literary corpus would aid in defining the tradition, the greatest impact on the infant Latter Day Saint movement was reserved for the Book of Mormon. The Book of Mormon was the first and the largest of Smith’s works, and without a doubt the most significant. With the newly printed Book of Mormon in hand early missionaries travelled the New England states and parts of Canada in order to sell the book.20 Smith soon sent his missionaries to the Native Americans. Jacksonian political policies had settled most of the eastern Native American tribes in an area west of the Mississippi in what is now the state of Oklahoma. On their way from New York to proselytize among the Native Americans the missionaries stopped near the town of Kirtland, Ohio.21 It was there that Sidney Rigdon, an enthusiastic millenarian Cambpellite preacher, along with his congregation, converted to Mormonism doubling the Mormons’ numbers. Rigdon had left Alexander Campbell’s Mahoning Baptist Association in a dispute over the institution of all of the early Christian practices. For Rigdon this meant a community of holding all goods in common and the practice of the charismatic gifts, which to him were evidenced among the first Christians. In Rigdon’s mind any return to “New Testament Purity” must include therefore include prophecy, healings, visible manifestations of the power of God, and com-

19

20 21

Not all of the Latter Day Saint churches accept Smith’s translations as authentic expressions of divine teachings. Early RLDS members in the 1860s did accept the plurality of God’s as taught within the Book of Abraham. However it was decided that it would only be taught in public in rare circumstances and in connection with the entire plan of salvation. In time the concept became virtually unknown among a new generation of RLDS. For discussion of this see Roger D. Launius “The Awesome Responsibility: Joseph Smith III and the Nauvoo Experience,” Roger D. Launius and John E. Hallwas (eds), Kingdom on the Mississippi Revisited: Nauvoo in Mormon History, University of Illinois Press, Urbana, 1996, pp. 232–250. Thomas G. Alexander, Mormonism in Transition: A History of the Latter-day Saints, 1890– 1930, University of Illinois Press, Urbana, 1986, p. 212. See Wicks and Foster, Junius and Joseph, pp. 10–11.

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munalism.22 To the early “Christians,” as Campbell called his movement, this reeked of fanaticism, revivalism, emotionalism and utter chaos.23 In the Mentor, Ohio area Rigdon had established a community known as the Big Family based on his understanding of primitive Christian ideals.24 Smith seeing his followers double with the addition of Rigdon’s group took advantage of the new situation. He decided that it was best to move his flock to Ohio where land was available and the early Mormons could practice their beliefs unhindered until the soon coming Second Advent. The flock was not so willing to make the move at the simple request of their young prophet. Smith motivated his followers by commanding, through a revelation, that the Mormons move to Ohio.25 Many of the early Mormons saw Smith’s calling as a translator of the Book of Mormon and not as a self-appointed oracle of God. This difference of opinions would eventually erupt by the mid 1830s with many of the earliest converts leaving Smith and his organisation. The movement of the Mormons from New York to Ohio, the American hegira, introduces us to the concept commonly known as the Gathering. The Gathering sought to establish a community of covenanted believers. They were the called out ones who would assemble at places designated by divine decree. The faithful were to live according to the precepts ordained from the heavens, an earthly trial run of how they would live throughout eternity. They were to build the city of God, a communal theocracy, a place where God would dwell. They called this place Zion, the New Jerusalem, the place of refuge. God had issued the call for his people to gather, to separate from Babylon, to leave the world that was teetering on the verge of the Apocalypse. While the remainder of the Earth would be swept clean by the firestorm of God’s judgments on a wicked world prior to the Second Advent, Zion and her people would be spared. While the Mormons gathered to several locations in their history, Independence, Jackson County, Missouri is the divinely designated centre for the Gathering. Here Zion will be built and God will reign among his people.26 For much of the 1830s the Mormons were divided between Kirtland, Ohio, and Independence, and Far West in Missouri. In each of these locals they had hoped to establish their Zion. Historically, for Mormons, Independence was and still is to be the centre place of refuge to escape the coming apocalypse.27 It will 22 23 24 25 26 27

Richard S. van Wagoner, Sidney Rigdon: Portrait of Religious Excess, Signature Books, Salt Lake City, 1994, pp. 39–49. Paul K. Conkin, American Originals: Homemade Varieties of Christianity, University of North Carolina Press, Chapel Hill and London, 1997, pp. 25–35. van Wagoner, Sidney Rigdon, pp. 50–51. Doctrine and Covenants 37:1–3. Doctrine and Covenants 45:66–67, 57:1–3. The concept of Zion and its role in Mormon history is sometimes difficult to understand. Eschatologically the Mormons are millenarian. They do however take an active role in establishing the Millennial Kingdom. During Smith’s life many locales were designated as loca-

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be at Independence that the Mormons and converted Native Americans will build Zion, the city from which Jesus will rule during the Millennium. Human time had begun in Missouri and there it will also end. Not only would the area host the New Jerusalem, which will descend from Heaven, but Missouri was also the land where the Garden of Eden had been. Adam had walked in the grasses of ancient Missouri. In the valley of Adam-ondi-Ahman, Adam had lived out his days following his expulsion from the Edenic paradise. At the end of time as Michael, the ancient of days, he would again gather his children and rule from restored Eden. The establishment of Zion never materialized. In 1833 the Mormons were expelled from Independence and the surrounding area of Jackson County. Smith would plan two, and lead one military expedition from Ohio to Missouri to recover the lost Jackson County lands.28 The expedition was a failure but the establishment of Zion would never be far from the hearts and minds of the Mormons for the remainder of the century.29 From their pulpits in Salt Lake City, a new Gathering local, LDS leaders in the late nineteenth century consoled the faithful by intimating that returning to Zion would be a reality in their lifetimes.30 Many of the Mormons who remained in the east would return to Independence and wait patiently, praying and hoping for the millennial kingdom to come.31 The concept of Zion itself has been reinterpreted. Zion has become wherever the Latter Day Saints, the covenanted people of God, now reside. But before the Second Advent of Jesus in the clouds this covenanted people will return to Zion and build the city of God. With Jackson County seemingly lost, the Mormons withdrew to the northern Missouri counties of Ray, Clay, and Caldwell. A new town, Far West, became the new site for the Gathering. Their expulsion from the state of Missouri in 1838 for instigating an armed uprising would put the goal of building Zion on hold once

28 29 30

31

tions for the Gathering. While at each of these centres attempts were made to establish the Zionic community these were temporary. The Second Advent and the establishment of Jesus’ millennial rule will not take place until the Latter Day Saints, together with converted Native Americans return to Independence, Missouri and build the City of God. This is clearly brought out in the hopes and an aspiration of all Mormons during the nineteenth century wherever they found themselves in their diaspora. Dan Erickson, As a Thief in the Night: The Mormon Quest for Millennial Deliverance, Signature Books, Salt Lake City, 1999, pp. 107–110. Erickson, As a Thief in the Night, pp. 202–203. See Journal of Discourses: By Brigham Young, His Two Counselors, the Twelve Apostles, and Others, 26 vols, Latter Day Saints Book Depot, Liverpool, 1854–1886, vol. 8, pp. 332, 348; vol. 15, pp. 355, 361–362; vol. 17, p. 358; Abraham H. Cannon Diaries, August 6, 1890. For an overview of the Mormon churches headquartered in Independence, Missouri see Steven L. Shields, Divergent Paths of the Restoration, Herald House, Independence, 2001.

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again.32 For their role in what has come to be known as the Mormon War, Joseph Smith and others were charged with high treason against the state.33 The Mormon leaders were arrested and sentenced to be executed. The general Mormon population would also be held accountable for their leader’s actions and their participation in the armed uprising. Missouri Governor Lilburn Boggs’s issued an executive order that the Mormons were to be driven from the state. The order in part reads: “...the Mormons must be treated as enemies and must be exterminated or driven from the state if necessary for the public peace....” 34 The word exterminate sends horror to the modern reader. Yet in its nineteenth century common use, exterminate means to expel by force if necessary.35 The word order in the document itself bears this out, as the word driven follows exterminate. It would be fairly difficult to expel dead people from a state.36 Whether consciously or not, most modern authors fail to make a distinction between the past and the present uses of the word exterminate. Stirring modern sensibilities seems more important than writing accurate history. The executive order, while extreme, asked the Mormons to leave Missouri and if they refused, and if necessary, the state militias would forcibly remove them. Imprisoned Mormon leaders were spared the bullet through the intervention of Major Alexander Doniphan. Doniphan refused to carry out the execution order. In the Mormon War an entire state’s political and military machinery would come together and force a religious group from their farms, homes, and businesses. What could have caused this seemingly extreme action by the Missourians? The Mormons were not the only alternative or perceived heterodox religious community in the United States in the early nineteenth century. The Shakers, the Harmonists, and the Oneida community seemed relatively immune from the clash of cultures erupting into violence that seemed to follow the Mormons from state to state. In perhaps one of the most astute observations of the causes and consequences of the Mormon War, Major John Bullock Clark seemed to place blame

32

33 34 35

36

Marvin S. Hill, “Religion in Nauvoo: Some Reflections,” Roger D. Launius and John E. Hallwas (eds), Kingdom on the Mississippi Revisited: Nauvoo in Mormon History, University of Illinois Press, Urbana, 1996, pp. 119–129. For an in-depth account of the Mormon War see Stephen C. LeSueur, The 1838 Mormon War in Missouri, University of Missouri Press, Columbia, 1987. Joseph Smith, History of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, 7 vols, Deseret Book, Salt Lake City, 1902–1932, vol. 3, p. 175. Noah Webster, American Dictionary of the English Language, Exhibiting the Origin Affinities and Primary Signification of English Words, as Far as They Have Been Ascertained, S. Converse, New York, 1828, p. 322. The address by Major Clark gives a solid insight into what was required of the militia, of the Mormons, and the conditions and terms for their surrender as prisoners of war. John P. Greene, Facts Relative to the Expulsion of the Mormons or Latter Day Saints, From the State of Missouri, Under the Exterminating Order, R. P. Brooks, Cincinnati, 1839, pp. 26– 27.

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on the Mormons for all that happened to them in Missouri. Clark intimated that the Mormons were not like other religions, as they were guided from Heaven by an agent of God who recognised no earthly authority but his own, and that this was the root of their problems in Missouri.37 Joseph Smith had brought the idea of establishing the physical kingdom of God to the rivers and fields of Missouri. In this kingdom only one earthly authority was recognised, God’s agent Joseph Smith. Smith had delivered two revelations declaring the Mormon view on the role of church and state. The one declared the Mormons as a religious sovereignty within the civil sovereignty of the United States.38 Smith’s revelation curbed the authority of secular government while expanding the prerogatives of the worldly theocracy. Religious law was to take precedence over any and all secular law. The revelations commanded the Mormons to disobey any secular law and any civil leaders that did no conform to the commandments of God. Smith thereby circumvented any and all civil law. As God’s sole earthly agent only Smith could reveal the commandments of God for his church. 39 There is no indication that Clark was aware of the theocratic developments of the Mormons, or of the revelations that placed ecclesiastical authority on the same level as secular authority. Clark was only aware of the dangerous outcome of Mormon beliefs, as it had brought the state of Missouri into a civil war. Clark was in effect saying, what if the Baptists, the Catholics, the Methodists took up arms to further their ideals, where would this lead? The Mormons were driven from Missouri not solely for their beliefs but rather how these beliefs were carried out in the public sphere. Violating the central tenet of the new America, separation of church and state, the Mormons would continue in their attempts to build the kingdom of God on the Earth. Forced from Missouri, the Mormons were welcomed by the citizens of Illinois in 1839. With the majority of their leaders still imprisoned, the Mormons purchased lands on alternating sides of the Mississippi. Settling mainly in Illinois and Iowa territory, the Mormons hoped their new local would provide a period of stability. The majority of Mormons settled mainly in the center of Commerce, and the surrounding county of Hancock, Illinois. A liberal city charter granted by the Illinois legislature to the newly renamed Nauvoo created a virtual city-state.40 The Mormons having control of their own court and their own-armed militia felt they

37 38 39 40

Greene, Facts Relative to the Expulsion of the Mormons, p. 27 Doctrine and Covenants 98:4–11. A Book of Commandments for the Government of the Church of Christ, W.W. Phelps, Independence, 1833, Section 67. See also, Doctrine and Covenants 28:2. There is some debate over the uniqueness of the Nauvoo Charter and that granted to other cities in Illinois. For discussion see James L. Kimball Jr., “The Nauvoo Charter: A Reinterpretation,” Roger D. Launius and John E. Hallwas (eds), Kingdom on the Mississippi Revisited: Nauvoo in Mormon History, University of Illinois Press, Urbana, 1996, pp. 39–47.

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were secure from the problems of their Missouri experience. Establishing the end time theocratic kingdom of God in all of its aspects became a central focus for the Mormons at Nauvoo. 1. The Economic Kingdom The early Mormons made no distinction between the temporal and spiritual spheres of life. For them, as the revelation from God intimated, “all things are spiritual.”41 While a key requirement for the creation of the just Zionic community, the implementation of communalism within Mormonism has always met with failure. The Order of Enoch, the United Order, the United Firm, the Law of Consecration and Stewardship, were all systems under which varying attempts were made to create a just economic society.42 When the early attempts failed the principle of tithing, or giving one-tenth of time and talents was introduced. Further attempts to implement a communal system continued in Utah among the LDS and among some of the other Latter Day Saint groups.43 The creation of a just socioeconomic community grounded in economic self-sufficiency would be a prime goal of the Latter Day Saints throughout much of the nineteenth and early twentieth century. The social and economic practices of the world, Babylon, were incompatible with Zionic principles and these were to be rejected.

41 42

43

See Doctrine and Covenants 29:4 These terms while not technically interchangeable, all convey the notion of communalism, or joint ownership of wealth within the community. Communalism was a dominant feature of several successful early nineteenth-century American religious groups such as the United Society of Believers in Christ’s Second Coming (Shakers), the Harmony Society (Rappites), and the Oneida Perfectionists. A strong argument can be made that Georg Rapp’s Harmony Society provided the model for Smith’s introduction of communalism among the Mormons. Early Mormon convert Sidney Rigdon, attempted to establish a communal entity known as the “Big Family” shortly after his break with Alexander Campbell and the Mahoning Baptists. Rigdon’s society was a co-operative rather than a strict communal operation. See Richard S. van Wagoner, “Mormon Polyandry in Nauvoo,” Dialogue A Journal of Mormon Thought, vol., 18, no. 3, 1985, pp. 67–83, 68–69. In Utah the communal system known as the United Order was implemented for a brief time. There were three recognizable types within this system, from a complete communal enterprise including communal living arrangements, to what could be considered a joint stock company. The third type, a co-operative association, was used by the Mormons in the intermountain west, including Canada as a tool of colonization. Fundamentalist Mormons still use a United Order type system as the chief economic tool within their societies. Additional groups such as James J. Strang on Beaver Island also had communal economic orders. In the 1870s several RLDS established an Order of Enoch in Lamoni, Iowa. See Roger D. Launius, “The Awesome Responsibility: Joseph Smith III and the Nauvoo Experience,” Roger D. Launius, and John E. Hallwas (eds), Kingdom on the Mississippi Revisited: Nauvoo in Mormon History, University of Illinois Press, Urbana, 1996, p. 235.

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In Utah the revived economic orders were known as United Orders. The Orders were attempts at creating enclaves of economic self-sufficiency and dotted the intermountain west from Cardston, Alberta to Colonia Juarez, Mexico With much of Utah’s cash flow leaving the territory to buy coffee, tobacco, tea, alcohol, and other luxury items from the east, LDS leaders began enforcing sanctions against the use of these items. The Word of Wisdom, an early dietary guide advocating abstinence from certain products, became a requirement among the LDS the sign of a faithful follower.44 The success of the Shakers and the Harmony Society proved that communalism could work on the American frontier. While the immediate goal of the communities had been to attain self-sufficiency, the success of both communities had created export economies on a national scale. Demand for Harmonist and Shaker products fuelled the economic growth of the Ohio valley in the nineteenth century. The two groups could have easily provided an available model for the Mormons own community of Zion.45 While the communal communities of the Shakers and Harmonist communities proved to be successful, the Mormons were never able to attain that same level of success. Constant attempts at welding the temporal to the ecclesiastical created dissent among Smith’s earliest converts. All three of the original Book of Mormon witnesses, Martin Harris, David Whitmer, Oliver Cowdery, as well as other long time members would leave the church over Smith’s constant ecclesiastical meddling in temporal affairs. When Europe sought to create a new social order she looked to America. Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels with hopes of creating a new society saw the American utopias as a model for their own millennialist aspirations.46 The central ingredient that drove America’s utopias, the religious tenets, were however to be left out of the new model of secular socialism. 44

45

46

The dietary restrictions are found in Doctrine and Covenants Section 89. See also Leonard J. Arrington, “An Economic Interpretation of the Word of Wisdom,” Utah Historical Quarterly, vol. 1, no. 1, 1959, pp. 37–48. There has been minor research on the role of the Harmony community on the early Mormons. Richard S. van Wagoner mentions that contact could have occurred as Georg Rapp had established his community in Pennsylvania, during the time when Sidney Rigdon was still part of Cambpellite movement. Karl Arndt makes an analysis in an early article. These connections have never been explored to any large degree. See Richard S. van Wagoner, “Mormon Polyandry in Nauvoo,” Dialogue A Journal of Mormon Thought, vol.18, no. 3, 1985, p. 68. Also Richard S. van Wagoner, Mormon Polygamy: A History, Signature Books, Salt Lake City, 1986, p. 2; Edwin Brown Firmage and Richard Collin Mangrum, Zion in the Courts: A Legal History of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, 1830–1900, University of Illinois Press, Urbana, 1988, p. xi; Karl J. R. Arndt, “The Harmonists and the Mormons,” American-German Review, vol. 10, no. 5, 1944, pp. 6–10. Friedrich Engels, “Beschreibung der in neuerer Zeit entstandenen und noch bestehenden kommunistischen Ansiedlungen,” in Deutsches Bürgerbuch für 1845, C. W. Leske, Darmstadt, 1845, pp. 326–340, Reprint Karl Marx und Friedrich Engels Werke, 39 Bde., Dietz Verlag, Berlin, 1959–1990, Bd. 2, pp. 521–535.

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2. The Political Kingdom What had been planted in the 1830s blossomed in the 1840s. At Nauvoo the Mormons established a literal earthly kingdom of God through the Council of Fifty. The crowning of Smith as “King” in March of 1844 completed the theocracy, or the “theo-democracy,” as the Mormons referred to it. During the 1844 presidential election Smith campaigned as a candidate on a progressive platform for the time period. Smith proposed freeing the slaves, annexing Texas and Britain’s Canadian colonies.47 The Mormon’s attempts to establish the kingdom were firmly based on their millenarian expectations. General sentiment held that Jesus would return and usher in the millennium by February 14, 1891. They were not, however, just to be inactive spectators to this great event. They were to have an active role in preparing the world so that Jesus could return. Most of the major theological developments introduced in Nauvoo were tied to the establishment of the Kingdom of God. The Kingdom, the stone cut without hands, thefinal end time kingdom, would roll forth from Nauvoo and Jesus would rule from Independence, Missouri.48 As part of his expanding Kingdom ideology Smith continued to introduce distinct beliefs and rituals into Mormonism. To his faithful, Smith proclaimed the lost secrets of Heaven. Echoing the esoteric maxim, “as above so below,” Smith would strive to create a mirror image of the heavenly social order, a heaven on Earth. In one of his final addresses Smith proclaimed that God was once a man and that man has the potential to become divine. Man and God were essentially of the same nature he declared. Man had had been born in Heaven of a divine heavenly couple, and through a series of rituals man could claim his birthright as part of the divine family. These rituals were to be performed in special buildings, or temples. Plural marriage,49 sealing rituals,50 proxy baptism for the dead, the En-

47

48

49

50

Joseph Smith, General Smith’s Views of the Powers and Policy of the Government of the United States, John Taylor, Nauvoo, 1844. As well see Wicks and Foster, Junius and Joseph, pp. 96, 106, 290; D. Michael Quinn, “The Council of Fifty and its Members, 1844– 1945,” Brigham Young University Studies, vol. 20, 1980, pp. 163–93, and his The Mormon Hierarchy: Origins of Power, Signature Books, Salt Lake City, 1994, pp. 79–142. The reference to the stone cut without hands comes from the Biblical Book of Daniel Chapter 2. In millenarian interpretations this stone is seen as the final end time kingdom that will supersede all that came before it. See Charles C. Rich discourse in Journal of Discourses, vol. 19, pp. 163–164; David John Buerger, The Mysteries of Godliness: A History of Mormon Temple Worship, Smith Research Associates, Salt Lake City, 1994, pp. 58–59. See Brian H. Stuy (ed.), Collected Discourses: Delivered by President Wilford Woodruff, His Two Counselors, the Twelve Apostles, and Others, 5 vols, B. H. S. Publishing, Salt Lake City, 1987, vol. 3, p. 82; vol. 4, pp. 48, 110.

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dowment Ceremony and the Second Anointing were all introduced to create a royal social order interconnected throughout eternity.51 The first initiates to receive the Endowment ritual were called the Anointed Quorum or the Holy Order. The early Endowment ceremony consisted of two phases, a purification ritual, and a ritual drama outlining the teachings on man’s origin and final destiny. Through a series of progressive steps the initiate was given the knowledge needed to return to Heaven. The rituals’ apparent similarity to Masonic ritual has been commented on since their introduction.52 The Second Anointing, an additional ritual, would ensure the participating couple of godhood in the eternities as “Kings and Queens in Heaven.”53 Smith’s Kingdom would be short lived. On June 7, 1844, William Law, Smith’s counsellor in the First Presidency, published the Nauvoo Expositor.54 Law brought to the public’s attention the latest theological innovations that Smith had previously taught only to his closest associates. Law saw plural marriage, Smith’s coronation as “King,” and the plurality of Gods as proof that Smith was a fallen prophet.55 Smith reacted to the paper’s allegations and had the printing press and copies of the paper destroyed, actions that brought the state of Illinois to the brink of civil war. For his actions Smith was arrested and was held for trial at Carthage, Illinois. On June 27, 1844 a militia stormed the jail and Smith was killed in a gun battle. 51

52

53

54

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Robert Flanders, “Dream and Nightmare: Nauvoo Revisited,” D. Michael Quinn (ed.), The New Mormon History: Revisionist Essays on the Past, Signature Books, Salt Lake City, 1992, pp. 91–92. Early Mormon believers believed true Freemasonry had been restored. See Andrew F. Ehat and Lyndon W. Cook (eds), The Words of Joseph Smith: The Contemporary Accounts of the Nauvoo Discourses of the Prophet Joseph Smith, vol. 6, Religious Studies Monograph Series, Religious Studies Center, Brigham Young University, Provo, 1980, pp. 119–120; Buerger, The Mysteries of Godliness, pp. 40, 51–58. As well see David John Buerger, “The Development of the Mormon Temple Endowment Ceremony,” Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought, vol. 20, no. 4, 1987, pp. 33–76; Michael Homer, “Similarity of Priesthood in Masonry: The Relationship Between Freemasonry and Mormonism, Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought, vol. 27, no. 3, 1994, pp. 2–114. James R. Clark, Messages of the First Presidency, 6 vols, Bookcraft, Salt Lake City, 1975, vol. 3, pp. 220, 228, 325; David John Buerger, “The Fullness of the Priesthood: The Second Anointing in Latter-day Saint Theology and Practice,” Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought, vol. 16, no. 3, 1983, pp. 10–44. The Nauvoo Expositor of June 7, 1844 is the only edition of the paper to be published. William Law and others involved hoped that the publication and subsequent revelation of recent developments in Nauvoo such as plural marriage, and the crowning of Smith as King, would initiate reform among the Mormons in Nauvoo. Instead Smith had the paper destroyed resulting in the charges that would lead to his incarceration and subsequent death in Carthage, Illinois on June 27, 1844. See William Law, Nauvoo Expositor, Nauvoo, Illinois, June 7, 1844. For discussion on Smith as “King of the Kingdom,” see Quinn, Origins of Power, pp. 121– 126

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Smith’s death plunged the Latter Day Saints into a state of despair. Many close to Smith believed he had turned his back on many of the developments in Nauvoo prior to his death. Among his followers’ two alternate interpretations of the Mormons Nauvoo experience would divide the Saints into those that saw the developments at Nauvoo as the epitome of the faith, and those that saw those developments as all that was wrong with Mormonism. 3. Regents for the Young Prince Smith’s death was unexpected. He fully expected to return from Carthage alive.56 There were no immediate preparations for a successor should something happen to Smith. During his life Joseph Smith had at various times designated various individuals to succeed him. The following list outlines the offices and men that had a right to succeed him according to church order and the public and private teachings of Joseph Smith. The First Presidency (Sidney Rigdon), Nauvoo High Council (William Marks), the Twelve Apostles (Brigham Young), an ordained successor (Joseph Smith III, in 1843, and Samuel Harrison Smith in 1844), the office of the Patriarch (Samuel Harrison Smith, William Smith), an appointed successor (David Whitmer in 1834, and James J. Strang in 1844), the Council of Fifty (Lyman Wight, Alpheus Cutler), and lastly the Anointed Quorum.57 The complexity of the succession crisis is really the result of additional problems associated with Smith’s death. Smith did appoint a successor(s) and the identity of these individuals were well known. In the event of Joseph Smith’s death his brother Hyrum was to lead the church. As Hyrum also died with Joseph at Carthage it was generally accepted that younger brother Samuel Harrison was to lead the church. But Samuel died shortly after his older brothers. At the time of Joseph Smith’s death many Mormons believed that Joseph III would eventually succeed his father.58 Sidney Rigdon, William Marks, William Smith, and even Brigham Young acknowledged that young Joseph had the right to lead.59

56

57 58

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Evidence seems to indicate that Smith had sent word to Jonathan Dunham to have the Nauvoo Legion storm Carthage jail and rescue him. See Smith, History of the Church, vol. 6, pp. 568–569, and Quinn, Origins of Power, pp. 141, 179–180, 373 n193. See Quinn, Origins of Power, pp. 143–243. According to tradition the men present at the ordination of Joseph III were Hyrum Smith, John Taylor, Willard Richards, Newel K. Whitney, Reynolds Cahoon, Alpheus Cutler, Ebenezer Robinson, George J. Adams, W. W. Phelps, and John M. Bernhisel. Joseph Smith III, Heman Conoman Smith, and Francis Henry Edwards, The History of the Reorganized Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints, 8 vols, Herald House, Independence, 1967, vol. 2, p. 789. Journal of Discourses, vol. 4, p. 6. See also Roger D. Launius, Joseph Smith III: Pragmatic Prophet, University of Illinois Press, Urbana, 1988, pp. 123–124.

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The majority of Mormons were not aware of the recent theological developments introduced at Nauvoo. They had no knowledge of plural marriage, the temple rituals, or the existence of the Council of Fifty or the Anointed Quorum. Only selected individuals were aware of the establishment of the end time Kingdom of Daniel, the Council of Fifty, or that the Council of Fifty had sent ambassadors England, France, and Russia proclaiming the Mormons as the only legitimate government of the world.60 In the weeks that followed the death of Joseph Smith, Brigham Young, on behalf of the Quorum of the Twelve Apostles, all members of the inner core of faithful followers, was able to eliminate his rivals and grasp the organisational machinery intact. The Twelve Apostles were the only group that belonged to both the Council of Fifty and the Anointed Quorum. Among the contenders Young was the sole person belonging to the Council of Fifty, and who had received his Second Anointing. Young publicly defended the Apostles’ right to lead the Latter Day Saints. But Young and the Twelve’s claim to leadership lay not in the church office of Apostle but rather in their exclusive membership in the other two bodies, the Council of Fifty and the Anointed Quorum. The Twelve had been anointed Kings and Priests and assured of the “Eternal Godhood” through the Second Anointing. They were also privy to the last instructions of Smith prior to his death. Yet Young did not assume leadership immediately over the whole church. For three years Young remained senior apostle among the Twelve Apostles. As a corporate body they ran the affairs of the church. Each attempt at coalescing power within a new First Presidency of three individuals was met with dissent by the other apostles.61 They ruled as a body not as a set of three individuals removed from the quorum of 12 men. Developing from their claim of succession, the Apostleship, the portion of the Latter Day Saints that moved westward, the LDS, rank and hierarchy within the priesthood are stressed.62

60 61

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For discussion see Quinn, Origins of Power, pp. 132–134 See Gary J. Bergera, “The Orson Pratt–Brigham Young Controversies: Conflict Within the Quorums 1853–1868,” Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought, vol. 13, no. 2, 1983, pp. 7– 49 and his book length Conflict in the Quorum: Orson Pratt, Brigham Young, Joseph Smith, Signature Books, Salt Lake City, 2002. While early Mormonism was preoccupied with the concept of authority, authority was not tied to an ecclesiastical office, or to the church but to the priesthood. Although the distinctions are clear to the insiders, to outsiders there is no distinction. The priesthood is not the church, nor is it subject to it. The priesthood stands above the church. There is also a distinction to be made between the various organizations that emerged in Nauvoo, the Council of Fifty, the Holy Order, and the ecclesiastical organization, the church. The church was only seen as the physical institution. Today the terms “the Church,” and the “kingdom of God” are used synonymously, but this was not always the case.

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C. THE KINGDOM MOVES WEST The actual number of Mormons at the time of Smith’s death is disputed. Some of the estimates place the total to as high as 500,000 worldwide. Smith himself thought that there were around 150,000–200,000. These numbers seem a bit high. The real numbers may be closer to 26,000–30,000.63 It is also difficult to determine how many Mormons followed the Twelve Apostles west and how many stayed behind. We are able to get some idea from some non-Mormon sources. The 1850 Utah territorial census states that a little over 10,000 residents lived in the Utah territory, including members of the Native American tribes.64 It is therefore reasonable to speculate that fewer than 10,000 went west with the Apostles in 1846. The majority of Mormons appear to have stayed behind. We are however able to say that the Apostles probably led the largest cohesive faction of Mormons westward. A large part of these, at least 4,000, had come from the British mission. The Twelve Apostles had been converting souls in Britain since 1837 and the majority of British converts would have been baptised into the church by members of the Twelve Apostles. The other major contender, James J. Strang, may have also led a group of about 10,000 at the peak of his popularity.65 It seems that many of the Latter Day Saints remained in small independent groups joining with others over time to create factions of various sizes. Yet it would be the Saints in the valley of the Great Salt Lake that would bring Joseph Smith’s vision of a theocratic kingdom to fruition. The attempts at establishing this kingdom was not without hardship as the Federal Government would make several attempts at breaking the Mormon church’s control over the political and economic lives of its membership. The series of laws passed by the Federal Government between the years 1862–1889, were designed to strike at the most visible aspect of the Mormon kingdom, plural marriage.66 It was not so 63

64

65

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The RLDS church history does an admirable job in attaching figures to the number of Mormons in the world at the time of Joseph Smith’s death. While statistics are sketchy for this period there are a number of sources that can be consulted. The Latter Day Saints Millennial Star published statistics of the various Mormon missions. See Smith, et al., The History of the Reorganized Church, vol. 3, pp. 1–2. See Utah Federal Population Census Schedules, Entire territory, 1850, United States Bureau of the Census, United States National Archives and Records Service, Washington, D.C. The census data for the territory of Utah for the year 1850 is available in PDF format from the U.S. Federal Census Bureau at www.census.gov/prod/www/abs/decennial/1850.html, retrieved January 23, 2007. Copy in possession of the author. The number may be contentious. William D. Russell places the number at 2,604 according to the Beaver Island census. He does concede that Strang had additional followers in other congregations. See William D. Russell, “King James Strang: Joseph Smith’s Successor,” F. Mark McKiernan, et al (eds), The Restoration Movement: Essays in Mormon History, Coronado Press, Lawrence, 1973, p. 231. Abraham Lincoln signed the first piece of legislation prohibiting polygamy in the territories, the Morrill Anti-Bigamy Act, into law in 1862. The Edmunds–Tucker act of 1887, and the

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much the alternative social arrangements, plural marriage, that irritated officials in Washington but the church’s control of the political arena. The idea that a shadow nation with its own government and laws was being established within the confines of a democratic republic was difficult for the nation to accept. 1. Utah Mormonism and the Kingdom of God Political power among the Mormons was exemplified through an organization that has come to be known to us as the Council of Fifty. The origin of the Council of Fifty dates to the Nauvoo period with a foundation date of 1842. The Council of Fifty was also alternatively known as the Council of Gods, or the Council of the Kingdom. It stood aside from the ecclesiastical organization, but in some ways was to supersede it. There were however ties to the ecclesiastical, as organizationally, the president of the church was also the president of the Council. The Council contained all of the main branches of government; executive, judicial, and legislative. A failed attempt to establish the Kingdom of God had been made in Nauvoo during Smith’s life. It was within the confines of the Council of Fifty that Smith had crowned himself “King of Israel over the whole Earth.” Smith’s bid for the secular office of president of the United States was also tied to the eschatological goals of the Council. Sovereignty, it was believed, rested in God’s hands and the repository of this sovereignty within the earthly realm was the Council of Fifty.67 On December 9, 1848, the Council assumed the reins of government in the Utah Territory. It controlled all economic and political organisations within the territory. From large-scale economic ventures, such as the United Orders, to appropriation of food, all actions were under the control of the Council. One of the first deliberations in the Council was on the outcome of the Mexican War, and whether the current land the Mormons occupied would be ceded to the United States. They had left the boundaries of the United States to set up a kingdom, but now found themselves under the control of the Federal Government, rather than state government. This meant that they would hold less political power than they had exercised in the state of Illinois, or in Nauvoo for that matter. The Mormons debated whether it was more beneficial to acquire statehood or remain as a federal territory. It was felt a territorial government would bring undesirable elements to Zion and opted for application as a state to the union.68 State’s rights had pre-

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upholding of that act in the 1890 Supreme Court decision of, The Late Corporation of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints v. United States, forced the church’s hand in issuing the Manifesto under Wilford Woodruff. Quinn, Origins of Power, pp. 131–142. D. Michael Quinn, The Mormon Hierarchy: Extensions of Power, Signature Books, Salt Lake City, 1997, p. 238–239.

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eminence over federal rights, as the individual states were sovereign and to a large degree independent. The goal was to become a state, which they intended to name Deseret.69 The decade of the 1850s saw the start of a rocky relationship between the Federal Government and the Mormons in the west. The Federal Government continued to see the church’s control in the temporal realm as a threat and did all it could to destroy it. The first step was taken in the mid 1850s when Brigham Young was removed as Territorial Governor and Alfred Cummings was installed with an armed escort. With territorial power firmly entrenched the government in Washington began its assault on the LDS church. In a series of laws from 1862 onward the Federal Government escalated its attempts to stop the practice of polygamy within the territory. The pressure peaked in the 1890s and as a direct result of government pressure the church’s leadership issued a proclamation advising its membership to follow the laws of the land. The proclamation, popularly known as the Manifesto ended the large-scale practice of plural marriage among the Mormons. The Manifesto also proved to be the beginning of the end for the kingdom of God ideology. With many of the LDS leaders expecting the return of Jesus within a few months, the Manifesto was not that drastic of an action.70 The Manifesto was however a public relation’s triumph. It accomplished what the LDS leaders hoped it would do, distract government officials and save the church as an institution.71 To those within the church little changed, as the Manifesto was never designed to give up the Zionic principles. The Manifesto merely pushed the kingdom underground. Plural marriage continued on into the twentieth century.72 The battles with the Federal Government were really over the destruction of the theocratic kingdom. Plural marriage was the visible arm or extension of this kingdom. By the twentieth century we have a reinterpretation of nineteenth69

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For a comprehensive analysis of the role of the Council see David L. Bigler, Forgotten Kingdom: The Mormon Theocracy in the American West, 1847–1896, Utah State University Press, Logan 1998. The millennial expectations surrounding the dates of the early 1890s are discussed in Erickson, As a Thief in the Night, pp. 187–211. This was Wilford Woodruff’s prime motive in issuing the Manifesto. With new legislation on the horizon, and the loss of the Supreme Court case in The Late Corporation of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints v. United States, Woodruff issued the statement. In the LDS understanding, the church, the physical institution, needed to exist legally and physically on the Earth in order for Jesus to return. As the promised date of return was on the horizon it was hoped that time could be purchased by this action. Plural marriages continued to be contracted until 1904 and the issuance of the Second Manifesto by Joseph F. Smith. That plural marriage had not ended was brought to the public’s attention during the Reed Smoot hearings from 1904–1907. The Gathering to Zion was laid to rest in 1908 when LDS leaders told the converts to remain in their geographic regions and build churches there. See D. Michael Quinn, “LDS Authority and New Plural Marriages, 1890–1904,” Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought, vol. 18, no. 1, 1985, pp. 9–105

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century Mormonism‘s separatist and isolationist policies. Often the goals of nineteenth-century Mormonism are dismissed as having been minor factors or merely minimally held fringe beliefs among the general membership. The modern LDS church differs drastically from its nineteenth-century counterpart, yet no major change in beliefs has occurred, only in their practice. There has only been a reinterpretation of, and a de-emphasis of the central tenets of the nineteenth century. The central themes of the nineteenth century, plural marriage, communalism, the Gathering, and the political kingdom of God, are all held in reserve for a future time. All of these beliefs must be practised before the Second Advent. They are all primary to establishing Zion on the North American continent. The Zionic concepts were the very fibre and essence of nineteenth-century Utah Mormonism. The accommodation to the authority of the state in the 1890s spawned new sects. These sects, today called fundamentalists, see these changes as an accommodation with “Babylon” and they continue to not only believe in (as the LDS do) but also practice the Zionic concepts. It is ironic that present LDS leaders in Salt Lake City distance themselves from these fundamentalist groups. In 1844 those that did not follow the Twelve Apostles west did so because they rejected the key developments at Nauvoo, the Zionic principles, of polygamy, the economic requirements of the United Orders, and the political kingdom of God. The majority of the Latter Day Saints that stayed behind coalesced, and formed the RLDS in the 1860s. These Saints rejected the Nauvoo developments. For them it represented all that was wrong with Mormonism. By the early twentieth century the divide between the LDS church and the other Latter Day Saints was lessening. Today the leaders in Utah face a similar situation in their relationship to the Mormon Fundamentalists. The LDS church denies the historical importance of the concepts that were once its central tenets during the nineteenth century. The abrogation of these principles came only after a lengthy battle with federal authorities. Seeking to put the past behind, the LDS moved forward in a new direction. Adhering to nineteenth century principles soon became a reason for disfellowshipping, or excommunication. The challengers to the current LDS church, the Fundamentalists, have exchanged places with their nineteenth-century counterparts, as they have now become the defenders of the doctrines and practices that emerged from Nauvoo. 2. The Great Accommodation The Kingdom of God was to be universal and it was to be realized during the lifetime of those who advanced it. It was not designed to compromise or co-exist with other states.73 A new socio-economic order, the United Order, known also as

73

Bigler, Forgotten Kingdom, pp. 259–260.

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the Order of Enoch, or the Law of Enoch, was to supersede all other economic and social systems throughout the world.74 The pattern for the Order was revealed to Joseph Smith in the early 1830s.75 The Mormons were not so much concerned with achieving Heaven but in transforming the Earth. Without the transformation of the Earth, Heaven could not be attained.76 Without the kingdom being established the millennial rule of Jesus would be delayed.77 The Order was to be realized through the Mormons living the laws proscribed for them through their prophets. These laws were to be both temporal and spiritual doing away with the need for any earthly governments. 78 The United Order was a system of religious communism with a specific end time goal, to aid in building the physical kingdom of God.79 Several of the early missionaries to Germany were members of the Council of Fifty and had hopes of furthering the expanse of the kingdom of God on European soil.80 Mormon ideals sought to do away with economic and social injustice establishing a heaven on Earth. The kingdom would be funded through the economic surpluses generated by the Order, which would be used to further the work of the Mormons throughout the world. While the groundwork had been laid, the actual kingdom building on an international scale had lain dormant. After several years of inactivity the Council of Fifty was reconvened at the height of the wars with the Federal Government.81 Seeing the encroachment of federal power into the perceived domain of Utah’s theocracy, the Council anointed its president, John Taylor, “King, Priest, and Ruler over Israel on Earth.”82 For the Mormons the perceived role of the theocratic

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78 79 80

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George Q. Cannon, “The Order of Enoch, Socialistic Experiments, the Social Problem,” Journal of Discourses, vol. 13, pp. 95–103. Orson Pratt describes the origin of the pattern. “The law of Enoch is so named in the Book of Doctrine and Covenants, but in other words, it is the law given by Joseph Smith, Jr.” See Journal of Discourses, vol. 16, p. 156. Bigler, Forgotten Kingdom, p. 260. Many expected the return of Jesus around the early part of 1891. This was based on statements made during Smith’s life. See Smith, History of the Church, vol. 5, pp. 324, 336; vol. 2, p. 82. See Brigham Young Sermon February 8, 1868, Journal of Discourses, vol. 12, pp. 157–160. Bigler, Forgotten Kingdom, pp. 261, 265. See D. Michael Quinn, “The Council of Fifty and its Members, 1844–1945,” Brigham Young University Studies vol. 20, no. 2, 1980, pp. 163–193. Among those were Orson Hyde, John Taylor, Orson Spencer, Lorenzo Snow, John Van Cott, and Abraham H. Cannon. See Bigler, Forgotten Kingdom, pp. 345–347. The incident is recorded in Wilford Woodruff, Journal: 1833–1898, 9 vols, Scott G. Kenney (ed.), Signature Books, Midvale, 1983, vol. 8, pp. 6–7. Bigler, Forgotten Kingdom, p. 348; Grant H. Palmer, “Why William and Jane Law Left the LDS Church in 1844,” John Whitmer Historical Association Journal, vol. 32, no. 2, 2012, pp. 43–51, fn. 29. The first “Prophet” had also been anointed “King” in September of 1843, and again in April of 1844.

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exercise was to establish their rule over the entire Earth. Laws governing the kingdom would be given by revelation through inspired men.83 For much of the second half of the nineteenth century the Federal Government had been patient with the Mormons while the Mormons had continued to exhibit contempt for authority and resistance to the laws of the United States. Challenging the federal statutes in court, the Mormons made several attempts to have the laws declared unconstitutional as an affront to their free exercise of religion. As the federal court was to rule in each challenge, freedom of belief does not necessarily translate into freedom of practice. The final setback for the Mormons came in 1889 when the United States Supreme Court rejected the Mormon petition and declared the Edmunds–Tucker act legally binding. With very few options at his disposal, then President Wilfoord Woodruff issued an official declaration suspending the practice of plural marriage. The declaration is often referred to as the Manifesto. Even with the issuance of the Manifesto in September of 1890 the Mormon leadership was convinced they would be rescued from the current time of troubles by a returning messiah.84 But at the close of 1891 Jesus had still not appeared. No reinterpretation of Joseph Smith’s prophecy could be made and the Mormons began the lengthy process of accommodation to secular authority. The Manifesto marked a watershed as for the first time since the 1830s the laws of man took precedence over the laws God had revealed to the Mormons.85 A by-product of the Manifesto was the issuance of a letter by the First Presidency and the Twelve Apostles suspending the obligation for Mormons to enter into plural marriage as a divine commandment.86 This was to counter a revelation recorded in 1882 by then President John Taylor, which was included in several foreign editions but not the American edition of the Doctrine and Covenants, which expressed that all should enter into plural marriage.87 As history would prove, the Mormon leadership had no intentions of following secular laws or honouring the Manifesto. Plural marriage had become to integral to Mormon soteri-

83 84 85 86 87

Bigler, Forgotten Kingdom, p. 347. The Manifesto is recorded in Woodruff, Journal: 1833–1898, vol. 9, pp. 114–116. For discussion see Bigler, Forgotten Kingdom, p. 355. Bigler, Forgotten Kingdom, pp. 355–358. Bigler, Forgotten Kingdom, p. 358. There are three revelations important to the continuation of plural marriage attributed to John Taylor. Two were written in 1882, June 25, 1882 and October 13, 1882, and one in September 26–27, 1886, also known as the Centerville Revelation. All of these advocate the continuing of plural marriage in spite of government pressure. The revelations can be found in various works. See Brigham H. Roberts, The Life of John Taylor: Third President of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, G. Q. Cannon & Sons Co., Salt Lake City, 1892, pp. 349–351. Wilford Woodruff comments on the revelation, which was given within the context of choosing replacements for the Seventies. Woodruff, Journal: 1833–1898, vol. 8, p. 126.

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ology.88 Plural marriage continued under the leadership’s sanction in Mexico and Canada until the early twentieth century.89 That the leadership had been less than honest in dealing with the Federal Government came to a head with the election of Apostle Reed Smoot to the United States Senate and the congressional hearings that came about as a result of his election.90 Reed Smoot, a monogamist, was denied the privilege of representing his constituents as questions surrounding his allegiances were deliberated. Because he, as a Mormon Apostle, represented the Mormon hierarchy, there were concerns that as an elected Senator his allegiance was to the LDS church rather than to the country and the constitution.91 It was a common understanding that there could be no mixing of spiritual and temporal spheres as a United States Senator.92 The vetting process took its toll on the Mormon hierarchy, as they were required to appear before the committee to answer several allegations.93 President Joseph F. Smith was summoned to appear before the committee and was interrogated for three days. The revelations from President Smith’s testimony proved damning to the Mormon Church. Smith admitted he had continued to cohabitate with his wives and had fathered 11 children after the issuance of the 1890 Manifesto. Public suspicions were confirmed as it was revealed that plural marriages had indeed continued after 1890. In response to the revelations of the Smoot hearings, Smith issued an official declaration commonly called the Second Manifesto in 1904.94 The declaration 88 89

90 91 92 93

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Bigler, Forgotten Kingdom, p. 363. Carmon B. Hardy lists that 262 plural marriages were contracted between October 1890– December 1910. See his Solemn Covenant: The Mormon Polygamous Passage, University of Illinois Press, Urbana, 1992, pp. 182, 389–422. For marriages in Canada and Mexico see Quinn, “LDS Authority and New Plural Marriages,” pp. 9–105; John C. Lehr, “Polygamy, Patrimony and Prophesy: The Mormon Colonization of Cardston,” Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought, vol. 21, no. 4, 1988, pp. 114–121; Carmon B. Hardy, “Self-Blame and the Manifesto,” Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought, 24, no. 3, 1991, pp. 43–57; Kenneth L. Cannon II, “After the Manifesto: Mormon Polygamy 1890–1906,” Sunstone, vol. 8, no. 1–2, January 1983, pp. 27–36; van Wagoner, Mormon Polygamy, pp. 126, 134; Hardy, Solemn Covenant, pp. 167–205, 289–293. Gary Bergera, “Secretary to the Senator: Carl A. Badger and the Smoot Hearings,” Sunstone, vol. 8, no. 1–2, January 1983, pp. 36–43. Bigler, Forgotten Kingdom, p. 365. Bigler, Forgotten Kingdom, p. 366. Aside from the isolated charge against Smoot it was suspected that church leaders were still practicing plural marriage. It was also believed that the church was exerting too much influence on Utah politics; that members were required to take oaths in the temples to seek revenge on the United States, and that members believed revelation was higher than the laws of the land. See Testimony of Important Witnesses as Given in the Proceedings Before the Reed Smoot Hearings, Salt Lake Tribune Publishing Company, Salt Lake City, 1905. Joseph F. Smith, “Official Statement,” Conference Reports of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, 139 vols, The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, Salt Lake City, 1880–1970, April 1904, p. 75.

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threatened excommunication to all who entered into, or contracted to perform plural marriage including officers of the church’s hierarchy.95 Long time proponent of plural marriage, Apostle John W. Taylor who had been sent to Canada to avoid testifying before the committee, and Apostle Mathias F. Cowley were dismissed from the Quorum of the Apostles for their roles in post-Manifesto plural marriage. The shift away from the kingdom principles, which began in 1890, had an uneasy outcome on the Mormons. By the early decades of the twentieth century the Mormon theocratic kingdom had been laid to rest. What emerges is a different church with a different emphasis and a different set of priorities. Most converts would still make their way to Utah if at all possible. But the emigration to Zion, to Utah, was no longer a requirement. Many were remaining within their native countries. Yet choosing to remain had consequences until the mid 1950s. Being denied access to the central temple rituals in their home countries they would need to make pilgrimages to Utah or Canada. While being asked to remain and build strong local congregations those that stayed were still second-class members. The foundations for the kingdom still exist though the aspirations in establishing it are less vocalized, as the establishment of the millenarian kingdom is no longer dependent on human effort.96 3. The Structure of the Kingdom Among the various Latter Day Saint churches the model of church structure is often dependent upon the acceptance or rejection of the Nauvoo developments. Subsequently, church structure is also based upon a group’s claims as advanced during the succession crises.97 As a direct result of the Twelve Apostle’s claim during the succession crises of 1844, the LDS church has developed a linear hierarchical system based upon rank of office. The primary office within the structure is that of the apostle. Each office within this hierarchical structure has specific duties, rights, and obligations attached to it. Church structure among the early Mormons was a mixture of charismatic authority, accepted by, and bound by a congregational democracy. Two presiding elders were recognised as the principle leaders and spiritual guides. These leaders,

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Bigler, Forgotten Kingdom, p. 366. Bigler, Forgotten Kingdom, p. 367. This is evidenced within various Latter Day Saint groups. The RLDS who rejected the kingdom principles of Nauvoo do not have a hierarchical priesthood structure. The Church of Jesus Christ (Cutler), whose claims as successor organization are rooted in the Council of Fifty, has two separate organisations. There exists a kingdom and a church. The leader functions as head of both. Within the LDS system, the two entities, the kingdom and the church, are united with the kingdom being equated with the church.

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Joseph Smith and Oliver Cowdery, were voted to their positions by all of the members. A vestige of this early system still exists within the LDS church and is known as common consent. I do not intend to convey that an actual democratic vote of acceptance or rejection among multiple candidates occurs. Rather, a candidate for leadership is presented to the faithful. The congregation then votes, or accepts, the presented candidate. Those who are familiar with Soviet style Politburo elections should be able to recognize the similarities.98 Between 1830 and 1836 Smith introduced a series of additional ecclesiastical offices creating a lineal, legalistic, institutional hierarchy. Duties associated with the two priesthoods, the offices of Teachers, Deacons, the First Presidency, Apostles, Seventies, High Councils, Bishops and the Patriarch would all take shape and find their place within the church’s structure. Most of these church offices and assigned duties were never fully developed within the lifetime of Joseph Smith.99 Under Brigham Young and subsequent leaders the nascent quasi-lay structure left to them by Smith developed into a clearly defined oligarchy. Over time priesthood office and the specific duties associated with those offices became the distinguishing essence of Mormonism. Like a beehive, the Mormon priesthood represented the divine order, which was necessary to carry Joseph Smith’s utopian ideals to fruition in the valley of the Great Salt Lake. Much has been said of the organisational strengths of the LDS church. In conference speeches of the early twentieth century comparisons were often made to the German army.100 The comparison appears to have come first from Richard T. Ely in a 1903 article on Mormonism. In part the quote reads: “Mormonism is the

An example of this is seen in the speech given by Joseph F. Smith. It reads: “Now, we are going to have read before this conference the declaration of this principle as it was formulated by the Presidency of the Church, the Twelve Apostles, and the Seventies, as it was read before the general conference. We are going to present it to you, to see whether you will sustain this doctrine. If you do not like it; if you do not believe in the doctrine; if you think it is false doctrine; if you think it is superfluous, or unnecessary, you have perfect liberty to vote against it. But if you have the Spirit of the Gospel in your hearts; if you desire the perpetuity of the institutions of Zion; if you want to consummate the purposes of God in establishing the Church upon the Earth for the last time, then you will vote, not with one hand alone, but with both hands and with your whole heart to sustain this doctrine as it was enunciated to the General Conference of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints.” See Stuy, Collected Discourses, vol. 5, p. 126. 99 The various groups within the movement differ on many aspects of priesthood. The difference can be as great as titles, admission to the orders; males only, or females and males. 100 Between 1910 and 1958 the comparison is made 17 times by Mormon leaders at their general conference. See Conference Reports of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, 139 vols, The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, Salt Lake City, 1880–1970, for October 1910, p. 106, April 1913, p. 92, October 1913, p. 85, October 1918, p. 51, October 1919, p. 113, October 1919, p. 114, October 1924, p. 21, October 1924, p. 36, October 1925, p. 48, October 1928, p. 59, October 1930, p. 107, October 1934, p. 118, April 1935, p. 58, October 1954, p. 78, April 1956, p.82, April 1958, p. 42, April 1959, p. 42

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most nearly perfect piece of social mechanism with which I have ever, in any way, come in contact, excepting the German army.”101 The Mormons took pride in their oraganizational strengths. Perhaps the greatest example was, and still is, seen in the missionary force sent into the fields ripe for harvest. While establishing a theocratic kingdom seemed to be a real threat in North America, it is doubtful that the establishment of such a kingdom would have been attempted outside of the confines of the United States. Yet the fear of the creation of a state within a state was a legitimate fear for many governments, including the German governments, in their encounters with the Mormons in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. The Mormon Kingdom of God was to be established prior to the Second Advent and from American soil it would roll forward covering the Earth. All governments, churches, and societies would fall under its domain. The structure was in place and the kingdom’s envoys, the missionaries, were actively recruiting abroad. With a solid understanding of the LDS goals, German governments watched cautiously the advance of the Mormons within their territory. There was something familiar in the Mormons message. This talk of creating a new social order, and of building a Kingdom of God on the Earth had stirred the embers long thought extinguished. The long silent voices once heard in Münster, in Frankenhausen, and in Iptingen, the voices of Jan van Leiden, Thomas Müntzer, and Georg Rapp were once again being heard on German soil.

101 Richard T. Ely, “Economic Aspects of Mormonism,” in Harper’s, no. 56, 1903. See Frederick S. Buchanan, Culture Clash and Accommodation: Public Schooling in Salt Lake City, 1890–1994, Smith Research Associates in association with Signature Books, San Francisco and Salt Lake City, 1996, p. 82.

III. EARLY MORMONISM AND THE GERMAN IMMIGRANTS A. THE GERMAN SECTS SEEK RELIGIOUS REFUGE In the autumn of 1683 Franz Daniel Pastorius, an agent for the Frankfurter Land Kompagnie, received a small group of German religious dissenters from Krefeld at the port of Philadelphia. This event marks the beginning of the flight of German religious sectarians to North America. The newly arrived immigrants established themselves near Philadelphia in William Penn’s middle colony of Pennsylvania. The settled area becoming known as Germantown. Germantown became the center for an expanding German ethnic landscape throughout rural Pennsylvania. Penn had toured Germany in 1671, and again 1677 with hopes of attracting like-minded individuals as colonists to his tracts of land in North America. He continued to advertise the advantages of his colony throughout the German states into the 1680s.1 Penn’s encounter with the Pietist conventicle which had gathered at the Saalhof in Frankfurt set in motion a course of events culminating in the migration under Pastorius.2 The migration to Pennsylvania was based upon millenarian expectations, as a cataclysmic judgement on decadent Europe, Babylon, was about to occur.3 A shift from traditional Lutheran eschatology among the Saalhof Pietists had been the catalyst in commissioning Pastorius to establish a place of refuge in Penn’s colony.4 The idea that America was the land of refuge from an imminent apocalypse has deep roots in North American history, as not only English, but also early German religious dissenters sought refuge on American soil. Pastorius was introduced to Philip Jakob Spener’s Pietist conventicle, the Collegia Pietatis, in Frankfurt through Johann Heinrich Horb. Several members of Spener’s conventicle in Frankfurt felt that the Spenerian reforms did not extend

1 2

3

4

Philip Otterness, Becoming German: The 1709 Palatine Migration to New York, Cornell University Press, Ithaca, 2006, p. 26. Patrick M. Erben, Harmony of the Spirits: Translation and the Language of Community in Early Pennsylvania, University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill, 2012, pp. 84, 92. William Penn, “Journal of William Penn: While Visiting Holland and Germany, in 1677,” Friends Book Store, Philadelphia, 1878, p. 48–49. Erben, Harmony of the Spirits, p. 102. For the millenarianism prevalent among the Saalhof Pietists see Elizabeth W. Fischer, “Prophecies and Revelations: German Cabbalists in Early Pennsylvania,” Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography, vol. 109, July 1985, pp. 299–333, pp. 304–306. Fischer, “Prophecies and Revelations,” pp. 304, 306.

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far enough and had gathered around the visionary Elenora von Merlau at the Saalhof in Frankfurt. After hearing William Penn speak of a model colony in America, the Deutschgesellschaft–Frankfurter Land Kompagnie was formed in 1681 with the express purpose of establishing a community in Pennsylvania. Instrumental in the formation and leadership of the company was Johann Jacob Schütz. The initial contract for 15,000 acres of Pennsylvania land was signed by Jacobus van de Walle, (for himself and his wife), and also as the attorney for Johann Wilhelm Petersen and his wife, Eleonore von Merlau Petersen. Daniel Behaghel, Johann Jacob Schütz, Caspar Merian, and Pastorius himself were the additional signatories to the contract. Pastorius would procure another 10,000 acres for the company bringing their total to 25,000 acres. Pastorius left England for Pennsylvania on June 10, 1683, and arrived in Philadelphia on August 20th. The German land company had chosen Pastorius as their agent and provided Pastorius with a power of attorney, giving him the right to oversee the lands on behalf of the company members. As their agent, the Frankfurt Kompagnie had sent Pastorius to procure the location of the purchased land where the Saalhof conventicle would soon join him. Influenced by Philadelphian, and millenarian thought, the Frankfurt Pietists had hoped to create a separate community of true believers preparing themselves for the imminent Second Advent, and establishment of the Millennial Kingdom. The expected arrival never materialized as the Saalhof Pietists failed to follow Pastorius to the New World. Instead 33 persons, divided among 13 families, from Krefeld sailed into the Philadelphia harbour on the Concord on October 6, 1683. Pastorius had also come to represent the interests of a group of Krefeld merchants who had procured an additional 15,000 acres of land in Penn’s colony. The arrivees on the Concord were a group comprised primarily of Quakers and Mennonites. The existing records mention that only one family of the original 13 was, or remained Mennonite, while the other 12 appear all appear in later Quaker meeting records. This first group of Germantown settlers were essentially German Quakers. There was a Quaker congregation in Krefeld, and most of the Germantown settlers had signed a Quaker marriage certificate at Krefeld in 1681. While the exact religious composition of these early settlers to Pennsylvania is open to debate, it is safe to assume that the early settlers were not members of the established churches, but tended to follow tenets closely aligned to the Radical Reformation, or had esoteric leanings. Over time more identifiable groups, Anabaptists, Radical Pietists, and other sectarian groups from Germany would join them in Pennsylvania, New York, and the Carolinas.5 German sectarians, Anabap-

5

I intend to convey the traditional use of the word “sect” in describing these early religious immigrants to North America. That is that they were splinter groups from the established religious traditions of Europe. For the sake of clarity in this writing, the word “sect” will be used in spite of its controversial connotations as has been noted by modern scholars of religion who prefer the term New Religious Movements, or NRMs.

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tists, Mennonites, German Quakers, groups with Radical Pietistist leanings, like the Brüder Gemeinde (Tunker), commonly known as the Schwarzenau Brethren or Seventh Day Baptists, as well as Rosicrucian Utopianists all found a home in North America.6 The first large wave of colonists belonging to churches of the Magisterial Reformation, Lutheran and Reformed church men and women, came to the United States from the Pfalz, the Palatinate, beginning around 1707. The Jesuit schooled Catholic Elector Johann Wilhelm’s re-Catholicization of the Calvinist Pfalz, had created 10,000 emigrants by 1709. A little over 3,000 Lutheran, and Reformed emigrants left the Pfalz, for New York under the Lutheran Pastor at Eschelbronn, Josua Harrsch between the years 1708–1710. Harrsch had gone to London in 1704 to meet with Lord Granville, and John Archdale, both with large land holdings in Carolina, with the intent of colonizing the territory.7 Shortly thereafter, a pamphlet outlining the benefits of German immigration to the Carolinas was being distributed along the upper and middle Rhine.8 It is believed that Haarsch, under the pseudonym Joshua Harrsch de Kocherthal had authored the pamphlet.9 In 1707 he was once again in London this time petitioning the Queen to provide special terms for Palatine immigration to the American colonies. She granted the request, and subsidized the Palatinates transport to North America.10 Kocherthal’s pamphlet was instrumental in kick-starting Palatinate mass emigration as the booklet intimated Queen Anne was offering free passage and land in America. Soon Palatines were arriving in England, and they in turn were being

6

7 8

9

10

The Tunkers, or Dunkers, emerged in the Wetterau under Alexander Mack. In Germany they were known as Brüder Gemeinde, or Neue Taufer. The group still exists and is known as the Church of the Brethren. Joseph Smith’s uncle, the brother of his mother Lucy Mack, had established a communal colony in New Brunswick. There is no relation between the two Macks. Johannes Kelpius led a group of Rosicrucian’s to Pennsylvania. The group was known as the Woman in the Wilderness. We will touch on this group in its Ephrata incarnation. See Aaron Spencer Fogleman, Hopeful Journeys: German Immigration, Settlement, and Political Culture in Colonial America, 1717–1775. University of Pennsylvania Press, Philadelphia, 1996, p. 22. Sydney E. Ahlstrom, A Religious History of the American People, 2nd edn, Yale University Press, New Haven, 2004, pp. 232–244. Karl Scherer, “Kocherthal, Josua,” Neue Deutsche Biographie, Bd. 12, Kleinhans–Kreling, Dunker & Humblot, Berlin, 1979, pp. 283–284. William O’Reilly, “The Naturalization Act of 1709 and the Settlement of Germans in Britain, Ireland and the Colonies,” From Strangers to Citizens: The Integration of Immigrant Communities in Britain, Ireland and Colonial America, 1550-1750, Randolph Vigne, Charles Littleton, (eds), Sussex Academic Press, Eastbourne, 2001, pp. 492–502, p. 496. Joshua Harrsch de Kocherthal, Aussführlich und umständlicher Bericht von der Berühmten Landschaft Carolina in dem Engelländischen America gelegen, G. H. Oehrling Frankfurt am Main, 1709. O’Reilly, “The Naturalization Act of 1709,” p. 495.

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settled in Britain, Ireland, Jamaica, and the North American colonies of Pennsylvania, New York, and the Carolinas.11 Not all of the early German immigrants were from the Palatinate. They came from Hessen, Nassau, and Württemberg, as well as Switzerland.12 Over the next several decades’ successive waves of Protestants would continue to settle in Pennsylvania, and in New York State along the Hudson River and the Mohawk Valley.13 The original settlement areas would provide a base for further expansion into the Carolinas, Georgia, and into parts of Louisiana. The dominant, and somewhat romantic, historical interpretation of the settlement of the British American colonies has tended to see the early United States as the land of religious refuge. While the lure of religious freedom did stimulate German emigration to America, economic considerations cannot be excluded from the equation.14 Germany was late in developing both as a nation state and as an industrialized power. A high concentration of eighteenth and early nineteenth-century Germans still resided in rural areas. Crop failures, scarcity of land, and a still intact feudal system based on primogeniture succession rights forced many to leave their ancestral homes.15 Most German immigrants to America came from a 200 mile stretch along the upper Rhine valley from Baden-Durlach, and Württemberg in the south, to the Palatinate in the north. The British America colonies were often not the first choice for German immigrants. Germans were also seen as prime colonists for the newly acquired territories in Imperial Russia, and the eastern Habsburg lands. German villagers thereby had a tendency to move east and not west until the middle decades of the nineteenth century. In the east they were offered more favourable conditions. Exemptions from taxes and military service, greater religious freedom, and the access to land grants made the migration eastward the preferred option.16 Although extensive and aggressive recruitment programs by the American colonies existed, im-

11 12 13 14

15

16

O’Reilly, “The Naturalization Act of 1709,” pp. 497–498. Otterness, Becoming German, p. 25. German emigration to the new world is divided into distinct phases. Religious refugees dominated immigration in the centuries preceding the American Revolution. Klaus J. Bade, “From Emigration to Immigration: The German Experience in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries,” Klaus J. Bade and Myron Weiner (eds), Migration Past, Migration Future: Germany and the United States, Providence: Berghahn Books, 1997, pp. 1–37. The factors involved in German emigration are complex. A central reason seems to have been a rise in population and the scarcity of available land. See Fogleman, Hopeful Journeys, pp. 19–20. Bade, From Emigration to Immigration, p. 3. Bade indicates that German migration was dominantly eastward rather than westward across the Atlantic Ocean until the 1830s. See also Ueda Reed “An Immigration Country of Assimilative Pluralism: Immigrant Reception and Absorption in American History,” Klaus J. Bade and Myron Weiner (eds), Migration Past, Migration Future: Germany and the United States, Berghahn Books, Providence, 1997, pp. 39–63. See also Fogleman, Hopeful Journeys, pp. 3–12.

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migrating to the Britain’s American colonies was just one option available to German settlers in the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. Before 1709 perhaps a few hundred Germans had moved across the Atlantic and settled in North America. These were mostly religious dissenters. It is estimated that around 125,000 people had immigrated to either North or South America during the eighteenth century. By contrast in the same century around 700,000 had moved into Prussia, or east into the Hapsburg, or Russian territories. By the middle of the nineteenth century this would change as over 2 million Germans made their way to the Americas following the failed revolutions of 1848–1849. While economic and demographic pressures played a role, the earliest German settlers came to America for primarily religious reasons. Since the Reformation the areas along the Rhine, that fed the American wilderness with settlers, had not seen a triumph of one particular religious confession. Southwestern Germany was distinctly diverse in its religious culture. A mixture of Catholic, traditional Lutheran and Reformed churches, alongside of pietistic wings within the two larger Protestant bodies existed.17 Migratory Radical Reformation sects were also part of the mixture. The Reformation in its radical branches had produced alternatives to the three main Christian confessions of Europe. In its Anabaptist variant, the Radical Reformation had produced strict Biblicists seeking to create alternative social orders in addition to alternative forms of ritual and belief. While there was no cohesive Anabaptist way of life or thinking, there were distinct differences between them and those of the Lutheran and Reformed confessions. The primary tenets of their disagreements with the confessional churches of the German states became central to their identity in the American colonies. Contentious points such as no division between the sacred and the profane, belief in esoteric concepts, private individual communication with the divine, and an individualistic interpretation of the Biblical text flourished in the American wilderness. The radical reformers were not content to remain within the bounds established by Luther’s reformation. They sought a return to the pristine Christianity of the first century. It was the firm belief in an individualistic encounter with the divine without an appointed mediator, a Pastor or Priest, which had caused the extreme revolts against the established churches. The radical reformers had taken their cues from Luther and Calvin but had moved beyond the parameters established by the reformers. Luther’s reformation was taken to its logical conclusions by Thomas Müntzer in the Bauernkrieg, the Peasants War, continued on with the Alsatian prophets, Bernard Rothman and Melchior Hoffman, and culminated with Jan Matthys, and Jan van Leiden in the establishment of the kingdom at Münster.18 The radical reformers maintained that God continued to speak through liv17 18

Fogleman, Hopeful Journeys, p. 21. James M. Stayer, The German Peasants’ War and the Anabaptist Community of Goods, McGill–Queen’s University Press, Montreal and Kingston, 1994, p. 5. The role of Müntzer

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ing individuals rather than through a static text. Divine inspiration rather than logical rendering of the written text set the radical reformers apart from their magisterial counterparts. In the decades following 1517 radical elements would make great strides in establishing a physical kingdom of God on earth.19 The most well known example was the Anabaptist kingdom of Münster. With the fall of the radical kingdom of Münster in 1535 more peaceful means were implemented in achieving the long awaited kingdom of God on the Earth among the remaining Anabaptist groups. Resorting to pacifism they awaited the establishment of the kingdom through divine intervention rather than taking an active role as God’s agents in establishing that kingdom. Yet the millennial hope of actively establishing an earthly kingdom to which Jesus would return would be taken up by various groups at varied times in German religious history. In the aftermath of the failure of the kingdom at Münster the remnant followers of the nascent Anabaptist movement scattered to isolated parts of Germany, the Hapsburg possessions, and into imperial Russian lands over the next few centuries. Some of the survivors of the Anabaptist kingdom, the Mennonites, the Amish, and the Hutterian Brethren all found their way to Canada and the United States over the next 300 years. 20 There has been a lengthy debate over what constituted Anabaptist ideology in the early decades of the 1500s. Central to the debate is the role of the Münster kingdom in the development of Anabaptist belief. Questions as to whether Münster was an aberration or the logical extension and expression of Anabaptist hopes are yet to be answered? There has also been some discussion on the relationship between Münster and Müntzer. The debate centers on the influence of the Alsatian Prophets, Bernard Rothmann and Melchior Hoffman on Jan Matthys and Jan van Leiden and subsequently the influence of Müntzer on both Rothmann and

19 20

as a forerunner to the Anabaptist kingdom at Münster is hotly debated. As well the Bauernkrieg as a religious or social revolution also forms part of the debate. Marxist scholars have seen the Bauernkrieg as the first popular revolution. For discussion see Stayer, German Peasants War, pp. 5, 33–35. See also Henry J. Cohn, “Anticlericalism in the German Peasants’ War 1525,” Past and Present, vol. 83, 1979, pp. 3–31; Justus Maurer, Prediger im Bauernkrieg, Calwer, Stuttgart, 1979; Franziska Conrad, Reformation in der bäuerlichen Gesellschaft: Zur Rezeption reformatorischer Theologie im Elsass, Franz Steiner, Stuttgart, 1984; James M. Stayer, Anabaptists and the Sword, 2nd edn, Coronado, Lawrence, 1976; Friedrich Engels, “Der deutsche Bauernkrieg,” Karl Marx und Friedrich Engels Werke, 39 Bde., Dietz Verlag, Berlin, 1959–1990, Bd. 7, p. 409. Both Luther and Calvin made distinctions between the spheres in which God and man operated. The kingdom of God was a heavenly institution and not an earthly one. See Stayer, German Peasants War, and Timothy Miller, “They Found A Formula: 450 Years of Hutterite Communitarianism,” Timothy Miller (ed.), When Prophets Die: The Postcharismatic Fate of New Religious Movements, State University of New York Press, Albany, 1991, pp. 79–92.

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Hoffman.21 It has been proposed that after the death of Thomas Müntzer, both Rothmann and Hoffmann continued on with the millennial aspirations that eventually flowered in Westphalia.22 Whether one sees the interconnectedness between the Bauernkrieg and van Leiden’s kingdom, Anabaptism emerged in an altered form after the fall of Münster. By the time Daniel Pastorius and his small band of Quakers and Mennonites from Krefeld had reached Pennsylvania, Anabaptism no longer retained any likeness to the kingdom of Jan van Leiden. Germany would never see another Münster. Yet, sectarianism and the concept of religious pluralism continued to be feared among the Germans. Religious pluralism and the resulting religious wars had brought decimation, poverty, and ruin too much of Germany during the 1600s. It seemed safer, and to the benefit of all regardless of religious confession, if a homogenous segregated community of believers within specifically defined geographical locations was implemented. This was the intent of the Treaty of Osnabrück, and the Peace of Westphalia of 1648 following the Thirty Years War. The Princes, Protestant, Reformed, Lutheran, and Catholic, as well as the Roman church supported the new order. The Westphalian recognition of the main Protestant bodies, Lutheran and Reformed, as equals to the Roman church within the Holy Roman Empire, the reaffirmation of the Peace of Augsburg’s Cuius regio, eius religio, “whose realm, his religion” intertwined the religious and secular spheres once again. This model of church-state relations would remain in place over the next several centuries until the invading armies of Napoleon redrew the map of Germany. The relationship between altar and throne, the Summus Episcopus, had both its critics and supporters among the Lutheran clergy. It was the very

21

22

Several aspects of Müntzer’s thought emerges in the ideology of Jan van Leiden and Joseph Smith and early Mormonism. Müntzer was critical of the Church and believed it be under the control of Satan. Müntzer claimed to be the final prophet before the end of the world and one would need to accept his message or be destroyed by advancing Turks. A new apostolic order began in Bohemia and would expand to the ends of the earth. In the end Müntzer was exiled from Prague for advocating a theocracy. See Walter Ellinger, Ausenseiter der Reformation: Thomas Müntzer, Ein Knecht Gottes, Vandenhoek & Ruprecht, Göttingen, 1975, pp. 9–13; Eric W. Gritsch, Thomas Müntzer: A Tragedy of Errors, Fortress Press, Minneapolis, 2006, pp. 38–42. For discussion of the various influences on the Anabaptist movement see James M. Stayer, Werner O. Packull, and Klaus Deppermann, “From Monogenesis to Polygenesis: The Historical Discussion of Anabaptist Origins, in Mennonite Quarterly Review, vol. 49, 1975, pp. 83–121; Grete Mecenseffy, “Die Herkunft des oberösterreichischen Täufertums,” Archiv für Reformationsgeschichte, Bd. 47, 1956, pp. 252–259, Steven E. Ozment, Mysticism and Dissent: Religious Ideology and Social Protest in the Sixteenth Century, Yale University Press, New Haven, 1972; Werner O. Packull, Mysticism and the Early South German-Austrian Anabaptist Movement 1525–1531, Herald Press, Scottdale, 1977.

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nature, and the outcome of that relationship on the church, the clergy, and the laity that had lead Spener to seek remedy and reform within the church.23 While the fear of religious pluralism may have continued in Germany, the sectarian movements that had initiated those fears were soon to be found only in North America. The Anabaptist sects never attempted to establish a radical kingdom like Münster on American soil. In secluded and isolated wilderness communities the Anabaptists established pacifistic religious communities. Although they lived in relative seclusion, central tenets of the Radical Reformation, or Anabaptist belief, would become part of American religious life. Believers’ baptism, separation of church and state, separation from the world, the concept of the “true church,” the freewill of mankind, and the rejection of the concept that mankind was totally depraved would ingrain itself into varying American religious traditions.24 It is difficult to trace a direct connection between radical Anabaptist thought and the development of what Harold Bloom calls the “American religion.”25 Many tenets of what is often seen as Anabaptist thought is witnessed in many of the English dissenting sects which also emigrated to the British American colonies. Establishing any comprehensive paradigm that takes into account the development of religious movements in the British colonies and the impact of mainland European sectarianism on their origins does become complicated. One can make a correlation between German immigrant religious communities and developing American religious values and practices. If the roots of nineteenth-century American revivalism, and evangelicalism lie in the thought of John Wesley, his encounter with the Pietistic Moravian Brethren missionaries in Georgia forms the most solid correlation between the two. The experiential emphasis of the Church Pietists is a definite trait of American evangelicalism. Yet it is another peculiar mystical concept that seems to have impacted several German sects as well as the developing American religious consciousness. It was the general belief that mankind at his core retained a divine spark, a portion of divinity, and was therefore part of the divine. Through this

23

24 25

Philipp Jakob Spener, Pia Desideria: Oder Hertzliches Verlangen, Nach Gott gefälliger Besserung der wahren Evangelischen Kirchen: sampt einigen dahin einfältig abzweckenden Christlichen Vorschlägen, Zunner, Frankfurt am Main, 1675. Ahlstrom, A Religious History of the American People, p. 231. Harold Bloom cites several distinctive elements evidenced within the tenets of religious movements having their origin in North America. These are: 1). There is no higher religious authority than the private individual. 2). Every individual has an inner light allowing them to reach religious truth by themselves. 3). External objective expressions of religion like churches, worship, or creeds are at best unnecessary but mostly a block to true spirituality. 4). True religion does not need any external forms. 5). No one can tell an individual what to believe, and anyone who does is a potential threat to religious freedom. See Harold Bloom, The American Religion: The Emergence of the Post-Christian Nation, Chu Hartley Publishers, New York, 2006.

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spark mankind retained a connection to God causing him to yearn for a reconnection. This concept would have particular impact on the Mormons. While there are parallels between radical Anabaptism, as it had existed in its German setting and Mormonism, it is difficult to make any direct connections between the two.26 The interaction between the Anabaptist sects that had migrated to North America and the early Mormons are negligible. Joseph Smith at some point in his life may have learned of, or perhaps personally encountered members of the Anabaptist sects, such as the Mennonites or Amish, but there is no major documentary evidence to make such a correlation at present. That being said, there are minor connections between Anabaptism and early Mormonism. Smith’s father was listed as a member of the Anabaptist society in Vermont.27 Yet it was Pennsylvania however, and not Vermont, that had become the center of Anabaptist settlement in America. Many Anabaptist groups had settled in Lancaster, and Chester counties in eastern Pennsylvania, and Smith did spend time in the northern border counties, primarily Susquehanna County, Pennsylvania, during the 1820s. One of the earliest critics of Mormonism, Diedrich Willers, records that the Whitmer family, early converts to Mormonism, had belonged to the Mennonites. The Mennonites, Willers claimed were just one among of the many religious organizations which they had joined.28 Yet evidence of any direct Anabaptist influence on Mormonism is lacking. It is better to look for answers elsewhere in determining the influences on the young Smith and his vision of establishing a millennial kingdom in the heart of the American Republic.29

26

27

28

29

Earlier studies of Mormon origins had also attempted to make this comparative analysis. See D. Michael Quinn, “Socio-Religious Radicalism of the Mormon Church: A Parallel to the Anabaptists,” Davis Bitton and Maureen Ursenbach Beecher (eds), New Views of Mormon History: A Collection of Essays in Honor of Leonard J. Arrington, University of Utah Press, Salt Lake City, 1987, pp. 363–386; William E. Juhnke, “Anabaptism and Mormonism: A Study in Comparative History,” John Whitmer Historical Association Journal, vol. 2, 1982, pp. 38–46. See “Tunbridge, Vermont, Anabaptist Society, 12 November 1799,” Dan Vogel (ed.), Early Mormon Documents, 5 vols, Signature Books, Salt Lake City, 1996–2003, vol. 1, p. 636. As well Dan Vogel, Joseph Smith: Making of a Prophet, Signature Books, Salt Lake City, 2004, p. 178, discusses the possibility that both Smith and his father were partial to Anabaptist beliefs. Rev. Diedrich Willers to L. Mayer and D. Young, 18 June 1830. Original in Diedrich Willers Collection, John M. Olin Library, Cornell University, Ithaca, NY. A copy is provided among other places in D. Michael Quinn, “The First Months of Mormonism: A Contemporary View by Rev. Diedrich Willers,” New York History, vol. 54, 1973, pp. 317–331. The environmental origins of Mormonism is represented in early works on Joseph Smith and Mormon origins such as Fawn Brodie, No Man Knows My History: The Life of the Mormon Prophet Joseph Smith, Alfred Knopf, New York, 1945 [1982]. As well see Whitney R. Cross, The Burned-over District; the Social and Intellectual History of Enthusiastic Religion in Western New York, 1800–1850, Cornell University Press, Ithaca, 1950.

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Historically the pendulum of religious thought often swings between the two extremes of rationalism and emotionalism, never fully coming to rest in a balanced position. The balance between emotional, or fanatical, and rational approaches to religion seldom becomes the dominant form of religion expression. Religious thought in North America during the late eighteenth and nineteenth century seemed to follow this pattern as well. Deism and Unitarianism arose to counter the pendulum’s swing towards Calvinistic, and Arminian revivalism.30 An inner witness, or personal experience had been part of the Puritan legacy, but it is not until the second of the Awakenings that personal communication with the divine and a personal identifiable religious experience becomes a defining tenet of American Christianity. That the Smith family were partial to experience oriented religion is seen in the churches they joined, or sought to join. Both the Presbyterian and Methodists, churches the Smiths sought membership in, emphasized a personal and individual conversion.31 The Smiths had a propensity for personal experience. They favoured a personal encounter with the divine rather than simply belonging to the covenant of the elect. In turn they rejected the covenant by birth right theology of the Calvinistic churches. Although an early penchant, Joseph Smith would dismiss the validity of the personal encounter with the divine outside of institutional authority very early on in his career as a prophet. In a strange twist Mormonism rejected the dynamic and would use the Calvinistic model of the elect, the mark of the covenant, baptism into an institutional organization. God it seemed did only work though institutional hierarchical offices rather than through individuals regardless of status and standing. It is difficult to assess the motives for joining a religious movement, but certainly a common shared worldview would be a consideration. Early converts to Mormonism seemed to possess a worldview incompatible with the majority of Christianity of the nineteenth century. They seemed to have wandered from church to church until coming together in early Mormonism.32

30

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See Frank Lambert, Inventing the Great Awakening, Princeton University Press, Princeton, 1999, pp. 40–41; Martin E. Marty, Pilgrims in Their Own Land: 500 Years of Religion in America, Penguin Books, New York, 1985, pp. 115–116. See Lucy Smith, Biographical Sketches of Joseph Smith the Prophet, and His Progenitors For Many Generations, Samuel W. Richards, Liverpool, 1853, pp. 48, 58, 90. Varied assessments have attempted to explain this. Both Mario De Pillis and Dan Vogel place a strong emphasis on a searching for an apostolic authority, represented by a physical church. As this authority was lacking they remained outside of the current religious bodies. Mario S. De Pillis, “The Quest for Religious Authority and the Rise of Mormonism,” Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought, vol. 1, no. 1, Spring 1966, pp. 68–88; Dan Vogel, Religious Seekers and the Advent of Mormonism, Signature Books, Salt Lake City, 1988. The prime reason cited is often the reliance on the Biblical text by early Mormons. Yet Mormons were not Biblicists. Mormons entertained notions of an open canon and tolerated the use of religious paraphernalia in producing new scripture. The question of “which church is cor-

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Nowhere is this more evident than with Smith himself. Smith drew his ideology from the environment that he knew best. His textual interpretations of Biblical passages were not conditioned by any church instruction. What little Christian instruction he would have received would have been tempered by his own understanding of the world in which he lived. The personal interpretation of the Biblical text was a prime motive in Martin Luther’s attempt to translate the Biblical text into the vernacular. Luther, it would seem, reasoned that once the text was in the hands of the people they would all draw the same logical conclusions as the spirit of God would lead them. Unfortunately it proved otherwise as the divisions within Protestantism demonstrate. The question that remains to be answered is; what was Smith’s earliest religious ideology? That millenarianism was an integral part of Smith’s ideology cannot be denied. Early Mormons saw themselves as living in the last days. The tone of the Book of Mormon, and its internal prophetic passages, spoke of the last days when new revelation was to be revealed to the world once again. There was also urgency in spreading the message of early Mormonism where the millenarian themes of a ripe harvest and reaping are dominant images.33 It is not my intention to make a comprehensive re-evaluation of Mormon origins but rather to look at Joseph Smith’s environment as having an influence on his developing religious ideals, and ideas. I believe a solid case can be made that German sectarian movements did provide the base model for Smith’s developing ideas.34 Arguments have been made that groups with roots in the radical refor-

33

34

rect” and placing Mormon origins against this backdrop of searching for the “true church” in a newly developing pluralistic antebellum America should be re-evaluated. That Smith saw the divisions caused in his family as his brothers, sisters and mother joined the Presbyterians and he and his father remained outside the church and therefore sought a harmonized “one church” to unite the denominations. Firstly, denominations had existed prior to the Great Awakenings. Methodists, Congregationalists, Anglicans, Baptists and countless other sects existed in supposedly homogenous Puritan America. That the Smith’s did not choose churches based on theological considerations can be seen in their choices of experiential churches, New Light Presbyterian and Methodist. This of course is in perfect harmony of why people join religious movements in the first place, a sense of community with theological considerations coming later. They equated “truth” with a religious experience. Their worldview consisted of a continuous interaction between spirit world and natural world. Those groups that exemplified this would have been more “true” than those that concentrated on formality, and religious instruction. This is in view with early concepts of the restoration as Smith does not restore an institution or a church structure but rather opens the spirit world to the natural once again. This can be seen in the immediate departure of Samuel Harrison Smith to the eastern seaboard, and the four missionaries sent to Missouri within months of the official grounding of the church. Whether the prime mover in Mormonism was Joseph Smith or Sidney Rigdon will not be dealt with in this writing. Early converts who had left by the mid 1830s did make a distinc-

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mation held views similar to Smith’s and may have influenced his early worldview.35 Evidence also seems to indicate that German immigrant communities, commonly referred to as the Pennsylvania Dutch, held to a religio-magical worldview, mixing old world hermetic traditions with Christian philosophy.36 It was precisely from this background in the magical, the hermetic tradition, that Smith and many of the early Mormons emerged. Individuals from various German sectarian movements are among the converts to early Mormonism. Schwarzenau Brethren, Harmonists, and Mennonites were among the converts to Mormonism within the first five years.37 By 1843 there were enough German converts to Mormonism to warrant a separate ward.38 It is uncertain how many of these German converts were first generation immigrants or part of the older ethnic population. We do have examples of first generation immigrants converting to Mormonism. One of these was John Gerber. Gerber was associated with the Basel Missionsgesellschaft, and had spent time in Africa as a missionary for the organization. He converted to the Mormons in Madison,

35

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tion between the pre-Rigdon church and the post-Rigdon church. They seem to have placed many of the developments that occurred in Mormonism squarely onto his shoulders. John L. Brooke, The Refiners Finer: The Making of Mormon Cosmology, 1644–1844, Cambridge University Press, New York, 1994, pp. 42–44, 60, 280–282. As well see D. Michael Quinn, Early Mormonism and the Magic World View, rev. & enl. edn, Signature Books, Salt Lake City, 1998, pp. 130–133, 180–181, Lance Owens, “Joseph Smith and Kabbalah: The Occult Connection,” Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought, vol. 27, no. 3, 1994, pp. 164– 165. See Donald F. Durnbaugh, “Work and Hope: The Spirituality of the Radical Pietist Communitarians,” Church History, vol. 39, no. 1, 1970, pp. 72–90; Jon Butler, “Magic, Astrology, and the Early American Religious Heritage, 1600–1760,” The American Historical Review, vol. 84, no. 2, 1979, pp. 317–346; Quinn, Early Mormonism and the Magic World View, pp. 76–77; Brooke, The Refiners Fire, pp. 42–44, 194, 282. Clyde Forsberg makes mention that Dunkers had converted to Alexander Campbell’s Restoration Movement and were part of Sydney Rigdon’s “Big Family” in Ohio. See Forseberg, Clyde R. Jr., “Retelling the Greatest Story Ever Told: Popular Literature as Scripture in Antebellum America,” Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought, vol. 29, no. 4, 1996, p. 74. The Mormon convert lists in the first years of Mormonism are incomplete and sporadic. I do not intend to provide a comprehensive list of Mormon converts of German background, but rather brief descriptions of the more prominent ones, their backgrounds, and their impact on the early Mormons. Diedrich Willers claims that the Whitmers had belonged to the Mennonites. See Rev. Diedrich Willers to L. Mayer and D. Young, 18 June 1830. The Zundel brothers, who converted in the mid 1830s, were part of the Harmony community. Karl J. R. Arndt, “The Harmonists and the Mormons,” American-German Review, vol. 10, no. 5, 1944, p. 6. See also Joseph Smith, History of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, 7 vols, Deseret Book, Salt Lake City, 1902–1932, vol. 2, p. 65. Wards in early Mormonism were divided along electoral voting boundaries. They still are the Mormon equivalent to a parish, but include a demographic total as well. A current ward comprises 300–500 individuals and has a fully functioning church organization within it. This includes all programs for children, females and males. It is presided over by a Bishop, the Mormon equivalent of a Catholic Priest or a Protestant Pastor.

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Iowa left his congregation and moved to Nauvoo.39 The majority of early German converts to Mormonism appear to have been second and third generation ethnics from the heavily German populated counties in Pennsylvania, and along the Ohio and Mississippi river valleys. The area had an abundance of sectarian movements and Smith could have easily encountered many of these German sects, as they were located in the same general geographic vicinity. The majority of these sects were well known in eighteenth and nineteenth-century Pennsylvania and during most of the 1820s Smith spent his summers in search of buried treasure in northeastern Pennsylvania.40 Let us turn our attention to these German sects in order to determine the impact of these German sectarian movements on Mormonism. B. THE GERMAN SECTS IN NORTH AMERICA A large portion of the early German immigrants to colonial America did not merge with the existing society. The groups often created their own communities that were relatively secluded from the rest of the population. While religious differences may have been a contributing factor in the creation of these secluded enclaves, they were usually created as a result of ethnic, cultural, and language differences. Much of pre-nineteenth century German emigration to North America seems to have been driven by religious, rather than purely economic motives.41 Granted, while subsidized colonization for economic reasons did exist, the history of early German emigration to the Americas is a religious emigration, comprised of varied and distinct theological groups. The earliest migration consisted of groups with Anabaptist, Radical Reformation, dissenting, or Quaker and Pietist leanings. The Anabaptist groups, the Mennonites, the Amish, and later the Hutterian Brethren are still well known features on the North American landscape. Other, smaller groups that had Anabaptist ties, such as the Schwarzenau Brethren, are less well known, but their religious descendants are still active in North America. A second wave of religious migrants to North America consisted of German Pietists, termed Separatists in their native countries, or as we know them Radical Pietists. These mostly southern German groups, influenced by an array of prophetic figures, and biblical literalists were often overtly millenarian. They were intent on seeking a place of refuge in the American wilderness where they would await the imminent Second Advent. Of the Separatist, or Radical Pietist groups

39 40

41

Der Wahrheitsfreund, 70 Bde., Aloysius Waisen Verein, Cinncinati, Ohio, 1837–1907, Bd. 4, No. 4, August 27, 1840, p. 30. For discussion of the geographical proximity see Quinn, Early Mormonism and the Magic World View, p. 193. As well, Dan Vogel, “The Locations of Joseph Smith’s Early Treasure Quests,” Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought, vol. 27, no. 3, 1994, pp. 198–231. Bade, From Emigration to Immigration, pp. 4–5.

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that created self-contained, and communal settlements in North America during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries only the Gemeinde der wahren Inspiration, (Community of True Inspiration,) also known as the Amana Colonies, still exists today. 1. German Separatists The German Separatists, heavily influenced by Radical Pietism’s millenarianism, and mysticism, were critical of the established churches in the German states, primarily in the south German state of Württemberg.42 Their critique would set them at odds with the established church and hasten their departure to Imperial Russia or to North America. Of the Separatists that came to North America three groups are important to our discussion of early Mormon–German interaction. The three communities are, Das Weib in der Wüste, the Woman in the Wilderness, led by Johannes Kelpius, the Ephrata Kloister of Conrad Beissel, and des Sonnenweib, the Sun Woman community of Johann Georg Rapp. The latter community led by Rapp until his death in 1847 is popularly known as the Harmoniegesellschaft, or the Harmony Society. There appears to have been some interaction between the early Mormons and the Separatist communities.43 While by no means harmonized in their beliefs these three communities were religiously syncretic communities incorporating mystical, hermetic elements with Christian millenarianism. The influences of Johann Arndt, Gottfried Arnold, Johann Albrecht Bengel, Michael Hahn, Friedrich Oetinger, and Jacob Böhme are seen within the group’s ideology. The groups also shared strikingly similar views to the later Mormons. Their self view was dominated by a rhetoric of the meek, them, overcoming the powerful and arrogant, the outsiders. A strong belief in the imminence of the Lord’s Day of Wrath and the coming of the Kingdom of Heaven was held. The leaders and to a large degree the followers usually came from among common working people. They seldom belonged to the social elite. The adherents prepared for, and waited for the end of the world. Their preocupation with eschatology usually led to a radical restructuring of existing social instituions, and community bonds.

42

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See Eberhard Fritz, Radikaler Pietismus in Württemberg: Urchristliche Ideale im Konflikt mit gesellschaftlichen Realitäten, Quellen und Forschungen zur württembergischen Kirchengeschichte, Bd. 18, Bibliotheca Academia Verlag, Epfendorf, 2003. For a broad history of the German sects of colonial America see Julius Friedrich Sachse, The German Pietists of Provincial Pennsylvania: 1694–1708, Printed for the author, Philadelphia, 1895 and Julius Friedrich Sachse, The German Sectarians of Pennsylvania, 1708–1742: A Critical and Legendary History of the Ephrata Cloister and the Dunkers, 2 vols, Printed for the author, Philadelphia, 1899–1900. Sachse’s German Pietists deals with Kelpius and the Woman in the Wilderness while his 2 volume German Sectarians, looks at the Dunkers, and the Ephrata community.

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Radical Pietists displayed several characteristics that are similar to early Mormon beliefs. Under the direction of an end time prophetic leader, they gathered in secluded enclaves and set about establishing an earthly kingdom of God, all the while expecting an imminent return of Jesus who would save them from the present evil world.44 Additional common practices, or beliefs can be cited. Both the Mormons and the Radical Pietist groups shared a belief in a “restitution of all things,” or a “restoration,” they were anti-creedal, and placed a heavy emphasis on the significance of Baptism, Sabbath keeping, and the practice of closed evening communion. They also rejected the established churches of the day as being corrupt. Whether direct contact took place between the Mormons and the Radical Pietist groups, or they were both beholden to a similar stream of biblical interpretation is difficult to determine. There are parallels found between the groups that should not simply be ignored. Among the early German converts to Mormonism in North America former Separatists were represented. These converts would have found a familiar spirit in the teachings of early Mormonism. 2. Johannes Kelpius and the Woman in the Wilderness The founding of the Society of the Woman in the Wilderness is associated with Johann Jacob Zimmermann. Zimmermann, an astrologer and Lutheran pastor had been removed from his post at Bietigheim in 1685 for supporting the theories of Nicolaus Copernicus.45 Traveling to Frankfurt on Main he came under the influence of the teachings of Jacob Böhme. This virtually barred Zimmerman from attracting a future pastorate. The millennial aspirations of Zimmerman appear early in his literary career. Zimmermann through his astronomical and astrological calculations had come to believe that the Second Advent was about to occur, and had published his observations under the pseudonym of Ambrosius Sehmann von Caminiez in 1684. In Muthmaßliche Zeit Bestimmung gewiß gewärtiger

44

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As Hartmut Lehmann summarizes: “Pietists differed from their fellow Protestants in three important points. First, they believed that true Christians were persecuted in their time but that it was God’s plan to save them in the not too distant future by the return of Christ, who would then govern God’s kingdom on Earth. Second, Pietists segregated themselves quite consciously from their fellow citizens, and even from their fellow Protestants, and united in conventicles, which they considered as a refuge for true Christians in the bitter times they had to live through. Third, a Pietist had to be co-opted by other Pietists into their ranks, and for that purpose had to accept the Pietist view of salvation history, a view which necessarily entailed seeing the founders of the Pietist movement as prophets sent by God.” See Hartmut Lehmann, “Pietism and Nationalism: The Relationship between Protestant Revivalism and National Renewal in Nineteenth-Century Germany,” Church History, vol. 51, 1982, p. 42. Zimmermann defends Copernicus’s theories in his 1690 publication. See Johann Jakob Zimmermann, Scriptura S. Copernizans: Astronomischer Beweissthum des Copernicanischen Welt Gebäudes, Christian Reimers, Hamburg, Altona, 1690.

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beedes Göttlicher Gerichten über das Europeische Babel, Zimmermann had speculated that the Second Advent was to occur in the fall of 1694 in the wilds of Pennsylvania.46 Zimmerman interpreted several historical events, or signs to arrive at his conclusion that the end of time was near. The appearance of the great comet of 1680, the fall of Strassburg to the French in 1681, and the advance of the Turks on Vienna in 1683, were seen as significant signs that the establishment of the millennium would occur in 1694.47 Gathering several like-minded followers around him, the group of 40 hoped to emigrate to North America. Yet Zimmermann died before realizing his goal of reaching Pennsylvania. The remaining members elected Johannes Kelpius as the new replacement for Zimmermann. The Magister Johannes Kelpius established what has often been called a model Rosicrucian community in Pennsylvania. In June of 1694 Kelpius with 40 followers came to America in hopes of witnessing the return of Jesus.48 Drawing from passages in the Book of Revelation, the group held firm in the belief that the millennium was soon to be established in the wilderness.49 As Pennsylvania had been designated as the most likely place for the eschatological event to occur, Kelpius and his followers had set out for Philadelphia. Kelpius believed that the final chapters of human history would unfold on the North American continent.50 The group eventually found their ideal location outside of Germantown. On a ridge overlooking the Wissahickon Creek in the wilderness of Pennsylvania they established a cloistered community, introduced mystic rituals, and looked to the heavens for signs of the coming Bridegroom.51 By the early 1700s with the mil-

46 47 48

49

50 51

Johann Jakob Zimmermann, Muthmaßliche Zeit Bestimmung gewiß gewärtiger beedes Göttlicher Gerichten über das Europeische Babel, Ambrosius Sehmann, Caminiez, 1684. Fischer, “Prophecies and Revelations,” p. 318. Written by one of Kelpius’ followers, Daniel Falckner, Curieuse Nachricht von Pennsylvania, has been considered the major work that started the major German emigration to North America. Falckner and Kelpius had replaced Pastorias as the agent for the Frankfurt Company. Falckner was in communication with August Herman Francke relaying pertinent observations for future emigration and evangelization. Francke was also in constant correspondence with the Puritan divine Cotton Mather. The Saalhof Pietists in Frankfurt had hoped to create a colony in Pennsylvania and Falckner was to advise them on that possibility. See Patrick M. Erben, Harmony of the Spirits: Translation and the Language of Community in Early Pennsylvania, University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill, 2012, pp. 91–92, 101–102; Daniel Falkner, Falckner’s Curieuse Nachricht von Pennsylvania, the Book That Stimulated the Great German Emigration to Pennsylvania in the Early Years of the XVIII Century, Publications of the Pennsylvania-German Society, vol. 14, trans. Julius Sachse, Printed for the author, Philadelphia, 1905, pp. 34–35, 45–63. The central passage is found in Revelation 12:6, and states, “And the woman fled into the wilderness, where she hath a place prepared of God, that they should feed her there a thousand two hundred and threescore days.” Fischer, “Prophecies and Revelations,” p. 321. See Durnbaugh, “Work and Hope,” pp. 73–78.

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lennium failing to materialize, the original community of Kelpius abandoned hope and dispersed. The community on the Wissahickon was heavily indebted to the thought of seventeenth century German mystic Jacob Böhme and to the English Philadelphian society of Jane Leade. Leade was also associated with the English Behmists. Mother Ann Lee, influential in the Shaker movement, also had ties to the Behmists who operated around the outer fringes of the English Quaker movement. Böhme seems to have had a significant influence on many of the alternative religious movements that found their way to colonial Pennsylvania. In 1720 another German migrant would find his way to the Pennsylvania wilderness. Georg Conrad Beissel, had hopes of joining Kelpius’s Woman in the Wilderness in Pennsylvania. Before Beissel could join them Kelpius had died. Beissel spent a short time with the Brethren, the Tunker, until finally joining the remnant followers of Kelpius.52 Beissel’s group, an amalgam of Tunkers, and the remnant of the Kelpius colony became known as the Ephrata Kloister, which located itself on the Cocalico River in Lancaster County.53 The Woman in the Wilderness, Ephrata and the later Harmony Society of Georg Rapp were conscious attempts to create segregated millenarian communities. Their combination of the mystical and the magical, mostly derived from Behmist thought, in combination with strong Radical Pietistic overtones distinguished them from the surrounding German populations that consisted mostly of Anabaptist, Lutheran, and Reformed believers.54 While nearly a century separated the original Kelpius colony from the birth of Mormonism, the legacy of Kelpius continued far into the nineteenth century. It is therefore possible that the German sectarians of rural Pennsylvania did exercise some influence on early Mormonism.55 The point of contact between the two groups could well be the Whitmer family. It may be more than a possibility that Peter Whitmer, Sr. came into contact with Beissel’s group on the Cocalico River in Pennsylvania.56 The Whitmer family played an instrumental role in the founding of Mormonism. According to Mormon tradition Peter Whitmer’s cabin in Fayette was the site

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54 55 56

For a lengthy treatment on the community see Jeff Bach, Voices of the Turtledoves: The Sacred World of Ephrata, Pennsylvania State University Press, Philadelphia, 2003. Owens, “Joseph Smith and Kabbalah,” pp. 163–164; Aaron Spencer Fogleman, “The Failure and Success of Millenarianism in American Religious Culture,” Norbert Finzsch and Hermann Wellenreuther (eds), Visions of the Future in Germany and America, Berg, New York, 2001, pp. 100–102; Elizabeth W. Fisher, “Prophesies and Revelations: German Cabbalists in Early Pennsylvania,” Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography, vol. 109, 1985, pp. 299–333. Fogleman, Hopeful Journeys, pp. 101–105. Quinn mentions several practices at Ephrata that curiously appear within Mormonism. See Quinn, Early Mormonism and the Magic World View, pp. 223–224. Quinn, Early Mormonism and the Magic World View, pp. 157, 239.

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of many early Mormon events including the founding of the Church of Christ.57 As well five of his sons and two of his son in laws were instrumental in the founding and development of early Mormonism.58 Although no evidence of a direct relationship, or contact between the Whitmers and the Ephrata Kloister exists the possibility of such an interaction does warrant further examination. In arguments made over a decade ago, John L. Brooke suggested a return to examining Mormon origins within the context of esotericism. Brooke suggested an environmental approach in examining Mormon origins, rather than the current functional approach. The current approach theorizes that Mormonism is a reaction against emerging Jacksonian individualism and pluralism.59 While the current approach has its merits, Brooke makes a strong case that for one reason or another has been ignored. There are far too many similarities between the esoteric traditions and Mormonism to dismiss the environmental arguments that Brooke makes. That Smith was familiar with the esoteric traditions, primarily Hermeti-

57

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The accepted town of Fayette and the Whitmer cabin as the foundational place for the establishment of Smith’s Church of Christ emerges in 1834. Early records indicate that the church was incorporated at the Hyrum Smith cabin in Manchester. See Vogel, Joseph Smith: The Making of a Prophet, pp. 491–493. Peter Whitmer’s son, David, and son in law, Oliver Cowdery, were two of the original three witnesses to the Book of Mormon. Sons Peter Jr., Christian, Jacob, John, and son in law Hiram Page, were five of the eight secondary witnesses to the Book of Mormon. All would leave the Mormons by 1838. See also D. Michael Quinn, The Mormon Hierarchy: Origins of Power, Signature Books, Salt Lake City, 1994, pp. 472, 550. See Brooke, The Refiners Fire, pp. xvi–xvii. Brooke’s work is a supplement to the monumental work of D. Michael Quinn’s, Mormonism and the Magic World View. The functional approach is really a re-evaluation of the earlier works of Whitney Cross’ and Fawn Brodie’s environmental approaches to Mormon origins. See Cross, Burned-over District and Brodie, No Man Knows My History. The functional approach allows Mormon Studies faith based research to continue unencumbered. That is to say researchers by avoiding the possibility of Smith having actually borrowed from his environment and hence decreasing the unique claims of the movement and Smith a possible conflict is avoided between what they “know to be true” a position attained by experience vs. what “is true” based upon solid research. The functional approach is the dominant approach in Mormon Studies due to the overwhelming involvement of researchers with a faith commitment to the material they study. This approach is best explained in what can be called the Winn–Hill thesis, a continuation of the De Pillis thesis. See. De Pillis, “The Quest for Religious Authority and the Rise of Mormonism,” pp. 68–88; Marvin S. Hill, Quest for Refuge: The Mormon Flight From American Pluralism, Signature Books, Salt Lake City, 1989; Kenneth H. Winn, Exiles in a Land of Liberty: Mormons in America, 1830–1846, University of North Carolina Press, Chapel Hill, 1989. This does not even bring into account the apologetical material written for Mormon audiences, which never reaches the public view. The lengthy pseudo academic tomes are virtually useless and ignored by any serious academic as they fail to address secular critical arguments, choosing instead to preserve the perceived specialness of the group, and their own personal faith commitment.

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cism, and was heavily involved with its precepts throughout his life should not even be a point of contention anymore. Hermeticism is more than common folk magic whose practitioners are involved with amulets and charms. Hermeticism contains a complex cosmology with several distinct characteristics, many which emerge in Mormonism in various times throughout the career of Joseph Smith. Claims to ancient knowledge, authoritative priesthoods, hierarchical worlds ruled by spirits, and millennial aspirations comprise the core of the Hermetic philosophy, or as it is often referred to, the western esoteric tradition. The relationship between esotericism and Mormonism has been dealt with at length elsewhere.60 I do not intend to duplicate these works. I would however like to enter into this discussion the important aspect of esoteric millenarianism. It has been posited elsewhere that Mormonism is not millenarian, (in theological terms called premillennialism), owing to the fact that Mormons believed themselves to be active agents in establishing the millennial kingdom. It follows then that Mormon eschatology is somehow unique as it incorporates postmillennial and premillennial concepts.61 Granted, most historic premillennialist groups were passive agents in their hopes of establishing the Millennial Kingdom; and they did not see themselves as taking an active role in establishing the Millennial Kingdom. There is however a central event that distinguishes premillennialism from postmillennialism. This event is the Second Advent. There is a simple question that needs to be answered to establish if a group is premillennial or postmillennial. Does the Second Advent precede the establishment of the Millennial Kingdom or does it follow the establishment of the Millennial Kingdom? The concept known as Premillennialism or millenarianism contains several key components. A central characteristic of the concept is how millenarian belief affects the believer and hence their interaction with society. Millenarians tend to see the world in dualistic terms. Language such as good vs. evil, light and dark, elect and gentile are pervasive. For them the world is seen as becoming progressively evil and at the point when the world is saturated by evil Jesus will return and establish his kingdom on the Earth. He will rule a literal physical kingdom for a literal 1,000 years.

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See Owens, Joseph Smith and Kabbalah; Michael W. Homer, “Similarity of Priesthood in Masonry: The Relationship Between Freemasonry and Mormonism,” Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought, vol. 27, no. 3, 1994, pp. 2–114; Quinn, Early Mormonism and the Magic World View, and Brooke, The Refiners Fire. Underwood, argues this point in “Early Mormon Millenarianism: Another Look,” Church History, vol. 54, no. 2, 1985, pp. 215–229. See also a lengthier treatment in Grant Underwood, The Millenarian World of Early Mormonism, University of Illinois Press, Urbana, 1999.

