Twenty-fifth Anniversary Studies, Volume 1: Publications of the Philadelphia Anthropological Society [Reprint 2016 ed.] 9781512815436

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PUBLICATIONS OF THE PHILADELPHIA ANTHROPOLOGICAL SOCIETY

Volume I Twenty-fifth Anniversary Studies

PUBLICATIONS OF THE PHILADELPHIA ANTHROPOLOGICAL SOCIETY

Volume I

Twenty-fifth

Anniversary Studies Edited by

D. S. DAVIDSON

Philadelphia

UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA PRESS London: Humphrey Milford: Oxford University Press

19 3 7

Copyright 1937 UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA

PRESS

Manufactured, in the United States of America by the Lancaster Press, Inc., Lancaster, Pa.

CONTENTS

PAGE T H E STICKFAST M O T I F IN T H E T A R - B A B Y S T O R Y .

By W .

N. Brown GODS

1

AND H E R O E S ON M A Y A

MONUMENTS.

BY

MARY

Butler

13

T H E SIGNIFICANCE OF FOLSOM AND YUMA A R T I F A C T

OC-

CURRENCES IN T H E L I G H T OF T Y P O L O G Y AND D I S T R I BUTION.

BY J . L . COTTER

27

F O O T FORMS OF P O T T E R Y VESSELS AT PIEDRAS N E G R A S .

By Frank M. Cresson, J r

37

T H E R E L A T I O N OF TASMANIAN AND A U S T R A U A N CULTURES.

By D. S. Davidson A

47

PRELIMINARY S K E T C H OF THE E Y A K INDIANS,

By Frederica de Laguna. .

R I V E R D E L T A , ALASKA. INDEX

MOLLUSCA

AND

COPPER

THEIR

BEARING

ON

63

CERTAIN

By Loren

PROBLEMS OF P R E H I S T O R Y : A C R I T I Q U E .

C. Eiseley

77

CROSS-COUSIN M A R R I A G E IN THE L A K E W I N N I P E G A R E A .

By A. Irving Hallowell

95

T H E E M E R G E N C E OF A G E N E R A L FOLSOM P A T T E R N .

BY

Edgar B. Howard AUSTRALIAN

Ill

C U L T TOTEMISM.

BY NATHANIEL KNOWLES,

Jr LATE

117 ARCHAEOLOGICAL

SITES

IN

DURANGO,

MEXICO.

By J . Alden Mason

127

FRIENDSHIP AS A FUNCTIONAL M O T I V E IN CERAMIC T Y P E S OF

EASTERN

NORTH

AMERICA.

BY

SAMUEL

W.

SOCIETY.

BY

Pennypacker, 2nd COMPOSITION

OF

'TORTS'

147 IN

GUAJIRO

Vincenzo Petrullo

153

IDENTIFICATION OF M A Y A T E M P L E BUILDINGS AT PIEDRAS NEGRAS.

BY LINTON SATTERTHWAITE, J R

v

161

vi

CONTENTS PAGE

CATAWBA

MEDICINES

AND

CURATIVE

PRACTICES.

By

Frank G. Speck

179

FIJIAN D R E A M S AND VISIONS.

BY DOROTHY SPENCER. . . .

199

T H E S C O P E OF T H E R I T E OF A D O P T I O N IN ABORIGINAL N O R T H AMERICA.