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Postmillennialists, or progressive millennialists, while recognizing that the world is in chaos, view the church as an active agent with which they will subdue evil and establish the Millennial Kingdom. It is to be to an existing kingdom that Jesus will return after 1,000 years. Neither the kingdom, nor the 1,000 years need to be understood in a literal sense, but can be, and often are. It was this eschatological view that dominated early American Christianity. It is easy to understand how one can become confused and see the Mormon position as unique, being neither premillennial nor postmillennial, as it seems to incorporate both views. While the Mormons were to be active agents in establishing the Millennial Kingdom nowhere within Mormon writings is it alluded to or even hinted at that Jesus will return after the millennium. Hence Mormonism is premillennial, meaning the Second Advent will be prior to the millennium and not post which by all understandings of the word means after. While Mormon eschatology seems to be unique it is not. By applying selective, classic, or historically orthodox models of Christian thought to Mormon concepts one will always be tempted to see Mormon concepts as being unique. However by applying models derived from alternative religious, or esoteric traditions one can clearly see that Mormonism is rooted solidly within these alternative traditions. The net needs to be cast a bit farther. In its simplest form magic demands a sacrifice from the practitioner. Through ritual and prayer those in the natural world can control the supernatural world. While early Mormons expected the Second Advent within their lives, they believed certain conditions were necessary before that event could occur. The Mormons believed that certain institutions needed to exist. These institutions covered the ecclesiastic, the economic, the social, and the political spheres. In other words, the “true church” needed to exist, the economic United Orders needed to be established, plural marriage needed to be practiced, and a the theocratic political kingdom, exemplified by the Council of Fifty, needed to be erected before Jesus would return. This little adjustment on millenarian thought goes a long way towards explaining the continued attempts to establish the economic orders, and reasons for the continuation of post-Manifesto polygamy. As the expected date for the Second Advent had been set for 1890–1891, there was a definite timeline in place. There was also an expiration date by which the necessary institutions allowing for Jesus to return would need to be established. That the Second Advent was expected within a specified time frame would also seem to shed a little more light on the timing of Wilford Woodruff’s declaration abrogating plural marriage, which was issued in September of 1890. It would not be a grand sacrifice to accommodate the government of the United States, as Jesus was soon to be returning and not only the ecclesiastical church, but also the accompanying social and political institutions would all still be in existence.62

62

See David L. Bigler, Forgotten Kingdom: The Mormon Theocracy in the American West, 1847–1896, Utah State University Press, Logan, 1998, pp. 352–355, 363–368.

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The millennial kingdom Smith envisioned was always a futuristic kingdom when the restitution of all things would take place. The Second Advent required that those in the natural world perform an action; when the action was completed the supernatural world would respond. As an adept in the magical arts would work the rod, or perform the ritual incantation whereby they could control the spiritual world, so too could one control the coming of the Second Advent. Smith’s acceptance or rejection of classical Christian religious views had little to do with the development of early Mormonism. There was no large theological base from which Smith could draw from or react to. The Smith family was spiritual, not theological, and so Smith drew from that which he knew, the esoteric branches of western Christianity. Smith filtered all of his experiences through that worldview. If Biblicism or religious ideology from previous church affiliation exists, one should expect a healthy dose of Methodism, either an acceptance or a rejection of it, as this seems to have been the one Christian denomination with which Smith had had the most contact.63 At the very least one should be able to find hints of New Light Presbyterianism in the thought of Joseph Smith, as this was the apparent church to which a majority of the Smith family had pledged membership. Yet, the only concept, however remote, that can be evidenced in Mormonism resembling Methodism and Presbyterianism is the belief in a type, or a form of a conversion experience. This can be described as an emotional response, a feeling if you will, that one has had an encounter with the divine and a continued recognition of the presence of the divine in one’s life guiding them. While nascent Evangelicalism, and revivalism were prevalent in his environment, and by his own accounts Smith participated in revivals, there is little that is carried over into early Mormonism. It is perhaps this lack of contemporary religious expression in the thought of the early Joseph Smith that has given rise to the belief that his teachings are unique. Yet even the Mormon understanding of the role of experience in a person’s life is closer to the German Church Pietist understanding, or Thomas Müntzer’s

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Smith claimed to have been partial to the Methodists until at least two years prior to founding his own church. See the accounts of Joseph Smith’s First Vision. The account is readily available from many sources. See also Smith, History of the Church, vol. 1, p. 3. Nathaniel Lewis mentions Smiths encounter with Methodism in E. D. Howe, Mormonism Unvailed, N.P., Painsville, 1834, pp. 266–267. Smith’s wife Emma was raised as a Methodist. For discussion see Michael H. Marquardt, and Wesley P. Walters, Inventing Mormonism: Tradition and the Historical Record, Smith Research Associates, San Francisco, 1994, p. 76; Hill, Quest for Refuge, p. 12. Following her husband’s death she remarried Lewis C. Bidamon in the Methodist church and with her children became active in it at Nauvoo. See Roger D. Launius, Joseph Smith III: Pragmatic Prophet, University of Illinois Press, Urbana, 1988, pp. 57, 62.

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understanding than of any nineteenth century Evangelical understanding of it.64 For Church Pietists, and especially for Müntzer truth was validated by the Holy Spirit through an experience, by having a direct encounter with God.65 For Evangelicals the experience was seen as proof that one had been saved from sin culminating in a new birth. A sign marking the passage from the old to the new. Mormons of course see the act of baptism as washing away of the sin but truth is validated by an experience.66 It was the alternative, and esoteric traditions and not the mainstream religious movements of the day that dominated Smith’s worldview. The ideal religious society for Smith lay outside of the existing Christian denominational views. This ideal envisioned a complete society, a community that he could identify with, and one that incorporated his mixture of esoteric and mainstream religious views. The society that Smith envisioned as the perfect kingdom, the Zion of Enoch “where all were of one accord” a society ruled by a prophet was very similar to the one Johann Georg Rapp had established, the Harmoniegesellschaft. 3. Johann Georg Rapp and the Harmoniegesellschaft The Harmoniegesellschaft, or Harmony Society, was founded and led by Johann Georg Rapp (1757–1847) and his adopted son Frederick Rapp (1775–1834). Although originating in Württemberg, Germany it found its greatest success on the North American continent. The success of the Harmoniegesellschaft in America was by any standard phenomenal. In the mid-nineteenth century, the Harmoniegesellschaft’s per capita income was ten times that of the average American citizens. The society was a model religious utopian community that received countless 64 65

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Ellinger, Ausenseiter der Reformation: Thomas Müntzer, Ein Knecht Gottes, pp. 11–13. Gritsch, Thomas Müntzer: A Tragedy of Errors, pp. 44–48. There are several distinct Pietist concepts that seem to emerge within Mormonism. That Pietism influenced the Awakeners, such as Gilbert Tennant and John Wesley in moving religion into the realm of experience is really undisputed. See Frank Lambert, “Evangelical Revivals as Communicative Spheres in the Colonial Era,” Norbert Finzsch and Ursula Lehmkuhl (eds), Atlantic Communications: The Media in American and German History from the Seventeenth to the Twentieth Century, Berg Publishers, New York, 2004, pp. 15–44. Also see Lehmann, “Pietism and Nationalism,” pp. 39–53. It should be noted that German Separatist Pietism of the early nineteenth century is not the same as that which emerged within Lutheran and Reformed churches of prior centuries. For a solid look at Pietism in its variant forms see Hartmut Lehmann (Hrsg.), Glaubenswelt und Lebenswelten: Geschichte des Pietismus, Bd. 4, Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, Göttingen, 2004. Perhaps the best example of this is found in the Book of Mormon. Moroni 10:4–5 states, “And when ye shall receive these things, I would exhort you that ye would ask God, the Eternal Father, in the name of Christ, if these things are not true; and if ye shall ask with a sincere heart, with real intent, having faith in Christ, he will manifest the truth of it unto you, by the power of the Holy Ghost.”

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overtures from potential converts on the American frontier. The Harmoniegesellschaft made every effort to maintain its German cultural identity by limiting nonGerman ethnics into the community. As a result many Anglo-American communities modeled on the Harmoniegesellschaft began to appear on the American landscape. The Rappites had left Württemberg in the early nineteenth century and had settled near Pittsburgh in Butler County, Pennsylvania calling their first community Harmonie. They would establish two further communities, (Neu) Harmonie in Ohio, which was sold to Scottish utopian Robert Owen, and Ökonomie in Beaver County, Pennsylvania. Johann Georg Rapp began his career as a prophet in Iptingen, Württemberg.67 In late eighteenth-century Württemberg the Lutheran church dominated the life of the citizen. As was the case within most of the German states the secular and religious spheres were still closely intertwined. This alliance between church and state, or altar and throne, was thought to create social harmony. Those who separated from the official church were therefore treated with suspicion. The first official church reports regarding the Separatists in Iptingen appear in 1785.68 In 1787, members of the Gemeinschaftliche Oberamt (Civil and Religious Affairs Office) of Iptingen visited Rapp’s small group for failing to attend church over lengthy periods of time. The Oberamt had reason to believe that Rapp and his followers were studying the works of the Görlitzer mystic Jacob Böhme, and Christoph Schütz’s, Die Güldene Rose, during the afternoon Stunde.69 Rapp had become leader of a large contingent of Radical Pietists in his home region by the early nineteenth century.70 It is estimated that prior to his leaving for

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Eberhard Fritz, “Johann Georg Rapp (1757-1847) und die Separatisten in Iptingen: Mit einer Edition der relevanten Iptinger Kirchenkonventsprotokolle,” Blätter für württembergische Kirchengeschichte, Bd. 95, 1995, pp. 133–207. Karl J. R. Arndt, “George Rapp’s Harmony Society,” Donald E. Pitzer (ed.), America’s Communal Utopias, University of North Carolina Press, Chapel Hill and London, 1997, pp. 60–61. Karl J. R. Arndt (ed.), George Rapp’s Separatists (1700–1803), Harmony Society Press, Worcester, 1980. The full title is Güldene Rose oder ein Zeugnis der Warheit von der uns nun so nahe bevorstehenden Güldenen Zeit des tausendjährigen und ewigen Reichs Jesu Christi und der damit verbundenen Wiederbringung aller Dinge, Lammens, Giessen, 1731; Gert Hummel, “Hope for a New World: The Rappites Eschatological Settlements,” Frederick J. Parrella (ed.), Paul Tillich’s Theological Legacy: Spirit and Community: International Paul Tillich Conference, Walter de Gruyter, New York, 1995, p. 3. For Württembergische Pietismus see Hans Volkmar Findeisen, Pietismus in Fellbach 1750– 1820: Zwischen Sozialem Protest und Bürgerlicher Anpassung Zur Historisch-Sozialen Entwicklungsdynamik Eines Millenaristischen Krisenkults, Dissertation Doktor der Philosophie, Eberhard Karls Universität Tübingen, 1985. As well Günther Widmer, Die Entwicklung der württembergischen evangelischen Landeskirche im Spiegel der Pfarrberichte bis zum Anfang des 20 Jahrhunderts, Dissertation Doktors der Philosophie, Universität Stuttgart, 2003.

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North America Rapp had collected 10,000 followers around him.71 Only 750 followed him to North America. Many of the Württemberg Separatists remained behind eventually following the teachings of other prophets and prophetesses, such as Friedrich Christian Oetinger and Barbara Gruberman. Gruberman the Swiss Prophetess had been prominent in the area around Rottenacker in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth century.72 Her followers under Joseph Baumler would depart for Ohio in 1817 and set up the community of Zoar.73 Many others migrated east into the Hapsburg territories and into southern Russia settling in Bessarabia, Wohlynia, and around the Black Sea region.74 Still others ended up in Palestine where they hoped to meet their coming “King” on the Mount of Olives in Jerusalem. From his new base in Pennsylvania, Rapp donated large sums of money to build a center in the Middle East.75 The Pietism of Rapp and Baumler is not the Church Pietism of earlier Lutheran and Reformed divines. Nor is it the Moravian Pietism of Nikolaus von Zinzendorf that had influenced John Wesley, the Methodists, and nascent Evangelicalism. The term Separatism, or Radical Pietism has been used to differentiate the Pietism of Rapp and Baumler, from the Church Pietism of Philipp Jakob Spener, August Hermann Francke, and that of the Moravian Zinzendorf. Although all three variations of Pietism have roots within Lutheranism, one can say that Church Pietism, and for that matter Moravian Pietism, emerges directly from Spener, while Radical Pietism springs from Jacob Böhme. Like Böhme, Radical Pietism was separatist, mystical, and millenarian.76 It was Radical, rather than Church Pietism that had come to dominate in areas of Bavaria and Württemberg. The Rappites were indebted to Behmist theosophy. Böhme’s insistence on the importance of the individual’s direct spiritual awakening was an important component of Rapp’s thought.77 This spiritual awakening 71 72

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Findeisen, Pietismus in Fellbach 1750–1820, p. 74 Eberhard Fritz, “Separatisten und Separatistinnen in Rottenacker. Eine örtliche Gruppe als Zentrum eines “Netzwerks” im frühen 19. Jahrhundert,” Blätter für württembergische Kirchengeschichte, Bd. 98, 1998, pp. 66–158. Donald F. Durnbaugh, “Strangers and Exiles: Assistance Given by the Religious Society of Friends to the Separatist Society of Zoar in 1817–1818,” Ohio History, vol. 109, 2000, pp. 73–74. Ulrich Gäbler, “Geschichte, Gegenwart, Zukunft,” Hartmut Lehmann (Hrsg.), Glaubenswelt und Lebenswelten: Geschichte des Pietismus, Bd. 4, Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, Göttingen, 2004, p. 36. Hummel, Hope for a New World, p. 3; Anne Taylor, Visions of Harmony, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1997. Orson Hyde on his missionary journey to Palestine in the early 1840s encountered German millenarians in Palestine. He had mentioned they were there awaiting the return of Jesus. It is not known if these were part of, or had associations with Rapp’s group. Some of Rapp’s group, Die kinder Gottes, had gone east to meet the returning Jesus in Jerusalem. Hummel, Hope for a New World, p. 3. Gäbler, Geschichte, pp. 19–48. Many of Böhme’s works are contained in the Harmonist Library at Economy, Pennsylvania.

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came to each individual through divine Wisdom, or Sophia.78 Rapp saw the established churches as having apostatized from the true teachings of the early Christian church.79 Much like his Separatist brethren, Johann Michael Hahn and Johann Albrecht Bengel, Rapp believed strongly in an imminent Second Advent, and the establishment of the Millennial Kingdom. For Rapp, following Bengel, the event was to occur in 1836.80 Joseph Michael Baumler, who had been influenced by the same writers as Rapp, also shared this millenarian view. Like Rapp, Baumler had also left Württemberg to establish a safe refuge in America. His Zoar community was named after the city to which Lot had fled to avoid the destruction of Sodom and Gomorrah.81

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The Rappites were also familiar with other major German sources of esoteric spirituality inspired by the works of Böhme. The most notable of these were the writings of Gottfried Arnold (1666–1714). Arnold’s most important books were Unparteiische Kirchen und Ketzer historie, (4 vols), and Das Geheimniss der Göttliche Sophia (1700). While still in Germany Rapp wrote a pastoral letter on the theme of Solomon and his 1,000 wives. Rapp related this to the approaching millennial reign of Christ and the heavenly Sophia. For discussion see Gäbler, Geschichte, pp. 30–35; Hummel, Hope for a New World, pp. 1–17; Arndt, George Rapp’s Harmony Society, pp. 57–87; Arthur Versluis, The Esoteric Origins of the American Renaissance, Oxford University Press, New York, 2001, p. 46; Durnbaugh, “Work and Hope,” pp. 78–82. Gregg A. Roeber, “The Migration of the Pious: Methodists, Pietists, and the Antinomian Character of North American Religious History,” Norbert Finzsch, and Hermann Wellenreuther (eds), Visions of the Future in Germany and America, Berg Publishers, New York, 2001, pp. 25–48. The appointed time of the Second Advent had been delayed from the original date of 1829, to 1836. Rapp believed that he would live to see the ushering in of the Millennial Kingdom. Bengel had set two dates one, 1809, followed by a recalculation for 1836. For Bengel’s calculations and chronology see Friedhelm Groth, Die Wiederbringung aller Dinge im württembergischen Pietismus: theologiegeschichtliche Studien zum eschatologischen Heilsuniversalismus württembergischer Pietisten des 18. Jahrhunderts, Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, Göttingen, 1984, pp. 68–69. Arndt, George Rapp’s Harmony Society, p. 75; Durnbaugh, “Work and Hope,” pp. 72–90, p. 83; Iaácov Oved, Two Hundred Years of American Communes, trans. Hannah Lash, Transaction Publishers, Edison, 1988, pp. 73–74. For a brief synopsis of the beliefs of Rapp and Baumler see Charles Nordhoff, The Communistic Societies of the United States: From Personal Visit and Observation, Schocken Books, New York, 1973, pp. 85– 86, 103–104. Evidence seems to indicate that the Separatists of Zoar were part of the same movement that had been led by Rapp in Germany. Aaron Williams the nineteenth-century chronicler of the Harmony Society mentions that Baumler and Rapp differed on their view of earthly government but were part of the same group. Aaron Williams, Harmony Society at Economy, Pennsylvania, Founded by George Rapp, W. S. Haven, Pittsburgh, 1866, p. 19. Donald Durnbaugh, in “Work and Hope,” pp. 82, also intimates the same. With his departure to North America a vacuum was created which other charismatic leaders soon filled. Rapp maintained close contact and was aware of German migration to North America. He had originally wished the new group of migrants to settle on his lands rather than establish a new community. See Durnbaugh, “Strangers and Exiles,” pp.

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In formulating his ideology Rapp drew from multiple sources. His greatest influences were Jacob Böhme, Emanuel Swedenborg, Gottfried Arnold, Johann Albrecht Bengel, Jacob Spener; and the Schwaben Väter, Philipp Matthäus Hahn, and Johann Michael Hahn. Aside from Jacob Böhme, and the Pietistic millenarians Arnold, Bengel, and Michael Hahn, Johann Andrea’s Christianopolis, and Christian Schütz’s Die Güldene Rose, also played a significant role in developing the thought of the Harmoniegesellschaft.82 The central governing philosophy of the community was western esotericism, particularly Christian theosophy and alchemy. It was the Rappites involvement in non-traditional forms of religious belief that led to their migration to America. As the early Rapp movement grew in Germany it became a cause for great political concern. With sizable numbers surrounding Rapp, officials feared a renewal of the Bauernkrieg of 1525. In 1803, Rapp was called to Maulbronn for another investigation after preaching to a large crowd near Knittlingen.83 Following his appearance in Maulbronn, Rapp entertained thoughts of emigrating to French Louisiana or to Russia. Seen by the established Lutheran Church as Schwärmer (fanatics), they were called Rappele. In the Swabian dialect the derogatory term is a take on Rapp’s name, which also translates as crazy, or temporarily insane. The group countered the criticisms of the established church by claiming to be heirs of an authentic spirituality, and labeled the official church as “Babel.”84 The Rappites despised the worldly spirit that governed civil and religious life in Germany. The introduction of enlightenment principles and a rational theology had created a chasm between the congregants and their pastors. The membership in Württemberg was not alone as reactions against the pervasive rationalism found within the churches appeared throughout the German states. The south German Radical Pietists saw the developments as another sign of the pending apocalypse. The wilderness of North America became the focus of millenarian hope and the setting for of a new golden age in which spiritual and earthly happiness would be attained.85 It is here that that the future hopes of the Mormons and the Rappites intertwine. The Rappite hope for redemption in the wilds of North America is starkly reminiscent of two Mormon concepts: America as the site of the New Jerusalem,

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72–74; Karl J. R. Arndt (ed.), George Rapp's Years of Glory: Economy on the Ohio, 18431847, Peter Lang, New York, 1987, pp. 641, 811. Arndt, George Rapp’s Harmony Society, p. 61. Rapp claimed he was called to be a prophet. He was imprisoned and ordered to stop preaching or be exiled. Hummel, Hope for a New World, pp. 3–4. Arndt, George Rapp’s Harmony Society, pp. 57–87. Hummel, Hope for a New World, p. 3, Radical Pietism sought to create a Christian society (Christentumgesellschaft), through the overthrow of secularism within the state. Gäbler, Geschichte, p. 38.

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of the future millennial kingdom, and Joseph Smith’s declaration that “all things are spiritual” where the temporal and spiritual spheres are united.86 Rapp consistently applied millenarian biblical passages to his current situation. He had come to see his congregation as the embodiment of the Sun Woman spoken of in the Book of the Revelation chapter 12:1–6. For Rapp the passage spoke to his current situation. The Sun Woman had “fled into the wilderness where she hath a place prepared of God.” He viewed America as the land of the millennial promise to where his congregation must flee.87 There appears to be a common theme that the Radical Pietists appropriated to themselves. Kelpius a century earlier had applied the apocalyptic imagery associated with the Woman in the Wilderness to his group, who were also fleeing Babylon to a place of refuge prepared for the elect. It is not my intention here to write a complete history of the Harmoniegesellschaft, or to write a comprehensive exposition of the group’s thought. Rather what I intend to do is bring into the discussion a few of the major millenarian and theosophical concepts of the Harmoniegesellschaft. Given that similarities seem to exist between the early Mormons and Georg Rapp’s community in many areas I wish to draw attention to these areas. Based on the similarities between the early Mormons and Rapp’s community, I think a case can be made that the Harmonists could have, and perhaps did provide a model for Joseph Smith’s ideal Mormon community. 4. The Beliefs of Georg Rapp’s Harmony Society Georg Rapp was imprisoned in Maulbronn, Germany for two days after telling civil authorities that he was called by God to be a prophet. Rapp claimed that God had spoken to him audibly and had called him to gather all of God’s people and lead them to the New World to await the Second Advent of Jesus.88 As the Mormons would learn upon their arrival in Germany several decades later the words “Prophet,” and “Kingdom of God,” were understood in a very distinct and literal way. Having witnessed the rise and fall of previous prophets such as Thomas Müntzer and Jan van Leiden, to German authorities prophets were the foreshadowing of an imminent apocalypse. In their historical understanding, a prophet was a charismatic leader who claimed that a revelation from God urged him to uproot the current political, religious, and social order and to

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See Doctrine and Covenants 29:34. The verse states, “Wherefore, verily I say unto you that all things are spiritual, and not at any time have I given unto you a law which was temporal.” Rapp would draw from this set of verses, Revelation 12:1–6 in the 1830s. When Count Leon split the Harmony community about 1/3 followed the Count. Rapp would declare this was the one-third of the stars that fell from Heaven. Hummel, Hope for a New World, p. 12. Oved, Two Hundred Years, p. 70. Hummel, Hope for a New World, p. 3.

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institute a new order through armed force. The heralds of the new order insisted on replacing societal morality with sexual deviance usually taking the form of polygamy. Having announced his intentions on the establishing a new order to the civil authorities, the self proclaimed messiah would then lead his armed followers to establish a kingdom from where he would rule until the Second Advent. Following the death of Luther a series of inter-church debates within Lutheranism over doctrinal issues had led to the formulation of the orthodox maxim, reine Lehre und reine Bekenntniß, pure orthodox doctrine, and pure confession or faith. A triumphant orthodoxy concerned with a pure theology eventually came to control significant spheres of influence within society, the theological faculties at the universities, the clergy and church leadership positions, and many of the territorial and city governments through out the Holy Roman Empire. To maintain the civil order created by the Peace of Westphalia, through the principle of Summus Episcopus, the established churches, in concert with the secular powers, concentrated on social and religious conformity through the implementation of social discipline and through the religious education of the citizenry. The cuius regio, eius religio, had created groups of unwilling religious dissenters, Separatists, as well as Reformed and Lutheran, who were expelled from their homelands forcing them to seek refuge in more tolerant regions of Europe, or in North America. The religious wars of the seventeenth century, the Thirty Years War (1618– 1648), the Nine Years’ War (1688–1697) had had a disastrous effect on the regions of southwestern Germany. The eighteenth century brought changes in the religious affiliation of the ruling houses, re-Catholicization, and the strict enforcement of orthodoxy; all had an impact in the region. By the late eighteenth century ordinary parishioners were met with the cold, scholastic, formality, and intellectualism of the university trained clergy. Disaffected, some emigrated while others turned to Pietism. As a reaction to formal, scholastic, Lutheran orthodoxy, Pietism stressed heartfelt conversion from sin, personal communication with God, and the pursuit of Christian perfection. While some Pietists wanted only to reform the Lutheran state churches, others desired a complete break, a separation from what they considered to be a hopelessly corrupt institution, infested with corrupt clergy; a church simply defined by one word Babel. 89 Georg Rapp was no reformer. He leaned towards separation as he became convinced that the established

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The Pietists gathered at the Saalhof in Frankfurt were convinced that withdrawal from the established Lutheran church was necessary. Spener broke with them and argues for remaining within the confines of the church in, Der Klagen über das verdorbene Christentum Mißbrauch und rechter Gebrauch. The work is reprinted as Spener, Philipp Jakob, Ist die evangelische Kirche Babel und der Austritt aus ihr daher unerlässliche Pflicht? Dr. A. H. T. Thym, (Hrsg.) C. A. Koch, Greifswald, 1853. Spener’s original appeared under the title, Der Klagen über das verdorbene Christentum Mißbrauch und rechter Gebrauch, Frankfurt am Main, 1685.

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Lutheran church, its rituals, and its clergy were unnecessary to individual salvation or necessary for direct communication with God.90 Rapp officially broke with the Lutheran church in 1785 after he was called before the Iptingen church council to explain his absence from church services. Rapp and his followers withdrew over objections to many of the prevailing sacramental institutions and rites performed within the Württemberg church, which included baptism, confirmation, and communion. These rites, they claimed, had lost their original meaning and had become only empty formalities. The Radical Pietist Rapp also claimed that the local pastor was not a servant of God, but rather a hireling and that all of the parishioners were hypocrites.91 Rapp’s Separatists formulated their beliefs in the Lomersheim Declaration, which they submitted to the Württemberg legislature in 1798. The declaration outlined their belief in the future establishment of a pure Christian church as had existed in the first century under the Apostles. Rapp’s Separatists charged that the invitation to participate in the Lord’s Supper was not open to all within the church, but that it should only be administered to the righteous, the true Christians. For them, the Lord’s Supper could only be administered by a true servant of God, and not by a corrupt hireling. They also opposed infant baptism, confirmation, governmental oaths, and military service. The early declaration makes no mention of the three central tenets of Rapp’s Harmoniegesellschaft in America, celibacy, millenarianism, and the community of goods. There is some evidence to suggest that these tenets were being practiced in their formative stages during the 1790s. Adopting a chaste or celibate life was part of the Rapp’s attempt at attaining Christian perfection.92 Georg Rapp and his wife had been chaste since at least 1785. By 1791 they considered all sexual intercourse, even in marriage, to be a mortal sin. Rapp justified celibacy through the use of biblical passages, but his main influence came from the writings of Jacob Böhme.93 Rapp, true to Böhme’s teaching, believed that Adam, who had been created in God’s image, was a “biune” creature who possessed no sexual organs but contained both male and female elements. 94 The fall of Adam, the androgynous man, occurred when the

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For discussion of Pietist self-understandings see Mathias Markus, “Bekehrung und Wiedergeburt,” Hartmut Lehmann (Hrsg.), Glaubenswelt und Lebenswelten: Geschichte des Pietismus, Bd. 4, Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, Göttingen, 2004, pp. 50–52. Hummel, Hope for a New World, pp. 3–4. It has been posited that celibacy was introduced because of the nearness of the Second Advent and it was unwise to bring children into the world at this time. See Hummel, Hope for a New World, p. 7. For a brief synopsis of Böhme’s thought see Fischer, “Prophecies and Revelations,” pp. 309– 310. The creation of world, the creation of Eve, and the fall of Adam and Eve are brought out Böhme’s first work, the unfinished, Aurora oder Morgenröte im Aufgang c. 1612. There have been several attempts to make the connections between Rapp and Smith on the subject of a divine male–female dyad. I think Rapp was monistic: that there was not a couple

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female element separated from the male. This separation caused alienation from God and a loss of universal harmony. By ceasing sexual relations humankind could re-attain the primal state of perfection. Humans could also return to the Godlike state that existed before the fall of Adam. Through celibacy humankind would affect the return of cosmic harmony. This principle of a return, or a restoration, to the way things were is known as apokatastasis; the “restitution of all things.” For the Harmonists the “restitution of all things,” was considered to be a restoration to the pure Adamic state.95 The Harmonists had come to believe that when Lucifer fell he destroyed the Earth and it became formless, a cosmic chaos. The biblical account of Creation was then a restoration to a semi paradisiacal state. A small paradise was carved from the original chaos. This paradise was known as the Garden of Eden. As humans would grow and begin to populate the world the Garden was to expand eventually covering the Earth. Rapp believed mankind contained the spark of the divine. This spark of the divine resides within him and is a remnant of the pure Adamic state. Regeneration, or a return to the Godlike state, is a progressive action. It is not attained through any single experience. Mankind’s restitution is a complete regeneration of body and soul. This regeneration will not be complete while in this world but will be completed during the millennium. The restitution of all things will be complete restoration; with a renewal of the present heavens and the present Earth to their original perfect states. Additional eschatological events included the restoration of the Jewish nation to Palestine, and a resurrection of the faithful. The resurrection of the faithful who had died and a translation of those then living would take place prior to the advent of the Millennial Kingdom. During the Millennium the Saints, now in the pure image of God, will rule and reign with Christ. 5. Millenarianism and the End of the Community Rapp’s millenarianism was evident in the formative years of his Württemberg movement. By the late 1790s, Rapp began to preach on the imminent Second Advent and the establishment of the Millennial Kingdom. He began correlating the biblical prophecies in the books of Daniel and the Apocalypse of St. John with the historical events of his own time. Rapp saw the rise of Napoleon as being espe-

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or a pair but rather one being that possessed both masculine and feminine principles. For the role of the feminine see Rosemary Ruether, Goddesses and the Divine Feminine: A Western Religious History, University of California, Berkley and Los Angeles, 2005, p. 241. For an excellent treatment of the apokatastasis, “Restitution of All Things” within the context of Württemberger Radical Pietism, and in the thought of Phillip Spener, Johann Albrecht Bengel, Friedrich Oetinger, and Michael Hahn, see Groth, Die Wiederbringung aller Dinge im württembergischen Pietismus.

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cially significant.96 A particularly significant text for the Harmonists was Christoph Schütz’s Güldene Rose.97 Schütz’s Güldene Rose, or Gilded Rose, spoke of the imminence of the millennial reign of Jesus upon the Earth.98 The Harmonists saw themselves as the true Christian church that would inaugurate this reign. Rapp’s original eschatological time calculations had intimated that the era of the Gilded Rose, the Millennium, had begun in 1822. Rapp predicted that on September 15, 1829, the age of “the times of the Sun woman” described in Revelation 12:6 would end and a new age would begin. On September 24, a letter arrived from Germany. The letter announced the arrival of the great day for which the Harmony Society had been waiting, the beginning of the Millennium. The author of the letter, Bernhard Müller, called himself the “Lion of Judah” who had been promised to the world in Revelation 5:9. Bernhard Müller was the illegitimate son of Baron Dalberg of Aschaffenburg. Müller became convinced that he was the reincarnated Messiah who would lead the world in the millennium. In 1829 he sent letters to all of the reigning monarchs and ecclesiastical leaders of the world.99 Müller’s message to the earthly rulers was that they were to abdicate their thrones and make way for him to assume his place as ruler of the Messianic Kingdom. Müller also called for the faithful to gather in North America. Only by coming to America would all escape the great destruction to be visited upon Europe prior to Christ’s return.100 One of 96

Rapp fully expected Jesus to return during his lifetime. Two dates are often given following those proposed by Johan Albrecht Bengel and Michael Hahn, 1836 and an earlier date of 1829. For discussion see Hummel, Hope for a New World, pp. 1–2. Arndt, Harmonists and Mormons, p. 6 97 The association of the Gilded Rose with Jesus’ millennial reign comes from Martin Luther’s translation of Micah 4:8. Luther suggested that though Jerusalem was presently weak and neglected, it would be awarded the golden rose, the most coveted prize in Christendom, because the Messiah would return there. Rapp made the Gilded, or Golden Rose their religious symbol and trademark. Hummel, Hope for a New World, p. 9. 98 Christoph Schütz, Güldene Rose oder ein Zeugnis der Warheit von der uns nun so nahe bevorstehenden Güldenen Zeit des tausendjährigen und ewigen Reichs Jesu Christi und der damit verbundenen Wiederbringung aller Dinge, Lammens, Giessen, 1731. Schütz, in the introduction to his work points to “signs” as evidence that they were living in the end of days, and expected the millennium to arrive soon. See pp. 4–12. The lengthy treatise could be considered a biblical commentary expounding on the apocalyptic passages and books of the Bible. 99 The letter was also signed by the director of the Frankfurt Bibliotek as a witness to the validity of Müller’s claims. The letter had been written by Dr. Johann Georg Göntgen, the chief librarian on behalf of the “Lion of Judah, “Count of Leon, Archduke Maximilian von Este.” Müller saw the North American Harmonist colony as the sole refuge against the “Beast” who would rise in the end times to persecute God’s faithful as described in the Revelation of St. John. Müller would take his followers, the true Philadelphians, to the place prepared by God to avoid the coming apocalypse. 100 Mormon leader Brigham Young had sent a letter in 1845 outlining the very same principles. See A Proclamation of the Twelve Apostles of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day

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Müller’s letters had been sent to the Harmony Society in Beaver County, Pennsylvania. Müller had received a favourable reply from the Harmonists and soon made his way toward Ökonomie. The Lion of Judah arrived in America in 1831 under the adopted name of Count de Leon. The Harmonists welcomed the Count and 40 of his followers into the community. Rapp had assigned five houses for the newcomers, the rest were to stay in the hotel. Rapp fully believed that the Lion of Judah was the Anointed One who would lead the Harmonists into the new age. However, Müller’s arrival would divide the community. Müller so impressed the members of the society with his claim to have found the Philosopher’s Stone that one third of the society declared themselves the “true Harmonists” and followed Müller.101 The majority of the society, however, drafted a document expressing complete confidence in George and Frederick Rapp. In March 1832 an agreement was reached between the two factions. About 175 dissenters agreed to leave Ökonomie and relinquished all claim to any property within the community. They received their household possessions and the sum of $105,000. The dissenters withdrew to nearby Phillipsburg, Pennsylvania where under the Count’s leadership they established the communal New Philadelphia Society.102

Saints To All The Kings of The World; To The President of The United States of America; To The Governors of The Several States And To The Rulers And Peoples of All Nations, Wilford Woodruff, James & Woodburn, Liverpool, 1845. Young intimated that the millennium had come and it was felt that shortly all rulers would convert to Mormonism. 101 Rapp was also obsessed with finding the alchemists “Philosopher’s Stone.” With the Stone the Harmonists believed they would have the key for transforming sickness into health, old age into youth, and earthly life into supernatural existence. The goal of the alchemist was an apotheosis. This concept of apotheosis is also found within Mormonism. The magical practices of the Harmonists also included using seer stones and diving rods. Both of these were dominant features of early Mormonism. There are additional parallels between the Harmonists and the early Mormons. One could also point to communalism, and education. The Harmonists modeled their own schools after the vernacular schools of Württemberg and the schools of Andreae’s Christianopolis. Mormons in the early 1830s also established “the School of the Prophets” in Ohio and Missouri in an attempt to educate the adult members. While the Mormons concentrated on theological topics in order to further missionary work, they did incorporate secular subjects. This emphasis on education would continue to form a central part of the LDS identity. Other utopian groups of the time such as Anne Lee’s Shakers also established schools for their membership. 102 The Count squandered their funds on alchemistic endeavours but failed to produce the stone. A little more than a year after the schism, the New Philadelphia Society dissolved. The town where the Count and his followers settled is now known as Monaca, Pennsylvania. Former Harmonists lost confidence in the count and did not accompany him when he departed for Louisiana. Others became part of the Grand Ecore communal settlement in Natchitoches Parish that existed from 1834 until his death in 1836. A final community named Germantown, near modern day Minden which lasted until 1871.

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Dissatisfaction continued to increase within the Rappite community when the millennium failed to arrive in 1836.103 Fully expecting to see Jesus return within his lifetime Johann Georg Rapp died in 1847 without his expectation realized. The Society survived his death and continued to function as an established entity until the early part of the twentieth century. The vibrant millenarian community that Rapp had created was only a shadow of its former self when the land and buildings were sold in 1906. The failure of the Second Advent to arrive and the practice of celibacy no doubt contributed to the demise of the community. C. THE HARMONY SOCIETY AND THE MORMONS The possibility of a Harmonist influence on Mormonism has failed to stimulate the interest of modern scholarship. While not being comprehensive by any means I have outlined key areas of the Harmonist’s thought above. Similarities between Mormon and Harmonist’s beliefs, practices, and institutions do seem to exist. The belief in an apostasy of Christianity, the need for a restoration or restitution of all things, the eschatological role of America, and unification of divine masculine and feminine principles are the most notable commonly held concepts. Additional commonalities would be a society led by a prophet with apostles, and an emigration fund to aid immigrants coming from Germany. Commonalities also exist in the purpose for the communal social structure. The functioning role of the earthly society was to serve as a model of the heavenly society. Both the Mormons and the Harmonists believed that their community was patterned on Christ’s church and that life during the millennium would also be carried out in the same fashion and pattern as it had been on the Earth prior to the Second Advent. The future Kingdom of Christ would also be governed and conducted in the same manner as their earthly societies had been.104 Rapp’s community and the Mormons believed that living the heavenly pattern now prepared one for the life that was to be lived during the millennium.105 The involvement of both groups in esoteric forms of Christianity emerges in their beliefs and practices. In drawing from alternative religious streams as his sources for creating his own religious society, Smith not only had models but also had direct contact with the Harmoniegesellschaft. Smith’s concept of Zion is an image of Rapp’s Har-

103 Some Harmonists had left Ökonomie in 1832 and joined a charismatic German immigrant preacher, Dr. William Keil. Keil claimed miraculous powers from a book written in blood. They established more tolerant communal colonies. The oldest was Bethel, with its three colonies of Elim, Hebron, and Mamri (1844–80), Nineveh (1850–78), in Shelby and Adair Counties in Missouri; Willapa (1853–55), near Willapa Bay in the present state of Washington; Aurora (1856–81), south of Portland, Oregon. Oved, Two Hundred Years, p. 74. 104 Hummel, Hope for a New World, pp. 3, 6–7, 9. 105 Hummel, Hope for a New World, p. 10.

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monie. The commonalities between the groups are striking. Both communities engaged in alternative sexual and economic practices. These concepts were merged under an umbrella of esotericism involving prophetic revelation, the use of magical paraphernalia, the unity of God and man. Both groups were utopian with strong millenarian beliefs, believing in the gathering of the elect to America to await the Second Advent.106 Their self-proclaimed eschatological role was also similar. It was to their prepared places of refuge that Christ would return, Harmonie for the Rappites, and to Zion for the Mormons. While the Harmonists remained passive agents in establishing the Kingdom of God on the Earth, there was a precedent within Radical Pietistic writings and a general belief that they would become active agents in ushering in the millennium, and establishing a kingdom.107 1. Early Mormonism and the Harmonists While similarities may exist these similarities do not necessarily constitute a relationship between the Mormons and the Harmonists. However, I am not willing to dismiss the relationship between the Harmonists and early Mormons as merely casual. Harmonists and Mormons existed in general geographic proximity to each other. It would have been extremely rare if the early Mormons had not been aware of the Harmonists.108 Anecdotal evidence exists that Rapp aided the early Mormons financially.109 While no record exists of this in any Mormon sources, it is possible.110 The first solid evidence we have of Harmonist influence on Mormon-

106 Utopianists on the North American continent exhibited some similar characteristics. They separated themselves from the world and sought the place where they could await the Second Advent of Christ. By living as the ideal Christians they would be prepared for the Second Advent. See Rainer Vollmar, Wohnen in der Wildnis: Siedlungsgestaltung und Identität deutscher Auswanderer in den USA, Reimer, Berlin, 1995; Anne Taylor, Visions of Harmony: A Study in Nineteenth-Century Millenarianism, Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1987; Thomas Streissguth, Utopian Visionaries, Oliver Press, Minneapolis, 1999, pp. 32–36. The Mormons, the Harmonists, as well as others incorporated these characteristics. 107 While Rapp and other Radical Pietists were distinctly millenarian in their eschatology most of the Church Pietists seemed to have been postmillennial. For discussion see Gäbler, Geschichte, p. 38. 108 There have been several works mentioning Smith and his visits to Harmony, and that he encountered Rappites. There were two Harmonys in Pennsylvania. The Harmony in Susquehanna Co., Pennsylvania is not the same Harmony that was the home of the Harmony Society located in Butler Co. north of Pittsburgh. Carmon B. Hardy in his Solemn Covenant: The Mormon Polygamous Passage, University of Illinois Press, Urbana, 1992, makes this mistake also. 109 Arndt, Harmonists and Mormons, p. 8, mentions that Mormon convert Jacob Zundel remained in contact with the Harmonist writing letters to Trustee R. L. Baker. 110 See Arndt, Harmonists and Mormons, pp. 6–10.

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ism is associated with the conversion of Sidney Rigdon. Rigdon, in his early career as a Baptist preacher, was familiar with the Harmonists. Rigdon’s introduction to the Harmoniegesellschaft appears to have been while he was still a member of Alexander Campbell’s Restoration Movement during the 1820s. Rigdon’s break with Alexander Campbell came about over Rigdon’s millenarian beliefs and his subsequent belief in establishing a communal order after the early Christian pattern. Rigdon of course did establish a communal community in Ohio based on first century Christian principles refered to as the Common Stock Family, the Big Family, or just the Family.111 It has been postulated that the New Harmony community of Robert Owen was the model for Rigdon’s communal order. But why would Rigdon use a failed non-religious commune as his model when scores of succesful religious communes existed? It seems more likely that the Harmonist towns of Harmonie and Ökonomie, in the vicinity of Pittsburgh, were more influential than the New Harmony of Owen in providing Rigdon with a workable model. It should be remembered that Owen’s community also tried to follow Rapp’s model but removed religion as the central feature of the community. Owen’s community soon failed while the Harmonist communities flourished into the twentieth century. After Rigdon’s conversion many of his congregation followed him into Mormonism in the latter part of 1830.112 Many nineteenth-century detractors of Mormonism saw Rigdon as being the central figure in the formation of Mormonism. It has long been speculated that Sidney Rigdon had stolen Solomon Spaulding’s unpublished work of fiction and that it became the basis for the Book of Mormon. The Rigdon–Spalding connection concerning Book of Mormon origins was a dominant view of German authors throughout the nineteenth century.113 Prominent early Mormons also saw Rigdon as having a significant influence on Joseph Smith and early Mormon belief. Among these early Mormons critical of the role Rigdon played was Book of Mormon witness David Whitmer. David Whitmer states that Rigdon, after his conversion, became Joseph Smith’s chief counsellor. Whitmer laid the departures from the original principles of the Mormons directly on the shoulders of

111 Richard Lloyd Anderson, “The Impact of the First Preaching in Ohio,” Brigham Young University Studies, vol. 11, no. 4, 1971, pp. 474–496, pp. 484–486. 112 Sidney Rigdon was baptized in November of 1830 and in December traveled to New York to meet with Smith. 113 See Moritz Busch, “Die Heiligen vom jungsten Tage,” Wanderungen zwischen Hudson und Mississippi 1851 und 1852, 2 Bde., Cotta, Stuttgart und Tübingen, 1854, Bd. 2, pp. 1–82; Die Mormonen: Ihr Prophet, ihr Staat und ihr Glaube, Lorch, Leipzig, 1855; Geschichte der Mormonen: Nebst einer Darstellung ihres Glaubens und ihrer gegenwärtigen, socialen und politischen Verhältnisse, Ambrosius Abel, Leipzig, 1870; Theodor Olshausen, Geschichte der Mormonen oder Jüngsten Tages Heiligen in Nordamerika, Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, Göttingen, 1856; Eduard Meyer, Ursprung und Geschichte der Mormonen: Mit Exkursen über die Anfänge des Islams und Christentums, Max Niemeyer, Halle, 1912.

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Rigdon.114 Rigdon’s communal order was also appropriated into Mormonism. In its Mormon variant it was generally known as the Law of Consecration, or the United Order of Enoch.115 The communal order in early Mormonism was the proscribed economic and social order designed by God for his earthly followers.116 Historically the communal order is not seen as a brief experiment that failed but rather it was and is the pattern of Zion. Throughout Smith’s life there were several attempts at establishing a communal order among his followers. Smith’s followers in Utah made continued attempts at establishing at establishing the communal orders.117 The importance of the economic order has become a point of contention as schismatic fundamentalist Mormons cite the failure of the modern LDS to live communally as a sign that they have departed from the original faith as proclaimed by Joseph Smith.118 Evidence suggests that some Schwarzenau Brethren had converted to Alexander Campbell’s movement and that they left with Rigdon when he split with Campbell. They then followed Rigdon when he converted to Mormonism.119 As early Mormon convert lists are incomplete, and not all of Rapp’s followers upon

114 David Whitmer, An Address to All Believers in Christ, N.P., Richmond, 1887, pp. 33–35. 115 Sidney Rigdon would be removed from the Mormon hierarchy in 1844. He would lead two groups, the last being the Church of Jesus Christ of the Children of Zion. Rigdon would send Stephen Post to Manitoba, Canada to proselyte among the newly arriving Mennonites. Rigdon believed that the coming of the Mennonites to Canada was a fulfillment of a prophecy he had been given in 1844 that he would become the leader of a great people. See Richard S. van Wagoner, Sidney Rigdon: Portrait of Religious Excess, Signature Books, Salt Lake City, 1994, pp. 403, 475–477. For the role of Stephen Post in Mormonism see M. Guy Bishop, “Stephen Post: From Believer to Dissenter to Heretic,” Roger D. Launius and Linda Thatcher (eds), Differing Visions: Dissenters in Mormon History, University of Illinois Press, Urbana, 1994, pp. 180–195. 116 The views between the Harmonist and Mormons are very similar. Both saw the way they lived as divine ordered patterns. See Brigham Young’s, “The Order of Enoch,” Journal of Discourses: By Brigham Young, His Two Counselors, the Twelve Apostles, and Others, 26 vols, 1854–1886, Latter Day Saints Book Depot, Liverpool, vol. 16, p. 122; George Q. Cannon, “The Order of Enoch, Socialistic Experiments, the Social Problem,” in Journal of Discourses, vol. 13, p. 95; Orson Pratt, “Consecration, Temporal Equally, Selfishness to be Overcome, Resurrection, Return to Jackson County, Glory of Zion,” Journal of Discourses, vol. 15, pp. 354–366; Orson Pratt, “Establishment of the Kingdom of God, Permanent Equality Should be Maintained Among the Saints, Covetousness, Tithing, Consecration, Distinctions,” Journal of Discourses, vol. 16, pp. 1–7. For discussion Mario S. De Pillis, “Christ Comes to Jackson County: The Mormon City of Zion and its Consequences, in John Whitmer Historical Association Journal, vol. 23, 2003, pp. 21–44; Hummel, Hope for a New World, p. 10. On the Rappites in Iptingen and North America see Vollmar, Wohnen in der Wildnis, p. 85. 117 Bigler, Forgotten Kingdom, pp. 264–268. 118 Bigler, Forgotten Kingdom, pp. 366–368. 119 Forseberg, “Retelling the Greatest Story Ever Told,” p. 74

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their arrival from Württemberg chose to live communally within the Harmonie community there may have been earlier German, or even Rappite converts to Mormonism than those cited in traditional histories.120 The first solid evidence we have of German born converts to Mormonism is the conversion of several members of the Zundel family in 1835.121 The Zundels had been among the original families that had migrated from Württemberg to Pennsylvania with Rapp in 1805. 2. The Zundels, from Harmony to Zion Johann Eberhard Zundel had left Wiernsheim, Württemberg for Pennsylvania, North America in 1805. Wiernsheim lay in the Maulbronn district near Iptingen where the prophet Georg Rapp had gathered many with Radical Pietist leanings around him. A farmer by profession, Zundel along with his wife, and four children had set sail for America to join the Rapp’s Separatist community located in Butler, County Pennsylvania. From among Johann Eberhard’s children, three, Mary Magdalene, Johannes, and Jacob are known to have converted to Mormonism. The Zundels were not the only Harmonist’s to convert to Mormonism, but they were among the first. In later years members of the family would play a role in bring Mormonism to Canada, and to the family’s country of origin, Germany. According to some sources Johannes Zundel was the first German born convert to Mormonism.122 Zundel converted to Mormonism around 1835, after having encountered the Mormons in Ohio. It is not known if other Harmonists in converted along with him at this early date.123 Zundel, his brother Jacob, and several of his family had left the Harmonists in 1832 following Bernard Müller to Phillipsburg, Pennsylvania.124 Müller soon moved from Phillipsburg with some of his followers to Louisiana dying shortly thereafter. The Zundels remained behind, Johannes moving to Ohio, and Jacob resuming his butcher’s trade in Phillipsburg. While Johannes Zundel was the first convert, his brother Jacob would become the

120 Elias Benner is mentioned as meeting Smith and company in Ohio in 1834. It reads as “Here we were increased in number by eight brethren, in company of Elder Elias Benner, from Richland and Stark counties, most of whom were Germans.” Smith, History of the Church, vol. 2, p. 65. For settlement of the Rappites see Arndt, George Rapp’s Harmony Society, pp. 63–64. 121 Wilford Woodruff records that on a missionary trip in 1843 he went to Economy and visited the Rappites. See Thomas G. Alexander, Things in Heaven and Earth: The Life and Times of Wilford Woodruff, a Mormon Prophet, Signature Books, Salt Lake City, 1991, p. 109. 122 Jacob Zundel is cited in Mormon sources as the first German born convert to Mormonism. Karl Arndt implies that Johannes Zundel had converted before Jacob, and that Jacob wanted nothing to do with religion of any kind. See Arndt, Harmonists and Mormons, pp. 6–10. 123 It appears that others did convert along with the Zundels. See Quinn, Early Mormonism and the Magic World View, p. 275. 124 Quinn, Early Mormonism and the Magic World View, p. 301.

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more prominent of the two.125 After Johannes’ conversion he attempted to bring his brother and others of the discouraged ex-Harmonists into Mormonism. Jacob initially had no intentions of joining another religious group until a Mormon missionary named Evert arrived in Phillipsburg. Following his conversion Jacob joined the Mormons briefly in Ohio before moving to Zion on the Missouri frontier near the town of Far West.126 He is first listed as an Elder in March of 1837.127 Jacob maintained contact with the Harmonist community throughout his life attempting to convert his friends still among the Harmonists.128 Zundel personally returned to Pennsylvania attempting to bring all of the Harmonists into Mormonism. Zundel appears to have had some success among them, as other early German converts appear to have been part of Rapp’s society. John Henry Mösser, who married Mary Magdalene Zundel, and Julien Plüger were all members of Georg Rapp’s society. Zundel saw Mormonism as the fulfillment of the Harmonist’s millennial hope. In a letter to Harmonist friends in Ökonomie, Jacob Zundel describes Mormonism as the fulfillment of all of the Harmonist’s expectations. He describes the recently completed temple in Nauvoo as “des Sonnenweib,” the Woman Clothed with the Sun of the apocalyptic Book of Revelation.129 The Sonnenweib was the apocalyptic symbol that Rapp had appropriated to himself and his followers. It was this identification with the imagery of the Book of Revelation that had caused Rapp and his followers to migrate into the American wilderness.130 Rapp saw his group as having both an eschatological, and cosmological significance. Like the woman of text, Rapp led his followers into the wilderness where they awaited the events foretold by the ancient prophets. Zundel would return to his native Germany later in life as a missionary for the Mormons. Zundel was 78 when he returned to Germany proselyting from October 1874 to June 1875.131 Additional members of the Zundel family would also return to Germany as Mormon missionaries during the late nineteenth century and early twentieth century.132 The Zundel family was also instrumental in founding the first Mormon colony in Canada, on Lee’s Creek in southern Alberta.133

125 John (Johannes) Zundel is mentioned in the Nauvoo High Council Minutes of August 20, 1840. He had brought charges against two others for slandering the leaders of the church. 126 See Arndt, Harmonists and Mormons, pp. 6–10. 127 See the Latter Day Saints Messenger and Advocate, 3 vols, Frederick G. Williams, Kirtland, 1834–1837, vol. 3, no. 6, March, 1837, p. 472. The listing cites John Lyons Jacob Zundel for the previous, or last quarter of 1836. 128 Arndt, Harmonists and Mormons, pp. 6–10. 129 Quinn, Early Mormonism and the Magic World View, p. 574, n 553, n 554. 130 Quinn, Early Mormonism and the Magic World View, pp. 574 131 The Latter-day Saints Millennial Star, 132 vols, The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, Manchester, Liverpool, London, 1840–1970, vol. 37, no. 25, June 21, 1875, p. 386. 132 Moses A. Zundel appears in the Prussian records as a missionary in the early 1900s, “U.S. Embassy Note Verbale, September 19, 1902,” GStA PK, I. HA Rep. 76 Kultusministerium, III Sekt. 1 Abt. XIII a Nr. 28 Beiheft Bd. I–IV Sekte der Mormonen, 1853–1917, Bd. 1, April

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While the evidence is minute there does appear to have been another German Separatist-Rappite convert to Mormonism.134 George Reiser, a native of Kornwestheim, Württemberg, was the first German born Mormon missionary to return to his native land. Reiser converted to Mormonism in North America, was baptized in 1842, and returned to Kornwestheim in 1853.135 Additional attempts to convert the Harmonists do seem to have been made. Wilford Woodruff, who later was to become the fourth president of the LDS

1853–January 1903, p. 147. Zundel is arrested and released from prison in Hamburg along with William Leonard. According to the document “Königliche Ministerium des Auswärtigen Angelegenheiten, IIIb 12088, Sept 20, 1902,” GStA PK, I. HA Rep. 76 Kultusministerium, Bd. 1, p. 146. The two missionaries were in prison for failing to register with the police. 133 Bishop Isaac Zundel was part of Charles Ora Card’s expedition into Southern Alberta in 1886. They had hoped to establish a refuge for the continuation of plural marriage. See John C. Lehr, “Polygamy, Patrimony and Prophesy: The Mormon Colonization of Cardston,” Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought, vol. 21, no. 4, 1988, pp. 114–121; Jessie L. Embry, “Exiles for the Principle: LDS Polygamy in Canada,” Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought, vol. 18, no. 3, 1985, pp. 108–116. 134 The reference comes from an encyclopaedia entry dated 1880. The source intimates that Reiser was a Harmonist who had left Württemberg in one of the Rappite emigrations. The reference is found in Christian Palmer, Die Gemeinschaften und Sekten Württembergs, Aus dessen Nachlaß, von Jetter (Hrsg.), Laupp, Tübingen, 1877, p. 198. We do know that Reiser was born in the heavily Separatist regions near Stuttgart in Württemberg, and had converted to Mormonism in North America. Reiser’s journal mentions that he had been part of the Zoar Community in Ohio. Davis Bitton, Guide to Mormon Diaries and Autobiographies, Brigham Young University Press, Provo, 1977, p. 297. The Zoar Separatists appear to have been followers of Rapp who remained in Germany under alternative leaders until conditions warranted a migration to North America. See Karl J. R. Arndt (ed.), George Rapp's Years of Glory: Economy on the Ohio, 1843-1847, Peter Lang, New York, 1987, pp. 641, 811. Seeing Rapp as the central figure of early nineteenth-century Separatism, Palmer may not have made the distinction between Rappites and Zoarites while they were still in Germany as they only became separate entities in North America. While similar in most aspects, there were subtle differences between the two groups. See Durnbaugh, “Strangers and Exiles,” pp. 72– 73; Nordhoff, The Communistic Societies of the United States, pp. 85– 86, 103–104; William Alfred Hinds, American Communities: Brief sketches of Economy, Zoar, Bethel, Aurora, Amana, Icaria, the Shakers, Oneida, Wallingford and the Brotherhood of the New Life, Office of the American Socialist, Oneida, 1878, pp. 23–24, 31–32. 135 There are variant spelling’s Reiser in the documents. Palmer’s work has it as Raiser, as Andrew Jenson has it as Riser, and the Millennial Star uses Reiser. See Andrew Jenson, Latterday Saint Biographical Encyclopedia, 4 vols, Salt Lake City, Andrew Jenson History Company, 1901–1936, vol. 4, 1936, pp. 337–338. Latter Day Saints Millennial Star, vol. 15, no. 23, June 4, 1853, pp. 365–366. Reiser’s return to Kornwestheim is also recorded in the Nürnberg newspaper Fränkischer Kurier: Nürnberg Fürther neueste Nachrichten: Mittelfränkische Zeitung, Fränkischer Kurier, Nürnberg, 1850–1949, Bd. 20, Nr. 105, April 13,1853.

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church, mentions in his journal that he stopped among the Harmonists on one of his missionary journeys to the east in the 1840s.136 There appears to have been a conscious effort by the Mormons to convert European immigrants. This appears to have been the case with German, Danish, and Norwegian immigrants that had settled in Pennsylvania, New York, Ohio, and Illinois. The converts would have the necessary language skills Smith would need to send them back to their countries of origin as missionaries.137 I am not aware of any in-depth study of Harmonist, German, or other non-English speaking immigrant conversions to Mormonism in the 1830s and 1840s. Most studies have concentrated on the British, Scandinavian, and the New England converts to Mormonism. We do know that by 1843 there was a significant German speaking Mormon population to warrant a separate ward in Nauvoo with a German speaking Bishop.138 Whether these German converts were immigrants or second and third generation German ethnics is difficult to determine. There does seem to have been a solid Mormon proselyting effort in Pennsylvania. Any proselyting effort in rural Pennsylvania would have been among the German speaking population.139 Of the American born German ethnics the most prominent were the Whitmers and Daniel Garn, both from Pennsylvania. There was some interaction between the Harmonists and the early Mormons as the conversion of the Zundels and the Woodruff account would seem to indi136 The account is taken from the entry for July 27, 1843. (Spelling is as it appears in the Journal.) Woodruff records: “As the water was so low we could not get up the river we stoped near Beaver. Passed through the town to Bridgwater. Here we took stage for Pittsburgh. 28 miles. On the way we stoped at Econemy the town founded by Mr Wrap. It is esstab-lished sumthing upon the principles of Shakerism. They raised much grain fruit & make wine from the pure juse of the grape. We drank a glass of it which was vary nice. We arived at Pittsburgh at 6 oclock. Distance from Cincinnatti to Pittsburgh 469 1/2 miles.” Wilford Woodruff, Journal: 1833–1898, 9 vols, Scott G. Kenney (ed.), Signature Books, Midvale, 1983, p. 264. See as well Alexander, Things in Heaven and Earth, p. 109. 137 Smith, in his journal for 1843, mentions that Zundel and Möser should abstain from drinking and return to Germany as missionaries. “Take [blank] Zundell and [blank] Messer and tell them never to drink a drop of ale or wine /or any spirit/ only that which flows right out from the presence of God. Send them to Germany.” Scott H. Faulring (ed.), An American Prophet’s Record: The Diaries and Journals of Joseph Smith, Signature Books in association with Smith Research Associates, Salt Lake City, 1989, p. 372. It is also found in Smith, History of the Church, vol. 5, p. 368. The spelling of Zundel varies within Mormon sources from Zundel, to Zundell, to Zundall. I have opted for Zundel which appears to be the correct German spelling. The other German mentioned is Friedrich Möser, who also was a convert of German background. Möser was operator of a grocery and perhaps the tavern in Nauvoo. See Joseph Smith, History of the Church, vol. 5, p. 531; D. Michael Quinn, The Mormon Hierarchy: Origins of Power, p. 645. Möser also appears in variant forms in Mormon sources. 138 Smith, History of the Church, vol. 6, p. 103 “The German brethren met at the assembly room at six p. m., and choose Bishop Daniel Garn as their Presiding Elder, and organized to have preaching in their native language.” 139 Elias Benner and several German converts are mentioned as early as 1834.

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cate. As to the extent of this interaction more research is needed to determine that. As most of the Harmonist material is written in early nineteenth-century Schwäbish, a southern German dialect, extensive research would be required. While I recognize that further research is required my intention is to present initial evidences that Mormon-Harmonist interaction was more than casual and extended beyond the conversion of the Zundels, or the Woodruff account that the Harmonists made good wine. One does see similarities between the Harmonists and the Mormons in several areas. Similarities exist not only in beliefs, but also the structure of the community. One could argue that the Harmonists provided the model for the Mormons. The success of the Harmony Society would have made it an attractive model. Anglo-Americans would have found it difficult to join with the Rappites, as conversion and acceptance to full membership in the group was dependant on criteria that many could not fulfill. The German Separatists maintained a closed community retaining both their German language and their culture. The Rappites did not proselyte but did allow new members to join the group. New members needed to be German, willing to follow Rapp’s teachings, and possess a trade, or other skill that would benefit the community. Membership was only extended after a probationary period.140 The relative closed nature of the Separatist communities may have led many such as John Humphrey Noyes, Robert Owen, and even the Transcendentalists to establish their own alternate communities.141 The utopian communities often cite the first century Christian community as the model upon which their communities are based. However the early Christian texts reveal very little information as to the actual structure, or success of those early Christian communities. Economics, while central, was only part of a new alternative society. Returning to an Edenic, or millennial state appears to have been the central goal for many of the utopian communities. For the Radical Pietist communities, medieval utopian authors provided the models for their own communities.142 Theoretically the common source

140 German immigrant communities retained German language and cultural institutions. While many settled in groups even those that settled individually appear to have maintained this. If we look at the Whitmers it was reported that David Whitmer in 1880 still spoke with a German accent. Whitmer’s grandfather had immigrated to Maryland in the late 1700s. His father had been born in the United States. Daniel Garn, later Bishop of the German ward at Nauvoo had also been born in Pennsylvania. Although both were second generation Americans they still spoke German. Sectarians who remained isolated, such as the Amish, or Mennonite communities after nearly 300 years still speak German within their communities. An interesting example is the Hutterian Brethren who have not lived in a German speaking land for close to 500 years but speak a Tyrolean dialect still to this day. 141 While all claimed to return to the practices of the first century Christians there appear to have been overtures by Owens and Noyes to join with the Harmonists. 142 Examples of these models are found in Sinold Philipp Balthasar von Schütz, Die glückseeligste Insul auf der gantzen Welt, oder Das Land der Zufriedenheit, P. C. Monath, Frankfurt und Leipzig, 1737 and Johann Valentin Andreä’s, Reipublicæ Christianopolitanæ

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for the American utopias may have been the first century Christian community, but in reality their communities were based on additional sources. Yet it is not the superficial structure of holding “all things in common” or even the patterned outlay of the towns that constitute the greatest similarities between early Mormonism and the Harmonists.143 Jacob Zundel summed up what he saw as the similarities between the Harmonists and the Mormons. In a statement he made a direct connection between the goals of Mormonism and of the Harmonists. Zundel intimates that he has seen the Sun Woman. Ordinarily this statement would not seem to mean much, except that Zundel was writing to friends remaining within the Harmonist community. The statement was obviously meant to convey a particular image to the remaining Harmonist followers. Rapp had left Württemberg fully convinced that his community was the Sun Woman of the Book of Revelation. The town of Harmonie, and later Ökonomie, existed as the central location for the gathering of God’s elect to one central place of refuge.144 Pietists generally made no distinction between pre, a, or postmillennialism. Many held to an invisible return of Jesus to rule in a spiritual manner through his Saints on earth. Yet they saw signs that the coming restoration of the true church was imminent; as true Christians had begun gathering together, the Gospel was being proclaimed to the world, and the lost were being converted.145 These were the exact scenes that had been displayed in the Book of Revelation. The commuDescriptio, Laz. Zetzneri, Strassbourg, 1619. The first German translation appears in 1741. See also Johann Valentin Andreä, Reise nach der Insul Caphar Salama, und Beschreibung der darauf gelegenen Republic Christiansburg, D. S. Georgi (übers.), Friedrich Christian Schall, Esslingen, 1741. 143 The Order of Enoch, or Law of Consecration seems to have been an extension of the Rigdon’s “Big Family” and was seen as the ideal order for a community. This should be cross-referenced to the Articles of Association drawn up by Rapp in 1807. As well one could draw parallels to the patterned city of Zion, the Platt of Zion and its resemblance to the Harmonist communities. The towns were laid out square to the compass, farmlands lying outside of the towns. The streets intersected at right angles houses equidistance from the street and a central square in the middle of the town. This in itself is not enough to indicate dependency but both the Platt of Zion and the Harmonist town planning were not representative of their respective American or German counterparts, the New England farm village or the southern German village. Rapp drew on utopian planners of past centuries, such as Andrea’s Christianopolis. Smith of course claimed revelation. See Mario S. De Pillis, “Christ Comes to Jackson County: The Mormon City of Zion and its Consequences,” John Whitmer Historical Association Journal, vol. 23, 2003, pp. 21–44. I wish only to draw the reader’s attention to the point that a ready model existed with which Smith, or at the very least influential followers such as Rigdon could have been aware of. 144 This concept appears to have roots in Albrecht Bengel see Hummel, Hope for a New World, p. 3; Gäbler, Geschichte, pp. 30–39. This concept appears as a common thread in Johannes Kelpius, Jane Leade, and to a degree the Saalhof Pietists. See Fischer, “Prophecies and Revelations,” pp. 320–323. 145 Gäbler, Geschichte, p. 38.

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nity that was “driven into the wilderness” considered themselves the elect of God, the true church called out from among the wicked world. They saw themselves as the end time faithful. That they were separating from the world, Babylon, was proof that they were living in the end time spoken of in the Book of Revelation and the Second Advent was about to commence.146 Early Mormons, as well as the early Adventists saw themselves in the same light. For the Mormons the unnamed end time Angel of Revelation 14:6–7, delivering the Gospel to the nations, was in fact Moroni. The Harmonists were traditional in their views of where the Second Advent would occur, the Middle East. From there Jesus would rule during the Millennium. Their new home in America did, however, acquire an eschatological significance. America was viewed as the wilderness, the safe haven of the Sun Woman who would give birth to the man-child, the Messiah, who would rule through the Millennium. Their acceptance of Bernard Müller in 1831 bears this out. Bernard Müller claimed to be the Messiah and he was coming to his faithful, the Harmonists in America. For Rapp, America would play an important eschatological role. Taking existing notions prevalent in American religious ideology Joseph Smith would develop this concept further, fully Americanizing the Book of Revelation.147 The influence of Sidney Rigdon and his overt millenarianism on early Mormonism is not disputed. His potential encounter with the Harmonists may have provided a point of initial contact between the early Mormons and the Harmonists. The role of Hermeticism within the Mormon and Harmonist worldviews provide another point of similarity between the two. The Harmony Society could have been the model for Smith’s Zion, incorporating both spiritual and temporal understandings for the pattern of the Mormon Zion. The importance of hermeticism and millenarianism to the two communities provides us with more than a casual base for comparison. Both the Mormons and the Harmonists saw them-

146 This again is close to Bengel’s view on the separation of the wheat from the tares. 147 The eschatological significance of North America is seen in early Puritan writers such as Jonathan Edwards and Cotton Mather. There is about the same amount of evidence to support that Smith was familiar with Puritan ideology as there is to support his knowledge of Egyptian in 1835, nothing. I think holding Smith, or any nineteenth-century religious leader to modern standards for citing their influences is ludicrous. It certainly shows a lack of understanding of how earlier generations formulated ideas or wrote books. The modern activity of citing sources, or influences is the result of the rise of academic disciplines for the express purpose of verification. See Philip Jenkins, Mystics and Messiahs: Cult’s and New Religions in America, Oxford University Press, New York, 2000, p. 51. Sadly Smith was never an academic. This theme is discussed in several works see Brigham H. Roberts, Studies of the Book of Mormon, 2nd edn, Brigham D. Madsen (ed.), Signature Books, Salt Lake City, 1992; Homer, “Similarity of Priesthood in Masonry,” pp. 2–3, 15, 83–89; D. Michael Quinn has also pointed out that Smith did not mention everything he read or even borrowed from. See his Early Mormonism and the Magic World View, pp. 184–185.

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selves as having a future eschatological role, as active agents in building a millennial kingdom. D. THE GERMAN’S ROLE IN EARLY MORMONISM Germany, Germans, and the German language occupied a special place in the life of Joseph Smith. In Smith’s final public address in 1844 he lauded Luther’s translation as the most correct of all biblical translations.148 Smith seemed to have had a high esteem for the Germans. The exact time and place when Smith developed this view of the Germans is difficult to determine. Followers of Smith claim he gave two prophecies regarding Germany and the Germans.149 When Orson Hyde set sail for Europe in 1840 Hyde wrote to Smith declaring that a great work was to be under taken in Germany.150 German ethnics would continue to play a role in Smith’s life throughout the Nauvoo period. Alexander Neibaur, from whom Smith had learned German and Hebrew and the finer esoteric teachings of Kabbalah converted to Mormonism in Preston, England, and would become a close associate of Smith in Nauvoo.151 American born German ethnic, Daniel Garn, who became the first German Mission president in the 1850s was Smith’s personal body guard and one of the five individuals that Smith entrusted with preparing the room for the first ever Endowment ritual in Smith’s Red Brick Store in Nauvoo. Garn was also Bishop of the German ward in Nauvoo. 152 The connection between German speaking individuals and Mormonism can be traced to the very foundation of the movement. Early converts to the Mormons, the large Whitmer family were part of the Zion German Reformed Church Pas148 See Joseph Smith Sermon of April 6, 1844, commonly called the King Follett discourse, Journal of Discourses, vol. 6, p. 5. This view of the German bible continued until the late twentieth century. See sermon of John Taylor in 1884, Journal of Discourses, vol. 25, p. 213, and Marcellus S. Snow, “The Challenge of Theological Translation: New German Versions of the Standard Works,” Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought, vol. 17, no. 2, 1984, pp. 133–149. 149 Der Stern der Heiligen der Letzten Tage: Eine Monatsschrift zur Verbreitung der Wahrheit, Karl Mäser, et al (Hrsgg.), 125 Bde., Kirche Jesu Christi der Heiligen der Letzten Tage, Bern, Zürich, Hamburg, Dresden, Berlin und Frankfurt, 1869–1999, Bd. 61, Nr. 2, January 27, 1929, p. 26; Bd. 61, Nr. 20, October 27, 1929, p. 315. 150 Smith, History of the Church, vol. 4, p. 106. See also vol. 4, pp. 107, 123, 124, 129, 375. 151 In the last few years of Smith’s life he spent a considerable amount of time learning German with Neibaur. See Smith, History of the Church, vol. 5, pp. 264, 265, 272, 273, 282, 287, 288, 298; vol. 6, pp. 267, 271. He had also sent his “Views of Powers and Policy,” his presidential platform to all of the German newspapers in the country. See Smith, History of the Church, vol. 6, p. 225. 152 There are variant spellings of the name Garn in historical documents. Garn appears as Kearns, Carn, Cairns, and Garn. I will use Garn throughout this work.

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tored by Diedrich Willer’s. One of the earliest descriptions of Mormon origins is written in German and comes from the pen of Pastor Willers. Willers, writing to his pastoral colleagues describes the origins of Mormonism, remarks on the character of Smith, and of Willers’ own former parishioners the Whitmers. Willers states that the early Mormons referred to themselves as, the true disciples, or true followers of Christ. Willers remarks that in German they were called “die ware nachfolger Christi.”153 The Whitmers continued to play a major role in Mormonism until the late 1830s. David Whitmer, along with Martin Harris, and Whitmer’s future brotherin-law Oliver Cowdery, was one of the three witnesses to the Book of Mormon. Both Whitmer and Cowdery, who had married Elisabeth Ann Whitmer, were copresidents with Smith in the infant Latter Day Saint movement. Both later left the Mormons over disagreements on the melding of secular and spiritual authority within the movement.154 Along side of David, brothers Jacob, John, Christian, Peter and their brother in-law Hiram Page were secondary witnesses to the Book of Mormon. Peter Whitmer was also one of the original missionaries sent to Missouri to preach among the American Indian tribes located west of the Missouri state border. John Whitmer was dispatched as the first leader of the church in Kirtland, Ohio. John Whitmer was also the first official Mormon Church Historian.155 Traditional history has the home of Peter Whitmer Sr. in Fayette, New York as the site where the original Church of Christ was founded.156 153 Rev. Diedrich Willers to L. Mayer and D. Young, 18 June 1830, in D. Michael Quinn, “The First Months of Mormonism: A Contemporary View by Rev. Diedrich Willers,” New York History, vol. 54, 1973, pp. 317–331. 154 Mormon apologists have difficulty in reconciling the actions of Oliver Cowdery, David Whitmer, and Martin Harris. Modern interpreters make the case that the three, despite their disagreements with Smith, never denied their testimony of having seen the Book of Mormon plates. While no direct denial is made, as far as extent records exist, the very fact they did not remain among the Mormons should be taken into account. The very nature of the experience, the act of having seen the Book of Mormon, according to the accounts of those present was a subjective, visionary dream like experience, and not the objective experience so often portrayed. As well see David Whitmer, An Address to All Believers in Chris, N.P., Richmond, 1887. Judging from contemporary accounts regarding Cowdery, Whitmer, and Harris’ departure lies flowed frequently from their lips. Roger D. Launius has perhaps put it best stating there is no middle ground, they were glorified and lauded while members then vilified upon departure. Roger D. Launius and Linda Thatcher, “Mormonism and the Dynamics of Dissent,” Roger D. Launius and Linda Thatcher (eds), Differing Visions: Dissenters in Mormon History, University of Illinois Press, Urbana, 1994, pp. 7–8 155 See Smith, Biographical Sketches, pp. 169–170. 156 The traditional account lists the Peter Whitmer home in Fayette as the local for the organizational meeting. David Whitmer recalls that the Church of Christ had been in existence prior to the April 1830 date. As well alternate accounts list Manchester, particularly the cabin of Hyrum Smith as the locale for organizational meeting. See Michael H. Marquardt, “An Appraisal of Manchester as Location for the Organization of the Church,” Sunstone, vol.16, no. 1, 1992, pp. 49–57; Vogel, Joseph Smith: The Making of a Prophet, pp. 491–493.

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Converted ethnic Germans also had an influence in the life of Joseph Smith. Several significant developments in Mormon history can be traced to German immigrants to America. Among the most significant influences were perhaps the Hermetic–Kabbalist traditions, and the Harmonist Society. These two appear to have left the greatest mark on Smith, and on an emerging Mormonism. We know that by the end of his life Smith had come to see the Germans in a very positive light. The early Mormons appear to have had some success proselyting among the ethnic Germans in North America. These converts came from no particular identifiable religious group, but some converts do seem connected to Anabaptist, or Radical Pietist groups. How many converts from among the German ethnics existed is difficult to deduce. There were however enough Germans in Nauvoo to warrant a ward, with a German speaking bishop.157 It also appears highly plausible that Smith had full intentions of proselyting in Germany as early as 1840. The mission of Orson Hyde, and the publication of literature in the German language during that mission would seem to substantiate this. However no full-scale missionary effort would take place until 1852. Individuals that understood the language and culture of the Germans were among the many converts to early Mormonism. Based upon the missionary successes of American-British and CanadianBritish immigrants who had returned to Great Britain it seemed probable then that German ethnics returning to acquaintances, friends and families in Germany would also have success in proselyting. It should not be surprising then, as a pattern had been established with the American-British and Canadian-British converts, that it was precisely these German-speaking converts that were among the first Mormon missionaries sent to Germany. The rewards that were to be gained from having ethnic Germans return to Germany would not be realized until nearly a decade after the death of Joseph Smith.

157 Smith, History of the Church, vol. 6, p. 103.

IV.

THE FIRST MORMONS IN GERMANY

The Mormons earliest missionary efforts in Germany involve three individuals, James Howard, Johann Greenig, and Orson Hyde. While Howard’s and Greenig’s efforts have long been forgotten, Orson Hyde’s efforts are still remembered for writing the Mormons first piece of literature in the German language. Just months, prior to Hyde’s arrival in Germany, Howard had moved to Hamburg. Howard, a recent convert to Mormonism, had come to Germany on September 13, 1840, to work in a foundry. Brigham Young had asked Howard to begin missionary work in Germany.1 Howard’s missionary efforts in Germany were unsuccessful and he soon returned to England. There is no record of Howard distributing any literature, or of him holding even a single meeting on German soil. When Howard returned to England the first attempt at proselyting in Germany came to an end.2 The first effective Mormon proselyting effort of which we have a record was carried out under the hands of Johann Greenig. The source, albeit a minute reference, is found in a personal letter from Greenig dated to 1899. In the letter Greenig mentions that he had done missionary work in Germany in 1843. Orson Hyde, of course, would be remembered for writing and publishing, Ein Ruf Aus Der Wüste: Eine Stimme aus dem Schoose der Erde.3 The writing would be the first German language tract, and the second foreign language tract published by the Mormons. Hyde’s initial brief stay in Germany was the result of complications that he had encountered while attempting to reach Palestine. Hyde, who had been sent on a mission by Smith to dedicate the land of Palestine for the end-time return of the Jews, was delayed in Germany as the result of needing a visa, which he had failed to procure from the Austrian authorities in Frankfurt. Hyde used his time in southern Germany to learn the German language, and to try and prepare a short exposition of the beliefs of the Mormons. In a letter written to Joseph Smith

1

2 3

An earlier version of this chapter has appeared as “Unter Zion’s Panier: The First Mormons in Germany,” Ulrich van der Heyden und Andreas Feldkeller (Hrsgg.), Border Crossing: Explorations of an Interdisciplinary Historian. Festschrift zum 65 Geburtstag Irving Hexham, Franz Steiner Verlag, Stuttgart, 2008, pp. 425–442. German Mission Manuscript History, September 13, 1840, Family and Church History Department Archives, The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, Salt Lake City. See Gilbert Scharffs, “Das Buch Mormon: The German Translation of the Book of Mormon,” Journal of Book of Mormon Studies, vol. 11, 2002, pp. 35–39, 109. No further information has been found on James Howard in LDS publications or manuscripts in the LDS Church Archives. Scharffs, “Das Buch Mormon,” p. 35. Orson Hyde, Ein Ruf Aus der Wüste: Eine Stimme aus dem Schoose der Erde, Selbstverlag des Verfassers, Frankfurt, 1842.

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dated July 17, 1841, Hyde recalls the events that led to his initial stay in Germany, his learning the language, and what may be his first attempts at missionary efforts in Germany.4 Hyde did not remain in Germany long, and the results of his initial evangelistic efforts are unknown. While there were attempts to follow up on Hyde’s initial efforts in Germany, these never materialized to any great extant. Shortly after Hyde’s letter to Smith, Simeon Carter was called on a mission to Germany. At a council meeting of the Quorum of the Twelve Apostles, Carter was to be sent on a mission to Germany. However before the meeting was over it was decided that the mission be postponed.5 The only name connected with the Mormons effectively proselytizing in Germany in the 1840s is Johann Greenig. Greenig, a native of Germany, was born in Stockstadt am Rhine. Like many other Germans of the late 1700s and early 1800s, Greenig emigrated to the United States. It was in North America that he had converted to the Mormons. Greenig, in a personal letter from 1899, mentions that in the early part of 1843, Philadelphia Branch president Jedidiah M. Grant had sent him from Philadelphia to proselyte in Germany.6 Greenig, by his own accounts, concentrated his efforts in Hessen-Darmstadt and was able to establish a small branch there.7 Greenig reportedly returned to Nauvoo in 1844. As to what happened to the early branch and its members, nothing further is known. When the missionaries returned in the 1850s they made no reference to any existing branch, or that any believers remained in Hessen-Darmstadt. That a mission to Germany had been part of the expanded Mormon evangelistic effort can be seen from several sermons of Joseph Smith’s during the 1840s. It was Joseph Smith himself who had initiated the first mission to Germany by responding favourably to Orson Hyde’s assessment of the German religious landscape. Undoubtedly, with several converts made from among German-American immigrants, the opening of a mission to Germany provided an opportunity for these converted Mormons to return to their former homes and spread the end-time message of Mormonism. Perhaps secure in the knowledge that the converts still

4

5

6 7

See “Letter From Elder Hyde, Ratisbon on the Danube, July 17, 1841,” Times and Seasons, 6 vols, Robinson & Smith, Nauvoo, 1839–1845, vol. 2, no. 24, October 15, 1841, pp. 570– 573. The council minutes are dated August 31, 1841. See Joseph Smith, History of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, 7 vols, Deseret Book, Salt Lake City, 1902–1932, vol. 4, p. 146. See Andrew Jenson, Encyclopaedic History of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, Deseret News Publishing, Salt Lake City, 1941, p. 280. There is an early reference in the F. A. Brockhaus edited daily, Blätter für literarische Unterhaltung, mentioning that the Mormons had been proselyting near Bremen. This may be a reference to the Greening missionary effort. See “Der Mormonismus,” Blätter für literarische Unterhaltung, 72 Bde., F. A. Brockhaus, Leipzig, 1826–1892, Nr. 240, August 28, 1843, p. 962.

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had family and friends residing in Germany, an opportunity to further the Mormon message among them was something to consider. The expansion of Mormonism onto the European mainland could be seen to be a worthy undertaking. The first Mormon missionary expansion outside of the United States was to its northern neighbour Canada. As a direct result of the success among the BritishCanadian immigrants in the Canadian provinces, missionaries were soon sent to England. By virtue of having solid contacts from the British converts in North America, the British mission proved to be an overwhelming success. It is estimated that by the time of Joseph Smith’s death around 26,000 converts had been made in the British Isles. The majority of these converts would choose to follow the Twelve Apostles to the confines of the Rocky Mountains following the death of Smith in 1844. Of the approximately 10,000 to 12,000 that went west, a little over 7,000 had been British converts, baptised by the Mormon missionaries in England, and elsewhere on the British Isles. The church in Utah was overwhelmingly a church comprised of European, especially British, converts. The early missionary efforts undertaken in Germany by Hyde and Greenig proved less successful than the Canadian and British missions had been. In the turmoil and chaos that developed in Nauvoo during the early 1840s, and with the instability following Smith’s death, a concentrated missionary effort in Germany was put on hold. Between the years 1844–1847 the Mormons conducted no extensive missionary activity outside of established regions such as Canada, or the British Isles. It would be 1848 before another major effort to proselyte on the European mainland would be attempted. Yet, the political unrest on the European continent would put the Mormons’ proselytizing efforts on hold for another two years. In late 1849, and early 1850 full-scale missionary efforts began in France, Italy, and in the Scandinavian countries. The beginning of the full-scale missionary effort in Germany is indirectly related to the missions in Denmark and France. Following Hyde, a missionary from the Scandinavian mission field would be the next Mormon missionary to set foot on German soil. George Parker Dykes who had had previous success among Norwegians in Illinois was chosen to help open the Scandinavian Mission. Dykes early work in Denmark was concentrated around Aalborg. As the Danish Kingdom extended into what is now northern Germany, Dykes was able to cross freely between German and Danish territory, which he apparently did. Dykes had been proselyting in Schleswig and had baptised a few new converts into Mormonism.8 It was as a result of him being expelled from Denmark that Dykes entered German territo-

8

It is believed that the first German convert in Hamburg was Karl Müller. See Brigham H. Roberts, The Life of John Taylor, George Q. Cannon and Sons, Salt Lake City 1892, p. 142.

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ry.9 Dyke’s baptised his first two German converts in the Elbe River on September 15, 1851. This excursion into northern Germany by Dykes marks the beginning of any sustained Mormon missionary effort in the German speaking territories. The missionary effort among the French had been inaugurated in June of 1850, and had yielded little fruit. Apostle John Taylor, along with Curtis E. Bolton, and John Pack had been proselyting in France with very few converts and much government attention to show for their efforts. Taylors message of the advent of the Millennial Kingdom and the overthrow of earthly regimes did not resonate with French authorities and Taylor was expelled from the country by late 1851.10 The expulsion, and lack of missionary success led Taylor to turn his attention toward Germany as a potential mission field. Taylor soon made his way to England were he hoped to find individuals who could aid in financing the publication of his proposed French and German translations of the Book of Mormon.11 Not being able to understand the German language, Taylor also needed help in translating the Book of Mormon into German.12 It was in London that he met Dykes. Dykes had come to London to confer with Taylor over his own future, and the missionary work in Denmark.13 Taylor, learning that Dykes had knowledge of German suggested that Dykes come to Germany with him and help in the translation of the Book of Mormon. George P. Dykes came to Hamburg as Taylor had requested. Together, Taylor and Dykes would begin translating the Book of Mormon into German. Within a few weeks the two began to make preparations for the publication of a new Mor-

9

10

11

12

13

Erastus Snow, One Year in Scandinavia: Results of the Gospel in Denmark and Sweden, Sketches and Observations on the Country and People, Remarkable Events, Late Persecutions and Present Aspect of Affairs, Franklin D. Richards, Liverpool, 1851, p. 11. Richard D, McClellan, “President Louis Bertrand and the Closure of the French Mission, 1859–64” Donald Q. Cannon and Brent L. Top (eds), Regional Studies in Latter-day Saint Church History: Europe, Department of Church History and Doctrine Brigham Young University, Provo, 2003, pp. 23–46, p. 23. As is the case with many Catholic dominated mission fields the French Mission provided few converts. It operated from 1850–1864 when it was reabsorbed into the British Mission. Attempts to establish a permanent French Mission were undertaken in the early twentieth century and the mission was reopened in 1923. See McClellan, “President Louis Bertrand and the Closure of the French Mission,” p. 43. Samuel W. Taylor, The Last Pioneer: John Taylor, a Mormon Prophet, Signature Books, Salt Lake City, 1999, (originally published as The Kingdom or Nothing: The Life of John Taylor, Militant Mormon by Macmillan Publishing, 1976, p. 155. There are many popular accounts of John Taylor, the Canadian convert, who succeed Brigham Young as Prophet, Seer, and Revelator of the LDS Church. Sadly a comprehensive critical biography of Taylor is lacking. For a short description of Taylor in France see Taylor, The Last Pioneer, pp. 149–155. After Dykes was expelled from Denmark he was on his way home to Utah when he met Taylor in England. Taylor, in a letter to his family remarks that there had been difficulties in Denmark. See Taylor, The Last Pioneer, p. 154

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mon German language newspaper titled, Zion’s Panier. Zion’s Panier would become the first of many German language Mormon newspapers.14 The publication was however short lived. Due to lack of funding and little to no readership the paper ceased to exist by February 1852. In his attempt to reach the Germans with a native language publication, Taylor had managed to publish only four issues, from November 1851 to February 1852. While Mormon missionaries had been proselyting among the Germans as extensions of the Scandinavian and French missions, April 1852 marks the beginning of the official mission to Germany. The mission to Germany would soon be expanded. In August of 1852, at a special conference held in Salt Lake City, Orson Spencer and Jacob Houtz were called to open a mission to Prussia. The first full-scale missionary attempt by the Mormons in Germany was about to begin. The earlier missionaries to Germany had laid the groundwork, primarily the early work of Orson Hyde. It is Hyde and his pamphlet that opened the way for the Mormon expansion into Germany during the 1850s. A. ORSON HYDE AND THE FIRST GERMAN MISSION Orson Hyde was born in Oxford, Connecticut January 8, 1805. Unlike many of the early converts to Mormonism, Orson Hyde received a formal education. He was educated as a youth in Ohio at the Burton Academy, which was a secondary school. Hyde would also serve as the regent of the University of Nauvoo in the early 1840s, and as the chancellor of the University of Deseret, in Utah after the Mormon exodus. Hyde’s conversion to Mormonism dates to the early years of the movement’s existence. After moving to Kirtland, Ohio in the early part of 1830, Hyde met Reformed Baptist Pastor Sidney Rigdon. Hyde shed his Methodist background after becoming convinced of the truth of Rigdon’s message, which proclaimed the establishment of a pure, New Testament Christianity. Hyde accepted the restorationist message of the Cambpellites, and soon affiliated with Rigdon’s congrega-

14

It was common for Mormons to print newspapers. These papers usually carried news and religious content. Following Zions Panier der Kirche Jesu Christi der Heiligen der Letzten Tage, John Taylor (Hrsg.), 1 Bd., Kirche Jesu Christi der Heiligen der Letzten Tage, Hamburg, 1851–1852, the Mormons would print Der Darsteller der Heiligen der Letzten Tage, Daniel Tyler (Hrsg.), 4 Bde., Kirche Jesu Christi der Heiligen der Letzten Tage, Genf, 1855– 1861. It would be followed by Die Reform der Heiligen der Letzten Tage, John L. Smith (Hrsg.), 1 Bd., Kirche Jesu Christi der Heiligen der Letzten Tage, Genf, 1862–1864; and finally Der Stern der Heiligen der Letzten Tage: Eine Monatsschrift zur Verbreitung der Wahrheit, Karl Mäser, et al (Hrsgg.), 125 Bde., Kirche Jesu Christi der Heiligen der Letzten Tage, Bern, Zürich, Hamburg, Dresden, Berlin und Frankfurt, 1869–1999. Der Stern ceased publication when the Liahona became the official organ of the international Mormon community.

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tion. Rigdon, a fiery millenarian who had his differences with the movement’s founder Alexander Campbell, was one the early leaders among the Disciples of Christ, or Christians, as the Cambpellites wished to call themselves.15 The conversion of Hyde to Mormonism is connected to one of the earliest Mormon missionary efforts. In the early fall of 1830 Joseph Smith had sent four missionaries to the “Indian Territory,” which lay just west of the Missouri border. Smith had high hopes that his proselytizing among the Native Americans would be successful. Smith fully believed that together with the converted Indians, the Mormons would establish Zion and usher in the Millennium. After all, was not the Book of Mormon a history of the Native American’s ancestors and portend of their future?16 The Native Americans had been settled on the western boundaries of Missouri as a result of Andrew Jackson’s “Indian Policy.” These first Mormon missionaries sent by Smith to the frontiers of western Missouri stopped in Kirtland, Ohio. Parley P. Pratt, a member of Sidney Rigdon’s congregation in Ohio, had encountered the Mormons in New York. Pratt felt that the congregation in Kirtland would be receptive to the Mormons’ message. Hyde was at first antagonistic towards the Mormons when they arrived in Kirtland. However after reading the Book of Mormon Hyde was convinced by its message and in 1831 became one of the earliest converts to Mormonism. Hyde, Rigdon, and most of the Cambpellite congregation in Kirtland converted to Mormonism nearly doubling the early Mormon membership. The success in Kirtland prompted Smith to move the infant movement from New York to Ohio. In 1834 Hyde marched with “Zion’s Camp,” the armed expedition to restore the Mormons to Jackson County, Missouri. The Mormons had been expelled from the county in 1833 as a result of difficulties with the older Missouri inhabitants. As a reward for his participation in the failed expedition, Hyde was chosen as one of the original Quorum of the Twelve Apostles. On February 15, 1835, Hyde was chosen by the three Book of Mormon witnesses, Oliver Cowdery, Martin Harris, and David Whitmer as a special witness, and missionary to the world. In the company of Heber C. Kimball, Orson Hyde was one of the first missionaries sent to

15 16

See D. Michael Quinn, The Mormon Hierarchy: Origins of Power, Signature Books, Salt Lake City, 1994, pp. 553–554. The first reference to polygamy is dated to this time. Smith had requested that the Mormons take Native American women as plural wives so that the curse of dark skin could be eliminated. The revelation is dated July 17, 1831 and reads: “For it is my will, that in time, ye should take unto you wives of the Lamanites and Nephites, that their posterity may become, white, delightsome, and just, for even now their females are more virtuous than the gentiles.” Original found in Joseph Smith Papers, Family and Church History Department Archives, the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, Salt Lake City. Typescript copy in possession of author.

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Great Britain in 1837.17 Hyde would continue to play a significant role in the expansion of early Mormonism with his missionary contributions in Great Britain, and the introduction of the faith into Germany. Hyde entered the first of his many marital unions with Nancy Johnson in 1834.18 Nancy Marinda Johnson Hyde would as well become a polyandrous wife to Joseph Smith and Willard Richards.19 Belonging to the inner core of trusted individuals, Hyde was one of the first individuals that Joseph Smith revealed the practice of polygamy to. By 1843, Orson Hyde had taken two additional wives. Hyde would hold to the practice of polygamy earnestly for the remainder of his life, marrying the last of his nine wives in 1869.20 Hyde’s position within the Mormon hierarchy is noteworthy. As a result of his ordination as one of the original members of the Quorum of the Twelve Apostles, his seniority ranked him only behind Brigham Young in the Mormon hierarchy. If it were not for a power play by Young demoting him, Hyde would have succeeded Young upon his death.21 Hyde was also a member of several select groups that emerged within Mormonism between the years 1842–1844. He was one of those selected as a member of the Anointed Quorum, the first group of individuals to receive their endowments, and was a member of the Mormon theocratic institution, the Council of Fifty. Hyde served as the Council of Fifty’s ambassador to Washington in 1844. In the late spring of 1844, Hyde was sent as a political missionary, to campaign for Joseph Smith’s candidacy for president of the United States.22 Hyde received his Second Anointing on January 25, 1844.23 The ritual was introduced to, and

17

18 19 20 21

22

23

See “History of Orson Hyde,” The Latter Day Saints Millennial Star, 132 vols, The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, Manchester, Liverpool, London, 1840–1970, vol. 26, no. 47, November 19, 1864, pp. 742–744; vol. 26, no. 48, November 26, 1864, pp. 760–761; vol. 26, no. 49, December 3, 1864, pp. 774–776; vol. 26, no. 50, December 10, 1864, pp. 790– 792. Quinn, The Mormon Hierarchy: Origins of Power, p. 552. Quinn, The Mormon Hierarchy: Origins of Power, p. 552. Quinn, The Mormon Hierarchy: Origins of Power, p. 552. Quinn, The Mormon Hierarchy: Origins of Power, pp. 143–186, 466–467. See Gary James Bergera, “The Orson Pratt–Brigham Young Controversies: Conflict Within the Quorums 1853–1868,” Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought, vol. 13, no. 2, 1980, pp. 7–49. For a longer treatment of the conflict see Gary James Bergera, Conflict in the Quorum Orson Pratt, Brigham Young, Joseph Smith, Signature Books/Smith Research Associates, Salt Lake City, 2002. See Quinn, The Mormon Hierarchy: Origins of Power, p. 553. Smith’s Presidential platform is outlined in Joseph Smith, General Smith’s Views of the Powers and Policy of the Government of the United States, John Taylor, Nauvoo, 1844. The Second Endowment, or Second Anointing, provided an assurance of achieving divinity as long as the individual did not commit the unpardonable sin. The only unpardonable sin was the shedding of innocent blood. See David John Buerger, “The Fulness of the Priesthood: The Second Anointing in Latter-day Saint Theology and Practice,” Dialogue: A Jour-

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conferred on select trusted members, and close associates of Smith during his life. This ritual conferred on him the “everlasting Godhood.”24 Although demoted by then President Brigham Young, he did retain his titles of Assistant Trustee in Trust, and Prophet, Seer and Revelator until his death in 1878.25 Orson Hyde should be credited for introducing Mormonism to Germany. The introduction of Mormonism into Germany is tied to a greater eschatological mission undertaken in the early 1840s. In April of 1840, Joseph Smith sent Orson Hyde on a mission to dedicate the land of Palestine for the return of the Jews. It was hoped that this dedication would prepare the way for the advent of the millennial age.26 While Germany was not the final destination of Hyde, Palestine was, Hyde felt that there was a great work to do in Germany, and many converts to be made.27 In May of 1840, Hyde, along with John E. Page, left Nauvoo for Palestine. From Columbus, Ohio, Hyde would write to Smith, asking permission to do what was necessary to bring the Mormons’ end time message to the German people. Smith granted Hyde permission to translate the Book of Mormon and the Doctrine and Covenants if need be.28 Neither of these two books were translated into German during Hyde’s tenure in Germany, or during Smith’s lifetime for that matter. Hyde arrived in Frankfurt on June 27, 1841. A problem with obtaining a visa in order to travel through Habsburg territory delayed Hyde in Frankfurt. Hyde remained in Germany until September 1841, when he continued on, down the Danube, towards the Middle East and the completion of his mission in Palestine.29 Following his return from the Middle East, Hyde spent seven months in Germany. From the end of January to the early part of August 1842, Hyde was in

24 25

26

27 28 29

nal of Mormon Thought, vol. 16, no. 1, 1983, pp. 10–44. Also David John Buerger, “The “Development of the Mormon Temple Endowment Ceremony,” Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought, vol. 34, no.1/2, 2001, pp. 75–122. Quinn, The Mormon Hierarchy: Origins of Power, p. 554. The titles Prophet, Seer, Revelator were first given to Joseph Smith in the 1830s in order to distinguish his role from other charismatic leaders within the movement. In 1835, it was also applied to the Quorum of Twelve Apostles. This was the one and only time it was applied to all the members of that quorum. Hyde’s description of his mission to Palestine can be found in several period accounts. The most comprehensive is found in the Parley P. Pratt edited compilation of Hyde’s account. See Parley P. Pratt (ed.), A Voice From Jerusalem or a Sketch of the Travels and Ministry of Elder Orson Hyde Missionary of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints to Germany, Constantinople and Jerusalem, James & Woodburn, Liverpool, 1842. See Smith, History of the Church, vol. 4, p. 106. See also vol. 4, pp. 107, 375. Smith, History of the Church, vol. 4, pp. 123, 124, 129. See Latter-day Saint Journal History, July 17, 1841, LDS Church Archives. The Journal History is a compilation of articles, written accounts and personal reminisces taken from private and public documents pertaining to the Latter Day Saints and their history. It was compiled by the Historical department as a condensed, edited history of the Mormons. Scharffs, “Das Buch Mormon,” p. 36.

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Regensburg. Hyde earned money to support himself in Bavaria by teaching English in Regensburg and it was his English students that helped him prepare the booklet, Ein Ruf aus der Wüste: Eine Stimme aus dem Schoose der Erde.30 Hyde would self-publish the 120 page booklet in 1842 in Frankfurt am Main after having been denied permission to publish the booklet in Regensburg.31 Ein Ruf aus der Wüste was the second foreign language publication of the Mormons and the first to be written in German.32 The booklet dealt with several topics that Hyde believed would aid his missionary efforts in Germany. Hyde included an account of Smith’s initial theophany, the First Vision, and provided an overview of the contents of the Book of Mormon. In addition, Hyde’s work also contained a compendium of the basic teachings of the Mormons.33 These he had divided into 16 articles dealing with concepts and rituals relating to Mormon thought and practices of the time. Hyde concentrates on standard Mormon missionary themes throughout the 115 pages that make up the tract. In his booklet Hyde illuminates Christian primitivist themes, or what Mormons have come to understand as the central themes of “restoration.” These themes include the notion of a return to an ideal, a pristine Christianity, or a restoration of first century Christianity which provided the foundation for Mormon self-identity. Generally, the concepts of a restored priesthood, the authority to perform the acts of God, and a restored church, a physical organization in which to carry out the authority, are dominant themes in Mormon thought and literature. Traces of the early millennialist strains of Mormonism also found a significant role in Hyde’s tract. Hyde concluded the tract with a lengthy discussion on the history of the Mormons and the Second Advent. The effect of Hyde’s tract on potential German converts is unknown. By the time the second wave of missionaries arrived in Germany in the 1850s, Mormonism had undergone a drastic shift in its beliefs. Hyde’s tract would not have been relevant, or even representative of Mormon beliefs in the 1850s. It would have been extremely difficult to use the tract in any proselytizing attempts, or as a tract introducing Mormonism to potential converts in 1850s Hamburg. None of the German missionaries in the 1850s mention using Hyde’s tract in their proselytizing attempts. However, Hyde’s tract does seem to have been used by Mormon missionaries among German speakers in Denmark.34

30 31 32

33 34

Orson Hyde, Ein Ruf Aus der Wüste: Eine Stimme aus dem Schoose der Erde, Selbstverlag des Verfassers, Frankfurt, 1842. German Mission Manuscript History, June 1842. Scharffs, “Das Buch Mormon,” p. 36. The church’s first foreign language publication was a pamphlet that Hyde had written in Dutch. It was addressed to the Jews in Holland. This pamphlet was written before his arrival in Germany. We will deal with Hyde’s tract in another section See Snow, One Year in Scandinavia, p. 7.

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With Hyde’s departure, it would take another 10 years before formal missionary activity would again resume in Germany. This second wave of Mormon missionaries proved to be more successful, both in gaining converts, and in translating Mormon literature into German. The expansion of Mormon missionary activity into Germany would come as an extension of work being carried out in France and Denmark. The two individuals that are responsible for the opening of the German Mission are John Taylor and George P. Dykes.

B. JOHN TAYLOR AND THE EXPANSION OF THE MORMONS INTO GERMANY John Taylor was instrumental in establishing the Latter Day Saints in two countries, Canada and Germany. Taylor was born in Milnthorpe, England in 1808. By trade he was a wood turner and cabinetmaker. His religious journey initially led him from the Church of England to the Methodists. Taylor converted to Methodism at the age of 16. It was while he was with the Methodists, that he felt an urge to evangelise in North America and chose to emigrate to Canada in 1831, arriving in 1832. Taylor would enter into the first of his seven marriages while still in Canada, taking Lenora Cannon as his wife. In Toronto, Taylor became a bible study group leader and Methodist lay preacher. He along with several of his bible study group joined with the Mormons in 1836. After their conversion to Mormonism, Taylor and several of the Canadian members Gathered with the Mormons in Far West, Missouri. As a result of the apostasy of several of the original Quorum of Twelve Apostles, Taylor was one of four selected to replace the fallen apostles. He was ordained a member of the Quorum of the Twelve Apostles on December 19, 1838. Taylor took part in the exodus from Missouri, and the establishment of the Mormons in Illinois. In Illinois Taylor would serve as a city councilman, and as a colonel in the city’s militia, the Nauvoo Legion. Taylor was part of the inner circle of Mormonism and he, like Hyde, was a member of both the Anointed Quorum and the Council of Fifty. Taylor received his Second Anointing five days after Orson Hyde, on January 30, 1844. Taylor was also directly involved in the destruction of the William Law’s dissenting newspaper, the Nauvoo Expositor. For his role in the destruction of the press he was arrested, and held over for trial in Carthage, Illinois. Principals involved in the Expositor incident, Joseph Smith, his brother Hyrum, and Taylor were all awaiting a criminal trial on June 27, 1844 when the Prophet Joseph Smith, and his brother Hyrum were killed. Taylor survived after being severely wounded in the gun battle at Carthage that took the Smith’s lives. Along with the remaining eight apostles, Taylor led a large part of the Mormons from Illinois to the Rocky Mountains. Preoccupied with settlement, in the first few years after their arrival in the Salt Lake valley the Mormons virtually ceased to engage in any large-scale missionary efforts outside of the territory.

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That was to change towards the end of the 1840s. In 1849, Taylor returned to Europe to begin missionary work in France. It was while in France that he undertook missionary work into German territories. His translation of the Book of Mormon was published in German in 1852. Taylor’s short-lived newspaper, Zion’s Panier, published in Hamburg, was intended to introduce Mormonism to the German people. In the first issue of, Zion’s Panier, November 1851, Taylor would present a brief introduction to Mormonism, its history and beliefs. Taylor, like Hyde before him, dealt with common Mormon themes, such as the First Vision and the origin of the Book of Mormon.35 Unknown to Taylor at the time, Mormon missionaries had already been working along the Danish border in the northern part of Germany. The Duchies of Schleswig and Holstein would be the first German states to hear the Mormons’ message. The first two convert baptisms in Germany for which there is any record, took place September 15, 1851, just across the then border with Denmark. George Parker Dykes, the Mormon missionary to Scandinavia, performed these baptisms. As a result of a meeting between John Taylor and George P. Dykes in England formal Mormon missionary activity into Germany began. Dykes had been banished from Denmark and was on his way home to Utah, when he met John Taylor in London. Taylor as well had planned to return home from France after completing the publication of the French edition of the Book of Mormon. Taylor had come to England looking for funding for his publication of French and German translations of the Book of Mormon. Taylor, however, had received instructions from Brigham Young requesting he stay in Europe for another year. It was then that Taylor decided to go to Germany. While still in France Taylor had met George Viett, a recent convert to Mormonism. Viett was from Germany but had been teaching in France. Viett told Taylor that he would be able to translate the Book of Mormon into German. Taylor responded to Viett’s offer telling him that a proper translation would take more than simple language skills. Taylor intimated that in order to make a proper translation a person also needed to understand the concepts that they were translating. Viett did not meet Taylor’s criteria as a translator. It was after this exchange that Taylor had gone to England to search for a person who knew both the language, and understood the concepts to help with the German translation of the Book of Mormon. At first Taylor was unsuccessful in his search for a translator. After meeting with Dykes, Taylor would learn that Dykes had knowledge of the German language, as well, being a missionary, Dykes understood Mormonism. Taylor persuaded Dykes to accompany him to Hamburg and to help him in translating the Book of Mormon.36 35 36

We will deal with the German Mormon literature in another section. See Samuel W. Taylor and Raymond W. Taylor, The John Taylor Papers: Records of the Last Utah Pioneer, 2 vols, Taylor Trust, Redwood City, 1984, vol. 1, pp. 168–169; Jenson, Encyclopaedic History, p. 280.

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Dykes arrived in Hamburg in the latter part of September 1851.37 Taylor arrived in Hamburg several weeks later, around the early part of October. George Viett, the German schoolteacher who had joined the Mormons in Paris, joined Taylor and Dykes in Hamburg. The translation of the Book of Mormon was undertaken by four individuals, Taylor, Dykes, Viett, and Karl Müller, Taylor’s first convert in Hamburg.38 Traditional Mormon history has Taylor given editorial help from professors at the university in Hamburg in preparing the manuscript for the German translation. The translation would be published in German as, das Buch Mormon: Ein Bericht Geschrieben von der Hand Mormons auf Tafeln Nephi’s Tafeln Entnommen.39 When Taylor had first decided to leave France for Germany he had written Brigham Young and asked him to send Daniel Garn to help with the missionary work in Germany.40 The German speaking Garn was also to help with the translation work. When Taylor left Hamburg for a conference in Paris on December 18, 1851, the German manuscript of the Book of Mormon was only half completed. After stopping in Paris, Taylor then went on to England once again where he met with the recently commissioned missionary Daniel Garn. Garn’s arrival in Hamburg on April 3, 1852 marks the formal beginning of the German Mission. Daniel Garn replaced Taylor, and together with Dykes, and Viett they continued working on the translation project.41 The translation was completed and, das Buch Mormon was published on May 25, 1852. With the earlier departure of John Taylor, Dykes and Garn were the only two Mormon missionaries in Germany. Dykes left Germany the day after the first German edition of the Book of Mormon was published leaving Garn as the lone missionary in Germany. The Book of Mormon contained both French and German translations, alternating pages between the two languages, with French on one page, and the corresponding German translation on the other.42 37 38 39

40

41 42

See German Mission Manuscript History, September 15, 1851. Scharffs, “Das Buch Mormon,” p. 37. See Roberts, Life of John Taylor, p. 142. Roberts Anglicizes the name to Charles Miller. See Taylor, The Last Pioneer, p. 156. The volume was titled Buch Mormon: Ein Bericht geschrieben von der Hand Mormons auf Tafeln Nephi’s Tafeln entnommen, In das Englische übersetzt von Joseph Smith jun., John Taylor und Georg P. Dykes (übers.), John Taylor (Hrsg.), F. H. Nestler & Melle, Hamburg, 1852. See Taylor, The John Taylor Papers, vol. 1, p. 174. There are variant spellings of Daniel Garn. He does appear as Carn in several Mormon documents including Andrew Jenson’s Church Chronology: A Record of Important Events Pertaining to the History of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, 2nd edn, The Deseret News Press, Salt Lake City, 1914. I will keep with the Garn variant of the spelling throughout this work. See German Mission Manuscript History, September 8, 1851. Scharffs, “Das Buch Mormon,” p. 37. See Roberts, Life of John Taylor, p. 142. The German translation was half completed when Taylor left. It had taken the four men two months to bring it to that stage. Contrasted to the

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In locating to Hamburg Taylor fully expected better results in Protestant northern Germany than his efforts in Catholic France had been.43 In France, Taylor had encountered difficulty in proselytizing not through formal opposition, but through indifference to the Mormons’ message.44 The Mormons had difficulties in most Catholic countries as they were seen as just another Protestant sect that lacked any apostolic authority. There is no clear evidence as to why Dykes and Taylor chose Hamburg as the starting point for the Mormon mission in Germany. Several possibilities may exist. Because of Dykes’ success in the Danish territories of Schleswig and northern Holstein, geography may have influenced the decision to choose Hamburg. Hamburg being a German island surrounded by Danish territory made it relatively easy to cross from Danish into German territory. Hamburg being the largest city in the area that the Mormons were already working may have also played a role. Perhaps it was thought that the international scope of Hamburg and its reputation as a cosmopolitan Anglophile city would make the Mormon message more palatable to the inhabitants. It is also plausible that choosing Hamburg had something to do with the recent Danish converts to Mormonism. In Denmark the Mormons had made inroads among the Baptists and Hamburg was home to a large German Baptist population. The earliest Mormon converts in Denmark were former members of Pastor Peter C. Mönster’s Baptist congregation in Copenhagen. Mönster had two congregations, one in Copenhagen, Denmark and the other in Hamburg. Of the two congregations the Hamburg church was where Mönster was resident pastor. It was as a result of problems in Hamburg that Mönster withdrew to the church in Copenhagen. The newly converted Danish Mormons first began to proselyte among the Baptists in Copenhagen before engaging the larger Lutheran population.45 Erastus Snow, an early missionary in Denmark, remarked that Methodists and Baptists were more receptive to the Mormon missionary message than were the Danish Lutherans.46 The conversion of Mönster’s followers in Denmark could have provided solid missionary contacts for the Mormon missionaries in Hamburg. Seeing success through the conversion of the Danish Baptists, it would be plausible to think that the Mormons would expect similar results among Mönster’s congregation in Hamburg.47 As the Baptists struggled to achieve official recognition they often

43 44 45 46 47

French translation, which had been in the process of being translated for one and one-half years. See Taylor, The Last Pioneer, p. 154. Taylor, The Last Pioneer, p. 154. Taylor, The Last Pioneer, pp. 154–155. See the tract One Year in Scandinavia by Erastus Snow, p. 6. Snow, One Year in Scandinavia, p. 6. There does appear to have been some interaction between the Mormons and Baptists in Germany. One of the earliest warnschriften to appear in German was Der Mormonismus

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faced state sanctions against public proselyting among the resident population. Hamburg had become a central city for Baptist activity in Germany as it was surrounded by Danish territory. By crossing the Elbe into neighbouring Altona an individual could easily escape the German authorities. 48 Under Danish rule since 1640, Altona had long been noted as a city welcoming to religious refugees. Tolerant and open, the city had welcomed Shephardic Jews from Portugal, the Mennonites, and was home to the German Böhmist movement. Altona seemed to be an ideal location as a base for proselyting into the neighboring regions. The Baptists took advantage of the city’s location, and soon the Mormons would as well. There seems to have been some contact between the missionaries in Scandinavia, and additional interested parties in the northern part of Germany. Scandinavian missionary Erastus Snow mentions he exchanged a series of letters with a prospective convert in northern Germany.49 There is no mention of whether this person became a convert or not, but the person did express interest in Mormonism. Snow records that he had sent a copy of Pratt’s Voice of Warning to a German who had begun translating it. Snow says: “I came by steamboat to Wismar, in Germany, and from thence to London; passing through the states of Mecklenburg-Schwerin, Hanover, Belgium, and part of Prussia, by railway, and crossed the channel from Ostend to Dover. On my way I called upon a pious German nobleman, on the Elbe, with whom I had corresponded, and to whom I had sent a "Voice of Warning." He welcomed me to his family; and said he had begun to translate the Voice of Warning into German. His interest or curiosity became sufficiently excited to induce him, in a few

48

49

published by the Baptist Hamburger traktat verein. See Der Mormonismus, Hamburger traktat verein, Johann G. Oncken (Hrsg.), Ackermann & Wulff, Hamburg, 1855. See also Friedrich Anton Löwe, Kritische Musterung der Traktate deutsch evangelischer Gesellschaften: Nebst einem unmassgeblichen Worte über das deutsche Traktatenwesen und eine Reform desselben; auf Veranlassung des Central Ausschusses für die innere Mission der deutschen evangelischen Kirche, Agentur des Rauhen Hauses, Hamburg, 1852, p. 6. The Baptist’s chose Hamburg, and its nearness to Altona for this very reason, as they could easily avoid detection. The movement across the Elbe from Hamburg into Altona would allow the persons to cross from German to Danish territory. See William Gammell, A History of the American Baptist Missions, Gould and Lincoln, Boston, 1854, pp. 278 ff. The area surrounding Hamburg and Altona had attracted several minority religious groups. There appears to have been several localized remnant congregants of earlier Anabaptist and Mennonite groups existing in Germany prior to the arrival of the Anglo-American missionaries in the early 1800s. Johann Gerhardt Oncken headed up such a small group in Hamburg. In 1834 Oncken came into contact with Baptists from the Edinburgh Bible Society and joined his group to the Baptists, as he held similar views. Within three years Baptist churches had been established in Berlin, Oldenburg, and Stuttgart. See Joseph Lehmann, Geschichte der deutschen Baptisten, Bd. 1, Bildung, Ausbreitung und Verfolgung der Gemeinden bis zum Anbruch wirklicher Religionsfreiheit im Jahre 1848, J. G. Oncken Nachfolger, Hamburg, 1896, pp. 41–42. “Letter to President Brigham Young,” dated July 15, 1851, in Snow, One Year in Scandinavia, pp. 12–16.

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Dykes had been assigned to the Scandinavian Mission with Erastus Snow in 1850. It was from his assigned mission station in Jutland that Dykes had crossed the border into Germany. Dykes had been with the Mormons since the 1830s. As a member of the Mormon para-military organization in Missouri, the Danites, Dykes had signed the Warning Against Dissenters, a written death threat against former Mormon leaders Oliver Cowdery, David and John Whitmer.51 In 1842 Dykes, had proselyted among Norwegian immigrants in La Salle County, Illinois.52 Being familiar with Scandinavian languages, culture, and customs he was an obvious choice as a missionary to Scandinavia. Dykes arrived in Copenhagen in May of 1850 and by mid June 1850 Snow and Dykes had met with Peter C. Mönster, the Danish Baptist pastor.53 Mönster was at first open and helpful to the Mormons but as his congregation began to convert to Mormonism the initial cordial contact ended. Snow records: “Last Monday, the 12th of August, we began to baptize, and baptized fifteen the first night, and eleven more during the week, making twenty-six in all. The greater part of these are from Mr. Mönster’s followers, and the best he had; and many more of them are believing, while the rest of them are full of wrath and indignation. Mr. M. himself, who received us at first, and opened the way for us to form acquaintances with his people, now stands as it were upon a pinnacle undecided whether to forsake his people or the truth; still he will not turn against us and those who have left him; his influence is exerted for good, and I still hope and pray that he may follow…. Among those who are baptized are Germans, Swedes, and Danes-all, however, understanding the Danish. They are well-grounded in the work and firm-We had with us one copy of Elder O. Hyde’s German work, which we kept moving among the Dutch, and when we found any that could read English, we gave them English books;… ”54

The interaction between the missionaries in Scandinavia and Mönster’s followers in Denmark may be the major reason Hamburg was chosen as the initial Mormon base in Germany. There does seem to be additional contact between the Scandinavian missionaries and German speakers in the borderlands of northern Germany during the early 1850s. The early German-speaking converts to Mormonism came

50 51 52

53 54

Snow, One Year in Scandinavia, p. 15. See Quinn, The Mormon Hierarchy: Origins of Power, pp. 481, 489. See Latter-day Saint Journal History, May 18, 1843, LDS Church Archives. William Mulder, “Norwegian Forerunners Among the Early Mormons,” Norwegian-American Studies, vol. 19, 1956, pp. 46–61, p. 46. See Andrew Jenson, History of the Scandinavian Mission, Deseret News Press, Salt Lake City, 1927, pp. 4–7. Snow, One Year in Scandinavia, p. 7.

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from towns such as Oldesloe, Rendsburg, Flensburg, and Schleswig.55 What ever impact the early work of Taylor and Dykes had in Germany it would soon be overshadowed by the efforts of Daniel Garn. The arrival of Daniel Garn in Hamburg on April 3rd 1852 signalled the beginning of the Mormons first systematic attempt at converting all of Germany to Mormonism. With a freshly printed Buch Mormon in hand the missionaries would attempt to spread the message of the restoration of apostolic Christianity and issue the call to gather to the appointed place of refuge to seek safety from the coming apocalypse. Daniel Garn would be the first of many missionaries to criss-cross the German landscape proclaiming the restoration message of the Prophet Joseph Smith, the visitations of Angels, the uncovering of new scripture, and of a New Jerusalem to be built on the North American continent. C. THE MISSIONARY WORK IN HAMBURG Daniel Garn, the man that John Taylor had specifically asked to be sent from Salt Lake City to take charge of the Mormon missionary work in Germany, was born on December 13, 1802, in St. Clair County, Pennsylvania. Garn’s great grandfather had emigrated from Germany, to Fredrick County Maryland in 1774.56 By the early 1800s the family had moved to Pennsylvania. It is not certain if the religious background of the family was German Reformed or Lutheran prior to Garn’s conversion to Mormonism. Garn’s historical connection to Mormonism dates back to the mid 1830s. The Garn family history states that Garn was baptized by Hyrum Smith, the brother of Joseph Smith, in Kirtland, Ohio. The history also adds that Book of Mormon witness Peter Whitmer “confirmed” Garn.57 Garn received his Patriarchal Blessing under the hands of Joseph Smith Sr. while in Kirtland. In Nauvoo Garn served as the bishop of the sixth ward.58 Daniel Garn was chosen as the bishop of the Ger-

55

56 57

58

Early convert Hans Peter Immanuel Hoth was from Oldesloe. He mentions additional converts from Schleswig, Rendsburg, Rostock, and Schwerin. See Tagesbuch Hans Peter Immanuel Hoth, December 16, 1853–September 27, 1857. Original in Bancroft Library Special Collections, University of California, Berkeley. Photocopy in possession of author. See Garn Family History, unpublished history, p. 152, Photocopy in possession of author. Confirmation is one of the initial Five Ordinances, or rituals that members undertake. It is similar to the confirmation within western Christianity, both mainline Protestant churches and Roman Catholicism. The ritual involves the “laying on of hands” and imparting “the gift of the Holy Ghost” by a person holding a Melchizedek priesthood office. The person is accepted as a member at this point. The ritual is performed for the living and as a proxy ritual for a deceased person. See Rulon G. Craven, “Confirmation,” Daniel H. Ludlow (ed.), Encyclopedia of Mormonism, Macmillan, New York, 1992, pp. 310–311. See Nauvoo High Council Minutes for August 20, 1842.

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man ward by the German speaking converts in Nauvoo on December 7, 1842.59 The ward’s meetings and services were to be held in German with Garn leading the congregation. Daniel Garn is a figure of great interest in early Mormon history. Garn, a member of the High Council in Far West, Missouri rode with Sampson Avard’s Danites. Like Dykes, his name can also be found on the Warning Against Dissenters of 1838.60 Garn also participated in the Battle of Crooked River and was among those arrested and sentenced to death for treason against the State of Missouri.61 In Nauvoo, Illinois he was one of Joseph Smith’s personal bodyguards. Garn became part of the original Nauvoo Police, and was part of the Night Watch entrusted with providing protection for Smith.62 The Nauvoo Police was less a police force than a group of enforcers existing solely to protect Joseph Smith from his adversaries. Smith had escaped custody in Missouri and spent the 1840s under constant threat of being either kidnapped by bounty hunters, or facing extradition back to Missouri to stand trial. Hence there was a constant vigilance around Smith ensuring that he would not be captured or harmed by his perceived enemies. Garn appears to have been a trusted member of Smith’s inner circle of friends. This can be seen on several occasions through the activities Garn engaged in. On May 3, 1842 Garn was among five trusted Free Masons and former Danites, entrusted with the task of preparing the upper room of Smith’s Red Brick Store for the original Nauvoo Endowment Ceremony. Their task was to lay out the various rooms in Masonic like fashion according to the dictates of Smith.63 At a time when only a handful of select men had any knowledge of the ritual it proved that Garn could be trusted. Like Hyde and Taylor before him, Garn was also a member of the Council of Fifty. It may be safe to assume that the relationship Garn had to Smith, and his membership in the Council of Fifty played a significant role in Taylor’s decision to have Garn sent to Germany. We can gain a good picture of Garn’s character from Nauvoo Expositor publisher William Law. Canadian convert William Law was Joseph Smith’s Second Counselor at the time of Smith’s death. It was Law who led the dissent leading to Smith’s death in June of 1844.64 Law in mid 1844 stated that Garn had told him that Garn had been instructed to kill Law.65 Garn had earlier criticized Law for rejecting polygamy.66 Garn a supporter of polygamy would enter into five polyg59 60 61 62 63 64 65 66

See “Aus der Geschichte der Deutsch Sprechende Missionen,” Der Stern, Bd. 61, Nr. 2, January 27, 1929, pp. 25–26. Quinn, The Mormon Hierarchy: Origins of Power, p. 472. Garn Family History, p. 154. Quinn, The Mormon Hierarchy: Origins of Power, pp. 116–117, 355. Quinn, The Mormon Hierarchy: Origins of Power, pp. 492–493. For discussion of the life of William Law see Lyndon W. Cook, “William Law, Nauvoo Dissenter,” Brigham Young University Studies, vol. 22, no. 1, 1982, pp. 47–72. Quinn, The Mormon Hierarchy: Origins of Power, p. 355. Quinn, The Mormon Hierarchy: Origins of Power, pp. 642–643.

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amous marriages in his lifetime. 67 At the time he served as a missionary in Germany he was a polygamist, having married Priscella Marsteller in 1847. His fourth wife Augusta Wagner was born in Breslau, in 1836. It is not known if she converted to Mormonism while still in Prussia or after her emigration to the United States. Of the early Mormon missionaries in Germany during the 1850s and 1860s the large majority of these were polygamists, and belonged to the Council of Fifty.68 Garn was no exception. Following Smith’s death, Garn followed the Quorum of Twelve Apostles westward to Utah. In Utah he served as a colonel in the territorial militia, the Nauvoo Legion, and as the Presiding Judge in Utah County.69 In the six months between his arrival in April and August 1852, Garn had baptized 10 individuals. These baptisms had increased his Hamburg congregation to a total of 12 members. The Hamburg branch was established on August 1, 1852. By November of 1852 the number of Mormon converts in Hamburg had grown to 21. Garn also visited two previously established branches in northern Germany located in the towns of Schleswig and Flensburg.70 Garn had become aware of the two branches shortly after establishing the Hamburg congregation. The two north German branches were technically part of Danish territory and had been established in 1852 by Hans P. Jensen, a missionary in the Scandinavian Mission.71 The two northern congregations in Schleswig do appear to have been German speaking rather than Danish. Garn was instrumental in translating several important Mormon booklets and tracts from English into German. Garn hoped that the translations would help with the missionary effort in Germany. Garn chose Parley P. Pratt’s Voice of Warning, and Orson Spencer’s defence of polygamy, Patriarchal Order, or Plurality of Wives, as the first items to be translated.72 The two works would appear in Ger67 68

69 70 71

72

Family Group Sheets: Daniel Garn, Latter-day Saints Genealogical Library, Salt Lake City, N.D. Photocopy in possession of author. George P. Dykes, Orson Hyde, John Taylor, and Daniel Garn, had all entered into plural marriages prior to arriving in Germany. Several future plural wives of Mormon missionaries who had proselyted in Germany were born in Germany. An in-depth study of the dates, and places of conversion are lacking. Whether these future plural wives converted in their native countries, or after immigration to North America would provide a topic for future research. Garn Family History, p. 160. Jenson, Encyclopaedic History, p. 280 Jenson, Encyclopaedic History, p. 280 states that the churches in Schleswig and Flensburg were grounded as part of the Scandinavian Mission by George P. Dykes and Hans P. Jensen. It is hard to determine if Garn is hoping to seek credit for grounding these congregations or if he is merely reporting of their existence. Parley P. Pratt, A Voice of Warning and Instruction to All People, Containing a Declaration of The Faith and Doctrine of the Church of the Latter Day Saints, Commonly Called Mormons, W. Sanford, New York, 1837. Orson Spencer, Patriarchal Order, or Plurality of Wives! By Elder Orson Spencer, A.M., Chancellor of the University of Deseret, Utah Territory, U.S.A., and President of the Prussian Mission of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-

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man under the titles, Eine Stimme der Warnung und Belehrung für alle Völker oder eine Einleitung zu dem Glauben und den Lehren der Kirche Jesu Christi der Heiligen der letzten Tage, and, Die Patriarchalische Ordnung.73 During the week of February 2, 1853, Garn would see his translation of Parley P. Pratt’s, Voice of Warning, ready for distribution in Germany.74 Pratt’s Voice of Warning was the first publication outlining the tenets of Mormonism. Prior to its appearance in 1837 Mormon beliefs were only available through the church’s newspapers, or the canonical Book of Mormon and Doctrine and Covenants. The work expressed the millenarian themes of pre-Nauvoo Mormonism. In subsequent editions the themes that had characterized early Mormonism, cataclysmic destruction, the call for the conversion of the Native Americans, and the appearance of Jesus among his gathered followers in Zion on the western Missouri border was toned down. The early Mormon “voice of warning” of the end of time morphed into a missionary message that would be able to reach a wider audience. Textual changes to the original would appear starting with the 1839 edition deleting and adding sections, and strengthening earlier arguments. By contrasting the 1837 edition with the second European edition of 1854, one is able to see the changes in the text of the Voice of Warning.75 Garn set up his headquarters in the Danish possession of Altona, at 33 Schleswig und Holsteinischer Hof Grosse Freiheit.76 From there early Mormon missionary efforts concentrated on converting the Christian population of Hamburg. It seems that early missionary efforts were limited to preaching in the homes of the recent converts or in the homes of interested parties. The earliest Mormon services were held in the home of Christian Binder, and other early converts.77

73

74 75

76 77

day Saints. Being his Fifteenth Letter in Correspondence With the Rev. William Crowel, Samuel W. Richards, R. James, Liverpool, 1853. See Albert Reidel, Die Geschichte der deutschsprachigen Missionen der Kirche Jesu Christi der heiligen der letzten Tage, Bd. 1, Service Press, Salt Lake City, 1971, p. 3; Parley P. Pratt, Eine Stimme der Warnung und Belehrung für alle Völker oder eine Einleitung zu dem Glauben und den Lehren der Kirche Jesu Christi der Heiligen der letzten Tage, Daniel Carn (übers.), F. H. Nestler & Melle, Hamburg, 1853. The first English version reflects the Mormons official name at the time Church of the Latter Day Saints, rather than the later Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints. Orson Spencer, Die Patriarchalische Ordnung, oder die Mehrheit der Frauen, N.P., Zürich, 1855. The Latter Day Saints Millennial Star, 132 vols, The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, Manchester, Liverpool, London, 1840–1970, vol. 15, no. 10, March 5, 1853, p. 158. Parley P. Pratt, A Voice of Warning and Instruction to all People, Containing a Declaration of the Faith and Doctrine of the Church of the Latter Day Saints, Commonly Called Mormons, 8th edn, F. D. Richards Liverpool, 1854. See p. 123, 1837 edition cf. pp. 93–106 of the 1854 edition. A second addition was placed at the end of Chapter 4 as found in the 1837 edition. Cf. p. 139, of the 1837 edition with pp. 115–131, of the 1854 edition. Latter Day Saints Millennial Star, vol. 15, no. 10, March 5, 1853, p. 156. Latter-day Saints Millennial Star, vol. 16, no. 39, September 30, 1854, pp. 621–623. Joseph Edmund Jörg, Geschichte des Protestantismus in seiner neuesten Entwicklung, 2 Bde.,

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Binder, his wife, and John Berger had converted to Mormonism, and had been part of the original Hamburg branch. Binder was Garn’s first convert in Hamburg and would later emigrate to Utah. Before reaching Salt Lake City, Binder would leave Mormonism and write letters home to Hamburg affecting additional members in the Hamburg church. Binder’s letters to family and friends in Hamburg would have an impact on the Mormons as it alerted the authorities to their activity within the city. The last reference we have of the Hamburg branch meeting as a group is in the home of Johann Martin Garner in August 1854.78 Problems for the Mormon missionaries in Hamburg began early. Daniel Garn had scarcely been in Germany for six months when his difficulties with the German authorities began. In a letter from Garn, by now president of the German Mission, to Samuel W. Richards, Garn details his missionary work in Germany for the preceding months.79 The Latter Day Saints Millennial Star editorial for March 5, 1853 comments on the events that transpired in late 1852.80 Garn in his letter to Samuel W. Richards of January 27, 1853 personally relates his experiences before the Hamburg Senate. Garn begins his letter by stating that no sooner had he arrived back in Germany from England when he received a notice that he was to attend a hearing before the police secretary. Garn had arrived back in Hamburg on November 20th 1852. On the 29th he was to appear before the police. Garn states that the authorities inquired as to his citizenship and the nature of his business in Germany. Garn replied that he was a Mormon missionary and had been sent to work in Hamburg. To which the authorities asked, “why don’t you go to nations that are not Christians.”81 Garn was also asked if John Taylor and George P. Dykes were still in Hamburg and if the Book of Mormon and Taylor’s Zion’s Panier were still being printed.82 The Hamburg authorities had properly come to understand that a conversion to Mormonism would be followed by emigration to the United States, as they asked Garn if the converts were going to America. The authorities in Hamburg seemed to have drawn their information from a publication outlining Mormon beliefs. As to what particular publication this was is unknown as sources are lacking from this early period.

78

79 80 81 82

Herdische Verlag, Freiburg, 1858, Bd. 2, Die Schwärmerkirche und ihre Bedingungen, p. 600. Jenson, Encyclopaedic History, p. 281. George Reiser in the account of his arrest in 1854, lists a John F. Germer as part of the Hamburg membership, and the person at whose home early meetings were held at. Garner and Germer may be the same individual with variant spellings. See Latter-day Saints Millennial Star, vol. 16, no. 39, September 30, 1854, pp. 620, 623. “Daniel Garn to Samuel W. Richards,” is found in the Latter Day Saints Millennial Star, vol. 15, no. 10, March 5, 1853, pp. 156–158. Latter Day Saints Millennial Star, vol. 15, no. 10, March 5, 1853, pp. 152–154. Latter Day Saints Millennial Star, vol. 15, no. 10, March 5, 1853, p. 156. Latter Day Saints Millennial Star, vol. 15, no. 10, March 5, 1853, p. 156.

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The German authorities did seem to have a correct understanding of Mormon beliefs such as the concept of the Gathering. They understood fully that German converts to Mormonism would be required to locate with the Saints in an American Zion. While the authorities took a special interest in curbing the spread of Mormonism in Hamburg, the public was also made aware of the arrival of the Mormons. It was reported that Hamburg newspapers had responded to the Mormons’ evangelistic efforts in the city with an expose article on the group. Garn reports that the newspaper article, which appeared in the summer of 1852, warned the readers that the Mormons practiced polygamy and that all citizens of Hamburg should be wary of them.83 The Germans seemed to be aware of what the Mormon missionary message contained. The state authorities concern over German’s emigrating to America surfaces often in Mormon descriptions of encounters with authorities. Mormon convert John Berger mentions he as well was asked if the Mormon converts intended to emigrate to Utah. 84 Berger, a Hamburg native of 45 years had converted to Mormonism when he had gone to hear Garn preach. The early Mormon meetings in Hamburg were held in house churches, in the homes of the early converts such as Berger.85 Through the autumn of 1852 there were several exchanges between the Mormons, the American Consul who had intervened on the Mormons’ behalf, and the republican Free City of Hamburg Senate. The democratically elected Senate would reach its conclusion whether to allow Garn and the Mormons to proselyte in Hamburg by early December of 1852. On December 10th 1852, Garn would appear before Senator Gossler who informed Garn that the Hamburg Senate had chosen to expel Garn from their city.86 The Senate allowed Garn two weeks to leave. Garn was given the option of acting upon the verdict or file an appeal. Garn had appeared before the authorities, either Senate or police, eight times between November 1852 and February of 1853. Although an eviction order is issued on December 10, 1852, Garn is still in Hamburg on February 11, 1853.87 The banishment decree by the Hamburg Senate seemed to have little effect on Garn. Garn continued to work in and around Hamburg despite the ruling of the Hamburg Senate. Orson Spencer states that Garn upon his expulsion from Ham83 84 85

86

87

“Daniel Garn to Samuel W. Richards,” August 6, 1852. The letter is reproduced in Reidel, Die Geschichte der deutschsprachigen Missionen, pp. 26–30. Latter Day Saints Millennial Star, vol. 15, no. 10, March 5, 1853, p. 156. George Reiser mentions that the early meetings in Hamburg were held in the homes of John F. Germer, Peter Berger, and persons with the last name of Betz, and Younge. Reiser retained residency in Altona at a Mr. Theile’s, where services were also held. Latter-day Saints Millennial Star, vol. 16, no. 39, September 30, 1854, p. 623. The Senator in all likelihood is Großbürger Herman Gossler of the Berenberg–Gossler– Seyler banking dynasty. Gossler served on the Hamburg Senate from 1842–1877. From 1848–1853 Gossler was Polizeiherr. Latter Day Saints Millennial Star, vol. 15, no. 10, March 5, 1853, p. 157.

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burg had retreated to Danish Altona in order to continue the missionary work from there.88 During the month of January, Garn claimed to have baptised five individuals, while four more were baptised in early February.89 Garn remained in Hamburg until the summer of 1853. In August 1853 Garn would lead 17 German converts to Liverpool. These were the first German converts to leave for Utah. From Liverpool their journey to the Great Salt Lake valley would begin. It is not until February of 1854 that Garn finally leaves Germany. Garn would take with him additional German converts aboard the Windemere.90 While it seems that Daniel Garn’s encounter with the state authorities had little effect on his missionary efforts, for the five missionaries who arrived in early 1853 their experiences would prove otherwise. D. THE KINGDOM HAS COME On January 22, 1853 five new missionaries would arrive in Germany. Three were to proselyte throughout various German cities and states and two were dedicated to opening the Prussian Mission. Native German George C. Reiser proselyted in Hamburg and in the Kingdom of Württemberg from January 22, 1853 to September 6, 1853. Reiser was eventually expelled from Hamburg on February 5, 1854. Missionary Jacob F. Secrist served in Hamburg and in Saxe-Meiningen through out the year 1853. On May 13, 1854 he was transferred to Bern, Switzerland and continued to proselyte among German speakers in the Swiss Mission. The third missionary George Mayer remained in Hamburg until his transfer to the German speaking regions of the Swiss Mission on March 23, 1853. A former missionary companion of Daniel Garn, Jacob Houtz, was also among the new missionaries sent to Germany. Jacob Houtz, sometimes spelled Foutz, was born in Reamis, Union County, Pennsylvania. Houtz had served on a proselyting mission with Garn to the German ethnic population of Pennsylvania in the 1840s. As a result of his missionary experience among the German ethnics he had been sent specifically to Prussia. Like many of the missionaries to Germany during the mid-nineteenth century Houtz was an advocate for polygamy. Later in life Houtz would be arrested in Springville, Utah for unlawful cohabitation under the 1887 Edmunds–Tucker Act.91 The last of the five missionaries to arrive

88

89 90

91

Orson Spencer, The Prussian Mission of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints: Report of Elder Orson Spencer to President Brigham Young, Samuel W. Richards, Liverpool, 1853, p.4 Latter Day Saints Millennial Star, vol. 15, no. 10, March 5, 1853, p. 158. See Jenson, Encyclopaedic History, pp. 280–281. As well see entries for February, and April 1854, Jenson, Church Chronology, p. 50. The Germans arrived in Salt Lake City in October of that year, Jenson, Church Chronology, p. 52. See Jenson, Church Chronology, entry for April 6,1887, p. 146.

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in Germany was former Baptist clergyman Orson Spencer. Spencer joined Houtz as the Mormon missionaries to Prussia. The five new missionaries joined Daniel Garn who was already working in Hamburg. With the addition of the five missionaries in late January 1853, the total of full time missionaries in Germany came to six. Three of the new missionaries, Mayer, Reiser and Secrist would initially remain with Garn in the Hamburg area, while Spencer and Houtz were to travel to Berlin in an attempt to establish a mission in Prussia. Using Hamburg as a base, Garn expanded the proselyting effort by sending two of the missionaries, Reiser and Secrist, to an area 20 miles west of Hamburg.92 Reiser and Secrist were sent to Boizenburg an der Elbe, in Mecklenburg-Schwerin where Garn had already made a few converts. Reiser and Secrist remained in Boizenburg for a few weeks baptizing an additional three individuals.93 By March of 1853 the Mormons had missionaries in Hamburg, Schleswig, Mecklenburg-Schwerin, and in Brandenburg-Prussia. The Mormons’ next step would see their efforts expand south to Hessen and into Württemberg, and east into Saxony. 1. George C. Reiser in Württemberg Of the five missionaries who came to Germany in January of 1853, only George C. Reiser was a native German.94 George Christian Reiser was born in Kornwestheim, Württemberg on July 16, 1818. He had emigrated along with his family to join with Joseph Baumler’s German Separatist community at Zoar, Ohio in 1831. Reiser spent time in Marion, County Ohio eventually moving to Quincy, Illinois in the early 1840s. At the time of his conversion to Mormonism, Reiser appears to have been a member of the United Brethren. Reiser was converted to Mormonism by an employee, Ebenezer Kerr, and was baptized on December 12, 1842. His brother, John J. Reiser also converted to Mormonism.95 Having relatives remaining in the area, Reiser was selected to take the Mormon message to his home region near Stuttgart. Reiser made his way into southern Germany around March 22, 1853. On his way to Kornwestheim, Reiser stopped over at Meckburg in Hessen. Reiser would proselyte in Meckburg by distributing copies of the recently published Eine Stimme der Warnung. Reiser

92 93 94 95

Latter Day Saints Millennial Star, vol. 15, no. 10, March 5, 1853, p. 158. Latter Day Saints Millennial Star, vol. 15, no. 23, June 4, 1853, p. 365. Reiser is often spelled Riser in Mormon documents. I will use Reiser throughout this work. Christian Palmer, Die Gemeinschaften und Sekten Württembergs, Aus dessen Nachlaß, von Jetter (Hrsg.), Laupp, Tübingen, 1877, p. 198; Davis Bitton, Guide to Mormon Diaries and Autobiographies, Brigham Young University Press, Provo, 1977, p. 297; Andrew Jenson, Latter-day Saint Biographical Encyclopedia, 4 vols, Salt Lake City, Andrew Jenson History Company, 1901–1936, vol. 4, 1936, pp. 337–338.

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recalls in his account of the events in Meckburg that the town leaders read the book and then began to ask questions about the Mormons and their teachings.96 Based on their assessment the town’s leaders decided that Reiser should be refused permission to preach publically in Meckburg. Reiser left Meckburg and continued on to Kornwestheim. Reiser details the events of his arrival with the Mormon gospel in southern Germany. The town had been made aware of the arrival of the missionary from America. Prior to his arrival Reiser had sent a letter to his uncle telling him of his upcoming visit to Kornwestheim. Shortly after his arrival Reiser visited, his old “priest” who had learned of Reiser’s forthcoming visit through Reiser’s family.97 Reiser feeling that his relations to the priest were cordial, asked to preach in the church. The clergyman refused this request, but offered an alternative venue, the schoolhouse, where a meeting could be held.98 Reiser’s former Pastor, Lechler, requested that Reiser not preach from the Book of Mormon in return for having access to the schoolhouse.99 Reiser agreed to the terms. Reiser’s meeting in Kornwestheim marks the first time on German soil that the Mormons were granted access to a public building in which they were able to preach their message. Reiser conducted two meetings in Kornwestheim. The first meeting was held in private at his uncle’s house, and was attended by several neighbours and acquaintances of Reiser. Here he talked of his conversion experience and gave a brief history of the Mormons. The first public meeting in Württemberg took place in the evening of Monday, March 28,1853. The atmosphere in the meeting seemed cordial, and both the local clergy and Reiser’s former schoolteacher were present. The two town officials participated in the meeting by leading those gathered in the singing of hymns.100 Reiser’s talk for the one and half hour evangelistic meeting revolved on the topic of “Truth.” As was often customary among early Mormon missionary meetings listeners were invited either to debate, or to ask questions of the missionaries. Lechler took exception to Reiser’s message and Reiser’s tactic of attacking the beliefs of the Christian churches.101

96 97

Latter Day Saints Millennial Star, vol. 15, no. 23, June 4, 1853, p. 365. Early Mormon literature makes no distinction between a Catholic Priest and a Protestant Pastor. Mormon understanding of ecclesiastical structure and hierarchy resembles the Catholic notion, of apostolic authority. This has created a skewed view of the claims to authority, duties and privileges of the clergy, or the distinctions, between Protestant and Catholic clergy. As a result they label all clergy as Priests. In this reference it is impossible to determine if the clergyman was Protestant or Catholic. See Latter Day Saints Millennial Star, vol. 15, no. 23, June 4, 1853, p. 365. Christian Palmer intimates that the clergyman was a Lutheran Pastor named Lechler. See Palmer, Gemeinschaften und Sekten Württembergs, pp. 198–199. 98 Latter Day Saints Millennial Star, vol. 15, no. 23, June 4, 1853, p. 365. 99 Palmer, Gemeinschaften und Sekten Württembergs, p. 198. 100 Latter Day Saints Millennial Star, vol. 15, no. 23, June 4, 1853, p. 366. 101 Latter Day Saints Millennial Star, vol. 15, no. 23, June 4, 1853, p. 366.

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The entire incident is also relayed in Christian Palmer’s, Die Gemeinschaften und Sekten Württembergs.102 Palmer’s account of the incident departs from Reiser’s account as recorded in the Millennial Star, on several points. Palmer claims that the meeting was stopped shortly after it had begun because Reiser in short order had dammed all Christian churches, and claimed that all clergy were liars and hirelings of Satan. Reiser in turn complained to the “Dekan,” Christlieb in Ludwigsburg that his reception in Kornwestheim had been anything but welcoming. Dekan Christlieb suggested Reiser leave the area. Reiser took exception to the advice, and before his expulsion from the town Reiser cursed the town for refusing him the privilege to preach saying: “es wird an jenem Tage Sodom und Gomorrha erträglicher ergehen als Kornwestheim.”103 Another first hand account of Reiser’s proselyting in Kornwestheim is found in the Fränkischer Kurier for April 1853. It adds detail little to Palmer’s account or that of Reiser’s own. The only additional detail that the article does add was that Reiser had emigrated to America at the age of 12 with his parents in the late 1820s. The author of the Kurier article had hoped that Reiser would expound on his Mormon beliefs but this expectation was not forthcoming. The Fränkischer Kurier report supports Palmer’s account that Reiser’s discourse had concentrated on the falsehood of all Christian denominations and that no salvation was possible outside of the Mormon Church.104 The Kurier article was sourced from another newspaper whose correspondent was present at the meeting. The account in the Fränkischer Kurier cites as its source the Süddeutsche Warte, Christoph Hofmann’s Tempelgeschellschaft newspaper. The Deutscher Tempel would upon emigration to Palestine in the late 1850s, early 1860s purchase the land occupied by the Mormon sect led by George Adams. Mormon Apostle George Albert Smith visited Palestine in the 1870s and encountered about 600 of Hoffmann’s group who still resided there. 105 Then, as now, Mormons have often wondered why animosity has followed them since their inception. It is perhaps their attitudes towards all non-members that will help in explaining this. Of course, in a historical context this is easy to explain. One of the foundational pillars, the often cited official reason for Mor-

102 Palmer, Gemeinschaften und Sekten Württembergs, pp. 198–199. 103 Palmer, Gemeinschaften und Sekten Württembergs, p. 199. 104 Fränkischer Kurier: Nürnberg Fürther neueste Nachrichten: Mittelfränkische Zeitung, Fränkischer Kurier, Nürnberg, 1850–1949, Bd. 20, Nr. 105, April 13,1853. 105 See Journal of Discourses: By Brigham Young, His Two Counselors, the Twelve Apostles, and Others, 26 vols, Latter Day Saints Book Depot, Liverpool, 1854–1886, vol. 16, p. 92. The organization and the paper are still in existence. For a brief history of the group see Peter Lange, “Von Korntal nach Jerusalem: Christoph Hoffmanns Suche nach der neuen Konfession,” Der besondere Beitrag: Beilage der “Warte des Tempels,” Nr. 1, 1995; Jakob Eisler, “Die Erkundungsreise der Templer nach Palästina 1858: Aus den TagebuchAufzeichnungen des Weingärtners J. Fr. Bubeck,” Der besondere Beitrag: Beilage der “Warte des Tempels,” Nr. 11, 2004.

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monism‘s existence, rests upon the claim that all other Christian churches were false, that they have no legitimacy, and that their clergy are corrupt and willing dupes in a plot by Satan to mislead people. This point was made, not only in public and private discourse, but also in the Mormons’ published materials.106 The events in Kornwestheim tell us much then of early proselyting in southern Germany. The accounts mention that Reiser had challenged Lechler to prove the error of his beliefs publicly. Lechler refused. Lechler had preferred to speak to Reiser privately, rather than embarrass Reiser before the crowd of family and friends. Reiser’s stance in the meeting was in complete harmony with early Mormon proselyting methods. Early Mormon missionaries often took a confrontational approach in their evangelistic efforts. This style of preaching was often accompanied by confrontational literature. Early Mormon proselyting was bounded by a strict dualistic interpretation of the world, good and evil, with the Mormons being the good, the chosen, the elect of God. It is hard to imagine that anything but controversy could have surrounded any missionary efforts by the early Mormons. This is not only evidenced in Germany, but in many of the regions and countries that they proselyted in. In North America they encountered opposition in all seven locales they resided in during the lifetime of Joseph Smith.107 The Mormons in turn chose to interpret this opposition as further proof of the validity of their apocalyptic message. It would not be until the twentieth century when the last vestige of Joseph Smith’s Nauvoo kingdom was laid to rest that they integrated into American society. Not finding a welcoming audience for the Mormon message in Kornwestheim Reiser left for Stuttgart on March 29. Reiser’s ultimate goal was to spread his message throughout Württemberg. In Stuttgart, Reiser filed a petition with the state authorities requesting the privilege of preaching publicly throughout Württemberg. While in Stuttgart he also hoped to present a personal copy of Pratt’s Eine Stimme der Warnung as a gift for the king.108 The personal gift to the king was an ill-conceived idea on Reiser’s part. In retrospect, the book basically ensured that Reiser’s missionary tenure in Württemberg ended in failure. If it were not for the brashness and arrogance of the missionary, his confrontational message, and the content of the literature, Reiser may have found sympathetic ears in Württemberg. The Mormons’ apocalyptic message of the gathering of the elect was not that distinct from the beliefs held by the

106 See Pratt, Eine Stimme der Warnung. There are many more such publications in the English language such as Orson Pratt’s, A Interesting Account of Several Remarkable Visions and the Late Discovery of Ancient American Records, Ballantyne & Hughes, Edinburgh, 1840, his Kingdom of God, R. James, Liverpool, 1848, and several statements by Joseph Smith including his First Vision and the King Follett discourse. 107 For various reasons the Mormons encountered opposition in New York, Ohio, several places in Missouri, and finally in Illinois. 108 Latter Day Saints Millennial Star, vol. 15, no. 23, June 4, 1853, p. 366.

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Separatists. The tenets of Radical Pietism, particularly the teachings of Phillip Michael Hahn, had found an audience among the Württemberger Lutherans and continued to play a role in the lives of many of the state’s citizens. The Mormons’ choice for their missionary literature, Pratt’s Eine Stimme der Warnung, contained a mocking, satirical exposition of both Protestant and Catholic beliefs.109 An early review of the book in the 1837 Mormon newspaper, Latter Day Saints Messenger and Advocate, was less than praising of Mr. Pratt’s work.110 As with much of Mormon literature it is heavily indebted to assumptions. Authors assume to understand the beliefs of those they criticise. Taking as his cue the confrontational method proposed by Pratt’s book, Reiser visited many of the clergymen in the towns and cities surrounding Stuttgart. He requested that the Pastors and Priests allow him to preach in their churches, and to their congregations. When this request was denied he called on the clergy to repent and be baptised.111 On April 5th Reiser states he was asked to appear before a group of town officials and give a defense for his brash and confrontational approach of the previous several days. Unfortunately Reiser does not mention the local at which he is to appear. It appears that one of the local clergy that Reiser had visited had filed a complaint against Reiser. Reiser was brought before the authorities and questioned regarding his purpose and his evangelistic message. The encounter between Reiser and the Württemberg authorities provides us with a glimpse of what the Mormons message entailed, and goes a long way towards reconstructing the contents of the early Mormon missionary message in Germany. In Reiser’s retelling of his encounter with the German authorities we have a first hand account of what the early Mormon missionary message in Germany entailed. Reiser mentions the common Mormon themes such as the apostasy and restoration of apostolic Christianity, and the eschatological role of the Mormons in preparing the world for the Second Advent and the establishment of the Millennial Kingdom. In Reiser’s own words he states: “On the 5th of April I was sent for to appear before one of the authorities who commenced to inform me that it was stated that I had preached in such a way as to come in contact with their priesthood and religion. I replied that I had only preached the truth and if their priests could not bear it that was not my fault. At this he smiled and taking up a sheet of paper wished me to state what difference there was between the doctrine which I taught and that of the Luther-

109 See Pratt, Stimme der Warnung, pp. 114–124. The same arrogance and brashness exhibited in North America seems to have been carried over into the German Mission. 110 See Latter Day Saints Messenger and Advocate, 3 vols, Frederick G. Williams, Kirtland, 1834–1837, vol. 3, no. 12, September 1837, pp. 567–569. In part the review says: “We find it written in a style peculiar to the author, not eloquent but without ambiguity, strong, bold, and expressive. From reading the work now before us, one would readily conclude the author to be much more accustomed to extemporaneous, than written discourses.” 111 Latter Day Saints Millennial Star, vol. 15, no. 23, June 4, 1853, p. 366.

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an religion. I then commenced speaking while he wrote. I first spoke of the falling away or apostasy, its results among thee human family the building up of the Kingdom of God in the last days and how it was set up. I told him an angel came to the earth and bestowed the priesthood upon Joseph Smith and Oliver Cowdery and gave them a commandment to baptize each other which they obeyed, and as they came out of the water, the Holy Ghost fell upon them and they prophesied. I also bore testimony that Joseph Smith afterwards received authority and commandment to organize the Church again as it was anciently with Apostles, Prophets and all the different officers. I testified that the gospel of the Kingdom of God was about to be preached to all nations preparatory to the second coming of Jesus Christ and the ushering in of the Millennium when mankind would live in peace and union with each other and their God. I referred to a number of passages of scripture to prove these subjects scriptural. In answer to a question I told the gentleman that we believed the Book of Mormon to be the word of god as well as the bible I explained to him what the book of Mormon was and how it came forth &c. Our interview lasted about an hour and a half, I talking and the gentleman writing. This writing and the Book of Mormon were sent to the authorities in 112 Stuttgard.”

Upon his return to Kornwestheim, Reiser would learn that the clergy and town authorities had placed a prohibition against his proselyting in public or in private. They felt that Reiser’s attack on the existing churches was causing civil unrest. Reiser’s only response to the prohibition was that he had been sent of God to preach and would not bow to their perverted religious system.113 On April 11th the answer to Reiser’s request to preach publicly in Württemberg arrived from Stuttgart. Reiser was denied permission to preach in Württemberg either privately or publicly. Along with his answer Reiser also received the literature he had left for the king, das Buch Mormon, and Eine Stimme der Warnung. It was felt that the Mormon message was not in the best interests of the people of Württemberg to allow the Mormons to preach openly. Reiser was also to leave the area immediately. Reiser appealed the expulsion order and was able to stay a further eight days. On the 25th of April Reiser went to the local authorities to retrieve his passport. Given the situation, the authorities had banished Reiser from the kingdom without penalty. If he returned they would not be so lenient. They made it clear to him that upon returning to Württemberg he would face a fine, or imprisonment.114 Reiser left Kornwestheim for Hamburg on the 26th of April. Having no money for his return trip to Hamburg, Lechler, the clergyman in Kornwestheim apparently gave Reiser the money for the trip. Before leaving his birthplace Reiser translated Joseph Smith’s revelation on plural marriage and wrote an explanatory letter outlining the purpose of the revelation. This may well be the first German transla-

112 Latter Day Saints Millennial Star, vol. 15, no. 23, June 4, 1853, p. 366. The content of Reiser’s message appears to be in harmony with what we know of his sermon in Kornwestheim. This is brought out in Palmer, Gemeinschaften und Sekten Württembergs, and in the Fränkischer Kurier. 113 Latter Day Saints Millennial Star, vol. 15, no. 23, June 4, 1853, pp. 366–367. 114 Latter Day Saints Millennial Star, vol. 15, no. 23, June 4, 1853, p. 367.

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tion of the revelation outlining the Patriarchalische ehe or vielweiberei as it was often called.115 It should be pointed out that this is the first solid reference we have that the concept of polygamy was introduced to potential German converts. Reiser had prepared the revelation and the accompanying letter for potential converts in Kronstadt. After explaining the concepts to, as he chose to describe them, “a few intelligent people” in Kornwestheim, Reiser left the material in the hands of his cousin who promised to deliver the translated document to Kronstadt. By the 30th of April we find Reiser back in the company of Garn and Secrist in Hamburg. Reiser would remain in the Hamburg area, maintaining a base in Altona through to the fall of 1854. In August of 1854 Reiser would be arrested for proselyting and was forced to make an appearance before the Hamburg Senate. He like Garn before him would be expelled from the city.116 Reiser had little success in the initial attempt at expanding Mormonism into southern Germany. His stay in Württemberg had lasted just under a month. In that time he had only baptised one individual.117 Yet Reiser’s return to his birthplace did provide the first German translation of one of the most important revelations given to Joseph Smith. The revelation now canonized as Doctrine and Covenants 132 has as its theme plural marriage, or “Eine Mehrzahl von Ehefrauen und Konkubine.” That Reiser was able to translate the revelation and have it distributed to potential converts does give us a greater understanding of the early Mormon missionary efforts in Germany. In spite of the controversy surrounding the tenets of the revelation, and the practice of its precepts, Mormon missionaries in Germany were willing to make the public aware of what they deemed an integral part of God’s will for humankind. In Reiser’s appearance before the Hamburg Senate he admitted that the practice was common among the Mormons in Utah.118

115 Joseph Smith’s revelation on “Having many Wives and Concubines” is dated to July 12, 1843. It was first made public in August 1852 in Great Salt Lake City. Orson Pratt was designated to publicly proclaim and defend the concept. The sermon is found in “Celestial Marriage,” a sermon given by Orson Pratt on August 29, 1852 It is found in Journal of Discourses, vol. 1, pp. 58–65. The revelation was first published several weeks later as The Principle and Doctrine of Having Many Wives and Concubines A Revelation to Joseph Smith, Jr., 12, July 1843, from Deseret News Extra, Great Salt Lake City, Utah Territory September 14, 1852, pp. 25–27. Since its initial private introduction in 1843 it was denied that such a practice existed. A translation of a tract by Orson Spencer defending the practice titled Die Patriarchalische Ordnung, oder die Mehrheit der Frauen, would be published in Zürich by the middle of the1850s. 116 For Reiser’s account of his experiences in Hamburg see Latter-day Saints Millennial Star, vol. 16, no. 39, September 30, 1854, pp. 620–624. 117 Latter Day Saints Millennial Star, vol. 15, no. 23, June 4, 1853, p. 367. 118 Latter-day Saints Millennial Star, vol. 16, no. 39, September 30, 1854, p. 622.

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2. Jacob F. Secrist and the Mission in Saxony Jacob F. Secrist was born September 19, 1818 in Franklin Co, Pennsylvania. He was 34 when he arrived in Hamburg with four other missionaries from America on January 22, 1853. In his first year in Germany Secrist would embark on several missionary tours, primarily to the citizens of Hamburg, and to the Ernestine Duchy of Saxe-Meiningen in eastern Germany. Secrist remained in Germany until May 13, 1854, when he would be transferred to Bern, Switzerland.119 Secrist left his earlier posting in Hamburg for eastern Germany on March 30, 1853. Travelling with a recent convert, known only by the last name of Brower, Secrist crossed the Elbe to Harburg, and then headed into Prussian territory through Hanover. According to Secrist their immediate destination in Prussia was Wisonsay, where Brower’s family still lived.120 According to the account given in the Millennial Star, the two arrived in Wisonsay on Saturday and while Brower attended to personal business, Secrist remained in the elderly Brower’s home over the weekend.121 There is a discrepancy between Mormon accounts, and the account given in the German archival sources on the location of Secrist’s first recorded difficulties with German authorities. Mormon sources, the Millennial Star, and Andrew Jenson’s Church Chronology, also differ on the name of the town that Secrist stopped in on his way to Saxe-Meiningen. The Millennial Star list Secrist’s initial destination as Wisonsay. Andrew Jenson’s Church Chronology lists the town as Wissen an der Sieg. According to the German sources Secrist arrived in the town of Weissensee, not Wisonsay, or Wissen an der Sieg, after leaving Hamburg on March 29. Notes from the interview with Secrist, and the accompanying summation sent to the Prussian Minister des Innern, Ferdinand von Westphalen in early April 1853 confirms this.122 Weissensee lies north of Erfurt, in the old Erfurt district of Prussia, in what is now modern day Thuringia. A railroad ran south from 119 Jenson, Latter-day Saint Biographical Encyclopedia, vol. 3, p. 711. 120 Latter Day Saints Millennial Star, vol. 15, no. 23, June 4, 1853, p. 362. In a somewhat butchered attempt at German, Wisonsay can be construed as Weissensee. Andrew Jenson’s Church Chronology lists the town as Wissen an der Sieg, in the Prussian Rhine Province, near Bonn. See entry for March 5, 1853, p. 48. It is doubtful Secrist headed west instead of east, as it would have added almost 500 km to his trip. Secrist mentions he took a rail car to Harburg, then walked 50 km over the mountains to Weissensee. This is an obvious mistake as the railhead was at Harburg. Rail stops within 50 km from Weissensee were Gotha and Erfurt. Eisenach was about 70 km, and Göttingen, and Kassel a bit over 100 km. Secrist’s ultimate destination was Meiningen, the capital of Saxe-Meiningen, which lay 65 km south of Gotha. 121 Latter Day Saints Millennial Star, vol. 15, no. 23, June 4, 1853, p. 362. 122 “Weissensee Interview of Secrist, I 3381,” GStA PK, I. HA Rep. 76 Kultusministerium, III Sekt. 1 Abt. XIII a Nr. 28 Beiheft Bd. I–IV Sekte der Mormonen, 1853–1917, Bd. 1, April 1853–January 1903, p. 9; “An Minister des Innern Westphalen, No. 2835, Weissensee, April 6, 1853,” GStA PK, I. HA Rep. 76 Kultusministerium, Bd. 1, pp. 10–11.

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Harburg, through the Kingdom of Hanover, into Hesse-Kassel, through the cities of Göttingen and Kassel, and Rotenburg, then east into Saxony, through Eisenach, Gotha, Erfurt, and Weimar; the last cities mentioned are all near Secrist’s ultimate destination of Saxe-Meiningen. On Tuesday morning Brower and Secrist made their way to the town’s authorities with whom Brower had left Secrist’s travel documents. According to Secrist, the town’s officials, particularly the Bürgermeister, were interested in the American’s reasons for being in Weissensee. They asked questions regarding the nature of Secrist’s business in Weissensee, and were interested in knowing if he was a clergyman, and whether he had any literature with him? Secrist respond affirmatively to the last two questions. The Weissensee town officials appear to have had some previous knowledge of the Mormons. Secrist recounts that the officials were in possession of published materials from which they had drawn specific questions for Secrist to answer. As Secrist describes the incident: “He brought a book and commenced reading….”123 Secrist does manage to relay some of the quoted book’s content. As we have no direct reference to the work, aside from Secrist’s paraphrase of the book, it is difficult to determine the actual book the Weissensee officials were quoting from. The Prussian report of the Weissensee interview does contain references to John Taylor’s Zions Panier, and the Garn translation of Parley P. Pratt’s Eine Stimme der Warnung.124 Whether the officials were referencing the Mormons’ own materials or German authored books is not known. Although most German works on Mormonism in this early period contain only a brief, general reference to Mormonism, there are several works that do deal with Mormonism in-depth. The possibility does exist that the Weissensee officials were quoting from one of these early German authored works. One of these early works was Alexander Ziegler’s, Skizzen einer Reise durch Nordamerika und Westindien.125 Ziegler’s work is a first hand account of the Mormon exodus from Nauvoo and one of only a few German publications of this early time period. Another work of the period is Catholic Bishop Johann Martin Henny’s, Ein Blick in’s Thal des Ohio oder Briefe über den Kampf und das Wiederaufleben der katholischen Kirche im fernen Westen der vereinigten Staaten Nordamerika’s.126 Henny, Anglicized as Henni, arrived from Switzerland in 1829 123 Latter Day Saints Millennial Star, vol. 15, no. 23, June 4, 1853, p. 363. 124 “An Minister des Innern Westphalen, No. 2835, Weissensee, April 6, 1853,” GStA PK, I. HA Rep. 76 Kultusministerium, Bd. 1, pp. 10–11. 125 Alexander Ziegler, Skizzen einer Reise durch Nordamerika und Westindien mit besonderer Berücksichtigung des deutschen Elements, der Auswanderung und der landwirtschaftlichen Verhältnisse in dem neuen Staate Wisconsin, 2 Bd. Arnold, Dresden und Leipzig, 1848, Bd. 2, pp. 60–66. 126 Johann Martin Henny, Ein Blick in’s Thal des Ohio oder Briefe über den Kampf und das Wiederaufleben der katholischen Kirche im fernen Westen der vereinigten Staaten Nordamerikas, Hübschmann, München, 1836, pp. 116–120.

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and worked in the Cincinnati area until being appointed the first Bishop of Milwaukee in 1843. He was instrumental in the creation of Marquette University, and established the first Catholic newspaper in the United States, Der Wahrheitsfreund. Henny’s work is one of the earliest German language books on Mormonism that attempts to explain the beliefs of the group. Henny gives an account of the birth of Mormonism, the Smith family’s involvement in money digging, and the establishment of Zion in Jackson County, Missouri. There is no mention made of any of these details in the Secrist account. The same can be said of the account given by Ziegler. While German authorities in Hamburg and Weissensee appear to have had previous knowledge of the Mormons we have no way of determining if this knowledge was drawn from English, or German sources as German language publications dealing with the Mormons at this time were limited.127 While much information on the Mormons had been published before the 1850s, the majority of these publications would have been in English. We find that in many of the earliest German sources on Mormonism there appears to be a reliance on American or English sources of the time.128

127 Some early publications from the late 1830s and 1840s would be “Anfang und Ende der Mormonenkirche in Nordamerika, “Das Pfennig: Magazin für Belehrung und Unterhaltung, Nr. 17, April 29, 1843, pp. 133–134. Which gives a brief description of the Mormons. “Der Mormonismus,” Blätter für literarische Unterhaltung, 72 Bde., 1826–1892, F. A. Brockhaus Leipzig, Nr. 240, August 28, 1843, pp. 962–963, and the work of prison reformer Nikolaus Heinrich Julius, Nordamerikas Sittliche Zustände: Nach eigenen Anschauung in den Jahren 1834, 1835 und 1836, Bd. 1, F. A. Brockhaus, Leipzig, 1839, p. 199. Additional works would include “Die Mormoniten,” Alexander Müller (Hrsg.), Der Canonische Wächter, eine antijesuitische Zeitschrift für Staat und Kirche und für alle christliche Confessionen, F. A. Brockhaus, Leipzig, 1831, Nr. 98, December 9, 1831, p. 872; Thomas Hamilton, Die Menschen und die Sitten in den Vereinigten Staaten von Nordamerika, Bd. 1, Heinrich Hoff, Mannheim, 1834, pp. 190–191; Thomas Hamilton, Leben und Sitten in Nordamerika, Bd. 2, Gottfried Basse, Quedlinburg und Leipzig, 1834, pp. 259–261; Paul Wilhelm, Herzog von Württemberg, Erste Reise nach dem nördlichen Amerika in den Jahren 1822 bis 1824, J.G. Cotta, Stuttgart und Tübingen, 1835, p. 386; Carl Nicolaus Röding (Hrsg.), Amerika im Jahre 1831, Hoffmann & Campe, Hamburg, 1832, pp. 453–454. 128 German publications from the time period 1845–1855 would include Amalie Schoppe, Der Prophet: Historischer Roman Neuzeit Nord Amerikas, 3 Bde., Friedrich Luden, Jena, 1846; Ziegler, Skizzen einer Reise durch Nordamerika und Westidien; The Austrian, Portfolio für Länder und Völkerkunde: Mittheilungen des neuesten und interessantesten aus dem gebiete der geographie, F. H. Ungewitter (Hrsg.) C. A. Hartleben's verlags-expedition, Pest und Wien, 1853, pp. 257–290; Moritz Busch, “Die Heiligen vom jungsten Tage,” Wanderungen zwischen Hudson und Mississippi 1851 und 1852, 2 Bde., Cotta, Stuttgart und Tübingen, 1854, Bd. 2, pp. 1–82; Howard Stansbury, Die Mormonen Ansiedlungen, die Felsengebirge und der große Salzsee: Nebst einer Beschreibung der Auswanderer Straße und der interessanten Abenteuer der Auswanderungen nach jenen Gegenden; geschildert auf einer Untersuchungs Expedition, Franckische Verlagshandlung, Stuttgart, 1854, and Moritz Busch, Die

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As Secrist was originally on his way to Saxe-Meiningen, the stay in Weissensee would only delay his departure for the southeastern German state. Uncertain as to what to do with the Mormon missionary the local officials deffered their judgement to the Land Rath. The Land Rath decided that Secrist was not allowed to preach publicly, or sell his books within Prussian territory. Secrist was also prohibited from giving away any of his books.129 The decision of the Land Rath rested on Secrist’s word that he was only passing through Prussian territory with his final destination being Saxe-Meiningen. In return for no further action being taken against him, Secrist was to leave Prussian territory by April 11th. Secrist left for Erfurt, which lay 35 kilometers south of Weissensee, on the 9th of April.130 After arriving in Erfurt, Secrist began his journey to the town of Meiningen where he knew of a person who may be receptive to his message. His contact in Meiningen was the brother of an individual that Secrist had baptised in Pennsylvannia during the 1840s. His contact in Saxony was not receptive to Secrist’s proselyeting attempts and advised Secrist not to distribute his books in the area.131 Secrist gives us a glimpse of the tracts that he carried with him. German translations of Mormon material being limited at this early date, the main pieces of literature that the Mormons distributed were, das Buch Mormon, Garn’s translation of Pratt’s Eine Stimme der Warnung, and old copies of John Taylor’s Zion’s

Mormonen: Ihr Prophet, ihr Staat und ihr Glaube, Lorch, Leipzig, 1855. Schoppe’s work was a novel but she did draw on current literary sources for her information. Theodore Olshausen would publish a three volume set titled Vereinigten Staaten von Amerika geographisch und statistisch beschrieben between the years 1853–1855. The first volume, Das Mississippi-thal im allgemeinen, Akademische buchhandlung, Kiel, 1853, included a section on the Mormon persecution leading up to their movement to the Salt Lake Valley. See pp. 282– 297. A second volume, on Missouri, would appear in 1854, the third in the set touching on Iowa, in 1855. Olshausen published a full treatise on the Mormons by the end of 1856, titled Geschichte der Mormonen oder Jüngsten Tages Heiligen in Nordamerika, Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, Göttingen, 1856. Olshausen, a leading figure in Schleswig-Holstein politics left for North America and was editor of the German language Westliche Post newspaper in St. Louis. Material from his newspaper could have found their way to Germany as there was an interchange with several Berlin newspapers as well as with the popular family magazine, Die Gartenlaube. Daniel Garn notes in his letter to Samuel W. Richards that the Hamburg papers had printed an expose on the Mormons. Earlier, in 1842, Orson Hyde in his, Ein Ruf aus der Wüste, mentions that the paper in Regensburg had reprinted an article from a foreign paper. Garn and Secrist all mention that books were present and were used by officials from which they drew their questions. Whether these mentioned sources came from German-American newspapers, or books is difficult to determine. 129 “An Minister des Innern Westphalen, No. 2835, Weissensee, April 6, 1853,” GStA PK, I. HA Rep. 76 Kultusministerium, Bd. 1, pp. 10–11. 130 Latter Day Saints Millennial Star, vol. 15, no. 23, June 4, 1853, p. 363. 131 Latter Day Saints Millennial Star, vol. 15, no. 23, June 4, 1853, p. 364.

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Panier.132 There is no mention that Orson Hyde’s Ein Ruf aus der Wüste was used as a missionary tract as had been the case in Schleswig earlier.133 We do know that Secrist did carry a selection of English books with him. What these English books were is difficult to determine. These more than likely would have been used in any missionary endeavour should he encounter English speaking individuals.134 There is also no evidence that Reiser’s translation of the revelation on “Mehrzahl von Ehefrauen und Konkubinen” was used in any missionary efforts in Saxe-Meiningen. The meeting in Meiningen between Secrist and the authorities is reminiscent of nearly all early Mormon encounters with German authorities. Upon his arrival in Meiningen, Secrist met with the local officials. Two clergymen were also present at the initial meeting. The clergymen present had familiarised themselves with Secrist’s books which had arrived ahead of him after being shipped from Weissensee. They asked Secrist specific questions regarding the initial theophany of Smith, his First Vision, and the concept of plural marriage, or Mehrzahl von Ehefrauen. In response to the questions Secrist would answer: “…that Joseph Smith was born in 1805, that he was fifteen years old when he first saw the angel, which would be in the year 1820. I told them the circumstances of Joseph Smith’s revelation, that the Angel told him that all religious societies were teaching incorrect doctrines, and that those societies had no true priesthood. At this one Priest got up and left the room. They asked me whether we did not have another mode of marriage. I told them we had an or135 der of marriage that was of God, as was the Gospel we taught.”

Two important points of the early Mormons’ missionary teachings in Germany are brought out in Secrist’s response to the authorities. First, Secrist mentions that an angel visited Smith in 1820. The initial theophany of Smith, a concept now known as the First Vision, has undergone many stages of development over the years. In the twentieth century it became the central focus of the Mormon missionary message.136 This development has caused the “angel” of the earliest ac-

132 The Weissensee documents confirm the selection carried by Secrist. See “An Minister des Innern Westphalen, No. 2835, Weissensee, April 6, 1853,” GStA PK, I. HA Rep. 76 Kultusministerium, Bd. 1, pp. 10–11. Daniel Garn mentioned that Orson Spencer’s Patriarchalische Ordnung was also to be translated. The exact date when Spencer’s work was first published in German is unknown. It is believed it appeared sometime between the years 1855–1857. See Reidel, Die Geschichte der deutschsprachigen Missionen, p. 31 133 Snow, One Year in Scandinavia, p. 7. 134 Latter Day Saints Millennial Star, vol. 15, no. 23, June 4, 1853, p. 364. Erastus Snow distributed English books in Denmark; see Snow, One Year in Scandinavia, p. 7. 135 Latter Day Saints Millennial Star, vol. 15, no. 23, June 4, 1853, p. 364. 136 See James B. Allen, “The Significance of Joseph Smith’s 1st Vision in Mormon Thought,” Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought, vol. 1, no. 3, 1966, pp. 29–45. As well James B. Allen, “The Emergence of a Fundamental: The Expanding Role of Joseph Smith’s 1st Vision in American Religious Thought,” Journal of Mormon History, vol. 7, 1980, pp. 43–69 and

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counts, to be replaced by two divine beings “the Father and the Son.” Secrist, like other Mormon writers of this time period, Orson Hyde,137 and Orson Pratt,138 mentions that an angel, and not God and his son Jesus visited Joseph Smith.139 Secondly we see an unusual openness in which Secrist admits that the Mormons’ practice an “alternative mode of marriage,” or polygamy. This openness in admitting to the practice of polygamy would have been a recent development. While those outside of Mormonism had long suspected, and accused the Mormons of practicing polygamy since the early 1830s, it was only within the perceived refuge of the Salt Lake valley that the Mormons admitted to its practice openly. The public admission that Mormons were practicing polygamy was made less than a year before Secrist’s writing. In the late summer of 1852, Orson Pratt was selected to deliver the first public address on polygamy.140 Few examples exist of polygamy being taught in other mission fields to potential converts even after the public announcement. Missionaries in domestic or foreign fields would have been excommunicated for revealing the concept in public meetings, let alone to government officials. Having listened to Secrist the officials in Saxony decided that Secrist should leave the area. Secrist was to leave the territory immediately or face imprisonment.141 In order to save himself from an ugly situation, Secrist asked to have his travel documents transferred to Württemberg, where fellow missionary George Reiser was still proselyting. This request was denied him. Although having been banned from Prussia, only weeks before, Secrist was forced once again to cross into Prussian territory. Arrest awaited him in Prussian territory if the authorities stopped him. Secrist fearing arrest headed for the Duchy of Saxe-Gotha. From the city of Gotha he would catch a train to Hamburg and the safety of his fellow missionaries.142 John Taylor’s initial expectations, like Joseph Smith’s years before, had seen the Germans as a people ripe for conversion to the Mormon message.143 Although

137 138 139

140 141 142 143

Marvin S. Hill, “The First Vision Controversy: A Critique and Reconciliation,” Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought, vol. 34, no.1–2, 2001, pp. 35–45 Hyde, Ein Ruf Aus der Wüste, pp. 13–15. Pratt, A Interesting Account, pp. 5–6. All of the accounts of this experience, written or dictated by Smith in the 1830s mention the appearance of an angel, not the “Father and the Son.” For a full discussion of the First Vision see Kurt Widmer, Mormonism and the Nature of God: A Theological Evolution 1830–1915, McFarland and Co. Publishers, Jefferson, 2000, pp. 91–107. See “Celestial Marriage,” Journal of Discourses, vol. 1, pp. 58–65, and “The Principle and Doctrine of Having Many Wives and Concubines,” pp. 25–27. Latter Day Saints Millennial Star, vol. 15, no. 23, June 4, 1853, p. 365. Latter Day Saints Millennial Star, vol. 15, no. 23, June 4, 1853, p. 365. Taylor, The Last Pioneer, p. 156, has John Taylor saying “Among the German people, we find very much sterling integrity, and there will be thousands and tens of thousands of people

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the initial expectations of the Mormons were high, the German converts never materialized as they had in the British Isles or the Scandinavian countries. The five missionaries sent to Germany had little success in gaining converts. By August 1, 1852 the central branch of the German Mission, the Hamburg branch, had only 12 members. By 1853 the Hamburg branch had 21 members. Daniel Garn did manage to establish another branch outside of Hamburg in MecklenburgSchwerin. The branch at Boizenburg had a total of 25 members. It is generally believed that the Hamburg branch was the first branch to be established in Germany. Officially it was the first branch established under the German Mission. Earlier excursions into Schleswig by members of the Scandinavian Mission had resulted in earlier branches being established in northern Germany. Prior to the grounding of the Hamburg branch Hans P. Jensen had established branches in the towns of Schleswig and Flensburg.144 3. The Prussian Mission The Mormons’ first attempts at expanding their influence outside of the Hamburg area in 1853 had met with little success. The missions of George Reiser and Jacob Secrist had only resulted in the Mormon missionaries being expelled from Württemberg, and Saxe-Meiningen. One of the original missionaries, George Mayer, never undertook any extensive missionary work in Germany. Almost immediately after his arrival Mayer was sent to the German speaking parts of Switzerland to begin missionary work there. Would the remaining two missionaries sent from Salt Lake City, Orson Spencer and Jacob Houtz, have greater success in Berlin? After all it was Friedrich Wilhelm IV, the Hohenzollern monarch who had wished to know more of the Mormons history and beliefs? Orson Spencer and Jacob Houtz had been sent directly from Salt Lake City to open a mission to Prussia and wasted little time in Hamburg. They had gone almost directly to Berlin. Before setting out for Berlin they had met with the American consul in Hamburg, Samuel Bromberg, who had informed the pair that the Prussians would not debate whether to allow them to proselyte or not as had occurred in Hamburg. Rather, and Bromberg seemed adamant about this, that the Mormons had little chance of proselyting in Prussia and expressed surprise that the Mormons would even undertake such a task.145 Nevertheless the pair left for Berlin to tempt their fate in Prussia.

in that country who will embrace the faith, and rejoice in the blessings of the gospel.” This is reminiscent of Smiths comment to Orson Hyde prior to his setting out on the mission to Palestine. 144 See Jenson, Encyclopaedic History, pp. 280–281. 145 Spencer, The Prussian Mission, p. 3.

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The story of the opening of the Prussian Mission is centered on the request of Friedrich Wilhelm IV for information on the Mormons from his representative in Washington, Friedrich Joseph Karl Freiherr von Gerolt. Two of the letters from Gerolt still exist. Gerolt had included in his correspondence articles from several sources outlining the present Mormon difficulties within the United States.146 Council of Fifty member John T. Bernhisel, the territorial representative of Utah in the United States Congress, heard of this request and quickly sent a dispatch to Brigham Young to illuminate him on this most fortunate turn of events. 147 Young grasped at the opportunity presented to him and sent two of his most educated men to Berlin, Orson Spencer and Jacob Houtz. Spencer, a former Baptist minister, had been the first president of the University of Deseret. Houtz provided the German language skills that Spencer lacked. Houtz had also served as a bishop in Nauvoo and so was familiar with Mormon beliefs. Spencer, and to a greater degree Young, firmly believed that Friedrich Wilhelm, who had expressed interest in Mormonism, would grant an audience and possibly convert to the new religious arrival from America. The Mormons earnestly believed that the conversion of Friedrich Wilhelm would be an example not only for his citizens, but also for the regents of Europe.148 The Mormons saw the request by the Prussian king as a fulfilment of divine prophecy. Tied to a firm millenarian belief that the second Advent of Jesus was near, the Mormons believed that the governing powers of the world would 146 That information was requested seems to be corroborated from the earliest record we have, the correspondence from the Prussian ambassador in Washington, Karl Freiherr von Gerolt dated May 27, 1852. The letter includes several articles on the Mormons from the New York Herald, and the German language publication Janus. Janus was a political journal published in New York. The serial articles sent to Berlin were titled “Eine neue Gefähr fur die Union,” Janus, Bd. 1, Nr. 5, February 4, 1852, Wagenitz, New York. See “Letter From Prussian Ambassador Gerolt, Washington, May 27, 1852,” BArch., Auswärtiges Amt, Abt. III, R901/735454/1, March 1853–1902. A second dispatch was sent from Washington to Berlin dated February 19, 1853. All references designated with BArch., are from the collection of the Bundesarchiv, Berlin. File R901/735454/1 is not paginated. I will reference the documents of the Auswärtiges Amt by their official internal designation. 147 The government in the Utah Territory at this time was not an elected representative government but rather an extension of the Council of Fifty. That is to say the church in Utah saw itself as the only legitimate Government of God. The concept of political representatives being sent dates back to the time of Joseph Smith when Almon W. Babbitt, and others were sent to the kingdoms of the Earth. See The Proclamation of the Twelve Apostles dated April 6,1845; Quinn, The Mormon Hierarchy: Origins of Power, pp. 79–142, 192–198 As well David Bigler, Forgotten Kingdom: The Mormon Theocracy in the American West, 1847–1896, Utah State University Press, Logan, 1998. See especially Chapter 2, “Founding the Kingdom,” pp. 43–62, and Chapter 4, “The Kingdom Sovereign,” pp. 87–102. 148 This line of thinking is seen in Orson Spencer when he speaks of Czar Nicholas’ revelations and apparent mandate to unify all of Christendom. Spencer acknowledges that Friedrich Wilhelm and Nicholas appear to be pious men who have a role in a coming eschatological schema. See Spencer, The Prussian Mission, pp. 14–16.

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soon convert to Mormonism as had been prophesied.149 The opportunity that presented itself with the inquiry of Friedrich Wilhelm IV was for the Mormons one of many validations for the truthfulness of their message. It was also a sign that the end of the world was near. The attempt to convert the King of Prussia was not the first attempt to convert a regent of Europe to Mormonism. A decade earlier, Parley P. Pratt in a Letter to Queen Victoria, had also made such an attempt.150 After their arrival in Berlin, Spencer and Houtz visited the American Legation in hopes that the consular office could provide access to the king. Originally they had hoped to meet with Envoy Daniel D. Barnard, but finding they needed an introduction they were received by the Legation’s secretary Theodore S. Fay. After discussing their intentions with Fay, and Barnard, it was suggested that access to the king could be provided through the Kultusminister Karl Otto von Raumer. As Kultusminister, von Raumer headed the Preußisches Ministerium der geistlichen, Unterrichts und Medizinalangelegenheiten. The government department, and hence the minister of the department had jurisdiction over the religious, educational, and medical spheres of Prussian civil society since 1817. Envoy Barnard expressed doubt as to whether the Mormons would be allowed to proselyte openly within Prussian territory. Barnard also told Spencer that it was already

149 The Proclamation of the Twelve Apostles, April 6, 1845 stated in part: “To all the King’s of the World; To the President of the United States of America; To the Governors of the several States; And to the Rulers and People of all Nations: Greeting: Know Ye: That the kingdom of God has come: as has been predicted by ancient prophets, and prayed for in all ages; even that kingdom which shall fill the whole earth, and shall stand for ever....This High Priesthood, or Apostleship, holds the keys of the kingdom of God, and power to bind on earth that which shall be bound in heaven; and to loose on earth that which shall be loosed in heaven. And, in fine, to do, and to administer in all things pertaining to the ordinances, organization, government and direction of the kingdom of God. Being established in these last days for the restoration of all things spoken by the prophets since the world began; and in order to prepare the way for the coming of the Son of Man. And we now bear witness that his coming is near at hand; and not many years hence, the nations and their kings shall see him coming in the clouds of heaven with power and great glory….Therefore we send unto you with authority from on high, and command you all to repent and humble yourselves as little children, before the majesty of the Holy One; and come unto Jesus with a broken heart and a contrite spirit; and be baptized in his name, for the remission of sins (that is, be buried in the water in the likeness of his burial and rise again to newness of life, in the likeness of his resurrection), and you shall receive the gift of the Holy Spirit, through the laying on of the hands of the Apostles and elders, of this great and last dispensation of mercy to man.” It is not hard to draw the conclusion that when the King of Prussia requested information about the Mormons that this was in accordance with held beliefs regarding the Mormons and the end of days just prior to the establishment of the Millennium. 150 See Parley P. Pratt’s 1841 letter to Queen Victoria titled, A Letter to the Queen, Touching the Signs of the Times, and the Political Destiny of the World, Parley P. Pratt, Manchester, 1841. The letter is also found in Parley P. Pratt, An appeal to the inhabitants of the state of New York, letter to Queen Victoria, the Fountain of Knowledge; Immortality of the Body, and Intelligence and Affection, John Taylor, Nauvoo, 1844, pp. 7–14.

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public knowledge that the Mormons were on their way to Berlin. It seems that newspaper articles outlining the Mormons’ proselyting efforts in Denmark and details of their political aspirations in the United States had preceded the missionaries’ arrival in Prussia.151 With little help forthcoming from the American diplomatic staff, the Mormon missionaries proceeded on their own. They had come to see the events preceding their arrival in Prussia as part of a larger eschatological plan. Spencer was determined to meet with von Raumer, the Prussian Kultusminister, fully believing that von Raumer would provide access the king.152 Spencer sent a letter to von Raumer outlining the purpose of the Mormons’ business in Berlin. In Spencer’s letter to von Raumer, Spencer states that the king himself had expressed interest in the Mormons, their history and beliefs. In response to the king’s request the Mormons had forwarded several books through the Prussian embassy in London.153 Spencer would go on to state that their proselyting mission to Berlin was a direct response to the king’s request and that they wished to personally present the teachings of Mormonism to him.154 Spencer mentions that he had sent a letter of request to von Raumer on January 29, 1853 asking for an audience. Von Raumer relayed that Mormon missionaries had arrived in Berlin to Minister des Innern Ferdinand von Westphalen.155 On Monday the 31st of January a response came and Spencer was invited to present himself to the Polizeipräsident von Berlin. The Prussian authorities must have taken the arrival of the Mormons seriously as Generaldirektor der Polizei in Preußen Karl Ludwig Friedrich von Hinckeldey conducted the interview of the two Mormon missionaries.156 Spencer mentions that the authorities asked what the nature of their business was in Berlin. Additional questions were posited regarding Joseph Smith, who he was and the nature of their marriage system. The authorities also wanted to know if the Mormons considered themselves Protestant or Catholic. As well Houtz and Spencer were asked about any secret rites that

151 Spencer, The Prussian Mission, pp. 5–6. The Prussian Ambassador in Washington had sent copies of serial articles titled “Eine neue Gefähr fur die Union,” from Janus, Bd. 1, Nr. 5, February 4, 1852 the preceding year. 152 Orson Spencer wrote Brigham Young of his experiences in The Prussian Mission. See Spencer, The Prussian Mission, pp.4–7. The tract is also preserved in Reidel, Die Geschichte der deutschsprachigen Missionen, pp. 44–75. 153 Spencer, The Prussian Mission, p. 6. 154 Spencer, The Prussian Mission, p. 7; Reidel, Die Geschichte der deutschsprachigen Missionen, pp. 54–55. 155 “Von Raumer an den Minister des Innern, January 29, 1853,” GStA PK, I. HA Rep. 76 Kultusministerium, Bd. 1, p. 4. 156 Hinckeldey assessment notes and commentary are found in, “Bericht von Hinckeldey, II 1311, February 1, 1853,” GStA PK, I. HA Rep. 76 Kultusministerium, Bd. 1, p. 1; “Bericht von Hinckeldey, I 1021, February 1, 1853,” GStA PK, I. HA Rep. 76 Kultusministerium, Bd. 1, pp. 2–3.

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were practiced.157 Von Hinckeldey passed on his assessment of the Mormons to both von Raumer, and Westphalen.158 While religious affairs were under the jurisdiction of von Raumer’s Ministerium der geistlichen, Unterrichts und Medizinalangelegenheiten, Hinckeldey as Geheimer Oberregierungsrat Leiter der Abteilung für Polizei im Ministerium des Innern, reported directly to Westphalen. Upon hearing Spencer’s explanations to the questions put before him it was decided that the Mormon missionaries were to leave Prussian territory immediately and never return. The missionaries left almost immediately for London. Spencer, his hopes dashed, condemned the Prussians as living in tyrannical darkness.159 The hoped for conversion of Friedrich Wilhelm never materialized. Spencer and Houtz’s mission, which had begun with so much hope and promise, was relegated to the same fate as the missions of Reiser and Secrist. Having been unsuccessful in their attempts to spread Mormonism into other areas of Germany the missionaries retreated to Hamburg. The expected conversions in Prussia, Württemberg, Hessen, and Saxe-Meiningen never materialized. The Mormons were forced to be content with the branches they had established, and the converts they had made in northern Germany. By the summer of 1853 several of these north German converts were prepared to enter into the second phase of the Mormon conversion experience, the gathering of the elect to Zion. E. THE FIRST GERMAN EMIGRATION On August 13, 1853 the first group of German converts to Mormonism, 17 in total, left for North America.160 The 17 were among 58 Mormon converts that were to make the trip to New Orleans, Louisiana. The first German immigrants were Christian Binder and family, Daniel F. Lau, a tailor from Rostock; the Lange family, Friedrich Fichser (Fechser),161 the Neumann Family, and a single woman

157 Spencer, The Prussian Mission, p. 10. 158 “Hinckeldey to von Raumer, February 1853,” GStA PK, I. HA Rep. 76 Kultusministerium, Bd. 1, p. 5; “Hinckeldey to Westphalen, February 15, 1853,” GStA PK, I. HA Rep. 76 Kultusministerium, Bd. 1, p. 7. 159 Spencer, The Prussian Mission, pp. 14–16. Reidel, Die Geschichte der deutschsprachigen Missionen, p. 67. 160 Jenson, Encyclopaedic History, p. 280, and the Latter Day Saints Millennial Star, vol. 15, no. 36, September 3, 1853, p. 587, state the date of departure from Hamburg as August 13, 1853. One of the first 17, Johann Fechser, states they left Hamburg on the August 11, 1853. See Autobiography of Johann Frederick Fechser, typescript by Clyde Isaac Fechser. Photocopy in possession of author. 161 Fechser, a miller by trade, had come to Hamburg where he found employment as a cabinetmaker. He heard Daniel Garn preach in the early summer of 1852 and was baptized in August of 1852. His wife and son would die before leaving for North America. Fechser would settle in Utah and enter into plural marriage by 1857. We will deal more with the social ori-

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named Louisa Arens. Of this group of 17, 14 would apostatize before reaching Salt Lake City. Only Lau, Fechser and Louisa Arens would journey west to the Salt Lake Valley.162 The converts were scheduled to set sail from Liverpool for the American port of New Orleans on board the Rufus K. Page on August 24. From New Orleans they would travel by boat up the Mississippi to St. Louis, then across the plains to the valley of the Great Salt Lake. Mission President Daniel Garn accompanied the first German converts to Liverpool before returning to Hamburg.163 By the end of 1853 the Mormons had baptized 128 individuals in Germany. Of these 128 individuals, 50 had emigrated to Utah. The constant stream of converts leaving for Utah had an effect on the local congregations, and set a pattern for Mormonism in Germany for the next century. As the Gathering, the calling out of the elect to come to Zion, was the central factor in gaining converts, those that converted to Mormonism would need to make preparations for immigrating to Zion. The German branches would see their numbers decrease, as often the most faithful would make the trip to North America. Yet, as we shall see, the Mormons were not only selling North America from a religious point of view, they were also selling North America as a land of opportunity. Many of the later converts joined with the Mormons for the sole reason that America provided economic opportunities. On October 3, 1853, Daniel Garn was once again arrested in Hamburg. Garn was given a choice between a $16.00 fine, 8 days in jail, 50 stripes, or leaving Hamburg. He chose the latter. Garn left Germany and crossed the Elbe into Denmark, settling in Altona.164 On Christmas Eve 1853 Garn left Europe and returned to Utah with 33 German and several hundred Danish converts. Mormon convert Hans Hoth from Oldesloe in Holstein was among this group of immigrants. Hoth’s diary is one of the few extant diaries that provide us with details of the experiences of early Mormon converts from Germany.165 With the departure of Daniel Garn the German Mission was officially closed. The first German Mission had lasted only three years. By the end of 1854 only 69 Mormons remained in

162

163 164 165

gins of the German converts at a later point. See Autobiography of Johann Frederick Fechser. Hans Peter Immanuel Hoth mentions these individuals. Hoth was from Holstein and was part of the second group of German converts to leave for Utah, in late 1853. They journeyed west with Hoth from St. Louis to the Salt Lake Valley. See Tagesbuch Hans Peter Immanuel Hoth. Latter Day Saints Millennial Star, vol. 15, no. 36, September 3, 1853, p. 587. Spencer, The Prussian Mission, p. 3. Tagesbuch Hans Peter Immanuel Hoth, December 16, 1853–September 27, 1857.

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Germany. The Mormon population was scattered throughout the four German branches located in Hamburg, Boizenburg, Schleswig and Flensburg.166 The era of designated resident missionaries in Germany came to an end with the departure of Daniel Garn. Mormon missionaries were still to be found in Germany after 1854 but only as an extension of the Swiss-Italian Mission. Missionary activity in the German states appears to have existed on a limited scale during this period. Although missionary activity appears limited, converts were still being made as emigration of Germans to Utah continues on into the early part of 1855. The number of converts and immigrants appears to have remained relatively small. In February of 1855 another 15 individuals emigrated from Germany under Jacob Secrist and George Reiser. This of course further depleted the small German branches.167 While the Mormons early expectations for conversions were not met, the early mission in Germany did bring some future rewards. By the mid 1850s with no official presence, and only two missionaries remaining in Germany, there was little hope that Mormonism would flourish in Germany as it had in Denmark or Great Britain. The unexpected conversions in the Kingdom of Saxony of Edward Schönfeld, Edward Martin, and Karl Mäser gave hope to the Mormons that their early efforts in Germany would not be a complete disaster. Karl Mäser would eventually emigrate to Utah and become a prominent figure within Mormonism. In Utah he would bring reform to the Mormon educational system establishing it along the lines of the German school system. Whether it is myth or actual history, it is generally believed that the three converts had read a booklet by Moritz Busch on the Mormons.168 Having their interest peaked by Busch’s accounts, the three residents wrote to the Scandinavian Mission President John van Cott for information on Mormonism. Cott forwarded the request to then Swiss-German Mission president Daniel Tyler. Tyler responded to the request and sent missionaries into Saxony. The three would be baptised by William Budge and Franklin D. Richards in 1854.169 Following the conversion of Mäser, Martin, and Schönfeld a renewed missionary effort would begin in and around the Dresden area. In Saxony the Mormons would have minor success. On October 21, 1855 the Mormons fifth branch

166 Of the first emigrants to leave Hamburg in August of 1853 the majority were from Mecklenburg-Schwerin. Those that sailed with Hoth in the latter part of 1853 were mostly from Hamburg, Schleswig and Holstein. 167 See Jenson, Church Chronology, entry for February 3, 1855, p. 52. 168 There is no reference as to the exact title of the Busch work. The only two works that would fit in the time period are a chapter on the Mormons in Wanderungen zwischen Hudson und Mississippi 1851 und 1852 titled “Die Heiligen vom jungsten Tage,” and his Die Mormonen: Ihr Prophet, ihr Staat und ihr Glaube. Both of the Busch works are not overly critical of the Mormons. There have been arguments made that it was Busch’s Die Mormonen. See A. Le Grand Richards, “Moritz Busch’s Die Mormonen and the Conversion of Karl G. Maeser,” Brigham Young University Studies, vol. 45, no. 4, 2006, pp. 47–68. 169 Richards, “Moritz Busch’s Die Mormonen,” pp. 57–61.

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in Germany, would be established in Dresden.170 As the converts again began to gather to Zion, the branches would again become depleted with little hope of replacing the lost members. Germany as an independent mission has existed only sporadically since the 1850s. For most of the nineteenth century it was an extension of the greater Swiss Mission.171 Just as the first German Mission had ceased to exist after the departure of Garn, the revived German mission field would be closed a second time in 1861. The German Mission would remain part of a SwissGerman Mission until 1897, when once again a fully independent German Mission would be created. It would not be until the twentieth century that a selfsustaining German mission would be established. The establishment of the mission and the growth in the field would eventually result in the European headquarters of the LDS church being moved to Frankfurt am Main.

170 The short pamphlet on the Dresden branch to celebrate its 150 anniversary lists Dresden as the third branch established in Germany. This would be accurate if we were to discount the two branches established prior to the official opening of the German Mission, in Schleswig and Flensburg by George P. Dykes and Jens Jensen. See Eva Maria Bartsch, Die Gemeinde Dresden wird 150 Jahre alt März 2005, N.P., N.D. Photocopy in possession of author. 171 The Swiss Mission was first organized in1850. Over time the mission expanded and contracted its geographical areas dependent upon membership and the number of conversions. At times the mission has been named the Swiss and Italian (1854–1861), Swiss, Italian and German (1861–1868), Swiss and German, (1868–1898), and the Swiss (1898–1904). Germany has at various times been included as part of that mission excepting of course the years in which it had its own dedicated mission.

V.

THE MISSIONARY MESSAGE A.

THE EUROPEAN MISSION

Mormon missionary approaches and proselyting techniques have changed over the years. The development of these approaches can chronologically be placed within three major historical phases. Roughly, these phases can be divided into the following periods: 1830–1850, 1850–1950, and 1950–to the present. The phases do overlap, but each is distinctive in the literature that was used to engage the potential convert, and in the approaches used in the conversion process. Samuel Smith, the brother of Mormon founder Joseph Smith, has commonly been recognized as the first official Mormon missionary. In early 1830 Smith traveled through the New England states and Canada selling the newly published Book of Mormon.1 As a result of the success of their efforts in Canada, the Mormons set their sights on the British Isles.2 The British Isles would provide the majority of Mormon converts for most of the nineteenth century. It is estimated that 66% percent of the Mormons who left Illinois in 1846 and went west to Utah were British converts.3 The Scandinavian countries also provided a substantial amount of converts to Mormonism. Between 1850 and 1930 there were 19,147 conversions to Mormonism in the Scandinavian Mission. While having expanded their mission fields on a geographically global scale during the nineteenth century, still over half of the Mormon converts came from England and Scandinavia. While a hope may have existed in creating a global church by the early twentieth century, over half of all Mormon missionaries were still sent to locations in the continental United States.4 Expectations of a large global membership were not being realized and the LDS church remained largely a North American centered church. For over a century Europe was the central focus for Mormon missionary efforts outside of North America. The Mormons’ missionary expansion into Europe had focused primarily on the British Isles since the mission was officially opened

1 2 3 4

Thomas G. Alexander, Mormonism in Transition: A History of the Latter-day Saints, 1890– 1930, University of Illinois Press, Urbana, 1986, p. 212. Alexander, Mormonism in Transition, p. 212. Alexander, Mormonism in Transition, p. 212. In 1901 out of a total of 1,739 missionaries sent worldwide, 985 were sent to the United States. In Europe 275 missionaries were in Great Britain, 171 in Scandinavia, and 80 in Germany. See Alexander, Mormonism in Transition, p. 217.

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in 1837.5 By 1849 the Mormons had expanded onto mainland Europe with Apostle John Taylor seeking converts in France. This initial effort on the European mainland was soon followed by the work of Lorenzo Snow who began proselyting in Scandinavia in 1850. In the same year Thomas B. Stenhouse began proselyting in the Swiss cantons and in the Piedmont region of Italy.6 Aside from the early excursions into then Danish held Schleswig the first full scale German Mission was not undertaken until 1852. While having established a foothold on the European mainland the Mormons continued to concentrate their European efforts in, and from Great Britain. For much of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries all proselyting efforts in Europe would be coordinated from Great Britain. Until 1929 the president of the British Mission also served as the director for all of the European missions. To serve the growing expansion into Europe an increase in the active missionary force was seen. In late 1855 there were 95 missionaries working in mainland Europe. In the decade between 1890 and 1900, 6,000 missionaries left Utah.7 While there was a growth in active missionaries to the region, the efforts in France, Italy, and Germany met with limited success. The realities that emerged in mainland Europe countered the Mormons’ early expectations for the continent. The Mormons, historically, have always tended to overestimate their proselyting successes both abroad and in North America. This overestimation has often led to an inflation of the actual membership numbers. Overestimation of membership, for whatever reason, dates back to the Joseph Smith period. At the time of the death of Joseph Smith in 1844 estimations of the Mormon population were as high as 200,000.8 By 1855 the Mormons estimated their total world membership

5

6

7 8

In the current Mormon understanding a “Mission” is a geographic region that does not have the normal church structure in place. While local congregations do exist, these remain under the oversight of a leadership removed from the local level. Generally, a certain amount of members are needed in order to have a congregation, or “ward,” fully functional by having all of the ecclesiastical positions filled. See Andrew Jenson, Church Chronology: A Record of Important Events Pertaining to the History of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, 2nd edn, The Deseret News Press, Salt Lake City, 1914, entries for June 13, July 1, September 19, November 24, and Dec 1, 1850, pp. 39–41. Alexander, Mormonism in Transition, p. 212. The actual numbers of Mormons in the world in 1844 is difficult to assess. We are fairly certain that in the Nauvoo area approximately 20,000–30,000 would have belonged to the Mormons. Thomas Ford, Governor of Illinois, in his history of the state, lists about 200,000 Mormons in the world. Ford discounts the Mormons own number of 500,000 members. See Thomas Ford, A History of Illinois, From its Commencement as a State in 1818 to 1847, Containing a Full Account of the Black Hawk War, the Rise, Progress, and Fall of Mormonism, the Alton and Lovejoy Riots, and Other Important and Interesting Events, C. S. Driggs, Chicago, 1854, p. 359. An additional 9,000 were recorded as still being in the British Mission. For statistics see The Latter-day Saints Millennial Star, 132 vols, The Church of Jesus

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at 480,000 persons scattered in branches from North America, through Europe, the Crimea, Madras in India, to the pacific islands.9 How these statistical figures were arrived at is uncertain. Of the three European mainland countries, France, Germany, and Italy, only Germany would see any sustained Mormon proselyting efforts throughout the nineteenth century.10 B.

MISSIONARY ACTIVITY

It goes without saying that the Mormons had limited success proselyting in many of the countries of mainland Europe during the nineteenth century. Predominately Protestant nations appeared to have provided the majority of converts to Mormonism. Historically, the Mormons have intimated that the disproportion of conversions on the European mainland, relative to Britain and Scandinavia, both predominately Protestant areas, were always the result of government interference rather than the message of Mormonism itself.11 In the case of the German speaking areas of Europe the success of the Mormon missionaries in gaining converts therefore needs to be kept within perspective. The religious landscape within the majority of German states was a mixture of the major Christian confessions. Members of the large Protestant bodies, Lutheran and Reformed, as well as Catholicism were either the majority, or the large minority, in each of the states. If the earlier Mormon missionary paradigm holds true we would expect to find that the majority of German converts came from among the Protestant populations. While we may be able to generalize the confessional backgrounds of the converts according to the official confessions of the various states, dependent upon their geographical location, such as the Protestant north, and the Catholic south and southeast, we have no solid information on which to make such a claim. Rather, we have only general statistics. We do know that by the end of 1900 the Mormons’ claimed to have 2,827 members in the German speaking lands.12 This seems to be corroborated by Prussian officials who

9 10

11 12

Christ of Latter-day Saints, Manchester, Liverpool, London, 1840–1970, vol. 5, no. 11, April 1845, p. 178. Der Darsteller der Heiligen der Letzten Tage, Daniel Tyler (Hrsg.), 4 Bde., Kirche Jesu Christi der Heiligen der Letzten Tage, Genf, 1855–1861, Bd. 1, Nr. 11, April 1856, p. 171. Both France and Italy had had Mormon missionaries in their countries before Germany. However both countries proved extremely unprofitable and the missionary activity ended. Italy saw the return of Mormon missionaries only in the 1960s after Italian guest workers at the Volkswagen plant in Wolfsburg converted to Mormonism. Wilfried Decoo, “Feeding the Flock: Retaining Church Members in Europe,” Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought, vol. 29, no. 1, 1996, pp. 97–118. Der Darsteller, Bd. 1, Nr. 11, April 1856, p. 171. Most statistics from the nineteenth century are from the varying Missions to which Germany belonged. The statistics are representative of the German speaking lands, Germany, Switzer-

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at the turn of the twentieth century estimated the number of Mormons in Germany to be around 2,000. Yet even this number may not be accurate. As we have seen in an earlier chapter raw statistics do not often give an accurate picture of Mormon missionary success as statistical inflation has always been a problem within Mormonism.13 For much of the nineteenth and early twentieth-century resident membership statistics in Germany were low as many German converts emigrated to Utah. From the extant records we have, 836 German converts emigrated to Utah between the years 1854–1900. These are relatively small numbers compared to the thousands that emigrated from Great Britain and Scandinavia. As well the Mormons’ greatest period of growth in Germany came during the twentieth century. In the first four decades of the twentieth century the Mormons would see their numbers increase to 14,477 resident members and an additional 2,470 members who had emigrated. In total around 13,025 German-speaking Mormons emigrated during the first 100 years the Mormons were active in Germany. Proportionally, the Mormons experienced their greatest growth in the three decades of the 1920s–1950s. During this time period they almost doubled their 1920 total of 9,100. By the end of the 1920s the Mormons reported that Germany was their most successful mission field outside of the United States. While the majority of Mormons still resided in the United States, the total German membership for 1929 was greater than Canada, which traditionally has had the second greatest number of resident Mormons. Germany also held the distinction of being the largest non-English speaking mission in terms of total membership. By the close of 1960 the Mormons’ claimed 18,190 members in Germany. While sustaining a large resident population, emigration of Mormon converts from Germany seems to have continued until the end of the 1960s. Currently the Mormons’ claim to have 30,000 plus members residing in Germany.14 The decade of the 1930s marked a watershed for Mormon missionary activity in the world. New missionary tactics and systematic proselyting methods were introduced in all of the missions abroad. The end result of the tactics appeared to be fruitful as the Mormons saw an increase in their world membership. Statistically, conversions to Mormonism seem to have started to decrease towards the end

13 14

land, and Austria. I will when appropriate give statistics related to Germany alone. Der Stern der Heiligen der Letzten Tage: Eine Monatsschrift zur Verbreitung der Wahrheit, Karl Mäser, et al (Hrsgg.), 125 Bde., Kirche Jesu Christi der Heiligen der Letzten Tage, Bern, Zürich, Hamburg, Dresden, Berlin und Frankfurt, 1869–1999, Bd. 7, Nr. 2, February 1875, p. 48, records the totals for 1874 as 469 members in the Swiss-German Mission, 4,101 members in the British Mission, and 3,810 members in the Scandinavian Mission. According to Der Stern, Bd. 33, Nr. 3, February 1, 1901, pp. 40–41 there were 1,159 members in Germany at the end of 1900. See “Mormons, Mormonism, and the Latter Day Saints,” the Introduction to this work. Bryan R. Wilson, The Social Dimensions of Sectarianism: Sects and New Religious Movements in Contemporary Society, Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1987, pp. 132–133.

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of the nineteenth century. This decline carried on into the twentieth century. Several factors appear to have contributed to the decline. Most notably the after effects of the investigation of Apostle Reed Smoot, coupled with the poor preparation and language skills that the Mormon missionaries possessed seemed to contribute to the decline in conversions.15 Earlier proselyting methods had relied on first generation converts returning to their native lands and proselyting among their former friends and family members who had remained behind.16 This proved to have been an effective method for the first 50 years of the Mormon Church’s existence. Yet there was a drawback to this method. The method was dependent on the previous success of the missionaries in a given land and of course the convert’s subsequent emigration to Zion. If no converts were made, and these converts did not emigrate, the system would thereby lack missionaries with the necessary language skills to engage their former countrymen. As the millennial expectations preceding 1890 went unrealized, the Gathering to Zion became less of a central theme. Emigrating to Zion became less of a requirement and more of an option. It therefore became necessary to introduce a comprehensive system of proselyting in order to allow individuals who lacked proper language skills an opportunity to acquire them. The change in focus on emigration as a requirement to emigration as an option called for new methods to aid in advancing Mormonism throughout the world. In 1900 a missionary training school was organized in order to train effective missionaries.17 Additionally, missionary training courses were introduced at many of the LDS schools throughout Utah.18 The six-month training course covered gospel themes and provided defensible arguments of gospel topics. Additional topics such as natural and revealed religion, biblical history, Book of Mormon history, church history and foreign languages were also taught to the prospective missionary. Part of the missionary’s training included a few helpful hints on how to engage, and converse with potential female converts.19 The missionaries however under instructions that they were not to baptize married females without the consent of their husbands.20 This appears to have been a wise move considering that most foreign governments, and clergy, viewed the primary objective of Mormonism, and its proselyting efforts as consisting solely for the purpose of, and directed toward the conversion of females to satisfy the demand for plural wives.

15 16 17 18 19 20

See “Mormon Appeal to Kaiser,” The New York Times, April 27, 1903. As well see Alexander, Mormonism in Transition, p. 227. Alexander, Mormonism in Transition, p. 213. Alexander, Mormonism in Transition, p. 213. Alexander, Mormonism in Transition, p. 213. Alexander, Mormonism in Transition, p. 214. Alexander, Mormonism in Transition, p. 215.

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The introduction of the educational courses did little to improve the overall missionary success or enhance conversion numbers.21 Even though there was no spike in baptisms over the next three decades the courses became an important part of the Mormon missionary program. The systematic approach to proselyting also enhanced the quality of the individuals sent to represent the LDS church. Whereas once the Mormon missionaries were sent regardless of financial and or personal well being, by the late 1920s explicit guidelines were introduced to combat the stereotype of the Mormon missionary as a vagabond colporteur. Each missionary now required a doctor’s certificate indicating that the individual was in good general health. In order to avoid vagrancy laws while abroad, the missionary would also need to prove that he had sufficient funds in order to stay in the mission field for an extended period of time. To offset the required funds the missionary would also carry a supply of books and tracts that were to be sold.22 Special clothing also became a prerequisite for the missionary. Each missionary was required to dress as a professional as possible. The double-breasted frock coat, stylish for the period, also known as a Prince Albert coat, became the standard uniform for the Mormon missionary. Familiarity with the doctrines of the church, and paying tithe also became important aspects for any prospective missionary. Obeying the church’s dietary restriction, the Word of Wisdom, also became a requirement for those called as missionaries. Following church rules while abroad became part of the message. It appears that prior to 1914 Mormon missionaries in Germany and Switzerland had not followed the prescribed health code. Reports indicate that many of the missionaries drank coffee and tea, and often used tobacco.23 The new regulations also

21 22 23

Alexander, Mormonism in Transition, p. 213. Alexander, Mormonism in Transition, p. 217. There appears to be some evidence to indicate that in the foreign mission fields that strict adherence to the dietary code, the Word of Wisdom was not enforced. A potential convert in the late 1980s was told that he did not need to follow the Word of Wisdom to a tee, and that the Stake President himself mixed water and wine. See “Auswertungs und Kontrollgruppe/ Kontrollgruppe Karl-Marx-Stadt, Operative Auskunft über die Verbindung des IMS zum Pfahlpräsident der “Flax” Mormonen in Freiberg, March 6, 1987,” Kirche Jesu Christi Heilige der letzten Tage, 1963, 1979–1989, BStU, MfS BV Karl Marx Stadt XX 1319, pp. 199–200, p. 200. All citations with reference to the BStU are from, Die Bundesbeauftragte für die Unterlagen des Staatssicherheitsdienstes der ehemaligen Deutschen Demokratischen Republik, archives in Berlin. The BStU files are internally paginated. The Word of Wisdom since its inception had been a guideline rather than a rule. See Leonard J. Arrington, “An Economic Interpretation of the Word of Wisdom,” Utah Historical Quarterly, vol. 1, no. 1, 1959, pp. 37–48; Lester E. Jr. Bush, “The Word of Wisdom in Early Nineteenth-Century Perspective,” Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought, vol. 14, no. 3, 1981, pp. 47–60; Robert J. McCue, “Did the Word of Wisdom Become a Commandment in 1851?,” Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought, vol. 14, no. 3, 1981, pp. 66–78; Thomas G. Alexander, “The

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counselled missionaries on how to present themselves in public forums. Missionaries were counselled to avoid public debates and heated discussions with local clergy and citizens.24 The avoidance of confrontation in public spaces appears to be a radical departure from the previous century where such confrontation was often invited, and often seemed to be part of Mormon missionary tactics. C.