By H. Newell Wardle

211

M A R R I A G E AMONG T H E BABUDJA IN SOUTHERN R H O D E S I A . BY H E I N Z A . WIESCHHOFF

221

THE STICKFAST MOTIF IN THE TAR-BABY STORY By W. Norman Brown

THE crucial point in trying to identify the original home of 'The Wonderful Tar-Baby Story' is to distinguish between the story as a whole and the Stickfast motif that constitutes one of its elements. The Tar-baby story has the Tar-baby motif as its central theme; the Stickfast motif functions as a part or sequel of the Tar-baby motif. It was just the failure to make this distinction that almost fifty years ago led Dr. Joseph Jacobs to see in the story of Buddhist Jataka 55 a version of Tar-baby, and on the basis of it to indicate India as the birthplace of the story, whence he pictured it as spreading to Africa, and of course later from Africa to the Americas. And it is precisely the same failure to make that necessary distinction which in recent years has brought Dr. Elsie Clews Parsons, Miss Ruth I. Cline, and Professor Aurelio M . Espinosa to similar, or even less likely, conclusions about the origin and diffusion of the tale. About fifteen years ago (1922) I published a brief article in which I endeavored to point out that difference, and after it appeared Dr. Parsons acknowledged that her theory was difficult; but neither Miss Cline nor Professor Espinosa has specifically and explicitly considered this differentiation in itself, either to concede or to deny it, and I assume, therefore, that it needs renewed presentation. For if the distinction is not valid, then India must be considered the home of the Tar-baby story; but if it is, then I believe that Africa must be regarded as the land of origin. 1 The facts, as I see them, are that every Tar-baby story contains the Stickfast motif, but not every story with a Stickfast motif is an example of Tar-baby. On the other hand, every 1

2

PHILADELPHIA ANTHROPOLOGICAL SOCIETY

example of the Tar-baby story contains the Tar-baby motif, which I shall define shortly, but of course not all stories with the Stickfast motif contain the Tar-baby motif. The Tar-baby motif is the fashioning of a sticky image with the intent that some opponent of the fashioner shall mistake it for its original, and unaware of its sticky character shall accost it, touch it, and be caught. It is this motif that is invariable in Tar-baby stories, and gives the cycle its name. The motif is either present in unmistakable form or shows its vestiges in debased versions of the Tar-baby, as when we find a tarred stump or some similar object not resembling an animate creature, yet intentionally set by a user and adequately serving as a false lure. But the Stickfast motif is a much less narrowly specialized fiction element. It may be, and is, used without the user of the trap intending to deceive his prospective victim into thinking that it is animate; in that case it may relate only the use of lime to entrap some creature. It may even appear in folk-tales without any person or animal endeavoring to employ the sticky trap, as when the monkey in the story from India appearing in Hemacandra's Pariestaparvan (see below) is caught by bitumen oozing from a rock; nature put the bitumen there, not an enemy of the monkey. There is no intent to catch the monkey, and no enemy takes advantage of the monkey's plight. Put another way, the distinction is that the use of the Tar-baby motif foresees sticking fast; but sticking fast frequently occurs without the Tar-baby motif as its precursor and cause. In the latter case we have not the Tarbaby story. 2 If we examine the structure of Tar-baby stories the distinction should appear. Fortunately both Miss Cline and Professor Espinosa, who disagree with me about the homeland and direction of diffusion of the Tar-baby story, nevertheless agree with me essentially concerning the elements that enter into Tar-baby story examples. To make this fact clear, I go to the trouble of quoting all three statements. My own definition, 3 quoted here with only one slight addition appearing in square brackets, was as follows:

STICKFAST M O T I F IN T H E TAR-BABY S T O R Y

3

The story generally appears in a fairly well stereotyped form, showing a clever animal, in a few cases a man, engaged in thieving, that escapes all efforts to catch it until the injured party—another animal or man—fashions as a trap an image made of some sticky substance, such as wax, resin, rubber, tar, or birdlime, which the thief mistakes for a living being. [Tar-baby motif.] Often the image is that of a female, thus subtly calculated to play to the sex impulse of the offender, who is always a male. Anxious to become acquainted with this stranger, the thief accosts him (or her), but persistently receiving no reply to his overtures, he strikes the image and sticks fast, caught successively by hands, feet, and head. (This is the Stickfast motif.) There is usually a sequel in which the hero by a clever trick effects his escape. Miss Cline defines the T a r - b a b y story as follows:

4

The Tar-baby story consists of four fairly well defined parts. A clever animal, occasionally a person, is suspected of stealing; a sticky object, made so as to appeal to his amorous nature, is placed on his path; the thief strikes the object first with one hand, then with the other, and so on until he is caught by hands, feet, and mouth. The watcher then comes to kill the thief, who, nevertheless, by a clever ruse escapes. Professor Espinosa defines t h e a r c h e t y p e of the story in the n i n e following terms: 8

Tar-baby

The original baustein or primitive and fundamental version of the tar-baby story was probably of the following type: 1. A man or an animal has a garden or orchard, or just food put away somewhere. 2. A certain animal (a jackal, a monkey, a hare, or rabbit, etc.) comes night after night to steal the garden produce, the fruit, or the food. 3. The man or animal wishes to catch the thief and sets up a tarfigure, male or female (tar-man, tar-woman, tar-monkey, etc.). 4. The thief approaches to steal and when he sees the tar-figure he tries to engage him in conversation or tells him to get out of the way. 5. Receiving no reply, the animal-thief begins the attack, striking first with the right hand or paw. 6. This sticks or is held fast and the animal then begins the dramatic monologue with the usual threats,' If you don't let go of my right hand I'll hit you with my left hand, etc.'