PROSELYTIZING

Colportage has long been the primary Mormon proselyting method. Historically Mormon missionaries have traveled from place to place, knocking on doors, distributing literature, and holding public and private meetings.25 Distribution of literature appears with the earliest Mormon missionary efforts when the Book of Mormon was the central text distributed. In time additional booklets and pamphlets were added to the Mormons’ literary arsenal. Most of the distributed literature dealt with specific topics relevant to the Mormons’ ecclesiastical claims. Literature covering the topics of the apostasy of Christianity, the prophetic calling of Joseph Smith, and the restoration of Christianity through Joseph Smith were often distributed. The literature was often sold, loaned, or given away in an attempt to gain converts to Mormonism. The use of literature and its mass distribution is often considered a hallmark of North American religious movements evangelization efforts.26 The same also holds true for Mormonism. Literature was often the potential converts’ first introduction to Mormonism. It also provided a way in which to gain the all-important personal first contact required to teach the potential convert on a more personal level.27

24

25 26

27

Word of Wisdom from Principle to Requirement,” Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought, vol. 14, no. 3, 1981, 79–87. This was a drastic change as Mormon missionaries had engaged in confrontational tactics for much of the nineteenth century. For the initial arrival of the Mormons in Germany and the legitimization for the use of confrontational tactics see the Latter Day Saints Millennial Star, vol. 15, no. 23, June 4, 1853, p. 366; vol. 20, no. 5, January 30, 1858, p. 65. Latter Day Saints Millennial Star, vol. 20, no. 3, January 16, 1858, p. 36; vol. 20, no. 32, August 7, 1858, p. 501. Wilson, The Social Dimensions of Sectarianism, pp. 134–135. A statistic from 1908 gives us a glimpse of the effort that went into proselyting by the Mormons. Statistics outlining the missionary effort throughout the world is found in Der Stern, Bd. 41, Nr. 15, August 1, 1909, p. 238. The statistics give us a glimpse of the worldwide proselyting effort through missionary tracting, home visitations and the distribution of literature. In 1908 missionaries made 3,074,979 door-to-door visitations resulting in 387,979 call-backs, or invitations to return. They engaged in 1,783,939 Gospel Discussions. 9,862,728 tracts were distributed. An additional 493,757 books were distributed. Missionary activity in Germany for 1899 is as follows. Hamburg Conference: door-to-door tracting 5,229 homes visited, received 1,217 call-backs, 3,015 instances of public encoun-

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Varying proselyting techniques have been used throughout the Mormon Church’s history. Yet the oldest, and the most widely used method for proselyting has been colportage, or tracting. The method focuses primarily on the distribution of books and pamphlets. Tracting, it was hoped, would open an avenue for more personalized formal meetings in houses, or that it would lead to larger public meetings. Missionaries were to use tracting to gain initial contacts and perhaps engage in a brief discussion with potential converts.28 Mormon missionaries during the nineteenth century appear to have had a large degree of latitude in the methods they employed in reaching the public. It was not until the early twentieth century that a systematic approach to proselyting emerges within Mormonism. The first systematic guidelines for proselyting were introduced in 1903. The early twentieth-century guidelines stressed that upon making the first contact, introductory tracts dealing with general themes were to be left with the individual. In the English language missions Glad Tidings of Great Joy, Principles of the Gospel, or the Articles of Faith, were tracts that were often left with the potential convert or “investigator.”29 If a second visit was made, tracts dealing with specific themes such as, The Apostasy From the Gospel, Is Belief Alone Sufficient, or Is Baptism Essential to Salvation, were left. On the third visit the missionaries discussed the restoration of primitive Christianity, using such tracts as, The Restoration of the Everlasting Gospel, and a tract titled Necessity of Revelation. During

28 29

ters. They distributed 11,987 tracts and 380 books. In the Berlin Conference: door-to-door tracting 7,527 homes visited, received 400 call-backs, 1,031 instances of public encounters. Distributed 9,310 tracts and 11 books. Dresden Conference: door-to-door tracting 3,078 homes visited, received 1,026 call-backs, 2,009 instances of public encounters. Distributed 7,360 tracts and 325 books. Frankfurt Conference: door-to-door tracting 4,979 homes visited, received 1,1159 call-backs, 2,941 instances of public encounters. Distributed 12,068 tracts and 438 books. Stuttgart Conference: door-to-door tracting 6,820 homes visited, received 1,775 call-backs, 2,724 instances of public encounters. They distributed 12,467 tracts and 262 books. Statistical information, including the distribution of literature in the mission conferences of the German-Austria Mission, and the Swiss-German Mission for the year 1925 are found in, Der Stern, Bd. 58, Nr. 8, April 11, 1926, pp. 126–127. The missionaries distributed 73,893 tracts in the Berlin conference. In the remaining conferences of the German-Austria Mission tracts were distributed in the following volumes. In Königsberg 45,394, Chemnitz 92,958, Dresden 82,685, and Breslau 38,300, and Stettin 39,971. In the Swiss-German Mission conferences of Frankfurt, Stuttgart, Köln, Hannover and Hamburg, the missionaries distributed a total 307,526 tracts within the regions. A total of 680,727 tracts were distributed in Germany in 1925. This amount would almost double in 1926 to a little over 1.2 million tracts distributed in Germany. Der Stern, Bd. 59, Nr. 4, February 13, 1927, pp. 54–55, for 1926. A Systematic Program for Teaching the Gospel, Deseret News Press, Salt Lake City, 1953, p. 10. An “investigator” is a person who has shown interest in Mormonism. They are seen as potential converts.

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those initial three visits the missionary was to convince the investigator of the truth of Mormonism. There appears to have been an extensive use of tracts in Germany. The tracts that were used in Germany were part of an extensive literature distribution campaign that topped 1.2 million tracts by 1926. While not an all-inclusive list, we can see that German language tracts of the late nineteenth century covered a broad spectrum of topics. Topics covered in the literature included the “Articles of Faith,” brief explanations of Mormon belief, and the Restoration of Christianity through Joseph Smith. The Glaubensartikel der Kirche Jesu Christi der Heiligen der letzten Tage, Eine Kurze Darstellung der hauptsächlichsten lehren des Evangeliums Jesu Christi; Ein Wort der Verteidigung: Oder antworten auf Fragen der Lehren der Kirche Jesu Christ der Heiligen der letzten Tage, Wahre und falsche Religion mit einander Verglichen. ein Gespräch zwischen einen “Mormonen“ Ältesten, einen Pfarrer und einen reisenden in einen Temperenz Gasthof Gegenwart mehrerer Personen, Die ewige Wahrheit, Erklärung über die Lehren der Kirche Jesu Christi der Heiligen der letzten Tage von der Abfall und Wiederbringung des wahren Evangeliums, and Die Gründung und Lehren der Kirche Jesu Christ der Heiligen der Letzten Tage were all used in proselyting among the German speaking countries of Europe.30 The proselyting system also suggested specific times of day in which to tract, but this was always dependent upon the locality that the missionary found himself in. Usually the Mormon missionaries worked alone and were to look for any available public opportunities to distribute their books.31 Visits to people’s homes were to be made only in the evening when individuals were more likely to be found at home. The proscribed method for the home visits was to see the missionary maintain consistent visitations over three consecutive weeks. This often-

30

31

Eine Kurze Darstellung der hauptsächlichsten lehren des Evangeliums Jesu Christi, Mission der kirche in der Schweiz und Deutschland (Hrsg.), G. Gutknecht, Bern, 1872. Heinrich Eyring, Ein Wort der Verteidigung: Oder antworten auf Fragen der Lehren der Kirche Jesu Christ der Heiligen der letzten Tage, J. U. Stucki, Bern, 1875; Ben. E. Rich, Ben E. Rich, Wahre und falsche Religion mit einander Verglichen. Ein Gespräch zwischen einen „Mormonen“ Ältesten, einen Pfarrer und einen reisenden in einen Temperenz Gasthof Gegenwart mehrerer Personen, C. C. Naegle (Hrsg.), Lierow, Bern, 1895; Joseph Smith, Glaubensartikel der Kirche Jesu Christi der Heiligen der letzten Tage, N.P., Bern, 1882. Reprints were made in 1893, and 1895. Theodor Brändli, Die Gründung und Lehren der Kirche Jesu Christ der Heiligen der Letzten Tage: In Kürze dargestellt vom Ältesten Theodor Brändli, Suter & Lierow, Bern, 1889; Die ewige Wahrheit, erklärung über die Lehren der Kirche Jesu Christi der Heiligen der letzten Tage von der Abfall und Wiederbringung des wahren Evangeliums, Traktat Nr. 1, Redaktion des Stern, Schröder & Jeve, Hamburg, 1898. The last booklet was written by the editors of Der Stern. Daniel Garn had sent a pair of missionaries to Mecklenburg but they worked alone. George Reiser and Jacob Secrist were single missionaries working in Württemberg and SaxeMeiningen.

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placed pressure on the potential converts to accept the missionary message sooner rather than later.32 The extent in which these early guidelines were used in continental Europe is difficult to determine. We do know that many English language tracts were translated and distributed in Germany during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.33 It does then appear relatively safe to assume that Mormon evangelization methods were not that dissimilar regardless of geographic location and language barrier. While tracting proved to be ineffective and often resulted in few baptisms, it was one of the few ways by which large numbers of people could be contacted with the least amount of effort expended.34 Then, as now, the key to any missionary success was to make as many people aware of the message as possible.35 It was hoped that by distributing mass amounts of literature more individuals would come into contact with Mormon teachings and from those readers a certain percentage should become converts.36 The distribution of literature also had an important secondary function, that of generating additional funds. Early missionary Jacob Secrist provides us with an example of the benefits of colportage work in Germany during the 1850s. Secrist, in accordance with nineteenth-century practices, sold or loaned the literature he

32

33

34

35

36

The Elders’ Journal of the Southern States Mission of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latterday Saints, 4 vols, Ben E. Rich, Atlanta, 1903–1907, vol. 1, September 1903, pp. 9–10. The Elders’ Journal was the organ of the Southern States Mission and was published in Atlanta, Georgia. Several tracts were confiscated by the authorities in 1911. Serge Ballif, Friede sei in diesen Hause, N.P., Zürich, 1908; Ben E. Rich, Wo Ist das Wahre Evangelium: Ein in Gegenwart Mehrerer Personen sich Entwickelndes gesprech zwischen einen Mormonen, einen Pfarrer und einen Reisender, Thomas McKay, Leipzig, 1910, [1902]; Hugh J. Cannon, Was Sol ich Thun dass ich Selig Werde: Eine kurze Erklärung der für Jeden Menschen zur Seligkeit notwendigen Grundsätze des Evangeliums Jesu Christi, Thomas McKay, Leipzig, 1909; Charles W. Penrose, Strahlen lebendigen Lichter Aus der Lehre Christi, Thomas McKay, Leipzig, N.D.. See GStA PK, I. HA Rep. 76 Kultusministerium, III Sekt. 1 Abt. XIII a Nr. 28 Beiheft Bd. I–IV Sekte der Mormonen, 1853–1917, Bd. 3, June 28, 1909–April 10, 1912, pp. 88–89. The tract Friede sei in diesen Hause, is from Saarbrücken and bears a stamp announcing a public meeting. Additional tracts were confiscated in Berlin. They appear as an appendix to a letter from the Polizeipräsident. See “Der Polizeipräsident, an des Minister des Innern, Berlin, April 27, 1911,” GStA PK, I. HA Rep. 76 Kultusministerium, Bd. 3, pp. 213–252. The Latter Day Saints Millennial Star of June 15, 1851 records that door to door tracting was meeting with little success in Europe. The Latter Day Saints Millennial Star, vol. 13, no. 12, June 15, p. 187, There is a marked distinction in the emphasis towards converts in the nineteenth century and the twentieth century. A central goal of nineteenth-century Mormonism was to warn the public of a coming apocalypse and to avoid it they were to flee to safety in the American Zion. With the failure of the Apocalyptic in 1890–1891 the emphasis shifted to having the converts remain in their home countries. The shift then is from gathering to conversion. The Missionary’s Handbook, Zion’s Printing and Publishing Co., Independence, 1937, pp. 76–79.

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carried with him generating additional funds to further his missionary endeavours.37 Nineteenth-century missionaries were often beholden to the benevolence of their own church membership or to that of their potential converts, as George Reiser had been in Württemberg. As the missionaries often traveled without money or personal goods, often called without “purse or scrip,” they could have maintained a basic economic sustainability simply through the sale of their literature. A central core of literature seems to have remained in constant use over many decades. The missionary literature from the 1880s onward tended to concentrate on elementary topics that would be more appropriate for initial contacts.38 An enhanced broad based approach to systematic proselytizing titled, A Plan for Effective Missionary Work, did not appear until 1951. The introduction of an enhanced systematized approach also brought changes to the ways in which the message was presented. Missionaries were now instructed to exert pressure on their contacts in order to gain quicker access to their homes. By the early part of the 1960s targeting of specific demographic groups became part of the conversion methodology. Missionaries were to target individuals who had recently moved into the area, families in crisis situations, the recently married, and those with recent deaths, or new births in the family. By capitalizing on the specific needs of individuals further opportunities presented themselves to increase membership totals. Aside from the standard colportage, additional methods were employed by the missionaries to gain that ever-important first contact with the goal being a small group or cottage meeting. Teaching English and visual presentations about Utah also found their way into the Mormons evangelization process.39 Technological

37 38

39

Secrist trunk with literature was confiscated and only returned on leaving Prussian territory. Latter Day Saints Millennial Star, vol. 15, no. 23, June 4, 1853, p. 364 Charles (Karl) Wilcken records that the Book of Mormon was not well received by the Germans. See the Latter Day Saints Millennial Star, vol. 33, no. 49, December 5, 1871, pp. 779– 780. For an example of the new genre of tracts see Charles W. Penrose, Strahlen des lebendigen Lichtes der Lehre Jesu Christi, A. T. Schopp, Zürich, N.D. Ben E. Rich, Wo ist das Wahre Evangelium? Ein in Gegenwart mehrerer Personen sich entwickelndes Gespräch zwischen einen Mormonen missionar, einen Pfarrer und einem Reisenden, Hugh J. Cannon and Levi Edgar Young, Zürich, N.P., 1900. Arnold Henry Schulthess, Der Abfall und die Wiederherstellung des ursprünglichen Evangeliums, der redaktion des Stern (Hrsg.), 1901; Arnold Henry Schulthess, Der Abfall, Traktat Nr. 1, Northern States Mission Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints Chicago, 1907; Arnold Henry Schulthess, Liebe Bruder was soll ich tun das ich selig werde? Eine kurze Erklärung die für jeden Menschen zur Seligkeit notewendig ist. Grundsätze des Evangeliums Jesu Christi, Traktat Nr. 2, Hugh J. Cannon, Berlin, 1901. Orson Hyde records he offered to teach English in Regensburg in return for the German students help in translating his tract. See Orson Hyde, Ein Ruf Aus der Wüste: Eine Stimme aus dem Schoose der Erde, Selbstverlag des Verfassers, Frankfurt, 1842, p. 108. Maria Winkler in an interview with The New York Times from 1906 gives a brief description of Mormon missionary methods. Winkler had been sent to the United States by the Kaiser as head

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advances also brought advances in missionary tactics. Following the 1965 World’s Fair held in New York City the soundtrack of the film the Mormons had used at the exposition was translated into German and used in the mission field. In recent decades invitations to the opening of Mormon temples in Switzerland, Frankfurt, and Freiberg also provided lists of visitors that were often followed up on by Mormon missionaries. In the past new mission fields were often opened through having prior contacts in a geographic location. These contacts were largely acquaintances or family members of converts. This was the model that had emerged in Great Britain in the 1830s, and to some degree was duplicated in Germany. It was not uncommon then for the Mormons to begin proselyting in areas where contacts had been made through personal correspondence. As has been touched on before, missionaries would often return to their birthplaces, or to areas where family ties of converts were still intact. The expansion of the Mormons into Germany in 1853 gives us a solid example of the importance of contacts in the foreign mission field. The first missionaries sent to Prussia, Orson Spencer, and Jacob Houts had made contacts through their connections to John Bernhisel. Jacob Secrist carried the name of the brother of an American convert in Saxe-Meiningen when he began missionary work there.40 The first missionary in Württemberg, George Reiser returned to his birthplace in Kornwestheim to begin proselyting among family and acquaintances in the early 1850s.41 Referral of the names of family and friends from committed members as potential converts in need of missionary engagement still is central to the modern Mormon missionary methodology. With an expected imminent Second Advent the Mormon missionary’s goal was three-fold. He was to find potential converts, baptize the converted, and then prepare them for the eschatologically based gathering of the elect in Utah. Yet with any foreign missionary endeavour overcoming language and cultural barriers can prove difficult. Historically then, it is better to speak of Mormonism among the Germans than Mormonism in Germany. For most of the 150 years of Mormon-German interaction, the Mormons concentrated on the German speaking

40 41

of the “National Committee on White Slavery,” to learn of Mormonism. Winkler stated: “A few years ago the Emperor interfered, and laws were passed prohibiting the missionaries from carrying on their work. This did not stop them. Now they are more cautious. They are no longer called missionaries, but they come in the guise of artists, sightseers and men with money enough travel to out of the way places.” See “Here to Study Mormonism: Its Spread is a Menace to Germany Mrs. Winkler Declares,” The New York Times, August 20, 1906. As well see the cases as recorded in the GStA files. “Der Regierungspräsident Hannover, Nr. I.D. 1646, April 11, 1911,” GStA PK, I. HA Rep. 76 Kultusministerium, Bd. 3, p. 167. “Der Königlichen Regierungspräsident C.777, Königsberg, May 20, 1910,” GStA PK, I. HA Rep. 76 Kultusministerium, Bd. 3, p. 105. Latter Day Saints Millennial Star, vol. 15, no. 23, June 4, 1853, p. 362. See the Latter Day Saints Millennial Star, vol. 15, no. 23, June 4, 1853, p. 366.

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areas of Europe rather than within any specific geographical boundaries. As Germany as a national entity did not exist before 1871, Mormon missionary activity was relegated to the existing German states. For most of the Mormons’ tenure in German speaking Europe, geographical Germany was either wholly or partly included in a geographically larger German-speaking mission. Church founder Joseph Smith sent his missionaries to foreign lands with which they were familiar with, both the language and the customs.42 It seemed only practical that native speakers were to be sent to the areas with a foreknowledge of the languages in which they were to proselyte. Early convert Karl Mäser was called on a mission three times within the first decade after his conversion.43 As the mass emigration of foreign converts began to subside in the early parts of the twentieth century, the return of expatriates as missionaries to their native countries also waned. Past policy on Gathering to Zion had depleted most of the local churches in the foreign mission fields, rendering it almost impossible to employ a complement of native missionaries. As missionary work was a full time obligation the majority of missionaries had to come from abroad. In time specialized training for the foreign mission field was instituted and American missionaries were equipped with basic language skills to aid in proselyting. It became obvious if the Mormons were to continue expansion abroad necessary language skills needed to be taught. The first language training school in Germany was established in Cologne in 1937. Those Mormons that remained in their native country would also have an opportunity to serve a mission abroad rather than being utilized only within a localized context. The language barrier exhibited in foreign mission field proved to be detrimental to evangelization in two areas both the spoken and the written. In most cases the converts’ first introduction to Mormonism was through available literature. Often after conversion these same converts were used to translate or write additional booklets and tracts.44 As Mormon works in German were often translated from English originals, the quality of literature was dependent on the native converts’ literacy. Early converts Karl Mäser and Eduard Schönfeld mention that upon receiving the Mormons’ tracts they found them to be extremely poorly translated and difficult to read.45 As Mormonism traditionally did not draw from the literary classes,

42

43 44

45

See Joseph Smith, History of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, 7 vols, Deseret Book, Salt Lake City, 1902–1932, vol. 5, p. 368. Smith vows to send Jacob Zundel and Friedrich Möser to Germany. A. LeGrand Richards, “Moritz Busch’s Die Mormonen and the Conversion of Karl G. Maeser,” Brigham Young University Studies, vol. 45, no. 4, 2006, p. 61. Orson Hyde’s Ein Ruf Aus der Wüste: Eine Stimme aus dem Schoose der Erde, and the Book of Mormon are examples of this. See Samuel W. Taylor, The Last Pioneer: John Taylor, a Mormon Prophet, Signature Books, Salt Lake City, 1999, pp. 154–155. Richards, “Moritz Busch’s Die Mormonen,” p. 58.

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there was a need for individuals that would be able to produce new material, or at the very least be able translate from the available, primarily English language texts into the required native language. As anyone who is fluent in more than one language understands translations are often difficult undertakings. This is especially true for English to German translations where multiple English words have only one German counterpart. The Mormons would experience difficulty in translating their works from English to German, as well as other languages.46 In essence, the quality of the early German language tracts was therefore dependent upon the attained literacy of the convert, whether they were German speaking Americans, or native Germans. While utilizing converts in this way this may have been seen as a way to enhance the possibility of gaining further converts, the poor translations could just as easily contribute to the dismissal of the Mormon message as being the product of illiterate fanatics.47 In a modern context Mormon missionaries do receive a brief intensive language and theological training session before entering the mission field. Yet this current trend is a relative late development in the Mormon missionary system. Today the missionary receives approximately 6 to 8 weeks of intensive language training. The language training consists of memorizing a set of discussions to be presented to a potential convert. On placement in a foreign jurisdiction, the newly arrived missionary is paired with a longer serving missionary until he has gained field experience. Over time the new missionary acquires a basic grasp of the language in order to carry on a conversation outside of the memorized lesson plan. This systematic approach to proselyting was substantially different from the approaches of the first 100 years where a missionary often relied on his own intuition and luck in making contacts and teaching prospective converts. Perhaps the most significant change to the Mormon evangelization program was the introduction of a systematic method of proselyting. The first systematic missionary plan used by the Mormons has come to be known as the Anderson Plan. The plan introduced in the 1930s focused on the use of reason and logic to persuade the potential convert to seek baptism at the hands of the Mormon missionaries. The plan was divided into 16 specific topics that the missionary could use to lead the potential convert to certain conclusions that supported the claims of Mormonism.

46 47

Alexander, Mormonism in Transition, p. 252. One should not underestimate the past converts role in future missionary success. Germans and Scandinavian speakers had converted to Mormonism in North America. Some of these were the first missionaries to return to the countries from which they had come. France and Italy were basically Mormon wastelands with few converts made in either the nineteenth or twentieth centuries. One could point to the fact that both of these countries are Catholic and Catholicism was the major impediment to conversion. For early recognition of this difficulty in Catholic countries see Der Darsteller, Bd. 1, Nr. 11, April 1856, p. 171.

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In 1952 the Systematic Plan for Teaching the Gospel, became the central plan used by the missionaries. This plan differed from the earlier Anderson Plan in that the sessions were to stir feelings and experiences. More consistent with the Mormon philosophical precept at how truth is realized, experience and feelings replaced logic as the central characteristic in gaining a baptismal commitment from the individual. Pressure on the potential convert also played a role as the goal of the missionary was to get the potential convert to commit to baptism after only several meetings with missionaries. The Systematic Plan consisted of seven lessons covering the most important aspects of Mormon belief.48 The missionary had no discretion in the way in which the material was presented. The missionaries were to commit the lesson material to memory rather than use them as a guide.49 The Systematic Plan remained central to Mormon proselytizing efforts until 1967 when the Uniform System for Teaching Investigators replaced it. With the introduction of the Uniform System the number of lessons was reduced to six discussions. The discussions were to be memorized. The goal was to lead the potential convert to a basic conclusion. Core theological concepts were stressed repeatedly to the potential convert. The missionaries were to press for a quick commitment from the potential convert and often stressed the importance of baptism within the first lesson. The Uniform System would remain an integral part of the missionary program until 1973 when the Uniform System for Teaching Families replaced it. In 2004 a new proselyting approach was introduced giving the missionary greater flexibility in presenting the message. Preach My Gospel covered the same theological topics as earlier systems had but emphasised that the missionary use “the Spirit” in determining the order of the lessons, and the time spent on each topic with the potential convert. It also stressed that the missionary was not to memorize the material, but rather familiarize himself with the content.50 D.

THE MISSIONARY’S METHODS

Colportage or tracting, along with referrals of non-member names by members appear to have been among the earliest Mormon proselyting methods. Both of these are still central to Mormon missionary efforts globally. While they may be

48

49 50

The “Plan of Salvation” is historically known as the “Law of Eternal Progression.” In brief it states that mankind dwelled in Heaven prior to this existence. They in turn come to Earth in order to attain mortal bodies. Only through membership, and participation in the rituals of the LDS church can these individuals return to Heaven, become exalted, and attain Godhood. Jay Edwin Jensen, Proselyting Techniques of Mormon Missionaries, unpublished MA Thesis, Brigham Young University, 1974, p. 83. Preach My Gospel: A Guide to Missionary Service, the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, Salt Lake City, 2004, p. viii.

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initially successful in virgin mission fields they become problematic over time. The redistribution of literature becomes uncontrollable and may become detrimental, as potential converts have now had the opportunity to read and study the literature void of any additional pressure or any theological explanation. As well the constant barrage of contact by successive missionaries of non-members may jeopardize the existing relationships between the member and the non-member being contacted. It became apparent that far more effective methods could be used in order to increase membership. While there had been some successes with the proselyting tools in effect new evangelization methods were introduced.51 The goal to any proselyting program would be to gain the maximum amount of contact with potential converts through the efficient use of materials and manpower. By the early twentieth century tracting was being re-evaluated. In spite of its consistent use until then, the Mormons had long seen tracting as one of the least successful methods of proselyting.52 As the years passed they had come to the conclusion that the many of the tracts seemed overly concentrated on dogma and ecclesiastical authority and that they mostly addressed concerns of bygone generations. People no longer were concerned with which church was true, but rather were concerned with the practical application of Christianity to their lives.53 By 1918–1919 there were some noticeable changes in proselyting methods. One of the most noticeable changes introduced concerned the distribution of literature. The Mormons chose to no longer sell their literature but gave it free of charge to any and all who wished it. The Liahona, a general interest magazine, various booklets and even the Book of Mormon were now being sent to inquirers who requested them, all free of charge.54 Perhaps taking a cue from Charles T. Russell and the Watch Tower Bible and Tract Society, the Mormons also made attempts to incorporate newer technologies into the evangelization process. Russell and his Society had created an innovative, epic multimedia presentation titled the Photo Drama of Creation, which premiered in 1914. The eight-hour full color drama, accompanied by synchronized sound, was seen by an estimated 8,000,000 viewers worldwide within the first two years.55 By the early 1920s the Mormons would incorporate newer media to offset their concentration on printed works. In 1924 a slide presentation was in-

51 52 53 54 55

Alexander, Mormonism in Transition, p. 217. Latter Day Saints Millennial Star, vol. 14, no. 33, October 9, 1852, p. 524. Alexander, Mormonism in Transition, p. 218. Alexander, Mormonism in Transition, p. 219. R. A. Nelson, “Propaganda for God: Pastor Charles Taze Russell and the Multimedia Photo Drama of Creation (1914),” R. Cosandey, A. Gaudreault, and T. Gunning (ed.), Une Invention du Diable? Cinema des Premiers Temps et Religion: Invention of the Devil? Religion and Early Cinema, Presses de l’Univ. Laval. Quebec, pp. 232–234.

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troduced and in 1930 a 16 mm movie on the archaeological ruins in the Americas were added as evangelization tools.56 Yet printed media remained the primary instrument in reaching the public. Problematic books and pamphlets were addressed with strong editorial controls. Internal problems within the Mormons’ central text, the Book of Mormon, which had plagued previous generations of potential converts, were also dealt with. New explanations for the bad grammar in the Book of Mormon led to a new theory on the translation process. As well, the anachronisms contained in the Book of Mormon; the use of iron, and steel, and the appearance of non-native North American animals, were all dealt with. Honest inquiry by potential converts and critics was addressed albeit on a rudimentary level. There seemed to be a conscious effort to attract a better class, or at the very least a more substantially more literate convert.57 Literacy around the globe had increased and answers that may have once been convincing now failed to do so. The need for modernization in both approach and presentation was a necessary part of accommodating the message to more modern concerns. While some of the evangelization methods had changed, the central message, millenarianism, was still a drawing point for the Mormons.58 In the process of restructuring the way in which the Mormons presented their message to the world non-theological methods to attract individuals began to gain a more prominent role. Social gatherings, dances, and music concerts all became ways to make contacts among the general public.59 Athletics were also used as part of the missionary program beginning as early as 1909.60 During the 1920s and 1930s the Mormons used Baseball and Basketball teams to improve their image.61 At the 1936 Berlin Olympics the Mormon missionaries in Germany were used to referee the basketball games.62 The missionaries were also encouraged to exploit their business contacts in towns where they stayed. As many missionaries received some funding from North America, they were to make contacts with the individuals who cashed their cheques, and those from whom they rented apart-

56

57 58 59 60

61 62

Der Stern, Bd. 63, Nr. 7, April 1, 1931, p. 112. Erich Berndt gives a media presentation on the “Ausgrabungen in Amerika,” in the congregations of Neubrandenburg, Demmin, Stralsund, Prenzlau, Stargard, and Stettin. Another slide show presentation is given in Zwickau titled “One Hundred years of Mormonism.” Der Stern, Bd. 63, Nr. 14, July 15, 1931, p. 223. Alexander, Mormonism in Transition, p. 219. Alexander, Mormonism in Transition, p. 222. Music recitals were used in England. See the Latter Day Saints Millennial Star, vol. 73, no. 33, August 17, 1911, p. 526. Brigham H. Roberts, “Spheres of YMIA Activities,” Improvement Era, 73 vols, Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, Salt Lake City, 1897–1970, vol. 16, January 1913, pp. 187–188. Deseret News, Church News Section, July 24, 1932, p. 3. Gilbert W. Scharffs, Mormonism in Germany: A History of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints in Germany, Deseret Book, Salt Lake City, 1970, p. 86.

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ments and purchased food and clothing. The Mormons were attempting to establish a new image for themselves. With the lack of strong local congregations outside of North America it was difficult to perceive the Mormons as being anything but a foreign church. For many around the world the only image they had of the Mormons was that of an American missionary whose evangelization program included baptism into a church, followed by emigration to North America. It seemed that the only living, breathing Mormon most would have encountered was a high-pressured religious salesperson. Yes, evangelization and conversion were however still central to the newer image being presented. Showing that there was more to Mormonism than just attending church, or proselyting, was also a helpful innovation. 1. Public Meetings Initial informal contact through door-to-door tracting remained a central part of Mormon proselyting efforts. Attempting to engage individuals through personal contact did however require an enormous time commitment. In an effort to better utilize their time, the Mormons also used public meetings to proclaim their message. The meetings would usually be announced through word of mouth or by street preaching. They also advertised the meetings through their tracts and their publicly displayed or distributed broadsides.63 In regions where the Mormons were prohibited from preaching a more secretive approach was used. The meetings were open to interested parties through personal invitation only. This greatly reduced the probability of attracting attention to their prohibited activity. The Mormons were not the only religious group that clandestinely advertised their meetings in Germany. Out of necessity early Baptist missionaries also used this approach due to their lack of recognition by German authorities.64 In the majority of foreign mission fields the Mormons did not build any permanent buildings until the twentieth century. This can be attributed to the Mormons’ millenarian leanings, where emigration to Utah was central to the overall message. It therefore became common practice for the missionaries to use any public building that was available to them in order to conduct their meetings. Churches, schools, public facilities, and homes were all seen to be suitable meet63 64

The tract, Friede sei in diesen Hause, from Saarbrücken bears a stamp announcing a public meeting. See GStA PK, I. HA Rep. 76 Kultusministerium, Bd. 3, pp. 88–89. The Baptists chose Hamburg for this very reason as they could easily avoid detection. Crossing the Elbe from Hamburg into Altona would allow the persons to cross from German to Danish territory. See William Gammell, A History of the American Baptist Missions, Gould and Lincoln, Boston, 1854, pp. 278 ff. For early Baptist difficulties in Hamburg see Joseph Lehmann, Geschichte der deutschen Baptisten, Bd. 1, Bildung, Ausbreitung und Verfolgung der Gemeinden bis zum Anbruch wirklicher Religionsfreiheit im Jahre 1848, J. G. Oncken Nachfolger, Hamburg, 1896, pp. 65–97.

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ing places. Without buildings of their own, private homes often functioned as some of the earliest churches and meeting places. Yet these were usually limited in space and had the adverse affect of the residents being seen as closely associated with the Mormon missionaries.65 Upon arriving in new areas, the missionaries would hope to reach the broader public by holding meetings in the town’s public buildings. In most instances they sought out available fraternal halls, schools, and any available public spaces, and even churches.66 Several, initially sympathetic, Anglo-Catholic priests, and Protestant pastors opened their churches to the Mormons. This appears to have been the case in England, where Reverend James Fielding of Preston opened his pulpit to the Mormons, as did Peter C. Mönster when the Mormons first arrived in Copenhagen.67 The loss of members to the Mormons soon ended this practice. Many of the early missionaries in Germany returned to areas that were familiar to them. Having contacts, friends or family that could provide food or lodging for extended periods of time was extremely beneficial to the proselyting efforts of the missionary.68 Through the use of newspapers, circulars and handbills the Mormon missionaries would announce their intentions of holding public meetings in the towns. The town’s residents would be invited to hear the Mormon missionary’s presentation. The open meeting would see the missionary discuss certain topics with an open invitation for questions and answers following the presentation. An example of this style of meeting is given in George Reiser’s account of his arrival in Kornwestheim during the nineteenth century.69 In the nineteenth century the Mormon missionary armed only with a firm belief in the truthfulness of Mormonism, using selected proof texts in support of his arguments, and an attitude bordering on brash arrogance was prepared to engage local ministers in public debates over the validity of Mormonism. The Mormon missionaries felt that any person could be won over to Mormonism by simply hearing what they had to say, regardless of the tone, or manner in which the presentation was made. In their opinion they were the enlightened ones who possessed the truth. Early German chronicler and critic Moritz Busch describes the Mormon missionary message and the missionaries proselyting methods in his account of early Mormonism.70 In his brief commentary on the Mormons’ proselyting methods

65 66 67 68 69 70

Latter Day Saints Millennial Star, vol. 15, no. 10, March 5, 1853, p. 156. The first Mormon meeting in Württemberg was held in the local school. Latter Day Saints Millennial Star, vol. 15, no. 23, June 4, 1853, p. 366. Smith, History of the Church, vol. 2, p. 499. Both Jacob Secrist and George Reiser returned to the geographical areas in which they had contacts. See Latter Day Saints Millennial Star, vol. 15, no. 23, June 4, 1853, pp. 362–365, See Latter Day Saints Millennial Star, vol. 15, no. 23, June 4, 1853, p. 366. Moritz Busch, Die Mormonen: Ihr Prophet, ihr Staat und ihr Glaube, Lorch, Leipzig, 1855, pp. 59–60.

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and their message, Busch states that the Mormons not only promised a heavenly reward to the convert, but that earthly rewards would also become theirs. As Busch tells us: “Die Missionare der Mormonen wenden sich bei ihren Zuhörern eben sowohl an die Begier nach Reichtum als an die Sehnsucht nach himmlischen Gütern, stellen ihnen neben Befriedigung ihrer religiösen Bedürfnisse auch irdisches Wohlbefinden in Aussicht.”

In his description of the missonaries’ methods in attracting converts Busch tells us that the missionary tactics were oriented towards personal encounters with potential converts. As Busch continues: “Unverdrossen und unabgeschreckt durch schroffe Abweisung, durch Spott und Hohn, wandern sie von Ort zu Ort sprechen in einzelnen Häusern, knüpfen mit Leuten auf der Straße ein Gespräch an, arbeiten als Handwerker in einer Werkstatte und bringen auf diese Art das, was 71 ihnen auf dem herzen liegt, an den Mann.”

Public debates with both Protestant and Catholic clergy were also an integral part of nineteenth-century Mormon proselyting methods.72 Open and public debates

71 72

Busch, Die Mormonen, p. 60. The basis for the missionaries’ willingness to engage in public confrontation is taken from a revelation dated to 1831. The text reads Wherefore, confound your enemies; call upon them to meet you both in public and in private; and inasmuch as ye are faithful their shame shall be made manifest. See Doctrine and Covenants 71:7. Many English language texts from Great Britain and the USA from the nineteenth and early twentieth century showing the confrontational nature of Mormonism do exist. For examples see Adrian Van Bracklin Orr, Mormonism Dissected, or, Knavery “On Two Sticks,” Exposed. Composed Principally From Notes Which Were Taken From the Arguments of Dr. Orr, in the Recent Debate on the A[u]thenticity of the “Book of Mormon,” Between Him and E. H. Davis, Mormon preacher. The Whole Being Designed as a Check to the Further Progress of Imposition, by Placing in the Hands of Every One the Means of Unmasking This “Latter Day” Humbug. By One Who Hates Imposture, Reuben Chambers, Bethania, 1841; Hugh Findlay, The Overthrow of Infidel Mormonism: Being a Report of the Louth Discussion, Which Took Place in the Guild Hall, Louth, Lincolnshire, August 28, 29, 30 and September 2, 3, & 6, 1850; Between Mr. Hugh Findlay, Mormon Elder, From Scotland; and Mr. John Theobald, W. Horsell, London, 1850; Thomas B. H. Stenhouse, Victoria Assembly Rooms. The Inhabitants of Southampton Are Respectfully Informed That a Public Discussion on the Doctrines Taught by the Latterday Saints Will Take Place Between the Rev. Enos Couch, and Elder T. B. H. Stenhouse . . . on the Evenings of Monday, Tuesday, and Wednesday, April 29th, 30th and May 1st, 6th, 7th and 8th, 1850, Cox, Southampton, 1850; Thomas Clough, Clough Not Tough, J. Procter, Hartlepool, 1852; J. S. Wright, Battle of Mormon: 100 Guineas, a Meeting Will be Held in the New Temperance Hall, Temple Street, on Monday & Tuesday, February 10 & 11, 1862, Eagle Steam Press, Birmingham, 1862; Orson Pratt, Great Discussion! Does the Bible Sanction Polygamy! Held in the New Tabernacle at Salt Lake City, August 12th, 1870, Before Assembled Thousands, Between Prof. Orson Pratt, One of the Twelve Apostles, Selected by President Brigham Young, to Represent the Mormon Faith and Rev. Dr. J. P. Newman, Chaplain of the United States Senate and Pastor of the Methodist Metropolitan Church,

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with Protestant, and Catholic clergy occurred frequently and seem to have been encouraged as a way to show the superior truth of the Mormons’ message. Whether or not the tactic was successful is open to debate. The public displays did seem to draw attention to the Mormons. By 1913 confrontational public debates were frowned upon. The missionaries were advised to be less disruptive, and less confrontational when encountering those of differing opinions. They were to be more professional, and more respectful in public gatherings.73 Making the public face of Mormonism at little more palatable by altering the behaviour of the missionaries in the mission field was attempted over the next several decades. By 1918 public debates were eliminated completely from the Mormons’ proselyting methods.74 In 1937 the ban was extended to include any form of confrontation or argument in any public meetings.75 Strict guidelines were now in place to govern the missionaries’ conduct in the public sphere.76 Over the decades the style, tone, and format of the Mormons’ public meetings would undergo many changes. Whereas during much of the nineteenth century Mormon missionaries had conducted their meetings individually, by the twentieth century there were usually four missionaries present during public meetings.77 The format of the meeting would have the missionaries give a brief 10 to 15 minute talk on a specific topic, which was then followed by a brief question and answer period. The goal was to have interested parties satisfy their inquiries either at the home of the missionary, or at the home of the investigator.78 The changes in the Mormon proselyting approaches were part of an overall change in the organizations theological emphasis. Having resolved most of their difficulties with governments in the United States, and laying aside the early millenarian beliefs a new image of Mormonism began to reveal itself. The changes are reflective of a conscious effort to become accepted by mainstream society and

73 74 75 76 77

78

Washington, D.C., N.P., Cleveland: 1873; Clark Braden, The Braden–Kelley debate on Mormonism, Held in Kirtland, Lake Co., Ohio, Beginning Tuesday Night, Feb. 12, 1884 and Closing Friday Night, March 7, 1884, Christian Publishing Company, St. Louis, 1884; A. A. Bunner, The Bunner–Rich Debate: A Public Discussion Between Mr. A. A. Bunner of the Church of Christ and Elder Ben E. Rich of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints . . . Held March 4th, 5th, 6th, 7th, and 8th, 1912, Published For the Missions of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, Press of Henry C. Etten & Co., Chicago, 1912. Ben E. Rich, The Elders’ Reference, N.P., 1913, pp. 26–27. The Elders’ Manual, Zion’s Printing and Publishing Co., Independence, p. 62. The Missionary’s Handbook, N.P., 1937, p. 92. The Missionary’s Handbook, pp. 91–92. For an example of a missionary meeting see John Taylor, Three Nights’ Public Discussion Between the Revds. C. W. Cleeve, James Robertson, and Philip Cater, and Elder John Taylor, of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, at Boulogne sur Mer, France. Chairman, Rev. K. Groves, M.A., Assisted by Charles Townley, LL.D., and Mr. Luddy. Also a Reply to the Rev. K. Groves, M.A. & Charles Townley, LL.D, John Taylor, Liverpool, 1850, p. 1. Jensen, Proselyting Techniques, p. 47.

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hence a more professional approach to gaining converts. The Mormons’ previous approaches had done precious little to ease any tension between them and existing churches. Gone now were the confrontational tactics, and explicit dogmatic claims that been used for much of their past missionary effort. It would take time to determine if the new approaches would garner the hoped for respectability and if it would translate into greater success in their mission fields. 2. House and Cottage Meetings Historically conversion to Mormonism came at the end of a long process of personalized interaction through teaching the principles of Mormonism to the potential convert. The important first step was always dependent on the first contact between the missionary and the individual. In making an initial contact, it was hoped that it would generate a more in-depth meeting in the potential convert’s home. These house meetings, or cottage meetings as they were called, provided the missionaries with an opportunity to reach potential converts on a more personal level and in a safe and familiar setting, their homes. The enhanced use of house meetings led to a general revision of the method, the message, and the overall goals of the LDS church in the mid-twentieth century.79 Conversion ratios are usually dependent upon the reception of the message. As few historical statistics exist, it is difficult to determine the correlation between the number of tracts distributed, the number of house meetings held, and the number of converts that were gained through each of those methods. It does appear that the Mormons exerted a tremendous effort with relatively few conversions to show for that effort. In one of the few years we have statistics for the Swiss-German Mission we can truly see the amount of energy invested by the Mormons.80 79 80

Latter-day Saints Millennial Star, vol. 66, no. 10, March 10, 1904, pp. 155–156. Statistics from Der Stern, for 1926 give us an idea on the volume of literature distributed in Germany. The German Conferences of the German-Austria Mission were centered in Berlin, Breslau, Chemnitz, Dresden, Königsberg, Leipzig, and Stettin. Total tracts distributed within the conferences were 677,532. There were also 933 Book of Mormons distributed. The German conferences of the Swiss-German mission included Frankfurt, Hamburg, Hannover, Köln, München, and Stuttgart. Total tracts distributed in the German conferences of the Swiss-German Mission during 1926 were 605,881. A little over 1.2 million tracts were distributed in Germany in 1926. Membership totals for 1926 within the German conferences of the German-Austria Mission were 6,788. Membership totals for the German conferences of the Swiss-German Mission were at 4,378 individuals. Total membership within all of the German conferences at the end of 1926 was 11,355. While tract distribution doubled from 1925 there was only a gain of 189 members. The German conferences with the largest increase in members were Berlin with 60, and Leipzig with 72. There were decreases in some conferences. The Stuttgart conference showed a decrease of 470 members between the years 1925–1926. Chemnitz experienced 142 baptisms in 1926, yet its membership decreased over

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From the year 1900, we see that 14,943 homes were visited with the missionaries being invited for return visits 4,348 times. As well 43,120 tracts and 1,243 books were sold, loaned or given away. This resulted in 1,149 cottage meetings. The proselyting effort resulted in total of 448 baptisms in the Swiss-German Mission. Forty-five individuals from the mission emigrated to Utah in 1900, leaving a net gain of 403 in the mission.81 While contact with individuals had long been a staple of the Mormon missionary program it was always seen as a way to attract a larger audience. It is simply a matter of practicality. Why present the message to only one individual when the same message, and time, could be spent on presenting it to 20. Until the 1960s the Mormons had made attempts to present their message to larger groups, and within public meetings in order to make their contacts. From the contacts made in the public gatherings individual teaching would then be initiated. During the 1970s the focus shifted from using large, impersonal, public meetings to smaller group settings. This provided a more intimate, and personal setting for the initial contact. While the focus may have shifted, the overall goal still remained the same. The missionary utilized every opportunity to present a comprehensive set of teachings, hopefully resulting in a conversion to Mormonism. Other personal contact methods, such as street preaching, were also used to gain access to homes. Street preaching entailed maintaining a physical, and often vocal presence in public spaces. The missionaries would engage the public by randomly stopping people on the street, on buses, and on subways, engage them in a short conversation and then attempt to set up further meetings in either the Mormons’ chapels or in the contacted person’s homes. Another method in public places involved the use of a religious census. The Mormons would ask passers by to answer a few question regarding general religious topics. The goal again was to

81

its 1925 totals. While there were gains through baptisms in most of the German conferences these were usually cancelled by individuals withdrawing from the Mormon church. Der Stern, Bd. 59, Nr. 4, February 13, 1927, pp. 54–55. Statistics that give us a glimpse of the proselyting effort in Germany are as follows. Hamburg Conference: door-to-door tracting 9,359 homes visited, received 1,003 call-backs, 3,058 instances of public encounters. Missionaries distributed 19,694 tracts and 526 books. Berlin Conference: door-to-door tracting 4,097 homes visited, received 718 call-backs, 2,114 instances of public encounters. Distributed 10,150 tracts and 238 books. Dresden Conference: door-to-door tracting 10,445 homes visited, received 973 call-backs, 2,009 instances of public encounters. Distributed 15,750 tracts and 426 books. Frankfurt Conference: door-todoor tracting 9,746 homes visited, received 576 call-backs, 2,518 instances of public encounters. Distributed 19,466 tracts and 361 books. Stuttgart Conference: door-to-door tracting 6,427 homes visited, received 4,999 call-backs, 6,373 instances of public encounters. Distributed 17,351 tracts and 486 books. Der Stern, Bd. 33, Nr. 3, February 1, 1901, pp. 40–41. Statistics on literature distribution for additional years in the early 1900s see Latter-day Saints Millennial Star, vol. 66, no. 7, February 18, 1904, p.107, vol. 66, no. 20, May 19, 1904, p. 315.

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make that important initial contact. It was a game of percentages. The more individuals contacted, the more likely the chance of meeting interested individuals who were open to the missionary’s message. It was hoped that the contact would lead to more in-depth discussions in the potential convert’s home. With the focus shifting to a more personalized initial contact, church members were now asked to play a greater role in the evangelization process. Initiating an active proselyting program with the members becoming involved enhanced the previous passive evangelization, where members forwarded the names of nonmember family and friends to the missionaries. While in theory every member had always been seen as a missionary, extensive missionary activity was usually reserved for fulltime missionaries. Members were now asked to work in concert with the missionaries and invite non-members into their homes. The missionaries would then make brief presentations and schedule additional meetings for the following week. The ideal group size was comprised of between two to six members and three to eight non-members. Two to four missionaries would attend and make the theological presentations. Literature was often distributed to those interested in learning more about Mormonism. The smaller group settings required the active participation of the local Mormon membership who acted as conduits for the fulltime missionary corps. Every member was expected to actively participate in the proselyting program. An earlier church wide program had been introduced in the European missions during the 1920s in which every member was asked to convert one individual during the course of the year.82 Employing the membership to aid in proselyting seems to have been used earlier on a smaller scale. A police report from Frankfurt in the early decades of the twentieth century mentions that the missionaries attempted to maintain a low profile in public and therefore engaged the general membership to help in proselyting.83 Now the current member’s efforts were to be enhanced. Active participation of the membership into winning new converts became essential to the Mormon missionary program. The program, if it was to bring the expected large win fall of converts, essentially required members to remain in their native countries rather than emigrate to the United States. If the program functioned, the membership would grow exponentially in geographic areas in which there were Mormon Church members. As the membership increased the probability of continued increases within that area also became greater. Church members were permanent fixtures in a locale and had ties to the community. The missionaries on the other hand were short-term residents and therefore often seen as strangers within the community. By emphasizing the role of the local members it was hoped that the rate of converts would 82 83

Latter Day Saints Millennial Star, vol. 84, no. 50, December 14, 1922, p. 798. “Königliche Polizeipräsident, Tagesbuch S III 939, Frankfurt, October 16, 1912,”GStA PK, I. HA Rep. 76 Kultusministerium, III Sekt. 1 Abt. XIII a Nr. 28 Beiheft Bd. I–IV Sekte der Mormonen, 1853–1917, Bd. 4, April 4, 1912–1917, p. 45–48.

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increase. The emphasis on “every member a missionary” enlarged the missionary force exponentially from a then current 18,000 full-time missionaries to a possible 3 million.84 The enhanced active participation of the local Mormon Church members did bring some results. By the 1950s there was a 43% conversion rate among the referrals made by the local members.85 In contrast there was only one baptism per 1,057 homes visited through tracting.86 The personalized approach did seem to provide more converts than the previous public, impersonal methods had. The missionaries were now utilizing the entire church membership in a given locale and expected growth. As the new converts were kept active in church work, and were to continue to play an active role in the future growth of the church, there was also less chance that they would leave the organization. Yet there was a downside to the new approach to evangelization. While the referral method proved effective early, there would come a time when growth would stabilize in an area and the pressure on the local membership for referrals would become more burdensome than beneficial. The supply of referrals is theoretically endless but entirely based on continued growth. In reality most member’s circle of family and friends is limited. Yet with the arrival of each zealous new missionary into an area, the members were often continuously pressed for the names of non-member friends and families. Many members were probably not that excited to see new missionaries arrive. This often meant they would feel the pressure of being asked for referrals and then see their non-member friends and family become the target of repeated conversion attempts. No active Mormon was exempted from proselyting responsibilities. Children were also pressed into action and asked to invite their friends to church activities, which were usually held throughout the week. These programs, age graded, for young males and young females were part of the church’s Primary, and Mutual Improvement Associations. Females between the ages of 12–17 were members of the Bienenkorbmädchen, Rosenmädchen, and Lorbeermädchen. The most common adjunct program for male youth was the Boy Scouts, which in the United States and Canada is still closely connected to local Mormon churches. The Boy Scouts, known as Pfadfinder in Germany, were also associated with the Mormons in Germany until the mid 1930s. With the rise of National Socialism youth programs came under state sanction and the Pfadfinder were disbanded.87 The National Socialists had established two youth programs of their own. The Deutsches Jungvolk for boys aged 10 to 14, and the para-military Hitler Jugend for boys of ages 14 to 18.

84 85 86 87

Jensen, Proselyting Techniques, p. 64. Handling Referrals, Priesthood Missionary Committee, the Church of Jesus Christ of Latterday Saints, N.D., p. 2. Jensen, Proselyting Techniques, p. 60. Der Stern, Bd. 66, Nr. 9, May 1, 1934, pp. 142–143.

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3. Teaching Languages Within the last half of the twentieth century English has emerged as the language of choice for international communication. An extension of British colonialism and American cultural imperialism its importance is probably realized mostly within international commerce and politics. Native speakers of English, and the their ability to teach English as a second language have become a commodity in the modern world. While often the need to learn English is related to international commerce it has also been a useful tool in the spread of Mormonism around the globe. For over a century Mormon missionaries to identify, and to initiate contact with potential converts in foreign counties have offered to teach languages to prospective students. Teaching English was one of the earliest methods used by the Mormons in proselyting among the Germans. Early missionary Orson Hyde mentions that he had taught English as a way to gain access to potential converts in Regensburg as early as 1842. Hyde, with the help of one of his students was able to produce the first Mormon tract in German.88 The method was also used in Japan, and in many of the former Eastern Bloc countries following the collapse of Marxism.89 Yet it is not only the teaching of English that has proved useful to Mormon missionaries in their proselyting efforts. Having familiarity with several languages has proved beneficial to the Mormons, especial in former countries of the East Bloc. With the new political and economic realities of the European Union, and the dominance of Germany within the Union, German as a second, or even third language would be beneficial. The Mormons capitalized upon the new realities of Europe in Bulgaria. When the Mormons first entered Bulgaria in 1990 their missionary approaches concentrated on teaching both English and German to the Bulgarians.90 Of the first four missionaries to be sent to Bulgaria, two had originally been proselytizing in Germany.91 By teaching languages it was believed that the potential converts would come through the door rather than have the missionaries search for converts. The ability to teach foreign languages, and to use that ability within a mission field has served an important in opening up avenues for future proselyting.

88 89 90 91

See Hyde, Ruf Aus Der Wüste, p. 108 For Japan see Shinji Takagi, “The Eagle and the Scattered Flock: LDS Church Beginnings in Occupied Japan, 1945–49,” Journal of Mormon History, vol. 28, no. 2, 2002, pp. 104–139. Kahlile Mehr, “Keeping Promises: The LDS Church Enters Bulgaria 1990 1994,” Brigham Young University Studies, vol. 36 no. 4, 1996–1997, pp. 69, 80, 81. Mehr, “Keeping Promises,” pp. 82, 83, 97. Several female missionaries were also sent from the German missions with the hopes of furthering the missionary effort through German language schools. See Mehr, “Keeping Promises,” pp. 97–99.

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The use of books, pamphlets, and tracts to spread a religious message has a long history in Western Europe. The Protestant Reformers utilized the power of the press to broadcast their positions, and combat the papal powers of the sixteenth century. The heirs of the Reformation continued with the practice, as the distribution of literature is still one of the most commonly used methods used by Protestant groups in proselyting. While it has been popular for much of the past 500 years, using literature to relay a specific message has its limitations. While it may be cost effective in reaching a large group of people, there can be many problems associated with the over reliance on the distribution of literature as a proselyting method. An inadequate translation from the original language, a low literacy rate, and the lack of cultural relevance, often does limit the efficiency of written materials in any evangelizing attempt. Mormonism‘s proselyting efforts in foreign lands outlines the difficulties that may be encountered in transferring a message more suited to a North American audience rather than a global one. While Mormonism has been active in spreading its message in foreign lands since the mid-nineteenth century, the volume of Mormon publications in foreign languages pale in comparison to its English language publications. How this affected the Mormons both positively and negatively is important to the discussion. I have mentioned earlier in this work that indigenous North American religions often used mass distribution of literature in order to attract converts. As new technology emerged, they were also among the first to employ the new technology in furthering their proselyting goals. Aside from literature, Mormon missionaries utilized slide shows and other visual aids in attracting an audience. Reports from German congregations in the early twentieth century speak of a slide shows being presented to the public.92 The Mormons though were not alone in utilizing the most recent technology to present their message. As we have seen earlier, the Jehovah’s Witnesses of the early twentieth century used the Photo Drama of Creation to gain an audience for their teachings. During the 1920s and 1930s the Jehovah’s Witnesses occupied street corners carrying portable record players playing the sermons of Judge Rutherford to an awaiting public. By contrast the Mormons never utilized the full potential of newer media techniques to the extent the Jehovah’s Witnesses did. This has changed in the last few decades. In house video, and music productions have aired publically and can be purchased both online and through LDS bookstores. As well, they do broadcast conferences and special presentations via satellite to all local branches throughout the world. While information is readily available it appears that much of this material is geared towards a Mormon audience rather than towards the general public. 92

Der Stern, Bd. 63, Nr. 7, April 1, 1931, p. 112; Der Stern, Bd. 63, Nr. 14, July 15, 1931, p. 223.

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Thought much of its history Mormonism has been dependent on printed media to further its proselyting efforts. Until 1967 most of the Mormon literature was produced regionally with allowances being made for a certain amount of autonomy in its content. As the majority of church publications became centralized under the direction of the leadership in Salt Lake City, the quantity, the selection and variety, and often the quality of available literature declined. A rich tradition of literature, often produced without official church sanction, was replaced by authorized cookie cutter versions, written, edited and printed in Salt Lake City, or church affiliated presses in foreign lands. While the new evangelization approaches from the 1960s produced higher convert numbers, it mattered little that just as many left the organization as converted to it. There seems to be a fascination with gaining converts, getting them baptized, then having them become an official member. Yet there has never really been a problem with getting individuals to convert to Mormonism, but rather in the retention of those converts. Retaining converts is something that other religious groups have done a better job at.93 Leaving the LDS church while their hair is still wet, or to put it another way, apostasy, is something that the LDS leadership should be aware of, as it is not a recent phenomenon. Perhaps the attitude that comes across as, at least they have been baptized and appear on the membership rolls, needs to change. Perhaps accurately keeping track of actual membership totals, active and inactive members, would give the organization a better perspective of whether it is experiencing growth, is stagnating, or is in decline. 1. General Literature When the Mormons first began evangelizing in Germany the only German language tract available was Orson Hyde’s Ein Ruf aus der Wüste. Orson Hyde’s tract appears to have had a short life. While it is the first example of the Mormon message made available to the German public, future missionaries make no reference to it, or mentioned that they used it at all in the 1850s. It is for obvious reasons that the tract would not be used in the German Mission from 1850 onward. By then several parts of the booklet were out-dated, and not in agreement with Mormon teachings which had developed since the 1840s. Hyde presented earlier Mormon views than those that had developed by the 1850s in two main areas, the nature of God, and the view on marriage. Hyde’s tract says that God is a spiritual, not a material being, and intimates that the Mormons were monogamous. It also touched on Mormon origins and stated that Smith was in his 15 year when he re93

Peggy Fletcher Stack, “Keeping Members a Challenge for LDS Church: Mormon Myth: The Belief That the Church is the Fastest-growing Faith in the World Doesn't Hold Up,” The Salt Lake Tribune, Tribune Publishing Co., Salt Lake City, June 22, 2006. See also “Membership, Retention on the Rise,” Ensign, vol. 37, no. 6, June 2007, pp. 75–76.

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ceived his first theophany.94 Hyde’s account would place the initial theophany at a later time in Smith’s life than is claimed today. Hyde’s tract was followed in 1850 by John Taylor’s newspaper, Zion’s Panier, and the German translation of the Book of Mormon.95 Taylor’s paper ceased publication in 1852 and was replaced in 1855 by Der Darsteller. Der Darsteller was in publication from 1855–1861 only to be replaced by Die Reform from 1862–1864. When, Die Reform, ceased publication there was a hiatus for Mormon newspapers in the German language for five years. In 1869 Der Stern became the official organ of the German-speaking mission in Europe. It would continue to be published until the 1990s.96 The only booklets of note to appear in the decades immediately following Hyde’s Ein Ruf aus der Wüste, were George P. Dykes’, Glaubens Artikel in der Kirche Jesu Christi der Heiligen der letzten Tage, and Lorenzo Snow’s Die Wiederherstellung des ursprunglichen Evangeliums, which both appeared in 1851.97 Parley P. Pratt’s, Eine Stimme der Warnung 98 was published in Hamburg in 1853, and Orson Spencer’s Die Patriarchalische Ordnung, was published around 1855.99 While there were a few other literary works in circulation, for example, Reiser’s translation of the revelation on plural marriage,100 the listed texts

See Hyde, Ruf Aus der Wüste, pp. 14, 85. Hyde makes no mention of God the Father having a material body. Hyde follows the theology of Lectures on Faith where the views on the Godhead are concerned. Hyde states: “Der Vater ist eine geistige Person voll von Herrlichkeit und Macht, und im Besitze aller Vollkommenheit. Der Sohn, der ewig in der Gegenwart des Vaters war, trägt sein vollkommenes Ebenbild und theilt alle seine Glorie, Macht und Vollkommenheit.” Hyde states the Holy Ghost is the mind, or will of the Father and Son. Hyde declares: “Er besitzt denselben Willen wie der Vater, und dieser Wille ist der heilige Geist, welcher der ausübende Geschäftsträger des Vaters und des Sohnes ist.” Hyde, Ruf Aus der Wüste, pp. 56–57. 95 Zions Panier der Kirche Jesu Christi der Heiligen der Letzten Tage, John Taylor (Hrsg.), 1 Bd., Kirche Jesu Christi der Heiligen der Letzten Tage, Hamburg, 1851–1852. 96 Der Stern der Heiligen der Letzten Tage: Eine Monatsschrift zur Verbreitung der Wahrheit, Karl Mäser, et al (Hrsgg.), 125 Bde., Kirche Jesu Christi der Heiligen der Letzten Tage, Bern, Zürich, Hamburg, Dresden, Berlin und Frankfurt, 1869–1999. 97 George P. Dykes, Glaubens Artikel in der Kirche Jesu Christi der Heiligen der letzten Tage, N.P., l851; Lorenzo Snow, Die Wiederherstellung des ursprünglichen Evangeliums, oder die ersten Grundsätze der Lehre der Kirche Jesu Christi der Latter Day Saints, J. P. Scheib (übers.), Johann Burghard, London, 1851. 98 Parley P. Pratt, Eine Stimme der Warnung und Belehrung für alle Völker oder eine Einleitung zu dem Glauben und den Lehren der Kirche Jesu Christi der Heiligen der letzten Tage, Daniel Carn (übers.), F. H. Nestler & Melle, Hamburg, 1853. 99 Orson Spencer, Die Patriarchalische Ordnung, oder die Mehrheit der Frauen, N.P., Zürich, 1855. 100 See Latter Day Saints Millennial Star, vol. 15, no. 23, June 4, 1853, p. 367. Reiser claims he translated the revelation and left it with acquaintances in Württemberg. Lorenzo Snow also mentions that an acquaintance of his was working on a German translation of a Mormon booklet.

94

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would be representative of the Mormons’ German language publications available for distribution during the years from 1842–1872. Pratt’s Stimme appears to have been a popular booklet; as between 1853–1901 it went through four editions.101 Apart from Dykes booklet, the other works appear to have been German translations of English originals. One author who is conspicuously missing from the German catalogue is Orson Pratt. Pratt, who contributed numerous volumes of literature, could be considered the greatest intellectual that the Mormons had ever produced. While Pratt’s writing was theologically based, it was also scholarly in tone. It was Pratt who was hand picked to defend polygamy against the criticisms of the American public in 1852. Pratt’s works were frequently used as tracts in the English speaking world and several of his writings were translated into Dutch, Danish, and Swedish between 1853 and 1860.102 Yet none of his major writings appeared in any German editions.103 Why Orson Pratt’s works were not used more extensively in Germany is difficult to assess. It has proved difficult to draw any conclusions as to why certain authors and texts were preferred by the missionaries in Germany. There is also a lack of information detailing the impact on potential converts that any of the preferred literature had on its readers. One can only deduce that the preference of Parley P. Pratt’s Eine Stimme der Warnung, an emotional, arrogant diatribe condemning all existing churches, was found to be more conducive and convincing to German speakers than the intellectual, well reasoned Orson Pratt. Mormon literature; newspapers, tracts, and booklets served two functions. Firstly they were proselyting tools designed to gain an audience that led to more personal discussions. Secondly they were teaching tools that provided introductory explanations of the Mormons’ beliefs. The intended audience was both potential converts and the general Mormon membership. As the congregations began to stabilize and grow in Germany, church publications began to appear that were oriented towards teaching the membership rather than concentrating on the con-

101 Pratt’s booklet was republished twice in Switzerland, in 1871, and again in 1892. The first and fourth German editions were printed in Germany. The first edition was printed in Hamburg by Nestler & Melle in 1853, and the fourth edition was printed in Berlin by Herman Dusedann in 1902. 102 Pratt’s Danish translations include Celestial Marriage, New Jerusalem (1855), Divine Authenticity of the Book of Mormon (1853), Was Joseph Smith Sent by God (1857), True Principles of the Gospel (1857), God’s kingdom in the Last Days (1897), The Holy Spirit (1902), Remarkable Visions (1851), Similarity Between Evidences for the Bible and the Book of Mormon (1859), and Tracts (1860). There were also Swedish and Dutch versions of Was Joseph Smith Sent of God and Remarkable Visions. 103 An obscure tract of Pratt’s was published towards the end of the nineteenth century, The work is titled Der Charakter und die erforderlichen Eingeschaften, welche die Diener des Reiches Gottes besitzen mussen, N.P., 1888.

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version of the individual.104 The literature however does not seem to be overly comprehensive. One does get a sense that the German converts were to emigrate to Utah as soon as possible following their conversion. To further that end they were encouraged to learn English in order to make the passage to Utah as easy as possible. As well by learning English they would have access to a greater volume of church literature such as the Journal of Discourses, and the Latter Day Saints Millennial Star.105 2. Newspapers The dominant medium used by the Mormons in Germany to gain converts appears to have been through the publication of newspapers rather than booklets or tracts. The use of newspapers to broadcast the Mormon message has a longstanding history, beginning with the first Mormon newspaper, the, Evening and Morning Star, published in Independence, Missouri in the early 1830s. Mormon newspapers served several functions for the membership. Essentially they were the primary means of broadcasting the church’s religious teachings. Without a large selection of literature available to the Mormons’ German speaking membership, the papers seem to have been the primary means of educating the general German membership. They were also used as an evangelistic tool. Members were encouraged to purchase extra copies of the papers and distribute them to non-members in an attempt to convert close friends and family members.106 Church newspapers such as, Der Stern: Eine Monatsschrift zur verbreitung der Wahrheit, or the English language Latter Day Saints Millennial Star, were usually left in the homes of any prospective converts. Aside from the religious teachings, the newspapers also carried general news worthy items incorporated 104 Selections from the hymnals, revelations and other canonical works appeared first within the newspapers. See Zions Panier, Bd. 1, Nr. 1, November 1, 1851, pp. 6 ff., and Der Darsteller, Bd. 1, Nr. 4, September 1855, pp. 49–57; Bd. 1, Nr. 12, May 1856, p. 181. The Mormons’ canonical material followed later. The Buch Mormon: Ein Bericht geschrieben von der Hand Mormons auf Tafeln Nephi’s Tafeln entnommen In das Englische übersetzt von Joseph Smith jun., John Taylor und Georg P. Dykes (übers.), John Taylor (Hrsg.), F. H. Nestler & Melle, Hamburg, 1852; Liederbuch für die Kirche Jesu Christi der Heiligen der letzten Tage, Jabez Woodward (Hrsg.), J. H. Tellman, Zürich, 1861; Die Köstliche Perle; eine ausgewählte Sammlung von der Offenbarungen, Übersetzungen und Erzählungen Joseph Smiths, Erster Prophet, Seher und Offenbarer für die Kirche Jesu Christ der Heiligen der letzten Tage, aus dem Englischen, J. J. Walser (übers.), P. F. Groß, Bern, 1882; Bundnisse und Lehre, Heinrich Eyring (Hrsg.), J. U. Stucki, Bern, 1876. 105 Der Darsteller, Bd. 1, Nr. 9, February 1856, p. 122; Journal of Discourses: By Brigham Young, His Two Counselors, the Twelve Apostles, and Others, 26 vols, Latter Day Saints Book Depot, Liverpool, 1854–1886. The 26 volume series was published in England and contained the conference sermons of the Mormon leaders. 106 Der Darsteller, Bd. 1, Nr. 4, September 1855, p. 57; Bd. 1, Nr. 11, April 1856, p. 168.

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from newspapers and correspondents around the globe. The newsworthy items had a tendency to concentrate on world events that could be correlated to specific biblical passages. This was done to further strengthen the Mormons belief in an imminent apocalypse. The Mormon newspaper tradition continued in Europe until the early 1970s. The English Millennial Star, which began publishing in 1839, ceased publication in 1970. The German Der Stern, which began publishing in 1869, ended its run in the 1990s. The Millennial Star, and Der Stern, were the central organs for the Latter-day Saints European missions. They served the members of the English and German speaking parts of Europe for over a century. Der Stern was only one of several Mormon newspapers catering to German speaking members and potential converts both in North America and abroad. Aside from the European based newspapers, Zion’s Panier, Der Darsteller, and Die Reform, German speaking converts in Utah were also served by several regionally published German language newspapers. The Salt Lake City Anzeiger, and the Salt Lake City Intelligenz Blatt, were German newspapers were published during the 1880s and early 1890s. The Salt Lake City Beobachter was the longest running German newspaper serving German-speaking converts in Utah. The Beobachter was published from 1890–1935. 3. Tracts, Pamphlets and Booklets For much of the nineteenth and the early twentieth century a large portion of Mormon books, and booklets were written with specific audiences in mind. These texts were often apologetic treatises defending the principles of Mormonism against their critics’ claims. Their use in proselyting potential converts dominated their use as educational tools for the Mormon membership. Much of the literature dealt with specific religious topics or themes intended to fortify Mormon claims to being restored Christianity. The content was often introductory with the main intent being to spark questions by the reader that could be answered in-depth upon future visits by the missionary.107 While the topics often addressed were varied, the literature was consistent whereby it attempted to convince individuals of the validity of the Mormon message. Historically the literature addressed the topics related to the apostasy of Christianity, the restoration of authentic Christianity, Joseph Smith’s First Vision, the Book of Mormon, the Plan of Exaltation, and lastly the importance of baptism. At various times, and dependent on the intended audience, plural marriage and the Gathering to Zion were also addressed.

107 See Der Darsteller, Bd. 1, Nr. 7, December 1855, p. 99. There exist constant admonitions that the members should not concern themselves with in-depth speculations. In time the members would learn all they needed to know.

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While small booklets and pamphlets were easy to transport, in most of the mission fields’ larger books on the principles of Mormonism supplemented the smaller works. There is little to distinguish the use of literature in the German Mission versus its use in other foreign mission fields. The Book of Mormon, along with other books was often offered for sale to the general public. As was the case with the smaller works, missionaries were encouraged to sell as many copies of the Book of Mormon as possible.108 In Germany the Book of Mormon was not used during initial contacts with individuals. Rather, it was introduced to the potential convert only after several meetings with the missionaries.109 There appears to have been a need to prepare, and to guide the potential convert through the church’s teachings in a progressive manner. Since the 1970s the general church wide policy has changed towards the placement of the Book of Mormon. Now it is common practice to place a Book of Mormon in homes during the missionary’s initial contact with an investigator. The importance of literature and its placement cannot be underestimated. Often the only tool that the Mormon missionary possessed to initiate contact with individuals was the literature that they carried. The literature in turn then formed the basis for the Mormons’ missionary message. The literature that the Mormons have used, and continue to use then is able to address a broad spectrum of society. Missionaries were often able to distribute literature, which not only addressed theological concerns, but also included women’s, and children’s literature. This allowed the missionary to reach any and all possible converts. Members of the church were also encouraged to purchase large quantities of literature, which they were to sell, loan or give away to potential converts.110 The current practice of distributing free literature to anyone that request it by the missionaries is a development of the early twentieth century.111 The content and the tone of the tracts used by the Mormon missionaries ranged from simple, casual, and informal stories, to complex scholarly treatises. Many were written in Cathechismal formats, comprised of a series of questions and answers designed to systematically present the principles of Mormonism, and thereby convince an individual of the truth of the message.112 The works selected for distribution among the German public are markedly different in style from those that appeared in North America, England or Scandi-

108 Elders’ Journal, vol. 1, 1910, p. 10. 109 In scanning the Mormons’ German literature, the Book of Mormon, or Book of Mormon themes do not appear as a dominant topic relative to the many millenarian themes. For examples see Der Darsteller, Bd. 2, Nr. 10, March 1857, p. 156; Bd. 3, Nr. 11, 1858, pp. 161– 174. 110 See Der Darsteller, Bd. 1, Nr. 11, April 1856, p. 168; Bd. 3, Nr. 8, January 1858, p. 123. 111 William Mulder, Homeward to Zion, University of Minnesota Press, Minneapolis, 1957, pp. 76–77. 112 See Der Darsteller, Bd. 3, Nr. 11, August 1858, p. 163.

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navia for that matter. Generally, the German tracts and books were short, expositional, and simplistically written booklets, rather than extensive theological, or apologetical treatises. This does not seem so out of the ordinary when one realizes that Germany, its culture and its churches, and the religious convictions of the German people, were distinct from their American, British, and Scandinavian counterparts. While on the surface the central position of Protestantism within all the countries may be evidenced, German Protestantism is not American Evangelicalism, neither is it English nonconformist Protestantism. It is therefore possible that the content of the literature was simplified for the German audience due to the extensive secularization of a large part of German Protestantism during the early nineteenth century. The wholesale rejection of the supernatural by the mainstream clergy and their rationalistic and historical approaches to Christianity would have made public debate difficult for the Mormons. Even though it faced opposition from its own conservative wings, German Protestant was moving towards a more liberal, demythologized interpretation of Christianity. It is unlikely then that a large part of the clergy would engage the Mormons on theological grounds in areas that the clergy would have considered pure superstition. As the clergy were trained in theological faculties associated with universities the intellectual chasm that existed between the German clergy and the Mormon missionary would have been wide. This intellectual chasm also existed between the German clergy and the congregants that sat in the pews in many of the German churches. The methods of engagement, as well as the arguments that had won many converts from among evangelical, and nonconforming Protestants internationally would have been unacceptable in Germany. There was little common theological ground between Mormonism and German Christianity. The approaches needed in reaching the Germans would need to be altered. The Mormons chose to concentrate on gaining a positive emotional response to their message by presenting a generic Mormon Christianity.113 It was hoped that converts could be gained from those still clinging to an older mythological worldview, and from those individuals who had become disaffected with the rationalistic approaches of the established churches.114 113 For an example of the role of “feeling,” see Der Darsteller, Bd. 1, Nr. 10, March 1856, pp. 157–159. 114 For example see Lorenzo Snow, Die Wiederherstellung des ursprünglichen Evangeliums, oder die ersten Grundsätze der Lehre der Kirche Jesu Christi der Latter Day Saints, J. P. Scheib (übers.), Johann Burghard, London, 1851; William Budge, Das Einzig wahre Evangelium, P. F. Gaß, Bern, 1883; Theodor Brändli, Die Gründung und Lehren der Kirche Jesu Christ der Heiligen der Letzten Tage. In Kürze dargestellt vom Ältesten Theodor Brändli, Suter & Lierow, Bern, 1889; and Ben E. Rich, Wo ist das Wahre Evangelium? Ein in Gegenwart mehrerer Personen sich entwickelndes Gespräch zwischen einen Mormonen Missionar, einen Pfarrer und einem Reisenden, Hugh J. Cannon & Levi Edgar Young, Zürich, 1900.

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Scholarly works, which were often used in the English-speaking mission fields by Mormon intellectuals, such as Orson Pratt and B. H. Roberts, are missing from the Mormon body of literature in German. Two primary authors whose writings were used as missionary tracts extensively in Scandinavia and England, Parley P. Pratt and Orson Pratt, were also not used to the same degree in Germany.115 Selections from Orson Pratt’s writings were translated into German, and they did appear in consecutive issues of Der Darsteller.116 Generally though, there did appear to be a tendency to translate, and therefore to utilize titles written for a more general and popular audience. Popular titles, such as those authored by Charles W. Penrose, Rays of Living Light, appear to have been broadly distributed in Germany as missionary tracts. The 12 tract series, translated as Strahlen des lebendigen Lichtes der Lehre Jesu Christi, made little mention of founding prophet Joseph Smith. The tracts concentrated on central Mormon themes, such as apostasy and restoration, the importance of priesthood, and baptism for the dead.117 Yet it was the tone of the German tracts that set them apart. Missing was the confrontational writing style that had characterized much of earlier Mormon missionary literature. Aside from the tracts, and the canonical works, the Book of Mormon, Pearl of Great Price, and Doctrine and Covenants, two additional significant Mormon works were translated into German. James Talmage’s, Die Glaubensartikel, and John Widstoe’s, Vernunftgemasse Theologie wie sie die Kirche Jesu Christi der Heiligen der letzten Tage lehrt, were extremely important works in the development of the Mormon belief system.118 The 13-point statement on Mormon beliefs

115 Mulder, Homeward to Zion, pp. 76–77. 116 Excerpts from Orson Pratt’s Divine Authority of the Book of Mormon were published in the Darsteller. See Der Darsteller, Bd. 1, Nr. 1, pp. 2–11; Bd. 1, Nr. 2, June 1855, pp. 21–25; Bd. 1, Nr. 3, July 1855, pp. 41–45; Bd. 1, Nr. 6, November 1855, pp. 91–94; Bd. 1, Nr. 7, December 1855, pp. 104–108. 117 Charles W. Penrose, Strahlen des lebendigen Lichtes der Lehre Jesu Christi, A. T. Schopp, Zürich, N.D. The 12 tract set included 1). Faith and Works; 2). Faith; 3). Repentance and Baptism; 4). The Gift of the Holy Ghost; 5). Divine Authority; 6). Apostasy; 7). Restoration; 8). Book of Mormon; 9). Latter Day Revelation; 10). Salvation for the Dead; 11). Baptism for the Dead; 12). Fruits of Mormonism. 118 James E. Talmage, Die Glaubensartikel: Eine reihe von vorlesungen über die hauptlehren. Der Kirche Jesu Christi der Heiligen der Letzten Tage. Von Dr. James E. Talmage. Einem der zwölf Apostel der Kirche. Auf anordnung der Kirche ausgearbeitet und von ihr herausgegeben, Max Zimmer und Georgius Y. Cannon (übers.), Schweizerisch-Deutschen Mission, Basel, 1919. John Widstoe, Vernunftgemäße Theologie wie sie die Kirche Jesu Christi der Heiligen der letzten Tage lehrt. Von Dr. John A. Widtsoe, Margaret Hoyer (übers.), Deutsche-Österreicher & Schweitzer-Deutsche Mission der Kirche Jesu Christi der Heiligen der letzten Tage, Basel, 1926.

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written by Joseph Smith in the early 1840s, the Glaubensartikel, was also used as a tract during the latter part of the nineteenth century.119 It is difficult to provide a comprehensive exposition of all Mormon literature used in Germany as that would take up an entire volume on its own. It is however hoped that the reader will have gained a general sense of the message the Mormons’ used to proselyte and therefore what could have attracted an individual to Mormonism. There appears to have been a core, or perhaps central themes that the missionaries used to engage the German public. As with any missionary endeavour the message should be tailored to fit the audience. As cultures vary, the message should also vary in its presentation, and to a degree in the themes presented. While this approach may optimize the proselyting process it is often difficult to tailor a message to suit a particular culture. The group itself must determine which part of its message is most acceptable to the audience it wishes to reach, and then emphisze those aspects. The remainder of the complete message can be entered into the discussion at a later point. A central focus of Mormon proselyting abroad dealt with two concepts that were important to Mormon soteriology and eschatology, plural marriage, and the Gathering to Zion. Plural marriage, and the Gathering to Zion were also the two concepts that received the majority of criticism in Germany. It should come as no surprise then that when these concepts were de-emphasized criticism lessened and baptismal rates increased.

F.

THE KINGDOM OF GOD, GATHERING, AND PLURAL MARRIAGE

On October 21, 1856 a group of German converts, British mission leaders, and American apostles met to establish a German-speaking congregation in London, England. Noteworthy persons present at the meeting included the newly installed congregational leader, and president of the German Mission Karl Mäser, his Counselor Eduard Schönfeld, and Apostle Orson Pratt, who had returned to England that year to serve as president of the British Mission. According to the reports it was a time of great joy for the Mormons and the gathered German converts as the establishment of the German congregation was seen as a foretaste of the harvest that was yet to come. Traditional Lutheran hymns, “Ein feste Burg” and “Nun danket alle Gott” were sung, and those present partook of the bread and wine of Holy Communion.120 From under the gaze of the painted likenesses’ of the First Presidency and the Quorum of the Twelve Apostles, and within eyesight of the newly erected busts of fallen leaders Joseph and Hyrum Smith, Apostle Orson Pratt used the occasion to speak to those present of his vision of the future

119 Joseph Smith, Glaubensartikel der Kirche Jesu Christi der Heiligen der letzten Tage, N.P., Bern, 1882. The tract was reprinted twice in the nineteenth century in 1893, and 1895. 120 Der Darsteller, Bd. 2, Nr. 7, December 1856, pp. 108–110.

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of the German Mission.121 Pratt had high expectations of the future role Germany, and the role the German converts would play in furthering the Mormon kingdom. Pratt, echoing founder Joseph Smith, states: “Unter den deutschen ist ein Werk zu Thun, grösser als in anderen Länden, und in kurzen wird dieses Volk mehr Bekenner des Reiches Gottes zählen als England oder irgend eine andere Nation.” “...dann werden die Grenzen niederstürzen, die Mauren gegen des Reiches Gottes gebaut werde brechen, die Feinde stürzen, und das Wort wird Wohnung machen in Deutschland.”122

Pratt seems to have believed that God will gather the Germans who live outside of the Vaterland and then these converted Germans will return to proselyte in Germany. The Mormons sought to fulfill the revealed divine vision, in spite of numerous setbacks, as they did consistently attempt to maintain a presence in Germany from 1852 onward. It was the Mormons’ belief in their divine sanction, coupled with their apocalyptic beliefs that drove missionary efforts during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. As they fully expected the imminent return of Jesus and the establishment of the Millennial Kingdom within their lifetime, the call to gather the elect was heralded around the globe. For many Mormons, the Second Advent was expected to occur between December 23, 1890 and December 23, 1891, in the 85th year since the birth of founder Joseph Smith. The specific date of February 14, 1891 was seen as the most likely date for the return of Jesus.123 Followers of Smith had drawn their timeline from several references made by him during his lifetime.124 Early Mormonism was encased in millenarianism.125 Mormonism’s foundation rested on the twin pillars of plural marriage and the Gathering to Zion. The two concepts were paramount to establishing the Millennial Kingdom, and to a degree are therefore inseparable from each other.126 The thrust of the first 60 years of proselytizing was to issue warnings that the elect could ill afford not to gather in the appointed places of refuge in North America. It would be in these places of refuge that the principles revealed by God through his holy prophets, the Mormon leaders, could be practiced. 121 Der Darsteller, Bd. 2, Nr. 7, December 1856, p. 109. 122 Der Darsteller, Bd. 2, Nr. 7, December 1856, pp. 108–109. 123 For discussion on Mormon millenarianism and the impact on the nineteenth-century LDS church see Dan Erickson, As a Thief in the Night: The Mormon Quest for Millennial Deliverance, Signature Books, Salt Lake City, 1999; Grant Underwood, The Millenarian World of Early Mormonism, University of Illinois Press, Urbana, 1999. 124 See Smith, History of the Church, vol. 2, p. 185; Doctrine and Covenants 130:16–17. 125 We have dealt with the kingdom of God in a previous chapter. For Apocalyptic themes see Der Darsteller, Bd. 2, Nr. 1, June 1856, pp. 1, 7; Bd. 2, Nr. 10, March 1857, pp. 145–150. 126 The Mormons consistently equated their church with the end time millennial kingdom. See Der Darsteller, Bd. 1, Nr. 11, April 1856, p. 172–173; Bd. 2, Nr. 1, June 1856, pp. 6–9; Bd. 3, Nr. 1, June 1857, 1857, p. 12.

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For the Mormons, North America has always had a cosmological significance within eschatological time. The cosmological significance of America was embedded within the Mormon millenarian message initially proclaimed in Germany by Orson Hyde. Hyde had explicitly stated that the New Jerusalem, the city of Zion, would be built in the United States by the generation living at the time when Joseph Smith uncovered the golden plates.127 In his vision of the events that would transpire shortly before the Second Advent, and the establishment of the Millennial Kingdom, the Apostle John on the island of Patmos saw that the event marking the beginning of the end of human time would see an Angel with a book in his hand, the everlasting Gospel which he would proclaim to the world, a separation from the world, and a gathering of the elect.128 For the Mormons the initial event had already transpired as the early Mormons had made a connection between the Angel of John’s vision and the Angel Moroni who had returned the golden plates, the everlasting Gospel, to the earth once again. The other two events were in the process of being carried out. As time was short there was urgency in proclaiming the message to the elect of God scattered throughout the world. The Gathering to Zion continued to play a central role in the lives of those who converted to the Mormons. Letters from converts who had emigrated echoed these millenarian sentiments by encouraging the remaining converts to come to Utah.129 The Gathering to Zion is a theme addressed often by the Mormons in Germany.130 Yet, the call for the German Mormons to separate from the evil world was no different than the call made to converts in other lands.131 Emigration to Utah, to gather with the saints, was not an option if one wished to follow divine instructions; as to gather was a direct commandment from God.132 The Gathering was a call for the faithful to gather in North America, “das Gott Erwählte Land,” to avoid the coming apocalypse.133 Yet there was another reason that emigration was stressed. The final destination of the convert was directly tied to their ability to engage in the most sacred rituals of the church. Only in Utah could one enter into plural marriage and gain passage to the highest kingdom in the next world. A sacred

127 Hyde, Ruf Aus der Wüste, pp. 94–95, 105–106. 128 Revelation 14:6. 129 For examples see Der Darsteller, Bd. 1, Nr. 5, 1855, p. 72; Bd. 1, Nr. 7, December 1855, p. 108; Bd. 3, Nr. 9, 1858, pp. 142–144, Nr. 10, 1858, p. 156; Bd. 4, Nr. 1, 1859, pp. 8–11; Die Reform der Heiligen der Letzten Tage, John L. Smith (Hrsg.), 1 Bd., Kirche Jesu Christi der Heiligen der Letzten Tage, Genf, 1862–64, Bd. 1, Nr. 3, 1862, pp. 45–47. 130 See Der Darsteller, Bd. 4, Nr. 3, June 1860, pp. 2–3, 12; Die Reform, Bd. 1, Nr. 3, November 1862, pp. 37–41; Bd. 1, Nr. 7, September 1863, pp. 110–111; Bd. 1, Nr. 9, November 1863, pp. 132–136; Bd. 1, Nr. 12, February 1864, pp. 187–188. 131 Der Darsteller, Bd. 2, Nr. 10, March 1857, p. 147. 132 Die Reform, Bd. 1, Nr. 9, November 1863, p. 133. 133 Der Darsteller, Bd. 2, Nr. 1, June 1856, p. 1; Bd. 2, Nr. 10, March 1857, pp. 145–150.

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space, a temple, was necessary. Only within its confines could the highest rituals assuring exaltation, assuring apotheosis, becoming a god, be performed.134 Only within its confines could the rituals for self, and family, both living and dead, be sanctioned. With access to temples limited to Utah until the twentieth century it was imperative that converts made the journey to Utah. The shift from being actively engaged in establishing the theocratic kingdom in the present to passively awaiting the establishment of the kingdom in the future is naturally seen in the literature used by the Mormons in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.135 This distinction is best seen in the attitudinal shift in the emphasis on the gathering of the elect in the proselyting methodology. While the call to gather was emphasized the focus had been on a quick conversion and a hasty preparation for emigration to North America. As the concept of the Gathering begins to play a less of a role, the converts are encouraged to stay in their native lands, and thereby create stable congregations. The message presented to the potential converts reflects the change in emphasis the Mormons had towards the concept of the Gathering.136 The shift is noticeable in the type, and also the varied selections of literature presented to the converts. During the nineteenth century converts were encouraged to learn English as that was the language God had chosen to speak to his people in the last days prior to the Second Advent, and also the language they would need as they emigrated to the United States, and to live their new lives in Zion. By the 1920s we begin to see the introduction of a full selection of teaching materials prepared for German Mormons in their own language. This signalled a significant shift as it indicated that the LDS church intended to

134 Only by entering into plural marriage, often called “Celestial Marriage,” or “sealing for time and eternity,” would one be able to reach the highest Heaven. As no temples existed outside of Utah those remaining in Germany would have been second class Mormons. The first temple built in Germany was in 1985 in Freiberg in the German Democratic Republic. 135 On the establishment of the Kingdom of God see Der Darsteller, Bd. 1, Nr. 1, May 1855, pp. 17–20; Bd. 1, Nr. 3, 1855, pp. 33–34; Bd. 1, Nr. 4, September 1855, pp. 58–60; Bd. 1, Nr. 6, November 1855, pp. 81–91; Bd. 2, Nr. 1, June 1856, pp. 6–9. 136 Compare early works such as Hyde, Ruf Aus der Wüste, Pratt, Stimme Der Warnung, Spencer, Patriarchalische Ordnung with the later works of Eduard Schönfeld, Johannes Huber, and Karl H. Wilcken, Der Mormonismus: Seine Einsetzung und ersten Grundsätze, C. Gutknecht, Bern, 1872; Eine Kurze Darstellung der hauptsächlichsten lehren des Evangeliums Jesu Christi, Mission der Kirche in der Schweiz und Deutschland, G. Gutknecht, Bern, 1872; Heinrich Eyring, Ein Wort der Verteidigung: Oder antworten auf Fragen der Lehren der Kirche Jesu Christ der Heiligen der letzten Tage, J. U. Stucki, Bern, 1875; Ben E. Rich, Wahre und falsche Religion mit einander Verglichen. Ein Gespräch zwischen einen „Mormonen“ Ältesten, einen Pfarrer und einen reisenden in einen Temperenz Gasthof Gegenwart mehrerer Personen, C. C. Naegle (Hrsg.), S. Lierow, Bern, 1895; Joseph Smith, Glaubensartikel der Kirche Jesu Christi der Heiligen der letzten Tage, N.P., Bern, 1882; Die ewige Wahrheit, Erklärung über die Lehren der Kirche Jesu Christi der Heiligen der letzten Tage von der Abfall und Wiederbringung des wahren Evangeliums, Traktat Nr. 1, Redaktion des Stern, Schröder & Jeve, Hamburg, 1898.

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maintain congregations within the German speaking countries of Europe. No longer was the majority of available literature evangelistic in nature but the books and pamphlets now available would aid in strengthening the German speaking congregations and thereby hopefully create much needed stability.137 While there has always existed a core set of beliefs that Mormons have presented to potential converts, this core set of beliefs have not always been presented as being of equal importance. While the hopes of establishing a theocracy in the American west dominated Mormon ideology, concepts related to its establishment were also the dominant themes presented to potential converts.138 The Gathering to Zion, plural marriage, and topics related to preparations for an imminent arrival of the Kingdom of God dominated much of Mormon literature during the nineteenth century.139 Additional, minor, but often inter-related

137 Richtlinien fur die Arbeit des Fortbildungsvereins im Jahre 1925–26, DeutschOsterreichischen und Schweizerisch-Deutschen Mission der Kirche Jesu Christi der heiligen der Letzten Tage, Basel, 1925; Offenbarungen der Neuzeit: Geschichte und Botschaft der “Lehre und Bundnisse,” Aus dem Englischen “Manual for the Young Men’s Mutual Improvement Associations,” Fred Tadje (Hrsg.), Schweizerischen und Deutschen Mission Der Kirche Jesu Christi der heiligen der Letzten Tage, Basel, 1925; Unterrichtsplane für 1922 fur die Sonntagsschulen in der Schweizerischen und Deutscher Mission der kirche Jesu Christi der heiligen der Letzten Tage, Max Zimmer (bearb.), Serge F. Ballif, Basel, 1922; Begebenheiten aus der Kirchengeschichte, Fur die erste Mittelklasse, Margaret Hoyer (übers.), Fred Tadje (Hrsg.), Schweizerischen und Deutschen Mission der Kirche Jesu Christi der Heiligen der Letzten Tage, Basel, 1924; Die gottliche Mission des Heilandes, Margaret Hoyer (übers.), Fred Tadje (Hrsg.), Präsident der Schweizerischen und Deutschen Mission der Kirche Jesu Christi der Heiligen der Letzten Tage, Basel, 1924; Über weibliche ‘Fugenden und Fahigkeiten, Schweizerisch-Deutschen Mission der Kirche Jesu Christi der Heiligen der Letzten Tage, Basel, 1924; Vorbildliche Frauen der Bibel, Der Welt und Literaturgeschichte und der Kirche, Deutsch-Österreichischen Mission, Basel, 1926; Weibliche Berufe und die Grundlagen zu deren Erfolg, Margaret Hoyer (bear.), Deutsch-Oesterreichischen und Schweizerrisch-Deutschen Mission der Kirche Jesu Christi der Heiligen der Letzten Tage, Basel, 1926; Begebenheiten aus dem Leben Jesu: Unterrichtsplan fur die erste Mittelklasse der Sonntagsschulen der Schweizerischen und Deutschen Mission der Kirche Jesu Christi der Heiligen der letzten Tage fur das Jahr 1923, Jean Wunderlich (bearb.), Serge F. Ballif (Hrsg.), Schweizerischen und Deutschen Mission, Basel, 1923; Grosse Manner der Bibel und des Buches Mormon: Sonntagschulunterrichtsplan der zweiten Mittelklasse fur das Jahr 1923, Zum Teil nach englischen Quellen bearbeitet von Jean Wunderlich, Serge F. Ballif (Hrsg.), Schweizerischen und Deutschen Mission der Kirche Jesu Christi der Heiligen der Letzten Tage, Basel, 1923; Das Leben Jesu Fur die Primarklassen, Fred Tadje (Hrsg.), Basel, 1924; Ein Leitfaden zum Studium des Buches Mormon, Jean Wunderlich (bearb.), Fred Tadje (Hrsg.), Schweizerischen und Deutschen Mission der Kirche Jesu Christi der Heiligen der Letzten Tage, Basel, N.D. 138 An article from 1856 in Der Darsteller, outlines why theocracy is the only form of legitimate government. Der Darsteller, Bd. 1, Nr. 12, May 1856, pp. 177–181. 139 For the importance of the kingdom of God see Der Darsteller, Bd. 1, Nr. 3, 1855, pp. 41–45; Bd. 1, Nr. 7, December 1855, pp. 104–108; Bd. 3, Nr. 1, June 1857, p. 12. As well see Pratt, Stimme des Warnung, pp. 41–57.

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themes, were also presented to potential converts during this period. Among the topics of discussion that were introduced through, and often included as part of the missionary message was, the prophetic calling and work of Joseph Smith, the origin and contents of the Book of Mormon, the apostasy and restoration of primitive Christianity, tithing, and the authority of the Mormon priesthoods.140 As the hope for an imminent millennial kingdom subsided, the minor themes became the dominant themes and the once dominant themes associated with the Millennial Kingdom; the Gathering to Zion, and plural marriage were laid aside. 1. Plural Marriage It was important that German converts understood the role of plural marriage as a foundational pillar in erecting the Kingdom of God.141 Without engaging in the practice of plural marriage, or as it was termed Celestial Marriage, no Mormon, male or female, could attain the highest degree of Heaven. The Millennial Kingdom could not be realized without plural marriage being practiced. It was the conviction of its importance to Mormon soteriology that strengthened the Mormon leadership’s resolve to support its clandestine continuance, in spite of official assurances that it was no longer being practiced. That is to say, plural marriage was not discontinued following the advice advocated by church President Wilfoord Woodruff’s declaration of 1890. The official abrogation of the practice of plural marriage did not occur until 1904. It was only through the issuance of a second declaration by President Joseph F. Smith that the practice of plural marriage ended. For the decade and a half between the two declarations many entered into plural marriage but cautiously. The Mormon colonies in Canada and Mexico were often the preferred places where plural marriages could be entered into with relative obscurity. The majority of individuals involved in these post-1890 marriages were not local residents but rather individuals who had come from the United States. In Canada there is only one instance of a local resident entering into a plural marriage. David Leavitt, a close associate of resident Apostle John W. Taylor, entered into plural marriage in 1903.142 140 For the Book of Mormon see Pratt, Stimme des Warnung, pp. 57–81. For examples of other concepts see, Der Darsteller, Bd. 1, Nr. 1, May 1855, pp. 1–11; Bd. 1, Nr. 2, June 1855, pp. 17–20; Bd. 1, Nr. 8, January 1856, pp. 116–121; Bd. 1, Nr. 12, May 1856, pp. 177–181; Bd. 2, Nr. 10, March 1857, pp. 156–158; Bd. 2, Nr. 11, April 1857, pp. 161–165; Bd. 3, Nr. 4, September 1857, pp. 56–59; Bd. 3, Nr. 6, November 1857, pp. 88–91. 141 Der Darsteller, Bd. 2, Nr. 9, February 1857, p. 134–135. 142 See D. Michael Quinn, “LDS Authority and New Plural Marriages, 1890–1904,” Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought, vol. 18, no. 1, 1985, pp. 9–105; Kenneth L. Cannon II, “After the Manifesto: Mormon Polygamy 1890–1906,” Sunstone, vol. 8, no. 1–2, January 1983, pp. 27–36.

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There is no doubt that plural marriage was also an important practice for European Mormons of the nineteenth century to engage in. Essential as the practice was to Mormon soteriology, and eschatology, the Mormons continually denied that plural marriage was being practiced. The public denials were made not only in the United States, but in Europe as well. In spite of the critics’ claims that the Mormons had been practicing plural marriage since the 1840s, if not earlier, since the mid 1830s at the very least, their leaders continually denied the existence of the practice until the fall of 1852 when a public declaration affirming the existence of the practice among them was made.143 In early 1853 the practice was made public for the first time to the Mormons’ European membership. There is little doubt that a few of the missionaries had been teaching the concept in private as the critics had long claimed. As nineteenth-century missionaries spent anywhere from three to five years in a mission field, one could expect human affections to develop between a missionary and a new convert.144 The introduction of plural marriage in Europe required special attention. Thirty-eight new missionaries and several special envoys, including Orson Pratt, and William Clayton were sent among the European Saints to defend the principle, and to teach the Saints

143 While rumours had been circulating for decades, and many members had concluded that plural marriage was in fact an authorized practice. Mormon literature, and missionaries denied the existence of the practice. For the late 1840s see Latter Day Saints Millennial Star, vol. 6, no. 2, July 1, 1845, p. 22; vol. 10, no. 9, May 1, 1848, p. 137. For the early 1850s see John Taylor, Three Nights’ Public Discussion Between the Revds. C. W. Cleeve, James Robertson, and Philip Cater, and Elder John Taylor, of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, at Boulogne sur Mer, France. Chairman, Rev. K. Groves, M.A., Assisted by Charles Townley, LL.D., and Mr. Luddy. Also a Reply to the Rev. K. Groves, M.A. & Charles Townley, LL.D, John Taylor, Liverpool, 1850, pp. 8–9; Latter Day Saints Millennial Star, vol. 12, no. 2, January 15, 1850, pp. 29–30. See also Eugene E. Campbell, Establishing Zion: The Mormon Church in the American West, 1847–69, Signature Books, Salt Lake City, 1988, p. 164, Richard S. van Wagoner, Mormon Polygamy: A History, 2nd edn, Signature Books, Salt Lake City, 1989, p. 86. 144 While the public announcement of plural marriage does not occur until the early 1850s Mormon missionaries abroad appear to have been teaching the concept in private as there are a number of wives that seem to be taken from among the converts. For example see Richard S. van Wagoner, “Sarah M. Pratt: The Shaping of An Apostate,” Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought, vol. 19, no. 2, 1986, p. 88; Rebbecca Bartholomew, Audacious Women: Early British Mormon Immigrants, Signature Books, Salt Lake City, 1995, pp.130–131. The list of polygamist missionaries who served in Germany would include, Orson Hyde, John Taylor, George Parker Dykes, Paul August Schettler, Daniel Garn, George Christian Reiser, Jacob Foutz Secrist, Orson Spencer, Jacob Houts, John Conrad Naegle, and Henry Carlos Ferdinand Eyring. Missionaries who served in Germany that took foreign born plural wives include, George Parker Dykes, Paul August Schettler, Daniel Garn, George Christian Reiser, Orson Spencer, John Conrad Naegle, and Henry Carlos Ferdinand Eyring.

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plural marriage.145 The public announcement of plural marriage through the British Millennial Star in January of 1853 had a drastic effect on the membership in Great Britain, and in other parts of Europe. It has been estimated that as many as 60% of the members in Great Britain left or were excommunicated within a decade of the public acknowledgement of the practice of plural marriage in January of 1853.146 Fanny Stenhouse, whose husband was responsible for teaching plural marriage in Switzerland, recalls the effect it had on male and female members following the public announcement of its practice in Switzerland.147 As the mission to Germany was in its infancy, and the resident membership quite small, there is little information by which to gage the reactions to the announcement of the practice of plural marriage in Germany. However, by the late 1850s, polygamy is mentioned quite frequently in German Mormon literature.148 A statement in Der Darsteller outlines quite clearly the Mormon belief as, “wir Glauben auch an eine patriarchalische Ordnung der Ehe.”149 The term Patriarchalische ehe is a clear reference to the Mormon belief in polygamy. The German term Patriarchalische ehe, or patriarchal marriage, has its origin in the Joseph Smith revelation of 1843, where he refers to the concept of having multiple wives as a patriarchal marriage.150 The term is a synonym for the nineteenth-century

145 George D. Smith (ed.), An Intimate Chronicle: The Journals of William Clayton, Signature Books in Association With Smith Research Associates, Salt Lake City, 1995, p.xlviii–xlvix; van Wagoner, “Sarah M. Pratt: The Shaping of An Apostate,” pp. 87–88. 146 The 1843 revelation on plural marriage was published in the January 1, 1853 edition of the Millennial Star. There was also a 64-page supplement that dealt with items from the August 1852 conference, and the defence of plural marriage by Orson Pratt, and other conference speakers. See Latter Day Saints Millennial Star, vol. 15, no. 1, January 1, 1853, pp. 5–8, 11. In the end the attempt to teach plural marriage among the European Saints proved to be a failure. See Smith, An Intimate Chronicle, p. l; Bartholomew, Audacious Women, pp. 130– 131. In July 18, 1857 missionaries are told to refrain from hostile engagement with the public and to obey English laws. The Latter Day Saints Millennial Star, vol. 19, no. 29, July 18, 1857, pp. 457–458. In Germany a similar statement is issued in 1857. See Der Darsteller, Bd. 2, Nr. 9, February 1857, p. 135. 147 Stenhouse’s husband was in charge of the Swiss, Italian, and German Mission during the mid 1850s and was responsible for teaching plural marriage to the membership. See Fanny Stenhouse, A Lady’s Life Among the Mormons: A Record of Personal Experience as One of the Wives of a Mormon Elder During a Period of More Than Twenty Years, American News Company, New York, 1872, pp. 40, 45–54. 148 For examples see Der Darsteller, Bd. 2, Nr. 9, February 1857, p. 135; Bd. 2, Nr. 10, March 1857, pp. 150–152; Die Reform, Bd. 1, Nr. 2, October 1862, pp. 29–31. 149 See for example Der Darsteller, Bd. 1, Nr. 11, April 1856, p. 173; Bd. 1, Nr. 1, May 1855, pp. 2–11. 150 The revelation by Joseph Smith was recorded on July 12th, 1843 but not made public until 1852. In its first publication it appeared as “The Principle and Doctrine of Having Many Wives and Concubines: A Revelation to Joseph Smith, Jr., 12, July 1843,” Great Salt Lake City, Utah Territory: Deseret News Extra, September 14, 1852, pp. 25–27. Orson Pratt who was asked to defend the principle both at home and abroad published the revelation in his

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marriage practices among the Mormons. Patriarchal Marriage, plural marriage, Celestial Marriage within the context of the nineteenth century are all interchangeable terms that can be used to define the same concept within Mormonism. The first solid mention we have of polygamy, or as the Germans referred to the Mormon concept, Mehrehe, Vielehe, or Viel Weiberei, being taught in Germany is a reference by early missionary George Reiser in a letter he wrote to the editors of the Millennial Star in 1853.151 Reiser claimed that he translated Doctrine and Covenants 132, the revelation permitting plural marriage, into German. Reiser continues that his translation was distributed along with other literature.152 One of the original missionaries to Prussia, Orson Spencer’s treatise on plural marriage, Die Patriarchalische Ordnung, oder die Mehrheit der Frauen, was also one of the first Mormon books translated into German.153 Polygamy does appear to have been publicly taught to the German converts. We see this clearly from Reiser’s early account of his mission in Württemberg, primarily through the letter he had given to be broadcast among investigators, from the various tracts distributed among the Germans, and from Mormon newspaper articles throughout the nineteenth century.154 Evidence does also seem to suggest that several German male and female converts entered into plural marriage.155 Many of the missionaries who served in Germany were known polygamists, who often took plural wives from among the new converts. There is however no evidence that can be cited to show that any Mormons engaged in the practice of plural marriage in Germany. The concept of plural marriage however was taught, and it was defended vigorously in German Mormon publications.156 In other European jurisdictions outside of Germany there are known cases of Mormons being criminally charged with practicing, or for even advocating the practice of polygamy. A criminal case brought before the Swiss courts in 1886 involves Mormon

151 152 153 154 155 156

Washington D.C. newspaper The Seer under the title “Celestial Marriage: A Revelation on the Patriarchal Order of Matrimony or Plurality of Wives, Given to Joseph Smith, the Seer, in Nauvoo, July 12th, 1843.” See The Seer, 2 vols, N.P., Washington, 1853–1854, vol. 1, no. 1, January 1853, pp. 7–12. Latter Day Saints Millennial Star, vol. 15, no. 23, June 4, 1853, pp. 365–368. Latter Day Saints Millennial Star, vol. 15, no. 23, June 4, 1853, pp. 365–368. Orson Spencer, Die Patriarchalische Ordnung, oder die Mehrheit der Frauen, N.P., Zürich, 1855. The Mormon German language newspapers served as the medium for spreading Mormonism among the Germans. Few solitary publications appear in German prior to the 1870s. Among the early German converts who entered into polygamous relations were Daniel Lau, Karl Mäser, Eduard Schönfeld, and Henry Eyring. The Mormons defended their practice of polygamy in Germany by citing the marriage of Phillip of Hessen and it being allowed by Martin Luther. Mormon arguments intimated that polygamy was a social release valve and thereby beneficial to society. See Der Darsteller, Bd. 2, Nr. 9, February 1857, p. 135; Bd. 2, Nr. 10, March 1857, p. 150–152.

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Johann Kaspar Loosli of Wyssachengraben.157 Loosli was charged, among other things, with advocating the practice of polygamy. He was convicted by the district court of Zofingen, and sentenced to imprisonment and ordered to pay a fine. Loosli appealed the verdict to the federal court, citing religious freedom for his grounds of appeal. The Swiss Bundesrath denied the appeal and agreed with the lower district court of Zofingen’s ruling.158 The government in Berlin kept a close watch on the Loosli trial as Otto von Bismarck had expressed an interest in its outcome.159 Even though there was negative publicity in Switzerland surrounding its practice, there is some evidence to indicate that it was popular among the Swiss Women.160 In another European case, this time from England, Mormon John Hyde was charged with entering into polygamy. Hyde’s crime can be more properly described as being bigamy, rather than polygamy. Hyde is accused of entering into a second marriage although he did not have a proper divorce from his first wife. Hyde does not appear to have made a conscious effort to take a plural wife, but rather failed to follow proper procedure in divorcing his first wife.161 A third European case, also from Switzerland is said to have taken place in 1907 in the Swiss Canton of Grisons. From the available sources it appears that Mormon missionaries had been brought to court in Switzerland for enticing a wife to leave her husband and family in order to become a plural wife. The court case was dis-

157 In various records Loosli appears as Hans Kaspar Loosli or John Loosle. Loosli emigrated from Switzerland with his brother Ulrich and family, and his sister and her family in 1860. Genealogical records for Loosli list him as having two wives. Anna Elizabeth, nee Hunsperger whom he married in 1857, and Annie, nee Foster, whom he married in 1886, shortly after his return from a mission to Switzerland. From the information available both women were from Switzerland. Loosli’s son John William served as a missionary in the early twentieth century. He died in 1908 from cholera while still in the mission field. See Frank Esshom, Pioneers and Prominent Men of Utah, Utah Pioneers Book Pub. Co., Salt Lake City, 1913, p. 1010. 158 For a contemporary description of the Loosli affair see Johann Langhard, Die Glaubens und Kultusfreiheit nach Schweizerischem Bundesrecht, K. J. Wyss, Bern, 1888, pp. 154–157. A copy of the publication of the Swiss Bundesrath ruling, Bundesrathsbeschluß über den Rekurs von Johann Kaspar Loosli, von Wyßachengraben vom 7. Oktober 1887, N.P., 1887, is found in GStA PK, I. HA Rep. 76 Kultusministerium, III Sekt. 1 Abt. XIII a Nr. 28 Beiheft Bd. I–IV Sekte der Mormonen, 1853–1917, Bd. 1, April 1853–January 1903, pp. 74–77. 159 See “Von Bülow to Bismarck, III 15569, June 22, 1886,” BArch., Auswärtiges Amt, Abt. III, R901/35454/1, 1853–1882. See also the addenda to the June 22 letter, “Von Bülow to Bismarck, November 4, 1887,” GStA PK, I. HA Rep. 76 Kultusministerium, Bd. 1, pp. 72–73. 160 “Mormons Menace the Swiss: People and Newspapers Indignant, Urge Summary Action,” The New York Times, January 26, 1913. 161 Kenneth L. Cannon II, “A Strange Encounter: The English Courts and Mormon Polygamy,” Brigham Young University Studies, vol. 22, no. 1, 1982, pp. 73–84.

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missed, as it could not be proved that the missionaries had taught polygamy to members, or to any potential converts.162 Mormon literary sources are our only glimpse at what potential converts would have read or heard during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. As the content of the booklets and tracts were the public’s first encounter with Mormonism, they are able to give us a glimpse of the Mormons’ proselyting message. There often existed a difference between what was taught in the mission field and what one encountered upon immigrating and arriving in Utah. As criticism of more controversial concepts such as plural marriage, Adam-God, and the establishment of a theocracy became widespread, public proclamation of the concepts lessened. There does seem to have been a disconnect between what the converts were taught in their native lands, and what they actually came to understand as Mormon belief once they arrived in North America. Converts often found themselves in a foreign land totally disillusioned with their purchase of the Mormon promises. Being unaware of what the chief principles of Mormonism were appears to have been the experience of numerous foreign-born converts from several countries. As an example, the first tract distributed in Scandinavia was Erastus Snow’s, En sandheds-røst. Til de oprigtige af hjertet (A Voice of Truth to the Honest in Heart), which claimed that the Mormons practised monogamy, and that members were to follow the law of the land concerning marriage. In subsequent editions of the tract this claim was never removed although there is an obvious belief in plural marriage among the Mormons.163 This lack of full disclosure by the Mormons meant that plural marriage was not taught in Norway.164 Yet the lack of full disclosure also meant that the Mormons ran the risk of being labeled as dishonest, and nefarious, which then invited further criticisms. Being dishonest was essentially the argument made by the Swiss in dismissing the appeal of Johann Loosli. Commenting on the Loosli incident, the Swiss court advocated that by not telling the potential convert of the existence of the practice of polygamy among the Mormons, the Mormons engaged in a greater crime than actually advocating its practice.165 The apparent lack of full disclosure to potential converts of the practice of polygamy was also seen among both English and Danish converts in Utah who be162 “Mormons Menace the Swiss.” 163 Erastus Snow, En sandheds-røst. Til de oprigtige af hjertet. Oversat fra det Engelske af P. O. Hansen, Trykt hos F. E. Bording, Kjøbenhavn, 1850. The tract went through at least 35 editions, the last being published in 1929. 164 Joseph Edmund Jörg, Geschichte des Protestantismus in seiner neusten Entwicklung, 2 Bde., Herdische Verlagshandlung, Freiburg, 1858, Bd. 2, Die Schwärmerkirche und ihre Bedingungen, p. 405. See also Helge Seljaas, “Polygamy Among the Norwegian Mormons,” Norwegian American Studies, vol. 27, 1977, pp. 151–163. 165 Bundesrathsbeschluß über den Rekurs von Johann Kaspar Loosli, pp. 2, 3, 7. GStA PK, I. HA Rep. 76 Kultusministerium, Bd. 1, pp. 74–77.

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longed to a schismatic group that developed in the late 1850s. Many British, and Danish converts followed the English convert turned Prophet Joseph Morris in his bid to remove Brigham Young as leader of the Mormons. Morris, along with members of his Church of Jesus Christ of the Most High claimed, among other things, that the concept of plural marriage was not taught to them in their native countries and that they had only learned of its practice after arriving in Utah.166 Unlike many of the other European Mormon missions, plural marriage does seem to have been part of the proselyting message in Germany. While the German converts may have been aware of the principle there were some problems. Reports from German speaking converts in Utah shows that they did criticise the way plural marriage was being practiced. It was claimed that the older men in the community were actively engaged in marrying the daughters and wives of recent immigrants.167 The accounts from Utah in the early twentieth century also seem to indicate it was not that popular among the German Mormons there.168 Whereas we have no evidence that plural marriage was practiced in Germany there is ample evidence that it was taught, as well as it being recognized as a central tenet of Mormonism by local, state, and federal governments, by the established churches, and by the German public. The practice of polygamy among the Mormons continued to cause many problems for the Mormons in Germany until as late as 1913.169 The association between Mormonism and polygamy also caused difficulties for the other Mormon groups evangelizing in Germany. The non-polygamist Reorganized Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints, who also had missionaries in Germany, were often confused with the Utah based Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, or LDS. The RLDS, who were publicly opposed to plural marriage, had never incorporated any of the distinct kingdom theology within their belief system. The practice of plural marriage, attempts at building a theocracy, Adam God were all concepts to foreign RLDS theology. Once the difference between the two Mormon groups was clarified, the RLDS were allowed to proselyte virtually unfettered in Germany. Throughout much of their time in Germany the

166 See C. LeRoy Anderson, Joseph Morris and the Saga of the Morrisites (revisited), Utah State University Press, Logan, 2010, pp. 71–72. G. M. Howard, “Men, Motives, and Misunderstandings: A New Look at the Morrisite War of 1862,” Utah Historical Quarterly, vol. 44, no. 2, 1976, pp. 112–132. Johann Kaspar Loosli was living in Ogden, Utah at the time of the Morrisite War and participated in the war. The war was an armed conflict between the Morrisites and the armed militia of the Utah Territory. Morris was killed during the skirmish. 167 Gustav A. Zimmer von Ulbersdorf, Unter den Mormonen in Utah: Mit besonderer Berücksichtigung der deutschen evangelischen Missionsarbeit, Bertelsmann, Gütersloh, 1908, pp. 110–112. 168 Zimmer, Unter den Mormonen in Utah, pp. 98, 110. 169 We will deal with the state and churches arguments against the Mormons in a future chapter.

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only difficulties the RLDS encountered was when they were mistaken as being Utah Mormons.170 Apart from the two larger Mormon factions. A third Mormon group also seems to have proselyted in Germany. Although no mention of the group is made in any government documents, a tract by the Eastman faction does appear in the German language. The tract written by Samuel Eastman was titled Das Aktive Königreich Gottes.171 Eastman had separated from the Utah church over the mainstream Mormons’ accommodation to the Federal Government and the removal of the kingdom principles, including polygamy, from its belief system. Eastman claimed to be the “One Mighty and Strong,” the eschatological Mormon Prophet who would come at the end of time to “set the House of Israel in order.” Eastman was excommunicated from the Utah church in 1905 for advocating the establishment of the literal kingdom of God, practicing plural marriage and attempting to establish the United Order. All were important facets of nineteenth-century Mormonism that had begun to wane since the issuing of the Woodruff Manifesto in 1890.172 While plural marriage was taught in Germany it is highly doubtful that it was a major reason for conversion to Mormonism in Germany. There is not even a hint of suspicion that it was engaged in. Yet the German government’s, and the literary classes maintained a preoccupation with the Mormon practice of plural marriage. There appeared to have been an overwhelming fear that chaos would erupt within society following the German’s conversion to Mormonism and the acceptance, mentally and or physically of the practice of polygamy. 2. The Gathering For much of the nineteenth century the concept of Gathering to Zion dominated Mormon teachings.173 The concept of the Gathering to Zion was first introduced into Germany through Orson Hyde’s 1842 tract Ein Ruf aus der Wüste. For Hyde,

170 See “Consul Bopp, Kaiserlich Deutsche Konsulate, San Francisco April 8, 1909,” GStA PK, I. HA Rep. 76 Kultusministerium, Bd. 3, pp. 24–30. See also “Frederick M. Smith Letter, February 27, 1912, IIIb 3569,” BArch., Auswärtiges Amt, Abt. III, R901/35455, 1882–1916, Bd. 6, April 1912. The file is not paginated. I will reference the documents by their official designation. 171 Samuel Eastman, Das Aktive Königreich Gottes, Eduard Janarchek, Joseph F. Füger, und Else Wever (übers.), Theodor Schatsky, Breslau, 1910. 172 See Steven L. Shields, Divergent Paths of the Restoration: A History of the Latter Day Saint Movement, Herald House, Independence, 2001, pp. 108–112. 173 Immigration also appears to be a central argument against the Mormons made by state officials. The volume of immigration during the nineteenth century had led to regulation in the immigration industry. This placed restrictions on the Mormons to a large degree. We will examine the arguments against the Mormons by state officials in a later chapter.

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and the Mormons, the end times were approaching and they were issuing a final call to the elect to collectively gather to an appointed place of refuge in North America. The Mormons saw signs in the events of the day that the time was at hand for the eschatological Kingdom of God to be established in Independence, Missouri. The elect were called to gather to America, to seek refuge from the coming apocalypse, and join in the creation of the Millennial Kingdom. While neither a Second Advent, or an apocalypse, was realized during the 1840s the call to gather to Zion remained a central focus of Mormon missionary efforts once the Mormons had relocated to Utah. Those German-speaking converts that had left their homes for the American west continued to write to their families telling them of the benefits of coming to Utah.174 By the middle of the nineteenth century thousands of British converts had already come to the land designated by God. The call to come to Zion was now extended to the Germanspeaking converts as well.175 The German elect were now to obey the will of God and separate themselves from the unbelievers in their native countries as well. The message that the faithful were obligated to migrate to America and join with the Latter-day Saints had been known since the publication of Orson Hyde’s tract in 1842.176 By the early twentieth century the obligation to emmigrate and to gather with the saints was toned down. However, apocalypticism was still present in the missionaries’ message. Converts were told that in the near future Europe would sink into turmoil and chaos through war and famine, but only in Utah, the could one avoid the coming peril.177 3. Minor Themes While plural marriage and the Gathering to Zion may have dominated the Mormons’ proselyting message, additional topics also found their way into the discussion. The earliest tract in German, Orson Hyde’s Ein Ruf Aus der Wüste, presented 16 points of belief that he believed were central to understanding Mormonism. While perhaps having little impact due to the limited exposure the Germans had to Hyde’s tract, his 16 points do provide us with the earliest Mormon missionary message in the German territories. While some of Hyde’s points were no longer

174 See Die Reform, Bd. 1, Nr. 3, November 1862, pp. 45–47; Bd. 1, Nr. 4, January 1863, pp. 60–62. 175 For examples of the Gathering being emphasised see Die Reform, Bd. 1, Nr. 3, November 1862, pp. 37–41; Bd. 1, Nr. 5, February 1863, pp. 72–73; Bd. 1, Nr. 9, November 1863, p. 132; Bd. 1, Nr. 12, February 1864, pp. 187–188; Der Darsteller, Bd. 1, Nr. 4, September 1855, p. 55; Bd. 3, Nr. 6, November 1857, p. 83; Pratt, Stimme des Warnung, p. 38. 176 Hyde, Ruf Aus der Wüste, pp. 94–95, 105–106. 177 “Königliche Polizeipräsident, Tagesbuch SIII 939, Frankfurt, October 16, 1912,” GStA PK, I. HA Rep. 76 Kultusministerium, Bd. 4, p. 46.

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relevant by the 1850s, Hyde does make a solid attempt to explain Mormon beliefs, and defends the Mormon institutions of priesthood and prophet. Hyde in describing Mormonism and the purpose of his writing says: “Über die von der Kirche „Latter Day Saints“ als anerkannt unterzeichneten Glaubens Artikel und Lehr Punkte, die aus jenen heiligen Schriften ausgezogen worden, welche in unserm Besitze sind.” “Um den Wünschen mehrerer Tausenden von Freunden in England und Amerika zu willfahren, habe ich mit fröhlichem Muhte den Entschluss gefaßt, dem deutschen Publikum eine klare und kurze Darstellung unserer Grundsätze zu geben, mit dem festen Glauben, daß sie gewiß den Beifall jener haben werden, denen ich die Ehre habe sie vorzustellen.”178

Central to the Mormons’ belief system is that they see themselves as the sole representatives of authentic Christianity. In turn the Mormons’ emphasized concepts that would distinguish them from all other Christian churches.179 In addressing both Protestant and Catholic clergy the Mormons emphasized that their clergy were not paid salaries, nor did they earn their living from the solicited donations of the church members. The Mormons also did not wear special vestments or priestly garments, and unlike Catholic priests they were allowed to marry.180 By bolstering their claim to divine origin, and thereby furthering their populist antiintellectualism, the Mormons also mentioned that they believe in the continued importance of visions, dreams, revelation, prophecy, and healing.181 Closely tied to their millennial expectations, the persecution of the elect, the Mormons, was also a popular theme.182 The prophetic mission of Joseph Smith, the universal apostasy of Christianity, proxy baptism, or “Taufe für die Toten” and “Fußwaschung,” and the importance of the temple were all themes put forward by the Mormons.183 The nature of priesthood authority and the concept of Apotheosis, that men could become gods, and materialism, were all part of the Mormons’

178 Hyde, Ruf Aus Der Wüste, p. 54. 179 The Mormons often referred to other churches as sects with little in the way of truth on which their beliefs were based. Der Darsteller, Bd. 1, Nr. 7, December 1855, pp. 98–99; Bd. 2, Nr. 5, October 1856, p. 67; Bd. 3, Nr. 10, March 1858, p. 157. 180 Hyde, Ruf Aus Der Wüste, p. 78. 181 Early Mormonism was quite charismatic. It was this enthusiasm and chaotic display that lead Joseph Smith to curb the practice in the early 1830s. The nature of the charismatic gifts and its relation to the implementation of a church hierarchy will be discussed in another place in this work. 182 Hyde, Ruf Aus Der Wüste, pp. 76–77; Der Darsteller, Bd. 1, Nr. 12, May 1856, p. 171. 183 Hyde, Ruf Aus der Wüste, pp. 80–81, 84–85. For other examples of early teachings see Der Darsteller, Bd. 1, Nr. 8, January 1856, p. 117; Bd. 2, Nr. 10, March 1857, pp. 156–158; Bd. 2, Nr. 11, April 1857, pp. 161–165; Bd. 3, Nr. 10, March 1858, p. 148; Bd. 3, Nr. 11, August 1858, pp. 161–174.

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message to the Germans as well.184 It appears that in proselyting among the Germans all of the major Mormon concepts were used in both the conversion process and the education of the German speaking Latter-day Saints. Parley P. Pratt’s, Voice of Warning and Instruction to All People, was perhaps one of the most important books published by the early Mormons. The Voice of Warning is one of the earliest apologetic booklets to appear defending Mormon theological positions against its critics. The German edition of the book, Eine Stimme der Warnung, was one of major works used by the Mormon missionaries in Germany during the 1850s.185 Early missionaries appear to have used it as a missionary tool even sending copies to German heads of state as a way of introducing the central tenets of Mormonism.186 Eine Stimme der Warnung was intended as an introduction to Mormonism and went through six editions in German, being published well into the 1920s. The concepts expressed in Eine Stimme der Warnung, were integral to the greater Mormon missionary effort. The compendium of Mormon millenarian belief had as a central theme the gathering of the elect to Zion in preparation for the Second Advent, and the subsequent establishment of the Millennial Kingdom. The book also discussed the nature and character of the end time true church. Pratt was explicit in detailing the role the Mormons would play in the last days. Pratt proclaimed that the true church, which would be established in the latter days, would be the Kingdom of God. It would be a theocracy, ruled by a royal priesthood that alone possessed the authority to perform the sacred rites of Christianity. Pratt envisioned that the New Jerusalem would rise in America, and it was to this place that Jesus would return.187 Pratt’s message proclaiming the end time kingdom echoed throughout Germany as it was carried by the Mormon missionaries in their search for converts among the Germans. G. THE MISSIONARY EFFORT IN GERMANY The German speaking areas of Europe, particularly in the territories that became part of the German Empire in 1871, yielded a proportionally lower converts to

184 Der Darsteller, Bd. 1, Nr. 1, May 1855, pp. 2–11; Bd. 2, Nr. 11, April 1857, pp. 163–165; Bd. 4, Nr. 4, July 1860, p. 51–52. There is also a minor reference to the concept taught by Brigham Young known as Adam-God. Der Darsteller, Bd. 4, Nr. 3, June 1860, p. 14. 185 Erastus Snow makes mention that a potential convert of his had begun translating the work in 1850. Snow, One Year in Scandinavia, p. 15. 186 George Reiser sent a copy to the king of Württemberg. See Latter Day Saints Millennial Star, vol. 15, no. 23, June 4, 1853, p. 367 187 See Pratt, Stimme des Warnung, Kapital 3, “Das Reich Gottes,” pp. 41–57.

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population ratio than England, or the Scandinavian countries had.188 Of the more than 100,000 Mormon immigrants to Utah during the nineteenth century, 85,000 came from the United Kingdom and the Scandinavian countries. The majority of these 85,000 came primarily from England, followed by Denmark, Sweden, and Norway.189 Success of the Mormons’ missionary effort in Germany is therefore relative. Of the active regions in which Mormon missionaries proselyted, Germany was demographically distinct. When the Mormons first arrived Germany’s religious demographic was almost equally divided between a Catholic and Protestant population. The German demographic, and hence the German convert’s religious background does not seem to follow the same pattern that was evidenced in the two areas in which the Mormons had their greatest successes in Europe. By comparison, and taking known conversion statistics into account, it seems that individuals were more likely to convert to Mormonism in Great Britain and the Scandinavian countries than in Germany. Among the British and Scandinavians there appears to have been a more openness towards Mormonism based on a familiarity with some of the Mormons’ beliefs prior to their arrival. The Mormons seemed to attract individuals that were on the fringes of the mainstream churches. As well these individuals were more likely than not to have been Protestant rather than Catholic. In England, the geographic area from which the majority of nineteenth-century Mormons came from, converts were often from among the dissenting sects. Many of the Mormons’ millenarian propositions were already familiar to the English. Early contemporary Edgar Bauer offers a unique perspective on the English fascination with Mormonism.190 The prospect of emigrating to the United States for economic reasons may have also played a role in the higher conversion ratios among the British. In Denmark the Mormons drew converts from among the membership of the Anglo-American sects, the Danish Baptist populations, and from indigenous dissenting sects such as Sola Fide. Given the number of conversions among the Danish, proportionally, the Mormons must have made inroads among the Lutherans as well. Germany, on the other hand, had no large dissenting church population by the time the Mormons had arrived. What could have been considered dissenting churches, Separatists, Radical Pietists, and Anabaptists, had long left for North America, the eastern Habsburg territories or Tsarist Russia.191 Unlike mainly

188 Gustive O. Larson, “The Mormon Gathering,” Thomas G. Alexander, Eugene E. Campbell, David E. Miller, and Richard D. Poll (eds), Utah’s History, Utah State University Press, Logan, 1989, p. 186 189 Larson, “The Mormon Gathering,” p. 186. 190 See Edgar Bauer, Englische Freiheit, Wigand, Leipzig, 1857, pp. 154–222. 191 Sydney E. Ahlstrom, A Religious History of the American People, 2nd edn, Yale University Press, New Haven, 2004, 232–244; Patrick M. Erben, Harmony of the Spirits: Translation

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Protestant England and Scandinavia, Germany’s religious population was also divided almost equally among Catholics and Protestants. Protestantism in turn was further subdivided into intellectual and traditional factions. Germany presented the Mormons with a completely different religious milieu than that which existed in Britain or the Scandinavian countries. Traditional, supernatural, Christianity seems to have been becoming less and less of a factor among the Germans since the turn of the nineteenth century. A large portion of the population saw Christianity in more liberal terms, especially in the urban areas and among the educated classes. Supernatural Christianity with its belief in miracles, visions, angels and prophets was seen as superstitious, irrational, and divisive. For the Germans who saw Christianity in this new light, which included a large part of the political, intellectual, and ecclesiastic classes, the Mormon message would have been seen as childish, and a step backwards to a medieval world. Early Mormon missionary Karl Wilcken sums up the German view of Mormonism quite perfectly. When Wilcken returned to Germany as a missionary and told people about Joseph Smith and the Book of Mormon they responded that those were great stories that they could tell to the Indians in North America but they were far too sophisticated to accept them in Germany.192 Aside from the religious composition of the Mormon missions, another aspect that may provide a reason for the disproportionate conversions among the Germans was the number of missionaries proselyting within the countries. Outside of the United States and parts of England, the Scandinavian countries ranked third in the amount of missionary work carried out within their borders.193 Germany on the other hand, never seems to have reached the same levels of missionary activity as England or Scandinavia had. The luxury of proselyting within a politically unified territory was something the Mormons would not experience in the German states prior to 1871. And even then it would not be until the second decade of the twentieth century that the Mormons would be able to proclaim their message in a democratic nation, or under full constitutional protection. It is plausible that the missionaries may have also been restrained by the various governments in carrying out their proselyting work in Germany. Though the governmental bans on Mormon proselyting issued in 1853 and 1902 were not Reich wide, and were not consistently enforced, the bans seemed to have had an impact. As the number of missionaries that canvassed a country was tied to a cycle of conversion–emigration–return, the fewer converts that were made in a foreign country, the fewer missionaries that could then be sent back to proselyte in

and the Language of Community in Early Pennsylvania, University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill, 2012, pp. 92–94. 192 See Latter Day Saints Millennial Star, vol. 33, no. 49, December 5, 1871, pp. 779–780. 193 Andrew Jenson, “Scandinavian Latter Day Saint Literature,” The Utah Genealogical and Historical Magazine, vol. 13, October 1922, p. 191

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that country. The lack of missionaries in Germany could then be seen as being directly related to the lack of converts. Why then did Germany yield proportionally fewer converts than England, Denmark, or even Canada? Were the Mormons theological concepts to blame? Did the Mormons’ millenarian message just not resonate with the Germans? Was plural marriage a hindrance to growth? An area often overlooked when searching for reasons why Germany failed to meet early conversion expectations is the higher rates of literacy among the Germans. The high literacy rate among the Germans, and their subsequent prior awareness of the Mormons beliefs and teachings, appeared to be detrimental to the Mormons’ proselyting efforts in Germany. If there is a generalization to be made about the Mormon literature published between the years 1850–1900, it would be that the literature seems limited in its breadth and scope. It is also overly simplistic and introductory in nature. The introductory, but central, foundational Mormon concepts of apostasy, restoration, and the gathering of the elect to North America were all presented. There does seem to have been a disproportional concentration on gathering to North America. Even though nineteenth-century German converts consistently wrote to those left behind that they must come to Utah, the majority of Germans who joined the Mormons and emigrated to Utah did so only after the importance of gathering the elect had been de-emphasized in the twentieth century.194 It would also be suspected that if economic factors played a role we should see increases during times of economic crises, or societal chaos such as post-1918, or 1945. Yet there is no real correlation between Mormon conversions and crises situations in Germany. While the missionary message proclaimed in Germany differs to a degree from that presented in other countries, the methods employed to spread that message were fairly uniform within the European missions. The two basic approaches used in proselyting; door-to-door tracting, and the use of public meetings were used in Germany as well as other European nations. Yet these approaches cannot account for the lower German conversion ratios. We must look into other areas to find an answer, as there was little difference in how Mormon missionaries proselyted throughout Europe. Historically, Mormonism has been most successful in dominantly Protestant countries. It has fared less well, until the 1970s at least, in predominantly Catholic countries. The success of Mormonism in North America and Protestant Europe bear this out. The evidence from Germany, a country roughly equally divided between Catholics and Protestants, would also follow this pattern. Proportionally, the Mormons were concentrated in the dominantly Protestant regions of Germany:

194 See Der Darsteller, Bd. 1, Nr. 7, December 1855, p. 108. Alexander, Mormonism in Transition, p. 290.

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Saxony, Prussia, Hamburg, Schleswig-Holstein, and Württemberg. Mormonism was underrepresented in the largely Catholic regions such as Bavaria, and the Prussian Rhine provinces. Catholic countries such as Austria, France and Italy were virtual wastelands for Mormonism. As a Protestant sect, Mormonism’s message seemed more conducive to answering Protestant questions about Christianity than Catholic questions. Mormonism found the majority its converts among a Protestant population that asked the right questions, and questions that only Mormonism could answer. Who can speak for God, can Christianity be reformed or must it be restored, the true form of baptism, and of course the coming millennial kingdom are all questions that Protestants had asked, and often answered by forming new religious movements since the early 1500s. In the search for authentic, or true Christianity, these are questions that Protestants would be concerned with, but not Catholics. Catholicism saw no need to address these questions as it saw itself as authentic Christianity. That Germany had a large Catholic population may then have contributed to the lower conversion ratios of the Mormons in Germany. Yet pointing to one specific factor for the lower conversion ratios among the Germans is still difficult. The answer then, if one exists, would seem to lie in the political, cultural, and religious makeup of the German territories. In the following chapters we will look at the relationship between the church and state and the role it played in German society. As this interdependence is somewhat unique among European countries, it may go a long way in explaining the reasons for the Mormons’ relative failures in Germany.

VI.

THE SOCIAL ORIGINS OF THE GERMAN CONVERTS A. THE SOCIAL CONSTRUCTION OF GREAT BRITAIN

Reasons for conversion to religious organizations are often complex. Theological arguments are often the potential convert’s first introduction to a religious movement. Yet, theological reasons are often secondary to individualistic, and personal reasons for conversion. Conversion to a religious group is often as much of an emotional as it is a logical decision.1 Extraordinary effort, and time expended proclaiming a message do not necessarily result in an extraordinary number of conversions. Personal and social reasons often play a significant role in the conversion process. Traditionally, Mormon missionaries have volunteered extensive portions of their lives to proselyting. Yet at the same time the effort expended by Mormon missionaries in proselyting was often met with low rates of baptism within most geographic areas. The reward often fell far short of the effort. Historically, Mormon missionaries have had difficulty understanding why individuals are not willing to convert upon hearing the teachings explained. Often the reasons expressed to account for the lack of conversions usually places blame outside of the organization, its message, or the presentation of that message. Historically, the reasons cited for any perceived difficulties in attracting converts have been persecution, or some form of interference, by either or both, ecclesiastical and political authorities. The interpretive paradigm is based on the Mormons’ apocalyptic worldview; in this case its ethical dualism. As they see themselves as the faithful saints of the last days with a divine mandate to gather the elect, any criticism, or opposition to their message, is a direct opposition towards God. If we examine this Mormon claim in light of their North American tenure we do see that difficulties were encountered with the American public and various governments almost from the start of the movement. In what appears to be a coping mechanism the interpretation of the oppression or undue hindrance on the free expression of religion is placed within a dualistic paradigm. The strict division between good and evil is a confrontational position that often places the organization and its emissaries at odds with the very people it seeks to convert. The believer presents the organization as God’s “only” legitimate church and those that reject it, or are critical of it, are under the control of evil forces, or at the very least 1

Lewis R. Rambo, Understanding Religious Conversion, Yale University Press, New Haven, 1993; Rodney Stark and William S. Bainbridge, The Future of Religion: Secularization, Revival, and Cult Formation, University of California Press, Berkeley, 1985.

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blinded by the evil forces in the world. It flows naturally into a secondary position that holds to an ideology, and promotes the notion that critics of the Mormons have distorted misconceptions of the church, its teachings and its policies. Any critique, examination, or objective study is by default anti-Mormon, and is published solely to damage the public reputation of God’s church. Examples of confrontational apologetic thinking within Mormonism are plentiful. At the Mormons’ main educational institute Brigham Young University, the Neal A. Maxwell Institute for Religious Scholarship, and its associated organization, the former FARMS, (Foundation for Ancient Research and Mormon Studies) exist as the LDS church’s quasi-apologetic wing.2 By being at arms length from the ecclesiastical center, the LDS church is able to maintain the illusion that the scholarship produced at the institution is not influenced by the ecclesiastical hierarchy. Yet the church’s imprimatur is constantly present as employment conditions at the institution dictate that faithfulness to proscribed orthodoxy is and will be maintained. For those who dispute that faith and scholarship clash see the “September Six.”3 Those outside of the religious organization do not see things from the believer’s perspective. They are relieved from the soteriological consequences that bind the believer to the institution’s orthodoxy. There is no crisis of faith that can develop as interest alone drives the inquiry. A central question that should be asked then is; what are the real hindrances to successful proselyting and to the quality of converts that can be attracted? Is it the message, or is it the church’s organizational structure that hinders conversion? What is the key to success in gaining converts for a religious organization? Why are certain individuals attracted to a religious group while others dismiss religion as a fantasy? What factors contribute to the choices that individuals make whether to join a group or not? Does social standing, geography, education, or previous religious affiliation play a role in the choices an individual makes? I am not certain that any of these questions can be answered. I do however wish to offer a

2

3

FARMS as an organization is considered to be defunct and has been replaced by the Laura F. Willes Center for Book of Mormon Studies. The apologetic organizations are not without their critics. While existing at arms length, officially, from the LDS church the main focus has been to engage the critics of the LDS church. Sadly much of the material produced is given little attention beyond a very limited LDS readership. The contributors to the publications do uphold a form of scholarship yet often the material that is written or critiqued lies outside of the areas of specialization of the contributors. The “September Six,” sometimes called the “September Seven” were Mormon intellectuals, academics that were excommunicated for expressing views contrary to established and accepted church orthodoxy. The group included Lynne Kanavel Whitesides, Avraham Gileadi, Paul Toscano, Margaret Toscano, Maxine Hanks, Lavina Fielding Anderson, and D. Michael Quinn. While all seven faced disciplinary action in 1993, only six were excommunicated in that year. Margaret Toscano was not excommunicated until 2000. Several of the group have since returned to the LDS church.

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glimpse into the social, economic, and religious background to the German converts. In the first century of Mormon expansion outside of North America the majority of Mormon converts came from three major geographic areas, Great Britain, Scandinavia, and Germany. Over 100,000 converts from these areas made their way to North America.4 While differences existed within the three areas, there were commonalities among the individuals that were attracted to Mormonism. Throughout the nineteenth and twentieth centuries there does not seem to have been significant differences in the type of convert that the Mormons attracted, whether they were North American or European. In one of the few studies to seriously look at the social origins of early Mormon converts in North America several important points are made. Many of the original Mormon converts in America came from rural areas that had populations of 2,500 or less. Most converts had a minimal formal education of three or less years. Few received an extended formal education, but fewer yet were illiterate. Most of the converts were young who had belonged to other churches. About half the converts belonged to churches that were revivalist in orientation, and came mostly from Baptist, Methodist, Presbyterian, and Disciples of Christ churches. In England the majority of converts to Mormonism came from the dissenting sects, particularly Methodists, United Brethren, and Primitive Methodists.5 Mormonism it seems had incorporated many of the beliefs espoused by the dissenting sects making it an attractive option for many English persons.6 In England the Mormons’ proselyted primarily among the working classes. Printers, tanners, chimney sweeps, factory workers were among those who were convinced of the truthfulness of the Mormon message and chose to be baptized.7 Mormonism generally did not attract the highly urbanized, or those involved in business, politics or religion. They also did not attract the highly educated, the wealthy, nor did they attract the transient, or the extreme impoverished. Mormon

4

5

6 7

Jerome M. Perkins, “The Story of the British Saints in Their Own Words, 1900–50,” Cynthia Doxey, Robert C. Freeman, et al (eds), Regional Studies in Latter-day Saint Church History: The British Isles, Religious Studies Center, Brigham Young University, Provo, 2007, p. 159; William Mulder, Homeward to Zion: The Mormon Migration from Scandinavia, University of Minnesota Press, Minneapolis 2000, p.107. See Carol Wilkinson, “The Restoration of the Gadfield Elm Chapel,” Cynthia Doxey, Robert C. Freeman, et al (eds), Regional Studies in Latter-day Saint Church History: The British Isles, Religious Studies Center, Brigham Young University, Provo, 2007, p. 41. Grant Underwood, The Millenarian World of Early Mormonism, University of Illinois, Urbana, 1999, p. 130. James B. Allen and Malcolm R. Thorp, “The Mission of the Twelve to England, 1840–41: Mormon Apostles and the Working Classes,” Brigham Young University Studies, vol. 15, no. 4, 1975, pp. 499–526.

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converts seldom came from society’s highest or lowest economical, social, or religious classes.8 In the century and half since the Mormons began proselyting in England not much seems to have changed as far as the types of converts that were attracted to Mormonism. In a study done in the early 1970s it was shown that converts to Mormonism came from the lower middle, the working class, and or, the middle classes. The Mormons were also the only group from among those participating in the study that did not have members who could be classified as being in the upper or upper middle class.9 As for the religious backgrounds of the modern English converts. About two thirds were members of a church prior to their conversion to Mormonism.10 The conversion rates of Mormonism among the British then are understandable. Perhaps much is owed to the English having similar cultural values, a common language, and already having a certain familiarity with the Mormons’ religious ideas. The high proportional rate of conversions made among the Scandinavians is perhaps a bit more difficult to explain. Beginning in the early 1850s, and continuing through the nineteenth century, the Scandinavian Mission would provide a substantial amount of converts to Mormonism. This was in large part due to the success of the Mormon missionaries in Denmark. The Mormon efforts in Denmark provided conversion numbers close to those attained in the British Mission. Of the close to 50,000 converts made in the Scandinavian Mission a little over 20,000 emigrated to the United States. Proportionally, about 49% of the Scandinavian converts emigrated to the United States. Among the three countries in the Scandinavian Mission, Denmark, Sweden, and Norway, Denmark provided the bulk of the converts with around 23,000 converts.11 The religious affiliation of the majority within the Mormons’ Scandinavian Mission was Lutheranism, but Lutheranism did not provided the Mormons with their converts. Having little initial success among the Lutheran populace, the earliest Mormon missionaries chose to concentrate on the few Baptist and Methodist church members that existed in Denmark.12 Many of the Mormons’ converts in

8

9

10 11 12

See Laurence M. Yorgason, “Preview on a Study of the Social and Geographical Origins of Early Mormon Converts, 1830–1845,” Brigham Young University Studies, vol. 10, no. 3, 1970, pp. 279–282. Alexander L. Baugh, “The Church in Twentieth-Century Great Britain: A Historical Overview,” Cynthia Doxey, Robert C. Freeman, et al (eds), Regional Studies in Latter-day Saint Church History: The British Isles, Religious Studies Center, Brigham Young University, Provo, 2007, pp. 253–254. Baugh, “The Church in Twentieth-Century Great Britain,” pp. 253–254. Fred E. Woods and Nicholas J. Evans, “Latter Day Saint Scandinavian Migration Through Hull, England, 1852 1894,” Brigham Young University Studies, vol. 41, no. 4, 2002, p. 80. Early missionary Erastus Snow intimated that God was using the Methodists and Baptists to prepare the Danes for Mormonism. Erastus Snow, One Year in Scandinavia: Results of the Gospel in Denmark and Sweden. Sketches and Observations on the Country and People,

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Scandinavia came from a region that had been strongly influenced by British evangelical Protestantism.13 The first converts to Mormonism in Germany also happened to have ties to the Baptists. The pattern of proselyting among members of dissenting sects, Baptists, and Methodists, had been established during the early 1830s in North America, and seems to have continued with the Mormon expansion into Europe. In the three comparative European areas, Great Britain, Denmark, and Germany, members of minority religious groups were among the earliest converts. While information is plentiful regarding the social standing of the English converts when it comes to converts from Denmark and Germany we are not so fortunate. Historically, Mormon missionaries seem to have had their greatest successes in primarily Protestant countries. This is evidenced from the European mission field, as well as from the two countries that contained the largest Mormon populations for most of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, Canada and the United States. Both of these countries had, and continue to have large Protestant populations.14 Over the past centuries not much seems to have changed in Mormon conversion demographics. Although there have been continued efforts to change their demographic makeup, Mormonism still remains largely a North American based church. That is not to say that over the last century there have not been gains made in non-Protestant mission fields abroad. There is however a marked difference in the number of converts made in Catholic countries, mixed confession countries such as Germany, and those that came from predominately Protestant countries like the British Isles, or Scandinavia. On the surface the common denominator among the majority of European converts to Mormonism is that they came from primarily Protestant countries and had Protestant backgrounds. In spite of the prevalent perception, Germany was not a predominantly Protestant country. Since the sixteenth century the German

13 14

Remarkable Events, Late Persecutions and Present Aspect of Affairs, Franklin D. Richards, Liverpool, 1851, pp. 6–7. See as well Mulder, Homeward to Zion, pp. 37–39. Theodor Olshausen, Geschichte der Mormonen oder Jüngsten Tages Heiligen in Nordamerika, Vandenhoek & Ruprecht, Göttingen, 1856, p. 3. Early Mormon expansion into Canada centered in the southern Ontario cities of Kingston and Toronto. Most converts came from the Methodists. John Taylor, Joseph Fielding, Isaac Russell, William and Wilson Law all would play significant roles in early Mormonism. See Helen K. Warner, “William Lyon Mackenzie and the Mormon Connection,” Guy L. Dorius, Craig K. Manscill and Craig James Ostler (eds), Regional Studies in Latter-day Saint Church History: Ohio and Upper Canada, Religious Studies Center, Brigham Young University, Provo, 2006, pp. 161, 167, Richard E. Bennett and Daniel H. Olsen, “Of Printers, Prophets, and Politicians: William Lyon Mackenzie, Mormonism, and Early Printing in Upper Canada,” Guy L. Dorius, Craig K. Manscill and Craig James Ostler (eds), Regional Studies in Latter-day Saint Church History: Ohio and Upper Canada. Religious Studies Center, Provo, Brigham Young University, 2006, pp. 187–189; Richard E. Bennett, A Study of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints in Upper Canada, unpublished Masters Thesis, Department of History, Brigham Young University, Provo, 1975, pp. 56–59, 63.

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population had been divided almost equally between Catholics and Protestants. While there were German states that had a Protestant majority with a Catholic minority, Catholicism also existed as the majority in several German states. If adherence to Protestantism was a prerequisite to conversion to Mormonism, one could then expect the majority of German converts to come primarily from the German Protestant regions.15 While the Mormons were active in Protestant Germany they failed to attract the same proportion of converts from among German Protestants as they had in Great Britain or Scandinavia.16 Should we consider social factors rather than religious reasons for the discrepancy in convert ratios? How does the industrialization of a nation, the rates of urbanization, or the rates of education and literacy affect the Mormons’ proselyting effort? In comparison to nineteenth-century Great Britain, the German states were less industrialized and urbanized. The German states relied heavily on an agrarian based economy. In Britain the early onset of the industrial revolution had created a mass migration to its urban centres. By 1851 10,556,288 people lived in cities compared to 10,403,189 who remained in rural areas. The largest cities were London with 2,362,226, Manchester with 401,321, and Liverpool with 375,955 residents. Edinburgh, the largest city in Scotland had a population of 329,000. These cities had all experienced over 100% growth during the first half of the nineteenth century.17 The rapid industrialization of the British Isles seemed to produce a higher rate of urbanization relative to all other European nations. The birth of a new economy provided new opportunities for the rural populace. In a comparative analysis of the European countries nearly 50% of the English populace were involved in occupations derived from, or associated with industrialization and the new economy that was developing. Individuals that were involved in business or a trade totaled 46% in Britain, which was almost double the involvment of that in Prussia.18

15

16

17 18

Sources from the early twentieth century seem to indicate that Saxony and Württemberg were central areas for Mormon converts. See document “IIIb 18236, November 18, 1907,” GStA PK, I. HA Rep. 76 Kultusministerium, III Sekt. 1 Abt. XIII a Nr. 28 Beiheft Bd. I–IV Sekte der Mormonen, 1853–1917, Bd. 2, February 1903–July 1908, p. 250 Hartmut Lehmann, “Secular Europe Versus Christian America? Re-examination of the Secularization Thesis,” Hartmut Lehmann (Hrsg.), Transatlantische Religionsgeschichte 18 bis 20 Jahrhundert, Bausteine zu einer europäischen Religionsgeschichte im Zeitalter der Säkularisierung, Bd. 9, Wallstein, Göttingen, 2006, p. 153. Georg Friedrich Kolb, Handbuch der vergleichenden Statistik der Völkerzustand und Staatenkunde, Meyer & Zeller, Zürich, 1857, p. 4. Kolb, Handbuch der vergleichenden Statistik, p. 334.

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Country Great Britain France Austria Prussia

Agrarian 32 62 69 60.5

Business & Trades Nobility/Civil Service 46 22 13 25.5

22 9 18 14

The United Kingdom was one of the most populated states of Europe. The kingdom, comprised of England, Wales, Scotland and Ireland, was a predominately Protestant country with a population of 26,702,677 in 1841. Within a decade the population had risen to 27,5552,262. Over 50% of the British population lived in England proper.19 With limited resources available on the islands to support the growing population, Great Britain also became a land of emigration. Between 1825 and 1853, 3,599,570 emigrants left the United Kingdom. Of these, 2,223,095 settled in the United States with another 951,428 settling in Britain’s North American colonies, primarily in Canada. It would not be until the 1850s that yearly British emigration to the United States exceeded yearly emigration to Canada. British emigration policy had dissuaded emigration to the United States by charging a greater fee for steerage to an American port. While many émigrés listed Canada as their final destination point, they simply left for the United States following their arrival in Canada. With a lack of resources, and a heavy reliance on an agrarian economy contributing to their poverty, the Irish formed the majority of the émigrés from the British Isles. While emigration was high, there was also a high rate of return of British expatriates. Nearly 13% of all émigrés returned to the United Kingdom.20 The influx of immigrants to North America had created a diverse cultural and religious landscape. The lack of religious tolerance that had brought the early Calvinistic dissenters to North American shores no longer existed by the nineteenth century. By the mid-nineteenth century only the United States exhibited a greater amount of religious diversity than Great Britain. Though the Church of England dominated the religious landscape in England and Wales, the island kingdom was by no means religiously homogeneous. In Scotland, Presbyterianism had established itself as the dominant Protestant denomination. While Catholicism existed as a minority religion on the British Isles, in Ireland they were the overwhelming majority. Though the Catholic’s of Great Britain were concentrated in Ireland, the Catholic church had lost many adherents through Irish emigration in the late 1840s. England also stood as a unique example among her European neighbours as she exhibited a large demographic of religious dissenters. If we were to look at

19 20

Kolb, Handbuch der vergleichenden Statistik, p. 2. Kolb, Handbuch der vergleichenden Statistik, p. 378.

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VI. The Social Origins of the German Converts

the mid-nineteenth religious composition of Great Britain it would look something like the following.21 Country

Anglican

Presbyterian

Catholics

Dissenting Sects

England Scotland Ireland Totals

14,800,000 100,000 900,000 15,800,000

500,000 2,000,000 650,000 3,150,000

1,000,000 150,000 5,000,000 6,150,000

1,600,000 600,000 50,000 2,250,000

While Anglicanism remained the dominant religious confession in England, much as Catholicism remained so in Ireland, and Presbyterianism in Scotland, almost 10% of the population belonged to dissenting sects. The dissenters, believing that Christianity had been corrupted withdrew from the established churches. These dissenters became the Ranters, and the Seekers, the Behmists, and the Diggers. There were also the Philadelphians, the Fifth Monarchists, and the Barrowists. Along side of these were also larger groups such as the Methodists, the Baptists, Congregationalists, Quakers, Unitarians, and Puritans. While standing on the fringes of the religious world in Great Britain, many of these sects were at the center of the religious world in North America. It was from among the dissenting sects that the Mormons made their greatest gains rather than from among the Anglicans or Presbyterians. As these alternative religions hovered on the fringes of society the gains realized by the Mormons from among them failed to raise the awareness of the traditional large Protestant bodies throughout much of the nineteenth century. It was not until the Mormons encroached on the established churches membership that alarm bells were sounded. The majority of studies dealing with Mormon missionary activity in Europe have focused on their activity in the United Kingdom. The mission had been established in 1837 following the demise of the Kirtland Bank venture and the subsequent apostasy of a large part of the then current membership. While emigration was a central part of the early Mormon conversion experience, not all of the Mormons’ British converts migrated to America. In 1850, the Mormons’ claimed they had 30,747 members in England, contrasted to 26,911 in the United States. By 1854, the resident British Mormon population had risen to 50,000 members. Within the other European missions opened during the late 1840s and early 1850s, the German, Swiss, French, and Italian missions, none provided the convert levels seen in Protestant Britain and Denmark. Of the latter four, the total converts from Switzerland exceeded those of France and Italy, in spite of it having a smaller population. European Catholic countries such as Italy and France have contributed negligibly to the Mormons’ convert levels down to the present

21

Kolb, Handbuch der vergleichenden Statistik, p. 3.

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day. That is an oddity, as among the European nations the countries that have the highest church attendance rates all are predominantly Catholic.22 The Mormons were not the only religious group that had difficulty proselyting among Catholics. Generally, it appears that minority religions, or sects, have also had little success proselyting in Catholic countries. Like the Mormons, the Baptists also had little success in France. The numbers of Baptist converts in France were even more miniscule compared to their conversion numbers in Germany.23 Much the same can be said of the Mormon successes among the Austrians as well. Mormon missionary success was, and still is to a large degree most successful in Protestant countries.24 Perhaps the reasons for this can be explained within the larger context of religious conversion in general.25 A certain amount of personal preparation is inherent to any conversion so that when the messenger arrives the person is already leaning towards the message.26 This seems to have been the case with many of the English converts who were prepared for Mormonism and its message.27 22 23 24

25 26

27

Lehmann, “Secular Europe,” p. 148. See William Gammell, A History of the American Baptist Missions, Gould and Lincoln, Boston, 1854, pp. 265–277. This has changed to a certain degree with the large number of conversions claimed in Latin America and the Philippines during the latter part of the twentieth century. But generally in Catholic countries it seems that there is not so much a competition between Catholicism and other religious movements but between Catholicism and secularism. See Lehmann, “Secular Europe,” p. 148 See Marvin S. Hill, “A Note on Joseph Smith’s First Vision and its Import in Shaping Early Mormonism,” Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought, vol. 12, no. 1, 1978, pp. 93–94. There exists a vast body of material on religious conversion characterized in sociological literature as religious affiliation. Most of the material although not historical, but sociological, in nature can be taken as exemplary of the entire aspect of religious affiliation and of course religious disaffiliation. I am of the opinion that human experience, and hence the reasons for affiliation or disaffiliation have not changed drastically over historical time lines. I do feel that the religious reasons for affiliation often outweigh the societal reasons in affiliation. For literature on this see Robert Wuthnow and Glen Mellinger, “Religious Loyalty, Defection and Experimentation: A Longitudinal Analysis of University Men, in Review of Religious Research, vol. 19, no. 3, 1978, pp. 234–245; Robert Wuthnow and Charles Y. Glock, “Religious Loyalty, Defection, and Experimentation Among College Youth,” Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion, vol. 12, no. 6, 1973, pp. 157–180. Kirk Hadaway and Wade Clark Roof, “Those Who Stay Religious Nones, and Those Who Don’t: A Research Note,” Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion, vol. 18, no. 2, 1979, pp. 194–200; Reginald W. Bibby and Merlin B. Brinkerhoff, “On the Circulatory Problems of Saints: A Response to Perrin and Mauss,” Review of Religious Research, vol. 34, 1992, pp. 170–175. There appears to have been a series of general sentiments among many of the converts. The message of the missionaries appears to address these general societal questions being asked by segments of the English population. Mormonism answered questions concerning Millenarianism and addressed the dissatisfaction some had with the state of Anglicanism. See Allen and Thorp, “The Mission of the Twelve to England,” pp. 508–510. As well see Underwood, The Millenarian World of Early Mormonism, pp. 127–130.

VI. The Social Origins of the German Converts

B.

239

PROTESTANT GERMANY

The German states contained the largest Protestant populations on the European mainland. With the unification of Germany in 1871, Protestantism became the dominant Christian confession comprising nearly 60% of the total population. Only by taking into account the large Catholic population of the AustroHungarian Empire did the total Catholic population of German speaking Europe outstrip the Protestant population. Aside from the larger Protestant and Catholic populations a number of adherents was scattered among several minority religions.28 Gathering statistics for the German converts, specifically from the periods when the German states were part of a larger transnational mission field is difficult. Many of the converts were classified according to the mission in which they lived geographically rather than by their national boundaries.29 Mormon missions were established transnationally based on commonality of language rather than being confined by state or national boundaries.30 While there were attempts to concentrate their missionary efforts in accordance with national boundaries, historically the German mission spanned a vast tract of land bound only by language rather than national borders. For most of the nineteenth century the German states were often included within the larger Swiss Mission. The Swiss Mission could be considered the mainland European Mission as for most of the nineteenth century it encompassed most of Germany, Austria, northern Italy and France.31 As an independent entity, a German Mission did exist during the 1850s and 1860s, during a brief period in the 1890s, and again during the twentieth century. Early Mormon missionary efforts appear to have been heavily concentrated in the Protestant areas of Germany. Missionaries were also active within the larger 28

29 30 31

Lucian Hölscher, “Der Raum des Religiosen: Semantische Strukturen des religiosen Lebens des 19 Jahrhundert ein problemgeschichtliche Skizze,” Hartmut Lehmann (Hrsg.), Transatlantische Religionsgeschichte 18 bis 20 Jahrhundert, Bausteine zu einer europäischen Religionsgeschichte im Zeitalter der Säkularisierung, Bd. 9, Wallstein, Göttingen, 2006, pp. 117–118. I have addressed this in an earlier part of this work. This is evident from missions that were established in several countries where specific language groups were targeted such as the Germans in South America and the English in India. The French Mission was incorporated into the Swiss-Italian-German Mission in 1864. In 1923 the French Mission was restored to a full mission. The Italian Mission began as a separate mission but was melded with the Swiss Mission in 1851. Following the close of the German Mission in 1855 Germany was divided into two jurisdictions with the Scandinavian Mission taking charge of the North and the Swiss Mission exercising control in the south. Austria as well was under the control of the Swiss Mission. See Gilbert W. Scharffs, Mormonism in Germany: A History of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints in Germany, Deseret Book, Salt Lake City, 1970, p. xv. As well see Andrew Jenson, Encyclopaedic History of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, Deseret News Publishing, Salt Lake City, 1941, pp. 280–282.

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urban areas of the German states. Hamburg, Berlin, Dresden, München, and Nürnberg were all centres for Mormon missionary activity. The proselyting efforts met with little success, as by the early part of the twentieth-century estimates place the number of Mormons in Germany at around 2,000. It is not until after World War I that the Mormons experienced any sustained growth. While resident Mormon populations may be an important indicator of missionary success in a country, they do not necessarily signify a lack of missionary success, as conversion to Mormonism usually entailed emigration to an appointed place of gathering. Like their English, and Danish counterparts faithful German converts migrated to North America. By the early part of the twentieth century approximately 4,300 Mormons had left the German speaking lands for North America. We have little information on the nationality of these emigrants, as during this period most of the converts to Mormonism are identified only as German speaking. Of the 924 individuals that emigrated between the years 1853–1881, 871 persons are identified specifically as being of Swiss origin, while 53 persons are identified specifically as being German. Statistics from the years 1881 to 1898 do not identify the emigrants by nationality. Between the years 1898–1914, 809 Swiss and 1,349 German persons emigrated.32 It is estimated that around 16,000 German-speaking converts emigrated to North America between the years 1853–1970. Contrasted to the 60,000 British, and the 30,000 Scandinavian converts who emigrated during the same time period there was a disproportional number of emigrants, relative to overall population coming from the German speaking converts.33 Between the years 1921–2009 the Mormons experienced minimal growth in Germany. During that time their membership grew by just a little over 25,000. At the end of 2010 the Mormons’ claimed to have 37,796 members in Germany.34 In contrast the province of Alberta, Canada with a population near 4 million has 74,377 members.35 It is difficult to pinpoint exactly why the lack of growth among the LDS during most of the twentieth century, as Germany still maintains a large church membership, Catholic and Protestant, demographic. Whether the German numbers actually reflect active membership, or whether the statistic reflects nominal affiliation is difficult to ascertain. However, by taking into account the method in which LDS membership totals are calculated it is relatively safe to

32 33 34

35

Douglas Alder, The German Speaking Immigration to Utah 1850–1950, Masters Thesis, University of Utah, 1959, pp. 119–122. See Scharffs, Mormonism in Germany, p. 67. Statistical Information: Official 2009 statistics about the Church of Jesus Christ of Latterday Saints. Worldwide Church Statistics, newsroom.lds.org/ldsnewsroom/eng/statisticalinformation. Accessed July 12, 2010. Statistical Information: Official 2009 statistics about the Church of Jesus Christ of Latterday Saints. Worldwide Church Statistics, newsroom.lds.org/ldsnewsroom/eng/statisticalinformation. Accessed July 12, 2010.

VI. The Social Origins of the German Converts

241

assume that these are affiliation statistics, and in no way represent the actual number of active Mormons in Germany at the present.36 With an overall activity rate worldwide at around 30% an estimate would place 11,000–12,000 active Mormons in Germany. C.

EDUCATION AND LITERACY IN GERMANY

The Mormons seem to have drawn many of their converts from the lower classes. Critics claimed that members of the uneducated classes were often the first to fall victim to the Mormon missionaries. While individuals from the lower classes were often attracted to the Mormons it is difficult to determine if the criticisms were accurate or part of an apologetics program. There is little doubt that the Mormons experienced difficulties proselyting among the Germans. German society differed greatly from the other European nations in which the Mormons proselyted. Perhaps the greatest contrast was seen in the higher literacy rate in Germany. This in turn affected the type and quality of publications available detailing Mormon beliefs. Literacy rates among the Germans may have been a major factor in limiting the Mormons’ effectiveness among the Germans. It may be that the German educational system served as a counter balance to the Mormon message. Education had a central role as a state institution. It was generally believed that by educating the masses the nation could ensure stability in times of societal crises. The focus on educating a broad base of the population was essential to the states overall political program. In the area of education the German states were far ahead of their European neighbours.37 Among the German states Prussia was the leader in state sponsored education. All of the German states had educational programs similar to Prussia’s except Hanover, which had no school system.38 In the early part of the nineteenth century there had been a reform movement within both the educational and ecclesiastical institutions. Generally it was felt by many that the liberalizing tendencies in both institutions had created tensions within society. In Prussia by the mid century it was felt that the educational system, and particular the teacher training colleges had directly contributed to the revolutionary spirit of 1848.39 The sentiment resulted in a backlash. In the early 1850s the elementary schools came under at-

36

37 38 39

Religionszugehörigkeit Bevölkerung 1950–2008.pdf, Religionszugehörigkeit Bevölkerung, 1970–2011.pdf. Forschungsgruppe Weltanschauungen in Deutschland, fowid.de/, Accessed July 20, 2010. See Thomas Nipperdey, Germany from Napoleon to Bismarck: 1800–1866, trans. Daniel Nolan, Princeton University Press, Princeton, 1996, p. 164 Nipperdey, Germany from Napoleon to Bismarck, p. 165. Nipperdey, Germany from Napoleon to Bismarck, p. 155.

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tack from the state. They were given the mandate to return to teaching simple subject matter rather than concerning themselves with the personal development of the student. Truth, and an education stressing authority were proscribed remedies to ensure that the educational system produced individuals who possessed technical and rational precision, rather than brains filled with theoretical musings. The purpose of state sponsored public education was to create new behaviour patterns in accordance with the new model of the state.40 Yet, it was not the post-revolution educational model that other countries found appealing. It was the educational system of the Vormärz that was lauded as the ideal educational system. It was that system which other countries aspired to implement. 41 In an era of industrialization and modernization it was beneficial to the state that its education system reflected a move away from the dominance of the religious sphere to that of the secular sphere. The earlier, traditional, forms of education had always taken place within the home and manifested themselves in the individual’s social standing. The patterns for existing within society were established by tradition and not by reflection. Tangible public execution of learned principles took precedence over abstract notions. Life took place where people lived, not in the mind and definitely not through theory. Religion then played a role as the Bible in turn gave meaning to an individual’s life.42 It provides the paradigm that interpreted the world for the individual. To provide oversight and to insure the state’s goals would be attained, state schools came under ecclesiastical supervision.43 The educational reforms of the early 1800s had changed the focus of the entire educational system. It was generally believed that modernization required a new class of individual. The old methods were no longer seen as being able to serve the needs of the modern state. Modernization and industrialization had brought new problems that traditional methods of education could no longer solve. The move toward industrialization had created a dependency on technology.44 This new dependency in turn created a need to refocus on the role of the individual. Capability and usefulness became the new main goals in education. The older, traditional, one sided, occupational training had made people incapable of adjusting to changing situations. What was needed were individuals who were flexible and able to perform new tasks in a rapidly, ever evolving world. A broad, 40 41

42 43 44

Nipperdey, Germany from Napoleon to Bismarck, p. 155. Early American pedagogues Horace Mann, Calvin E. Stowe, Henry Barnard, George Bancroft and Joseph Cogswell were instrumental in implementing the German educational system in the United States. Horace Mann contended that broad based education would civilise the undisciplined masses creating a responsible democratic citizenry. See Bob Pepperman Taylor, Horace Mann’s Troubling Legacy: The Education of Democratic Citizens, University Press of Kansas, Lawrence, 2010. Nipperdey, Germany from Napoleon to Bismarck, p. 157. Nipperdey, Germany from Napoleon to Bismarck, p. 158. Nipperdey, Germany from Napoleon to Bismarck, p. 158.

VI. The Social Origins of the German Converts

243

general education based on rational thinking, and reflection, therefore became the new goal. By refocusing the individual, mankind no longer was bound by home, social status, or learned trade. Education replaced social origin and mankind became a product of his own efforts. In turn the world was no longer a predetermined place with an expected outcome, but something that could be planned, and formed. Progress meant that the focus was now clearly on the future, as the past no longer determined that future.45 By creating individuals who could think for themselves, compulsory regulated education was thought to benefit, and stabilize the state. The general ability to cope with changing situations rather than applying hard and fast rules created a freer, more capable individual and thereby the individual would strengthen the state. An improved citizenry it was hoped would also improve economic efficiency.46 Taking its place alongside of military conscription and taxes, education formed a trio of demands that the state made on its citizens. There were critics of the early reforms of the 1800s to say the least.47 Critics focused on the inability of the system to prepare individuals to conform to the existing conditions. The system lacked practicality and was too abstract and theoretical the critics claimed. The critics also claimed that it did not stabilize society or the person, but rather it created insecurity. The remedy for the new ills, it was thought, would be to reduce the breadth of education and eliminate all impractical excesses. Natural sciences, math, languages, literature, and history, and additional subjects that called for reflection should be done away with. It was felt that schooling should deal with real, practical knowledge. As well the role of the school should concern itself with teaching modesty, contentment, and stability. It was strongly felt that an education should prepare an individual for accepting traditional truths, and it should seek only to educate individuals in practical, and applicable knowledge. What was needed were competent craftsmen who were able to take their place in society. A general population comprised of thinking, rational individuals was not desired, welcomed, or even necessary.48 Of course this could best be achieved by a return to the old methods, through religious instruction. While the backlash achieved partial success in Prussia and the position of the church was strengthened, the school system remained pluralistic. Neither the conservative nor liberal elements of society dominated the educational system. The autonomous state bureaucracy ensured that no uniformity could be pressed on to the school system from the top down.

45 46 47

48

Nipperdey, Germany from Napoleon to Bismarck, p. 159. Nipperdey, Germany from Napoleon to Bismarck, pp. 159–160. The critical years emerged in the Restoration following the Napoleonic wars in 1817–1819. It is really a conservative backlash against decades of liberalism. See Nipperdey, Germany from Napoleon to Bismarck, p. 162. Nipperdey, Germany from Napoleon to Bismarck, pp. 162–163.

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While no uniform centralized educational system existed throughout the German states, the Prussian educational model was adopted by other German states. The schools existed as autonomous bodies in many regions and cities.49 Among the southwest and central German states, rationalism appeared to have been the dominant expression in both the churches and the school system. It was believed that the ability to think was an insurance against future revolution. It was the uneducated that were drawn to socialist and communist movements, and of course to the religious sects.50 Education then provided a calming effect on the populace as thinking individuals would be likely to see the benefits of the existing order and less likely to join anti-social, or revolutionary movements. As social unrest and socialistic ideas were a constant threat throughout the later half of the nineteenth century, there needed to be a balancing act in maintaining a civil society. As an autonomous bureaucracy ran the state, little homogeneity existed within the institutional pillars of society.51 Neither church, nor government, nor the educational system was in the majority either conservative or liberal. German society existed as a competing plurality of interests dependent on geographical region. This existing plurality may account for the varied German responses towards the Mormons during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. As the historical record indicates, the Mormons had an unfettered license to proselyte in certain regions while being prohibited in others. It seems that the Mormons struck at too many cords in society and that made them an unwelcome entity in many regions. The Mormons’ difficulties in Germany were based on many factors. Firstly they were Anglo-American. In post-revolutionary Germany the fear of importing socialist ideology from abroad was a major concern. German suspicions of the Mormon missionaries were rooted in the fear of the return of expatriated social democrats and German “Forty-Eighters” from the United States. The missionaries were therefore seen as the Fremde Kolporteure und agenten.52 Secondly, and perhaps most importantly, the Mormon missionaries were seen as illiterate, uneducated, and prone to fanaticism. Generally, by German standards, this view of the Mormons would have been an accurate view. Being a Mormon, or converting to Mormonism, was not a crime in any of the German states. Being a Mormon missionary on the other hand was a different matter. It was the foreign Mormon missionary that became the target of government sanction and not the German convert to Mormonism.53 More often than not, no action was taken against any of the

49 50 51 52 53

Nipperdey, Germany from Napoleon to Bismarck, p. 164. Christoph Ribbat, Religiöse Erregung: Protestantische Schwärmer im Kaiserreich, Campus Verlag, Frankfurt, 1996, p. 179; Nipperdey, Germany from Napoleon to Bismarck, p. 165. Nipperdey, Germany from Napoleon to Bismarck, p. 167. Ribbat, Religiöse Erregung, pp. 224–226. “Der Polizeipräsident Berlin, 674 VIIIb 11, April 27, 1911,” GStA PK, I. HA Rep. 76 Kultusministerium, III Sekt. 1 Abt. XIII a Nr. 28 Beiheft Bd. I–IV Sekte der Mormonen,

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converts by the civil authorities when the foreign Mormon missionaries were arrested and expelled from a German territory. 54 The authorities saw the converts as victims, not willing participants, who needed the protection of the state. The authorities felt it was the weaker elements of society who were being preyed upon and the ones who often fell victim to the sects. The Mormon missionaries therefore were suspected of “agitation” whose reasons for being in Germany were to; “...junge unberathene Frauenzimmer für den Mormonen glauben zu gewinnen und zur unbedachten Auswanderung nach Amerika zu verführen.”55 The Mormon message was not relegated to the religious sphere but with its strong belief in establishing a theocracy and practicing plural marriage, strayed into the political and social realms as well. Historically, farmers, craftsmen, and unskilled labourers formed the major demographic of the converts to Mormonism. In most of Europe this demographic was also the least educated. Compared to France and England, the German states did however have higher rates of literacy among their general populations. Compulsory school attendance of children between 6 and 12 years had reached 82% by 1846. Child labour laws had also been changed by 1838 to favour school attendance for the youth of the nation.56 Many factories had established in-house industry schools that allowed individuals to combine their factory work with schooling.57 These changes and a shift in attitude towards the value of an education had resulted in a literacy rate of 85–90% within the German states. The German civil service had attained even higher levels of education. A university degree was required to serve as a civil servant. While literacy rates were high in the German states, Britain and France had only achieved literacy rates between 55–65% by the same time. The widespread literacy led to a proliferation of popular magazines and newspapers. A comparison of the per capita distribution of newspapers from the year 1856 showed the German states as among the world leaders. In Bavaria there were 37 newspapers per 1 million inhabitants. In Hannover there were 49 and in Württemberg 55 newspapers per 1 million inhabitants. Among the German states Saxony had the most at 110. The only countries near those levels were the United States with 104, and Switzerland with 224 newspapers per 1 million inhabitants. On the lower end of the scale was Austria with 6½ and Italy with 12½

54 55 56 57

1853–1917, Bd. 3, June 28, 1909–April 10, 1912, pp. 212–213; “Der Regierungspräsident Köln, March 18, 1910,” GStA PK, I. HA Rep. 76 Kultusministerium, Bd. 3, p. 108; “Der Regierungspräsident Breslau, January 25, 1911,” GStA PK, I. HA Rep. 76 Kultusministerium, Bd. 3, p. 150; “Der Regierungspräsident Arnsberg,” GStA PK, I. HA Rep. 76 Kultusministerium, Bd. 3, pp. 65–68. Scharffs, Mormonism in Germany, p. 54. “Polizeipräsident Hannover, JNR IR 2457, June 30, 1904,” GStA PK, I. HA Rep. 76 Kultusministerium, Bd. 2, p. 221. Nipperdey, Germany from Napoleon to Bismarck, p. 161. Nipperdey, Germany from Napoleon to Bismarck, p. 158.

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newspapers per 1 million inhabitants.58 These per capita ratios would only increase over the next half-century. The widespread availability of newspapers and popular magazines tended to create an informed public. It was through the newspapers and popular magazines that many of the Germans had learned of the Mormons often years before they began their missionary tours among them. The higher literacy rates in the German states and the widespread availability of printed information on the Mormons may have hindered the Mormons’ ability to make converts, or at least to engage in any successful Proselytenmacherei. Nineteenth-century German newspapers and popular magazines carried countless articles about the Mormons.59 Both Protestant and Catholic churches made their congregants aware of the Mormons, and their teachings through their magazines.60 With the high rate of literacy, and the general availability of literature, no area of German society was left untouched as there were even literary works written specifically for youth.61 The majority of the German literary sources dealing 58 59

60

61

Kolb, Handbuch der vergleichenden Statistik, p. 334. For example see, Der Sammler: Ein Blatt zur Unterhaltung und Belehrung, Beilage der Augsburger Abendzeitung, Nr. 13, February 14, 1852, pp. 50–51; “Die Mormonen” Freya: Illustrierte Blätter für die gebildete Welt, Bd. 7, 1867, pp. 518–519; “Die Mormonen,” Palatina: Heimatblatt oder Beilage der Pfälzer Zeitung und des Rheinischen Volksblattes, 1870, Nr. 43, April 12, 1870, pp. 160–162; “Denkwürdigkeiten eines französischen Mormonen,” Joseph Lehmann (Hrsg.), Magazin für die Literatur des Auslandes, Bd. 63, Nr. 6, February 11, 1863, pp. 64–65; “Die Mormonen und Ihr Prophet,” Joseph Lehmann (Hrsg.), Magazin für die Literatur des Auslandes, Bd. 22, Nr. 146, December 7, 1842, pp. 581–582; Nr. 147, December 9, 1842, pp. 586–587; Nr. 148, December 12, 1842, pp. 590–591; Literaturblatt, Wolfgang Menzel (Hrsg.), Jahrgang 1856, Nr. 7, January 23, 1856, pp. 25–28; Nr. 38, May 10, 1856, pp. 149–151; “Heber Chase Kimball: Ein Mormonen Porträt,” Europa: Chronik der gebildeten Welt, F. G. Kühne (Hrsg.), Nr. 9, February 27, 1858, pp. 298–301; “Unter den Mormonen: Ein Bild hinter den Vorhang,” Europa: Chronik der gebildeten Welt, F. G. Kühne (Hrsg.), Nr. 39, September 23, 1858, pp. 1247–1254; Literische Zeitung, Karl Heinrich Brandes (Hrsg.), 16 Bde., Duncker & Humblot, Berlin, 1834–1849, Bd. 11, Nr. 52, June 29, 1844, Cols. 827–830; Das Echo: Wochenschrift für Politik, Literatur, Kunst und Wissenschaft, Bd. 17, July–December 1890, Nr. 422, p. 422; “Der Mormonenpriester: Eine Erzählung,“ Die Illustrierte Welt: Blätter aus Natur und Leben, Wissenschaft und Kunst zur Unterhaltung und Belehrung für die Familie, 50 Bde., Verlag der Deutschen Verlagsanstalt, Stuttgart und Leipzig, 1853–1902, Bd. 2, Nr. 32, 1854, pp. 254–255; Bd. 2, Nr. 33, 1854, pp. 262–263. For an example of Catholic works see, “Der Mormonismus,” Schlesisches Kirchenblatt: Eine Zeitschrift für Katholiken aller Stände, zur Beförderung d. religiösen Sinnes, 50 Bde., Aderholz, Breslau, 1835–1885, Bd. 20, Nr. 15, 1854, p. 197; “Die Sekte der Mormonen,” Der katholische Volksfreund: Wochenschrift für häusliche Erbauung und Belehrung des katholischen Volkes, Anton Westermeyer (Hrsg.), Nr. 23, June 8, 1854, pp. 180–182; Nr. 24, June 10, 1854, pp. 188–190; Nr. 25, June 17, 1854, pp. 195–196. See Johann Benjamin Trautmann, Geschichte der christlichen Kirche: Für Jedermann, insonderheit für die Jugend, 3 Bde., Justus Naumann, Dresden 1851–1857, Dritter Theil: Geschichte der Kirche von der Reformation bis auf unsere Tage, Justus Naumann, Dresden, 1857, pp. 472–477.

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with Mormonism could be considered objective, general interest articles. They were not overly theological, or polemical in nature.62 The peculiar nature of Mormonism was seen as a strange curiosity. The literacy of the German population and the availability of sources on Mormonism do appear to have affected the way in which missionary work was carried out within the German states. This of course is seen in content, and tone of the Mormons’ own literature produced for the German audience. Not only would the Mormons have to contend with a rational, educated clergy, and civil service, but also with a rational, and literate population. In commenting on his fellow countrymen early German convert Edward Schönfeld stated that the Germans were too smart to believe that angels appeared to anyone and that prophets are receiving revelations.63 D.

THE GERMAN CONVERTS

Early commentary on the German converts seems to indicate that they were drawn to Mormonism by its apocalyptic message.64 An apocalyptic message usually finds listening ears on the fringes of society. Of the majority of German converts to Mormonism we know very little as no extensive study of these converts has been made to date. We are only able to see glimpses of the social and religious backgrounds of these individuals who are scattered across vast geographic regions and decades of time. We are therefore only able to present generalizations surrounding the social origins of the German converts. On the surface it does not appear that the type of convert made in Germany is that distinctive from Mormon converts found in other geographical areas. Generally, it seems, that the German converts were members of a Protestant church rather than the Catholic church. Previous religious affiliation among the converts was varied. The Bitter family were Baptists.65 Johann Jacob Zundel, and George

62

63 64

65

While by no means being a complete list, I have tabulated 108 articles of general interest on Mormonism in German newspapers and journals between 1853–1950. This does not take into account the numerous books, booklets, or warnschriften also available. Scharffs, Mormonism in Germany, p. 28. Robert von Schlagintweit, Die Mormonen oder die Heiligen vom Jüngsten Tage von ihrer Entstehung bis auf die Gegenwart, 2 Aufgabe, Eduard Heinrich Mayer, Köln und Leipzig, 1878, p 153. The list of German converts present in New York in 1861 included Traugott Bitter his wife Rosine Wilhelmina Aust Bitter. Other families include the Blumells from Berlin, the Krieg, Schmidt, Schneider, Schlesselmann, Hardi, Kunkler, Stauffer, Stamminger, and Benecke families. Included also were the single women Dortia Evers and Anna Hauselman, Mary and Frederick William Foremaster from Dardesheim, Prussia. Conrad Kleinman from Bavaria, and his wives Anna Benz Kleinman and Mary Ann Germer Kleinmann were also listed.

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Reiser belonged to Radical Pietist communities in Pennsylvania.66 Occupationally most converts seemed to have earned their livelihood from various trades, such as tailor or carpenter, or were involved in agriculture. Zundel worked as a butcher while with the Harmonists. Another early German convert Paul Schettler was born into the Moravian community of Neuwied in the Prussian Rhine province.67 Schettler was trained as a shopkeeper. Schettler like many other converts would return to Germany and proselytize among friends and family, in his case among the Moravians in Neuwied in northern Germany, and Zeist in the Netherlands. Converts to Mormonism do not appear to have come exclusively from minority religions, the sekten, or freikirchen.68 The Mormons do appear to have drawn converts from the two larger Protestant churches, the Reformed and Lutheran as well. Based on the membership totals, and congregation locations we have, the larger Mormon populations were located in dominantly Protestant areas. Northern Germany, Prussia, Saxony, and Württemberg all had larger Mormon populations than the Catholic areas of the south and west, Bavaria or the Prussian Rhine provinces. Mormonism therefore appears to have been a greater threat to the Protestant churches than to the Catholic churches. This point is brought out from a review of the literature written about Mormonism. As very few books, pamphlets, or warnschriften were written by Catholic authors for Catholic audiences, Mormonism does not seem to have affected the Catholic churches to the same degree as the Protestant churches. The expansion of Mormonism in Germany during the first 50 years is by no means rapid. They would expand, albeit slowly, eventually having members throughout most of the regions in Germany by the end of the century.69 Among

66

67

68

69

There appears to have been several Harmonists that converted to Mormonism. John Henry Mösser, who married Mary Magdalene Zundel, and Julien Plüger were all members of Georg Rapp’s society. As well see Scharffs, Mormonism in Germany, p. 13. Fred E. Woods and Jacob W. Olmstead, “Give Me Any Situation Suitable: The Consecrated Life of the Multitalented Paul A. Schettler,” Brigham Young University Studies, vol. 41, no. 1, 2002, pp. 108–126, pp. 109–110. The typology to distinguish religious groups is based upon the work of Max Weber and Ernst Troeltsch. The prime objective was to distinguish newer religious groups from the established churches or kirchen. Volkhard Krech, “Kleine Religionsgemeinschaften in Deutschland: Eine Religionsoziologische Bestandsaufnahme,” Hartmut Lehmann (Hrsg.), Religiöser Pluralismus im vereinten Europa: Freikirchen und Sekten. Bausteine zu einer europäischen Religionsgeschichte im Zeitalter der Säkularisierung, Bd. 6, Wallstein, Göttingen, 2005, pp. 117, 121. Membership totals for 1875 from Der Stern der Heiligen der Letzten Tage: Eine Monatsschrift zur Verbreitung der Wahrheit, Karl Mäser, et al (Hrsgg.), 125 Bde., Kirche Jesu Christi der Heiligen der Letzten Tage, Bern, Zürich, Hamburg, Dresden, Berlin und Frankfurt, 1869–1999, Bd. 8, Nr. 1, January 1876, p. 12 are, Karlsruhe 15, München 7, and Ravensburg 6. For 1877 Der Stern, Bd. 10, Nr. 1, January 1878, p. 16, records the membership’s locations and totals as; Ludwigshafen 61, München 5, and Ravensburg 5. Der Stern, Bd. 12, Nr. 2, February 1880, p. 32, records; Berlin 48, Halberstadt 17, Ludwigshafen 76, as

VI. The Social Origins of the German Converts

249

the earliest converts in northern Germany were John Miller, Christian Binder, his wife, and Daniel Wegner who took charge of the Hamburg branch after the expulsion of the missionaries in the early 1850s.70 The earliest convert in the south German states was Maria Ratez from Durlach in Baden.71 In the southwest, the Mormons had established a church in Karlsruhe by 1861. By the end of the decade baptized members could be found in München, Altdorf, and Öttingen in Bavaria, in Stuttgart and Aichelberg in Württemberg, and in the northern cities of Bremen and Oldenburg.72 By the mid 1870s additional members existed in Mannheim and Ludwigshafen in Baden, and Halberstadt in Prussian Saxony.73 The Mormons expanded into the Baltic region with the opening of a mission in Kö-

70

71 72 73

the membership totals for 1879. Der Stern, Bd. 13, Nr. 1, January 1881, p.16 recorded totals for 1880 as, Ludwigshafen 104, Nürnberg 11, Berlin 50, Halberstadt 16. Der Stern, Bd. 14, Nr. 1, January 1, 1882, p. 16, has the membership totals for 1881 as, Ludwigshafen 98, Nürnberg 121, Berlin 46, Halberstadt 12, and Stuttgart 22. Der Stern, Bd. 16, Nr. 3, February 1, 1884, p. 47, Stuttgart 39, Mannheim 56, Ludwigshafen 34, Nürnberg 136, München 30, Erlangen 17, Berlin 57, Kiel 32, and Bremen 1, as the membership totals for 1883. Der Stern, Bd. 21, Nr. 4, February 15, 1889, p. 63, has, Stuttgart 23, Mannheim 37, Fürth 35, München, Berlin 31, Hamburg 5, Kiel 48, as the membership totals for 1888. Der Stern, Bd. 23, Nr. 2, January 15, 1891, p. 47, listed the following membership totals for 1890. Kiel 24, Hamburg 19, Berlin 32, Saxony (Dresden) 19, Mannheim 62, Württemberg 25, Nürnberg 62, and München 42. Membership totals for 1899 taken from Der Stern, Bd. 32, Nr. 2, January 15, 1900, pp. 30–31, are as follows. Hamburg Conference: Hamburg 136, Hannover– Barfinghausen 32, Lübeck 18, Kiel 29, Bielefeld 10, and Bremen 16. Berlin Conference: Berlin 78, Stettin 41. Dresden Conference: Dresden 38, Leipzig 46, Freiberg 41, Chemnitz– Johanngeorgenstadt 30, Sorau 46, Breslau 22, and Mühlhausen–Erfurt 6. Frankfurt Conference: Frankfurt–Darmstadt–Mainz 53, Mannheim 44, Köln–Neuwied 13, and Elberfeld– Essen–Wanne 13. Stuttgart Conference: Stuttgart–Heilbronn 52, München 70, Nürnberg 63, and Saarbrücken–Saargemünd 15. Total membership for the conferences totalled 912 members. This total does not include the assigned missionaries to the conferences. Membership statistics for the German conferences for 1900 taken from Der Stern, Bd. 33, Nr. 3, February 1, 1901, pp. 40–41 are as follows. Hamburg Conference: Barfinghausen 11, Bielefeld 15, Bremen 20, Hamburg 158, Hannover 31, Kiel 61, and Lübeck 24. Berlin Conference: Berlin 86, Danzig 0, 2 missionaries, Königsberg 23, and Stettin 57. Dresden Conference: Breslau 20, Dresden 23, Chemnitz–Johanngeorgenstadt 51, Freiberg 9, Görlitz–Liegnitz 4, Leipzig 48, Sorau 45, and Mühlhausen–Erfurt 51. Frankfurt Conference: Elberfeld 11, Herne 10, Frankfurt 65, Köln 29, Mannheim 41, and Offenbach 14. Stuttgart Conference: Heilbronn 15, Karlsruhe 15, München–Haag 69, Nürnberg 60, and Saarbrücken–Saargemünd 26, Stuttgart–Straßburg 48. There were 1,159 members in the German Mission at the end 1900. Several names are associated with the Hamburg congregation, and that in Altona during the early 1850s. Meetings in Hamburg were held in the Germer, Berger, Betz, and Younge, homes. In Altona they were held at the Theile’s. See Latter-day Saints Millennial Star, vol. 16, no. 39, September 30, 1854, pp. 621–623. Scharffs, Mormonism in Germany, p. 15. Scharffs, Mormonism in Germany, p. 22. Der Stern, Bd. 61, Nr. 21, November 15, 1929, p. 333; Scharffs, Mormonism in Germany, p. 22. Scharffs, Mormonism in Germany, p. 29.

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nigsberg, East Prussia in the 1890s.74 Though congregations were established in many areas of Germany several of these did not survive, resulting in a reestablishment at a later time. This pattern can be seen in the south German states, especially in Bavaria. The Mormons defined their proselyting efforts in Germany as being extremely difficult.75 They claimed that it was easier to proselyte in the Protestant northern areas of Germany than in the southern Catholic regions.76 The city of Nürnberg was an especially difficult place for the Mormons to gain and maintain any presence.77 Nürnberg had been a Protestant city since the Reformation, with the first Catholic congregation being established in the early part of the nineteenth century. By the mid 1850s a slight Protestant majority existed. Despite sanctions against proselyting the Mormons continued to gain converts in many of the German states.78 There was an ebb and flow to Mormon proselyting efforts, and hence to the establishment of congregations. Areas in which converts were gained were soon lost either through apostasy, or immigration leading to the closure of the churches.79 Though the Mormons had been able to establish congregations throughout most of Germany, there were also areas where the Mormons failed to gain any converts. In the early twentieth century police reports from various cities sent to officials in Berlin recorded that no Mormons were present in Lüneburg, Arnsberg, Koblenz, and in Sigmaringen.80 After twenty plus years of banishment the Mormons returned to Berlin. In 1876 Theodor Brändli received permission to hold meetings in the city.81 For the first time since their expulsion in 1853 Mormon missionaries were actively seeking converts in the German capital. While 90 persons showed up for their first meeting in Berlin, it would be almost a year before any converts were made. In 1877, six persons were baptised.82 The Mormons faired better in their second attempt at proselyting in Berlin than they had in their first. Berlin would become the

74 75 76 77 78 79

80

81 82

Der Stern, Bd. 62, Nr. 6, March 15, 1930, p. 93. Der Stern, Bd. 61, Nr. 23, December 15, 1929, p. 365. Der Stern, Bd. 62, Nr. 3, February 1, 1930, pp. 46–47. Der Stern, Bd. 62, Nr. 1, January 1, 1930, pp. 12–13, Bd. 62, Nr. 3, February 1, 1930, p. 46. Latter-day Saints Millennial Star, vol. 42, no. 35, August 30, 1880, p. 552–554. Early congregations that had been established in Saxony and Baden, the Dresden and Karlsruhe branches, were closed due to lack of membership. Der Stern, Bd. 61, Nr. 20, October 27, 1929, p. 316; Der Stern, Bd. 61, Nr. 21, November 15, 1929, p. 333. GStA PK, I. HA Rep. 76 Kultusministerium, III Sekt. 1 Abt. XIII a Nr. 28 Beiheft Bd. I–V Sekte der Mormonen, 1853–1917, Bd. V, Berichte des Regierungspräsidenten auf den Runderlass vom 30.04.1902, p. 70. See also GStA PK, XVI. HA, Rep. 30, Regierung zu Bromberg, Nr. 882, Versammlungen der Kirche Jesu Christi, die Heiligen der letzten Tage, 1916. Der Stern, Bd. 61, Nr. 23, December 15, 1929, pp. 364–365. Brändli estimates that, “…ab, zu der achtzig bis neunzig einflußreiche Personen erschienen waren.”Der Stern, Bd. 61, Nr. 23, December 15, 1929, p. 364. Scharffs, Mormonism in Germany, p. 30.

VI. The Social Origins of the German Converts

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site for many of the Mormon firsts in Germany. Not only was Berlin the site of the first expulsion of the Mormon missionaries in 1853, but the Berlin congregation was also the first, and only Mormon branch, that operated under full police authorization.83 This they had achieved by 1884.84 With authorization the Mormons were allowed to publicly advertise their weekly services, which they did in the Berliner Tagesblatt.85 The Mormons were allowed to hold two weekly services on Thursday and Sunday, which were held at Pücklerstrasse 65.86 The Berlin branch was the first to have a female Relief Society formed, and it was also the site of the first German conference.87 In May of 1900 the headquarters of the German Mission was moved to Berlin. The German Mission headquarters was located in the Lichtenberg district of Berlin at Frankfurter Allee 196.88 Over the next several decades Berlin would host the German Mission headquarters on additional occasions with headquarters on Handelsstrasse and then on Rathenowerstrasse.89 1. The Social Origins of the Converts Given the diversity of geographical regions, political leanings, and the religious composition of Germany it is difficult to pinpoint what a typical convert to Mormonism would be like. Throughout the Mormons’ residency in Germany attitudes towards them, by both the civil authorities and the public varied. Some generalizations however can be made about the Mormon converts in Germany. The Mormons’ greatest missionary successes in Germany have come during three periods in the twentieth century. The greatest periods of Mormon growth in Germany

83 84

85 86 87 88 89

The city of Bremen also seems to have allowed the Mormons to freely assemble if only on an iterim basis. Der Stern, Bd. 62, Nr. 1, January 1, 1930, p. 14. Mission president John Q. Cannon stated in June 1884, mentions relative freedom for the Mormons to practice in Berlin. Journal of Discourses: By Brigham Young, His Two Counselors, the Twelve Apostles, and Others, 26 vols, Latter Day Saints Book Depot, Liverpool, 1854–1886, vol. 25, pp. 204–205. Towards the end of the nineteenth century, George Q. Cannon commenting on the missions in Europe mentioned that Berlin, Breslau and other areas were tolerant of the Mormons. See Brian H. Stuy, Collected Discourses: Delivered by President Wilford Woodruff, His Two Counselors, the Twelve Apostles, and Others, 5 vols, B. H. S. Publishing, Salt Lake City, 1987, vol. 5, p. 269. As well Serge F. Ballif, Conference Reports of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, 139 vols, The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, Salt Lake City, 1880–1970, April 1909, p. 79; Scharffs, Mormonism in Germany, p. 34. Berliner Tagesblatt, Nr. 127, March 11, 1886, p. 4. Der Stern, Bd. 62, Nr. 3, February 1, 1930, p. 46. Scharffs, Mormonism in Germany, pp. 32, 34 See Orson F. Whitney, Conference Report, October 1907, p. 47. Scharffs, Mormonism in Germany, p. 40. See Thomas E. McKay, Conference Report, October 1945, p. 76.

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came in the decades of 1920–1939, from 1946–1964, and again from 1972– 1987.90 Two of these growth periods coincide with a democratic political system existing in Germany. With the division of Germany following the end of the war in 1945, the Mormons would have to deal with two distinct political realities, an East and West Germany. The relationship between the Mormons and the socialist regime of the German Democratic Republic (GDR) would undergo drastic changes over the years. While curbing of their missionary activity did take place early on, the East German Mormon community did remain stable from 1945 onward. As was often the case in dealing with religious adherents under the Sozialistische Einheitspartei Deutschlands (SED) regime, access to higher education, and trades, was limited by the state. However files from the Bundesbeauftragten für die Unterlagen des Staatssicherheitsdienstes der ehemaligen Deutschen Demokratischen Republik (BStU) do reveal that many of the Mormons in the GDR did learn a trade, such as cabinet maker, auto mechanic, or electrician.91 The East German Mormon membership also included engineers, janitors, and stationary salespersons.92 In a general assessment of the German converts two distinct characteristics can be seen. While the Mormons often experienced high rates of emigration from among their membership, German members tended to remain in their home countries relative to British and Scandinavian converts. Secondly, the Mormons expe90

91

92

Membership totals in the German conferences for 1925 were, Frankfurt 580, Stuttgart 1018, Köln 659, Hannover 624, Leipzig 659, Chemnitz 1696, Dresden 756, Breslau 612, Berlin 976, Hamburg 1293, Stettin 818, and Königsberg 976. Total membership for the conferences of the German Missions at the end of 1925 stood at 11,166. Membership totals for 1926 within the German conferences of the German-Austria Mission were 6,788. Membership in the German conferences of the Swiss-German Mission was 4,378. Total membership within all of the German conferences at the end of 1926 was 11,355. While tract distribution doubled from 1925 there was only a gain of 189 members. The conferences with the largest increase in members were Berlin with 60, and Leipzig with 72. There were decreases in some conferences. The Stuttgart conference showed a decrease of 470 members between the years 1925–1926. Chemnitz experienced 142 baptisms in 1926, yet its membership decreased over its 1925 totals. While there were gains through baptisms in most of the German conferences these were usually cancelled by individuals withdrawing from the Mormon church. Der Stern, Bd. 59, Nr. 4, February 13, 1927, pp. 54–55. See also Jorg Dittberner, “One Hundred Eighteen Years of Attitude: The History of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints in the Free and Hanseatic City of Bremen,” Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought, vol. 36, no. 1, 2003, p. 52. “Information über die “Kirche Jesu Christi der Heiligen der Letzten Tage,” BStU HA XX 4/1051, pp. 172–182, p. 172. “BV für Staatssicherheit, Karl Marx Stadt AKG, Information über die Religionsgemeinschaft “Kirche Jesu Christi - der Heiligen der Letzten Tage, (Mormonen) in Bezirk Karl Marx Stadt, Karl Marx Stadt, August 8, 1984,” BStU HA XX 4/1051, pp. 65–67, p. 66. “Bericht Legale Möglichkeiten der Informationsbeschaffung, Berlin, June 1, 1965, BStU, MfS HA XX4/1051, pp. 183–189, pp. 186–189.

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rienced high rates of apostasy among their German membership.93 This trend began in the nineteenth century and continued until the 1960s.94 As has been mentioned earlier, generally, German converts to Mormonism appear to have been mainly Protestant, and came from the working classes. The Mormons have historically drawn from the lower ranks of society and we can see no deviation from this among the German converts. No prominent Germans joined the Mormons prior to 1914. The most prominent convert in the nineteenth century was the teacher Karl Mäser and his family. In the major urban centres congregations consisted of mostly working class people.95 This pattern appears to have extended into the later parts of the twentieth century.96 The Mormon missionary message never seems to have resonated with the educational classes of the bildungsbürgertum. A general assessment of the Mormons in Germany concluded that they were from the lower economic classes of society, or “...ausschließend aus den niederen unbemitteln Kreisen des Volkes.”97 The converts were also found to have come mostly from the uneducated, or “...untern ungebildeten Ständen.” Day labourers, tradesmen, artisans (handwerker) farmers, and krämer, formed the bulk of the German converts to Mormonism.98 The Germans made a stark distinction between education, or bildung, and training, or ausbildung. Education was to develope the individual to become a thinking, flexible person with the ability to adapt to changing circumstances. Training on the other hand provided the individual with a specific set of skills required to do a specific job. The differences between the two educational streams are still evidenced within the German secondary school system, in the Realschule, and the Gymnasium. The model became widespread within the western world. The remnants of the German system are still seen in North America, although the distinction between training, and education is lost on most North Americans. Some researchers have cited that the reasons for this inability to draw from the upper classes was that Mormons were often hindered through state and church administrative actions. It has also been proposed that the public had many misconceptions about Mormonism. These half-truths were promoted through literature and this hindered the Mormon missionary effort in Germany among the educated classes.99 The reality of the situation is much different. German literature in its approach towards the Mormons was both sober and scholarly. It was not sensa93 94 95 96

97 98 99

Dittberner, “One Hundred Eighteen Years,” p. 53. Dittberner, “One Hundred Eighteen Years,” p. 52. Dittberner, “One Hundred Eighteen Years,” p. 57. In the 1960s several Italian guest workers at the Volkswagen plant in Wolfsburg converted to Mormonism. Wilfried Decoo, “Feeding the Flock: Retaining Church Members in Europe,” Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought, vol. 29, no. 1, 1996, pp. 97–118. “Der Polizeipräsident Berlin, 674 VIIIb 11, April 27, 1911,” GStA PK, I. HA Rep. 76 Kultusministerium, Bd. 3, p. 212. Schlagintweit, Die Mormonen, 1878, p. 132. Dittberner, “One Hundred Eighteen Years,” p. 53.

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tional. The German state, the established churches, and the public were fully aware of what the Mormons taught and believed and they based their decisions on that understanding. There were no misconceptions of what Mormonism was. It was simply a case of the people not wanting to buy what the Mormons were selling. From the available sources we are able to provide a small sample of the social backgrounds of some of the earliest converts. It is safe to say that no particular profile for a typical German convert exists. With regards to gender and familial status a relatively broad section of German individuals were attracted to Mormonism. The elderly, families with young children, single males and females all converted to Mormonism. The conversion of females appears to have been an area of major concern. Some sources seem to indicate that married women converted without their husbands consent.100 As well, German newspapers from the early part of the twentieth century painted the picture that the Mormons were converting mostly females and that all of Saxony was fast becoming Mormon.101 It appears that a prominent German view was that the Mormons were targeting females. While it seemed that there may have been a propensity for German females to convert to Mormonism during the nineteenth century, the German converts were less likely to engage in plural marriage upon their arrival in Utah.102 Information available for the earliest German convert’s occupations included one teacher, several farmers, tailors, butchers, millers, cabinetmakers, soldiers, and general labourers.103 Certainly the poor were also included among the converts.104 In the twentieth century, converts came from various occupations and trades. Bricklayers, painters, electricians, airline pilots, and auto mechanics were to be found among the converts to Mormonism.

100 Gustav A. Zimmer, von Ulbersdorf, Unter den Mormonen in Utah: Mit besonderer Berücksichtigung der deutschen evangelischen Missionsarbeit, Ein Beitrag zur neuen Missionsgeschichte, Bertelsmann, Gütersloh, 1908, p. 122. A source from Frankfurt mentions that a married woman with her three daughters converted while her husband was in prison. See “Königliche Polizeipräsident, Tagesbuch SIII 939, Frankfurt, October 16, 1912,” GStA PK, I. HA Rep. 76 Kultusministerium, III Sekt. 1 Abt. XIII a Nr. 28 Beiheft Bd. I–IV Sekte der Mormonen, 1853–1917, Bd. 4, April 4, 1912–1917, p. 45. 101 See Deutsche Tageszeitung, Nr. 119, Bd. 6, Nr. 3, 1913; Deutsche Tageszeitung, Nr. 170, Bd. 5, Nr. 4, 1914. 102 Maria Winkler, Das Bergwiesen Gemetzel: Das Mormontum sein gefährliches Wissen und wirken mit besonderen Berucksichtichkeit der Deutschen Verhältnis, Hirschfeld, 1908, p. 98. Zimmer, Unter den Mormonen, pp. 80–82. 103 “American Legate Berlin, III 31222, Aug, 26, 1884,” Auswärtiges Amt, Abt. IIIb, R901/35454/1, March 1853–1902. 104 “American Legate Berlin, III 31222, Aug, 26, 1884,” Auswärtiges Amt, Abt. IIIb, R901/35454/1, March 1853–1902. The letter mentions that Andreas Rausch, a convert, and a missionary, was deported to the United States as he was declared to be a pauper having no visible means of support.

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Drawing our information from the backgrounds of the Mormon converts it appears that many came from urban areas. Hamburg, Dresden, Rostock, Schwerin, Oldesloe, Fehrbellin, Hanover, Magdeburg, and Schleswig were all represented.105 A general assessment of the general areas from which the majority of converts came, areas such as Saxony and South Germany, particularly Württemberg would have to be included.106 It appears that many “Schwaben” had caught “amerikafieber” and cast their lots with the Mormons.107 2. Mormon Emigration from Germany As the emigration of converts is such a central theme in the history of Mormonism in Germany, it would prove beneficial to look at this in more detail. The Prussian GStA files contain multiple references to Mormon emigration, and the concerns that the state had with it. In all fairness, Germany was not alone in its concerns with emigration. The United States Government expressed as much concern over the influx of immigrants, as much as Germany was concerned with emigration from within its borders. With more and more immigrants reaching American shores, the Federal Government feared they were quickly becoming the dumping group for every criminal, failed revolutionary, poverty stricken individual, and foreign agent. When ships laden with 200–300 new Mormon emigrants disembarked at the immigration center of Castle Garden, New York or at other American ports there was great concern. Especially in the latter part of the nineteenth century, the Federal Government feared that an ever growing, unfriendly, Mormon population would cause difficulties. Historically, emigration from the German states was tied to responsibilities to an ordered civil society. During the Kaiserreich emigration was illegal before young men had completed several years of military service required by the majority of German states. State and local governments sought to ensure that all obligations to society were fulfilled before any individual emigrated. While this was a central reason for curbing migration, generally, the Mormons were curbed in their emigration activity for completely different reasons. The Mormons were not officially licensed immigration agents and therefore their activity was curbed. Emigration in the German states was used as a safety valve to relieve social pressures. The state in turn had an obligation to the citizenry by ensuring that those who emigrated were not robbed of their capital before

105 See Tagesbuch Hans Peter Immanuel Hoth, December 16, 1853–September 27, 1857, entries for April 23, May 15, 1854. Zimmer, Unter den Mormonen, pp. 80, 87, 85. 106 See “IIIb 18236, November 18, 1907,” GStA PK, I. HA Rep. 76 Kultusministerium, Bd. 2, p. 250. 107 See Zimmer, Unter den Mormonen, p. 109.

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embarking. This policy had been in place since the mass emigrations of the eighteenth century. The legislative documents of the Reichstag makes this clear. The emigration of German citizens was part of a complex, and relatively important, foreign and interior policy.108 With emigration to North America constituting a central belief, the Mormons were therefore selectively curbed in their proselyting efforts in Germany for most of the nineteenth century. The role the Government of the United States played in curbing the Mormons’ activity abroad should also not be dismissed. The fear that the United States was becoming a dumping ground for every undesirable from Europe was a real fear of the political class. Prior to 1890, and once again in the early twentieth century, there were efforts to prevent the Mormons’ foreign converts from reaching the United States. As the Mormons concentrated on foreign converts more so than other religious groups, they were put into the spotlight. The fact that the Mormons were in open rebellion against the Federal Government prior to 1890 also did not help the Mormon’s case. At no time through out the 108 See “Interpellation Dr. Löwe und Harkort: Beabsichtigt der Hohe Bundesrath ein Gesetz zum Schutz der deutschen Auswanderer in den Häfen des Norddeutschen Bundes und auf den demselben angehörigen Schiffen vorzulegen, und welche Maßregel hat derselbe ergriffen, um diesen Schutz bis zum Erlaß des Gesetzes auszuüben?: 164, in Stenographische Berichte über die Verhandlungen des Reichstages des Norddeutschen Bundes, Bde. 1–19, Norddeutschen Allgemeinen Zeitung, Berlin, 1867–1870, Bd., 7 Reichstag des Norddeutschen Bundes 1, Legislaturperiode Session 1868, anlagen 1–195, sitz. 25, Bd. 17, Nr. 6, 1868, p. 479, Stenographische Berichte über die Verhandlungen des Reichstages des Norddeutschen Bundes, Bde. 1–19, Norddeutschen Allgemeinen Zeitung, Berlin, 1867– 1870, Bd. 6, Reichstag des Norddeutschen Bundes 01, Legislaturperiode Session 1868, Sitzungen 1–28, pp. 501–502. “Petitionen, betreffend die Staatsangehörigkeit ausgewanderter Norddeutscher und betreffend die Aufhebung der Beschränkung der Auswanderung nach Brasilien,” “Pet. B. 246,” in Stenographische Berichte über die Verhandlungen des Reichstages des Norddeutschen Bundes, Bde. 1–19, Norddeutschen Allgemeinen Zeitung, Berlin, 1867–1870, Bd. 11, Reichstag des Norddeutschen Bundes 1, Legislaturperiode Session 1869, Anlagen 1–283, pp. 744–750. “51. Sitz. v. 2.6.1869,” in Stenographische Berichte über die Verhandlungen des Reichstages des Norddeutschen Bundes, Bde. 1–19, Norddeutschen Allgemeinen Zeitung, Berlin, 1867–1870, Bd. 10, Reichstag des Norddeutschen Bundes 01. Legislaturperiode Session 1869, Sitzungen 30–56, p. 1248. “Resolution Duncker bei Berathung des Reichshaushalts Etats für 1875–Reichskanzleramt: Den Herrn Reichskanzler aufzufordern, über die bisherige Thätigkeit des Reichskommissars zur Überwachung des Auswanderungswesens einen Bericht vorzulegen: 79,” in Stenographische Berichte über die Verhandlungen des Reichstages, Bde. 22–460, Norddeutschen Allgemeinen Zeitung, Berlin, 1871–1939, Bd. 41, Deutscher Reichstag 2, Legislaturperiode 2, Session 1874–1875, Anlagen 77–248, p. 833. “Sitz 22. v. 1.12.1874,” in Stenographische Berichte über die Verhandlungen des Reichstages, Bde. 22–460, 1871–1939, Norddeutschen Allgemeinen Zeitung, Berlin, Bd. 38, Deutscher Reichstag 2, Legislaturperiode 2, Session 1874–1875, Sitzungen 1–31, pp. 434–435. “35, sitz. 18.12.1874,” Stenographische Berichte über die Verhandlungen des Reichstages, Bde. 22–460, Norddeutschen Allgemeinen Zeitung, Berlin, 1871–1939, Bd. 39, Deutscher Reichstag 2, Legislaturperiode 2, Session 1874–1875, Sitzungen 32–57, Geschäftstätigkeit 29.10.1874–30.01,1875, p. 806.

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history of the Mormons in Germany was the Mormon membership targeted as a group through any state action.109 The expulsion orders issued by the German governments concerned themselves entirely with foreign missionaries and never with the general membership. Relative to overall German emigration to the United States the Mormons constituted an insignificant number. Between the years 1847–1897, German emigration to the United States was believed to be around 3,400,000. It outstripped both Irish emigration at 2,500,000 and English emigration at 1,200,000.110 The majority of German speaking converts prior to 1882 did not come from Germany, but Switzerland. When the concept of the Gathering to Zion was de-emphasized in the early twentieth century the immigration of converts slowed but did not stop, as converts from Germany continued to emigrate well into the late twentieth century.111 While Mormonism made extensive gains during the first three decades of the twentieth century baptisms did decline from their previous peaks. These declines occurred in spite of an increased missionary presence and less hindrances to their proselyting efforts. While totals for Mormon emigration from Germany during the nineteenth century are lower than those from Great Britain and Scandinavia, the twentieth century proved to be the German century. In the twentieth century Mormon emigration from Germany outstripped both British and Scandinavian emigration. In terms of numbers, of the 60,000 emigrants from Britain the majority emigrated during the 1850s. The majority of the 30,000 Scandinavian Mormon immigrants also came during the nineteenth century. Between 1853 and 1970, 16,000 German Mormon emigrants had been encouraged to come to North America.112 De-emphasis of the Gathering to Zion had begun as early as 1890, but it was not until 1907 that the admonition, that converts should stay in their homelands and not emigrate, become policy. Immigration had slowed in the decades from the 1890s to the close of the first decade of the twentieth century, but it did not stop completely. The lack of temples in foreign lands would ensure that Mormon converts would continue to make their way to Utah, if at all possible. Only by building temples in the countries in which they were active could the Mormons stem the flow of converts to Utah. As the policy to strengthen the foreign congregations became more entrenched, efforts were being made by the 1920s to actively discourage migra-

109 Dittberner, “One Hundred Eighteen Years,” p. 63. 110 Scharffs, Mormonism in Germany, p. 71. 111 Walter E. A. van Beek, “Ethnization and Accommodation: Dutch Mormons in Twenty-FirstCentury Europe,” Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought, vol. 29, no. 1, 1996, p. 132. 112 Scharffs, Mormonism in Germany, p. 67.

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tion.113 Recent and long time immigrants were encouraged to write letters to friends and family in their native lands telling them not to emigrate. It was a drastic change from the earlier policy. For close to a century the policy, encouraging converts to emigrate, had driven missionary activity. Although there was an official change in policy, the German missions continued losing converts to emigration and apostasy. By the 1950s, depletion of the German branches had reached a point that calls went out once again for the Germans to remain in their homeland rather than emigrate to Utah. 114 In the middle of the twentieth century, the West German Mission had become the largest mission in Europe with over 8,000 members. Over 15,000 Mormons were believed to exist in the German-speaking missions.115 In spite of the large numbers in the German missions, Mormon conversions in these missions were down for most of the 1950s compared to earlier decades.116 The German Mission presidents had noticed a decline in baptisms and were concerned over the emigration of the remaining converts to North America. The mission presidents urged the leadership in Salt Lake City to do something.117 The leadership told the German membership to stay in Germany. It would take almost the entire decade before the German membership would stabilize. In spite of strong discouragement from the leaders in Salt Lake City, by 1953 another statement needed to be issued discouraging emigration to North America.118 In an attempt to stem the outflow of converts the German Mormons were promised that soon temples would be built Germany. Although it was strongly discouraged, emigration to Utah seems to have continued until the 1960s, albeit at a greatly reduced rate.119 German, or European emigration to North America, for that matter, in the post-war era was dependent on many factors. Aside from enhanced economic stability, and perhaps greater economic opportunities awaiting them in the United States, religious reasons for emigration should also be considered. The lack of temples in Europe could have been a prime factor in whether a person chose to emigrate to North America or not. As the rituals performed in Mormon temples are integral to Mormon soteriology, European Mormons would have had to attend a temple in North America. Until the early 1950s, the only temples available were located in the United States and Canada. Faithful Mor113 Thomas G. Alexander, Mormonism in Transition: A History of the Latter-day Saints, 1890– 1930, University of Illinois Press, Urbana, 1986, p. 290. 114 See letters of the First Presidency in “Auswanderung: Ja oder Nein,” Der Stern, Bd. 79, Nr. 11, November 1953, pp. 323–328. 115 Scharffs, Mormonism in Germany, p. 154. 116 Scharffs, Mormonism in Germany, p. 155. 117 German-Mormon emigration numbers were calculated at 550 for 1954 and peaked at 700 plus in 1958. 118 See Der Stern, Bd. 79, Nr. 11, November 1953, pp. 323–328. 119 Scharffs, Mormonism in Germany, p. 213.