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PHILADELPHIA ANTHROPOLOGICAL SOCIETY

7. The dramatic monologue and the attacks continue, and the thief is finally caught fast at four (two hands and two feet), five (two hands and two feet, and head or stomach), or even six (two hands and two feet, head and stomach) points. 8. The next day the man or animal finds his thief well caught. 9. Although frequendy punished the animal-thief escapes alive. T h e T a r - b a b y motif is the second element in the statements of Miss Cline and myself, and the third with Professor Espinosa. T h e Stickfast motif is the third with Miss Cline and myself, and is subdivided by Professor Espinosa into his fourth, fifth, sixth, a n d seventh elements. T h e argument for India as the home of the Tar-baby story rests upon five stories from ancient and medieval India, which Miss Cline and Professor Espinosa consider examples of the Tar-baby, but which I deny belong to that cycle. Because these five stories are older than any of the other stories which we have all severally considered, Miss Cline and Professor Espinosa naturally see in the homeland of those five stories the starting-point of the whole cycle. 6 If we consider these five stories from India, we shall see that they all contain the Stickfast motif, but none of them has the Tar-baby motif. I take them u p here, and begin with the earliest, which happens also to be the simplest. It is a parable, ascribed to the Buddha, found in the Samyutta Nikaya 5.148149, coming from before the Christian era. 7 Walk

not in forbidden

ground

Monks, there are regions of Himavat king of mountains that are rough and uneven, where neither monkeys go nor men. Monks, there are regions of Himavat king of mountains that are rough and uneven, where monkeys go but men do not. Monks, there are portions of Himavat that are smooth and delightful, where monkeys go and also men. There, monks, cruel men spread lime in the monkey-trails to torment the monkeys. There, monks, monkeys that are not foolish and greedy, seeing that lime, keep far away. But the monkey that is foolish and greedy, on approaching that lime, grasps it with the hand; there he sticks! 'I will free my hand,' says he, and grasps with his other hand; there he sticks! 'I will free both hands,' says he, and grasps with the foot; there he sticks! 'I will free both hands

STICKFAST M O T I F IN THE TAR-BABY STORY

5

and foot,' says he and grasps with the other foot; there he sticks! 'I will free both hands and feet,' says he, and grasps with the snout; there he sticks! Thus, monks, that monkey, smeared with lime five times, lies on his breast, having met with misfortune, having met with disaster, the sport of the cruel man. Then, monks, the cruel man impales him, disposes of him on that very bed of coals prepared with sticks of wood, and goes wherever he pleases. At the conclusion of the parable the Buddha draws the moral: 'For, monks, so it goes with whoever walks in forbidden ground, in a foreign region. Therefore, monks, walk not in forbidden ground. . . . ' 8 T h e Tar-baby motif is entirely absent. There is no image, no intent to deceive the monkey into thinking he sees something animate, no accosting of the trap by the monkey. T h e mere smearing of lime cannot be considered a substitute for the Tar-baby motif. Still more, there is no thieving and no desire to catch a thief; nor is there an escape. 9 T h e next of the five Indie tales was put into writing at least as early as the 12th century A. D., but is certainly far older. It can be found in the J a i n monk H e m a c a n d r a ' s (lived 1088-1172) Pari&staparvan, otherwise called Sthaviravalicarita, 1 0 which is an appendix to his Trisasti^alakapurusacaritra. T h e story (Canto 2, stanzas 720-745) does not need full translation. T h e young J a m b u , later to become a sthavira (pontiff) of the J a i n church, on the eve of his marriage to eight beautiful maidens, feels the call of religion and decides to leave the worldly life for that of an ascetic. T h e wedding takes place, b u t J a m b u refuses to have sex relations with his brides—who, it happens, have pledged themselves to follow him into the monastic life if he enters it. In the conversation that ensues one of his wives advises him not to be as hard as rock and despise them. H e replies that he is not ignorant of bonds, as was the monkey that was caught in the bitumen (stanza 719), and then relates the story. In the Vindhya mountains there was a powerful monkey, lord of a great herd. H e drove away all the other males, and remained sole master of the females. O n e day, a younger male came and m a d e love