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mons would have had to travel, often at great cost, to attend the temple and perform the requisite rituals. Without access to a temple, European Mormons would have been relegated to being second class Mormons. That this could develop into a problem was recognized as early as 1945. Denying faithful Mormons access to essential rituals solely based on geography was a problem that needed to be resolved.120 The problem of two-tiered Mormonism was resolved with the building of a temple in Switzerland. The temple was built near Bern, in Münchenbuchsee, Switzerland and dedicated in September 1955.121 European Mormons would now have access to all of the necessary rituals required for full salvation. Yet, it would take another three decades before a temple would be built in Germany. The two temples currently existing in Germany, Freiberg, Saxony, and Frankfurt am Main were built during the 1980s. Germany was the first country outside the United States to have more than one temple. By the first decade of the twenty-first century additional temples would be built in London, Stockholm, Copenhagen, Helsinki, and Kiev. The first temple built on German soil was built in Freiberg in the former German Democratic Republic. The temple was dedicated on June 29, 1985. East Germany had had a resident Mormon population that was encased within the Soviet sector since the end of the war. The Mormon population in the German Democratic Republic was small, remaining constant at around 4,500 members from the 1960s through to the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989. The eastern provinces, especially Silesia, had had significant Mormon populations prior to the 1940s.122 Following the war, many of the Mormons residing in the Prussian provinces east of the Oder migrated and settled in the western occupation zones. This migration left only a small remnant of Mormons in the Soviet sector. When the foreign missionaries had retreated prior to the outbreak of the war in 1939, native German missionaries continued the missionary work in Germany. The local missionaries carried the burden of proselyting until the late 1940s when the American missionaries returned. The Mormons seemed to have experienced greater success with native missionaries and native leadership than when the Americans returned and took charge once again. This was first evidenced following the interim after the First World War and was also the case following the Second World War. Beginning early in their history the Mormons enacted a concerted effort to convert the Germans wherever they resided. In the United States, missionaries were sent among various groups such as the Harmonists, Dunkers, Moravians,

120 Conference Reports, October 1945, p. 70. 121 Scharffs, Mormonism in Germany, p. 170–171. 122 Dittberner, “One Hundred Eighteen Years,” pp. 63–64.

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and the Mennonites.123 Proselytizing among the German speaking ethnic populations was historically important to Mormon missionary activity. In the early twentieth century Mormon activity among German ethnics added over 10,000 members to the Mormons’ membership roles. During the 1920s alone more than 11,000 German speaking converts were added to Mormon membership rolls. Most of these converts did not come from Germany, or German speaking Europe for that matter. Most of these converts came from the German ethnic populations of Canada, and the United States. In several European and South American countries the Mormons’ earliest missionary efforts were among the German immigrants. In Hungary, southern Russia, as well as Brazil, and Argentina the Mormons first began to proselyte among the German ethnics of those countries.124 Between 1924 and 1939, the Mormons had proselyted almost exclusively among the German immigrants in Brazil and Australia.125 The first Mormons in Brazil had arrived in 1928, and were actually German converts who had emigrated to German colonies in the southern states of Brazil. With no church publications on hand they made a request for materials to teach their children. The first missionaries assigned to Brazil in September 1928, spoke German rather than Portuguese.126 These early missionaries laboured in the German colonies at Joinville, Santa Catarina State. The first native Brazilian converts were baptized on April 14, 1929. With the advent of World War II and the North American missionaries being called home, many of the local Mormon congregations were closed.127 The conversion of the Germans to Mormonism is transnational and intercontinental. It would be ideal to make a distinction between Germans who converted to Mormonism in Germany, and Germans who converted to Mormonism elsewhere. Yet in providing an account of the social origins of the German converts it is perhaps beneficial to not make that distinction. The major reason being that German emigrants often left Germany in larger social units rather than as individ-

123 See Karl J. R. Arndt, “The Harmonists and the Mormons,” American-German Review, vol. 10, no. 5, June 1944, pp. 6–10, p. 6. Johan Jacob Zundel did make several attempts to convert the Harmonists after his conversion in 1836. 124 See Alexander, Mormonism in Transition, p. 234; Kahlile Mehr, “The Eastern Edge: LDS Missionary Work in Hungarian Lands,” Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought, vol. 24, no. 2, 1994, p. 34; Scharffs, Mormonism in Germany, p. 76. In 1990 when the Mormons finally entered Bulgaria they used German and English to reach the Bulgarian population. See Kahlile Mehr, “Keeping Promises: The LDS Church Enters Bulgaria 1990–1994,” Brigham Young University Studies, vol. 36, no. 4, 1996–1997, p. 80–81. In 1964 the Italian Mission was reopened after 100 years of dormancy. The Mormons began proselyting among Italian guest workers in southern Germany. This program was extended to Italian workers at the Volkswagen factory in Wolfsburg See Scharffs, Mormonism in Germany, pp. 187, 195. 125 Conference Reports, April 1939, p.134; Scharffs, Mormonism in Germany, p. 76. 126 Conference Reports, April 1948, p. 2. 127 Alexander, Mormonism in Transition, p. 235; Scharffs, Mormonism in Germany, p. 219.

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uals. The migrants also had a tendency to maintain their German identity by settling among other Germans upon arriving in their adopted homeland. While this pattern of settlement is not the sole propriety of the Germans it is distinctive enough of a trait to warrant, for the purposes of social origins, to see German converts to Mormonism as just that, German converts to Mormonism, whether they were converted in Germany or elsewhere. Historically, the earliest German converts to Mormonism were made from among religious sectarians in Pennsylvania, a traditional favoured destination of early German emigration. Among these earliest German converts were the first missionaries sent to Germany. These American-German converts had a significant influence on the expansion of Mormonism in Germany. The life pattern for many Mormon converts from abroad can be seen as one of conversion, emigration to the United States, then returning to their native land as a missionary. Among the German converts we see a similar pattern. The first German convert in America, the Harmonist Johann Jacob Zundel would return to Germany as a missionary serving three tours of duty. George C. Reiser from Württemberg, Karl Mäser and Eduard Schönfeld, the first Saxon converts all returned to Germany as missionaries. German converts were among the first missionaries among many of the German speaking areas of Hungary, Russia, and the Baltic states. Thomas Hintze was the first missionary in the Hungarian Hapsburg lands.128 Thomas Biesenger, a German convert returned to Europe and began proselyting in Prague and Vienna.129 Biesenger’s mission in the Austro-Hungarian lands met with little success as multiple charges, 20 in Vienna, and six in Prague brought an end to his efforts.130 Biesenger also preached in the Baltic States proselyting mostly among the German speaking populations.131 Biesenger served four missions in Germany the last during the early 1930s when he was 83 years old.132 The first generation of converts often returned to their native lands. This pattern was established early in Mormon history, and is a continuation of the original vision of Joseph Smith. Smith had wished to send the German speaking Jacob Zundel and Albert Möser back to Germany to proselytize. Johann Greening, the first missionary to preach in Germany, was also a German-speaking convert. As it turned out, Orson Hyde, a native English speaker, had difficulty in 1842 with his missionary endeavours, as he had little familiarity with the German language. The Mormons would not make this mistake again. The evangelistic envoy sent by Brigham Young to the Prussian court in 1853 included Jacob Houtz, a German convert who would have been able to communicate with the Germans.

128 129 130 131 132

Mehr, “The Eastern Edge,” p. 27. Der Stern, Bd. 62, Nr. 3, February 1, 1930, p. 47. Mehr, “The Eastern Edge,” p. 28. Der Stern, Bd. 62, Nr. 3, February 1, 1930, p. 47. Mehr, “The Eastern Edge,” p. 34 Scharffs, Mormonism in Germany, p. 84.

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The German convert’s language skills were used by having them return to their native countries, or sent to preach among German ethnics in the United States and Canada. Converts with language skills were sent into areas in which these skills could be used to their fullest extent. We have countless examples of this occurring during the nineteenth century. Converts Georg C. Reiser, Paul Schettler, Karl Mäser, Eduard Schönfeld, Karl Wilcken, Ludwig Schurke, and Theodor Brändli, all returned as missionaries to the German speaking areas of Europe, and elsewhere.133 Convert Peter Loutenstock was sent to preach among the German ethnics in North America. Loutenstock proselyted among American Mennonites in Minnesota and Kansas.134 Brändli, prior to his mission to Europe also proselyted among Canadian Mennonites in Manitoba.135 Both Loutenstock and Brändli later served as missionaries in Europe. Several of the converts, Brändli and Schönfeld included, produced tracts that were used on their missions and by subsequent missionaries during the latter part of the nineteenth century.136 The practice of sending converts of similar ethnic backgrounds to their native lands seems to have played an important role in nineteenth-century proselyting.

133 Georg Reiser, Paul Schettler, Karl Mäser, Eduard Schönfeld, Karl Wilcken, Ludwig Suhrke all returned to Germany as missionaries between the 1850s and 1880s. See “Ministerium des Innern, Ober Präsidium II8743, Schleswig, August 28, 1880,” GStA PK, I. HA Rep. 76 Kultusministerium, Abt. III Sekt. 1 Abt. XIII a Nr. 28 Beiheft Bd. I–IV Sekte der Mormonen, 1853–1917, Bd. 1, April 1853–January 1903, p. 21; “Ober Präsidium Schleswig, II 9940, September 27, 1880,” GStA PK, I. HA Rep. 76 Kultusministerium, Bd. 1, p. 19; “Ministerium des Innern, II 8743, Kiel, August 26, 1880, An den Minister des Innern Berlin regarding the missionary Ludwig Suhrke, ” GStA PK, I. HA Rep. 76 Kultusministerium, Bd. 1, p. 17; “An den Minister des Innern Berlin, August 23, 1880, Letter from Ludwig Suhrke to Friedrich Dahlen,” GStA PK, I. HA Rep. 76 Kultusministerium, Bd. 1, pp. 22; “Der Königliche Regierung zu Schleswig, II 9940, October 10, 1880,” GStA PK, I. HA Rep. 76 Kultusministerium,” Bd. 1, p. 23; “Königliches Ministerium der Auswärtigen Angelegenheiten, II 3411/12, Berlin, April 2, 1882,” GStA PK, I. HA Rep. 76 Kultusministerium, Bd. 1, p. 30. Brändli returned to Europe as a missionary in the late 1870s. 134 Loutenstock returned as a missionary to Württemberg and Bavaria. Loutenstock was known to have proselyted among the Mennonites in Minnesota and Kansas in 1883. See Scharffs, Mormonism in Germany, p. 40. 135 Frederick S. Buchanan, “Mormons Meet the Mennonites: A View From 1884,” Mennonite Quarterly Review, April 1988, vol. 62, pp. 159–166. Brändli was originally called as traveling missionary in German speaking Europe in 1869. Der Stern, Bd. 1, Nr. 5, May 1869, p. 79. 136 Theodor Brändli, Die Gründung und Lehren der Kirche Jesu Christ der Heiligen der Letzten Tage. In Kürze dargestellt vom Ältesten Theodor Brändli, Suter & Lierow, Bern, 1889. Eduard Schönfeld, Johannes Huber, und Karl H. Wilcken, Der Mormonismus: Seine Einsetzung und ersten Grundsätze, Eine Kurze Darstellung der hauptsächlichsten lehren des Evangeliums Jesu Christi, Die Mission der Kirche in der Schweiz und Deutschland (Hrsg.), G. Gutknecht, Bern, 1872.

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The role of ethnic converts returning countries and regions of origin does continue into the twentieth century.137 Jean Wunderlich born in 1903 of Mormon parents in Enkheim, served a mission at age nineteen at the mission headquarters in Basel.138 Arthur Glaus, a convert from East Prussia, emigrated in 1907 and returned to Germany as a missionary in 1921–1923. Glaus became the East German Mission president in 1951.139 The emigration of persons to the United States continued into the post-war era. Mormons such as Wilhelm Deters and Otto Berndt, and one of the first missionary couples in Germany, Werner and Elfriede Schmidt, all emigrated to the United States. They would also all return to Germany on later missions.140 As no official formal language training centre had been established before the 1960s, Mormon missionaries would have found it difficult to proselyte without any knowledge of the native language. The converts with knowledge of language, customs, and geography, were able to return to their native countries as effective missionaries. Unfortunately, the German populace were less than overwhelmed by the message presented by the returning converts. In retrospect, having emigrants return may have proved to be a disadvantage as the returning missionaries were often suspected of being agents of foreign powers. The lack of local missionaries and local leadership, plus the influx of American missionaries sent from Salt Lake City never allowed for the resident Mormon population to stabilize. As long as the proscribed central goal of the convert was to emigrate to the United States, valuable experience in maintaining the local congregations could not be attained. The results were weak congregations, which then led to apostasy, as the most faithful would head the call and emigrate to Zion. There is a growing trend in European Mormonism that will reshape the face of Mormonism in Europe. From the available information it appears that the majority of European converts are being made among recent immigrants from Asia and Africa. This is the case in Holland and also appears to be the case in certain German congregations.141 During the 1990s, emigration from Eastern Europe has also added to the Mormon’s membership numbers. Attempts at drawing the po-

137 Missionary Friederich Karl Wilker, a native German from Schaffhausen, was tracting door to door. Both also were proselyting in Rostock and Mecklenburg from July to November of 1902. Wilker along with several Americans, who were centered in Berlin, William Curtes Hubbart and Arthur Heppler, were also seen in smaller cities throughout Pomerania. They were working primarily in the cities of Stettin and Stolp. This is brought out in the letter from Regierungs Assessor Freiherr von Maltzahn, to the Minister des Innern at Berlin. “Der Regierungspräsident Stralsund, January 26, 1903 Ib 181,” GStA PK, I. HA Rep. 76 Kultusministerium, Bd. 2, p. 13. 138 Scharffs, Mormonism in Germany, p. 152. 139 Scharffs, Mormonism in Germany, p. 155. 140 Dittberner, “One Hundred Eighteen Years,” p. 63. 141 See van Beek, “Ethnization and Accommodation,” pp. 119–138. Dittberner, “One Hundred Eighteen Years,” p. 67.

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tential convert are made through offering free English classes.142 However, the established Mormon congregations often faced difficulty trying to integrate these foreign converts within their midst. With little growth within most European countries, the Mormon congregations have become insular, and stagnant. As many western European countries, Germany included, are still quite homogenous having new Mormon converts from immigrant populations may lead to more problems. These problems are perhaps the result of a disconnection between the missionaries, often North Americans, who bring in the converts, and the local congregations who are to integrate the new converts into their existing institutions. For North Americans, encounters with immigrants are part of life experiences. Both Canada and the United States are traditional immigration countries. Europe on the other hand has been a traditional emigration region. Immigrants appear to be generally accepted within North American society more readily than within European society. Ghettoization of immigrants in large North American cities has been occurring in recent decades as more and more immigrants choose to locate to areas where both their culture and language make the transition easier. American missionaries would thereby see no difficulty in converting recent immigrants to Europe. A central characteristic that has plagued the German Mormon church since its inception has been the apostasy of its members. Apostasy was evidenced among the first converts in Germany, and generally remained so among the German members into the final decades of the twentieth century. In the late 1990s, the Mormons in Bremen attained access to English tracts from the Utah Lighthouse Ministry, an evangelical Christian missionary organization. The tracts, critical of the Mormons, called into question the foundational story of Mormonism, Smith’s First Vision, varied differences between the earlier revelations contained in the Book of Commandments, and the Doctrine and Covenants, and the historicity of the Book of Mormon. The content of the material was not new. Many of the articles had been written in the 1970s and were based on criticisms of Mormonism that had been made over the previous 100 years. What raised the ire of the members is that this material was printed at approximately the same time that they had joined the Mormons. The membership began to raise questions around what the literature was claiming. When the questions were brought to the attention of the mission president he responded with a standard response intimating that because things are historical facts does not necessarily mean they are true. The members felt betrayed and a large-scale apostasy of about 30 members occurred.143

142 Dittberner, “One Hundred Eighteen Years,” p. 67. 143 Dittberner, “One Hundred Eighteen Years,” pp. 68–69.

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The difficulties for the Mormons evidenced in the Bremen congregation are not relegated to Germany alone. While material critical of Mormonism has been available for over a century, accessing the material has often been difficult in the past. With the growth of digital media, and the wide spread use of the Internet any person through a simple web based search is able to access material critical of the Mormons. The electronic age does seem to have an affect on the end result, as fewer converts are made and the retention level of those converts hovers at around 50%. The first large-scale missionary effort in Germany dates to the early 1850s. While being relatively successful, the country never reached the full expectations envisioned by the church’s hierarchy. Mormon founder Joseph Smith firmly believed that the land of the Reformation would accept his message en masse. That never materialized. The Germans never accepted the Mormon message to any great degree proportionate to the population. While attempts were made to engage both Catholics and Protestants from all classes of society, converts came mostly from among the working classes, and from the Protestant churches. The most prominent social standing of a convert to Mormonism in the first 60 years had the profession of a teacher, which at the time was not a well-respected profession. Sources concerning the social origins of the Mormon converts are lacking. Subsequently, extensive research will need to be undertaken in order to provide any indepth analysis into the social origins of the German converts. From the information that is available, no distinct pattern concerning the social origins of the converts emerges. That is to say that no overwhelmingly primary religious confession, any specific gender, marital status, geographic location, or particular occupation stands out. The Mormon converts appear to have come from diverse occupations, from varied age groups, and familial relationships. German converts do appear to have come mostly from larger urban centres, as most Mormon congregations were to be found in the larger cities. The German converts also appear to have been less than enthusiastic to engage in plural marriage, in spite of being aware that it was a tenet of the faith. Many British and Danish converts would have relished the luxury of being aware that plural marriage was being practiced among the Mormons before emigrating to Zion. The Germans were privileged in having numerous volumes of quality critical literature available to them. Countless books, literary journal articles, and pamphlets were available for the general reading public. The sober, balanced, literature available would have been of little effect had it not been for the higher literacy rates in Germany. There is good reason to believe that the higher rate of literacy in Germany played a role in curbing the conversion rates of the Mormon missionaries. If we were to pinpoint any reasons for the proportionally lower conversion ratios in Germany we can say that the Mormons’ proselyting message proved counter productive to its success. The Mormon message did simply not appear to offer anything of value to the Germans. While the established churches, and the state did play a role in curbing Mormon missionary activity, the failure to engage the German populace, as other minority religions were able to do, resulted

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in a resident church that was in a constant state of instability, with poorer growth statistics compared to other countries. Germans proportionally did not convert to Mormonism at the rates of the English or Scandinavians. They were also more likely to remain in their native land rather than emigrate to North America.144 This is seen in the native German Mormon populations of the twentieth century where Germany consistently ranked in the top three of countries with the most Mormons until the 1960s.145 The other two countries, Canada, and the United States where of course located in North America which had been designated as being part of Zion. Relative to overall German emigration to the United States, the Mormons contributed an insignificant number. Between the years 1847–1897, German emigration to the United States was believed to be around 3,400,000. It outstripped both Irish immigration at 2,500,000 and English at 1,200,000.146 When the concept of the Gathering to Zion was de-emphasized in the early twentieth century, the immigration of converts slowed but did not stop. The convert emigrations from Germany continued into the late twentieth century.147 While Mormonism made extensive gains during the first three decades of the twentieth century, baptisms had declined from their previous peaks. This is in spite of an increased missionary presence and virtually no restrictions on Mormon missionary efforts. The majority of German speaking converts to Mormonism before 1882 were from Switzerland. While totals from German convert emigration to the United States falls behind both those of Great Britain and Scandinavia, the twentieth century was the German century. Between 1853 and 1970, only 16,000 German Mormon immigrants came to America.148 In the twentieth century, German Mormon immigration outstripped both British and Scandinavian Mormon immigration, in terms of numbers. Of the more than 60,000 Mormon immigrants from Britain, the majority emigrated during the 1850s. The majority of the 30,000 Scandinavian Mormon immigrants also came during the nineteenth century. While the requirement of Gathering was lessened, and the leaders were encouraging the recent converts to stay where they were at, it was extremely difficult to separate the Gathering to Zion from the overall missionary message.149 In Germany the missionaries continued to point to Utah as the place of refuge from

144 Gustive O. Larson, “The Mormon Gathering,” Utah’s History, in Thomas G. Alexander, Eugene E. Campbell, David E. Miller, and Richard D. Poll (eds), Utah State University Press, Logan, 1989, p. 186. 145 Scharffs, History of Mormonism, p. xiv. 146 Scharffs, Mormonism in Germany, p. 71. 147 van Beek, “Ethnization and Accommodation,” p. 132. 148 Scharffs, Mormonism in Germany, p. 67. 149 Alexander, Mormonism in Transition, p. 237.

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the coming chaos that would sweep accross Europe.150 It was difficult to remove the focus from Utah. The missionaries were from Utah, the literature was from Utah, and Zion was to be found in Utah.151 This continued to contribute to the view of the Mormons as an American church.152 The majority of converts were still coming from the lower social ranks, with many females among the converts.153 The message, albeit subtle, was that converts who could financially afford it and were faithful should emigrate to Utah. The emigration of the faithful left the foreign congregations void of personnel that could strengthen their local churches. Individuals could, and often did, join for reasons besides theological. The prospect of residence in the United States was often a strong enticement to submit to baptism.154

150 “Königliche Polizeipräsident, Tagesbuch SIII 939, Frankfurt, October 16, 1912,” GStA PK, I. HA Rep. 76 Kultusministerium, Bd. 4, p. 46. 151 See Decoo, “Feeding the Flock,” pp. 110–118; Alexander, Mormonism in Transition, p. 237. 152 Alexander, Mormonism in Transition, p. 237. 153 The report from Berlin listed 250 females present at the meeting. See “Mormonism in Germany: American Movement Nipped by Drastice [sic] Police Measures,” The New York Times, August 7, 1910. 154 In most non-North American congregations self disclosed statistics indicate that the Mormons have activity rates around 20–30%. Most converts leave within the first year of joining the church. Decoo, “Feeding the Flock,” pp. 107–111. See also van Beek, “Ethnization and Accommodation,” p. 120.

VII. SOCIETAL RESPONSES TO THE MORMONS A. RELIGIOUS POLEMICS: CATHOLICS, MORMONS, AND BAPTISTS The common view expressed on the North American continent in the nineteenth century was that the Christianity espoused by Ferdinand Christian Bauer, David F. Strauss, and Ludwig Feuerbach was representative of the state of religion in Germany. While in the latter part of the eighteenth century and early nineteenth century there was a controversy between the Rationalist and Supernaturalist factions within Protestantism, by mid-century a new conservatism had entrenched itself within the German churches. As many of the Pastors had been trained in a theology that reflected enlightenment rationalism, the return to conservative interpretations within the German churches led to factionalism within the churches. The rationalistic approach to Christianity had also left the people disconnected from the clergy.1 The Peace of Westphalia had for the most part confined the German churches, Protestant and Catholic, within state borders. National churches closely tied governments had emerged within the German states. While the general population may have been multi confessional, one spoke of Lutheran Saxony, or Catholic Bavaria, as one church dominated the religious landscape. In Prussia, the largest German state, the shift towards a conservative understanding of Christianity, was in part due to the Wöllner Edict of 1788. The Edict had sought to restore the multi-confessional harmony that had been part of Prussian social life.2 Factionalism had a large impact on Protestant Christianity in Germany. Christianity had become the battleground for clergy and academics alike. As Christianity lost its special status and was removed from its mystical interpretive framework, it had to face the investigative rigors of the new emerging social sciences. The results of new methodologies, and new approaches to Christianity found a home in varied literary journals of the period. These journals were as varied as the theological interpretive schools of Friedrich Schleiermacher and August Neander, and the idealistic philosophical schools of G. W. F. Hegel and F. W. J. Schelling. The campaign for supremacy among the factions was displayed through the pages

1

2

For contemporary discussion of this see Phillip Schaff, Germany its Universities, Theology and Religion with Sketches of Neander, Tholuck, Olshausen, Hengstenberg, Twesten, Nitzsch, Muller, Ullman, Rothe, Dorner, Lange, Ebrard, Wichern and Other German Divines of the Age, Lindsay and Blakiston, Philadelphia, 1857, pp. 239–247. Christopher Clark, Iron Kingdom: The Rise and Fall of Prussia, Belknap Press, Cambridge, 2006, p. 270.

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of the Theologische Jahrbücher published in Tübingen. By the mid-nineteenth century Tübingen had become the center of the new “Historical Critical School” led by Baur, and Strauss. Among the major literary publications of the school was Strauss’s, Das Leben Jesu, and Baur’s five-volume Geschichte der christlichen Kirche.3 Ludwig Feuerbach, using Hegel’s critical model, would also enter the debate with his Das Wesen Christentums. Feuerbach, the most formidable critic of religion during the early nineteenth century, had relegated the divine to a hallucination and an extension of the human soul. Feuerbach sought to upend the alliance of philosophy, state, and Christianity in Prussia. By the onset of the revolution in 1848, German Protestantism was divided more than ever. The dream of a united Protestantism had taken a blow not from without but within. The Evangelische Kirche in Preußen, an ecumenical union between the Reformed and Lutheran confessions, and the state church in Prussia since 1817, was itself divided into several factions.4 The orthodox section of the Schleiermacher-Neander School was seen as the centre faction. Most leading churchmen in Prussia belonged to this faction. The party broadcast its views through the quarterly Studien und Kritiken (1828), the Deutsche Zeitschrift für Christliche Wissenschaft and the Christliche Wissenschaft. The Prussian church became factionalized further with the emergence of a conservative right wing from within the church itself. Technically, the faction was still part of the state church, holding to the Abendmahlgemeinschaft of the Prussian declarations of 1834 and 1852. However, they maintained the right to hold to their individual confession, primarily the Lutheranism of the unaltered Augsburg Confession. For those on the right the Prussian church was seen as a federation allowing for the adherence to the distinctive tenets of the Lutheran confession. The faction was often called the Neo-Lutherans. The term was used to distinguish them from the Altlutheraner, Lutherans who had retained independence from the forced amalgam of the protestant confessions in 1817. The right wing maintained a close connection to the emerging conservatism of post-revolutionary Prussia. Their most powerful ally was Kultusminister Karl Otto von Raumer. The fight against rationalism, which had come to dominate much of Protestant Christianity in Germany was led from within by Ernst Wilhelm Hengstenberg (1802–1869). The Professor from Berlin, Hengstenberg, edited the literary organ of the Neo-Lutherans, the weekly Evangelische Kirchenzeitung. Hengstenberg and the conservative church divines faced continuous opposition from the left wing of the Union. The left called for a separation of church and state and absolute freedom of worship similar to the state of the churches in 3 4

David Friedrich Strauß, Das leben Jesu, C. F. Osiander, Tübingen, 1835; Ferdinand C. Baur, Geschichte der christlichen Kirche, 5 Bde., Fues, Tübingen, 1853–1862. Union churches were the most populous Protestant churches in Prussia and Baden. See Schaff, Germany its Universities, Theology and Religion, p. 248.

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North America.5 The left side of the spectrum expressed its sentiments through the Protestantische Kirchenzeitung für das evangelische Deutschland. The existence of the Altlutheraner further divided German Protestantism. The Altlutheraner had formed in reaction to the Prussian union of the major protestant churches in 1817. In the aftermath of the union, many of them had left Germany. In their new homeland of North America, they were responsible for the formation of the conservative Missouri and Buffalo Synods. Several of the controversies inherent within the Altlutheraner churches spilled over into their daughter churches in the American Midwest.6 The strict Altlutheraner had based their confession of faith on the maxim of, purity of teaching and confession, or reine Lehre und reine Bekenntniß. The Altlutheraner had taken the unaltered Augsburg Confession, Luther’s Catechism, and the Formula of Concord as the expressed orthodoxy of Lutheranism, and therefore of their confessional position. In Germany their principle literary organs were the monthly Zeitschrift für Protestantismus und Kirche, published in Erlangen, the quarterly Zeitschrift für die gesammmte Lutherische Theologie und Kirche, and the Kirchliche Zeitschrift out of Mecklenburg. The Altlutheraner were particularly strong in Mecklenburg. As defenders of the Lutheran confession, they found little difficulty in denouncing the Union church, the Reformed church, and the various sects; the Baptists, and the Methodists included, as unchristian.7 The last of the large Protestant factions in Germany was comprised of the Reformed churches. German Reformed churches were not Supralapsarian, or strict Calvinists. They occupied a middle position between Luther and Calvin, allied to the theology espoused by Phillip Melanchthon. Melanchthon, the Lutheran divine, had become a central figure of dissent following Luther’s death. Melanchthon had come to differ with Luther on certain central points. While originally holding to an extreme determinism, Melanchthon would move towards a synergistic position, allowing for human free will as an integral part in the soteriological equation. Melanchthon had altered his position after discussions with the Straßburg reformer Martin Bucer.8 For the conservative Lutheran constituency Melanchthon had violated the understanding reached in the original Augsburg Confession presented in 1530. In order to clarify the emerging Protestant theology the Tenth Article had addressed the “real presence” within the elements of Holy Communion.

5 6

7 8

Schaff, Germany its Universities, Theology and Religion, pp. 250–251. This would include the reintroduction of confession and absolution within the “Office of Keys and Confessions” and the nature of the ministerial office. In North America the Missouri and Buffalo synods were a loose federation based on a congregational model with no church hierarchy. See Schaff, Germany its Universities, Theology and Religion, p. 255. Schaff, Germany, its Universities, Theology, and Religion, pp. 254–255. Philip Schaff, The Creeds of Christendom: With a History and Critical Notes, 3 vols, Baker Book House, Grand Rapids, 1983, vol. 1, The History of Creeds, pp. 237–242.

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The Tenth Article stated that, “the body and blood of Christ are truly present, and are distributed (communicated) to those that eat in the Lord’s Supper.” Within a decade Melanchthon would move towards a position teaching that the, “bread and wine are truly exhibited as the body and blood of Christ to those that eat in the Lord’s Supper.” The altered position, Luther charged, was closely aligned to the position of Swiss Reformer Huldrich Zwingli who saw the elements as symbols of remembrance.9 The German Reformed churches were strong supporters of the Union churches in areas where the Reformed population exceeded the Lutheran. In the Bavarian Palatinate and in Baden, the large Union churches drew their membership largely from the Reformed churches.10 In the states of Hessen and SchaumburgLippe, the Reformed church was the official state confession. To protect against any encroachment they reacted fiercely to any threats from whatever quarter they emerged, whether from confessional Lutheranism, or from sectarianism. The principle Reformed church publication was the Reformierte Kirchenzeitung out of Erlangen.11 The religious situation in Germany was not strictly divided into homogenous Catholic and Protestant sectors. The German states were cleft by inter church; inter denominational debates that often burst beyond their borders into the political and educational realms. The battle for religious bekenntniss became a serious matter within the German states. Into this environment of inter Protestant turmoil and religious uncertainty came the Anglo- American sects, Baptists, Methodists, Irvingites, and the Mormons. The established churches rarely countered the claims of the newcomers with any specific literature. The established churches must have felt secure, as it is rare to find religious tracts or specific booklets written against groups such as the Mormons. The German churches seemed to have been more concerned with the threat of rationalism and the rise of socialism than with the arrival of the Mormons. The churches could always employ the state machinery in combating the Mormon missionaries if the missionaries proved to be successful in their missionary endeavours. The debates in the religious sphere appear to have been carried out in the pages of newspapers and journals. As the literacy rate in Germany was relatively high, newspapers served this purpose quite well. The newspapers served both a secular and religious audience. These papers therefore also spanned the political and religious spectrum. Protestant newspapers such as the Kreuzzeitung served a conservative audience, while Die Christliche Welt served the more liberal audiences. Among the religious confessions, the Historisch Politische Blätter für das Katholisches Deutschland served the Catholic audiences; the Protestantischische 9 10 11

Both the Invariata and Variata are found in Schaff, The History of Creeds, p. 241. Schaff, Germany, its Universities, Theology, and Religion, p. 256. Schaff, Germany, its Universities, Theology, and Religion, p. 256.

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Kirchenzeitung für das evangelische Deutschland served the rationalists, and the Evangelische Kirchenzeitung served the conservative wings of Protestantism. The newspapers served the varied interests within nineteenth-century Germany making their readership aware of the enemies of both Catholicism and Protestantism, whether these enemies were other Protestants, Catholics, or Mormons. For mainstream Protestantism, it seemed, anything that lay outside of its sphere of control was part of the same Hydra. A common thread of criticism is evidenced within German religious polemics towards the Catholics, Baptists, and the Mormons for that matter. The image of the celibate Jesuit Priest, driven solely by sexual fantasy, who preys on innocent females, is no different from the image of the polygamist Mormon missionaries who proselyted to enlarge the harem of the white slavers of Utah. A central argument against the Jesuits, and the Mormons for that matter, focused on their role and often their relationship towards women. This should not strike us as being that uncommon. Since the midnineteenth century sex, the family, and its relationship towards the state, was seen as integral to maintaining civil stability.12 This shift towards the importance of the family became paramount to the way in which both the Jesuits and the Mormons were perceived in Germany. In a Protestant view of the world, men restrained themselves because women were naturally weaker and therefore more susceptible to coercion. Jesuits were seen as predatory who took advantage of the women who trusted them. In their zealous attempts to proselytize, the Jesuits also consorted with other men’s wives. The German portrait of Jesuits often painted the Jesuit as cavorting among the lower classes of women.13 In newspapers and government documents from the period, one finds similar arguments made against the Mormons. Both Mormons and Jesuits were seen as proselyting from among the same class of individuals. The prime targets were often women. Young females, who through naivety joined the Mormons and house bound wives who were seduced by the missionaries, and then were enticed to leave their families and emigrate to Utah.14

12 13

14

Clark, Iron Kingdom, pp. 270–272. Roisin Healy, “Anti-Jesuitism in Imperial Germany: The Jesuit as Androgyne,” Helmut Walser Smith (ed.), Protestants, Catholics and Jews in Germany, 1800–1914, Berg Publishers, Oxford, 2001, pp. 167–168. For the problems encountered by Catholic monastic orders during the late nineteenth century see, Clark, Iron Kingdom, pp. 568–576. See Gustav A. Zimmer von Ulbersdorf, Unter den Mormonen in Utah: Mit besonderer Berücksichtigung der deutschen evangelischen Missionsarbeit, Ein Beitrag zur neuen Missionsgeschichte, Bertelsmann, Gütersloh, 1908, p. 122. A source from Frankfurt mentions that a married woman with her three daughters converted while her husband was in prison. See “Königliche Polizeipräsident, Tagesbuch S III 939, Frankfurt, October 16, 1912,”GStA PK, I. HA Rep. 76 Kultusministerium, III Sekt. 1 Abt. XIII a Nr. 28 Beiheft Bd. I–IV Sekte der Mormonen, 1853–1917, Bd. 4, April 4, 1912–1917, p. 45; Deutsche Tageszeitung, Nr. 119, Bd. 6, Nr. 3, 1913; Deutsche Tageszeitung, Nr. 170, Bd. 5, Nr. 4, 1914.

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Very little Protestant or Catholic polemical literature appears to have been written against the Mormons in pre-Weimar Germany. While literature addressing the claims of Mormonism is plentiful, it was primarily written by journalists, academics or theologians and often concentrates on concerns that lay outside of the religious sphere. The main criticisms against the Mormons centered on their political aspirations and the unacceptable practice of polygamy. In general, the criticism portrayed the Mormons as being in a constant state of civil disobedience due to the difficulties the Federal Government had within their Mormon dominated territory of Utah. There appears to have been more of a fascination, or curiosity, with the Mormons than actually seeing them as a major threat. The Mormons’ numbers were too small to effect any cohesive action from either the churches or the state. It was only when at the request of the established churches that any state action was taken, and then only sporadically. The portrait images of the Jesuits and the Mormons in late nineteenth-century Germany were almost identical. They were seen as being submissive, a feminine trait, dependent on the hierarchy, and generally incapable of intellectual enquiry. More or less, Mormons and Jesuits were seen as automatons, mindless cadavers who were to be moulded like putty in the hands of the hierarchy.15 Protestants on the other hand, both pastors and missionaries, were only accountable to their congregations, and not accountable to any centrally ruled hierarchy. The freedom from hierarchy, and the freedom of conscious that accompanied it, carried over into the academic sphere. Catholic scholarship was dismissed as compromised by a command for complete obedience to the church hierarchy. Jesuit scholarship was therefore often dismissed as being superficial.16 A view existed that Catholic academics followed the dictates of the Pope and were therefore fundamentally opposed to reason, and the search for truth.17 The common perception of Catholic scholarship appears to have been applied to Mormon “scholarship” as well. The Mormon literature used in the mission field was written to reach a specific audience. While English language tracts and booklets dominate Mormon literary works, foreign language literature was also produced in Denmark and Germany. Yet much of the foreign literature is merely a translation of previous English works. Very little literature appears to have been designed solely for the foreign mission field.18 It was an unfortunate decision on behalf of the Mormons, as the foreign mission fields were not analogous to the

15 16 17 18

Healy, Anti-Jesuitism in Germany, p. 170. Healy, Anti-Jesuitism in Germany, p. 172–173. Healy, Anti-Jesuitism in Germany, pp. 171–172. Orson Hyde’s, Ein Ruf Aus der Wüste, and the early article by German convert Karl Mäser titled, “Heidenthum, Judenthum, Christliche sekten und das Reich Gottes,” are the exceptions. The Mäser article appeared in Der Darsteller der Heiligen der Letzten Tage, Daniel Tyler (Hrsg.), 4 Bde., Kirche Jesu Christi der Heiligen der Letzten Tage, Genf, 1855–1861, Bd. 2, Nr. 5, October 1856, pp. 65–68.

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social, religious, or political conditions of the United States. Nevertheless, choices were made which works were to be translated. In the end, it was hoped that these translated works would stir the hearts and minds of the individual enough to convert to Mormonism. German language material is distinctly different from that which was distributed in any other mission field. While Mormon writings in English were argumentative, often displaying a certain pseudo-scholarship, and therefore very much polemical in nature, the Mormons’ German literature was often superficial. The only book that fits the established pattern for earlier Mormon literature as distributed in the English speaking world is Parley P. Pratt’s, Stimme der Warnung. Pratt’s work was translated during the first Mormon mission of the 1850s. The foremost intellectual and staunchest apologist of Mormonism, Orson Pratt, was not honoured with a complete German set of translations of his works.19 Orson Pratt’s works were prominent in both the English speaking world and in the Scandinavian mission. In the German states, the most literate of all the areas in which the Mormons proselyted, they chose not to engage the public with literary works of any seriousness. Rather they chose to illuminate the miraculous story of angels visiting a young farm boy and the availability of land in the American west. The choice seems to have been a failure as after nearly 50 years of missionary activity, there were only 1,592 Mormons in Germany. The Mormons appear to have encountered difficulties in reaching the German populace with their message. They found that the intended audience often dismissed their proselyting attempts.20 A comment from Charles (Karl) Wilcken, a German convert who returned as a missionary to Europe during the nineteenth century, sheds some light on the popular responses the Mormons received while proselyting. If Wilcken’s statement is accurate, and is any indication of the responses the Mormon missionaries received there is little doubt as to why their message often fell on deaf ears. The response recorded by Wilken is somewhat comical, but it is telling in whom the Germans thought the Mormon message was

19

20

Some selections of Pratt’s works did appear in the German Newspaper Der Darsteller over several months from May–December 1855. See Der Darsteller, Bd. 1, Nr. 1, pp. 2–11; Nr. 2, pp. 21–25; Nr. 3, pp. 41–45; Nr. 6, pp. 91–94; Nr. 7, pp. 104–108. We do have references that Pratt’s The Absurdities of Immaterialism did appear in a German edition as, Thorheiten des Immaterialismus. It is mentioned in Robert von Schlagintweit, Die Mormonen oder die Heiligen vom Jüngsten Tage von ihrer Entstehung bis auf die Gegenwart, 2 Aufgabe, Eduard Heinrich Mayer, Köln und Leipzig, 1878, p. 154. I have not been able to locate a copy of Orson Pratt’s work The Absurdities of Immaterialism in German. The other two works mentioned in the passage. Orson Spencer’s Die Patriarchalische Ordnung, oder die Mehrheit der Frauen, and Parley P. Pratt’s, Schlüssel zur Wissenschaft der Theologie, were published but not under the titles that are listed. The Latter-day Saints Millennial Star, 132 vols, The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, Manchester, Liverpool, London, 1840–1970, vol. 40, no. 38, September 23, 1878, p. 603.

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best suited. Wilken does not give much detail surrounding the response, only that it was stereotypically indicative of what he had been told on occasion. Wilcken stated that: “...the Germans are too smart to believe in angels appearing and men having revelations in these days. I was told that such stuff would do to tell the Indians but not to an enlightened people.”21

As was often the case in their other mission fields, the Mormons, for whatever reason, chose not to engage in an apologetical and polemical war of words with their critics in Germany. B.

SECTARIANISM IN THE GERMAN CHURCHES

Church historian Phillip Schaff writing for a German audience abroad commented on the uniqueness of religion in the United States. Schaff, was a student of August Neander, and former dozent at the University of Berlin prior to taking the Professorship at Mersceburg.22 Schaff’s Amerika: Die politischen, sozialen und kirchlichen–religiösen Zustände der Vereinigten Staaten von Nord-Amerika attempted to present American religious history to the German public.23 Schaff was primarily concerned with the German Protestant churches, Reformed, Lutheran, and their followers in America, but the Methodists, Mormons, Congregationalists, the Baptists and Quakers were all covered. Schaff is particularly defensive of the American system of free religious expression. Schaff says that the sectarianism evident in America is not a specific American sickness, or “eine specifische amerikanishe Krankheit,” as it was so often thought of in Germany. Rather, sectarianism is a complex expression of the relationship that emerged between the political and religious establishments in the American states. Schaff explained the formation of the religious landscape in America by presenting a speculative example from the German churches. As there was no oversight, or national church the American religious landscape developed as it did. Schaff states: “Setzen Sie einmal den Fall, dass in Preußen Kirche und Staat plötzlich getrennt würden, so würde sich sofort derselbe Zustand einstellen; die Parteien, die sich jetzt innerhalb der

21

22 23

Charles (Karl) Wilcken in the Latter Day Saints Millennial Star, vol. 33, no. 49, December 5, 1871, pp. 779–780. The Mormons stated that it was difficult to proselyte in Germany. See Latter-day Saints Millennial Star, vol. 40, no. 38, September 23, 1878, p. 603. Leipziger Repertorium der deutschen und ausländischen Literatur, Unter Mitwirkung der Universität Leipzig, Dr. E. G. Gersdorf (Hrsg.), Bd. 1, Weigel, Leipzig, 1855, p. 30. Phillip Schaff, Amerika: Die politischen, socialen und kirchlichen religiösen Zustände der Vereinigten Statten von Nord Amerika, mit besonderen Rücksicht auf die Deutschen aus eigener Anschauung dargestellt von Phillip Schaff, Wiegant & Grieben, Berlin, 1854.

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Unter Zions Panier Landeskirche feindselig bekämpfen, würden sich zu eben so vielen selbstständigen Kirchen und Sekten verkörpern, und Sie hätten eine altlutherische, eine gemäßigt lutherische, eine reformierte, eine unierte, und zwar wieder eine positiv auf den Symbolen stehende und eine bloß die Schrift anerkennende unierte, vielleicht auch eine besondere Schleiermachersche Kirche, und wer weiss wie viele spiritualistische und rationalistische Sekten und Einzelgemeinden dazu. Amerika wurzelt überhaupt mit allen seinen Lebensfasern in Europa.”24

Schaff is quite correct in his assessment of the American religious landscape. Schaff intimates that the United States is not a country comprised of new, or homegrown American sects, like the Mormons. Rather he states, the major influential religious groups in existence are really European in origin, and have existed for centuries. America has merely become a gathering place for these groups. It is these groups, affiliated with either state churches, or dissenting sects that have influenced the American religious character and not the homegrown sects. As Schaff states: “Es ist nicht ein Land von neuen Sekten, denn die dort entstandenen, wie die Mormonen, sind höchst unbedeutend und haben gar keinen bestimmenden Einfluss auf den religiösen Volkscharakter ausgeübt, sondern bloß der Sammelplatz aller europäischen Kirchen und Sekten, die theils als Landeskirchen, theils als Dissentergemeinschaften schon längst existiert haben.”25

If Schaff’s assessment is accurate then Europe must take responsibility for American sectarianism. While a free market of religious ideas had been evidenced in Europe in past historical periods, the thought of importing an American style model of religious freedom seemed distasteful. In a way the growing fear of the emergence of American sectarianism in Germany appears to have been legitimate. Schaff mentions that German-American Methodists are sending missionaries back to Germany with the hopes of converting their fellow countrymen. The Methodists were however not the only group sending German converts to Germany as missionaries. The Mormons also had hopes of converting the German populace by sending their converts back to Germany. With German converts to American sects returning as missionaries the fear of being inundated by religious fanaticism from outside of Germany‘s border was seen as a real threat. Ernst Hengstenberg in his Evangelische Kirchenzeitung expressed some concern over inroads being made by the Baptists among the Reformed churches in the Wuppertal region of Germany. Hengstenberg feared that the closeness in theology between the Baptists and the Reformed caused a scenario whereby the Baptists could eventually absorb the Reformed church. As the Baptists were already a large denomination in America, and gaining strength in Britain, the fear seemed to be real.26 The general Synod of Westphalia issued a

24 25 26

Schaff, Amerika, p. 85. Schaff, Amerika, p. 85. The Primitive Church or Baptist Magazine, Houlston & Stoneman, London, 1854, pp. 356– 359.

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statement regarding the emergence of the sectarian movements, and the threat they represented. The Synod felt that the rise of the sectarian movements was the direct result of a diseased and unhealthy state church.27 Being treated no different than most converts to the sectarian movements in Germany during the nineteenth century, the Baptists soon left for more welcoming lands. In the early part of 1855, around 30 Baptists left MecklenburgSchwerin for America. It was generally believed that the reason for the Baptist emigration was that the government had recently denied Baptists the right of marriage.28 It appears that while the sects made inroads among the Protestant churches, the Catholic parish was immune from their efforts. Catholic writer Edmund Jörg observes, correctly I might add, that the Mormons made few inroads in Catholic countries. Jörg states: “Dagegen vermag das mormonische Zion eingestandenermaßen fast gar keine Akquisitionen aus dem gebiet der katholischen Kirche aufzuweisen, weder aus den katholischen Iren, noch aus dem romanischen Völkern. An Versuchen hat es nicht gefehlt.”29

Jörg, much like Schaff, sees the sects as a natural out growth of Protestantism, and expresses no surprise in the inroads made by them amongst Reformed and Lutheran churches. For Jörg the goal of Mormonism was to return to a form of medieval Protestantism.30 Jörg also saw in Mormonism nothing other than Puritanism.31

27 28 29

30 31

Primitive Church Magazine, 1854, p. 358. Primitive Church Magazine, 1855, p. 331. In Pinneberg, Holstein the Baptists were not allowed to hold meetings. See Primitive Church Magazine, 1855, p. 331. Joseph Edmund Jörg, Geschichte des Protestantismus in seiner neuesten Entwicklung, 2 Bde., Herdische Verlag, Freiburg, 1858, Bd. 2, Die Schwärmerkirche und ihre Bedingungen, p. 601. Historically the Mormons have drawn their converts from Protestant churches primarily the dissenting sects in Great Britain, and North America with whom they share more common ground. Early missionary efforts in France and Italy began prior to the efforts in Germany but after little success the missions were abandoned until the later part of the twentieth century. See Gilbert W. Scharffs, Mormonism in Germany: A History of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints in Germany, Deseret Book, Salt Lake City, 1970, pp. 187, 195. Jörg, Geschichte des Protestantismus, Bd. 2, p. 603. Jörg, Geschichte des Protestantismus, Bd. 2, pp. 410 ff. For his sources on the Puritan attempts in North America Jörg draws from the Baptist Robert Baird’s, Zustand und Aussichten der religion in Amerika: Ein bericht in d. Conf. des ev. Bundes zu paris v. 25. Aug 1855, G. W. Lehman (übers.), Schütze, Berlin, 1856. The 104 page booklet was a brief outline of the churches in the United States. See Zeitschrift für die gesamte lutherische Theologie und Kirche, Andreas Gottlob Rudelbach und H. E. F. Guericke (Hrsgg.), Dörfling & Franke, Leipzig, Jahrgang 18, 1857, p. 181.

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C. MORMONISM IN EUROPE The German populace appears to have been aware of the Mormons’ teachings before their official arrival. The German public was also aware of the Mormons’ activities in other European nations derived from various outside literary sources. The Mormons had begun proselyting in Switzerland in 1850. By 1853 the press and local authorities in Bern and western Switzerland were calling for the Mormons “ausweisung.” Early Swiss criticisms of the Mormons concentrated on their polygamist practices. Another early, and consistently made, argument against the Mormons was that they sought the conversions of young girls, which they would then export back to Salt Lake City. The early Swiss encounters with the Mormons, and the Swiss-Mormon controversy was carried throughout Germany in both secular and church newspapers. The Allgemeine Zeitung, probably the Darmstadter Allgemeine Zeitung, of February 6, 1853, December 2, 1853, January 16, 1856, March 24, 1857; the Stuttgarter Deutsches Volksblatt, of February 14, 1856; and the Berliner Protestantishes Kirchenzeitung of February 14, 1857; all carried articles on the practices of the Mormons in Switzerland, particularly their proselyting among young girls, and their early evangelistic efforts in Germany. 32 Accounts of the Mormons’ entrance into Germany also appear early. They are extremely accurate in their details, and provide insight into the missionary expansion of the Mormons into Germany. An account of the Mormons’ early missionary work in Germany, as well as details of one of the first conversions to Mormonism, the wife of Christian Binder is given by Catholic writer Edmund Jörg. Jörg’s detailed account of the Mormon missionary work in Hamburg, Saxony, Prussia, and Württemberg, gives us an insight into what attracted some of the first converts to Mormonism.33 Jörg draws from both English and German sources in his evaluation of Mormonism, in Germany. In his account of the arrival of Mormonism in Germany Jörg states: “Für Deutschland hatten sich nicht weniger als sieben Missionare, drei davon für Berlin, in Hamburg niedergelassen, um vorerst deutsche ausgaben ihrer Religionschriften zu besorgen, und die Zeitung: “Zions Panier der Kirche Jesu Christi der Heiligen des letzten Tages“ zu gründen. So ausgerüstet erschien 1853 ein predigender Mormone plötzlich in den Dörfern um Erfurt. Von da polizeilich ausgewiesen, ging er nach Meinigen, wo er aber gleichfalls fortgeschubt wurde. Fasst gleichzeitig hatte der Apostel für Stuttgart dasselbe Schicksal, sowie auch zwei Mormonenprediger, welche aus Dänemark nach Mecklenburg kamen. man glaubte schon, die Sache sei hiermit abgethan, um so mehr, als die Hamburger Mission bald gar nichts mehr sich hören ließ. Ihr „Stifter Cairn, der zweimal polizeilich ausgewiesen ward, ohne vom Platze zum weichen, erzählt selbst, die erste Wiedertaufe, welche er hier ertheilt, habe einem Weibe gegolten, das lange Zeit in Irrenhause und „vierzehn Jahre lang vom

32 33

Jörg, Geschichte des Protestantismus, Bd. 2, p. 600. Jörg, Geschichte des Protestantismus, Bd. 2, p. 600.

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Teufel besessen“ gewesen. Weiter erfuhr man nichts mehr von den heiligen in Hamburg. Nur in Berlin ereignete sich noch ein Zwischenfall. Der König von Preußen hatte seinem Gesandten in Washington aufgetragen, ihm eine vollständige Sammlung der Mormonen Schriften zu werschafen, welcher sich deshalb an den mormonischen Repräsentanten im Kongress wendete; der Prophet in Utah interpretierte den Vorgang etwas sanguinisch, und ordnete sofort eine förmliche Gesandtschaft mit einer Adresse nach Berlin ab, wo die Deputierten aber kaum im Bahnhofe ausstiegen, als sie von der Polizei auch schon wieder zurück adressirt wurden. Es existiert über diese Geschichte ein eigenes Mormonen Büchlein, das unter Anderem sehr spitzig von einem“ kleinen Finger“ spricht, der seit 1848 so dick geworden sei, wie ein Daumen. Heimlich scheinen indetz immer noch einzelne Emissäre der Heiligen sich eingeschlichen, auch stille Eroberungen zu haben; und man darf annehmen., das jedenfalls nur die Polizei Schuld trägt wenn die deutsche Nation bei der neuen Weltperiode im Utahthale nicht sehr stattlich vertreten sein wird.”34

Early Mormon missionary efforts appear to have been carried out within the primarily Protestant regions of Germany. Ernst Hengstenberg in the Evangelische Kirchenzeitung of September 17, 1856 makes mention that in Bavaria’s Protestant regions, particularly in the “Unterfranken” regions that the Mormons were able to entice several individuals to convert. It must have caused concern as the German conversions to Mormonism were discussed among the Protestant clergy at the Gennfelder Conferenz. While Mormon activity in Germany was not that extensive, there appears to have been some concerns over it gaining momentum. Curbing Mormon missionary activity was then seen as a positive by both the public and the press and, of course the churches.35 Reports covering the Mormons’ arrival, their expansion, and their subsequent prohibitions in Germany appear shortly after their arrival in 1853. The Berliner Allgemeine Kirchenzeitung of May 28, 1853, the Darmstadt Kirchenzeitung of December 2, 1854, as well as Moritz Bush’s Die Mormonen all mention the Mormon efforts in Germany during the early 1850s. German authors during the nineteenth century saw the Mormons as cartoon characters. Moral judgments concerning the value of Mormonism and what it could contribute to German society were made early. There seems to have been a moral obligation attached to making people aware of Mormonism and its fanciful teachings, and of course protecting the weaker elements of society from the Mormon missionaries. The presence of Mormon missionaries however posed no genuine threat to German ecclesiastical or cultural stability. The number of Mormons living in Germany by 1910, 5,142 is tiny compared the 48,000,000 German citizens of the same period. Combating the growth of Mormonism was seen as a duty to society rather than being driven by the fear of Mormon expansion. Throughout the late nineteenth century and into the early twentieth the Mormons faced opposition both at home and abroad. The Mormons major difficulties with the United States federal governments had ended in 1890 with the issuance 34 35

Jörg, Geschichte des Protestantismus, Bd. 2, p. 601. Jörg, Geschichte des Protestantismus, Bd. 2, p. 601.

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of the Woodruff Manifesto. The Manifesto, written in response to the Edmunds– Tucker act had allowed the Mormons to settle a truce with the Federal Government and paved the way for the Utah territory’s acceptance into the union. By setting aside the practice of plural marriage, the Mormons showed that they were willing to abide by the laws of the land in which they resided. For the first time in 40 years the Mormons were accepted as wholly American, rather than seditious residents. While the practice of plural marriage seemed to be the core reason for the legislation passed by the Federal Government, it was part of a larger attempt to separate the church’s theocracy from its political power base in the Utah territory. While officially the practice of plural marriage ceased in 1890, it continued to be clandestinely encouraged. The fallout from the continued practice would be felt both at home and abroad by the early parts of the twentieth century. The embarrassment caused by the revelations from the hearings to seat Senator elect Reed Smoot would cast doubt about the integrity of the Mormon leadership, and initiate a backlash against Mormonism around the globe. It would also set in motion the process of finally bringing an end to the practice of plural marriage. While in the United States their fortunes had changed due to the issuing of the Manifesto, in Holland, Hungary, Sweden, Norway, Switzerland, and Denmark the Mormons were facing new problems in the early twentieth century. The Smoot affair had validated long held suspicions that the Mormons were untrustworthy. During the hearings to allow Reed Smoot, a monogamist Senator elect from Utah, to take his seat it was revealed that the Mormons had not ceased the practice of entering into new plural marriages, although continued assurances had been made that the practice had ended.36 The recent revelations during the Reed Smoot hearings had awakened distrust among the European governments towards the Mormons. Denmark, long a center for Mormon converts, banished the Mormons for encouraging emigration and their belief and practice in polygamy. Leading the charge against the Mormons in Denmark was Hans P. Freece. Freece, an early Danish convert who had left Mormonism, returned to conduct a lecture tour of Denmark in 1911. The Danish tour appears to have been sanctioned by Danish authorities as the Danish consulate had aided Freece during his American tours.37 Freece had begun his campaign outlining the evils of Mormonism among other Danish convert while still in Utah. Freece also took his campaign to Britain in order to make politicians aware of Mormonism.38 Freece conducted his British tours on behalf of the International Reform Bureau. The Bureau was founded as a civil organization dedicated to bringing an end to social ills such

36 37 38

Thomas G. Alexander, Mormonism in Transition: A History of the Latter-day Saints, 1890– 1930, University of Illinois Press, Urbana, 1986, p. 228. Alexander, Mormonism in Transition, p. 228. Peter J. Vousden, “The English Editor and the Mormon Scare of 1911,” Brigham Young University Studies, vol. 40, no. 1, pp. 67–77.

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as narcotics, prostitution, and alcoholism. Its purpose was to enlist the aid of governments in furthering this end. The International Reform Bureau had begun to engage English politicians to pass legislation against the Mormons.39 The problems for the Mormons had begun in 1908 and culminated in 1912 when violence broke out in England towards the Mormons. The Mormons were once again accused of enticing single girls to emigrate to Utah as polygamist wives.40 After a lull of several decades the Mormons were again becoming newsworthy, primarily for their proselytizing among females.41 News of the latest Mormon battles on European soil was also carried in German daily newspapers. The National Zeitung, Tagliche Rundschau, and the Deutsche Tageszeitung, all carried articles on the Mormons and their recent efforts in Germany.42 While Denmark and Britain had long been a source of Mormon converts, governmental action against Mormon proselyting had been virtually non-existent in the nineteenth century. This changed in the first decades of the twentieth century. European governments were not alone in their attempts at curbing Mormon activity within their borders. Even the first Mormon mission field, Canada, was considering action against the Mormons. While Canada had enacted bigamy laws in the mid 1880s to deal with the influx of Mormon colonists in southern Alberta, the relationship between the Canadian Government and the Mormons had been pleasant. The Canadian Government through the British embassy sent a verbal note to the German Foreign Secretary. The Canadian Government had requested of their German counterpart copies of any German laws that were used to combat Mormon propaganda.43

39 40 41

42

43

“War on Mormons Waged in Britain,” The New York Times, February 5, 1917. Alexander, Mormonism in Transition, p. 230. Arguments that the Mormons were focusing their efforts on converting females are reminiscent of pre-Manifesto criticisms. See “Five Hundred New Mormons,” The New York Times, July 2, 1885; and “Young Girl Mormons,” The New York Times, October 3, 1889. “Die Mormonen in Deutschland: Ihre Agitation in allem Bundesstaaten, “National Zeitung” Nr. 107, Bd. 8, Nr. 5, 1912. The article claimed that the Mormons continued to convert, “unerfahrene junge mädchen betörten um sie der vielweiberei auszufuhren.” Tagliche Rundschau, Nr. 165, Bd. 10, Nr. 4, 1914, also commented on the expulsion of the Mormons from Saxony. Commenting on the Mormons in Saxony, who it claimed had made primarily female converts, the Deutsche Tageszeitung, Nr. 119, Bd. 6, Nr. 3, 1913, stated: “weibliche personen, die sich der sekte angeschlossen hatten, zur auswanderung nach Utah.” In 1914 the paper would again publish another article on the Mormons in Saxony. The article claimed that Saxony had become a magnet for the Mormons. It was however happy to report that the Mormons had all been expelled from Saxony. See “Mormonen in Sachsen,” Deutsche Tageszeitung, Nr. 170, Bd. 5, Nr. 4, 1914. From Deutsche Tageszeitung, Nr. 613, Bd. 3, Nr. 12, 1913, an article titled “Mormonen Ausweisung” stated; “die durch eine lästige agitation bemerkbar machen und weibliche Personen zu auswanderung nach Amerika zu Veranlassen suchen.” “Auswärtiges Amt, IIIb 10245, Berlin, August 14, 1912,” BArch., Auswärtiges Amt, Abt. III, R901/735455 NR 11A, Bd. 6, April 1912.

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The new problems the Mormons were facing in Europe were a direct result of the hearings being conducted involving Senator elect Smoot taking place before the United States Senate. Throughout the hearings foreign governments learned that the Mormons had not stopped practicing polygamy and they reacted accordingly. The revelations coming to light at the hearings placed the United States Government in a peculiar spot as well. Prior to the Woodruff Manifesto several United States Government representatives had praised foreign governments for expelling the Mormon missionaries from their countries.44 After all, as many of the converts to Mormonism originated in foreign countries, enlisting their help in circumventing Mormon proselyting abroad would pay dividends in the long run. One of the staunchest proponents of circumventing the Mormon problem before it reached American shores was William Maxwell Evarts. Evarts served as United States Secretary of State under President Rutherford B. Hayes. In 1879 Evarts advised American diplomats abroad to work with foreign governments and encourage them to thwart Mormon efforts to proselyte among their citizens.45 With the written assurance of the Manifesto that the Mormons no longer were entering into plural marriage the United States Government began to defend Mormons who were facing troubles abroad.46 In good faith they believed that the Mormons had suspended the practice of polygamy. With the new revelations coming to light from the Smoot hearings it was becoming readily apparent that their defense of the Mormons had lost them credibility with foreign governments. The Mormons had embarrassed the United States Government in-

44

45 46

The Consuls in München and Nürnberg had written, “to convey thanks of the government at Washington” and praised the Bavarian Government for putting an end to the efforts of the Mormons in Mittelfranken. The U.S. representative goes on to say that, “...the doctrine of polygamy there inculcated and practiced is in direct violation of the laws of the United States, and that unlawful system is directly recruited chiefly by inducing foreigners to join them...,” “Legation of United States F. O. 10–II 38929, Berlin, October 24, 1884,” BArch., Auswärtiges Amt, Abt. III, Bd. 6. See also correspondence in GStA PK, I. HA Rep. 81 MünchenGesandtschaft München nach 1807, Nr. 2025, Dank der USA Regierung an Bayern für die Ausweisung von mormonischen Agitatoren. Mormonen in der Schweiz, 1884–1886. See Kahlile Mehr, “The Eastern Edge: LDS Missionary Work in Hungarian Lands,” Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought, vol. 24, no. 2, 1994, p. 29. Ambassador John B. Jackson writes that while polygamy was practiced, it is no longer being practiced, and that the U.S. government cannot complain if the Mormons are breaking local laws. They should be allowed the same freedoms as any other sect as long as they do not practice or preach anything that contravenes local laws. “Note Verbal F.O. No. 1255, IIIb 11349, September 4, 1902,” BArch., Auswärtiges Amt, Abt. III, Bd. 6. See also “Note Verbal F.O. No. 1143, IIIb 4602, April 11, 1902,” BArch., Auswärtiges Amt, Abt. III, Bd. 6; “Note Verbal F.O. No. 1155, IIIb 5120, April 22, 1902,” BArch., Auswärtiges Amt, Abt. III, Bd. 6; “Note Verbal F.O. No. 1197, IIIb 8266, June 30, 1902,” BArch., Auswärtiges Amt, Abt. III, Bd. 6; “Note Verbal F.O. No. 1226, IIIb 9958, August 6, 1902,” BArch., Auswärtiges Amt, Abt. III, Bd. 6.

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ternationally. The view of the Mormons as a deviant and immoral sect that were not to be trusted came to the forefront once again.47 The new investigations into old allegations began in early 1903, when Reed Smoot, a monogamist member of the Quorum of the Twelve Apostles, had been elected to the United States Senate. Smoot had run for the Senate before being called to the apostleship. He withdrew his candidacy upon entering the Quorum. In 1902 he received permission to run for the Senate once again and was elected by the Utah Sate Legislature. As a result of his position and the rumours associated with polygamy, the Senate Committee on Privileges and Elections began hearings in January 1904 to determine whether to admit Smoot as a member of the legislative body. Over the next four years, the committee summoned Mormon leaders, and members of the LDS church, to provide testimony in order to determine Senator Smoot’s worthiness to enter the Senate. Several leaders ignored the subpoenas. Others left the country to avoid testifying. Utah’s delegate in the House of Representatives summed up the Senate proceedings saying: “It looks more serious for the Mormon people than they seem to realize at home. It is summed up in this: ‘The question is not, ‘Shall Reed Smoot keep his seat in the Senate?’ But, ‘Shall the Mormon Church be declared an alien organization, and its members unfit to hold the rights of citizenship?”48

President Joseph F. Smith, son and nephew of slain prophets Hyrum and Joseph Smith, was the first witness to take the stand in the hearings in early March 1904. Senators questioned Smith concerning the allegations that plural marriages were performed after the 1890 Manifesto. There were also questions concerning the lack of official discipline enacted towards those members who chose not to follow the Manifesto. Smith was placed in a very awkward position. The reality of the official Mormon attitudes towards the continuance of polygamy was radically distinct from the public perception they had hoped to convey. Since the 1890 Manifesto members of the leadership individually, or as a unit had published 24 denials that any new plural marriages were being performed

47

48

See “Großherzog Badisch Ministerium, NA 7087, Karlsruhe, July 24, 1912,” BArch., Auswärtiges Amt, Abt. III, Bd. 6. The document is in response to what to do with the Mormon missionaries as they no longer practice polygamy. It is a response to earlier communiqués “IIIb 9546, August 7, 1903,” and “IIIb 8606, August 13, 1910.” The minister advised that in spite of the fact they no longer engaged in polygamy they should be expelled. See also “IIIb 5826, Leignitz, April 28, 1912,” BArch., Auswärtiges Amt, Abt. III, Bd. 6; Alexander, Mormonism in Transition, p. 236. For analysis of the Reed Smoot hearings see David L. Bigler, Forgotten Kingdom: The Mormon Theocracy in the American West, 1847–1896, Utah State University Press, Logan, 1998, pp. 365–366.

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even though privately a few had been permitted each year.49 Mormon church President Joseph F. Smith, then aged 66, admitted in March 1904 that he had fathered 11 post-Manifesto children.50 Quorum of the Twelve Apostles president Francis M. Lyman in a letter to fellow Apostle George Teasdale admitted that church leaders were looked upon as being “dishonest and untrustworthy.”51 Within weeks of returning home from Washington, Smith issued an “Official Statement” that has been called the “Second Manifesto.” It was similar to the earlier Woodruff Manifesto from 1890, except that it promised “excommunication” to individuals who would not comply with its precepts.52 The Smith declaration noted reports that polygamous marriages had been performed since Woodruff’s first declaration, but he declared that these marriages had been performed without the sanction, consent, or knowledge of the Church. Smith further announced that in the future “any officer or member” who took part in such marriages would be excommunicated.53 The forceful pronouncement helped Smoot keep his seat.54 Yet the story does not end there. Within months of Smith’s Second Manifesto, Apostle Rudger Clawson secretly took another wife. New reports that plural marriages were still being entered into began to surface in 1909.55 Not until 1910, when the Salt Lake Daily Tribune published the names of more than 200 men including six apostles, who had taken wives after the 1890 Manifesto, did the church begin to oppose the plural marriage doctrine vigorously.56

49

50

51 52 53 54 55

56

For the story of post-Manifesto polygamy, see Richard S. van Wagoner, Mormon Polygamy: A History, 2nd edn, Signature Books, Salt Lake City, 1989, pp. 153–163. As well D. Michael Quinn, “LDS Church Authority and New Plural Marriages, 1890–1904, Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought, vol. 18, no. 1, 1985, pp. 9–105. For the full report of these hearings, see Sen. Rep. 486, Proceedings before the Committee on Privileges and Elections of the United States Senate in the Matter of the protests against the Right Hon. Reed Smoot, a senator from the State of Utah, to hold his seat, (59–1), 4 vols, 1904–1906, serials 2932–2935. See Kenneth L. Cannon II, “Beyond the Manifesto: Polygamous Cohabitation among LDS General Authorities after 1890,” Utah Historical Quarterly, 46, no. 1,1978, pp. 24–36. Kathleen Flake, The Politics of American Religious Identity: The Seating of Senator Reed Smoot, Mormon Apostle, University of North Carolina Press, Chapel Hill, 2003, pp. 15, 18. Brigham H. Roberts, A Comprehensive History of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, Century I, 6 vols, Deseret News Press, Salt Lake City, 1930, vol. 6, p. 401. In a close call, the full Senate on February 7, 1907, voted to allow Senator Smoot to keep his seat. Carmon B. Hardy lists 262 plural marriages between October 1890 and December 1910. See his Solemn Covenant: The Mormon Polygamous Passage, University of Illinois Press, Urbana, 1992, pp. 182, 389–422. See also D. Michael Quinn, The Mormon Hierarchy: Extensions of Power, Signature Books, Salt Lake City, 1997, p. 183. See “The New Polygamy Roster,” The Salt Lake Tribune, April 4, 1910, p. 4, “Defense of New Polygamy,” The Salt Lake Tribune, March 8, 1910, p. 4. Apostles John W. Taylor and Mathias F. Cowley became scapegoats for the Smoot affair, as they were adamant that the

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Promises to the Federal Government to cease the practice of plural marriages had been made with the issuance of the Woodruff Manifesto in 1890. In December 1891 the Mormon leadership submitted a petition for an amnesty.57 On the recommendation of Governor Arthur Thomas, Judge Zane, and the Utah Commission, President Benjamin Harrison granted this request. Upon close reading of the Mormon petition it shows that these leaders never intended to pledge themselves specifically to obey the federal law. And most did not. Except for apostle and later church president Lorenzo Snow, all of them maintained connubial relations with more than one wife in direct violation of the 1882 Edmunds Act, which banned unlawful cohabitation. According to historian Kenneth L. Cannon II, 11 Mormon general authorities from 1890 to 1905 fathered 76 children by 27 polygamous wives.58 Moreover, the number of church approved polygamous marriages from 1890 to 1904 came to at least 250, with the greatest increase coming after Utah had been granted statehood.59 In spite of the Mormons 13 year claim to the contrary, the Reed Smoot hearings confirmed German speculation that the Mormons had not discontinued the practice of plural marriage in 1890. Although Smoot was not a polygamist, President Joseph F. Smith was forced to admit that polygamy had not ceased with the Manifesto of 1890 it had merely been carried out in a more controlled fashion. For the Germans this renewed their concerns that the Mormons were undesirables who if they were less than honest in their dealings with their own governments why would they obey foreign laws. The Smoot hearings ended by 1907 but the impact of the Smoot hearings lingered in Germany. Missionaries in Baden, Prussia, and other areas continued to be treated with suspicion. In fact in most of Europe not even the end of the First World War and the establishment of democratic republics would change the perception of Mormonism.60 While the Smoot hearings had a large impact in the United States and in many of the European countries, amongst the Germans little had changed in their perception of the Mormons. There was no backlash against the Mormons as had been seen in other countries, as the Mormons were seen in

57 58 59 60

practice of plural marriage could not be abrogated. Taylor and Cowley had performed plural marriages at the request of President Joseph F. Smith in Canada and Mexico, and elsewhere. See Quinn, “New Plural Marriages,” pp. 90–92, 94–95. Lorenzo Snow had come to Cardston, Alberta with his youngest wife to have their child born. The unique thing is that the Mormon leadership continued to parse the laws that were passed to prohibit the practice of plural marriage. The practice of plural marriage was so central to Mormon theology it is no doubt that many countries refused to believe the practice had ceased but merely went further underground. House Exec. Doc. 1, 52–2, 1892, Serial 3089, pp. 428–429. Cannon, “Beyond the Manifesto,” pp. 24–36. Kenneth L. Cannon II, “After the Manifesto: Mormon Polygamy 1890–1906,” Sunstone, vol. 8, January–April 1983, p. 31. For discussion see Alexander, Mormonism in Transition, p. 233.

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the same light they had always been, a fanatical non-Christian sect. The bans of 1853, and 1902, plus the volumes of literature published on the Mormons ensured that their message was met with scepticism. The problems arising from the Smoot hearings, the new charges of polygamy and their theocratic ambitions continued to hinder the Mormons acceptance in Germany as well as the rest of Europe.61 While it is difficult to separate religious from purely social or political concerns, German arguments seemed to focus on social rather than religious arguments in their battle to prevent the spread of Mormonism. German literature dealing with the Mormons, whether it was religious or secular, centered on several specific themes. There appears to be no major difference in the nature of the criticisms levelled against Mormonism by the majority of religious or secular writers. Neither the churches, nor their pastors, seemed to engage the Mormons directly through print. Even in early twentieth-century examples, such as clergyman Gustav Zimmer von Ulbersdorf’s, Unter den Mormonen, Mormonism’s claims are not countered with Biblical proof texts, as seems to have been the prevailing method used by English writers.62 The majority of works on the Mormons to appear in German are critical and descriptive rather than polemical. They are written to provide information, rather than appease to the emotional side of humanity. There is also a solid attempt to present as accurately as possible the Mormon concepts. Rarely are biblical texts used to counter the Mormons’ beliefs. Rather, a logical, rationalistic approach is most often evidenced within the majority of German works on Mormonism. It is not until we examine the literature produced within the last 50 years of the twentieth century do theological arguments become the basis for countering Mormonism. Evangelicalism has never formed a large part of the German religious consciousness so it would be rare to find American style tracts or literature being written or distributed in order to warn individuals of Mormonism. This type of literature does appear in the twentieth century and is largely due to the quasi separation of church and state implemented through the Weimar constitution. This caused the churches to adapt to a more open marketplace of religious ideas. The change in approach towards Mormonism evidenced in the twentieth century may also be the result of extensive borrowing from previously written works in English. While secular authors have dealt with Mormonism since its inception in 1830, by far the most critical examinations of Mormonism came from the pens of Christian pastors. The majority of literature on Mormonism was and continues

61

62

As late as 1931 the Mormons were defending themselves against claims that they were still practicing polygamy. See Der Stern der Heiligen der Letzten Tage: Eine Monatsschrift zur Verbreitung der Wahrheit, 125 Bde., Kirche Jesu Christi der Heiligen der Letzten Tage, Bern, Zürich, Hamburg, Dresden, Berlin und Frankfurt, 1869–1999, Bd. 63, Nr. 11, June 1, 1931, pp. 163–164. We will deal more with the political arguments in the next chapter. See in general Zimmer, Unter den Mormonen.

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to be written by American evangelicals. Over the past 50 years organizations comprised of former Mormons, or ex-Mormons as they refer to themselves, have led the campaign in warning potential converts of the traps of Mormonism. Many of the newer German works on Mormonism are heavily indebted to modern American evangelical Christian material.63 Modern German exposés engage Mormonism much the same way as American evangelicals have, with arguments based on biblical proof texts in an attempt to convert the Mormons. Mormon history and Mormon teachings are therefore compared to a standard of what is accepted as historic confessional, biblical Christianity. D. THE ARGUMENTS AGAINST THE MORMONS German literary treatments of Mormonism generally fall into two categories, secular and religious. Yet even the use of these two classifications can be deceiving. While the authors may have been Christian theologians or pastors, comparisons between the Mormons and Christianity based on Biblical texts are almost nonexistent during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. There appears little in the way of polemical literature, or what can be termed warnschriften, directed against the Mormons for most of the nineteenth century. While the works are not polemical, they are critical. They present a more accurate picture of Mormonism than those, which were available in the English language. Most secular exposés of Mormonism were found in newspapers, popular journals or as nascent scholarly treatments of the subject. German authors approached Mormonism most often from a historical and anthropological perspective. In retrospect, German treatments of Mormonism were some of the earliest to employ the emerging social scientific methods. In that regard, they stand in distinct contrast to the majority of English language treatments on Mormonism. Literary works dealing with Mormonism in the German language cover a broad spectrum. Mormonism is often seen in a positive as well as a negative light.

63

Albert Mössmer, Die Mormonen: Die Heiligen der letzten Tage, Patmos Verlag, Düsseldorf, 1995; Samuel Leuenberger, Reinhard Franzke, Lothar Gassmann, und Johannes Reimer, Mormonen: Heilige der letzten Tage? Lichtzeichen Verlag, Lage, 2000; Friedrich W. Haack, Mormonen, Evangelischer Presseverband für Bayern, München, 1976; Hermann Schreiber und Georg Schreiber, Mysten, Maurer und Mormonen: Geheimbünde in vier Jahrtausenden, Droemer Knaur, München, 1994; Rüdiger Hauth, Die Mormonen, Herder, Freiburg, 1995. Rüdiger Hauth, Tempelkult und Totentaufe: Die Geheimen Rituale Der Mormonen, Gütersloher Verlag, Gütersloh, 1985; Sarah Moran, Heilsbringer oder falsche Propheten? Kulte, Sekten, Geheimbünde, Gondrom, Bindlach, 1999; Robert Mullen, Die Mormonen: Geschichte einer Glaubensbewegung, Barth, Weilheim 1968; Gert Raeithel, Amerikas Heilige der letzten Tage, FFM, Eichborn, 1997; Hans Dieter Reimer (Hrsg.), Stichwort Sekten, Quell Verlag, Stuttgart, 1977; Sieben Sekten: Eine Warnung für evangelische Christen, Verlag & Schriftenmission der Evangelische Gesellschaft für Deutschland, Wuppertal-Elberfeld, 1969.

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Among socialists and Marxists Mormonism’s social structure was seen as enviable.64 This of course led to a growing fear that the socialist admiration of Mormonism could lead to a double threat to German society.65 Mormonism also appears in German and English journal articles that focused on that other staple of socialism, population control, and eugenics.66 German travelers who encountered the Mormons in various locals from Ohio and Illinois through to the Utah territory provide us with some of the earliest accounts of Mormonism in German. These early works are little more than musings displaying a curiosity towards the Mormons. One of the earliest references to Mormonism published in Germany comes from the Canonische Wächter published in 1831. The article is a brief description of the Mormons origins and subsequent movement to Ohio.67 A general assessment of the literature available to nineteenth and early twentieth century Germans would show that the authors concentrated consistently on several themes. These themes formed the basis for much of the criticism towards the Mormons. Often these criticisms were included as part of a larger general history of the birth, growth and expansion of the Mormons in the United States, Great Britain, and Scandinavia. Very little information on the introduction, or expansion of the Mormons in Germany is relayed. German works on Mormonism appear within many literary genres. Amalia Schoppe is honoured with writing the first work of fiction dealing with Mormonism as a theme. 68 Geographical accounts also appear to have been popular. Alex-

64

65 66

67

68

Articles on Mormonism appeared in the first edition of Die Neue Zeit: Revue des geistigen und öffentlichen Lebens, 41 Bde., Dietz, Stuttgart und Berlin, 1883–1922/23; and in Vorwärts: Central Organ der Sozialdemokratie Deutschlands, Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands, Leipzig, 1876–1989. The advances of the Mormon women in Utah were lauded in the early feminist work Handbuch der Frauenbewegung. See Helene Lange, Gertrud Baumer, Robert Wilbrandt, Lisbeth Wilbrandt, and Josephine Levy Rathenau, Handbuch der Frauenbewegung, S. W. Moeser, Berlin, 1901, p. 476. See “Der socialistische Zukunftsstaat: Die communistische Ehe und Familie,” Neueste Mittheilungen, Dr. Jur. O. Hammann (Hrsg.), Berlin, December 9, 1890, pp. 1–2. Archiv für Rassen und Gesellschafts Biologie, einschließlich Rassen und Gesellschaftshygiene, Deutsche Gesellschaft für Rassenhygiene, 1904, p. 815; Braeucker, Wilhelm, Die Entstehung der Eugenik in England, Dissertation Doktors der Philosophie, Universität München, Nonne, Hildburghausen, 1917, p. 162, and Wilhelm Stapel, Der christliche Staatsmann: Eine Theologie des Nationalismus, Hanseatische Verlagsanstalt, Hamburg, 1932, p. 208. Adolf Hitler is listed as a contributor to Stapel’s work. Stapel also wrote on the role of Christianity under the National Socialists in Wilhelm Stapel, Sechs Kapitel uber Christentum und Nationalsozialismus, Hanseatische Verlagsanstalt, Hamburg, Berlin, 1931. Der Canonische Wächter: Eine antijesuitische Zeitschrift für Staat und Kirche und für alle christliche Confessionen, Alexander Müller und F. Ruff (Hrsgg.), F. A. Brockhaus, Leipzig, Bd. 3, 1830–1834, July–December 1831, p. 871. Amalie Schoppe, Der Prophet: Historischer Roman Neuzeit Nord Amerikas, 3 Bde., Friedrich Luden, Jena, 1846.

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ander Ziegler’s Skizzen einer Reise durch Nordamerika und Westindien, provided a first hand account of the Mormon exodus from Nauvoo in September 1846.69 Early accounts of the Mormons by Heinrich Balduin Möllhausen,70 Jacob Schiel,71 and Karl Andree72 describe their encounters with Mormonism as part of larger work on their adventures in America. Schiel, a member of the ill-fated Gunnison Expedition, mentions he only encountered three Germans during his seven-month stay in Utah in 1853. One of these was the person who helped to translate the Book of Mormon in Hamburg. The former student had met Schiel earlier when both were in Russia.73 All of the early German authors provide first hand observations of their encounters with the Mormons. This would include the major sources for several early German works on Mormonism. Books written by Howard Stansbury, and John W. Gunnison provided the information for several early German works. 74 For instance, the German translation of Gunnison’s work is the first work in German to carry a description of the Mormon temple ceremony.75 69 70

71 72

73 74

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Andree, Karl, “Die Mormonen und ihr Land am Großen Salzsee,” Geographische Wanderungen, 2 Bde., R. Kuntze, Dresden, 1859, Bd. 2, pp. 1–31. Möllhausen, made three trips to the United States in the 1850s. In 1851 Möllhausen traveled through the plains with Prince Paul of Württemberg. Möllhausen was also the topographer for the Whipple survey. In 1857 he was part of the survey team of Lt. Joseph Christmas Ives. Ives was sent to ascertain the navigability of the Colorado River and investigate the area around the Grand Canyon. See Heinrich Balduin Möllhausen, “Die Mormonen und ihre Geschichte,” Tagebuch eine Reise vom Mississippi nach des Küsten der Südsee, Hermann Costenoble, Leipzig, 1858, pp. 435–440. A second edition was published as Wanderungen durch die Prärien und Wüsten des westlichen Nordamerika, Hermann Costenoble, Leipzig, 1860. His Tagebuch eine Reise vom Mississippi nach des Küsten der Südsee is an illustrated account of the Whipple Expedition, of which Möllhausen was a member. Heinrich Balduin Mollhausen, bis zum Hoch Plateau von Neu Mexico, 2 Bde., Hermann Costenoble, Leipzig, 1861, Bd. 1, pp. 362–363, 396–399; Balduin Möllhausen, Wanderungen durch die Prärien und Wüsten des westlichen Nordamerika, Lothar Borowsky, München, 1878. Jacob H. Schiel, Reise durch die Felsengebirge und die Humboldtgebirge nach dem stillen Ocean, Brodtmann, Schaffhausen, 1859, pp. 81 ff. Alexander Ziegler, Skizzen einer Reise durch Nordamerika und Westindien, mit besonderer Berücksichtigung des deutschen Elements, der Auswanderung und der landwirtschaftlichen Verhältnisse in dem neuen Staate Wisconsin, 2 Bde.,Arnold, Dresden und Leipzig, 1848, Bd. 2, pp. 60–66, 1848. Schiel, Reise durch die Felsengebirge, pp. 124–125. Howard Stansbury, Die Mormonen Ansiedlungen, die Felsengebirge und der große Salzsee: Nebst einer Beschreibung der Auswanderer Straße und der interessanten Abenteuer der Auswanderungen nach jenen Gegenden; geschildert auf einer Untersuchungs Expedition, überarbeitet Dr. Kottenkamp, Frankische Verlagshandlung, Stuttgart, 1854. John Williams Gunnison, Die Mormonen im Thale des Großen Salzsees nach persönlicher Beobachtung geschildert von J. W. Gunnison, M. R. Lindau (übers.), Rudolf Kuntze, Hamburg und Leipzig, 1855. This is a German translation of John Williams Gunnison, The Mormons, or Latter day Saints, in the Valley of the Great Salt Lake: A History of Their Rise and Progress, Peculiar Doctrines, Present Condition, and Prospects, Derived from Personal Ob-

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Although a rarity, Catholic authors would also contribute to the debate.76 Perhaps the most significant of the Catholic authors was Joseph Edmund Jörg.77 Jörg’s Geschichte des Protestantismus, would reiterate many of the same arguments made by the Protestant and secular authors. Jörg saw within Protestantism the origins of all social and religious ills, Mormonism included. Jörg presents Mormonism as part of a multi headed Hydra that extended from Protestantism, which if allowed to blossom would cause social upheaval. For Jörg socialism, nascent feminism, and sectarianism were all interrelated with the sole design of moving society to a dangerous precipice. Jörg deals extensively with the early women’s movement, especially with such figures as Elizabeth Oakes Smith. He sees the rise of a nascent feminism as a danger as it attacks the entire social fabric. Jörg would argue that the attack on traditional marriage and the family had the ultimate goal of creating a new society. Jörg says: “Welche Stellung denn dem emanzipierten Weibe zur Ehe und zur Familie einzuräumen wäre? Die Antwort lautete: geschlechtliche Verbindungen bloß nach Neigung und auf die Zeit ihrer Dauer, Erziehung der daran entspringenden Kinder auf gemeinschaftliche Kosten.”78

Jörg looked to the United States and believed that the new society had already been implemented there. The “Gesellschaft der Freien Liebe,” John Humphrey Noyes Oneida Perfectionists were the living example of this new society.79 The

76

77 78 79

servation During a Residence Among Them, J. B. Lippincott, Grambo & Co., Philadelphia, 1852. There exist very few works written for a primarily Catholic audience. One of the earliest was by the Catholic Bishop Johann Martin Henny. See Johann Martin Henny, Ein Blick in’s Thal des Ohio oder Briefe über den Kampf und das Wiederaufleben der katholischen Kirche im fernen Westen der vereinigten Staaten Nordamerikas, Hübschmann, München 1836; P. Heribert Holzapfel, Die Sekten in Deutschland: Dargestellt fiir das katholische Volk, J. Kösel & F. Pustet, Regensburg und München, 1925; Richard Gröhl, Die Heiligen der letzten Tage’ und die katholische Kirche: Ein Büchlein für Wahrheitssuchende, 2 Auflage, Die schlichte Sammlung Bd. 5, Franke, Habelschwerdt, 1925; Otto Cohausz, Katholik, was hast du an den Sekten? Missionsdruckerei, Steyl, 1927; “Mormonen,” Lexikon des katholischen Lebens, Wendelin Rauch und Jakob Hommes (Hrsgg.), Herder, Freiburg, 1952, Kolumn 818–819; “Der Mormonenstaat in Utah,” Der Katholik: Zeitschrift für katholische Wissenschaft und kirchliches Leben, Johann B. Heinrich und Christoph Moufang (Hrsgg.), Franz Kirchheim, Mainz, 1821–1919, Bd. 41, 1879, pp. 631–663; Georg Reinhold, Der alte und der neue Glaube: Ein Beitrag zur Verteidigung des katholischen Christentums gegen seine modernen Gegner, 4 Auflage, Habbel, Regensburg, 1924 [Vienna, 1908]. Joseph Edmund Jörg, Geschichte des Protestantismus in seiner neuesten Entwicklung, 2 Bde., Herderesche Verlag, Freiburg, 1858. Jörg, Geschichte des Protestantismus, Bd. 2, p. 446. The tenets of Noyes community were: 1). Complex Marriage: Every man and every woman is married to each other. They could engage in sexual intercourse, but could not be attached to each other as stated earlier. 2). Male Continence: A form of birth control where during and

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entire new society, of which Noyes and his followerd are a part, hinges on socialistic and communistic motives.80 Into this mix Jörg threw Mormonism. The majority of Protestant writers however did not share Jörg’s concerns. Rather, Protestant criticisms of Mormonism dealt with several themes, some, which have continued to be part of many modern critiques. They did not consider Mormonism unique by any means. Rather they saw it as being syncretic in nature borrowing from a variety of contrary sources and melding these various constituent parts in a non-logical fashion, into an incoherent religious system. There appears to have been great lengths taken to understand Mormonism as part of the greater human experience. Comparative analysis between Mormonism and variant thought streams of the time often dominated the discussion. We can perhaps safely say that German works on Mormonism have more in common with modern academic treatments of Mormonism than with their nineteenth-century counterparts. In examining the arguments against the Mormons, we are able to see that the authors address consistent themes. The arguments against the Mormons often fall into two main categories, social and theologically based arguments. There is of course some overlapping between the two sets of arguments as Mormon theology provided for an all-encompassing worldview. In the following section I would like to outline some of the basic arguments against the Mormons by giving examples of the topics covered by the German authors.

80

after sexual intercourse the man could not ejaculate. 3). Ascending Fellowship: Young virgins in the community were brought into the practice of Complex Marriage. The older godly members who were in a special group and were called Central Members would pick a virgin to be spiritually responsible for. This took place when the young people were about 14 years old. 4). Mutual Criticism: In Mutual Criticism, each member of the community that was being reprimanded was taken in front of either a committee or sometimes the whole community to be criticized for their action. 5). Confession: Members of the community, according to Noyes, were sinless after conversion, so no confession would be needed. 6). Regeneration: Christ’s death was not for the sins of man, but was the first blow to Satan. But that by believing in the death of Christ, one was released from sin, because Christ destroyed the central cause of sin. By believing then, one is regenerated. 7). Separation: The members did separate into a community, but their main separation was to be a sexual one. 8). Revelation: Noyes never said that he received special revelation, though he did have some twisted interpretations. Noyes once wrote an article in “The Berean” and emphasized the credibility of scripture and denounced those who denied the validity and relevance of scripture. 9). Equality of the Sexes: The Oneida Community believed in equality of the sexes as stated earlier. 10). Millennial Kingdom: The Millennial Kingdom had been introduced in A.D. 70 at which time Noyes thought Jesus had made His Second Coming. Jörg, Geschichte des Protestantismus, Bd. 2, p. 446.

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1. Fanaticism and Irrationality German authors portrayed Mormonism as an irrational, emotion based sect.81 As rationality and a pious, sober approach to Christianity were the German preferences, the revivalism, and missionary zeal of the Mormons was seen as a negative point. Mormon practices and beliefs were often held up as examples of the irrationality of Mormonism. Mormonism’s origins and history were also seen as perfect examples of fanaticism.82 The claims of Joseph Smith Jr., his visions, his claims to have had encounters with heavenly beings, his translation of the golden plates, and his purported revelations were all criticised.83 As many of the Mormon claims fell outside of the normal realm of experience of most rational thinking individuals the claims were seen as being invented. Not only were the major Mormon events and experiences dismissed as being irrational but Mormon Church services also came under criticism for their emotional outbursts. Services were described as being filled with fanatical people who, “...fielen in Ohnmacht sprangen wieder auf und stellten sich predigend und singend auf Zäune und Baumstümpfe und verkündeten den Anbruch des jüngsten Tages.” 84 As well, it was claimed, the congregants, “Sprachen in Zungen, d.h. stießen unartikulierte Töne aus, die sie für die Sprache der Indianer behaupten.”85 For any rational person grounded in the real, the physical world, the services would have seemed strange. 2. Deception If we were to use one word to sum up the German views on Mormonism, the word deception would be it. Generally, the German authors see the movement beginning with a deception and in order for Mormonism to remain solvent the deception had to be continued. For German authors the initial deception of Mormonism begins with founder Joseph Smith’s character and motives. Smith, as is explained, was a treasure seeker who deceived others into believing he had found and translated an ancient record.86 Yet the record Smith claimed to have found, 81 82 83 84 85 86

Theodor Olshausen, Geschichte der Mormonen oder Jüngsten Tages Heiligen in Nordamerika, Vandenhoek & Ruprecht, Göttingen, 1856, pp. 9–15. Eduard Meyer, Ursprung und Geschichte der Mormonen: Mit Exkursen über die Anfänge des Islams und des Christentums, Niemeyer, Halle, 1912, pp. 212–213. Meyer, Ursprung und Geschichte der Mormonen, p. 216. Moritz Busch, Geschichte der Mormonen; nebst einer Darstellung ihres Glaubens und ihrer gegenwärtigen, socialen und politischen Verhältnisse, Ambrosius Abel, Leipzig, 1870, p. 49. Schlagintweit, Die Mormonen, p. 147. Busch, Geschichte der Mormonen., pp. 49, 146. Meyer, Ursprung und Geschichte der Mormonen, p. 297. Olshausen, Geschichte der Mormonen, pp. 9–15.

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the Book of Mormon, was in actuality taken from a manuscript written by Solomon Spaulding, and stolen by Sidney Rigdon.87 The deceptive ruse continued with Smith’s claims to having received revelations that attracted many uneducated followers who knew no better than to follow him. As the supernatural events claimed could not possibly have occurred, an ulterior motive is attached to the Mormon origin myth. It is in explaining the real motive behind Mormonism that the authors differ. Riches, power, control, and carnal lust are all motives that come into play. It is posited that the practice of polygamy was introduced in order to feed the lust of the leadership. Missionaries in turn were sent abroad with women being the prime targets. As Mormon missionaries went into the world, they did not tell the potential followers about what was truly believed.88 Rather, prospective converts were told only the positive or good things about Mormonism. The rest of the beliefs they would learn over time. Only upon arriving in the western hemisphere did they realise that they had been deceived. Yet, little could be done to rectify their situation. Thousands of miles from friends and family with little or no money to fund their exodus from Utah the convert had to remain. Portraying the blossoming desert as a land of milk and honey was a strong selling feature for the Mormon missionary abroad. The reported economic well being of the Mormon followers in North America proved to be essential in gaining potential converts.89 It was generally held then that deception was necessary in gaining converts, as no thinking person would join the Mormons if they were aware of what the Mormons actually taught. Full disclosure of their teachings would have reduced the outflow of converts from Europe. Only after the convert had invested their time and effort to come to North America would they learn what Mormonism really taught. 90 3. Low Bred Converts A common depiction of the Mormon converts was that they were generally low bred and lacking in general intelligence. Perhaps the root of this criticism lies in the believability of Mormonism‘s origin myth itself. For a rational mind the magical, mythical, supernatural events surrounding Mormonism’s origins would be difficult to digest. That being said, the logical extension from that would indicate that only those of lesser intelligence would believe the teachings of Mormonism and therefore convert.

87 88 89 90

Zimmer, Unter den Mormonen, pp. 24–27. Olshausen, Geschichte der Mormonen, p. 8. Zimmer, Unter den Mormonen, p. 109. Busch, Geschichte der Mormonen, pp. v–vi, 63–64; Jörg, Geschichte des Protestantismus, Bd. 2, p. 597.

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Yet, the criticism goes deeper, often associating lack of intelligence with belonging to the lower classes. There are numerous attempts made to make a connection between being part of the lower classes and lacking intelligence. As most Mormon converts were from the lower classes, it is difficult to make much of this criticism. The apocalyptic message of the Mormons, the vindication of the oppressed, would be appealing to lower socio-economic classes. In commenting on the Mormon converts in England, German authors state that the majority of the English converts came from the, “versunksten Fabrikpöbel oder ihre Motive in communistischen Gelüften suchen würde.”91 In Denmark, the converts were found mostly among the agricultural classes.92 In Germany, the converts to Mormonism also seem to have come from the lower classes.93 4. Polygamy Judging from the attention given to the Mormons’ belief in polygamy one is led to believe that it was the only concept believed by the Mormons. Among German authors, the term vielweiberei is often used to describe Mormon polygamy. Rarely is plural marriage seen as part of, or placed within the context of an overall cosmology. Neither is the concept understood for its soteriological value. The Mormon concept of plural marriage and the role it plays in the group’s theology is described as a purely carnal, and therefore a sinful institution. There are great lengths taken to associate the concept of vielweiberei with Islam, or the cultures of the Far East.94 This association then places the practice outside of accepted western European norms and into the sphere of foreign, and therefore less civilized cultures. As vielweiberei is seen as a foreign, non-western social institution a general belief exists that it could only be introduced through force, coercion, or deception and never through a general rational acceptance by Mormonism‘s followers.95 5. Plurality of Gods German authors often describe the Mormon concept of deity as being polytheistic. While the term is accurate to a degree, the Mormon concept is perhaps properly called cosmic henotheism. The term henotheism, coined by Max Müller, is the

91 92 93 94 95

Jörg, Geschichte des Protestantismus, Bd. 2, p. 597. Jörg, Geschichte des Protestantismus, Bd. 2, p. 398. Schlagintweit, Die Mormonen, p. 132. Busch, Geschichte der Mormonen, pp. v–vi; Meyer, Ursprung und Geschichte der Mormonen, p. 155. Jörg, Geschichte des Protestantismus, Bd. 2, p. 598.

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belief that while the existence of numerous gods is not disputed, only one is worthy of worship.96 As the Mormon concept of deity fit no known pattern of the time one cannot fault the Germans for drawing parallels to polytheistic Hinduism.97 The Germans do however have a good understanding of the Mormon theogony. They describe the Mormon gods as existing in a heavenly family. These gods with their polygamist wives become the parents of countless children. The heavenly children then come to Earth and take on a material body. Briefly, the Law of Eternal Progression, or Plan of Salvation is described as, “Jeder Gott ist vermählt, hat viele Frauen und eine Große Anzahl von kindern, die dereinst Menschen werden.”98 6. Materialism The Law of Eternal Progression, the soteriological plan of Mormonism, is based upon a series of concepts. These have often been summarized in the simple couplet “As man is, God once was, and as God is, man may become.” Materialism or that God is an exalted man originated among the Mormons during the early 1840s. In German works the concept was defined as, “eine materiell gegliederte Intelligenz. Gott, der vervollkommnete körperliche Mensch…”99 The German critiques of the concept often made parallels to existing, or historical philosophical models including Hegelian philosophy, and or Gnosticism.100 As with many of the concepts examined they do not attribute any uniqueness to the Mormon concept.101 7. Communalism and the United Order Communalism among the Mormons has had a lengthy history. Beginning with its introduction in the 1830s there were several attempts to implement its practice. Attempts at establishing a United Order failed in each instance. Although the full implementation of the heavenly sanctioned economic order never materialized Friedrich Max Müller, Introduction to the Science of Religion: Four Lectures Delivered at the Royal Institution With Two Essays on False Analogies, and the Philosophy of Mythology, Longmans, Green, London, 1873, p. 141. 97 Busch, Geschichte der Mormonen, p. 56. 98 Schlagintweit, Die Mormonen, p. 150; Meyer, Ursprung und Geschichte der Mormonen, p. 216. 99 Schlagintweit, Die Mormonen, pp. 149–150; Meyer, Ursprung und Geschichte der Mormonen, p. 156. 100 Jörg, Geschichte des Protestantismus, Bd. 2, p. 599. 101 Busch, Geschichte der Mormonen, pp. v–vi; Jörg, Geschichte des Protestantismus, Bd. 2, p. 407; Schlagintweit, Die Mormonen, p. 148. 96

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during the nineteenth, or the twentieth century, there is a strong belief that the economic orders will be implemented at a future time. For several of the German critics of Mormonism, the economic practices of the Mormons, or, at the very least nineteenth-century Mormon communalism, does appear to be have been one of the more accepted practices of Mormonism.102 8. Theocracy In virtually all works to appear on the Mormons the establishment of a theocracy, intent on world domination is often described as being the central goal of Mormonism. Historian Eduard Meyer defined the goal of Mormonism as; “... daß der Kirche der Herrschaft, zunächst über Amerika, dann über die ganze Welt zufallen solle.”103 Numerous German authors echoed Meyer’s sentiment. The implementation of theocratic rule was not only a concern for many of the German authors of the day, but for regional, state, and federal governments as well. 9. Emigration and the Gathering The concept of the Gathering to Zion occupied a central position in many of the criticisms levelled against the Mormons. The authors often give varied reasons for its purpose, and the importance it has to the Mormon belief system. There was recognition that a millennialist gathering of the faithful to avoid the coming apocalypse was essential to Mormonism. Yet, there were also more sinister motives attached to it. The role the Gathering to Zion played in the emigration of converts was most often criticized. There was a tendency to tie the Gathering to both polygamy, and the establishment of a theocracy. It was generally held that securing females for the Mormon hierarchy was the central reason for bringing converts to Utah, and not as a safe harbour from a coming apocalypse.104 Additionally it was argued that converts were needed to aid in the establishment of a theocracy. It was believed that through growth in the Mormon population the theocracy could be realized.105 Yet not all authors saw Mormonism in that light. The Catholic author Joseph Edmund Jörg saw Mormonism as part of flawed Protestantism. For him many parallels could be drawn between Mormonism and other religious movements that had sprouted on the European continent in the past centuries. In particular, refer-

102 Busch, Geschichte der Mormonen, p. 50. 103 Meyer, Ursprung und Geschichte der Mormonen, p. 188. Zimmer, Unter den Mormonen, p. 126. 104 Jörg, Geschichte des Protestantismus, Bd. 2, p. 598. 105 See Zimmer, Unter den Mormonen, pp. 108–110.

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ence was made to German sects in Württemberg who had similar tendencies as the Mormons. It appears that Württemberg, much like England, had fallen under a millennialist strain. The emergence of prophetic figures and a calling of the faithful to a New Jerusalem was a dominant theme in both Württemberg and England.106 The establishment of the millennial city of New Jerusalem is not a new concept. Over time, it has been a central theme of many religious leaders. Often what differs in the interpretation, depending on the time and place in history, is the geographical local to which this heavenly city will descend. Georg Rapp had led his followers into the American wilderness to await the Second Advent. Madame Hannah Williers Boyd was able to show that all references to the New Jerusalem actually pointed to New Holland. She had called all to gather to Australia and had designated a specific place. Further, she intimated that all prophesies yet to be fulfilled would be fulfilled in Australia. The Berliner Protestantische Kirchen Zeitung of October 11, 1856 mentions that Hannah Boyd provided a rivalry to the Mormons in Australia because of having a similar message.107 Very early in their history the Mormons had designated Independence, Missouri as the site for their New Jerusalem. For nearly a century, there was a preoccupation with building a physical Zion on the North American continent. Although subdued in their attempts to build Zion and the Mormons are no longer called to gather to a specific location, Zion, the New Jerusalem, will still be built in Missouri. 10.

Mysteries of the Temple

The mysteries surrounding Mormon temple rituals have intrigued the popular consciousness almost since the day they were introduced. The rituals were originally designed to initiate select individuals into an eternal order bound by oaths of loyalty. Through the rituals, the mysteries of creation would be conveyed to the individuals. Early accounts of the Mormon temple rituals are based on the recollections of disaffected members. Descriptions surrounding the purpose and nature of the temple rituals are the one area in which we see the German authors engaged in speculation. While accounts of the rituals performed in the temple have been in the public domain since the mid 1840s, the secrecy surrounding the rituals, and the lack of overtly detailed accounts of the rituals has often led to a “filling in the blanks” where the particular information was lacking.

106 The Harmonists of Georg Rapp are perhaps the best example of this. See Jörg, Geschichte des Protestantismus, Bd. 2, p. 598. 107 Jörg, Geschichte des Protestantismus, Bd. 2, p. 598.

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Generally, the German works do contain accurate descriptions on how the rituals; baptism for the dead, Celestial Marriage, and the Endowment Ceremony, are incorporated into the overall cosmology. Yet, these explanations often place the entire set of rituals into the realm of the bizarre. German descriptions of the happenings within the temples usually intimate that sexual deviance in one form or another is taking place within its confines. The secluded temple allows the practitioners to engage in the deviance away from prying eyes.108 In attempts to explain the temple rituals, the majority of German authors were indebted to previous English writers. Due to the closed nature of the temple, and the selective process involved in gaining access to the temple we should not be surprised by inaccuracies concerning the actual rituals themselves. 11. The American Islam During the nineteenth and into the early part of the twentieth century books making comparisons between Mormonism and Islam were available.109 In their examination of Mormonism, German writers often drew the conclusion that Mormonism was an American version of Islam. The most solid example of a comparative work of Mormonism and Islam comes from Eduard Meyer. Meyer’s Ursprung und Geschichte der Mormonen, deals extensively with the similarities between Mormonism and Islam.110 German authors saw a resemblance of Islam within Mormonism and did not hesitate to point this out. The writers draw parallels between Islam and Mormonism with particular reference to the role of their founding prophets, the origins of their canonical books, the Koran, Book of Mormon, and the Doctrine and Covenants; the similarity in their social institutions (polygamy); and the theocratic leanings of the two religious movements. For some of the German authors the parallels between the political aspirations of Mormonism and those of Islam are central to their comparison.111 The comparison is based on the difficulties the Mormons encountered with their fellow citi-

108 Zimmer, Unter den Mormonen, pp. 92, 99; Gunnison, Die Mormonen, pp. 52, 86–101. A. L. Melzer, “Die Ausbreitung der Mormonen in Nord Amerika,” Neueste Mittheilungen, Dr. Klee (Hrsg.), Berlin, 1884, January 22, pp. 2–3, January 24, pp. 3–4, January 26, p. 2. 109 There were a couple of titles that did appear in English. There does seem to have been more readily available material in German covering the topic. See Charles Mackay, The Mormons, or Latter-day Saints, with memoirs of the Life and Death of Joseph Smith, the “American Mahomet.” Illustrated with Forty Engravings, Office of the National Illustrated Library, London, 1852; and Bruce Kinney, Mormonism; the Islam of America, Fleming H. Revell, New York, Chicago, 1912. 110 Meyer, Ursprung und Geschichte der Mormonen, pp. 50–51, 59, 147; Olshausen, Geschichte der Mormonen, pp. 6, 8. Zimmer, Unter den Mormonen, p. 101. 111 Olshausen, Geschichte der Mormonen, pp. 6, 8; Meyer, Ursprung und Geschichte der Mormonen, pp. 50–51, 59, 147.

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zens and the various local, state, and federal governments. Most authors saw within Mormonism a radical, political entity that had, and will resort to violence to establish its goals if left unchecked.112 By depicting Mormonism as a political entity, rather than a strictly religious entity, it would force political authorities to be mindful of Mormon expansion. The outcome of the tactic seemed successful as state and federal governments took Mormon expansion seriously until the early decades of the twentieth century. German authors presented Mormonism as an all-encompassing alternate society. Although at times there were minor inaccuracies in their presentation, the German authors had a solid understanding of Mormonism. While there were hints of sensationalism that did creep in, overall their work appears to be sober, accurate, and scholarly given the time. Information was gathered from first hand observation as well as secondary written accounts. Both English and German sources were used in their attempts to explain Mormonism. What we are able to see from the early literature that is available to us is that an accurate picture of Mormonism was readily available to the Germans. It is not until the twentieth century that American style evangelical sensationalism comes to dominate the literary field in Germany. This change in focus and tone, perhaps, had to do with the changes in Mormonism towards the end of the nineteenth century. Many of the concepts that had sparked early criticisms of Mormonism were de-emphasized, or removed from the corpus of belief altogether. The early religious fanaticism, the Gathering to Zion, plural marriage, and a yearning for a theocratic state would all be laid to rest by the third decade of the twentieth century. After nearly a century of difficulty Mormonism had become part of the mainstream and it had gained acceptance in its birthplace, the United States. Mormonism would also attempt to alter its previous image and to present a more acceptable face in the countries were it proselyted. In Germany, the end of the Kaiserreich signalled the beginning of significant changes for German society, and to the religious landscape to a degree.113 A new, democratic form of government, and a new liberal constitution, had created brought a liberal policy towards the religious sects that had been part of German religious life for much of the past

112 Jörg, Geschichte des Protestantismus, Bd. 2, p. 412–416; Olshausen, Geschichte der Mormonen, p. 5; Zimmer, Unter den Mormonen, pp. 126–127. 113 With the establishmen tof the Weimar Republic an effort was made to separate church from state has had been done in many liberal democracies. This was never accomplished as there was considerable backlash from the Christian confessions. For discussion on this within the legislature see GStA PK, I. HA Rep. 169 Landtag, D Xc J Nr. 10, Nichtchristliche Religionsbekenntnisse, 1927–1932; GStA PK, I. HA Rep. 90 A Nr. 4424, Freireligiöse Gemeinden als öffentlich-rechtliche Körperschaften, 1923; GStA PK, VI. Familienarchive und Nachlässe, Nl. C. H. Becker, Nr. 7169, Parlamentarische Behandlung im Preußischen Landtag über die Ausführung von Art. 137 Abs. 5 Satz 2 u. 3 der Reichsverfassung (Verleihung der Rechte einer Körperschaft des öffentlichen Rechts an Sekten und Weltanschauungsgemeinschaften), 1925.

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100 years. It was hoped that radical changes could be implimented finally separating church from state. Yet, as in the end religious forces triumphed and once again a compromise was reached with the state. Full religious liberty would have wait a little longer.114 Yet, even with political changes Germany would not become a place where a free market in religious ideas could be bought and sold. While not as closely tied to the state as in previous centuries, the established churches continued to have an important role within the state apparatus.

114 In a meeting with East German leader Erich Honecker in 1988, East German Mormon leaders claimed they were persecuted under the Weimar and National Socialist governments but had never been under the SED. This seems to be an attempt to play on the SED as being morally superior to the previous governments as no evidence exists that the Mormons were persecuted under the previous regimes. The document was prepared for Stasi chief Erich Mielke. Mielke offers commentary that the Mormons are not recognized by either the Catholic or Protestant churches who both played a role in the Mormon persecution during the earlier periods. Mielke also seems convinced that the state churches influenced the Bundeskanzler thereby having a significant impact on policy. See “Information über aktuelle Meinungsäußerungen von Mitgliedern der Kirche Jesu Christi der Heiligen der Letzten Tage (Mormonen) in der DDR,” Ministerium für Staatssicherheit, Nr. 491/88, November 9, 1988, Berlin,” BStU, ZAIG 3699, pp. 12–14. Zentrale Auswertungs und Informationsgruppe, (ZAIG), was the central correlation department of the MfS. Its goal was to collect and analyze information and provide detailed documentation for state and party officials. For explanation of MfS abbreviations see Siegfried Suckut, Ehrhart Neubert, Walter Süss, Roger Engelmann, Bernd Eisenfeld, und Jens Gieseke (Hrsgg.), Anatomie der Staatssicherheit Geschichte, Struktur und Methoden: MfS Handbuch V, Die Bundesbeauftragte für die Unterlagen des Staatssicherheitsdienstes der ehemaligen Deutschen Demokratischen Republik: Abteilung Bildung und Forschung, Berlin, 2004, pp. 488–489.

VIII. THE STATE TAKES ACTION 1853–1990 The Mormon expansion into the German states was met with caution. That Mormonism was seen as an alternative social order rather than simply a religious organization did not aid their cause. Nineteenth-century Mormonism had made only minor distinctions between the political, economic, and social spheres. In hopes of constructing a millennial kingdom on Earth, the secular and the sacred were of necessity intertwined. This combination would ultimately prove problematic. One needed only to view the tensions that existed between the Mormons and the varying state and federal governments in the United States to see the caution with which Mormonism was received. Seeing the difficulties that Mormonism had presented for the American state and federal governments, allowing Mormonism to grow unfettered was not an acceptable option in the eyes of the German political leaders. While no strict separation between the established German churches and the state existed, it was not the Mormons’ attacks on the Christian churches that drew the state’s attention. Rather, it was the Mormons’ peculiar social and political beliefs that brought the attention of the state. Social practices such as communalism, and plural marriage, as well as the Mormons consistent attempts to build a theocracy, were core concepts that successive German governments found less than appealing. In examining German attitudes towards foreign religious bodies, we do see that there are differences in the way in which each group was dealt with. There does appear to have been a degree of tolerance towards religious sects as long as the sects remained within their spheres of proscribed influence; religious affairs. The state’s attitude towards the other Mormons, the Reorganized Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints (RLDS), provides a prime example of this tolerance. While the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints and the RLDS had common beliefs, the RLDS encountered fewer problems proselyting in Germany than the Utah Mormons did. The RLDS’s rejection of the kingdom theology, the social and political beliefs of nineteenth-century LDS Mormonism, appears to have played a role in reducing the tension between the RLDS and the state. Concepts that defined Utah Mormonism in the nineteenth century, plural marriage, the Gathering, theocratic rule, were completely absent from the RLDS beliefs. Once the differences between the two Mormon groups had become clear to German officials very few encounters occurred between state officials and the RLDS. Yet, the Utah Mormons continued to be observed and curbed when war-

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ranted until the 1920s.1 The treatment of the RLDS is comparable to the treatment received by other sects that proselyted in the German states. In general, religious freedom was afforded to the non-traditional churches in Germany until they over stepped the parameters established by the state. Unfortunately for the LDS the entirety of their message attacked the space that the state had carved for itself. The Mormon message struck at several pillars of civil society. Mormonism called not only for a religious conversion, but also for a political conversion. The real danger within the Mormons’ message was their call for a political conversion. As we have seen, information on the Mormons was readily available. Yet, there were additional sources from which the German governments drew their information. The first mention of the Mormons in official government documents comes from the Prussian ambassador in Washington in 1852.2 Officially the Mormons expansion into Germany had begun in the fall of 1850. Having minor success in northern Germany the Mormons had set their sights on the Prussian provinces. Within days of their arrival in 1853, the Mormon missionaries were banished from Prussia. Although Prussian state officials issued the decree, a ban on the Mormons’ proselyting activity seems to have been selectively enforced by the majority of German states until the early decades of the twentieth century. It is difficult to determine if the German states were enforcing the Prussian ban, or if

1

2

See letters of Frederick Smith to the American Secretary of State over the expulsion of the RLDS from Germany. “Letter IIIb 3569, March 22, 1912;” and letter dated February 27, 1912; BArch., Auswärtiges Amt, Abt. III, R901/735455, NR11A, Bd. 6, April 1912. Frederick M. Smith, President of the RLDS, comments that his missionaries had been expelled from Germany in 1910 as a direct result of an erroneous connection that that they were LDS missionaries. The letter is dated May 27, 1852 and includes copies of several newspaper articles relating to the Mormons political aspirations. The letter includes several articles on the Mormons from the New York Herald, and the German language publication Janus. Janus was a political journal published in New York. The article from Janus sent to Berlin was titled “Eine neue Gefähr fur die Union,” Janus, Bd. 1, Nr. 5, February 4, 1852. See “Letter Prussian Ambassador, Washington, May 27, 1952,” BArch., Auswärtiges Amt, Abt. III, R901/735454/1, March 1853–1902. A second dispatch was sent from Washington dated February 19, 1853. The ambassador in Washington forwarded an additional letter in February of 1853. Additional letters informing the Imperial Government were written from the German embassy in Washington; and from the Consuls in Manchester, England, San Francisco, and Denver in the twentieth century. See “Königliche Ministerium der Auswärtigen Angelegenheit, I AIII R 6546, July 21, 1911,” GStA PK, I. HA Rep. 76 Kultusministerium, III Sekt. 1 Abt. XIII a Nr. 28 Beiheft Bd. I–IV Sekte der Mormonen, 1853–1917, Bd. 3, June 28, 1909–April 10, 1912, p. 264. See letters from Kaiserlich Deutschen Konsulat, Denver, Consul Plehen dated March 14, 1911 and April 29, 1911, GStA PK, I. HA Rep. 76 Kultusministerium, Bd. 3, pp. 190–191, 204–209. See also an earlier letter from the German ambassador in Washington in which he informs the foreign office about the Smoot hearings. “Kaiserlich Deutschen Botschaft, IIIb, Washington, March 19, 1904,” GStA PK, I. HA Rep. 76 Kultusministerium, III Sekt. 1 Abt. XIII a Nr. 28 Beiheft Bd. I–IV Sekte der Mormonen, 1853–1917, Bd. 2, February 1903–July 1908, p. 137.

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they were invoking other legislation to curb Mormon activity. I contend that it was other existing laws rather than a Reich wide prohibtion based on the Prussian ban of 1853. No law specifically targeting the Mormons, or specifically prohibiting Mormon proselyting in the Kaiserreich or its predecessor federations existed. It needs to be stressed that state action was usually only taken against foreign missionaries, and not against native missionaries or the general membership. There is little evidence to indicate that any of the membership faced state action based solely on their affiliation with the Mormons. In the instances when the membership was threatened with criminal prosecution it was for assembling as an identifiable religious group, contrary to the law, and then only after second and third offences.3 What appears to be the more common way police dealt with Mormon gatherings is seen in an example from Berlin. At a Mormon meeting held in Berlin, attended by the police, the women present were allowed to leave while the men were retained and questioned. In this instance, the German citizens were released while all foreigners were allowed to return to their residences and await expulsion orders.4 British sources from the early twentieth century shed additional light on the German‘s dealings with the Mormons. Because of an extensive lobbying program by the International Reform Bureau and the negative responses from the public towards Mormonism, the British Parliament looked at the possibility of halting all Mormon proselyting in Great Britain. Having heard of the Mormons expulsions from German soil, inquiries were made as to what laws were enacted by the German Government to halt the advance of the Mormons.5

3

4

5

In late April, and early May 1911, a Mormon meeting was interrupted the Police in Nürnberg. The members were threatened with fines, and one week of incarceration if they did not cease meeting without authorization. The judge in the case cited the Bavarian constitution, paragraphs 3 and 4, among other sections as the reason for halting the Mormon meetings. Relevant sections are found in “II Beilage zur Verfassungsurkunde vom 26. Mai 1818, Edict über die äußern Rechtsverhältnisse der Einwohner des Königreichs Bayern, in Beziehung auf Religion und kirchliche Gesellschaften,” Die Verfassungsurkunde des Königreiches Bayern: und die Verfassungsedicte in ihrem gegenwärtigen Bestand: Wortgetreur Abdruck des noch geltenden ursprünglichen Textes mit Einschaltung der späteren Zusätze und Aenderungen, 3 Aufl., Karl Brater, (Hrsg.) C. H. Beck, Nordlingen, 1868, pp. 47–63. For the Mormons in Nürnberg see “Stadtmagistrat Nürnberg, Abschrift Ib Nr. 1428, Nürnberg, May 19, 1911,” GStA PK, I. HA Rep. 76 Kultusministerium, Bd. 3, pp. 270–272; “Letter of Bernhard Hofmann, An die Kaiserlich Deutsche Gesandschaft,” Washington, Nürnberg, July 31, 1911 Abschrift Ib Nr. 1428, GStA PK, I. HA Rep. 76 Kultusministerium, Bd. 3, p. 268. “Twenty-One Missionaries Found in Germany Ordered to Leave,” The New York Times, July 23, 1908. There is a statement from the 1890s that while foreign participants in Mormon meetings would be expelled, native participants would be fined. See Journal of Discourses: By Brigham Young, His Two Counselors, the Twelve Apostles, and Others, 26 vols, Latter Day Saints Book Depot, Liverpool, 1854–1886, vol. 25, p. 205. See “Mormon Missionaries,” House of Commons Debates, May 8, 1911, vol. 25, Columns 857–858.

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It was understood by the English that Germany had expelled the Mormons on moral grounds.6 British Home Secretary Winston Churchill reported to Parliament that no special German laws existed concerning the Mormons but that the Police had it within their power to expel any, “foreign members of the sect who may render themselves obnoxious in any way.” The questions surrounding what actions could be taken against the Mormons were brought up in the British House of Commons in April of 1911. This came after strong public reaction to Mormon proselyting activity in the city of Chesterfield. Churchill responded, that unlike Germany, little could be done in Great Britain in order to halt Mormon proselyting until the Mormons contravened British Law.7 Historically the various German states government’s dealings with the Mormons were inconsistent. There appears to have been a selective enforcement of existing laws in order to combat Mormon proselyting in the German states. This is seen especially in Prussia. Between periods where missionaries often faced expulsion from German territory there existed periods of tolerance when public proselyting was allowed. No consistent enforcement of any existing laws were applied towards the Mormons. While we do have instances of arrests, and of the imprisonment of foreign Mormon missionaries, there appears to be an uncertainty on how to deal with native German missionaries.8 It seems reasonable then to deduce that the existing laws were not specific to Mormonism and were enacted to curb foreign missionaries from proselyting, as native missionaries appear to have been exempted from doing the same. In Württemberg no sanctions against public pros-

6 7

8

The British Parliament made reference to the expulsion of missionaries in 1905. “Mormon Missionaries,” House of Commons Debates, April 19, 1911, vol. 24, columns 879–880. “Mormon Missionaries (Chesterfield),” House of Commons Debates, April 20, 1911, vol. 24, columns 1044–1045. The debate centered on whether the Mormons could be included in the Aliens Act. Moses Zundel and William Leonard were imprisoned in Harburg. “Königliches Ministerium der Auswärtigen Angelegenheiten, IIIb 12088, Berlin, Sept 20, 1902,” GStA PK, I. HA Rep. 76 Kultusministerium, III Sekt. 1 Abt. XIII a Nr. 28 Beiheft Bd. I–IV Sekte der Mormonen, 1853–1917, Bd. 1, April 1853–January 1903, p. 146. Leonard and Zundel were arrested in Bielefeld. They had been expelled from there earlier and were arrested when trying to register with police. “Abschrift IIIb 12088, Embassy of the United States, Berlin, September 19, 1902, Note verbale FO No. 1236,” GStA PK, I. HA Rep. 76 Kultusministerium, Bd. 1, p. 147. There were also questions surrounding what action should, or could be taken with the native German missionary Henrichsen who was proselyting in Pillau. “Der Königliche Regierungspräsident, Nr. 7936 P IIIb, Königsberg, August 26, 1902,” GStA PK, I. HA Rep. 76 Kultusministerium, Bd. 1, p. 134. See also Der Stern der Heiligen der Letzten Tage: Eine Monatsschrift zur Verbreitung der Wahrheit, 125 Bde., Kirche Jesu Christi der Heiligen der Letzten Tage, Bern, Zürich, Hamburg, Dresden, Berlin und Frankfurt, 1869–1999, Bd. 62, Nr. 9, May 1, 1930, pp. 140–141; Bd. 62, Nr. 5, March 1, 1930, p. 77; Bd. 62, Nr. 1, January 1, 1930, p. 13.

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elyting were enforced, while in Prussia, Baden, Saxony, and Bavaria public proselyting was curbed.9 Bavaria exhibited the most comprehensive laws regarding religious matters devoting over 100 Paragraphs within its constitution to religious matters.10 It is not unreasonable to suspect then that among the large German states Bavaria also enforced the strictest sanctions against the Mormons. The Mormons did have congregations in Nürnberg and München, but according to Bavarian law they were prohibited from conducting any public meetings. Mormon sources intimate that any gathering consisting of more than seven individuals was considered a public meeting.11 Yet when state authorities visited the München congregation in the late 1890s their major concern was uncovering the presence of foreign missionaries, or socialist agitators rather than breaking up any unauthorized Mormon meeting.12 A question does arise. Why would drastic measures need to be taken against such a small obscure sect such as the Mormons? The reasons may not be easy to identify at first. However, upon closer examination a theme does emerge. German authorities reacted to what they saw as the Mormons disregard for established law. The Mormons continual violation of laws in the United States, and their nondisclosure about the continued practice of polygamy proved beyond any doubt the general untrustworthiness of the Mormons. As well, it did not help the Mormon cause internationally to have American diplomatic officials supporting any foreign government’s attempts to curb Mormon missionary activity in their countries.13 The last thing the American federal government wanted was additional Mormon converts coming to their shores. As a result, American diplomats abroad made a conscious effort to prevent the emigration of Mormon converts to the United States.14 The American consuls abroad had long complained that every flotsam was coming to America.15 There were also 9

10 11

12 13

14 15

Journal of Discourses, vol. 25, pp. 204–205. Thomas G. Alexander, Mormonism in Transition: A History of the Latter-day Saints, 1890–1930, University of Illinois Press, Urbana, 1986, p. 226. Die Verfassungsurkunde des Königreiches Bayern, pp. 47–63. Journal of Discourses, vol. 25, p. 205. The Bavarian constitution was explicit that a private gathering was not to become a public gathering so participation was limited. See paragraphs, 3, 4, 32–34, Die Verfassungsurkunde des Königreiches Bayern, pp. 47, 51. Der Stern, Bd. 62, Nr. 9, May 1, 1930, p. 140; Bd. 62, Nr. 3, February 1, 1930, p. 46. See correspondence from American diplomats to Bavarian government, GStA PK, I. HA Rep. 81 München-Gesandtschaft München nach 1807, Nr. 2025, Dank der USA Regierung an Bayern für die Ausweisung von mormonischen Agitatoren. Mormonen in der Schweiz, 1884– 1886. “Legation of United States, F. O. 10–II 38929, Berlin October 24, 1884,” BArch., Auswärtiges Amt, Abt. III, Bd. 6. Paul Buhle, Marxism in the United States: Remapping the History of the American Left, Verso, London, 1991, p. 45; Carl Wittke, Refugees of Revolution: The German FortyEighters in America, University of Pennsylvania Press, Philadelphia, 1952, p. 45.

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complaints that Württemberg in particular was using America as a dumping ground for her criminals.16 The hard line towards the Mormons, both at home and abroad, began in earnest following the outcome of the Supreme Court decision of Reynolds vs. United States in 1879. With a victory for the Federal Government in the establishment clause test case, William M. Evarts, Secretary of State in the Rutherford B. Hayes administration, issued a diplomatic circular specifically targeting Mormon emigration from Europe. The American foreign office enlisted the help of foreign governments to prevent the expansion of Mormonism in their countries. Evarts classified Mormonism as a criminal organization and felt that no friendly power would aid in the furtherance of their criminal activity by allowing them to proselyte on their soil.17 As conversion and emigration were so closely tied, Evart’s efforts lay in preventing Mormon converts from eventually arriving on American shores. Although no federal law existed until the United States Congress adopted an immigration law banning anyone who practised polygamy in 1891, several states already had laws targeting immigration in place as early as the 1850s.18 The Mormons continual deceptive actions did not further their cause, either at home or abroad. Rather, it imposed restrictions on them as they were seen as subversive by their own government and foreign governments as well. The willingness of the Mormons to contravene existing laws in Germany is described in a Millennial Star editorial from 1875. The Mormons stated that, “they would no longer stop to ask permission...to preach...but they would just do it.” The missionaries did not see themselves as breaking any laws, as they believed they had a God given legal right to preach their message, in spite of the earthly authorities rulings to the contrary.19 It would be several decades before the Mormons’ own national government took action to enhance the Mormons’ image abroad. Coinciding with the Mormons movement towards mainstream society after 1890, the Federal Government would ask that foreign governments treat the Mormons as they would any other United States citizen as long as they were not breaking any laws.20

16 17 18

19 20

Wittke, Refugees of Revolution, p. 46. For discussion see William Mulder, “Immigration and the “Mormon Question: An International Episode,” The Western Political Quarterly, vol. 9, no. 2, June 1956, pp. 416–433. Most of the immigration laws were passed in order to prevent the influx of undesirables. It was claimed that European nations were sending the aged, infirm, criminal, and insane to the United States. It was feared that the United States was becoming a dumping ground for the European outcasts. See New Yorker Staatszeitung, Sept. 17, 1859; “The Evils of Immigration,” The New York Times, April 23, 1880. The Latter-day Saints Millennial Star, 132 vols, The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, Manchester, Liverpool, London, 1840–1970, vol. 37, no. 25, June 21, 1875, p. 394. “Königliches Ministerium der Auswärtigen Angelegenheiten, IIIb 3271, Berlin, March 18 1911,” GStA PK, I. HA Rep. 76 Kultusministerium, Bd. 3, p. 163.

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While the Mormon missionaries proselyting in Germany during the twentieth century may have had the support of the American diplomatic offices, they were still not given full religious liberties throughout Germany until 1953 when they gained state recognition in the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG). There had been some movement towards giving all religious movements in Germany public corporate status, similar to a North American view of church-state separation, under proposed reforms to be introduced within the religion articles of the Weimar Constitution.21 However a more conservative approach was retained under the constitution with the established churches retaining a privileged position within society. Until the Mormons gained recognition as a corporation under public law, in essence they were dependent on the whims of local police and any foreign Mormon missionary could face arrest at any time, as there would certainly be a law that they were seen as breaking.22 A. THE PRUSSIAN DECREE OF 1853 Prior to their arrival in Germany, both state and religious leaders had become aware of the Mormons. German officials believed they had a complete picture of the Mormons and saw no reason to take the Mormons at their word. Mormonism had been judged in light of its history and its relationship to the state and with the other churches within the United States. German state and church officials had difficulty in understanding why the Mormons had chosen to proselyte on their soil. Neither state nor church officials saw the need for the Mormons to proselyte in a Christian state. In a country that been wracked by religious wars, and which had seen its share of home grown fanaticism, they did not see the Mormons as having anything beneficial to offer the German population. It was simply a case that the Mormons presented more negatives than positives for German society. It was for that reason that the Mormons were expelled almost immediately upon their arrival in Prussia. The first official ban on Mormon activity in the German states was issued on April 26, 1853. The Prussian Department of the Interior decree intimated that Mormon missionaries were to be kept under surveillance, expelled immediately,

21

22

GStA PK, I. HA Rep. 90 A Nr. 4424, Freireligiöse Gemeinden als öffentlich-rechtliche Körperschaften, 1923; GStA PK, VI. Familienarchive und Nachlässe, Nl. C. H. Becker, Nr. 7169, Parlamentarische Behandlung im Preußischen Landtag über die Ausführung von Art. 137 Abs. 5 Satz 2 u. 3 der Reichsverfassung (Verleihung der Rechte einer Körperschaft des öffentlichen Rechts an Sekten und Weltanschauungsgemeinschaften), 1925. “Vernehmung eines Beschuldigten, Köln, February 13, 1911,” GStA PK, I. HA Rep. 76 Kultusministerium, Bd. 3, p. 174; “Aufenthalts Anzeige, Frankfurt, March 25, 1911,” GStA PK, I. HA Rep. 76 Kultusministerium, Bd. 3, p. 180; “Aufenthalts Anzeige, J Nr. 2553, Frankfurt, July 7, 1910,” GStA PK, I. HA Rep. 76 Kultusministerium, Bd. 3, p. 182.

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or brought before the court if legal grounds could be found.23 The ban on Mormon missionary activity was nation wide as the circular was sent to all of the Prussian provinces. A second ban, Runderlaß, on Mormon missionary activity would be issued in April of 1902. It addressed the sanctions, and penalties, as well as the grounds for prohibition of Mormon proselyting as set forth in the ban of 1853. There were three main reasons cited in the Erlaß for the actions taken against the Mormons. The missionaries advocated emigration, the Mormons taught concepts foreign to the legal order of marriage, and that they held to alternative social constructs.24 The Prussian Government seems to have closely tied the three accusations together. One can also not help but notice that the decree was based on social and moral issues, and not specifically religious issues. There were general fears that the Mormons proselyted primarily among young females, enticing them to emigrate, in order to participate in plural marriage.25 The fear is not totally unfounded as we do have evidence to support the conversion of single females. Several of the converted females did become the plural wives of returning missionaries.26 Yet, the strict attitude towards the emigration of single German females seems relegated to particular German states. In Hesse-Kassel, immigration agents were allowed to recruit women for entertainment purposes in the mining towns of the American west. The city of San Francisco hoped to put an end to this practice and not the government of Hesse-Kassel.27 Generally emigration from the German states was seen as a social release valve to be turned on and off as necessary by the state governments.28 Additional reasons for prohibiting Mormon missionary activity are also cited. These reasons usually centre on transgressions against minor public civility laws, or the ordnungsgesetze. The accusations included holding public meetings as an unapproved religious body, baptizing persons prior to their official withdrawal 23

24

25

26 27 28

See “Königliche Regierung an Königliche Polizei Präsidium 3381 A1,” GStA PK, I. HA Rep. 76 Kultusministerium, Bd. 1, p. 14. The German terms, Erlaß and Runderlaß were used in 1853, and 1902 with regards to the legality of Mormon missionaries proselyting in the kingdom of Prussia. There is a distinction between the two legal terms. The first, Erlaß, is comparative to an “Executive Order,” which brings new legislation into force by decree. A Runderlaß is used within a government ministry to clarify, or aid in the interpretation of an existing law. The Runderlaß of April 30, 1902 was sent to all of the Prussian provinces with specific intsructions on how to interpret the Erlaß of 1853. Jorg Dittberner, “One Hundred Eighteen Years of Attitude: The History of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints in the Free and Hanseatic City of Bremen,” Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought, vol. 36, no. 1, 2003, p. 56. “Polizeipräsident Hannover JNR IR 2457, June 30, 1904,” GStA PK, I. HA Rep. 76 Kultusministerium, Bd. 2, February 1903–July 1908, p. 221; Dittberner, “One Hundred Eighteen Years of Attitude,” p. 56. Some of these women were Prissela Marsteller, Anna Mieth, and Louisa Ahrens. Wittke, Refugees of Revolution, p. 46. Buhle, Marxism in the United States, p. 20.

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from their former church, failure to register with the police, and registering with the police under false pretences.29 These arguments formed the basis for police actions against the Mormons from 1853 onward. While Prussia was the only major German state to formerly issue expulsion orders against the Mormons, in 1853 and again in 1902, it appears that the Mormons faced the same results within other areas as well. Expulsion orders were also issued against the Mormons in Hamburg, and Nürnberg. When the Mormons were expelled from Saxony in the early twentieth century they appealed to Saxon officials.30 The Mormons argued that no expulsion order existed in Saxony and that any expulsion order was valid only for the Prussian provinces.31 Technically the Mormons were correct. The Mormons’ felt that they were not breaking any laws but were being treated unfairly. Yet, the reality of the situation in the German states was different. There really was no need to invoke specific bans against the Mormons within each German state, as each state would already have had existing regulations in effect towards religious bodies. As recognition of religious bodies came under each individual states jurisdiction, each state’s constitution outlined the parameters for religious bodies in their lands. A document from the early twentieth century outlines the extent of federal jurisdiction in religious affairs within the member states of the Kaiserreich. The letter from the Ministerium des Innern states that the Federal Government can do nothing to alter the Bavarian government’s treatment of the Mormons as Bavarian jurisdiction extended into the area of religious affairs, and not the federal government’s.32 The control of the religious sphere appears to have been even more localized than the state level. During the late nineteenth century the Mormons had several congregations in the Grand Duchy of Baden, in cities such as Mannheim, Karlsruhe, and Ludwigshafen. In the 1880s the city of Mannheim had decided to expel 29

30 31

32

See “Abschrift Frankfurt am Main, March 23, 1911,” GStA PK, I. HA Rep. 76 Kultusministerium, Bd. 3, p. 178. “Königliche Ministerium des Auswärtigen Angelegenheiten, IIIb 3271, Berlin, March 18, 1911,” GStA PK, I. HA Rep. 76 Kultusministerium, Bd. 3, p. 163; “Vernehmung eines Beschuldigten, Köln, February 13, 1911,” GStA PK, I. HA Rep. 76 Kultusministerium, Bd. 3, p. 174; “Aufenthalts Anzeige, Frankfurt, March 25, 1911,” GStA PK, I. HA Rep. 76 Kultusministerium, Bd. 3, p. 180; “Aufenthalts Anzeige, J Nr. 2553, Frankfurt, July 7, 1910,” GStA PK, I. HA Rep. 76 Kultusministerium, Bd. 3, p. 182; “Englands Policy in Africa: Germany Opposed to it as Well as France,” The New York Times, June 10, 1894. Latter-day Saints Millennial Star, vol. 66, no. 20, May 19, 1904, p. 315. “IIIb 5826, Leignitz, April, 28, 1912,” BArch., Auswärtiges Amt, Abt. III, R901/735455 NR11A, Bd. 6. The individual German states maintained separate civil codes between the formation of the Reich in 1871 and the acceptance of a national civil code in 1896. The Prussian civil and criminal code in effect became the ground work from which the Reichgesetzbuch and the modern Bürgerliches Gesetzbuch was based. “Königliches Ministerium der Auswärtigen Angelegenheiten an den Minister des Geistliches und Unterrichts Angelegenheiten, und den Minister des Innern, Nr. IIIb 11280, September 5, 1911, GStA PK, I. HA Rep. 76 Kultusministerium, Bd. 3, p. 266.

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the missionaries. The major reasons cited for the expulsion were once again emigration, and plural marriage. It was suggested that the Mormons could appeal to the state ministry if they were opposed to the city’s resolution.33 On technical and legal grounds, the Mormons’ claims were accurate as no federation wide legislation existed banning them throughout the Reich. Yet the state of Saxony did possess the right to expel the missionaries, as recognition of, and rights afforded to, religious groups was within the jurisdiction of the individual German states and not the federation.34 There appears to have been sanctions in place against the Mormons in Saxony since the late nineteenth century and the Mormons were aware of these.35 In each of the states in which the Mormons proselyted they failed to gain recognition within the confines of the Öffentliches Recht or the Staatskirchenrecht. Laws affecting religion’s role within German society had been in place almost a millennium before the Mormons arrived.36 Judging from sources contemporary to the arrival of the Mormons in Germany they did try to satisfy the requirements of the law and seek recognition, at least in one of the German kingdoms. Upon their arrival in Württemberg, the Mormons had applied for state recognition in order to proselyte publicly. The Mormons were given a fair assessment. According to the sources, the Mormons’ articles of belief were examined and their application for state recognition was rejected, and the missionary George Reiser was expelled from the kingdom.37 The rejection of the application meant that the Mormons were not allowed to hold public worship, or to proselyte publicly. However, in Württemberg private worship was allowed on a limited basis. Private worship for non-recognized groups was to be allowed, but limited to individuals gathering within a house as long as the individuals had officially withdrawn from the state church.38 Although lacking state recognition the Mormons

33 34

35 36

37 38

Latter-day Saints Millennial Star, vol. 42, no. 22, May 17, 1880, p. 343; Latter-day Saints Millennial Star, vol. 42, no. 35, August 30, 1880, p. 552. The Kingdom of Saxony’s constitution gave basic rights to individuals to hold to private religious belief, but curbed religious action in public for all but the then existing recognized religious confessions, and to those that “will be” recognized in the future. See paragraphs 32–33, 56–60 in Die Verfassungsurkunde des Königreichs Sachsen vom 4. September 1831 sonst und jetzt Nebst Nachrichten über Zeit u. Dauer d. Landtage u. ihre Directorien, Daniel Ludwig Haberkorn, (Hrsg.), C. C. Reinold & Söhne, Dresden, 1881, pp. 21, 26–27. Alexander, Mormonism in Transition, p. 226. For a brief overview of role of relgion within society see Alexander Hollerbach, “Staatskirchenrecht oder Religionsrecht? Begriffs und problemgeschichtliche Notizen,” Winfried Aymans and Karl Theodor Geringer (Hrsgs.), Iuri canonico promovendo: Festschrift für Heribert Schmitz zum 65 Geburtstag, Pustet, Regensburg, 1994, pp. 869–887. Latter Day Saints Millennial Star, vol. 15, no. 23, June 4, 1853, pp. 366–367. Württembergische Jahrbücher für Statistik und Landeskunde, 1868, Statistisches Landesamt, H. Lindemann, Stuttgart, 1870, pp. 296–297. Deutsche Zeitschrift für Kirchenrecht, Bd. 11, Gesellschaft für kirchenrechtswissenschaft, Göttingen, 1873, p. 450.

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do seem to have enjoyed general religious freedom, as they claimed that they encountered few difficulties in Württemberg.39 The 1871 Reichverfassung outlines the powers and jurisdictions of the member states and their relation to the federation. The Reichverfassung does guarantee that the rights proscribed by it supersedes previous federated constitutions and is held to be valid in all states of the union. It also guarantees that all citizens are to enjoy the same privileges and rights throughout the Reich. The constitution specifically mentions the rights to employment, acquisition of real estate, and to conduct business within each state. There was to be no discrimination between native citizens of the various states and Reich citizens in any matters. Yet the 1871 constitution makes no mention of religion. The division of powers left the jurisdiction in religious matters in the hands of the member states. Any action taken against the Mormons on religious grounds would have been carried out on a state, or even civic level. This would account for the inconsistency in restraining Mormon proselyting throughout the German states. The Mormons cite Nürnberg as one of the places most opposed to their efforts during the 1880s. They specifically cite a zealous magistrate who opposed them at every turn. From the sources it appears that the magistrate is merely enforcing existing state laws.40 In the twentieth century, courts in Nürnberg would again create problems for the Mormons. The magistrate would cite paragraphs of the Bavarian constitution in his reasoning for prohibiting Mormon proselyting within the city. The law used to constrain Mormon proselyting in Bavaria during the twentieth century had been in effect since 1818.41 The structure of the Reich, a federation of multiple kingdoms, principalities, dukedoms, and free cities, contributed to the inconsistency the Mormons faced in their proselyting efforts. Hamburg, Bremen, Berlin, Prussia, Bavaria, Baden, Saxony, Württemberg, all dealt with the Mormons differently. The Mormons were under a general ban in Kingdom of Prussia, yet had total freedom in the Prussian cities of Berlin, Hanover, and Breslau.42 In Hamburg the missionaries were expelled, while in Bremen they were allowed to hold public meetings.43 In Bremen full religious freedom for its citizens was in place, allowing for both private and public worship, as well as the establishment of new religious groups, while in Hamburg religious groups were

39 40 41

42 43

Journal of Discourses, vol. 25, p. 205. Der Stern, Bd. 62, Nr. 3, February 1, 1930, p. 46; Bd. 62, Nr. 1, January 1, 1930, p. 13; Journal of Discourses, vol. 25, p. 205. The incident of police action at a Mormon meeting is recorded in a letter from the magistrate. “Beschluss Nürnberg, May 19, 1911,” GStA PK, I. HA Rep. 76 Kultusministerium, Bd. 3, p. 270. Die Verfassungsurkunde des Königreiches Bayern, pp. 47–63. Alexander, Mormonism in Transition, p. 226. Der Stern, Bd. 62, Nr. 1, January 1, 1930, pp. 12–14; Bd. 62, Nr. 3, February 1, 1930, p. 46; Bd. 62, Nr. 5, March 1, 1930, p. 77; Journal of Discourses, vol. 25, p. 205.

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restrained by the Senate.44 In Baden and Bavaria the Mormons were prohibited from public proselyting while in Württemberg they appear to have had that right.45 In the state of Saxony public worship was banned, but the missionaries could apparently speak in public in both Dresden and Chemnitz as long as no singing or praying took place.46 In other words, as long as a lecture did not become a religious meeting it was allowed. It is therefore highly doubtful that any specific laws targeting Mormon proselyting were in effect outside of Prussia. The German states were merely enforcing existing laws. As a Religionsgesellschaft, a religious group, the Mormons were under the jurisdiction of constitutional law, and were granted or denied privileges based upon each state’s constitution, many which had been in place since the early nineteenth century. The religious rights afforded the citizens of the state had not really changed since the Peace of Westphalia. For individuals, and groups that lay outside of the three main confessions of Catholic, Lutheran and Reformed, conditions existed on the exercising of religion in public. Human existence was divided into spheres, private and public, or personal and group. The basic religious freedom that was extended to all citizens was that of private belief, and private worship. The words used to describe these freedoms are, Freiheit des Gewissens und der Religionsübung, or freedom of conscious, and practice. Religious beliefs passing from the private into the public sphere needed the state’s permission. The state did not infringe upon the personal sphere of belief or practice; it could not force 44

45

46

“Verfassung des Bremischen Staats vom 21 März 1849,” Gesetzblatt der Freien Hansestadt Bremen, Bd. 1849–1851, Jahrgang 1849, Schünemann, Bremen, 1850, pp. 38–57. The religious rights are outlined in Article 9, Paragraphs 17–20. Noteworthy to our discussion are the free exercise of religion, both public and private found in pargraph 18, and the ability of new groups to organize without state permission, found in paragraph 20. Hamburg had no constitution when the Mormons arrived in the 1850s but did have city ordinances in effect. The first constituion was accepted in 1860, and expanded in 1879. For Hamburg see “Verfassung Freie und Hansestadt Hamburg vom 13 Oktober 1879,” Felix Stoerk (Hrsg.), Handbuch der deutschen Verfassungen: die Verfassungsgesetze des Deutschen und seiner Bundesstaaten nach dem gegenwärtigen Gesetzesstande, Duncker & Humblot, Leipzig, 1884, pp. 609–626. Freedom of conscious in Article 5, p. 610, Article 23, religion under control of Senate, p. 613, and Article 96, establishment of new religious groups under the control of the city, p. 625. The Religionsedikt vom 15, Oktober 1806, in theory, allowed for the establishment of alternatives to the recognized confessions under Paragraph’s two and three. This however was not the intent of the Edict; it was to give Catholics the same rights as Protestants. The Württemberg Constitution gives full rights to the three Christian confessions Lutheran, Reformed, and Catholic. See “Kapitel VI, Von dem Verhältnisse der Kirchen zum Staate,” Verfassungsurkunde für das Königreich Württemberg, vom 25. September 1819, R. Gaupp, (Hrsg.) Fritz, Stuttgart, 1843, pp. 27–29. Alexander, Mormonism in Transition, p. 226–227. Paragraph 33 of the Kingdom of Saxony’s constitution recognized freedom of conscious for all citizens, but only the three major Christian confessions enjoyed full freedom of religion. Verfassungsurkunde des Königreichs Sachsen, p. 21.

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you to change your belief, or force you to belong to a church. Yet, personal belief was not allowed to exert itself into the public, the state’s sphere with out its permission. This concept is rooted in Luther’s Doctrine of the Two Kingdoms, or Zweireichelehre. The kingdoms, Reiche, were the spiritual, and the secular, with two forms of governance, or Regimente.47 Luther’s concept also became the underlying principle for the First Amendment of the Constitution of the United States.48 The separated spheres of governance was a middle point between the, Zweischwertlehre, the Two Swords doctrine of Catholicism, and full freedom of religion as evidenced in Great Britain, and the United States. The compromise had brought an end to the religious wars, and had created much needed civil harmony.49 The inconsistency in dealing with the Mormons within the German states was dependent on the authorities interpretation of the rights of citizens. While some states constitutions allowed for broad latitude in dealing with religious groups others were extremely narrow. Yet the rights extended only towards citizens and not foreigners. This is just one of the many reasons that attitudes towards the Mormons varied from state to state. Of the larger German states Catholic Bavaria abridged the religious rights of its citizens the most, and Württemberg the least. Baden, Saxony, and Prussia stood somewhere in the middle. Within the Kaiserreich the state with the most liberal constitution was Bremen. With religious rights contained within the constitutions of the member states of the Kaiserreich

47

48

49

Luther introduces the concept in 1523. See Martin Luther, “Von weltlicher Obrigkeit, wie weit man ihr Gehorsam schuldig sei,” Quellentexte theologischer Ethik: Von der Alten Kirche bis zur Gegenwart, Stefan Grotefeld, (Hrsg.) W. Kohlhammer Verlag, Stuttgart, 2006, pp. 120–126. For discussion on the Zweireichelehre, and its role in Germany see John R. Stephenson, “The Two Governments and the Two Kingdoms in Luther’s Thought,” Scottish Journal of Theology, vol. 34, no. 4, August 1981, pp. 321–337; Richard V. Pierard, “The Lutheran Two Kingdoms Doctrine and Subservience to the State in Modern Germany,” Journal of the Evangelical Theological Society, vol. 29, no. 2, June 1986, pp. 193–203. For Madison’s reference to Luther see “Madison’s Letter to F. L. Schaeffer,” Robert Alley (ed.), James Madison on Religious Liberty, Prometheus Books, Buffalo, 1985, p. 82. As well see “Madison's Letter to Jasper Adams,” pp. 86–88. The German states limited religious rights for most groups outside of the three main confessions. The Verfassungsurkunde für das Kurfürstentum Hessen 5, Januar 1831, granted full rights to its Jewish citizens. Prussia had granted full political rights to all its citizens regardless of confession in 1812, Württemberg in 1828, and Baden in 1862. Full political rights should not be confused with full religious rights. For the individual states basic religious rights see. For Prussia see Die Verfassungsurkunde für den Preussischen Staat, pp. 31–45, 69–72. For Bavaria, Die Verfassungsurkunde des Königreiches Bayern, pp. 47–63. For Saxony, Die Verfassungsurkunde des Königreichs Sachsen, pp. 21–27. For Baden “Verfassungsurkunde für das Großherzogtum Baden vom 22. August 1818,” Die landständische Verfassungsurkunde für das Großherzogthum Baden: Nebst den dazu gehörigen Actenstücken, Müllerische verlag, Karlsruhe, 1919, pp. 1–26. For Württemberg, Verfassungsurkunde für das Königreich Württemberg, pp. 27–29.

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there was no need to pass additional laws against the Mormons in order to restrain their growth. The necessary tools to deal with religious groups were already in place. The lack of a specific national ban on the Mormons, or any additional individual laws within the member states of the Kaiserreich prohibiting Mormon proselyting can also be explained from an additional juristic perspective. As Prussia dominated the Norddeutscher Bund, then the Kaiserreich, Prussian legislation may very well have been carried forward as national legislation, especially after 1871.50 As many of the prohibitions against the Mormons were based on criminal code violations they would have fallen under the purview of the Reichsstrafgesetzbuch (RStGB). The RStGB was the criminal code for the Deutsches Kaiserreich since it came into force on January 1, 1872. The RStGB was essentially the criminal code of the earlier Norddeutscher Bund, which had been taken over by the Kaiserreich upon its formation. The RStGB was itself grounded in two earlier works, the Allgemeines Landrecht für die preußischen Staaten of 1794, and the Preußisches Strafgesetzbuch of 1851. As the Mormons arrived in Germany before 1871, their violations of any laws would have been judged under the state legislation in which they occurred. The initial ban of the Mormons in 1853 was based on the violation of Paragraph 114 of the Preußisches Strafgesetzbuch, and as we shall see in the twentieth century for violations of the RStGB. The Reichsstrafgesetzbuch outlined three categories of criminal activity, Verbrechen, Vergehen und Übertretung. The penalties for the crimes were dependent upon the classification of the crime and seriousness of the offence. For Verbrechen, the death penalty or lengthy prison sentences could be administered. Prison sentences could also be given for Vorgehen and Übertretung of the law. Of the three Übertretung of a law usually amounted to a fine or short prison sentence. Within the English common law system, the first two classifications would correspond to felony and misdemeanour charges. Alternatively, in modern classifications, these would be indictable and summary offenses. The individual state constitutions, outlining the rights of citizens, remained in effect following the formation of the federation in 1871. These all contained articles on the recognition and practices of religious bodies. Regardless then if specific Reich legislation existed or not, the German states would have had the legal

50

An example of this would be the Reichsgesetz of July 3, 1869, which granted all citizens within the confederation, regardless of confession, full political rights. This act superseded all state constitutional provisions that had constrained the rights, of their, primarily Jewish, citizens. As Bavaria was not pat of the Norddeutscher Bund, in 1869, the act was accepted in Bavaria in April of 1871, and subsequently a portion of the Bavarian constitution, Paragraph 11 was repealed. See Bettina Scholze, Otto Stobbe (1831-1887): Ein Leben für die Rechtsgermanistik, Schriften zur Rechstgeschichte, Nr. 96, Duncker & Humblot, Berlin, 2002, p. 303.

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tools necessary to curb Mormon missionary activity. It appears then that laws were already in existence within the German states allowing them to curb Mormonism at their discretion. Belief in Mormonism, and the right to private worship was guaranteed to German citizens under the constitutions of the varied German states. 51 However, the right of a foreign missionary to proselyte among the Germans appears to have contravened German law and was dealt with accordingly. That the Mormon missionaries were for the most part non-native presented another set of problems. Ever weary of the movements of any foreign nationals’ among the German population, the Mormons seem to have come under the watchful eye of state authorities. There appears to have been a trans-state network created for the very purpose of sharing information pertinent to the overall security of the German states. The network seemed to give particularly attention to perceived political operatives As the German states were in constant fear of subversive activity they did share common policing goals. In the aftermath of the political revolutions of the late 1840s, several German states had initiated a consolidated effort to share information on suspected revolutionaries within their territories. The extent this sharing information took place regarding the Mormons is uncertain.52 In an attempt to monitor political subversion from outside, the states of Austria, Prussia, Saxony, Bavaria, Baden, Hanover, and Württemberg had created the Polizeiverein deutscher Staaten. The Berlin Police president, Karl Ludwig Friedrich von Hinckeldey, had been instrumental in forming the union in 1851. In addition to the general sharing of information among the member states police forces, the union also had contacts in Paris, and London, known hotbeds for German expatriate agitators. The military police units known as the Feldgendarmarie, operated internally and abroad, and were ever watchful for the external threats to the German states.53 Of special concern for the police association were expatriate Germans who were then currently residing in the United States. Among the membership, it was feared that the importation of democratic ideals from the United States could stir the embers of revolution on the continent once again.54

51 52

53 54

GStA PK, III. HA Ministerium der auswärtigen Angelegenheiten, I Nr. 10943, Bildung neuer Religionsgemeinschaften, 1845–1846, 1880. G. A. Zimmer proposes that information should be collected on the Mormons as they are “staatsfeindlich” and that this information should be shared with the churches and various state governments throughout the Kaiserreich. Gustav A. Zimmer von Ulbersdorf, Unter den Mormonen in Utah, Bertelsmann, Gütersloh, 1908, pp. 125–126. Chris Lorenz, “Beyond Good and Evil? The German Empire of 1871 and the Modern German Historiography,” Journal of Contemporary History, vol. 30, no. 4, 1995, pp. 732–733. See Mathieu Deflem, “International Policing in 19th Century Europe: The Police Union of German States, 1851–1866,” International Criminal Justice Review, vol. 6, 1996, pp. 36–57. Wolfram Siemann (Hrsg.), Der Polizeiverein deutscher Staaten: Eine Dokumentation zur Überwachung der Öffentlichkeit nach der Revolution von 1848–1849, Max Niemeyer Verlag, Tübingen, 1983.

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Upon the Mormons’ arrival in Berlin in early 1853, Orson Spencer and Jacob Houtz had requested an audience with Minister Karl von Raumer with hopes of gaining access to the monarch.55 Instead of an audience with the Hohenzollern monarch, the two Mormon missionaries appeared before Generaldirektor der Polizei in Preußen, Karl Ludwig Friedrich von Hinckeldey. Hinckeldey after a series of posts had become Geheimer Oberregierungsrat Leiter der Abteilung für Polizei im Ministerium des Innern. He had played a central role as Polizeipräsident von Berlin during the revolutions of the previous decade. The issuance of the ban of April 1853 was based on Hinckeldey’s assessment of the two Mormon missionaries.56 Between the Hinckeldey assessment in early February, and the issuing of the ban in April, there was a series of inter-ministerial communications between the Preußisches Ministerium der geistlichen, Unterrichts und Medizinalangelegenheiten (Kultusministerium) under the direction of Karl von Raumer, and Minister des Innern, Ferdinand von Westphalen.57 As religious affairs fell under the jurisdiction of von Raumer’s department it was he who had first informed Westphalen of the Mormons arrival in late January of 1853.58 Westphalen, the half-brother of Karl Marx’s wife Jenny, as Minister des Innern had developed an extensive spy network following the revolution of 1848, and was ever watchful of what could be perceived as foreign revolutionaries.59 Westphalen was perhaps the leading conservative in the cabinet of Friedrich Wilhelm whose views on civil liberty in postrevolutionary Prussia often created dissent among fellow Prussian ministers. It was his view that protection of the monarchy, and curbing of criticisms directed towards it was justifiable by any means available.60 B. THE GERMAN STATES AND THE MORMONS Arguments used to curb Mormon activity in Germany changed little over the decades. For most of the nineteenth century, and into the early twentieth century German state officials used a core set of arguments to curb Mormon missionary

55

56 57 58 59 60

Spencer wrote Brigham Young of his experiences. The account was published as Orson Spencer, The Prussian Mission of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints: Report of Elder Orson Spencer to President Brigham Young, Samuel W. Richards, Liverpool, 1853. “Bericht von Hinckeldey, I 1021, February 1, 1853,” GStA PK, I. HA Rep. 76 Kultusministerium, Bd. 1, pp. 2–3. See series of exchanges in GStA PK, I. HA Rep. 76 Kultusministerium, Bd. 1, pp. 5–13. “Von Raumer an den Minister des Innern, January 29, 1853,” GStA PK, I. HA Rep. 76 Kultusministerium, Bd. 1, p. 4. Hajo Holborn, A History of Modern Germany: 1840–1945, Princeton University Press, Princeton, 1982, p. 110. Clark, Christopher, Iron Kingdom: The Rise and Fall of Prussia, Belknap Press, Cambridge, 2006, p. 507.

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activity. While there had been changes to Mormon beliefs by the early twentieth, a fact recognized by the German governments, by 1908 the Mormons were still seen as immoral and subversive.61 It seems that Mormonism did not present itself in a favourable light to the Germans. The earliest German arguments against the Mormons were often contingent upon the Mormons’ actions and publications, not only in Germany, but in the United States as well. The continual wars with local populations, state and federal governments in the United States had branded the Mormons as undesirables in their own country.62 While some misconceptions do exist in the German understanding of the interrelationship of the concepts related to the Mormons’ millennial kingdom, the Germans did have a solid understanding of what the end result of Mormon aspirations were. Early twentieth-century commentary by G. A. Zimmer outlines this clearly. Zimmer stated, “Mormonen werden einmal alle Völker in sich vereinig des theokratisches Königreich aufrichten.”63 The earliest arguments, and subsequently the reasons given for the April 1853 Prussian ban concern themselves over the spread of Mormon ideology. The concerns touched on social issues, primarily marriage, and emigration. In German, these were expressed as, “die Ehen und einigen andere soziale Gegenstücke, and Geschäft machen, diesseitige Unterthanen zur Auswanderung zu verleiten.” It was felt that the Mormons alternate social arrangements, polygamy, and communalism, and their promotion of emigration were detrimental to German society. While Mormon social institutions were a problem for the German authorities, emigration was seen as the bulwark by which Mormon missionary activity could be curbed. Prussian Interior Minister Ferdinand von Westphalen cites that Paragraph 114 of the RStGB could be applied to the Mormon missionaries in order to curb their activity. The law addresses attempts to promote immigration among Prussian citizens. The law seems to target agents who recruit Prussian workers for factories in foreign lands.64

61

62

63 64

See “Twenty-One Missionaries Found in Germany Ordered to Leave,” The New York Times, July 23, 1908. As well “Königliche Ministerium der Auswärtigen Angelegenheit, IIIb 21981, January 16, 1909,” GStA PK, I. HA Rep. 76 Kultusministerium, Bd. 3, pp. 12–13. See Stephen C. LeSueur, The 1838 Mormon War in Missouri, University of Missouri Press, Columbia, 1987, and David L. Bigler, Forgotten Kingdom: The Mormon Theocracy in the American West, 1847–1896, Utah State University Press, Logan, 1998. The Utah War was the largest U.S. military expedition between the War of Independence and the Civil War. The excursion sought to establish Federal U.S. authority in the territory of Utah. Zimmer, Unter den Mormonen, p. 126. Paragraph 114 reads: “Gewerbsmäßige Verleitung zur Auswanderung Wer es sich zum Geschäft macht, Preußische Unterthanen zur Auswanderung zu verleiten, soll mit Gefängiß von Einem Monate bis zu zwei Jahren bestraft werden. Eine gleiche Strafe tritt gegen denjenigen ein, welcher es sich zum Geschäft macht, Vorsteher, Gehülfen oder Arbeiter inländischer Fabriken dazu zu verleiten, daß sie vor Ablauf der Kontraktzeit den Dienst ihres Fabrikherrn verlassen und in den Dienst ausländischer Fabrikherren übergehen.” Strafgesetzbuch für die

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Laws governing emigration from German states had been in place dating back to the seventeenth century. An emigration law, the Auswandererschutzgesetz that was passed in 1975, still exists in Germany.65 The current law replaced two laws, the first from 1898, and the Mißstände Verordnung of 1924. I do not intend to convey the idea that emigration was illegal. Except in certain circumstances, such as the avoidance of military duty, emigration was legal. It was the promotion, or commercialization of emigration by agents that contravened Prussian law. Emigration from the German states had emerged as a business with direct competition for settlers from various states in North America. Wisconsin, Minnesota, Texas, Virginia, California, and Missouri were all active in recruiting settlers. Immigration agents would scour the villages and towns promising a better life in North America. Steamship and land companies, railroads, and harbours such as Bremen, Hamburg, New Orleans, and Baltimore all had economic interests in the immigration trade. On both sides of the Atlantic immigration had become commercialized. Ships laden with cotton and tobacco from North America would return laden with immigrants.66 Immigration had become an industry. German agents faced stiff competition from Dutch and English agents who also sought to capitalize on the immigration trade. Several governments enacted legislation, prohibiting, or at the very least, limiting foreign immigration agents from recruiting among their populations.67 Yet, thousands of emigrants still left Germany in the years following the revolutions of the 1840s. Fearing a drain of skilled workers, and that many immigrants were being taken advantage of, emigration became a major concern for many governments. Historically German state and national governments saw emigration as a matter of public policy. The legislatures of both the Norddeutschen Bund and the Reichstag attempted to pass laws to control emigration.68 The Reichstag estab-

65 66 67

68

Presußischen Staaten, 3 Auflage, Albert Raud & Co., Berlin, 1859. The Strafgesetzbuch für die Presußischen Staaten became the basis for the Bürgerliches Gesetzbuch passed in 1896. See “Auswandererschutzgesetz,” March 26, 1975, BGBl. I p. 774, addenda, October 31, 2006, BGBl. I p. 2407. Wittke, Refugees of Revolution, pp. 52–54. See “Petition, betreffend die reichsgesetzliche Regelung des Gewerbebetriebes der Auswanderungs Unternehmer und Auswanderungs Agenten,” Pet. B, 32, Stenographische Berichte über die Verhandlungen des Reichstages, Bde. 22–460, Norddeutschen Allgemeinen Zeitung, Berlin, 1871–1939, Bd. 30, Deutscher Reichstag 1, Legislaturperiode 3, Session 1872, anlagen 1–200, p. 164. “Sitz. 17 v. 6.5.1872,” Stenographische Berichte über die Verhandlungen des Reichstages, Bde. 22–460, Norddeutschen Allgemeinen Zeitung, Berlin, 1871–1939, Bd. 28, Deutscher Reichstag 1, Legislaturperiode 3, Session 1872, Sitzungen 1– 30, pp. 273–274. Wittke, Refugees of Revolution, p. 52. Attempts were made to pass specific laws regarding emigration in 1869, 1878, 1892, 1920. See “Interpellation Dr. Löwe und Harkort: Beabsichtigt der Hohe Bundesrath ein Gesetz zum Schutz der deutschen Auswanderer: 164, Stenographische Berichte über die Verhandlungen des Reichstages des Norddeutschen Bundes, Bde. 1–19, Norddeutschen Allgemeinen

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lished the Überwachungs commissions in 1874 to report to the legislature on the nature of emigration from Germany.69

69

Zeitung, Berlin, 1867–1870, Bd., 7, Reichstag des Norddeutschen Bundes 1, Legislaturperiode Session 1868, Anlagen 1–195, p. 479; “25. Sitz. v. 17.6.1868,” Stenographische Berichte über die Verhandlungen des Reichstages des Norddeutschen Bundes, Bde. 1–19, Norddeutschen Allgemeinen Zeitung, Berlin, 1867–1870, Bd. 6, Reichstag des Norddeutschen Bundes 1, Legislaturperiode Session 1868, Sitzungen 1–28, pp. 501–502. “Interpellation Dr. Löwe, Harkort 139,” Stenographische Berichte über die Verhandlungen des Reichstages des Norddeutschen Bundes, Bde. 1–19, Norddeutschen Allgemeinen Zeitung, Berlin, 1867–1870, Bd. 11, Reichstag des Norddeutschen Bundes 1, Legislaturperiode Session 1869, Anlagen 1–283, p. 469; “29, Sitz. v. 28. 4. 1869,” Stenographische Berichte über die Verhandlungen des Reichstages des Norddeutschen Bundes, Bde. 1–19, Norddeutschen Allgemeinen Zeitung, Berlin, 1867–1870, Bd. 9, Reichstag des Norddeutschen Bundes 01. Legislaturperiode Session 1869, Sitzungen 1–29, pp. 635–638. “Antrag Dr. Kapp auf Annahme des Entwurfes eines Gesetzes, betreffend die Beförderung von Auswanderern nach außerdeutschen Ländern: 44,” Stenographische Berichte über die Verhandlungen des Reichstages, Bde. 22–460, Norddeutschen Allgemeinen Zeitung, Berlin, 1871–1939, Bd. 53 Deutscher Reichstag 3, Legislaturperiode 2, Session 1878, Anlagen 1– 127, pp. 522–532. “Entwurf eines Gesetzes über das Auswanderungswesen: 14,” Stenographische Berichte über die Verhandlungen des Reichstages, Bde. 22–460, Norddeutschen Allgemeinen Zeitung, Berlin, 1871–1939, Bd., 148, Deutscher Reichstag 8, Legislaturperiode 2, Session 1892–1893, Anlagen 1–100, pp. 34–64. “Antrag Graf v. Arnim, Dr. Hasse: 37,” Stenographische Berichte über die Verhandlungen des Reichstages, Bde. 22–460, Norddeutschen Allgemeinen Zeitung, Berlin, 1871–1939, Bd. 162–Deutscher Reichstag 9, Legislaturperiode 3, Session 1894–1895, Anlagen 1–171, p. 101. “Schaffung eines Auswanderungsgesetzes, Anfrage Dr. Deermann, Dauer,” Stenographische Berichte über die Verhandlungen des Reichstages, Bde. 22–460, Norddeutschen Allgemeinen Zeitung, Berlin, 1871–1939, Bd. 369, Deutscher Reichstag, 1920, Nr. 2768, p. 2686; “Antwort,” Stenographische Berichte über die Verhandlungen des Reichstages, Bde. 22–460, Norddeutschen Allgemeinen Zeitung, Berlin, 1871–1939, Bd. 369, Deutscher Reichstag 1920, Nr. 2827, p. 2707. “Mängel des vorbereiteten Gesetzentwurfs hinsichtlich der Frauen, Mädchen und Jugendlichen,” Anfrage Frau Dr. Lüders, Frau Dr. Bäumer, Stenographische Berichte über die Verhandlungen des Reichstages, Bde. 22–460, Norddeutschen Allgemeinen Zeitung, Berlin, 1871–1939, Bd. 375, Deutscher Reichstag, 1922, Nr. 5285, p. 5703. See “Resolution Duncker bei Berathung des Reichshaushalts Etats für 1875– Reichskanzleramt: Den Herrn Reichskanzler aufzufordern, über die bisherige Thätigkeit des Reichskommissars zur Überwachung des Auswanderungswesens einen Bericht vorzulegen: 79,” Stenographische Berichte über die Verhandlungen des Reichstages, Bde. 22–460, Norddeutschen Allgemeinen Zeitung, Berlin, 1871–1939, Bd. 41, Deutscher Reichstag 2, Legislaturperiode 2, Session 1874–1875, Anlagen 77–248, p. 833. The Resolution was passed in the December sitting of the Legislature. See “22. Sitz. v. 1. 12. 1874,” Stenographische Berichte über die Verhandlungen des Reichstages, Bde. 22–460, Norddeutschen Allgemeinen Zeitung, Berlin, 1871–1939, Bd. 38, Deutscher Reichstag 2, Legislaturperiode 2, Session 1874–1875, Sitzungen 1–31, pp. 434–435. The Reichskanzler or his representative gave these comprehensive statistical reports yearly. For example see “Berichte über die Thätigkeit des Reichs–Kommissars zur Überwachung des Auswanderungswesens: Bis Dezember 1874–131,” Stenographische Berichte über die Verhandlungen des Reichstages, Bde. 22–460, Norddeutschen Allgemeinen Zeitung, Berlin, 1871–1939, Bd. 41, Deutscher

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Economic factors also played a major role in the German states considerations on allowing or prohibiting emigration. Conscious attempts were made to discourage emigration to North America. The consensus was that immigrants to North America would become more easily integrated into Anglo Society within one generation. It was therefore seen as far more preferable to have Germans settle in areas where trade and cultural ties with the home country could be enhanced. This meant favouring central and South American destinations.70 Directing emigration thereby became a state function. There was a strong push to direct emigrants to Chile, Brazil, Western Australia, Nicaragua, and Guatemala.71 The Prussian ban of 1853 does not prohibit Mormon emigration, but rather Mormon involvement in the emigration trade. The Prussian constitution is clear regarding the emigration of its citizens. Emigration can only be curbed by the state for military obligations.72 Whether the freedoms guaranteed by the constitution carried over into the practical realm may require a closer look.

70

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Reichstag 2, Legislaturperiode 2, Session 1874–1875, Anlagen 77–248, pp. 981–982; “Bis Dezember 1875–87,” Stenographische Berichte über die Verhandlungen des Reichstages, Bde. 22–460, Norddeutschen Allgemeinen Zeitung, Berlin, 1871–1939, Bd. 44, Deutscher Reichstag 2, Legislaturperiode 3, Session 1875–1876, Anlagen 1–239, p. 331; “Während des Jahres 1880–19,” Stenographische Berichte über die Verhandlungen des Reichstages, Bde. 22–460, Norddeutschen Allgemeinen Zeitung, Berlin, 1871–1939, Bd. 68, Deutscher Reichstag 4, Legislaturperiode 4, Session 1881, Anlagen 1–101 pp. 89–95. As well see “Statistik der deutschen Auswanderung nach überseeischen Ländern: In den Jahren 1871 bis 1878– 187,” Stenographische Berichte über die Verhandlungen des Reichstages, Bde. 22–460, Norddeutschen Allgemeinen Zeitung, Berlin, 1871–1939, Bd. 60, Deutscher Reichstag 4, Legislaturperiode 2, Session 1879, Anlagen 127–190, pp. 1430–1439. See “Petitionen, betreffend die Staatsangehörigkeit ausgewanderter Norddeutscher und betreffend die Aufhebung der Beschränkung der Auswanderung nach Brasilien,” “Pet. B. 246,” Stenographische Berichte über die Verhandlungen des Reichstages des Norddeutschen Bundes, Bde. 1–19, Norddeutschen Allgemeinen Zeitung, Berlin, 1867–1870, Bd. 11, Reichstag des Norddeutschen Bundes 1, Legislaturperiode Session 1869, Anlagen 1–283, pp. 744–750; “Petition von deutschen Kolonisten in der brasilianischen Süd-Provinz Rio Grande do Sul, betreffend die Auswanderung nach Brasilien und den Abschluß von Konsular und Post Verträgen,” “Pet. B. 51,” Stenographische Berichte über die Verhandlungen des Reichstages, Bde. 22–460, Norddeutschen Allgemeinen Zeitung, Berlin, 1871–1939, Bd. 30 Deutscher Reichstag 1, Legislaturperiode 3, Session 1872, Anlagen 1–200, p. 204; “19, Sitz. v. 10. 5. 1872,” Stenographische Berichte über die Verhandlungen des Reichstages, Bde. 22–460, Norddeutschen Allgemeinen Zeitung, Berlin, 1871–1939, Bd. 28, Deutscher Reichstag 1, Legislaturperiode 3, Session 1872, Sitzungen 1–30, pp. 320–325. Wittke, Refugees of Revolution, p. 47. The Mormons first missionary work in Brazil was carried out among the German settlers there. Conference Reports of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, 139 vols, The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, Salt Lake City, 1880–1970, April 1939, p.134, Conference Reports, April 1948, p. 2; Scharffs, Mormonism in Germany, p. 76. See also Wittke, Refugees of Revolution, p. 48. The right to emigrate was entrenched into most of the German constitutions. The Prussian constitution of 1850 Article 11 states: “Die Freiheit der Auswanderung kann von Staatswe-

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The application of Paragraph 114 was just one of many existing laws that could have been applied to the Mormon missionaries in order to curb their activity. While they do not seem to have been invoked, other laws that could have been have been used were Paragraph 115, Unerlaubte Einreise (illegal entrance), Paragraph 117, Landstreicherei (vagrancy), and Paragraph 118, Bettelei (begging).73 Any one of these laws could have been used to restrain Mormon missionary activity in Prussia. Little information is available to support any arguments that they were used. The most frequently appearing reasons for the missionaries involvement with police appears to be for breaking minor bylaws. In a way, the German‘s understanding of the Mormon promotion of emigration is accurate. The Prussian ban of 1853 cites the Mormons’ need for converts to help make the theocratic kingdom of God a reality in the American west.74 While the Mormons hoped that they would be able to achieve statehood, and therefore independence from federal authority, immigration was also closely tied to the concept of the Gathering to Zion. As the Mormons did not form part of the community in which they made their converts, building churches or forming religious communities in the areas in which they proselyted was not part of the overall early missionary program. This of course was counter to the role that government authorities had for a community of believers within their society. The second point of contention for the German authorities was with polygamy. The Mormons had initially taught the doctrine of polygamy in Germany during the early 1850s.75 It appeared in Germany shortly after its public introduction in North America. Mormon leaders had attempted to legitimize the practice from

73

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75

gen nur in Bezug auf die Wehrpflicht beschränkt werden. Abzugsgelder dürfen nicht erhoben werden.” Die Verfassungsurkunde für den Preussischen Staat, vom 31. Januar 1850, p. 31. The Kingdom of Württemberg guaranteed emigration for its citizens in its constitution. Article 24 states: “Der Staat sichert jedem Bürger Freiheit der Person, Gewissens und Denk Freiheit, Freiheit des Eigenthums, und Auswanderungs Freiheit.” Verfassungsurkunde für das Königreich Württemberg, vom 25. September 1819, p. 24. The Grand Duchy of Hessen, (Hessen-Darmstadt), also regarded emigration as a citizen’s right, in Article 24. Stoerk, Handbuch der deutschen Verfassungen, p. 242. We do have an instance from the 1880s were a missionary was deported because of lack of funds. See “American Legate Berlin, III 31222, Aug, 26, 1884,” Auswärtigen Amt, Abt. IIIb, R901/35454/1, March 1853–1902. “Königliche Regierung an Königliche Polizei Präsidium, 3381 A1,” GStA PK, I. HA Rep. 76 Kultusministerium, Bd. 1, p. 14. While true for Prussia, enticement to emigration also seems to have been one of the main arguments used against the Mormons in other German states as well. See Latter-day Saints Millennial Star, vol. 42, no. 22, May 17, 1880, p. 343. See “The German Mission,” Latter Day Saints Millennial Star, vol. 15, no. 10, March 5, 1853, pp. 156–158; vol. 15, no. 23, June 4, 1853, pp. 362–367. Orson Spencer readily admitted that the Mormons practiced plural marriage in his defence before the Prussian officials in 1853. See Spencer, The Prussian Mission, p. 10. George Reiser before the Hamburg Senate admitted to the practice as well. See Latter-day Saints Millennial Star, vol. 16, no. 39, September 30, 1854, pp. 621–623.

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both historical and biblical precedents. One of the historical examples used in defense of the practice was German polygamy. The Mormons seem to have been aware of the polygamy of Phillip of Hessen and the sanctioning of it by the Wittenberg Reformers. Brigham Young and Orson Pratt pointed to the German Reformers re-introduction of polygamy as an initial step to the restoration of polygamy under Joseph Smith.76 Orson Pratt in his defense of the practice intimated that the removal of polygamy from the Christian church was part of the apostasy of Christendom. The Protestant Reformers, he argued, did restore the importance of marriage to Christianity, by allowing priests to marry, and by allowing the practice of polygamy.77 The Reformers lacked the authority to restore the practice to its full intent, but nevertheless an initial step was taken.78 Pratt claimed that both Phillip of Hessen, and Henry VIII entered into secret polygamous marriages on the advice of the Protestant Reformers, Martin Luther, Phillip Melanchthon, Martin Bucer, and Phillip’s court Pastor, Denis Melanther. The marriages of both Phillip and Henry were carried out in secret, as there was no need to draw public attention to the marriages.79 This Pratt claimed was no different than what the Mormons had done by entering into polygamous marriages in private while denying the existence of the marriages in public. From Pratt’s perspective the great divines of the Protestant Reformation had reinstituted polygamy, the same un-Christian marriage institution that the Mormons were accused of practicing.80 Based on Pratt’s justification of the practice of polygamy, perhaps then, the Mormons’ felt, wrongly though it seems, that it would have been accepted in Germany. As was the case for much of the nineteenth century, government sanctions against the Mormons in the early twentieth century were based on the Mormons contravention of existing laws. The only difference being that the established churches would play a role in the Mormons’ banishment during the twentieth century whereas throughout much of the nineteenth they had remained silent. In its arguments against the Mormons, the Prussian Oberkirchenrat specifically argues that the Mormons committed a Übertretung of Paragraph 171 of the RStGB.81 The legislation which the Oberkirchenrat cited in its assessment dealt with the crime

76

77 78 79 80 81

Brigham Young, Sermon of June 18, 1865, “Personality of God, His Attributes, Eternal Life, Etc.,” Journal of Discourses: By Brigham Young, His Two Counselors, the Twelve Apostles, and Others, 26 vols, Latter Day Saints Book Depot, Liverpool, 1854–1886, vol. 11, pp. 127– 128; Orson Pratt, “Christian Polygamy in the Sixteenth Century,” The Seer, vol. 1, no.12, December 1853, pp. 177–183. Pratt, “Christian Polygamy,” The Seer, vol. 1, no.12, December 1853, p. 178. Pratt, “Christian Polygamy,” The Seer, vol. 1, no.12, December 1853, p. 183. Pratt, “Christian Polygamy,” The Seer, vol. 1, no.12, December 1853, p. 181. Pratt, “Christian Polygamy,” The Seer, vol. 1, no.12, December 1853, p. 182. “Evangelischer Oberkirchenrat, EO Nr. 6540 TH, Berlin, August 29, 1902, An den Königlichen Staatsminister und Minister der geistlichen Angelegenheiten Herren Dr. Studt,” GStA PK, I. HA Rep. 76 Kultusministerium, Bd. 1, p. 166.

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of bigamy.82 Bigamy had long been a crime under European law predating Constantine. The initial motive for the 1902 ban of the Mormons was over concerns that a new influx of missionaries was causing an unsettling of the religious peace.83 Soon however concerns over polygamy were brought into the discussion. On this front Mormon missionaries admitted to German authorities that the Mormons were wilfully breaking American law. Two missionaries, named Kerr and Wilson, admitted that polygamy was still a part of everyday life in Utah even though cohabitation was illegal.84 In making their decision, German authorities drew information from the official Mormon newspaper in Germany, Der Stern. The paper contained an article about how plural marriage was abrogated for this time in history but that in the future it will be implemented once again.85 For German authorities, the only conclusion that could be drawn from the information that had presented itself was that the Mormons had not changed anything. Rather, it seemed, the Mormons had merely became better at hiding their true intentions. With such an apparent breach of trust staring the Germans in the face, the result would be the banishment of the Mormon missionaries from German soil in 1902.86 The banishment of individuals was at the sole discretion of the local police authority. Banishing of individuals was used as a security measure and could affect foreigners and citizens alike. It was not necessary to provide an explanation for banishment of foreigners, as foreigners are guests of the host country beholden to the graces of that country. In the case of non-citizens the ban would be in effect in all of the German states.87 In the case of German citizens, banishment was used as an initial measure to preserve the peace, and for common begging and vagran-

82

83

84

85

86 87

Paragraph 171 of the RStGB states: “Ein Ehegatte, welcher eine neue Ehe eingeht, bevor seine Ehe aufgelöst, für ungültig oder nichtig erklärt worden ist, ingleichen eine unverheirathete Person, welche mit einem Ehegatten, wissend, daß er verheirathet ist, eine Ehe eingeht, wird mit Zuchthaus bis zu fünf Jahren bestraft. Sind mildernde Umstände vorhanden, so tritt Gefängnißstrafe nicht unter sechs Monaten ein. Die Verjährung der Strafverfolgung beginnt mit dem Tage, an welchem eine der beiden Ehen aufgelöst, für ungültig oder nichtig erklärt worden ist.” “Evangelischer Oberkirchenrat, EO Nr. 6540 TH, Berlin, August 29, 1902, An den Königlichen Staatsminister und Minister der geistlichen Angelegenheiten Herren Dr. Studt,” GStA PK, I. HA Rep. 76 Kultusministerium, Bd. 1, p. 165. “Evangelischer Oberkirchenrat, EO Nr. 6540 TH, Berlin, August 29, 1902, An den Königlichen Staatsminister und Minister der geistlichen Angelegenheiten Herren Dr. Studt,” GStA PK, I. HA Rep. 76 Kultusministerium, Bd. 1, p. 165. “Evangelischer Oberkirchenrat, EO Nr. 6540 TH, Berlin, August 29, 1902, An den Königlichen Staatsminister und Minister der geistlichen Angelegenheiten Herren Dr. Studt,” GStA PK, I. HA Rep. 76 Kultusministerium, Bd. 1, p. 165. Latter-day Saints Millennial Star, vol. 64, no. 23, June 5, 1902, p. 361. See “Ausweisung,” Brockhaus Konversationslexikon, 14 Auflg., F. A. Brockhaus, Leipzig, Berlin und Wien, 1894–1896, Bd. 2, Astrachan–Bilk, pp. 188–189.

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cy.88 The banishment would be in force in the issuing region for one year, and provide the police authorities with a criminal history that could, and often would provide the basis for further action if required. With the expulsion order in place, a slow process of removing the Mormon missionaries from German soil began. Twenty-two missionaries were expelled from East Prussia and the Berlin police department appointed six commissioners to examine the Mormons’ doctrines and publications.89 At the request of the Senators from Utah, George Sutherland and Reed Smoot, action was taken through the American foreign office staff to stop the removal of the Mormon missionaries but to little avail. In 1903 the head of the German Mission, Thomas MacKay, appealed to the Kaiser but the expulsions of the Mormon missionaries continued.90 Expulsion from the German states, including smaller states such as Mecklenburg, and the kingdoms of Prussia, Saxony, Bavaria, and Württemberg continued throughout the decade and beyond.91 There was some concern, as the leadership in Utah would voice its opinion over the missionary expulsions through the official church organ, Der Stern.92 Between the years 1903–1908, there were several exchanges between the German authorities and the American embassy in Berlin. Through the advocacy of the Mormon senators in North America, it was hoped that a diplomatic solution could be reached allowing the Mormons to continue to proselyte in Germany. The German Government however had taken the position that the Mormons’ teachings were subversive and immoral and were detrimental to German society. The American diplomatic position reiterated that the Mormons should be treated as any American citizen and as long as they stayed within the confines of the law, they should not be harassed.

88

89 90

91

92

There may have been problems with the citizenship of many of the Mormon missionaries who returned to Germany. The United States established the parameters for citizenship within the Fourteenth Amendment to the Constitution in 1868. There was also a series of treaties between the various German states and the United States brought into effect in the nineteenth century. The Bancroft Treaties were treaties with the various German States regarding Naturalization of foreign subjects. A treaty with the North German Confederation, as well as the south German states was in effect until 1871 when a treaty with the German Reich superseded the multiple treaties then in force. “Wanted Mormons Expelled: Notices Served on Missionaries in Germany Held Up Through Representations of American Embassy,” The New York Times, August 23, 1902. See Thomas MacKay’s assessment of the Runderlaß, in the Latter-day Saints Millennial Star, vol. 66, no. 7, February 18, 1904, pp. 97–100. “Mormon Appeal to Kaiser: Mr. Cannon Will Ask Emperor William for Permission for the Missionaries to Stay in Germany,” The New York Times, April 26, 1903. Alexander, Mormonism in Transition, p. 227. Latter-day Saints Millennial Star, vol. 66, no. 20, May 19, 1904, p. 315; vol. 66, no. 30, July 28, 1904, p. 476. “Germany Expels Mormons,” The New York Times, April 26, 1903; “Mormonen Ausweisung,” Deutsche Tageszeitung, Deutsche Tageszeitung Druckerei & Verlag, A.G, Berlin, Nr. 613, Bd. 3, Nr. 12, 1913. “An das deutschsprechende Volk,” Der Stern, Bd. 40, Nr. 2, January 15, 1908, pp. 15–19.

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It was finally agreed, in conjunction with the United States embassy, that it was best that all Mormon missionaries withdraw from Germany. One hundred and forty missionaries left Germany and the German Mission headquarters was transferred from Berlin to Switzerland. By 1908, it had become apparent that the Mormons had disregarded the understanding that had been agreed upon. When the Mormon missionaries were caught, they were expelled and did not complain or protest against their expulsion.93 Both the English language Millennial Star, and the German, Der Stern would contain articles critical of the effects of the Runderlaß, on the German missionary force throughout the remainder of the decade and into the next.94 The expulsion of the Mormon missionaries from the German states lasted almost a decade. Between periods of banishment and active restraint on the Mormons there were occasional periods of reprieve, and hence growth.95 In Berlin, and other cities throughout the Reich, the police continued to attend Mormon meetings being ever watchful for any foreign missionaries that were present. While the expulsions and greater police oversight may seem to have put an end to Mormon proselyting in Germany that was not the case. The Mormons adopted a slightly lower keyed approach but remained active. Tracts heralding the Second Coming of Christ and the building of the New Jerusalem on the North American continent continued to be distributed, and converts continued to be baptized.96 1. Mormonism, Marxism and the Social Democrats The Mormon theocratic kingdom was to be a complete alternative society comprised of political, social, and economic institutions.97 As history has shown us, the Mormons could and would, resort to violence in order to bring a millennial kingdom into existence. Several groups had attempted establishing a physical

93 94

95 96

97

“Twenty-One Missionaries Found in Germany Ordered to Leave,” The New York Times, July 23, 1908. Latter-day Saints Millennial Star, vol. 64, no. 23, June 5, 1902, p. 361; Latter-day Saints Millennial Star, vol. 66, no. 7, February 18, 1904, pp. 97–100; Latter-day Saints Millennial Star, vol. 66, no. 20, May 19, 1904, p. 315; An das deutschsprechende Volk,” Der Stern, Bd. 40, Nr. 2, January 15, 1908, pp. 15–19; “Einiges Über die ausweisung der Missionare,” Der Stern, Bd. 42, Nr. 10, August 15, 1910, pp. 248–253; Über die ausweisung der Missionare,” Der Stern, Bd. 44, Nr. 23, December 1, 1912, p. 355–357. Alexander, Mormonism in Transition, p. 227. For statistics on tracting, visitations, and literature distribution during the years following the 1902 Runderlaß see Latter-day Saints Millennial Star, vol. 66, no. 7, February 18, 1904, p.107; vol. 66, no. 20, May 19, 1904, p. 315. “Mormonism in Germany: American Movement Nipped by Drastice,” Police Measures, The New York Times, August 7, 1910. Joseph Smith, History of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, 7 vols, Deseret Book, Salt Lake City, 1902–1932, vol. 6, p. 365.

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kingdom of God at various times throughout German history. These attempts had consistently ended in bloodshed and chaos. The major fear was not that the majority of Germans would radically convert to Mormonism. Statistics for conversions to Mormonism drastically reduced the probability that this would occur. As converts more often than not left the host country after conversion the fear that an indigenous Mormon population would overrun the country is distinctly improbable. Mormonism incited fears as it was seen as a social and political movement under the guise of a religion.98 This fear was perhaps felt most in Prussia and in Bavaria and hence their strong reaction to Mormon proselyting efforts. Late nineteenth century Prussia existed in constant tension with external and internal forces exerting pressure on the nation. Among the nations of Europe Prussia was the only nation that had experienced religious turmoil during the late nineteenth century. Prussia also had another grave concern residing within its borders. Prussia was also home to the world’s largest socialist movement.99 By the end of the nineteenth century, the social democrats, the Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands, the SPD, comprised the largest polled party within the Kaiserreich.100 After a period of respite following the failed revolutions of the midcentury, the rise of democratic ideals, socialism, and communism, and the spread of these ideas among the German social classes were real fears for Prussia and many of the German states once again.101 It was perhaps not the best time for Mormon missionaries to speak of the creation of a just society, or the coming of a new order. At a certain point in time, perhaps the 1870s, the Mormons became tied to these socialist fears. Perhaps as a result of their teachings, or their place of origin, German authorities felt that the Mormons had close connections to the international socialist movement, and therefore concluded that the reason for the Mormons’ presence in Germany was to import radicalism, and political upheaval. England and the United States were seen as the prime centers of socialist agitation; they were also the prime areas from which the Mormon missionaries came. Many of the English missionaries came from areas known to be hotbeds for socialist ideals. In England, in the industrial towns like Manchester, the Mormons See “Evangelischer Oberkirchenrat, EO Nr. 6816 TH, Berlin, September 4, 1902,” GStA PK, I. HA Rep. 76 Kultusministerium, Bd. 1, p. 167. 99 Clark, Iron Kingdom, p. 563. 100 The joining of two earlier political parties, the Allgemeinen Deutschen Arbeiterverein and the Sozialdemokratischen Arbeiterpartei, created the political party that eventually emerges as the Sozialistischen Arbeiterpartei Deutschlands (SAPD) in 1875. Clark, Iron Kingdom, p. 563. 101 Between 1878–1894 there were 200 articles dealing with “die sozialdemokratie,” 12 articles on “der communismus,” and 54 articles on “sozialismus,” to appear in the political organs Neueste Mittheilungen, Klee, Berlin, 1882–1894; and the Provinzial Correspondenz, Decker, Berlin, 1863–1884. 98

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had made converts from among the poor factory workers or from communistic and socialist sympathizers. Generally, it was believed that the majority of the English converts had come from the, “versunksten Fabrikpöbel oder ihre Motive in kommunistischen Gelüften suchen würde.”102 Whether the fear was real or imagined, for many there was obviously something in the Mormons’ message that attracted perceived undesirable elements of society. It was precisely for this reason that the return of German speaking missionaries from North America sparked the interest of German state officials. The failure of the mid-century revolutions had led to an exodus from the German states. Many of the revolutionaries, often called “Forty-Eighters,” had migrated to North America. The “Forty-Eighters” became a cause for concern, as for most of the late nineteenth century there was a conscious attempt by the German expatriates in the United States to export revolution back into Germany.103 The fear that German expatriates would succeed was a prime motif for the organization of the Polizeiverein. In the latter decades of the nineteenth century, there was a steady flow of expatriate Germans, many with socialist sympathies, returning to their native German states. Germans who returned from North America were often arrested, their papers and personal property confiscated and then pressed into military service.104 During the years the Sozialistengesetze were in force, from 1878–1890, socialist allies in North America supported the German SPD. As several of the Mormon missionaries who proselyted in Germany during the nineteenth century were born in Germany, there was a fear that the missionaries were part of the socialist vanguard. 105 Whether the Mormon missionaries had socialist sympathies and came to Germany to actively act on those sympathies is another matter. In the aftermath of the failed revolutions of 1848–1849, many of the participants had emigrated to the United States. There had been a strong push to raise both funds and men in order to topple the German princes.106 The German language newspaper the Columbus Westbote offered a reward for assassinating German heads of state.107 Awareness

102 Joseph Edmund Jörg, Geschichte des Protestantismus in seiner neuesten Entwicklung, 2 Bd., Herdersche Verlagshandlung, Freiburg, 1858, Bd. 2, p. 597. 103 Wittke, Refugees of Revolution, pp. 92–93, 95. 104 Wittke, Refugees of Revolution, p. 106. 105 Several German born converts returned as missionaries to Germany. Ernest Frederick Müller, Paul Schettler, George Reiser, John Beck, John Nägeli, Jacob Zundel, Henry Eyring, Jacob Müller, Friederich Tührmeister, Friederich Krörer, John Kienke, Andrew Heppler, Ludwig Sührke, Alexander Newberger, Trangott Bitter, Louis Mönch, Christian Bessler, and Michael Buntz were all German born missionaries. I have not included German speaking converts, or the second generation of German converts who were born in the United States who also were sent as missionaries to Germany. 106 Wittke, Refugees of Revolution, pp. 102–103, 106. 107 Der Westbote, 75 Bde., Reinhard & Frieser, Columbus, 1843–1918, April 6, 1849. The Westbote was a German weekly that was published from February 1843–August 1918.

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of the Socialist threats from within and from abroad provided motivation to quell any movement with a resemblance to socialist ideals. Many of the German immigrants who had left in the early 1850s were social revolutionaries. Fear of exporting the revolution back from an American and British power base was a stark reality for the German states. North America had become the home of diasporic German revolutionaries. The revolutionary political elite had remained in London and directed their American cadres from there. Karl Marx, Armand Gögg, Gottfried Kinkel, Franz Sigel continued to call for the German immigrants in the United States to do their part in furthering the revolution in Germany.108 The goal of the diasporic revolutionaries was to raise money and import an armed rebellion back into Germany.109 The German immigrants in North America were also asked to exert pressure on the Federal Government to abandon its neutral stance and aid the revolutionaries in achieving their democratic goals on the European mainland.110 Historically the Mormons had aspirations that economic and social justice could be achieved through communalism and theocracy. That being said, they should not be seen as the fifth column of Marxist ideologues. The Mormon alternative society backed by its economic communalism, the United Order, was seen as an earthly model of the heavenly order.111 They had made several attempts to institute communalism throughout their history but each attempt met with failure. The establishment of the heavenly order would necessarily be delayed until the advent of the Millennial Kingdom. The Mormons’ millennial kingdom was to be a futuristic kingdom. As the Mormons saw it, this kingdom, as was illustrated by the Hebrew Bible’s Book of Daniel, was to be as a “stone cut without hands.” This Kingdom would destroy the kingdoms of the Earth in the last days. The Millennial Kingdom with its economic, social, and political institutions would be established through divine intervention with the help of human hands. The religious aspect of a utopian kingdom was something that the Marxists dismissed as pure fantasy. While no government documents have been found that explicitly make a connection between the Mormons and the German or American socialist movements,

108 See Karl Marx und Friedrich Engels, “Die großen Männer des Exils,” Karl Marx und Friedrich Engels Werke, 39 Bde., Dietz Verlag, Berlin, 1959–1990, Bd. 8, pp. 233–335. 109 Wittke, Refugees of Revolution, pp. 92–93, 95. 110 Wittke, Refugees of Revolution, p. 93. 111 There were three major types of economic orders used by the Mormons at various times from the 1830s through to the 1880s. These orders varied from co-operative associations to full fledged communes. They were seen as the perfect society that would be created prior to the advent of, and during the Millennial Kingdom. See Brigham Young. Sermon of June 29, 1873, “The Order of Enoch,” Journal of Discourses, vol. 16, p. 122; George Q. Cannon sermon of April 6, 1869, “The Order of Enoch, Socialistic Experiments, the Social Problem,” Journal of Discourses, vol. 13, p. 95; Kent W. Huff, “The United Order of Joseph Smith’s Times,” Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought, vol. 19, no. 2, 1986, pp. 146–149.

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there are scattered references made by socialist leaders concerning the Mormons. The very first edition of the SPD organ, Die neue Zeit: Revue des geistigen und öffentlichen Lebens in 1883 contained an article concerning the Mormons.112 Die neue Zeit was the central organ for furthering Marxism and “scientific socialism” within the SPD before the party factionalism of the early twentieth century. Karl Marx, Friedrich Engels, Eduard Bernstein, Rosa Luxemburg, Leon Trotsky, and Franz Mehring were all contributors or had direct involvement with the paper.113 Marx himself seems to have been familiar with the Mormons and their works. In a letter to Adolf Cluss in Washington, Marx makes a remark over Revoltionsverein leader Gottfried Kinkel’s speech in England. Marx writes: “Finally Gottfried spoke about the Mormons of whom, among other things, he declared: ‘He who wishes to be rid of all earthly cares should betake himself to the Mormons’, etc. His pronouncements even led people in Bradford to believe that he was a Mormon agent. Be that as it may, Gottfried Kinkel left the two manufacturing towns profoundly convinced that he must never show his face there again.”114

Twelve years later Marx would mention Mormonism again. This time Marx would compare Prussian foreign policy in Schleswig-Holstein with the Book of Mormon. Marx concluded that both made no sense.115 While there is an aversion to the Mormons’ religious principles, there does seem to be an awareness of Mormonism’s radical approach to the creation of an alternate society. Did the Mormons have any real connections to socialism? Some anecdotal evidence does exist to support a Mormon-socialist connection. In the early 1880s the Nürnberg congregation was suspected of being a harbour for members of the social democratic movement. The suspicion led to literature confiscation, and sanctions against holding meetings. The congregation was soon closed.116 The Mormons’ stated that a major reason for the prohibitions against them in Germany stemmed from German governments equating them with the socialists.117 The Mormon periodical, Der Stern, published two articles in the early twentieth century outlining the Mormon perspective on social democracy, and socialism.118 Der 112 “Mormonen,” Die neue Zeit: Revue des geistigen und öffentlichen Lebens, Karl Kautsky, Emmanuel Wurm, et al (Hrsgg.), Dietz, Stuttgart, 40 Bde., 1883–1923, vol. 1, 1883, p. 104. 113 In 1901 Die neue Zeit passed from private hands to the SPD and dropped Revue des geistigen und öffentlichen Lebens from its subtitle and replaced it with Wochenschrift der Deutschen Sozialdemokratie. 114 “Marx to Adolf Cluss in Washington,” December 7, 1852, Marx–Engels Collected Works, Lawrence & Wishart, London, 1975–2004, vol. 39, p. 20. 115 “Marx to Lion Philips in Aachen, March, 29 1864, Marx–Engels Collected Works, vol. 41, p. 512. 116 Der Stern, Bd. 62, Nr. 1, January 1, 1930, p. 13, Bd. 62, Nr. 3, February 1, 1930, p. 46. 117 Journal of Discourses, vol. 25, pp. 204. 118 “Skizze der Sozialfrage,” Der Stern, Bd. 32, Nr. 15, August 1, 1900, pp. 231–235; “Sozialismus, der falsche und der wahre,” Der Stern, Bd. 41, Nr. 6, March 15, 1909, pp. 81–84.

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Stern also reprinted a letter from an SPD member who also happened to be Mormon. The letter had originally appeared in the Frankfurter Volksstimme, the Sozialdemokratisches Organ für Südwestdeutschland. The article was critical of the state’s treatment of the Mormons.119 While assurances of religious freedom were guaranteed by the German states’ constitutions, the Mormons were curbed in their proselyting activity for much of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Yet, the bans, especially the Prussian bans of 1853 and 1902 were issued not for religious reasons but for contravening existing civil and criminal laws.120 The Mormons’ belief in erecting alternative institutions in the political, economic, and social spheres caused problems for them within the German states. Their aggressive promotion of emigration also struck a cord with state officials. While portraying itself as a religious movement Mormonism seemed to be far too concerned with the earthly rather than the heavenly for the Germans. The Mormons simply tread into too many areas that the state had reserved for itself. One does wonder; if the Mormons had refrained from attempting to build a millennial kingdom would they have fared differently?

C. THE MORMONS IN THE EARLY TWENTIETH CENTURY For much of their history, the German congregations had never been under the control of native German Mormons. Rather, foreign missionaries had always exercised control over the German congregations. This was to change with the advent of the First World War when the foreigners in charge of the German branches returned home.121 This placed the responsibility for running the branches in the hands of native members. In the years when local leadership oversaw their own congregations the Mormons seemed to prosper. During the war years, when local 119 “Von den Mormonen,” Der Stern, Bd. 44, Nr. 23, December 1, 1912, pp. 357–358. 120 See “Kaiserlich Deutsches Konsulat, San Francisco April 8, 1909,” GStA PK, I. HA Rep. 76 Kultusministerium, Bd. 3, p. 30. Gustav A. Zimmer von Ulbersdorf in his Unter den Mormonen, saw the German churches and states as being lackadaisical towards the Mormons. He says the federal government of the United States has enacted specific laws for over 50 years to bring the Mormons under their control. He felt the Mormon goal to establish a “theokratisches Königreich” was to be taken seriously. Zimmer advocated that all missionaries be expelled, that information should be gathered on the converts and they should be labelled as staatsfeinde. He also advocates that any information collected should be shared with the churches and the various state governments throughout the Reich. Zimmer, Unter den Mormonen, pp. 125–126. The political aspirations of the Mormons are conveyed in the first correspondence of Prussian Ambassador Gerolt in 1852. See “Letter Prussian Ambassador Gerolt, Washington, May 27, 1852,” BArch., Auswärtiges Amt, Abt. III, R901/735454/1. 121 There is evidence that not all American missionaries returned to North America. William Kessler appears to have remained in Germany and fought on the German side during the war. Latter Day Saints Millennial Star, vol. 78, no. 33, August 17, 1916, pp. 522–523. Conference Reports, April 1917, p.148.

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leadership was in place, the Mormons appear to have made significant gains baptizing 300 people within the first nine months of 1915 alone. Reporting for the year 1915, Hyrum Valentine stated that it had been a banner year. He claimed that within the first nine months the Swiss-German Mission had collected tithing of over $ 22,000 from its 7,000 members in 60 congregations. He went on to say that the Mormons had also distributed over 200,000 tracts and that they were looking forward to 1916 when they would distribute well over 300,000 tracts.122 The German members continued to run the branches until the return of the American missionaries in 1921. When the Mormons returned to Germany in 1921 they found a country in political and economic turmoil. The end of the war had brought significant changes to the political system. Liberal democratic institutions were put into place for the first time in Germany’s history. For the Mormons this would be a welcomed change, as it was believed that their missionaries would be allowed to proselyte unhindered. The Mormons’ support of democratic institutions, and often the free market of religious ideas that accompany them, are not based upon higher moral or theological principles. Rather, their church structure, with its ruling hierarchy is based upon obedience and discipline rather than allowing freedom of expression, or democratic expression from within. Mormonism is best defined as an Obrigkeitskirche, and later German governments, the National Socialist and that of the German Democratic Republic in particular, would realize the benefits of such a structure. Historically the situations in which the Mormons found themselves determined the levels of tolerance that was extended towards democratic institutions. Established democratic institutions could and would be utilized to the Mormons benefit when warranted. The Mormons’ preferred model of political government was, is, and will be theocratic in nature ruled by God’s appointed agents. The changes brought by the establishment of the Weimar Republic, also meant radical changes for the role of the churches within society. Between the end of the war in 1918 and the grounding of the Weimar Republic, the former state church traditions remained in place in various forms. The most significant change brought about by the abdications of the ruling princes in the German states was the removal of the Summus Episcopus from the Landeskirchen. With the demise of the monarchical houses in the country and the establishment of democratic institutions there was a movement to implement a complete disestablishment of the German churches. The changes were to remove all state subsidies, confiscate church property, remove theological faculties from the universities, and ban mandatory religious instruction and school prayers within the secondary school system.123 The proposed changes were never implemented. Public outcry and re122 Conference Reports, April 1917, p. 147. 123 GStA PK, I. HA Rep. 169 Landtag, D Xc J Nr. 10, Nichtchristliche Religionsbekenntnisse, 1927–1932; GStA PK, I. HA Rep. 90 A Nr. 4424, Freireligiöse Gemeinden als öffentlich-

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sistance from the German churches resulted in a compromise. There was to be no state church but the churches were to retain their rights as public corporations with continued entitlements to their state subsidies. The theological faculties were also to be retained within the German university system.124 Toleration of the sects in Germany also increased. The new relationship with the state would see all religious groups treated with a certain amount of equality under the law, and within society.125 The Mormons did have success in proselyting in the years immediately after the war, and during the infant Weimar Rebublic.126 They began to build church buildings that fostered an image that they were to remain a permanent fixture and actually contribute to the health and growth of German society. The first official Mormon chapel was built by the branch meeting in Selbongen, East Prussia in 1928.127 Yet the Mormons were still not an officially recognized religious organization and still received some minor opposition. During the 1920s Mormon missionaries were banned in Hildesheim, Wilhelmshafen, and Celle.128 State intrusion into Mormon proselyting efforts did end during the 1920s. Where as late as 1918 there was some concern over being arrested for proselyting, now large public gatherings would be held in cities throughout the country.129 In Berlin the 1924 annual spring conference attracted over 1,200 individuals, in Königsberg the numbers stood at 600.130 Not all of the attendees were members; prospective converts, “Friends” as they were called, were also in attendance.131

124

125

126 127 128

129 130 131

rechtliche Körperschaften, 1923; GStA PK, VI. Familienarchive und Nachlässe, Nl. C. H. Becker, Nr. 7169, Parlamentarische Behandlung im Preußischen Landtag über die Ausführung von Art. 137 Abs. 5 Satz 2 u. 3 der Reichsverfassung (Verleihung der Rechte einer Körperschaft des öffentlichen Rechts an Sekten und Weltanschauungsgemeinschaften), 1925. Sun-Ryol Kim, Die Vorgeschichte der Trennung von Staat und Kirche in der Weimarer Verfassung von 1919: Eine Untersuchung über das Verhältnis von Staat und Kirche in Preußen seit der Reichsgründung von 1871, Hamburger Theologischen Studien Bd. 13, LIT Verlag, Berlin, 1996. See Article 137 of the Weimar Constitution, the Verfassung des Deutschen Reichs. Ernst Rudolf Huber, Dokumente zur deutschen Verfassungsgeschichte, 5 Bde., 3 Aufl., W. Kohlhammer, Stuttgart, Berlin, Köln, 1978–1997, Bd. 4, Deutsche Verfassungsdokumente 1919– 1933, 1992, pp. 151–179. The religion articles, 136, 137, as well as others were incorporated into the Grundgesetz of the Federal Republic of Germany. Latter Day Saints Millennial Star, vol. 86, no. 30, July 24, 1924, p. 474–476. Latter Day Saints Millennial Star, vol. 91, no. 34, August 22, 1929, pp. 541–542; vol. 91, no. 36, September 5, 1929, p. 573. Gilbert. W. Scharffs, Mormonism in Germany: A History of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints in Germany Between 1840–1970, Deseret Books, Salt Lake City, 1970, p. 80. Conference Reports, April 1918, p. 12. Conference Reports, April 1925, p. 13. Der Stern, Bd. 62, Nr. 6, March 15, 1930, p. 95.

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Where the state had left off the German churches now became more involved in combating Mormonism‘s growth. Void of their political weapons of the past, the churches began to warn their congregants of the evils of Mormonism. For the first time we see literary works from the German clergy resembling the earlier American and British evangelical works. In spite of the efforts by the German churches and their clergy, the Mormons seemed to have become a semi recognized, and tolerated part of the German religious landscape during the Weimar period. With the rise of National Socialism one would expect the anti-religious fervour of the regime would place the Mormons under state sanction once again. This however was not to be the case. D. SUPPORTING THE NATIONAL SOCIALIST REGIME The Weimar Republic was to be short lived. So too was the quasi separation between church and state. The rise of the National Socialists in the early 1930s would see the relationship between church and state change once again. The majority of the Protestant Landeskirchen had retained their autonomous regional authority based upon the old geographic boundaries. With a shift from earlier Weimar policy, the National Socialist Government had taken steps to create a consolidated national Protestant church, the Deutsche Evangelische Kirche, (DEK) by May of 1933. National Socialist religious policy sought to create a homogenous variant of Protestantism under the control of the state. Tolerance towards religious organizations outside of the DEK was dependent upon that organization’s acceptance of the National Socialist goals. The active pursuit to enforce an official policy towards the Protestant and Catholic churches subsided with the advent of the war. For Germany‘s Catholics this meant the dawn of a new era. A concordat was entered into between the Vatican and Berlin that saw the curbing of Catholic political power within Germany. The agreement oversaw the dissolution of Catholic trade unions, and their political organizations. It did allow for the Catholic Church to cultivate Catholicism among its parishioners, to maintain their parochial schools, and to appoint clergy. The agreement however was not honoured. National Socialist policy towards the sects varied from group to group. Groups that held to an adventist ideology or millennial aspirations were seen as subversive. The Mormons, Seventh-day Adventists, and the Jehovah’s Witnesses all held similar millenarian beliefs. Yet only the Jehovah’s Witnesses were banned, first in Bavaria, then in Prussia, and by mid 1933 in the remainder of the country.132 The Seventh-day Adventists, the New Apostolic Church, and the 132 Christine Elizabeth King, The Nazi State and the New Religions: Five Case Studies in NonConformity, Studies in Religion and Society, vol. 4, The Edwin Mellen Press, New York and Toronto, 1982, pp. 149–150.

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Christian Scientists all faced harassment or were declared illegal religious entities under the National Socialists. Only the Mormons faired differently.133 They were either ignored completely or favoured relative to the other American and German sects of the period.134 No official state action was undertaken against the Mormons in the 1930s and 1940s. A reassessment of this time by Mormons and their apologists has proved to be an embarrassment. While representatives from several religious groups can lay claim that the organization and its members suffered official persecution from state authorities during the National Socialist period, the Mormons cannot. The Seventh-day Adventists, the Watch Tower Bible and Tract Society, the Salvation Army, as well as the Free Masons were all subject to state sanction, banning, and camp internment under the National Socialist regime.135

133 Der Stern, Bd. 68, Nr. 13, July 1, 1936, p. 206, lists 62 Mormon congregations in Germany. Congregations are listed for Bavaria, Baden, Schleswig-Holstein, and Alsace. 134 See The Nazi Master Plan, Annex 4: The Persecution of the Christian Churches, Office of Strategic Services Research and Analysis Branch R & A no. 3114.4, Draft for the War Crimes Staff, July 6, 1945. Original in Donovan Nuremberg Trials Collection, Cornell University Law Library, Ithaca, New York. Photocopy in possession of author. John S. Conway, The Nazi Persecution of the Churches, 1933–1945, Basic Books, New York, 1968, pp. 371– 374, 378–382. King, The Nazi State and the New Religions, pp. 181–182. Ernst Christian Helmrich, The German Churches Under Hitler: Background, Struggle and Epilogue, Wayne State University Press, Detroit 1979. 135 The Masons were one of the first organizations to be banned. In light of the relationship between Mormonism and Free Masonry it seems relatively strange that the Masons would be banned when their rituals are virtually identical to the Mormon temple rituals. Mormons also banned Masons from their ranks between the 1840s and 1980s. For Free Masonry during the National Socialist period see Helmrich, The German Churches Under Hitler, pp. 397–400. On religion in the National Socialist period see Gerhard Besier und Elisabeth Müller Luckner (Hrsgg.), Zwischen "nationaler Revolution" und militärischer Aggression Transformationen in Kirche und Gesellschaft während der konsolidierten NS Gewaltherrschaft (1934–1939), Schriften des Historischen Kollegs, Kolloquien Bd. 48, Oldenbourg Wissenschaftsverlag, München, 2001. Gerhard Besier und Clemens Vollnhals (Hrsgg.), Repression und Selbstbehauptung: Die Zeugen Jehovas unter der NS und der SED Diktatur, Zeitgeschichtliche Forschungen, Bd. 21, Duncker & Humblot, Berlin, 2003. King, The Nazi State and the New Religions; Conway, The Nazi Persecution of the Churches; Helmrich, The German Churches Under Hitler; M. James Penton, Jehovah’s Witnesses and the Third Reich: Sectarian Politics Under Persecution, University of Toronto Press, Toronto, 2004; M. James Penton, “A Story of Compromise: Jehovah’s Witnesses, Anti-semitism, and the Third Reich,” The Christian Quest, vol. 3, no. 1, 1990, pp. 33–46; M. James Penton, “The Watchtower Society’s Response to Nazism in 1933: Introduction to Documents,” The Christian Quest, vol. 3, no. 1, 1990, pp. 47–48. M. James Penton (ed.), “Konrad Franke’s Testimony;” The Christian Quest, vol. 3, no. 1, 1990, pp. 49–50. M. James Penton (ed.), “The Declaration of Facts;” The Christian Quest, vol. 3, no. 1, 1990, pp. 51–70; M. James Penton, “The Hitler Letter,” The Christian Quest, vol. 3, no. 1, 1990, pp. 71–82, Karla Poewe and Irving Hexham, “Verfassungsfeindlich: Church, State and New Religions in Germany,” Nova Religio: The Journal of Alternative and Emergent Religions, vol. 2, no. 2, 1999, pp. 208–227; Karla

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The sanctions imposed against the groups were not based on religious grounds, as the religion clauses of the Weimar constitution were never abrogated. Rather, the sanctions against the sects were enacted on political grounds. Charges of Marxism, international conspiracy, and subversion were usually levelled against the sects, even though there was no substantial evidence to support the charges. Religious persecution appears to have been legitimized by making charges of political subversion, or conspiracy. Although they had in common American origins, as well as similar beliefs to both the Adventists, and the Jehovah’s Witnesses, the Mormons were not subject to official state sanctions as were the Adventists and Jehovah’s Witnesses.136 There was little difference between Mormon millenarian beliefs and those of the Jehovah’s Witnesses. Both the Mormons and the Witnesses were structurally undemocratic, anti-liberal, and uncompromising religious bodies. Members of both groups were expected to give themselves completely, body and soul, to the movement and to obey without question their leaders. They both made claims to exclusive possession of the “truth.” As well, both groups tread on the ground that the National Socialists had carved for themselves as a political philosophy bent on creating a new man, a new society, and a new world. Then why was there such a difference in official attitudes towards the Mormons and the Witnesses? 137 The role of minority religions under the National Socialist regime has been addressed in several articles and books over the last several decades. The body of literature concerning Mormonism during the National Socialist period is small and often repetitive in the themes it seeks to address.138 Perhaps this is due to an almost complete lack of primary resource material that exists on the Mormons

Poewe, “Scientific Neo-Paganism and the Extreme Right, Then and Today: From Ludendorff’s Gotterkenntnis to Sigrid Hunke’s Europas Eigene Religion,” Journal of Contemporary Religion, vol. 14, no. 3, 1999, pp. 387–400. Karla Poewe, “The Spell of National Socialism: The Berlin Mission’s Opposition to, and Compromise with the Völkisch Movement and National Socialism: Knak, Braun, Weichert,” Ulrich van der Heyden und Jürgen Becher (Hrsgg.), Mission und Gewalt: Der Umgang christlicher Missionen mit Gewalt und die Ausbreitung des Christentums in Afrika und Asien, Missionsgeschichtliches Archiv, Bd. 6, Franz Steiner Verlag, Stuttgart, 2000, pp. 268–290. 136 German Mission president, Oliver Budge, was questioned by the Nazis on September 8, 1932, regarding the Mormons’ position towards the National Socialists. Scharffs, Mormonism in Germany, p. 85; King, The Nazi State and the New Religions, p. 150. 137 The Mormons that did incur the wrath of the Nazi state were incarcerated for political action and not for religious belief or practice. Helmrich, The German Churches Under Hitler, pp. 404–406. Joseph M. Dixon, “Mormons in the Third Reich: 1933–1945, “Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought, vol. 7, no. 1, 1972, p. 76. 138 Alan F. Keele and Douglas F. Tobler, “The Fuhrer’s New Clothes: Helmuth Hübener and the Mormons in the Third Reich,” Sunstone vol. 24, November–December, 1980, pp. 20–29; Dixon,“Mormons in the Third Reich,” pp. 70–78.