6

PHILADELPHIA ANTHROPOLOGICAL SOCIETY

to the females. The two males fought, and the elder was defeated. He fled until he came to a place where he saw bitumen oozing from a rock. This he mistook for water and he lowered his face to drink from it, but at the contact his face stuck. Thinking, 'I shall draw my face away,' that monkey of litde wit put his two arms down on the bitumen, and they stuck as well. Then he put his feet on the bitumen, and they stuck like his hands. Then, as though with the five parts of his body 11 tied down, he endured death. J a m b u now draws the moral: 'If that monkey, so long as he was unbound by the hands and feet had drawn away his face, then without doubt he would have escaped the bituminous flow. And thus, ensnared through merely one of the sense organs, the tongue, the foolish man, immersing himself in women, who are like bitumen, is destroyed through the five sense organs. But not so am I.' This Jain apologue, like the Buddhist, is a Stickfast episode. There is no tar-baby. The bitumen that catches the monkey is not even a trap set for it. Another Indie tale containing the Stickfast motif is that in Jataka 55 (with its two variants), the story which led Dr. Jacobs to believe India the home of the Tar-baby. That Jataka has been translated frequently, 12 and I give it here only in summary. The Bodhisattva (future Buddha), born as Prince Five-Weapons, is warned by men not to enter a forest where dwells a notorious monster named Sticky-hair. Undeterred, he enters, and is met by the ogre, who says, 'Where are you going? Halt, you are my prey!' But the future Buddha says to him, 'Ogre, I knew well what I was about when I entered this forest. You would do well to be careful about attacking me, for with an arrow steeped in poison will I pierce your flesh and fell you on the spot.' The Bodhisattva then shoots fifty arrows, but all stick harmlessly in the ogre's hair. Then he smites the ogre with sword, spear, and club, but these as well stick harmlessly in the monster's hair. Enraged, the Bodhisattva strikes with his right hand, then his left, then his right foot, and then his left. These successively

STICKFAST MOTIF IN THE TAR-BABY STORY

7

stick. Then he butts with his head, and that too sticks. 'A very lion of men is this prince,' thinks Sticky-hair. 'Why are you not afraid?' he asks. 'Why should I be?' answers the prince, 'Every life must have its end. Moreover, in my body is a sword of adamant, which you will not be able to digest. It will chop your inwards into mincemeat.' The ogre believes him and sets him free. Then the Bodhisattva converts him, establishes him in the Five Precepts, and transforms him into a spirit, to be the guardian of the forest.13 This story seems to both Miss Cline and Professor Espinosa to be first-rate Tar-baby material. Miss Cline assumes so without argument. Professor Espinosa remarks (140) that this story 'is beyond all doubt one of the primitive tar-baby stories par excellence,' and adds that 'its relation to the other India versions, to the European versions and to the American versions discussed later is absolutely definite.' Shordy afterwards (141) he calls it the 'versio princeps.' Yet, if he would compare it with his own 'baustein' (see above in this paper, where his baustein is reproduced from his p. 193), he would see that of the nine elements which he specifies for the 'primitive and fundamental version' only two appear here, namely nos. 6 (in part) and 7, the sticking fast. There is no thieving by the victim (the Bodhisattva), no effort of the ogre to entice him, no inanimate image set up, no mistaking by the victim of the nature of the trap, and probably not even trickery in the escape; for the monkish redactor of the tale, as in the Chinese variants, doubdess thought the Bodhisattva had a moral superiority which made the escape possible, if not inevitable. In short, although the Stickfast motif appears, the Tar-baby motif is absent. T o consider any of these Indie tales a Tar-baby story, it is necessary to agree with Miss Cline (p. 73) that 'The one essential part of any Tar-baby story is . . . the so-called "stick-fast" motif,' and with Professor Espinosa (133) that 'the fundamental elements of the tale, the motif, the baustein, is the multiplepoint attack and the stick-fast episode together with the dramatic elements involved.' This is to leave the tar-baby entirely out of the Tar-baby story. Are we to consider it one of the