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during the National Socialist period.139 I do not wish to convey the idea that no information exists, rather that very little material from government archives dealing with the Mormons during this period is to be found.140 The Mormon membership appears to have been generally supportive of the National Socialist regime.141 Alfred C Rees, a Mormon mission president in Germany, published Im lande der Mormonen in the Nazi party newspaper the Volkischerbeobachter in April 1939. In the article he favourably compared the Mormon Church, its ambitions, goals, and practices to those of the Nazis.142 The Mormons’ own Church News carried an article titled “Mormonism in the New Germany,” lauding the closeness between National Socialism and the Mormons.143 The structure between the two groups was also compared favourably. The two Mormon priesthoods, the Aaronic and Melchizedek, were compared to the Schutzstaffel, the SS, and the Sturmabteilung, the SA, while Gauleiters became Stake Presidents. Among the West German mission’s leadership many felt that Hitler had been divinely sent to establish the United Order prior to the return of Jesus and the establishment of the Millennial Kingdom.144 With the party being held in such esteem there does not appear to have been any sanctions against

139 Presently very few official files exist on the Mormons during this period. See “Beobachtung von Mormonen berichtet,” BArch., Reichsicherheitshauptamt, R58/5686, 1937; BArch., Reichministerium für Kirchliche Angelegenheiten, R5101, 1927–1940. 140 Relative to other groups during the time very little official information exists. For files on other groups see BArch., Auswärtiges Amt, Abt. III, R901/69662, Bd. 2, February–July 1941; BArch., Auswärtiges Amt, Abt. III, R901/69680, Bd. 3, April–August 1941; BArch., Auswärtiges Amt, Abt. III, R901/69666, Bd. 4, August–October 1941; BArch., Auswärtiges Amt, Abt. III, R901/69667, Bd. 5, January 1941–January 1942; BArch., Auswärtiges Amt, Abt. III, R901/69664, Bd. 6, December 1941–January 1942; BArch., Auswärtiges Amt, Abt. III, R901/69678, Bd. 7, January–April 1942; BArch., Auswärtiges Amt, Abt. III, R901/69663, Bd. 8, March–June 1942. 141 Conviction documents from the Vereinigung der Verfolgten des Naziregimes, Urteilsammlung show that Mormon youth were allowed into the NS party organizations for youth. Helmuth Hübener, Karl Heinz Schnibbe, and Rudolf Wobbe, were members of the Deutsches Jungvolk, the NS party organization for youths aged 10–14, and then progressed to the Hitler Jugend. Schnibbe was ausgeschlossen, (banned) from the Hitler Jugend. See Bundesarchive Stiftung Archiv der Parteien und Massenorganisationen der DDR, (SAPMO), Teil Dokumentationszentrum der Staatlichen Archivverwaltung: Dokumentation 1933-1945, Konzentrationslager und Haftanstalten (KL/Hafta)(1933-1990), Vereinigung der Verfolgten des Naziregimes, Urteilsammlung, DY/55. Dixon, “Mormons in the Third Reich,” p. 76. 142 Alfred C. Rees, “Im lande der Mormonen,” Völkischer Beobachter, April 1, 1939. King, The Nazi State and the New Religions, p. 73. See also the comparison of the fasting system employed by the NS regime and the Mormons in, Latter Day Saints Millennial Star, vol. 95, no. 38, September 28, 1933, p. 638. Dixon, “Mormons in the Third Reich,” p. 71. 143 “Mormonism in the New Germany,” Deseret News, Church News Section, December 9, 1933, pp. 3, 7. 144 “Reports Tell of Saints in Europe,” Deseret News, Church News Section, November 24, 1945, p. 5.

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Mormons who held Nationalsozialistische Deutsche Arbeiterpartei (NSDAP) memberships, or NSDAP members who were Mormons. While Mormon leadership was sympathetic to the Nazis, the Nazis were also sympathetic to the Mormons. Christine King makes the following analysis on the management of the sects under the National Socialists: “All the sects were observed and all, except the Mormons, appear regularly in police and S.D. reports. Some were more suspect than others, and it has been seen that the government’s attitude to each sect was determined only partly by the sect’s response to National Socialism, and largely by the political influence its members were able to exert on their own behalf. That the Mormons had convinced the government from the start of the regime of the political and economic importance of their membership to the German state and of their influence outside Germany, may help to explain the ease with which this sect came through the years of Nazi rule.”145

King cites additional reasons that may account for the Mormons favourable treatment under the Nazis. In her summation King intimates that the Mormons had few compromises to make in maintaining a working relationship with the National Socialist Government. Their members willingly accepted military service.146 They were already racially discriminative, using genealogical research to prove their Aryan ancestry and refusing to admit members with Jewish backgrounds.147 As well the Mormons had a long history in support of eugenics, both in theory and in practice.148 The National Socialist racial laws of the early 1930s were based on existing laws in the United States and Canada.149 Four miscegenation laws were passed in the heavily Mormon populated state of Utah between 1888 and 1953, prohibiting intermarriage between whites and those of African or Asian descent. The state’s

145 King, The Nazi State and the New Religions, p. 183. 146 King, The Nazi State and the New Religions, p. 184. 147 A Jewish convert was initially refused baptism but upon intervention from the mission president was allowed to be baptized in 1944. There were some members of Jewish ancestry among the German Mormons but these were not harmed during the war years. See King, The Nazi State and the New Religions, p. 188; Scharffs, Mormonism in Germany, p. 101. 148 See Christine Rosen, Preaching Eugenics: Religious Leaders and the American Eugenics Movement, Oxford University Press, Oxford, 2004, pp. 134–135; George Q. Cannon, “The Improvement of Our Species,” Western Standard, August 7, 1857; Steven Faux, “Genetic Self Interest and Mormon Polygyny: A Sociobiological Perspective of the Doctrinal Development of Polygyny,” Sunstone, vol. 40, July August 1983, pp. 37–40; Carmon B. Hardy, “That Same Old Question of Polygamy and Polygamous Living: Some Recent Findings Regarding Nineteenth and Early Twentieth-Century Mormon Polygamy,” Utah Historical Quarterly, 73, no. 3, 2005, pp. 212–224; Carmon B. Hardy and Dan Erickson, “Regeneration Now and Evermore!: Mormon Polygamy and the Physical Rehabilitation of Humankind,” Journal of the History of Sexuality, 10, no. 1, January 2001, pp. 40–61. 149 See Robert Proctor, Racial Hygiene: Medicine Under the Nazis, Harvard University Press, Cambridge, 1988, pp. 96–103.

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miscegenation law was repealed in 1963. The Mormons own sanctions, full admittance to the priesthood, against its own members with dark skin were not repealed until 1978. Like many American states Utah had also passed a sterilization law in 1925. The Mormons also stressed their commonalities with National Socialist behavioural morality. The addition to the daily Salt Lake City newspaper Deseret News known as The Church News for December 9, 1933 mentions that Hitler is an abstainer, a trait shared by the Mormons as they too abstained from coffee, tea, alcohol and tobacco.150 There was also an attempt to make the National Socialist regime aware of the Mormon message as Mormon literature was sent to all party officials and a personal telegram was sent to Hitler upon his ascent to power.151 King quite clearly outlines the reasons for the extreme differences in treatment between the Mormons and the Witnesses. King offers this analysis: “The Mormons religion, whilst all-embracing and in theory a self-contained world-view, allows a participation by its members in public life and thereby disguises the individual, millennial and totalitarian nature of its teaching and organisation. Thus the Nazis persecuted those who appeared most obviously to be their enemies and who had no alleviating factors to 152 offer in return for a reprieve.”

Archival sources may be missing to counter King’s argument but that appears to be unlikely.153 In the years since the fall of Nazi Germany no Mormons have come forward to relay their story of internment or subjection to government interference based solely on their adherence to Mormonism. It is only reasonable to infer then, that given the absence of sources on the topic that the LDS church and its membership were not targets under the National Socialists. The relationship between the Mormons and the German state during the National Socialist period is similar to the situation that developed under the dictatorial regime of the German Democratic Republic.154 From the outside it appears

150 “Mormonism in the New Germany,” Deseret News, Church News Section, December 9, 1933, pp. 3, 7. Commonalities between the Mormons and the National Socialists on alternative medicine, dietary restrictions, and midwifery also existed. Proctor, Racial Hygiene, pp. 225–227, 235–237, 241; Scharffs, Mormonism in Germany, p. 87. 151 Scharffs, Mormonism in Germany, p. 87. 152 King, The Nazi State and the New Religions, p. 188. 153 There are several files located in the Bundesarchiv in Berlin concerning the Mormons. The first from the Reichskanzlei file R4311/179 over the Mormon Missionary deportations in 1926. File R5101 dated 1927–1940 from the Reichsministerium für Kirchenangelegenheit, and finally R58/5686 from the Reichssicherheitshauptamt dated 1937 that details observations of the Mormons. 154 “Information über aktuelle Meinungsäußerungen von Mitgliedern der Kirche Jesu Christi der Heiligen der Letzten Tage (Mormonen) in der DDR,” Ministerium für Staatssicherheit, Nr. 491/88, November 9, 1988, Berlin,” BStU ZAIG 3699, pp. 12–14, p. 13. The abbreviated BStU designates the federal agency, Bundesbeauftragten für die Unterlagen des

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that there was almost an expressed favouritism displayed towards the Mormons under both regimes. The relationship under the German dictatorships is often interpreted as a good thing by many current authors.155 It does however cause one to question the motivation behind the relationship between the Mormons and the German governments. While other religious groups were facing state sanction why were the Mormons virtually exempt from any state action? The answer may lie in the Mormons’ own history. The Mormons perhaps more than any other religious body in Germany knew the dangers in confronting state power. They had felt the strong arm of the Federal Government in the latter part of the nineteenth century and emerged from that battle with the knowledge that any confrontation with political power would be fruitless, and extremely damaging. More importantly they learned how to survive. With the end of the Mormon dream of a political kingdom they became apolitical. The millenarian vision of a kingdom of the here and now was translated to a future state. The church took an official stance of self-preservation at all costs often sacrificing long held and important religious principles, such as the decision to abrogate plural marriage. The movement towards self-preservation resulted in a quieting of active demonstration against official state policy and generally they became docile towards political power. This shift from open agitation towards political power, to accommodation was only accomplished due to the Mormons’ church structure. The authoritarian and hierarchical nature of the organization does not allow for dissent from the church’s members towards official church policy. The Mormon relationship towards the state was a prime example of a theological principle that stresses the role of obedience and harmony. It is the principle of the Zion of Enoch carried out in the material world. Living the principle in the earthly realm would prepare the saints for life during the coming millennium and the eternal hereafter. In this ideal community, where communalism, plural marriage, would be practised, members were to live in harmony and to voice opinion with one accord.156 Dissent causes chaos and is counter productive to the perfect will of Heaven. With a leadership who act as God’s agents, whose very words, it is believed, originate in the heavens, dissent expressed towards them carries both immediate and eternal consequences. Staatssicherheitsdienstes der ehemaligen Deutschen Demokratischen Republik. Ministerium für Staatssicherheit der DDR is shortened to MfS. 155 For an example of this see Bruce W. Hall, “And the Last Shall be First: The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints in the Former East Germany,” Journal of Church and State, vol. 42, no. 3, 2000, pp. 485–505. Raymond Kuehn, “The Freiberg Temple: An Unexpected Legacy of a Communist State and a Faithful People,” Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought, vol. 37, no. 2, 2004, pp. 95–131. 156 The example of this from LDS works is found in the Book of Moses, 7:18. It states: “And the Lord called his people Zion, because they were of one heart and one mind, and dwelt in righteousness; and there was no poor among them.”

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Generally the Mormons did not encounter many difficulties with the National Socialist regime. The LDS Church was the only foreign church allowed to continue meeting regularly and publicly during the National Socialist period.157 In April of 1933, shortly after the rise of National Socialism, reports from Germany indicated that all 240 missionaries in the 100 cities in which they were working had no problems to report.158 Mormon missionary presidents appear to have been able to carry out their work unencumbered. Werdau, Saxony native Herbert Klopper had a private room and a telephone in the Mormons’ Berlin headquarters by which he could continue to conduct church affairs throughout eastern Germany.159 This continued once the war began in 1939. New congregations were established, and conferences were held in Berlin, Leipzig, Dresden, Hamburg, Königsberg, and Frankfurt am Main. The Stuttgart congregation celebrated its 60th anniversary in 1940.160 Yet, there were isolated cases of sanctions by the Nazis against the Mormons. Street meetings and door-to-door tracting were prohibited.161 In 1934 the Mormons’ scouting program was stopped, and there was a distribution ban of a tract by John Widstoe dealing with authority titled “Göttliche vollmacht.”162 It is claimed that their building in Bremen was confiscated and of course there were the criminal proceedings against the Helmut Hübener group.163 The Mormons were also asked to move from their meetinghouse in Nürnberg, as the inner city, where it was located, was about to undergo a restoration.164 Yet, on a more positive note the Mormon missionaries were invited to referee the basketball games at the 1936 Berlin Olympics.165 Although some state prohibitions existed, converts were still being made, and new congregations were being established in Germany during the National Socialist period. In the first year of the Nazi dictatorship the Mormons baptized 418 157 An example of this comes from Der Stern, Bd. 72, Nr. 1, January 1, 1940, p. 15. The notice reports that a joint conference of the Karlsruhe and Stuttgart congregations was held in Stuttgart on November 26, 1939. The notice mentions that 1,000 members attended the conference. 158 Der Stern, Bd. 65, Nr. 8, April 1, 1933, p. 109. 159 Scharffs, Mormonism in Germany, pp. 105, 108. 160 A new congregation was established in Berlin-Neu Kölln in 1937. Der Stern, Bd. 69, Nr. 4, February 15, 1937, p. 60. For conferences see Der Stern, Bd. 67, Nr. 21, November 1, 1935; Bd. 68, Nr. 14, July 15, 1936, pp. 217–218; Bd. 69, Nr. 3, February 1, 1937, p. 43; Bd. 71, Nr. 24, Weinachten, 1939, p. 385; Bd. 72, Nr. 2, January 15, 1940, p. 31; Bd. 72, Nr. 3–4, 1940, p. 63. 161 Dixon, “Mormons in the Third Reich,” p. 73. 162 Der Stern, Bd. 66, Nr. 3, February 1, 1934, pp. 47; Bd. 66, Nr. 9, May 1, 1934, pp. 142–143. John Widstoe, Göttliche vollmacht, Kirche Jesu Christi der Helligen der Letzten Tage, Deutsch Österreichische Mission, Berlin, 1930. 163 Scharffs, Mormonism in Germany, pp. 103–105. 164 Der Stern, Bd. 71, Nr. 24, Weinachten, 1939, p. 385. 165 Scharffs, Mormonism in Germany, pp. 84, 86.

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individuals. On the eve of the war in 1939, the number of Mormons in Germany had grown to 15,000.166 This represented the largest resident Mormon population outside of North America. With the removal of the American missionaries in the late 1930s, native German missionaries were now undertaking the missionary work.167 This localized missionary effort continued throughout the war realizing at least 100 baptisms per year.168 A re-evaluation of the roles played by the membership and leadership of many religious groups during the National Socialist period took place in the latter part of the twentieth century. For groups, such as the Adventists, this period proved to be divisive. Certain factions within the greater Adventist body promoted claims that the German membership and leadership collaborated with the National Socialist regime.169 The Jehovah’s Witnesses, one of the groups that faced extreme measures from the National Socialist state, have used this period as a rallying point to solidify their belief that the world is in fact ruled by evil, and that they truly are God’s chosen agents on the Earth. For the Mormons, a group that faced little to no state opposition, the National Socialist period presented a difficult challenge. As they were the only AngloAmerican sect allowed to operate publicly during the National Socialist period, this period is quickly becoming an embarrassment for many LDS who sought, and seek a more active social role for their organization. In answer to the challenge presented by the history of Mormonism under the Nazis a half hearted attempt has been made to present the Mormons of the period as voices of liberty challenging the National Socialist regime. Sadly, however, the overwhelming voices from the Mormons were silent. The only Mormon voices heard were those of a group of teenagers, who happened to belong to the Mormon church. The teenage voices were transferred to the greater membership as representative of the general body of Mormons during the National Socialist period rather than the lone voices they were. It may have been different if the voices were representative of the beliefs of the church or its membership, but they were not. Official Mormon policy was to not oppose the government. Several articles and books have been devoted to the story of the Mormon youth who withstood the National Socialist regime. The group is popularly known 166 167 168 169

Dixon, “Mormons in the Third Reich,” p. 71. Scharffs, Mormonism in Germany, pp. 91–92. Dixon, “Mormons in the Third Reich,” p. 74. See Roland Blaich, “Religion under National Socialism: The Case of the German Adventist Church,” Central European History, vol. 26, no. 3, pp. 255–280; Roland Blaich, “Selling Nazi Germany Abroad: The Case of Hulda Jost,” Journal of Church and State, vol. 35, no. 4, 1993, pp. 807–830; Roland Blaich, “Health Reform and Race Hygiene: Adventists and the Biomedical Vision of the Third Reich,” Church History, vol. 65, September 1996, pp. 425– 440; Blaich, Roland, “Nazi Race Hygiene and the Adventists,” Spectrum vol. 25, September 1996, pp. 11–23; Jack M. Patt, “Living in a Time of Trouble: German Adventists Under Nazi Rule,” Spectrum vol. 8, March 1977, pp. 2–10.

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as the Hübener group.170 Helmut Hübener, an obscure 17 year-old Latter-day Saint in Hamburg, along with teenage friends Karl Heinz Schnibbe, Rudolf Wobbe, and Gerhard Duwer are the only known Mormon widerstands kämpfer.171 Hübener and Wobbe had been members of the National Socialist party youth organizations, the Deutsches Jungvolk, and the Hitler Jugend. A third member, Schnibbe had also been a member of the Hitler Jugend, but was banned from the organization.172 According to the court documents, Hübener was employed as a civil servant and his step-father was a member of the Sicherheitsdienst des Reichsführers SS, shortened to the Sicherheitsdienst, or SD.173 Unlike Hübener’s mother and grandparents, his step-father was not a Mormon. As surviving members of the group retell the story, Hübener and several of his companions listened to wartime BBC broadcasts via shortwave radio. Hübener would translate the broadcasts and then use church duplication equipment to make copies of the translations. He would then leave the translated leaflets in public access areas in Hamburg. After his arrest by the German authorities, Hübener was excommunicated for his unauthorized use of church equipment. Following Hübener’s arrest he was tried, convicted, and executed. Hübener was the youngest person executed under the National Socialist regime. The fate that befell Hübener was not because he was a Mormon rather it was for his engagement in political insurgency.174 The Hübener story is a human-interest story of great courage. The tragedy in this story is the way in which Hübener’s personal courage has been used to create a myth in order to cover the Utah church, and its membership’s inaction in Germany during the National Socialist period. Hübener has become the representative martyr for the LDS during the National Socialist period. There are great lengths taken to portray Hübener as the perfect Mormon who took conscious action against the injustices of an evil regime. Yet, Hübener’s action is not the norm for Mormon activity during the National Socialist period. No official statement by any Utah church authority critical of the regime was issued during this period. While other religious leaders, and many groups issued official statements or circu-

170 Karl Heinz Schnibbe, Alan F. Keele, and Douglas F. Tobler, The Price: The True Story of a Mormon Who Defied Hitler, Bookcraft, Salt Lake City, 1984; Karl Heinz Schnibbe, Alan F. Keele, and Douglas F. Tobler, When Truth Was Treason: German Youth Against Hitler, University of Illinois Press, Urbana, 2003; Richard Lloyd Dewey, Hübener Vs. Hitler: A Biography of Helmuth Hübener, Academic Research Foundation/Stratford Books, Provo, 2004. 171 Annedore Leber, Conscience in Revolt: Sixty-Four Stories of Resistance in Germany, 1933– 45, Westview Press, Boulder, 1994. 172 Bundesarchive Stiftung Archiv der Parteien und Massenorganisationen der DDR, (SAPMO), Teil Dokumentationszentrum der Staatlichen Archivverwaltung: Dokumentation 1933-1945, Konzentrationslager und Haftanstalten (KL/Hafta)(1933-1990), Vereinigung der Verfolgten des Naziregimes, Urteilsammlung, DY/55. 173 Leber, Conscience in Revolt, p. 8. 174 For a brief discussion see Dixon, “Mormons in the Third Reich.”

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lars in opposition, the LDS authorities were silent. Only in recent history when the lack of activity by the Utah church leadership during the National Socialist period became apparent was a widerstands kämpfer sought. E. THE MORMONS AFTER THE WAR 1945–1990 During the war Mormons found themselves as both Allied and Axis combatants, and prisoners of war. American Mormons were allowed to hold religious services while interned in German POW camps.175 With the end of the war in 1945, many Mormons found themselves as members of the occupation troops in post-war Germany.176 In Frankfurt, Berlin and other German cities under American occupation the Mormon members of the occupation forces continued to proselyte using army materials, and often favoured their German membership.177 There were several complaints from German citizens to the commanders of the occupation forces that American Mormon troops were favouring the German Mormons. The war had left branches in the western occupation zones in disarray. Several leaders in the branches had supported the National Socialist regime and this had created a great degree of confusion and apostasy among the general membership.178 The German Mormons in diaspora had also initiated minor changes within their churches. It was claimed that the lack of direct oversight from Salt Lake City had allowed for deviation from the proscribed rules.179 Following the war, the Mormons’ German missions would become divided between the four occupation zones of the victors. The Mormons’ East German Mission encompassed most of the Sowjetische Besatzungszone (SBZ). Parts of the East German Mission also extended into the British, French, and American occupied zones. We are uncertain how many Mormons actually lived in the SBZ immediately following the war.180 We do have some indication from a conference held in Berlin in the fall of 1947. The Karlshorst based SMAD, the Sowjetische

175 Scharffs, Mormonism in Germany, pp. 118–119. 176 There were German Mormons in the Pittsburg, California POW camp. There also appears to have been a few conversions of other Germans while there. See Scharffs, Mormonism in Germany, pp. 138–139. 177 The government of the GDR claimed that RIAS, (Radio in the American Sector) Berlin, was founded by the Mormons. See “Bericht Legale Möglichkeiten der Informationsbeschaffung, Berlin, June 1, 1965, BStU, MfS HA XX4/1051, pp. 183–189, pp. 187–189. Scharffs, Mormonism in Germany, pp. 120–122. 178 Scharffs, Mormonism in Germany, p. 151. 179 Scharffs, Mormonism in Germany, p. 152. See also “Reports Tell of Saints in Europe,” Deseret News, Church News Section, November 24, 1945, pp. 5, 9. 180 Douglas Tobler states that in 1949 around 4,000 Mormons were in the SBZ. Douglas Tobler, “Before the Wall Fell: Mormons in the German Democratic Republic, 1945–89,” Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought, vol. 25, no. 4, 1992, p. 18.

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Militäradministration in Deutschland, had allowed the Mormons the use of the Staatsoper on Unter den Linden in which 1998 attended the morning session, and 2005 in the afternoon.181 By 1953 of the 8,000 members in the East German Mission it is estimated that 6,000 lived within the boundaries of the former SBZ, and its successor state the German Democratic Republic.182 In 1975 the Ministerium für Staatssicherheit, MfS, estimated that there were 1,500 active Mormons within the German Democratic Republic.183 By 1984 Mormons in the German Democratic Republic numbered 4,500 within 33 congregations.184 In the immediate post-war years the Mormons used their influence with the occupational armies to further their own self-interest. This occurred not only in the three western zones, but also within the Soviet occupied zone. In the Soviet sector the Mormons requested, through Georgi Zhukov, that they be allowed to make copies of all existing church records. The Russians honoured the Mormon request and told them that any records they found could be taken and sent to Utah.185 It is estimated that 60,000 volumes of genealogical material was sent to Utah. As the Mormons were able to move about unaffected there was no real need to have the members leave the Soviet sector.186 The leadership in Salt Lake City had told the members residing in the Soviet sector to stay. At Wolfsgrün, in Thuringia, a United Order was implemented with the members living communally.187 The Soviets looked favourably on the project. In the aftermath of the war the Mormons in Germany seem to have benefited under the occupation forces. There were isolated instances by individual Mormons that raised suspicions towards them but there was no banning of Mormon activities. The Mormons had been allowed to activate their missionaries in the SBZ by 1948. The majority of the missionaries working in the SBZ and the former Prussian provinces east of the Oder, like Silesia, appear to have been native Germans. New congregations were also established.188 This is in stark contrast to the 181 Der Stern, Bd. 74, Nr. 1, January 1948, p. 30. 182 Tobler states that in 1968 the Mormon population in the GDR had grown to 4,700. This indicates that there was a loss rather than a gain. Other sources also place the Mormon population in the GDR in the 4,000 range. 183 “Information zur politisch–ideologischen Bedeutung der Religionsgemeinschaft “Kirche Jesu Christi der Heiligen der Letzten Tage,” (Mormonen), in der DDR,” Berlin, April 7, 1975, BStU, HA XX 4/1051, pp. 163– 171, p. 163. 184 “Änderung der innerkirchlichen Struktur der Religionsgemeinschaft “Kirche Jesu Christi Heilige der letzten Tage” (Mormonen),” Dresden, October 23, 1984, BDVP Dresden Kriminalpolzei, Dezernat I, BStU, Mfs 1069, pp. 236–238, p. 236. The numbers for 1988 were also listed at 4,500 see “Information über aktuelle Erkenntnisse zur Kirche Jesu Christi der Heiligen der Letzten Tage (Mormonen), Ministerium für Staatssicherheit, Nr. 425/88, Berlin, September 24, 1988, Berlin,” BStU, ZAIG 3699, pp. 1–6, p. 3. 185 Scharffs, Mormonism in Germany, pp. 143–144; Tobler, “Before the Wall Fell,” p. 15. 186 Tobler, “Before the Wall Fell,” pp. 13, 16. 187 Scharffs, Mormonism in Germany, p. 134. 188 Der Stern, Bd. 74, Nr. 2, February 1948, p. 64; Bd. 74, Nr. 4, April 1948, p. 136.

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Jehovah’s Witnesses who were banned, and faced imprisonment in the German Democratic Republic as early as 1952.189 The Mormons had forged favourable relations with the Soviet occupiers that continued on to a great degree under the new regime of the Sozialistische Einheitspartei Deutschlands (SED). While the early relationship may have been favourable between the Mormons and the Soviet sector governments there were suspicions that the Mormons had ulterior motivations. Vice Consul in Berlin, Francis R. Gaser and Fred G. Taylor, director of Rundfunk im amerikanischen Sektor (RIAS) were both Mormons. The East German regime, under constant threat of counter-revolution, feared that the Mormons’ ties to their American mother church should be reason for caution. A lengthy report dealing with the Mormons’ history in the SBZ and the GDR was circulated among East German bureaucrats in 1965. The document analyzes the Mormons’ past undertakings and outlines the suspicions of the East German governments towards the Mormons.190 There were some concerns over the use of genealogical records, and the relationship of the Mormons to the political corridors of power, primarily their connection to RIAS, and the CIA. There was also the incident of the conviction of a British spy who had used the Mormon mission house in Charlottenburg as a base of operations.191 The same suspicions surrounding the Mormons appeared nearly two decades later in the Ministerium fur Statssicherheit (Stasi) files as Erich Mielke expressed concern that genealogy work and missionary activity could be used for espionage purposes.192 The Mormons’ greatest success in Germany had taken place in the interim periods following both of the wars when indigenous leadership was in place and German missionaries canvassed the German landscape. Although there had been progress during the interregnum, the leadership in Utah saw it within its purview to replace the indigenous leadership with Americans as soon as possible. They seemed unwilling to relinquish control and allow the native churches to govern themselves.193 As it turned out much of the Mormon membership in the western sectors, the area that became the Federal Republic of Germany was comprised mostly of American army personnel stationed in Germany. The largest block of native German converts had become massed in the former Soviet sector area that became the German Democratic Republic. The eastern 189 See file, “DY 30/IV 2/14/250, Bd. 4,” Bundesarchive Stiftung Archiv der Parteien und Massenorganisationen der DDR, (SAPMO), Arbeitsgruppe Kirchenfragen im ZK der SED 1949– 1989. Scharffs, Mormonism in Germany, p. 150. 190 See “Bericht Legale Möglichkeiten der Informationsbeschaffung,” BStU, MfS HA XX/4, Nr. 1051, pp. 183–189. 191 “Bericht Legale Möglichkeiten der Informationsbeschaffung,” BStU, MfS HA XX/4, Nr. 1051, p. 187. 192 “Information über aktuelle Erkenntnisse,” BStU, ZAIG 3699, p. 3; Einweihung des Tempels der Kirche Jesu Christi der Heiligen der Letzten Tage in Freiberg, p. 3. 193 Scharffs, Mormonism in Germany, p. 214–215.

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territory had originally been included in the Mormons’ North German Mission. Of the four German missions, the North German Mission had the largest membership and coincided almost perfectly with the boundaries of the newly created German Democratic Republic.194 Saxony, a major center for Mormonism in Germany since the 1860s, lay completely within the boundaries of the German Democratic Republic. Separation of the East German church from Utah was forced with the establishment of the German Democratic Republic in the late 1940s. The successive governments of the German Democratic Republic were intent on separating the church within its boundaries from contacts in the Federal Republic of Germany and in Utah. They were intent on creating a separate Mormon church within the German Democratic Republic. F. THE MORMONS IN THE FEDERAL REPUBLIC The Mormon missionaries had returned to Germany by 1947, but the Russians had prohibited any foreigner from entering East Berlin or the SBZ. During the 1950s the Mormon church entered into an aggressive building phase. Those congregations that had formerly met in rented school houses or restaurants all got their churches. Berlin-Dahlem was the site of the first Mormon chapel built in Europe after World War II. Virtually every congregation in Germany had its own building by 1959. Another important step was taken when the first Mormon Temple in Europe was built in Bern, Switzerland. This was a significant step forward as it was the first time European Mormons had access to the important rituals without travelling to the United States or Canada. By 1961 stakes, the Mormon equivalent of a diocese, had been established in Berlin, Stuttgart, and Hamburg.195 German youth also began serving as Mormon missionaries in parts of German speaking Europe and throughout the world. This reversed a century old trend where German immigrants had often returned to their birthplaces to proselyte.196 A new central organization for all of the European missions was created and centered in Frankfurt am Main in 1960. In the post-WW II era the Mormons began the process of gaining state recognition as an official church. The Mormons were granted full recognition as a Körperschaft des Öffentlichen Rechts on December 7, 1953. They were the first non-German based church to gain official recognition. It had taken the Mormons just a little over 100 years since their first full scale proselyting efforts in Ham-

194 Scharffs, Mormonism in Germany, p. 207. 195 Stakes are usually comprised of 5–8 wards, or single congregations, with active populations of 300–500 members. Stakes must contain a minimum of 3 contiguous wards to a maximum of 16. The population of a stake can contain anywhere from 900–8,000 members. 196 Scharffs, Mormonism in Germany, p. 185.

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burg to gain official recognition.197 Even though a large resident Mormon population existed, over half of all Mormons in Europe resided in Germany during the 1950s; Mormon missionary success in Germany was still limited.198 The decade of the 1960s were no more successful than the 1950s had been, even though the Mormons had embarked on a massive building program, and had attained state recognition. Conversion rates of the Mormons continued to decline. In 1961 there had been 2,500 baptisms recorded. By the end of the decade there were only 500 baptisms within the four German missions. In 1967 three of the four German missions had more missionaries than converts.199 While the statistics showed that growth was occuring, albeit slowly, the Mormon presence in the Federal Republic of Germany was tied mostly to the American army bases in central and southern Germany, and in West Berlin.200 With the withdrawal of American servicemen from German soil during the 1990s several Mormon Stakes were discontinued. Both the Stuttgart and Frankfurt Servicemen’s Stakes were closed in 1992 and 1994 respectively. The Kaiserslautern Stake, containing the large Ramstein air force base near the town of Ramstein-Miesenbach, Rhineland-Palatinate, is still active. The German’s relationship to Mormonism has always been rocky and continued to be so. In 1997 the Mormons were on the verge of taking a step backwards in Germany. The Enquete Kommission of the Deutsche Bundestag wanted to include the Mormon Church in a hearing on dangerous cults. Not much came of the inquiry as it was soon noticed that the Mormons had been recognized by the state as a Körperschaft des öffentlichen Rechts since 1953.201 Recognition as a Religionsgemeinschaft does not appear to have positively affected Mormon membership numbers or enhanced their returns on proselyting efforts. In the last few years contraction rather than expansion appears to have become the norm among the Mormon stakes in Germany. In early 2010 it was announced that several German missions were to be amalgamated. The former Hamburg Mission was to become part of the Berlin Mission, and the Zürich Mission along with parts of the Frankfurt Mission was to become part of the MunichAustrian Mission. These amalgamations now comprise large geographic areas and with large populations. Contraction of Mormon mission areas is usually interpreted as a lack of missionary success. The statistics seem to bear this out. Between the years 2003–2005 the Mormon population in Germany increased from 36,721 to 37,149. That represents a minimal increase averaging 214 persons per year.

197 198 199 200

Scharffs, Mormonism in Germany, pp. 174–175. Scharffs, Mormonism in Germany, p. 172. Scharffs, Mormonism in Germany, p. 179. The first Mormon Stake in Germany was created in 1961 in West Berlin. See Scharffs, Mormonism in Germany, p. 180. 201 Dittberner, “One Hundred Eighteen Years of Attitude,” p. 53.

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This number would include those born into the church as well as recent baptized converts. The minmal increase in membership over the years is a telling sign. Mainline Protestestant churches, Lutheran and Reformed, as well as Catholicism have traditionally added members through birth rather than conversion. As the core of the membership aged beyond the child bearing age, membership totals also began to stagnate and then decline. Have the Mormons reached this point in Germany? G. MORMONS IN THE GERMAN DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC The end of the war had seen a mass movement of peoples from the eastern Prussian provinces. The Mormons, like many others, also moved west into the region that was to become the German Democratic Republic. Post-war Germany found itself divided into four zones controlled by the victorious Allied powers. The three western zones under French, American, and British control merged to create a liberal democratic state, the Federal Republic of Germany. The occupied zone under Soviet jurisdiction (the SBZ) would also establish its own government under control of the SED. The SED would govern the GDR until its demise in the fall of 1989. With Soviet backing the SED sought to create a socialist state based on the Soviet model. In accordance with Marxist principles the new SED regime would set a course to engineer a new society bereft of the pitfalls of the western capitalist regimes. Through its unique position, straddling the socialistic and capitalistic worlds, it would seek to create a rival to its capitalistic counterpart, the Federal Republic of Germany. Despite its massive failures the GDR had become the centrepiece of the socialist world by the 1980s. For most of its existence the GDR would take its cues from Moscow in creating its interior and foreign political policy. In the end its break from Russian influence would bring the state to its ultimate demise in the 1980s. Never really finding an identity of its own throughout its existence, the German Democratic Republic would seek constant legitimization from its citizenry and the socialist and western worlds. In its attempts to create a new society a radical revision of the population’s attitudes needed to be undertaken. Established institutions would also need a radical adjustment to bring them into alignment with Marxist ideology. This of course meant changes to the central nemesis of socialist ideology, religion. The ultimate goal of the SED Kirchenpolitik was the elimination of all religion in the German Democratic Republic. Originally tolerance was shown towards the churches, as their participation in creating a new socialist society was needed. As stability was achieved the regime became more politically motivated towards restraining the churches in hopes of eventually eradicating religion from the German Democratic Republic’s landscape. Several astute moves spanning several decades were used to constrain the churches sphere of influence within the state. The ultimate plan was to eradicate religion through the SED’s Kirchenpolitik, to be implemented in several calculated stages. The Kirchenpolitik employed a policy of identifying the

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various powers within the churches and then playing these factions against each other. We see the first stages of the regime’s policy emerging in 1953 when the churches influence was reduced to the spiritual, or religious spheres, thereby removing it from its former position within society. An initial step was the removal of the church tax system in order to cripple the churches financially. The move was unsuccessful as the West German churches began to subsidize their sister churches within the German Democratic Republic’s borders. The move by the West German churches had unintended consequences, as the SED set in motion a policy to sever the eastern and western churches by establishing a separate east German church federation. The Bund Evangelischekirchen was brought into existence in 1969. Void of any political power the East German churches were therefore able to concentrate on the essential message of Christianity void of any political or democratic undertones. As a direct result of their forced apolitical stance the eastern Protestant churches began to see themselves as the heir of the true Christian church as opposed to the politically compromised West German churches. Religious rights of the citizenry also came under attack. Religious freedom had been guaranteed in the original constitution of the German Democratic Republic in 1949. These guarantees were removed in the constitutional revision of 1968, and were not included in the 1974 constitutional revision. The SED regime cited preservation of Glaubens and Gewissensfreiheit for the omission of religious guarantees in the constitution. The era under Erich Honecker (1971–1989) had brought changes to decades old animosity between the socialist regime and the Christian churches. Beginning in 1969, both the churches and the state sought to foster a climate of understanding towards each other. This was an official shift by the state from the public policy of previous decades. Having had little success in its previous methods towards accomplishing their goal, a new method was sought. The shift towards the churches was the result of a complex systematic method designed to bring the ultimate goal of the SED to fruition. The ultimate goal was still of course to seek the destruction of the churches and establish a purely atheist state. The East German Protestant churches had long been the only social institution that had not been under the direct control of the state apparatus. The SED set in motion a new policy to bring the churches into its sphere of influence, and into harmony with its ideals. In retrospect the policy towards the churches had never really changed, only the method on how it would achieve the ultimate goal. After decades of open intolerance towards the churches, which had not brought the desired results, a new method needed to be implemented. A new official, public, face was presented, one that wished to enhance the relationship between the churches and the state. The new method was two pronged, and took on both a public and a covert face. The regime had an official outward policy towards the churches through the Sekratariat für Kirchenfragen, and an unofficial inward policy headed by the Ministerium für Staatssicherheit, the MfS.

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The “Schild und Schwert der SED,” the MfS, were given the task of covertly bringing about the destruction of the churches. In reality, the SED’s public policy was a facade as the MfS directed the Sekratariat für Kirchenfragen with specific instructions on how to accomplish the goal of de-christianizing the state. The Sekratariat für Kirchenfragen was to build bridges with the churches in order to carry forward the goals set out by the MfS. To further these goals the Sekratariat für Kirchenfragen was to engage progressive clergy, to gather information, and to disperse information back to the churches.202 The MfS would also engage the churches through a system of official and unofficial government agents in order to further the goals of the SED regime.203 In the aftermath of the fall of East German socialism the claim has been made that the East German churches were under state influence. There does appear to have been extreme compromises made by the churches in order to maintain a living Christian community. To what extant the churches were complicit in maintaining the SED is however open to debate. There is no doubt that some of the churches played a role in furthering the SED’s goals. The state classified the churches according to a scale. On the one end were the churches that were seen as being progressive and pliable, and therefore useful, on the other end those that were classified as enemies of the state. Even though the outward image of the regime had changed, official SED policy had never really moved from its initial goal, the destruction of religion within the German Democratic Republic. It seemed that any tolerance toward religious groups was merely a means towards achieving the desired outcome. The German Democratic Republic was unique among the socialist nations of central and Eastern Europe by being dominantly Protestant. In 1946 the population of the SBZ was over 80% Protestant.204 While the Mormons had made gains in West Germany after the war, the Mormon population in East Germany had remained stagnate. The Mormons, like most religious bodies in the GDR, existed in a state of tolerated benevolence. The Mormons were permitted to hold church services, but had little contact with members either in the United States or West Germany.205 An important era for the Mormons began in 1975, as they were allowed to have members serve as local missionaries.206 Foreign missionaries were

202 David M. Keithly, The Collapse of East German Communism: The Year the Wall Came Down, 1989, Praeger, Westport, 1992, p. 120. 203 David Childs and Richard Popplewell, The Stasi: The East German Intelligence and Security Service, Washington Square, New York University Press, New York 1996, p. 77; John S. Conway, “The `Stasi’ and the Churches: Between Coercion and Compromise in East German Protestantism, 1949–1989,” Journal of Church and State, vol. 36, no. 4, 1994, p. 726. 204 Keithly, The Collapse of East German Communism, p. 119. 205 Kuehn, “The Freiberg Temple,” pp. 114–116. 206 Hall, “And the Last Shall be First,” p. 503.

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also soon permitted to proselyte within the GDR’s borders. The Mormons where the only church was the only church permitted to do so.207 In 1982 a stake was organized in a traditionally strong Mormon area of Saxony, in Freiberg. A second stake was organized in Leipzig in 1984. While the Mormons had received government concessions, official government policy still mandated that all religious groups within the GDR were to be led by native Germans, and that all tithing money was to remain in the German Democratic Republic.208 Henry J. Burkhardt, the president of the Dresden Mission, was recognized as the de facto president of the LDS church in the German Democratic Republic.209 Burkhardt was able to use the collected funds at his discretion.210 Perhaps the most significant achievement of the Mormons in the German Democratic Republic was the building of a temple in Freiberg, Saxony. The ability to participate in the temple rituals is a significant part of the Mormon faith. The inability to travel beyond the German Democratic Republic’s borders would have placed the East German Mormons at a distinct disadvantage regarding their future heavenly state. During the late 1950s a few Mormons from the German Democratic Republic had been allowed to attend the only Mormon temple in Europe situated in Bern, Switzerland. Generally, exit visas were not issued for the Mormons to travel outside of the borders of the German Democratic Republic.211 This however did not stop the membership from applying for travel visas in order to attend the temple. The Mormon leadership in Salt Lake City hoped to remedy the situation faced by their membership in the East Bloc. Without access to a temple the Mormons in the German Democratic Republic would be virtually second class Mormons. It was with this in mind that Mormon leader Thomas S. Monson engaged East German officials to examine the possibility of loosening the travel restrictions for the Mormon membership and perhaps furthering the Mormon presence in East Germany.212 The meetings proved profitable and culminated with the Honecker regime allowing the construction of several church buildings and a temple to be situated in Freiberg. The agreed to future churches and the temple were to be paid for in U.S. dollars giving much needed western capital to the Honecker regime.213 Initially

207 Tobler, “Before the Wall Fell,” pp. 12–30, pp. 13, 27; Hall, “And the Last Shall be First,” p. 502. 208 Kuehn, “The Freiberg Temple,” p. 100. 209 Kuehn, “The Freiberg Temple,” p. 96. 210 Kuehn, “The Freiberg Temple,” p. 119. 211 Kuehn, “The Freiberg Temple,” p. 99. 212 See Kuehn, “The Freiberg Temple,” pp. 114–116; Tobler, “Before the Wall Fell,” pp. 12–30, p. 26. 213 “Zentrale Auswertungs und Informationsgruppe, Wochenübersicht Nr. 35/86, September 1, 1986, Berlin,” BstU, MfS ZAIG 4562, p. 18.

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the planned temple was to have been built in Karl Marx Stadt, (Chemnitz).214 After further deliberation the site was moved to the city of Freiberg, east of Karl Marx Stadt. Additional land acquired through a land exchange allowed for further future growth at the Freiberg site. The ceremonial breaking of ground for the temple in Freiberg took place in April of 1983.215 The Mormons expressed fears that being required to allow access to the site by non-Mormon members after its dedication would compromise the sacredness of their temple.216 The Mormons’ fears were alleviated by an agreement between it and the government that prior notice would be given by government officials for any required visit to the temple. As is customary for all Mormon temple openings, the public was allowed access to the building for a short period prior to its official dedication. Available sources are unclear as to the total visitors that attended the temple during this period. Using data from Inoffizielle Mitarbeiter (IM) reports, it is estimated that between 10,800 and 20,000 people visited the newly constructed temple over the two weeks that it was open for public viewing.217 While interest to view the temple may have been expressed, the leaders of the East German Christian churches counselled their membership not to attend the temple opening.218 There appears to be a general sense of uneasiness by certain elements of the Mormon membership surrounding the Mormon Church’s relationship with the SED regime. The cooperation between the Mormons and the SED regime does seem out of the ordinary, given the problems faced by other religious groups within the GDR. In order to explain the unique relationship many Mormon writers often view the relationship as normal church–state relations. The writers cite that the Mormons in the GDR were merely adhering to their Twelfth Article of Faith,

214 215 216 217

Kuehn, “The Freiberg Temple,” pp. 107–110. Kuehn, “The Freiberg Temple,” p. 95. Kuehn, “The Freiberg Temple,” p. 114, 120–121. MfS BV Karl Marx Stadt Abteilung XX, Einweihung des Tempel der Kirche Jesu Christi der Heiligen der Letzten Tage in Freiberg, BStU, XX 1529, p. 6; “BDVP Neubrandenburg, Kriminal Polizei, May 10, 1985,” BStU, MfS HA XX/4, 1069, p. 249. Mormon sources place the figure at 8–9 times the amount recorded by Stasi sources. The Mormon leader Apel claims 96,000 visited the temple. Other Mormon writers estimate that 80,000–90,000 visitors came to see the temple in Freiberg during the open house. See “Auswertungs und Kontrollgruppe/ Kontrollgruppe Karl-Marx-Stadt, Operative Auskunft über die Verbindung des IMS zum Pfahlpräsident der “Flax” Mormonen in Freiberg, March 6, 1987,” Kirche Jesu Christi Heilige der letzten Tage, 1963, 1979–1989, BStU, MfS BV Karl Marx Stadt XX 1319, pp. 199–200, p. 199. Tobler, “Before the Wall Fell,” pp. 12–30, p. 26; Hall, “And the Last Shall be First,” p. 501. 218 “Ministerium für Staatssicherheit, Bezirksverwaltung Karl Marx Stadt, Reaktionen und Meinungsäußerungen von kirchlichen Amtsträgern im zusammenhang mit der Einweihung des Freiberger Tempels der Kirche Jesu Christi der Heiligen der Letzten Tage, Karl Marx Stadt, June 25, 1985,” MfS BV Karl Marx Stadt Abteilung XX, Einweihung des Tempel der Kirche Jesu Christi der Heiligen der Letzten Tage in Freiberg, BStU, XX 1529, pp. 10–14, pp. 10–11.

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and that they were hard working, loyal citizens.219 Others in their attempt to make sense of the relationship between the SED and the Mormons in the GDR have interpreted these events as supernatural, and miraculous, and that God used the Mormon Church to bring an end to socialism.220 Among the more sane explanations posited for the favourable treatment of the LDS in the GDR, are that economics, and the German Democratic Republic’s quest for legitimacy in the eyes of the Government of the United States played a central role.221 Though speculation exists economics, and legitimacy are often seen as the primary reasons that the SED allowed the Mormons to build the temple in Freiberg. For the Mormons the building of the Freiberg temple opened the door for the possible future construction of additional Mormon churches in the GDR.222 Generally, a summation of the current views on the somewhat unique GDR– Mormon relationship would have us believe that the beneficial treatment given to the Mormons was an attempt to garner favour with the government in Washington. This view is of course based on an assumption that the Mormons occupied a special status within the corridors of power and would use that status to further the LDS church’s goals abroad, in spite of a strict separation between church and state.223 The American public’s fear of where an individuals religious allegiances lie within the corridors of power would have made this action publically untenable. It has even been suggested that the security apparatus of the MfS suggested that the SED set an official course of action towards the Mormons and use the “special position” Mormons occupied within American government to garner favour from American politicians.224 This interpretation by Mormon authors fails on many levels. It is simply the group, the LDS, wishing to be recognized by a foreign power and thereby attempting to validate their own sense of specialness. First and foremost this interpretation is unsupported by any government, or Stasi documents. The BStU files do mention the Mormons’ access to the American corridors of power, and the

219 The Twelfth Article of Faith, states: “We believe in being subject to kings, presidents, rulers, and magistrates, in obeying, honouring, and sustaining the law.” See Kuehn, “The Freiberg Temple,” p. 125. The MfS also recognized that the Mormons instilled loyalty to authority into their membership. See “Information über aktuelle Erkenntnisse,” BStU, ZAIG 3699, p. 4. 220 Most research into this area is by faithful committed Mormons whose main arguments surrounding the reasons for the construction of the temple in Freiberg, and the treatment of the Mormons under the SED diktatur are theological, and often supernatural in nature. See Hall, “And the Last Shall be First.” Kuehn, “The Freiberg Temple,” p. 96. 221 Hall, “And the Last Shall be First,” p. 498. 222 Kuehn, “The Freiberg Temple,” p. 130. 223 Kuehn, “The Freiberg Temple,” p. 125, mentions that the Stasi counselled the SED diktatur that they could achieve the goal of recognition by working with the Mormons. See as well Hall, “And the Last Shall be First,” p. 489; Kuehn, “The Freiberg Temple,” pp. 102–104. 224 Hall, “And the Last Shall be First,” p. 489; Kuehn, “The Freiberg Temple,” pp. 102–104, 124–125.

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growing influence of Mormonism in the world. However, these references do not come from East German government officials, or from any internal Kontrollgruppe. Rather, the information that the Mormons play an important role within the Federal Government and therefore can influence American foreign policy comes from the East German Mormons themselves. The importance of “international” Mormonism is based on information gathered by IMs from among the East German Mormon membership through casual conversation.225 It should be remembered that East German foreign policy was determined by Moscow and it was geared towards strengthening relations with the Federal Republic of Germany, and not the United States. The Federal Republic of Germany was the German Democratic Republic’s greatest trading partner and not the United States. Maintaining close relations with the Federal Republic of Germany was far more important for the German Democratic Republic than seeking favour with the Americans. With the introduction of the “Hallstein Doctrine” in the 1950s the FRG’s foreign policy was geared towards eventual reunification with the Soviet occupied sector, and claimed to solely represent Germany, and its people internationally. While the Federal Republic of Germany’s “Hallstein Doctrine” was in effect international recognition of the German Democratic Republic as a sovereign entity was discouraged. The Federal Republic of Germany did not recognize the German Democratic Republic as a legitimate entity and would cease diplomatic relations any foreign power, the Soviet Union being the exception, recognizing the government in East Berlin. The policy was difficult maintain. In the late 1960s the new Ostpolitik of the Federal Republic of Germany soften the hard line of the past 20 years and made strides towards a “two Germanies” concept. The new Ostpolitik provided the ground work for the Viermächte Abkommens in 1971, and the Vertrag über die Grundlagen der Beziehungen zwischen der Bundesrepublik Deutschland und der Deutschen Demokratischen Republik, which came into effect in June of 1973. By February of 1974 the Federal Republic of Germany officially recognized the German Democratic Republic, and its government in East Berlin. The United States followed and officially recognized the German Democratic Republic in September of 1974. American foreign policy towards the German Democratic Republic had always been based upon the long-term goal of German reunification. In its policies towards the German Democratic Republic it had followed the Federal Republic of Germany’s lead.226 The German Democratic Republic was only important to the

225 “Bericht Legale Möglichkeiten der Informationsbeschaffung,” BStU, MfS HA XX/4, Nr. 1051, pp. 188–189. 226 See Christian F. Ostermann, “Little Room for Manoeuvre: Relations Between the United States and the GDR,” Detlef Junker et al (eds), The United States and Germany in the Era of the Cold War, 1945–1990 A Handbook Volume 1, 1945–1968, Cambridge University Press, New York, 2004, pp. 172–179; Gerhard Kleinfeld, “The Genesis of American Policy To-

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Americans because she was important to the Federal Republic of Germany, and the Federal Republic of Germany was important to the Americans.227 Even after the normalization of relations between the United States and the German Democratic Republic in 1974 the Americans continued to view the SED regime as a satellite state under the control of Moscow. The existence of the Berlin Wall, and the June uprising in 1953 had cemented in the minds of most American policy experts that without Soviet occupation forces the existing regime would be toppled.228 If the MfS had counselled the SED regime that by granting favours to the Mormons they could achieve a favoured status with the government in Washington they provided a sterling example of incompetent intelligence gathering. A proper use of manpower and resources would have led them to the conclusion that the American Religious Right, with actual power in politics, was comprised mostly of Protestant Evangelical Christians whose leading voices, among them Jerry Falwell and Pat Robertson, belonged to North America’s largest Protestant denomination, the Southern Baptist Convention.229 The Southern Baptist Convention has over 16 million members in the United States alone, outstripping the international Mormon community by over 4 million. Important Baptists in politics would have included congressmen and senators from both Republican and Democratic parties. By favouring the GDR’s small Baptist community, it would have perhaps brought greater rewards. The reasons for a policy of favouring the Mormons under the SED appear to be complex and several factors must be taken into account. While political and economic considerations cannot be ruled out, the Mormons’ role in the Kirchenpolitik of the SED and the MfS figures centrally.230 There was a stark contrast be-

227 228 229

230

wards the GDR,” Reiner Pommerin (ed.), The American Impact on Postwar Germany, Berghahn Books, Providence, 1995, pp. 53–64. Kleinfeld, “The Genesis of American Policy,” p. 56. Kleinfeld, “The Genesis of American Policy,” pp. 60–61. The Religious Right emerged in the early 1980s as a political force within American politics. Socially conservative in its focus it was instrumental in the election of the Republican Presidents Ronald Reagan, George Bush Sr., and George Bush Jr. While conservative Mormons are generally seen as part of the Religious Right by those outside of the movement, the Religious Right is primarily an evangelical Protestant Christian movement whose membership often views the Mormons as not even being Christian. One needs only look at the difficulty encountered by Mormon Mitt Romney in his bid to secure the Republican candidacy for president. The MfS files list several areas in which the Mormons could be useful. The approval of building projects could provide hard currency for the government but this is not the sole reason. See “Zentrale Auswertungs und Informationsgruppe, Wochenübersicht,” BStU, MfS ZAIG 4562, p. 18; “Information über aktuelle Erkenntnisse,” BStU, ZAIG 3699, pp. 1–6; “Zum Empfang des Vorsitzenden des Staatsrates der DDR, Genossen Erich Honecker, für Funktionäre der Kirche Jesu Christi der Heiligen der Letzten Tag (Mormonen) am 20. 10.

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tween the official Kirchenpolitik of the Staatssekratariat für Kirchenfragen, the SED, and Honecker, and that of the MfS under Erich Mielke. The Mormons were seen in a favourable light for several reasons. There was a willingness to cooperate with the state in all its actions owing to their apolitical stance. The hierarchical structure of the Mormons allowed the state to control the organization from the top down.231 That the other Christian churches did not accept the Mormons as being a Christian church also proved beneficial to the regime of the German Democratic Republic.232 By favouring the small Mormon community it was hoped that divisions could be created within the religious communities of the German Democratic Republic. The state hoped that by playing the churches one against another the ultimate de-christianizing of the country could be achieved.233 The favouring of the Mormons appears to have struck a cord among the other Christian churches in the German Democratic Republic. Following the opening of the Freiberg Temple, East German church leaders voiced their concerns over the favouritism displayed towards a group they did not even consider to be Christian.234 Erich Mielke, MfS chief, in a brief prepared for the Politburo states clearly, that by using the Mormon church the other churches could be brought into alignment with the political goals of the SED.235 While the East German churches had become centers of dissent, the Mormons, by contrast,

231

232 233

234

235

1988, ZAIG Nr. 54241/88, November 4, 1988,” BStU MfS, ZAIG 23137, pp. 2–4. It was also hoped to use the Mormons as the ideal for church–state relations. Several families had applied to emigrate to the West. The Mormon leadership within the GDR compelled the members to withdraw their application. “BDVP Neubrandenburg, Neubrandenburg, July 4, 1984,” BStU, HA XX 4/1069, pp 230–231. “Information über aktuelle Meinungsäußerungen von Mitgliedern,” BStU, ZAIG 3699, pp. 13–14. See “Information über Reaktionen von Mitgliedern der Gemeinde Frieberg der Kirche Jesu Christi auf die Begegnung des Generalsekretärs und Vorsitzenden des Staatsrates das ZK Erich Honecker, mit Repräsentanten der Mormonen am 28, 10, 1988 in Berlin, November 7, 1988,” BStU MfS ZAIG 530/88, pp. 5–6. Discussion surrounding the meeting between Erich Honecker and Thomas Monson posited several reasons for favouring the LDS. While acquiring hard currency for Mormon construction projects was a consideration, using the Mormons as “ein gegenpol zur evangelischen Kirche schaffen” in order to “seine Kirchenpolitik erfolgreich durchzusetzen,” was the main thrust for the GDR government’s dealings with the Mormons. For the role of the Mormons in the eyes of the Mfs see “Information über aktuelle Erkenntnisse,” BStU, ZAIG 3699, pp. 1–6. The harshest criticisms came from the Catholic leader Bruno Burchhardt and Baptist Hans Joachim Ehmer of the Bund Evangelisch Freikirchlicher Gemeinden. “Reaktionen und Meinungsäußerungen von kirchlichen Amtsträgern,” BStU, XX 1529, pp. 10–14, p. 11. See “Information über aktuelle Meinungsäußerungen,” BStU, ZAIG 3699, pp. 13–14; “BV für Staatssicherheit, Karl Marx Stadt AKG, Information über die Reaktionen unter der Bevölkerung zur Öffentlichen Besichtigung des Tempels Freiberg der Kirche Jesu Christi der Heiligen der Letzten Tage (Mormonen) über die geplanten Weihefeierlichkeiten dieses Tempels vom 28, 6, bis 30. 6, 1985, Karl Marx Stadt, June 21, 1985,” ZAIG 29151/85, BStU HA XX 4/1051, pp. 62–64, p. 62.

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were seen as the ideal church. By extending favour to the Mormons the harmonious relationship between the Mormons and the state would provide the established example to which the other churches should aspire.

IX.

WHAT DOES HISTORY TELL US? A. AN ASSESMENT

Today there are a little over 38,000 Mormons in 174 congregations throughout Germany. General church attendance in most European countries has been in decline for much of the past 100 years. Much like their American counterparts it is the mainline Protestant and the Catholic churches that have seen a decline in their membership numbers. Churches that actually show an increase in membership are conservative or fundamentalist churches. The Seventh-day Adventists, the Jehovah’s Witnesses and the Pentecostal churches have all seen their membership numbers grow. In most statistical analyses Mormonism is often grouped with other conservative Christian groups. Yet Mormonism, unlike its North American religious sisters, the Adventists, Witnesses, and Pentecostals has stagnated. Mormon selfreporting statistics for Germany usually show an overall activity rate of around 30%. This translates into approximately 11,000 active Mormons, or roughly 30% of the claimed membership who attend church services regularly among the German Mormons. Raw data numbers that the church uses may show an increase in accrued membership, but this is usually an inflated number over the actual active members.1 Between the years 2006 to 2008, the Mormons in Germany experienced a net growth of 10 individuals. Contrasting these numbers to those reported by the Adventists and the Witnesses, two groups who under report their membership statistics, we see a church that has seen contraction rather than a growth since the early 1990s. For the year ending 2008 the Adventists claimed around 35,000 members within their two conferences in Germany. Adventist adherents in Germany total a little over 71,000. The Witnesses claim an active German membership of 165,837 with 269,303 adherents who attended their Memorial service.2 Outside of their North American market American methods of evangelization may actually contribute to the decline of the Mormons in Europe. In the United States and Canada religion competes in an open market and a church is often

1 2

Walter E. A. van Beek, “Ethnization and Accommodation: Dutch Mormons in Twenty-FirstCentury Europe,” Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought, vol. 29, no. 1, 1996, p. 120. Statistics are available at www.watchtower.org/e/statistics/worldwide_report.htm, www.adventiststatistics.org/view_Summary.asp?FieldInstID=1320677. Accessed July 10, 2010.

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judged by its genuineness and often by its performance in meeting the needs of their congregants. More often than not churches are all encompassing bodies that fulfill the social, as well as the spiritual needs of the congregants. Membership within most churches is often fluid, as it has a tendency to shift from church to church dependent on what a particular church offers. The religious landscape in Europe differs distinctly from its North American counterpart. Europe and its churches exist almost in what has been called a sub cultural segregation. Each church has around it pillared institutions such as a school system, a political party, or a trade union. They exist almost as alternative societies. There are several factors that seem to have hampered growth, and will, in the opinion of some authors, push Mormonism in Europe back onto the fringes.3 Even though the Mormons had a presence in Germany for over a century, as well as a relatively large resident Mormon population, no convert until recently, has risen into the highest corridors of power within the Mormon church.4 Early convert Karl Mäser had gained an important role within the Mormon church during the nineteenth century yet it would take another century before another German born Mormon would achieve a high status within the hierarchy. In 2004 Dieter Uchtdorf, a former Lufthansa pilot, was appointed as an apostle. With the death of LDS church president Gordon B. Hinckley in early 2008, senior apostle Thomas S. Monson succeeded Hinckley as president of the LDS church. Monson chose Dieter Uchtdorf as his Second Counselor. Uchtdorf was the first foreign-born apostle in over a century. Anthon H. Lund from Denmark and John A. Widstoe from Norway were the last European born apostles. Throughout the history of Mormonism there have only been 11 foreign born apostles. Five of these were born in England. With the appointment of Uchtdorf it marked the first time that a foreign born member had been “called” to the First Presidency since Anthon H. Lund in 1910.5 It also marked a radical departure from the established norm in that a non-relative to the first families of Mormonism had been appointed to the ruling Quorum.6

3

4

5 6

van Beek, “Ethnization and Accommodation,” p. 127, list seven points, both external and internal, that have, and will continue to be problem areas hampering growth in European countries. Briefly some of these are: salvation found within one organization, structured hierarchy, theocratic notions, thinking in absolutes and the gap between accepted cultural norms and the churches moral positions. Peggy Fletcher Stack, “Who among LDS Church Apostles Will Rise to the First Presidency?” The Salt Lake Tribune, February 4, 2008; Gerhard Spörl, “A Mormon Goes West: The German Apostle,” Der Spiegel, July 04, 2007. The first European resident to be called as a General Authority was the Belgian born Charles A. Didier. Didier was called to the Quorum of the Seventies in 1975. D. Michael Quinn in his two volume set, The Mormon Hierarchy: Origins of Power, Signature Books, Salt Lake City, 1994, and The Mormon Hierarchy: Extensions of Power, Signature Books, Salt Lake City, 1997, outlines the development of the Mormons’ ruling elites.

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The appointment of Uchtdorf to the First Presidency culminated a long history of Mormon interaction with the Germans. Since the days of Joseph Smith, the founding prophet of Mormonism, the Germans had played a significant role within the history of the movement. Finding success in proselyting among the German immigrants of rural North America, Smith felt that this success could be duplicated in the land of the Reformation. As a result, Germany would become the first foreign language mission for the Mormons. Yet the Mormons faced difficulties in Germany almost from the beginning. While on the surface they saw a land with a tradition steeped in religious tolerance, they soon became aware that religious tolerance in Germany had been bought with a heavy price. The decades of religious wars had instilled a will to preserve the hard won balance of the religious confessions in the German states. The perceived tolerance and pluralism that the Mormons had seen was really a state sanctioned peaceful coexistence between the varying confessions in Germany. Any disruption to this delicate balance was unwelcome. Failing to realize that German political power and religious power were intertwined also proved costly for the Mormon missionary efforts. What the Mormons offered was a radical alternative society, which in the end did not aid their cause. It goes without saying that the Mormon missionaries were not welcomed on German soil. Yet, the Mormon membership itself was not treated any more harshly than the other multitude of sects that had originated in Germany or imported from abroad. At one time or another, the Harmonists, Muckers, Mennonites, and Baptists all faced state sanctions. Most religious groups aside from the three recognized confessions experienced some form of state sanction. At certain times in history even the Lutherans, the Reformed, and the Catholics were not beyond the reach of the state. The thrust of the state sanctions against the Mormons never extended beyond prohibitions against proselyting and the expulsion of the foreign missionaries for failing to abide by the restrictions placed upon them. In the rare cases of the imprisonment of the Mormon missionaries it was for violation of the existing prohibitions enforced against them. The missionaries continued violations of the prohibitions created tremendous suspicion from the German governments and aided in labeling the Mormons as seditious. No German Mormons were affected by any of the prohibitions, as freedom of belief and the right of religious worship in private were guaranteed to all citizens. Overstepping these boundaries did create a few problems. Nevertheless, the prohibitions usually affected only the foreign missionaries who formed the bulwark of the Mormon missionary force in Germany. In the twentieth century under the National Socialists and the GDR’s SED the Mormons received extremely favourable treatment relative to other minority religions, and often even preferential treatment to the established Lutheran, Reformed, or Catholic churches. The success, or failure for that matter, of the Mormon missionary effort in Germany is relative. Although falling short of the conversion ratios they attained in England and the Scandinavian countries, and perhaps not realizing their own expectations for Germany, the Mormons did make significant gains among the

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Germans. Much like in England and Scandinavia the converts to Mormonism came mostly from the Protestant churches, and from the lower social classes. Several factors, seemingly unique to Germany, may have contributed to the lower ratio of converts from Germany. Firstly, the educational level, and hence literacy rate of the German population contributed to a general lack of religiosity among the population. This was especially evident among the urban population base. The higher rates of literacy among the Germans also allowed for a large amount of information on the Mormons to be accessed by the public. The image of the Mormons in popular magazines, newspapers, and books seemed to have also contributed to their lower conversion ratios. The Mormon message, supernatural even for the nineteenth century, proved to be difficult to accept. Controls on emigration and high rates of apostasy among the membership should also be cited as factors that contributed to lower conversion ratios. The majority of Mormon difficulties with the German governments took place in the nineteenth century and the early decades of the twentieth century. These difficulties were the direct result of Mormon beliefs related to the creation of a millennial kingdom.7 The creation of an alternate society with plural marriage, political theocracy, and a communal economic order as the central pillars of belief, made German governments cautious of Mormon proselyting in their territories. The German governments having experienced adverse effects from seemingly harmless religious movements in the past could simply not afford to allow any group the luxury to remain unchecked. Without a doubt the Mormons’ millennial aspirations played a significant role in the way in which they were viewed. The belief in the establishment of a theocratic kingdom marked the Mormons as undesirables. They were seen as a political threat more so than as a religious threat. Given that the majority of missionaries were from known areas of socialist agitation, the United States and Britain, coupled with the Mormon aspiration to create a theocratic kingdom, the German government’s concern was that the Mormons exemplified a realistic threat to both the social and the civil order. German authorities expressed major concerns with the Mormon beliefs of polygamy and the Gathering to Zion. Although church admonitions against the practice of plural marriage were announced in 1890 the practice did continue into the twentieth century. The continuance of the practice proved problematic as German

7

See A Proclamation of the Twelve Apostles of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints to All the Kings of the World; to the President of the United States of America; to the Governors of the Several States and to the Rulers and Peoples of All Nations, Wilford Woodruff, James & Woodburn, Liverpool, 1845. The circular announces the advent of the kingdom of God. Orson Pratt, “Establishment of the Kingdom of God, Permanent Equality Should be Maintained Among the Saints, Covetousness, Tithing, Consecration, Distinctions,” Journal of Discourses: By Brigham Young, His Two Counselors, the Twelve Apostles, and Others, 26 vols, Latter Day Saints Book Depot, Liverpool, 1854–1886, vol. 16, pp. 1–7.

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authorities and writers were quick to claim that the Mormons, despite official claims to the contrary, were less than honest. German authorities had long suspected that the Mormons were continuing the practice of polygamy. The revelations uncovered during the Senate hearings involving Reed Smoot in the early twentieth century merely confirmed these suspicions. Several of the missionaries to Germany, and many of the German converts did engage in plural marriage. There is however no evidence that plural marriage was being practiced in Germany at any time. Those that entered into the practice of plural marriage did so upon arriving in the United States or Canada. No known arrests were made for entering into plural marriage in Germany even though plural marriage was being taught openly. Polygamy was taught to German converts as early as the 1850s coinciding with the first major missionary expansion into Germany. This of course is evidenced from the letter of the first missionary to Württemberg Georg Reiser and from various tracts distributed among the Germans.8 While an aversion to it developed, the practice of polygamy, or at least bigamy, has a historical precedent within German society. In March of 1540 Phillip of Hessen took a second wife with the sanction of the Protestant reformers, Martin Luther, Phillip Melanchthon, and Martin Bucer. A second historical instance of polygamy in Germany was evidenced among the Anabaptists in the kingdom of Münster under Jan van Leiden who reportedly had 16 wives. The Mormons were fully aware of the practices of Phillip of Hessen and van Leiden before their entrance into Germany, and may have provided the background to the belief that it would be an acceptable practice among the Germans. Although there are historical instances of polygamy, or bigamy, being practiced in Germany it was not part of the social fabric. From a moral aspect, multiples wives was abhorrent for any Christian or enlightened civilized nation and therefore there was no need to pass a law directly prohibiting it. Germany, much like Canada, and the United States had laws in place against bigamy. Following the passage of the Edmunds Act in the United States surveillance of the Mormons increased in Germany. The German authorities were well aware of the Mormons’ difficulties with American state and federal governments and the Mormons disregard for established laws.9 German authorities, secular and ecclesiastical, felt that if the Mormons were not willing to obey established laws in their own country 8 9

See “The German Mission,” in the Latter Day Saints Millennial Star, vol. 15, no. 10, March 5, 1853, pp. 156–158; vol. 15, no. 23, June 4, 1853, pp. 362–367. In each of the seven locals the Mormons occupied between 1830 and 1844 they encountered difficulties. Originally welcomed as the refugees of religious intolerance they soon faced similar difficulties as those they had just left. For extensive discussion see Stephen C. LeSueur, The 1838 Mormon War in Missouri, University of Missouri Press, Columbia, 1987, and David L. Bigler, Forgotten Kingdom: The Mormon Theocracy in the American West, 1847– 1896, Utah State University Press, Logan, 1998. The Utah War was the largest American military expedition between the Revolutionary War and the Civil War. The excursion sought to establish Federal U.S. authority in the territory of Utah.

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why should, or would they follow proscribed laws in Germany. This perspective played a role as successive German state and federal governments took an active approach to constrain Mormon proselyting efforts. The Mormons’ beliefs directly affected their ability to proselyte in the German states. Not having the freedom to proselyte without interference, the Mormons resorted to subversive tactics in their attempts to spread their message. When the situation warranted, Mormon missionaries would lie to authorities telling them that they were tradesmen, students, or English teachers, and not missionaries. When authorities discovered that they were in reality missionaries, the Mormons were then viewed as being seditious which brought even greater scrutiny. Historically the Mormons were seen as representatives of a foreign culture that sought to establish an alternate society on German soil. For most of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries the Mormons close connection with American culture and values was detrimental rather than beneficial. With the majority of missionaries coming from the United States, the home of democratic liberalism and German diasporic revolutionaries, the fear of importing revolutionary ideas back into Germany was cause for concern. The emigration of German converts to Utah proved to be another major point of contention for German authorities. The Gathering of the Saints to Zion required that the Mormons congregate in specific locals, assigned places of refuge, from which they would be safe from the coming apocalypse. It was essential that new converts, as soon as they were able, made preparations to emigrate to Zion. This left the mission fields in which the Mormons proselyted often void of members as many of the converts often left for North America. The Gathering to Zion did little to create stable Mormon congregations in Germany. It proved detrimental for the organization overall as part of the German governments requirement for recognition as a religious group was the ability of the religious group to create stable congregations. Yet why would German authorities concern themselves with emigrating converts? Both economic and political reasons can be cited. Firstly mass movements from small towns could impact the local economy. German emigration policy during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries required that leaving taxes be paid to the local community by emigrants for loss to future revenue. Emigration could also impact the armed forces. Conscription and compulsory military duty formed part of the German social structure. Leaving without fulfilling the required duty to bear arms for kin and country was not seen in a favourable light. Emigration also served as a political and economic tool. In most of the German states immigration agents were required to be approved and thereby licensed in order to engage in promoting emigration. For economic reasons many of the German states had selected preferred locations for German emigrants. By controlling and limiting the immigration trade it was believed that assimilation of the immigrants by the host culture could be prevented. As immigrants were often assimilated quickly by North American culture, it was believed by channelling emigrants to South America or Australia a quasi colonization could be implemented. The immigrants would retain their German identity

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and provide a ready export market for German products providing an economic boon to the home country. German concerns over Mormon emigration seem to have had a moral component as well. Popular perception saw the Mormon missionaries as especially adept at seducing young females to convert. The goal of proselyting was to enlarge the harems of the Mormon hierarchy in America. This almost cartoon like caricature of the Mormons as lustful seducers not only appears in nineteenth-century American literature critical of the Mormons, but finds itself in German literature as well. The first full-length German book, fact or fiction, to appear on the Mormons was Amalia Schoppe’s Der Prophet. The three-volume novel is set in Nauvoo and presented the leading character as a lustful seducer.10 While most German literature in both the nineteenth and twentieth century was sober, often intellectual, informative, and academic in tone, popular magazines such as Gartenlaube, Globus, and others presented the classic picture of depraved Mormon males preying on innocent young women.11 The extremely popular German Western author Karl May also contributed to the German view of the Mormons. In several of May’s works such as, Die Rache des Mormonen, Der Geist des Llano estakado, and Satan und Ischariot the Mormons were always seen as evil. May’s works were first published in leading magazine serials of the day and his legendary portrayal of the American west is seen by many as factual even to this day.12

10 11

12

Amalie Schoppe, Der Prophet: Historischer Roman Neuzeit Nord Amerikas, 3 Bde., Friedrich Luden, Jena, 1846. See the following articles in Gartenlaube. “Aus dem Mormonenstaat,” 1866, p. 455–457; “Die Mormonen Hauptstadt und deren Sultan: Im Mormonenstaat Utah in Nordamerika,” 1861, pp. 504–506; “Wunderliche Heilige: In den Bestünden der Mormonen,” 1869, p. 25; M. Lindemann, “Ein sächsischer Schulmeister im Mormonenlande,” 1873, p. 794. Tobias Preisegott Burton from Der Geist des Llano Estakado and Harry Melton in Satan und Ischariot were both savory Mormon characters in May stories. Llano Estakado first appeared in Der Gute Kamerad: Spemanns Illustrierte Knaben Zeitung, W. Spemann, Stuttgart, Bd. 2, February–September, 1888. Satan und Ischariot appeared in serial form in the Catholic weekly, Deutsche Hausschatz in Wort und Bild, which was published in Regensburg by Friedrich Pustet. It was originally published in three parts as “Die Felsenburg,” Bd. 20, Nr. 1–52, October 1893–September 1894, “Krüger Bei,” Bd. 21, Nr. 1–33, October 1894–May 1895, and “Die Jagd auf den Millionendieb,” Bd. 22, Nr. 1–46, October 1895–August 1896. D. Jam, (Karl May) “Die Rache des Mormonen,” Illustrierte Romane aller Nationen: Unterhaltungsblätter für Jedermann, Bd., 11. Nr. 10, Deutsche Verlagsanstalt, Stuttgart, 1891, pp. 316–320. Secondary lterature dealing with the topic is found in Wiedenroth, Hermann, “Die beiläufige Rolle der „Jüngstentages Heiligen“ im Erzählwerk Karl Mays,” Hans Wollschläger (Hrsg.), Jahrbuch der Karl May Gesellschaft, Karl May Gesellschaft, Hamburg, 1980, pp. 125–137; Walter Dölle, “Karl May und die Mormonen,” KMG Nachrichten, Nr. 136, June 2003; Horst Friedrich, “Die Mormonen bei Karl May und Sir Arthur Conan Doyle,” Mitteilungen der Karl May Gesellschaft, Nr. 97, September 1993, p. 53.

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Yet, can the historical record substantiate the historic view of Mormon elders targeting young females? Of the first 17 converts to leave Hamburg for North America there was only one single female among them. Early convert Hans Hoth mentions that he lost his wife through the interference of Mormon elder Daniel Garn. As well, nineteenth-century reports of recently arrived Mormon emigrants from Germany also seem to indicate that a great number were unattached females. We do know from the genealogical records that Mormon elders who proselyted in the German mission field did appear to take women born in the German states and Swiss cantons as plural wives. Historically then German literature on the Mormons has usually been sober and more academic than polemic. The literature often avoids the sensationalism and biblical proof texts exemplified by many of the English works dealing with Mormonism. The majority of German works present a fairly accurate picture of Mormonism. It is not until the twentieth century that the tone of works dealing with Mormonism shifts resembling the English language writings. The tone of the German literary works was reflective of their author’s perspective. The majority of nineteenth-century works dealing with Mormonism were written with a certain amount of social scientific objectivity in mind. The German churches and their clergy did not enter the debate until the early parts of the twentieth century. In the latter half of the twentieth century we see the German churches taking a more active role in combating the Mormons. Polemical works by German clergy and apologetical works by the Mormons comprise most of the current German literature on Mormonism. A large portion of the current literature on the Mormons in the German language is simply a translation of English works on the subject. Generally, German academics, popular literature, and the state played a larger role in combating Mormonism than the churches. Religion plays an important role in German history and culture. For much of the Mormons’ history in Germany the state took an active interest in the Mormons’ proselyting efforts among the citizenry. The Mormons were often seen as representatives of an unwanted and foreign ideology. Experience with revolutionary ideas, both religious and political, in the past, and within recent history, German authorities were ever watchful of any assaults upon the pillars that provided stability to the civil structure. While Mormon membership only comprised a minute proportion of the religious population, the quantity of literature, and the determination of the missionaries to disseminate the Mormon gospel throughout Germany was seen as a threat to civil order. The historical examples of the Mormons quest to create an alternative society were noted. The Mormons close connection to the United States, its ideals, and its culture was therefore not seen as having a positive role to play within German society. Combining aspects of American culture within an evangelistic message, the Mormons have come to be seen as the most American of the American sects. Mormon belief is centred on the past history of, and the future cosmological importance of North America, especially the United States. Given the problems religion and social ideas had been for the Germans, civil authorities feared the importation of American values and ideas. It was not until the early twentieth century

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that government scrutiny of the Mormons lessened. During the 1930s and 1940s, the Mormons were treated favourably, unlike other American based sects such as the Adventists and the Jehovah’s Witnesses. This being the case even though all three groups shared a common perspective towards the creation of an alternative world. The difference between the groups was in how this new world will be created. Was the Millennial Kingdom to be erected by active agents of God, or through more passive means? In the post-war era the Mormons’ relationship with the state changed for the better. In the Federal Republic of Germany they gained official state recognition. Although there were advantages gained by through official recognition, Mormonism continued to experience slow growth. Many of the Mormons in West Germany were attached to the American armed service bases. With the withdrawal of a significant number of troops in the 1990s Germany’s Mormon population also declined. In the German Democratic Republic the Mormons were granted a special status within the state apparatus. The GDR regime had hopes of using the Mormons as the ideal example of what a proper relationship between a state and the churches within its domain should look like. The Mormons’ historic difficulties with American state and federal governments had taught their leadership that religious principles should be abrogated in return for state favour. That the other churches within the German Democratic Republic did not consider the Mormons to be a Christian church was used to the states’ advantage. The GDR’s regime’s search for legitimization from the west, and the Mormons’ willingness to provide much needed capital also played a minor role in the favourable position the Mormons occupied within the German Democratic Republic. Mormon growth in most of the European countries has been hampered in the post-war era by several factors. Using the Netherlands as a modern example we see that converts to Mormonism today often come from among immigrant ethnic populations.13 These recent immigrants are usually marginalized within the country itself and as a result of that marginalization still tend to come from the lower classes. While the Mormon missionaries may no longer come from North America they, and the church they represent, are still viewed as representatives of the United States of America, and American culture. This association can be attractive for the marginalized, in a psychological, as well as a practical sense. Membership in an organization with close ties to North America, and the possibility of future residence on the continent, as well as participation in special rituals in designated spaces creates a sense being part of an elite, not a member of the marginalized. Emigration to Utah was still foremost on the minds of most converts to Mormonism until the 1980s.14 When the goal of the convert is to leave, weak congre-

13 14

van Beek, “Ethnization and Accommodation,” p. 129 See van Beek, “Ethnization and Accommodation,” pp. 132–135.

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gations are usually the end result as the faithful, and often the best and the brightest, usually accomplish their goal. Years of relative stability and a lengthy presence in many European countries have changed most citizens’ perspectives favourably towards the Mormons. Yet the Mormons lack of strong local leadership and indigenous missionaries have also hampered their growth in many of the same countries. Citing the Mormons’ tenure in Germany as an example, the greatest gains for the Mormons in Germany occurred when the foreign missionaries were withdrawn and native Germans stepped forward as missionaries and participated in leadership roles. The knowledge that indigenous missionaries and indigenous leadership aid in the growth of a religious community is something that other groups such as the Pentecostals, Adventists, and Witnesses had recognized, and implemented early within their histories as part of their foreign outreach programs. Though the Mormons have had a lengthy presence among the Germans their message never seemed to resonate among them. That is not to say that there have not been periods of relative success. Without a doubt the influence on, and the interaction of the Germans with early Mormonism created a hope that in the land of Luther, the message of Joseph Smith and the Restoration would find an audience. Yet if a final word on the Mormons in Germany is to be made it would be, that the end result never met the original expectation.

X.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

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C. NEWSPAPERS AND POPULAR JOURNALS “An das deutschsprechende Volk,” Der Stern der Heiligen der Letzten Tage: Eine Monatsschrift zur Verbreitung der Wahrheit, 125 Bde., Kirche Jesu Christi der Heiligen der Letzten Tage, Bern, Zürich, Hamburg, Dresden, Berlin und Frankfurt, 1869–1999, Bd. 40, Nr. 2, January 15, 1908, pp. 15–19. “Anfang und Ende der Mormonenkirche in Nordamerika,” Das Pfennig: Magazin für Belehrung und Unterhaltung, Nr. 17, April 29, 1843, pp. 133–134. “Aus dem Mormonenstaat,” Die Gartenlaube Illustrirtes Familienblatt. Keil, Leipzig, 1866, pp. 455–457. “Aus der Geschichte der Deutsch Sprechende Missionen,” Der Stern der Heiligen der Letzten Tage: Eine Monatsschrift zur Verbreitung der Wahrheit, 125 Bde., Kirche Jesu Christi der Heiligen der Letzten Tage, Bern, Zürich, Hamburg, Dresden, Berlin und Frankfurt, 1869– 1999, Bd. 61, Nr. 2, 1929, pp. 25–26. “Auswanderung: Ja oder Nein,” Der Stern der Heiligen der Letzten Tage: Eine Monatsschrift zur Verbreitung der Wahrheit, 125 Bde., Kirche Jesu Christi der Heiligen der Letzten Tage, Bern, Zürich, Hamburg, Dresden, Berlin und Frankfurt, 1869–1999, Bd. 79, Nr. 11, November 1953, pp. 323–328. Canham, Matt, “Church Won’t Give up on Lost Members on LDS Rolls: Volunteers Spend Time Tracking Down Those Who Are ‘In Transit,’ Hoping to Bring Them Back,” The Salt Lake Tribune, October 17, 2005. Cannon, George Q., “The Improvement of Our Species,” Western Standard, August 7, 1857. Das Echo: Wochenschrift für Politik, Literatur, Kunst und Wissenschaft, Schnorer, Berlin. “Denkwürdigkeiten eines französischen Mormonen,” Magazin für die Literatur des Auslandes, Joseph Lehmann (Hrsg.), Beit & Comp., Leipzig, Bd. 63, Nr. 6, February 11, 1863, pp. 64– 65.

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Der Canonische Wächter: Eine antijesuitische Zeitschrift für Staat und Kirche und für alle christliche Confessionen, Alexander Müller und F. Ruff (Hrsgg.), F. A. Brockhaus, Leipzig, Bd. 3, 1830–1834. Der Darsteller der Heiligen der Letzten Tage, Daniel Tyler (Hrsg.), 4 Bde., Kirche Jesu Christi der Heiligen der Letzten Tage, Genf, 1855–1861. “Der Mormonenpriester: Eine Erzählung,” Die Illustrierte Welt: Blätter aus Natur und Leben, Wissenschaft und Kunst zur Unterhaltung und Belehrung für die Familie, 50 Bde., Verlag der Deutschen Verlagsanstalt, Stuttgart und Leipzig, 1853–1902. Bd. 2, Nr. 32, 1854, pp. 254– 255, Bd. 2, Nr. 33, 1854, pp. 262–263. “Der Mormonismus,” Blätter für literarische Unterhaltung, 72 Bde., F. A. Brockhaus, Leipzig, 1826–1892, Nr. 240, August 28, 1843, pp. 962–963. “Der Mormonismus,” Schlesisches Kirchenblatt: Eine Zeitschrift für Katholiken aller Stände, zur Beförderung d. religiösen Sinnes, 50 Bde., Aderholz, 1835–1885, Breslau, Bd. 20, Nr. 15, 1854, p. 197. “Der Mormonenstaat in Utah,” Der Katholik: Zeitschrift für katholische Wissenschaft und kirchliches Leben, Johann B. Heinrich und Christoph Moufang (Hrsgg.), Franz Kirchheim, Mainz, 1821–1919, Bd. 41, 1879, pp. 631–663. Der Sammler: Ein Blatt zur Unterhaltung und Belehrung, Beilage der Augsburger Abendzeitung. “Der socialistische Zukunftsstaat: Die communistische Ehe und Familie,” Neueste Mittheilungen, Dr. Jur. O. Hammann, Berlin, Nr. 9, 7, December 9, 1890. Der Stern der Heiligen der Letzten Tage: Eine Monatsschrift zur Verbreitung der Wahrheit, Karl Mäser, et al (Hrsgg.), 125 Bde., Kirche Jesu Christi der Heiligen der Letzten Tage, Bern, Zürich, Hamburg, Dresden, Berlin und Frankfurt, 1869–1999. Der Wahrheitsfreund, 70 Bde., Aloysius Waisen Verein, Cinncinati, Ohio, 1837–1907. Der Westbote, 75 Bde., Reinhard & Frieser, Columbus, 1843–1918. “Defense of New Polygamy,” The Salt Lake Tribune, March 8, 1910, p. 4. Deutsche Tageszeitung, Deutsche Tageszeitung Druckerei & Verlag, Berlin. Deutsche Zeitschrift für Kirchenrecht, Bd. 11, Gesellschaft für Kirchenrechtswissenschaft, Göttingen, 1873. “Die Mormonen,” Freya: Illustrirte Blätter für die gebildete Welt, Bd. 7, Krais & Hoffmann, Stuttgart, 1867, pp. 518–519. “Die Mormonen,” Palatina: Heimatblatt oder Beilage der Pfälzer Zeitung und des Rheinischen Volksblattes, Jahrgang 1870, Jagerische Buchdruckerei, Speyer, Nr. 43, April 12, 1870, pp. 160–162. “Die Mormonen–Hauptstadt und deren Sultan: Im Mormonenstaat Utah in Nordamerika,” Die Gartenlaube Illustrirtes Familienblatt, Keil, Leipzig, 1861, pp. 504–506. “Die Mormonen in Deutschland: Ihre Agitation in allem Bundesstaaten,” National Zeitung, National Verlag, GmbH., Berleburg, Nr. 107, vol. 8, no. 5, 1912. “Die Mormonen und Ihr Prophet,” Magazin für die Literatur des Auslandes, Joseph Lehmann (Hrsg.), Hahn, Berlin, Bd. 22, Nr. 146, December 7, 1842 pp. 581–582; Nr. 147, December 9, 1842, pp. 586–587; Nr. 148, December 12, 1842, pp. 590–591. Die Neue Zeit: Revue des geistigen und öffentlichen Lebens, 41 Bde., Karl Kautsky, Emmanuel Wurm, et al (Hrsgg.), J. H. W. Dietz, Stuttgart und Berlin, 1883–1922/23. Die Reform der Heiligen der Letzten Tage, John L. Smith (Hrsg.), 1 Bd., Kirche Jesu Christi der Heiligen der Letzten Tage, Genf, 1862–1864. “Die Sekte der Mormonen,” Der katholische Volksfreund: Wochenschrift für häusliche Erbauung und Belehrung des katholischen Volkes, Anton Westermeyer (Hrsg.), Rieger, München, Nr. 23, June 8, 1854, pp. 180–182; Nr. 24, June 10, 1854, pp. 188–190; Nr. 25, June 17, 1854, pp. 195–196. “Eine neue Gefähr fur die Union,” Janus, W. Wagenitz, New York, Bd. 1, Nr. 5, February 4, 1852.

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Shields, Steven L., “The Latter Day Saint Movement: A Study in Survival,” Timothy Miller (ed.), When Prophets Die: The Postcharismatic Fate of New Religious Movements, State University of New York Press, Albany, 1991, pp. 59–77, 209–214. Shipps, Jan, “Mormon Metamorphosis: The Neglected Story,” The Christian Century, vol. 113, no. 24, August 14, 1996, pp. 784–788. Sillitoe, Linda, “Church Politics and Sonia Johnson: The Central Conundrum,” Sunstone, vol. 19, January–February 1980, pp. 35–43. Spencer, Orson, “The Prussian Mission,” Reidel, Albert, Die Geschichte der deutschsprachigen Missionen der Kirche Jesu Christi der heiligen der letzten Tage, Bd. 1, Service Press, Salt Lake City, 1971, pp. 44–75. Snow, Marcellus S., “The Challenge of Theological Translation: New German Versions of the Standard Works,” Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought, vol. 17, no. 2, 1984, pp. 133– 149. Stark, Rodney, “The Basis of Mormon Success: A Theoretical Application,” James T. Duke (ed.), Latter-day Saint Social Life: Social Research on the LDS Church and its Members, Religious Studies Center, Brigham Young University, Provo, 1998, pp. 29–67. Stark, Rodney, “The Rise of a New World Faith,” Review of Religious Research, vol. 26, no. 1, September 1984, pp. 18–27. Stayer, James M., Werner O. Packull, and Klaus Deppermann, “From Monogenesis to Polygenesis: The Historical Discussion of Anabaptist Origins? Mennonite Quarterly Review, vol. 49, 1975, pp. 83–121. Stephenson, John R., “The Two Governments and the Two Kingdoms in Luther’s Thought,” Scottish Journal of Theology, vol. 34, no. 4, August 1981, pp. 321–337. Takagi, Shinji, “The Eagle and the Scattered Flock: LDS Church Beginnings in Occupied Japan, 1945–49,” Journal of Mormon History, vol. 28 no. 2, 2002, pp. 104–139. Taylor, Allan, “Rediscovering the Context of Joseph Smith’s Treasure Seeking,” Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought, vol. 19, no. 4, 1986, pp. 18–27. Taylor, Samuel W., “If I were Satan,” Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought, vol. 22, no. 1, 1989, pp. 114–117. Tobler, Douglas, “Before the Wall Fell: Mormons in the German Democratic Republic, 1945-89,” Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought, vol. 25, no. 4, 1992, pp. 12–30. Tullis, Lamond, “The Church Moves Outside the United States: Some Observations From Latin America,” Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought, vol. 13, no. 1, 1980, pp. 63–73. “Tunbridge, Vermont Anabaptist Society, 12 November 1799,” Dan Vogel (ed.), Early Mormon Documents, 5 vols Signature Books, Salt Lake City, 1996–2003, vol. 1, p. 636. Ueda, Reed, “An Immigration Country of Assimilative Pluralism: Immigrant Reception and Absorption in American History,” Klaus J. Bade and Myron Weiner (eds), Migration Past, Migration Future: Germany and the United States, Berghahn Books, Providence, 1997, pp. 39– 63. Underwood, Grant, “Early Mormon Millenarianism: Another Look,” Church History, vol. 54, no. 2, 1985, pp. 215–229. van Beek, Walter E. A., “Ethnization and Accomodation: Dutch Mormons in Twenty-FirstCentury Europe,” Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought, vol. 29, no. 1, 1996, pp. 119– 138. van Wagoner, Richard S., “Mormon Polyandry in Nauvoo,” Dialogue A Journal of Mormon Thought, vol. 18, no. 3, 1985, pp. 67–83. van Wagoner, Richard S., “Sarah M. Pratt: The Shaping of An Apostate,” Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought, vol. 19, no. 2, 1986. pp. 69–99. van Wagoner, Richard S., “The Making of a Mormon Myth: The Transfiguration of Brigham Young,” Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought. vol. 28, no. 4, 1995, pp. 1–25. Vogel, Dan, “The Earliest Mormon Concept of God,” Gary James Bergera (ed.), Line Upon Line: Essays on Mormon Doctrine, Signature Books, Salt Lake City, 1989, pp. 17–33.

X. Bibliography

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Vogel, Dan, “The Locations of Joseph Smith’s Early Treasure Quests,” Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought, vol. 27, no. 3, 1994, pp. 198–231. Vogt, Peter, “Different Ideas About the Church: The Theological Dimension in the Transfer and Adaptation of German Religious Groups to the Pennsylvania Environment, 1683–1740,” pp. 17–43, Hans-Jürgen Grabbe (ed.), Halle Pietism, Colonial North America, and the Young United States, Franz Steiner Verlag, Stuttgart, 2008. Vousden, Peter J, “The English Editor and the Mormon Scare of 1911,” Brigham Young University Studies, vol. 40, no. 1, pp. 67–77. Warner, Helen K., “William Lyon Mackenzie and the Mormon Connection,” Guy L. Dorius, Craig K. Manscill and Craig James Ostler (eds), Regional Studies in Latter-day Saint Church History: Ohio and Upper Canada, Religious Studies Center, Brigham Young University, Provo, 2006, pp. 159–176. Wiedenroth, Hermann, “Die beiläufige Rolle der „Jüngstentages Heiligen“ im Erzählwerk Karl Mays,” Hans Wollschläger (Hrsg.), Jahrbuch der Karl May Gesellschaft, Karl May Gesellschaft, Hamburg, 1980, pp. 125–137. Wilkinson, Carol, “The Restoration of the Gadfield Elm Chapel,” Cynthia Doxey, Robert C. Freeman, et al (eds), Regional Studies in Latter-day Saint Church History: The British Isles, Religious Studies Center, Brigham Young University, Provo, 2007, pp. 41–60. “Willers, Rev. Diedrich to L. Mayer and D. Young, 18 June 1830,” D. Michael Quinn, “The First Months of Mormonism: A Contemporary View by Rev. Diedrich Willers,” New York History, vol. 54, 1973, pp. 317–331. Woods, Fred E., and Jacob W. Olmstead, “Give Me Any Situation Suitable: The Consecrated Life of the Multitalented Paul A Schettler,” Brigham Young University Studies, vol. 41, no. 1, 2002, pp. 108–126. Woods, Fred E., and Nicholas J. Evans, “Latter Day Saint Scandinavian Migration Through Hull, England, 1852 1894,” Brigham Young University Studies, vol. 41, no. 4, 2002, pp. 75–102. Wuthnow, Robert, and Charles Y. Glock, “Religious Loyalty, Defection, and Experimentation Among College Youth,” Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion, vol. 12, no. 6, 1973, pp. 157–180. Wuthnow, Robert, and Glen Mellinger, “Religious Loyalty, Defection and Experimantation: A Longitududinal Analysis of University Men. Review of Religious Research, vol. 19, no. 3, 1978, pp. 234–245. Yorgason, Laurence M., “Preview on a Study of the Social and Geographical Origins of Early Mormon Converts, 1830–1845,” Brigham Young University Studies, vol. 10, no. 3, 1970, pp. 279–282. Young, Brigham, “The Order of Enoch,” Journal of Discourses: By Brigham Young, His Two Counselors, the Twelve Apostles, and Others, 26 vols, 1854–1886, Latter Day Saints Book Depot, Liverpool, vol. 16, pp. 122–123. Young, Brigham, “Personality of God, His Attributes, Eternal Life, Etc,” Journal of Discourses: By Brigham Young, His Two Counselors, the Twelve Apostles, and Others, 26 vols, 1854– 1886, Latter Day Saints Book Depot, Liverpool, vol. 11, pp. 127–128.

G. UNPUBLISHED SOURCES Abraham H. Cannon Diaries, August 6, 1890. Alder, Douglas, The German Speaking Immigration to Utah 1850–1950, unpublished Masters Thesis, University of Utah, 1959. Bennett, Richard E., A Study of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints in Upper Canada, unpublished Masters Thesis, Brigham Young University, 1975. Braeucker, Wilhelm, Die Entstehung der Eugenik in England, Dissertation Doktors der Philosophie, Universität München, Nonne, Hildburghausen, 1917.

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Fechser, Johann, Autobiography of Johann Frederick Fechser, typescript by Clyde Isaac Fechser, N.D. Photocopy in possession of author. Findeisen, Hans Volkmar, Pietismus in Fellbach 1750–1820: Zwischen Sozialem Protest und Bürgerlicher Anpassung Zur Historisch-Sozialen Entwicklungsdynamik Eines Millenaristischen Krisenkults, Dissertation Doktor der Philosophie, Eberhard Karls Universität Tübingen, 1985. Garn, Daniel, Family Group Sheets, Latter-day Saints Genealogical Library, Salt Lake City. Garn Family History, Unpublished History, N.D., Photocopy in possession of author. German Mission Manuscript History, unpublished manuscript, Family and Church History Department Archives, The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, Salt Lake City. Hoth, Hans Peter Immanuel, Tagesbuch Hans Peter Immanuel Hoth, December 16, 1853– September 27, 1857, Bancroft Library Special Collections, University of California, Berkeley. Photocopy in possession of author. Jensen, Jay Edwin, Proselyting Techniques of Mormon Missionaries, unpublished Masters Thesis, Brigham Young University, 1974. Latter-day Saint Journal History, Family and Church History Department Archives, The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, Salt Lake City. Minutes of the High Council of the Church of Jesus Christ of Nauvoo Illinois: Nauvoo Hancock County Illinois, Family and Church History Department Archives, The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, Salt Lake City. Smith, Joseph, “Revelation July 17, 1831,” Joseph Smith Papers, Family and Church History Department Archives, The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, Salt Lake City. Widmer, Günther, Die Entwicklung der württembergischen evangelischen Landeskirche im Spiegel der Pfarrberichte bis zum Anfang des 20 Jahrhunderts, Dissertation Doktors der Philosophie, Universität Stuttgart, 2003. Young, Brigham, “I Propose To Speak Upon A Subject That Does Not Immediately Concern Your or My Welfare,” unpublished Discourse Brigham Young LDS General Conference, Great Salt Lake City, October 8, 1854, Brigham Young Papers, Family and Church History Department Archives, The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints Salt Lake City.

m i s s i o n s g e s c h i c h t l i c h e s a rc h i v Studien der Berliner Gesellschaft für Missionsgeschichte

Herausgegeben im Auftrag des Vorstandes von Andreas Feldtkeller, Irving Hexham, Ulrich van der Heyden, Gunther Pakendorf und Werner Ustorf.

Franz Steiner Verlag

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ISSN 1430–1016

Ulrich van der Heyden / Heike Liebau (Hg.) Missionsgeschichte, Kirchen­ geschichte, Weltgeschichte Christliche Missionen im Kontext nationaler Entwicklungen in Afrika, Asien und Ozeanien 1996. 472 S., geb. ISBN 978-3-515-06732-4 Tilman Dedering Hate the Old and Follow the New Khoekhoe and Missionaries in Early Nineteenth-Century Namibia 1997. 205 S., geb. ISBN 978-3-515-06872-7 Jürgen Becher Dar es Salaam, Tanga und Tabora Stadtentwicklung in Tansania unter deutscher Kolonialherrschaft (1888–1914) 1997. 194 S. mit 13 Ktn. und 11 Abb., geb. ISBN 978-3-515-06735-5 Elfriede Höckner Die Lobedu Südafrikas Mythos und Realität der Regenkönigin Modjadji 1998. 260 S. mit 17 Abb. und 12 Taf., kt. ISBN 978-3-515-06794-2 Nils Ole Oermann Mission, Church and State Relations in South West Africa under German rule (1884–1915) 1999. 267 S., geb. ISBN 978-3-515-07578-7 Ulrich van der Heyden / Jürgen Becher (Hg.) Mission und Gewalt Der Umgang christlicher Missionen mit Gewalt und die Ausbreitung des Christentums in Afrika und Asien in der Zeit von 1792 bis 1918/19 2000. 557 S., geb. ISBN 978-3-515-07624-1 Tanja Hemme Streifzüge durch eine fremde Welt Untersuchung ausgewählter schriftlicher Zeugnisse deutscher Reisender im südlichen Afrika unter besonderer Berücksich-

tigung der kulturellen Fremderfahrung 2000. 250 S., kt. ISBN 978-3-515-07563-3 8. Chun-Shik Kim Deutscher Kulturimperialismus in China Deutsches Kolonialschulwesen in Kiautschou (China) 1898–1914 2004. 272 S. mit 23 Abb., geb. ISBN 978-3-515-08570-0 9. Andrea Schultze „In Gottes Namen Hütten bauen“ Kirchlicher Landbesitz in Südafrika: die Berliner Mission und die EvangelischLutherische Kirche Südafrikas zwischen 1834 und 2005 2005. 619 S. mit 17 Abb., geb. ISBN 978-3-515-08276-1 10. Ulrich van der Heyden / Holger Stoecker (Hg.) Mission und Macht im Wandel politischer Orientierungen Europäische Missionsgesellschaften in politischen Spannungsfeldern in Afrika und Asien zwischen 1800 und 1945 2005. 700 S., geb. ISBN 978-3-515-08423-9 11. Vera Boetzinger „Den Chinesen ein Chinese werden“ Die deutsche protestantische Frauenmission in China 1842–1952 2004. 305 S. mit 15 Abb. und 1 Kte., kt. ISBN 978-3-515-08611-0 12. Ulrich van der Heyden / Andreas Feldtkeller (Hg.) Border Crossings Explorations of an Interdisciplinary Historian. Festschrift für Irving Hexham 2008. 496 S. mit farb. Frontisp., geb. ISBN 978-3-515-09145-9 13. Lize Kriel The ‘Malaboch’ books Kgaluši in the “civilization of the written word” 2009. 377 S. mit 15 Abb., 3 Tab. und 1 Kte., kt. ISBN 978-3-515-09243-2

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Kokou Azamede Transkulturationen? Ewe-Christen zwischen Deutschland und Westafrika, 1884–1939 2010. 278 S. mit 49 Abb., kt. ISBN 978-3-515-09669-0 15. Uwe Kaminsky Innere Mission im Ausland Der Aufbau religiöser und sozialer Infrastruktur am Beispiel der Kaiserswerther Diakonie (1851–1975) 2010. 280 S. mit 26 Abb. und 2 Tab., kt. ISBN 978-3-515-09687-4 16. Norbert Friedrich, Uwe Kaminsky, Roland Löffler (Hg.) The Social Dimension of Christian Missions in the Middle East Historical Studies of the 19th and 20th Centuries 2010. 252 S., kt. ISBN 978-3-515-09656-0 17. Helge Wendt Die missionarische Gesellschaft Mikrostrukturen einer kolonialen Globalisierung

2011. VII. 321 S., kt. ISBN 978-3-515-09864-9 18. Paul Widmer (Hg.) Europe in China – China in Europe Mission as a vehicle to intercultural dialogue 2012. 147 S mit 20 Abb., kt. ISBN 978-3-515-10140-0 19. Ulrich van der Heyden / Andreas Feldtkeller (Hg.) Missionsgeschichte als Geschichte der Globalisierung von Wissen Transkulturelle Wissensaneignung und -vermittlung durch christliche Missionare in Afrika und Asien im 17., 18. und 19. Jahrhundert 2012. 456 S., kt. ISBN 978-3-515-10196-7 20. Felicity Jensz Missions and Media The Politics of Missionary Periodicals in the Long Nineteenth Century 2013. 404 S., kt. ISBN 978-3-515-10103-6

One of the earliest critiques of Mormonism was written in German. German Reformed Pastor Diedrich Willers who had lost se­ veral of his congregants to the infant Mor­ mon church advised his superiors of the threat posed by the early Mormons. German speaking immigrants to North America converted, and played a significant role in the early development and growth of Mormonism in North America. As a result, founding Prophet Joseph Smith saw the German states as an area with a tremen­ dous potential for new converts. In the nineteenth century the German states be­ came the Mormons’ first foreign language

mission field, and for most of the twen­tieth century contained the largest resident Mormon population outside of the United States and Canada. However, the German mission did not live up to the initial expec­ tations, as, relative to the German popu­ lation, and the rest of Protestant Europe, the Mormons failed to make significant converts from among the Germans. This work examines the reasons behind the Mormon’s failures in the German states. This is the first historical, and critical ex­ amination exploring Mormon-German interaction within the context of a social, political, and religious history.

www.steiner-verlag.de Franz Steiner Verlag

ISBN 978-3-515-10419-7