8

PHILADELPHIA ANTHROPOLOGICAL SOCIETY

'insignificant details' that are unimportant, as Professor Espinosa (133) would seem to have it? Another significant consideration is that these five stories from ancient and medieval India are so radically unlike the six modern instances of the Tar-baby in India that we cannot believe that they all belong to a single continuous tradition. The incongruity of the two groups was stressed by me in my earlier article, 14 and I shall not dwell at length upon the point here. All the modern versions are close to the general archetype, as abstracted from the general cycle by Miss Cline, Professor Espinosa, and myself (see above). In every one there is a Tar-baby and other elements which are absent in the five stories from ancient and medieval India. One of them (Indian Antiquary 20.29-32), which comes from the Portuguese community of the Salsette near Bombay, has every one of Professor Espinosa's nine baustein elements. The others, although they do not conform at all points, show clearly the primary Tar-baby episode. The modern folktales cannot be considered descendants of the ancient literary Stickfast stories.15 On the contrary, we must consider them importations from outside of India, where there are stories to which they closely conform. 18 As the old Indie literary stories have no relationship with the modern Indie versions of Tar-baby, so too they have no relationship with any Tar-baby stories known from outside of India. They conform to no known tale, and must be viewed as unconnected with the Tar-baby cycle.17 If it is right to keep the ancient Indian tales showing the Stickfast motif separate from the Tar-baby cycle, then it evidently follows that we cannot use them to determine the original starting-point of the cycle. T o try to do so involves us in such difficulties as presupposing that 'two or three types' of the baustein migrated from India (Espinosa, 194), although none of those types has been preserved in the literature; or with Dr. Parsons and Miss Cline that the Stickfast motif as Tar-baby left India attached to other material (no complete Indian stories known) that does not clearly belong to the Tar-baby cycle. We might see a prima facie case for India

STICKFAST M O T I F IN T H E T A R - B A B Y S T O R Y

9

as the inventing land of the Stickfast motif, which after leaving India crossed with the T a r - b a b y motif to produce the T a r baby story, but the case m a y be illusory. T h e mere presence of the Stickfast motif in literate India two thousand years ago does not mean that it was absent from an illiterate land, such as Africa, at the same time. At the same time, the Stickfast motif is one of those single items of fiction (as distinguished from a combination of motifs and incidents making a story) that might have arisen independently among two or more different peoples who were accustomed to snare animals with birdlime or some other sticky substance. But in no case does it follow that because we can find the Stickfast motif in India before the Christian era, therefore India is the home of the Tar-baby story, which employs it. T h a t is, indeed, to confuse the part with the whole. 1 8 NOTES 1. T h e various discussions mentioned in this paragraph are as follows: J o s e p h J a c o b s , T h e Earliest English Version of the Fables of Bidpai, London, 1888, introduction, xliv-xlvi. His idea was repeated in his T h e Fables of Aesop (Caxton's edition), and his Indian Fairy Tales. D r . J a c o b s also identified the hare as Bodhisattva in J à t a k a 316, where at the end of the tale the figure of the hare is painted on the moon, with the hare as clever animal in African stories; but we see now that the association is fallacious; for the hare shares the part of clever animal with many other animals in both India and Africa, and the supposed connection is only a coincidence. Elsie Clews Parsons, T h e Provenience of Certain Negro Folk T a l e s : I I I , T a r Baby, Folk-Lore 30 ( 1 9 1 9 ) : 2 2 7 - 2 3 4 . Her idea was that the T a r - b a b y story c a m e to Egypt as part of the Master-thief cycle, and spread from Egypt to Africa. After my criticism of this theory she admitted that it was ' tenuous,' J o u r n a l of American Folk-Lore 35 ( 1 9 2 2 ) : 330. R u t h I. Cline, T h e T a r - B a b y Story, American Literature 2 ( 1 9 3 0 ) ; 2 1 7 - 2 2 7 . W . Norman Brown, T h e T a r - B a b y Story at H o m e , Scientific M o n t h l y 15 (1922): 227-233. Aurelio M . Espinosa, Notes on the Origin and History of the T a r - B a b y Story, J A F 43 ( 1 9 3 0 ) : 1 2 9 - 2 0 9 [part of the material contained in this article appeared as European Versions of the T a r - B a b y Story, Folk-Lore 40 ( 1 9 2 9 ) : 217-227], By far the longest list of versions of the T a r - B a b y story is that published by Espinosa, op. cit., 1 3 5 - 1 3 7 ; some not noted by him appear in Miss Cline's list, op. cit., 72. T h e following examples should also be added: E . Chavannes, Cinq cent contes et apologues du Tripitaka chinois (3 vols., Paris, 1 9 1 0 - 1 9 1 1 ) , vol. 3, no. 410, 9 4 - 9 9 (Miss Cline cites the other example in this work, which appears in vol. 1, no. 89, 3 4 7 - 3 5 1 ) ; A. de Llano R o s a de Ampudia, Del folklore asturiano. Mitos, supersticiones, costumbres ( M a d r i d , 1922), no. 189 (see Boggs, F F C o m m 90, type 650 * V I I ) ; H . van Cappelle, M y t h e n en sagen uit West-Indie (Zutphen, 1926), 285; Frobenius, Atlantis X I I ( 1 9 2 8 ) , 3 1 7 ; Werner,

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PHILADELPHIA ANTHROPOLOGICAL SOCIETY

Folk-Lore 10: 282; Ellis, The Yoruba-Speaking Peoples, no. 4, 255; Kidd, Savage Childhood, no. 9, 242; Theal, The Yellow and Brown Natives, 90; Talbot, In the Shadow of the Bush, 397; L. Bloomfield, Sacred Stories of the Sweet Grass Cree (Bull. 60, Anth. Series 11, Canadian Department of Mines), no. 9, 28. Cf. Aame-Thompson, FF Comm 74, type 175; Boggs, FF Comm 90, type 650 *VII. Professor Espinosa's study is by far the longest and is of value for its collection of examples of the Tar-baby and similar stories, the list of fiction elements into which he analyzes the versions, and his general bibliography. His tabular analysis of the versions has less value, first, because he has faith in statistics which often are incorrect (as is the very first entry for India, p. 185) or mean very little and, secondly, because he arranges the versions by geographical provenience rather than by fiction types, with the result that his table does not supply the material for constructing the genealogical tree of the tale, nor does he himseli attempt to construct it. His historical summary of discussions of the tale needs many corrections. In trying to establish genetic relationships he lets accidental coincidences lead him into improbable conclusions (cf. his p. 163, on a Brazilian version; or see p. 145). His idea of the Baustein wavers from 'the multiple-point attack and the stick-fast episode with the dramatic elements involved' (133) to a list of nine separate elements (193; cf. also 140, 164, 191). He frequently offers in his own pages apparent self-contradiction; cf. his remarks (133) about the difficulty 'even in our imagination' of tracing the Castilian and Lithuanian versions back to Africa, and his citation (200) connecting the unique (for Europe) tarred horse of the Lithuanian with tarred horses in Spanish tales and the possible connection of them with 'the African live-tortoise tar-trap.' A critique of his errors and misconstructions would run to many pages. His article is full of expressions like 'certainly,' 'there can be no doubt,' 'definite,' and others in circumstances which warrant nothing stronger than 'possibly.' Miss Cline makes what seems to me to be an unsuccessful effort to find the well of Jàtaka 55 in Jàtaka 20. 2. For example, cf. for Europe, Espinosa, op. cit., 134n, 158n, 199f. 3. Op. cit., 228-229. 4. Op. cit., 72. 5. Op. cit., 193. 6. There are six modern illustrations of the true Tar-baby story in India, which I am not considering at this point. They have the Tar-baby motif as well as the Stickfast, and conform admirably to the archetype. 7. From the excellent translation by E. W. Burlingame, Buddhist Parables (New Haven, Yale University Press, 1922), 74. 8. The same idea of not going into forbidden ground but of being strong in one's own ground, is illustrated in the parable of the hawk, which in the Samyutta Nikàya (5:146) is near the story quoted above and in Jàtaka 168 (see Burlingame, op. cit., no. 17). The five points at which the monkey sticks are plausibly interpreted by Miss Cline (73) as 'typifying the five senses'; cf. below in the discussion of the Jain apologue from Hemacandra's Pariiistaparvan. 9. Professor Espinosa speaks (142) of'the implied dramatic monologue' of this story. The implication is fantastic. Would the monkey have been likely to address the path? For other vise of lime in ancient India to catch monkeys, see in Strabo's Geography 15.1.29 (C 699), where Indians are said to capture the ape 'in two ways. It is an imitative animal and takes to flight up in the trees. Now the hunters, when they see an ape seated on a tree, place in sight a bowl containing water and rub their own eyes with it; and then they put down a bowl of bird-lime instead of the water, go away, and lie in wait at a distance; and when the animal

STICKFAST MOTIF IN THE TAR-BABY STORY

11

leaps down and besmears itself with the bird-lime, and when, upon winking, its eyelids are shut together, the hunters approach and take it alive. Now this is one w a y , but there is another. They put on baggy breeches like trousers and then go a w a y , leaving behind them others that are shaggy and smeared inside with bird-lime; and when the animals put these on, they are easily captured.' [For a convenient edition a n d translation, see H. L. Jones, The Geography of Strabo (Loeb Classical L i b r a r y ) , vol. 7, 50-51, whence is taken the translation above. T h e Greek for ' b a g g y breeches like trousers' is OvXaKovs ¿it &ra(vpi6as.] 10. Text, with introductory summary in English, edited by H. Jacobi in the series Bibliotheca Indica, Calcutta, 1891: there is a translation in J . Hertel, Ausgewählte Erzählungen aus Hemacandra's Parisistaparvan (Leipzig, 1908), 121 ff. 11. T h e idea of pahcänga, the five parts of the body (hands, feet, and head) is well established in Indie languages. 12. There is probably no better translation than that by Burlingame, Buddhist Parables, 41-44. 13. T h e other two of the five versions from ancient and medieval India are variants of this J ä t a k a story, appearing in Chinese Buddhist literature. They were translated by E. Chavannes, Cinq cents contes et apologues extraits du Tripitaka chinois (see above in footnote 1); Miss Cline used one of these. These were, I believe, first brought into the Tar-baby discussion by Burlingame, Buddhist Parables, xix-xx. T h e two stories may be viewed together. They tell of the Bodhisattva, a merchant, going wittingly to encounter a demon. He first launches five hundred arrows and other weapons (incident omitted in no. 89), which stick in the demon's belly. He strikes with his right hand and then his left (order reversed in no. 89), then his right foot, his left foot, and his head, and these all stick. Still he fears not, for he has an indestructible heart of adamant, and by submitting to destruction will gain imperishable wisdom. The demon, amazed, is converted (in no. 410 he is impressed by the Bodhisattva's courage and releases the Bodhisattva and his five hundred merchant followers; there is no mention of conversion). T h e tales show that they and the parallel tale of J ä t a k a 55 belong to the great Buddhist cycle of amazing conversions of robbers and demons, of which the most famous is the conversion of Angulimäla (see in A. J . Edmunds, Buddhist and Christian Gospels, 4th ed., 2 vols., Philadelphia, 1908-09, vol. 2, 14-24). 14. On this point Professor Espinosa seems not to have read my own remarks carefully. He says (133), ' T h e opinion expressed by Dr. Brown that the old and modern versions from India are not related to the Uncle Remus version is really quite astonishing.' M y point was that the old versions are not related, but the modern versions are, and I said so explicitly (232). 15. Ancient literary stories and modern oral stories often conform amazingly in India; see an article by me in Journal of the American Oriental Society, 39 (1919): 1-54. 16. T h e Salsette Portuguese tale may have come to India with the Portuguese or the Negroes living near and in Bombay. The fragmentary tale from the Indus valley (Indian Antiquary 29: 400) m a y have been imported by Negroes; it seems to conform roughly to the type of item 17 in Espinosa, p. 186. The three Santali versions and that from Bilaspur seem to be variants of one another, and m a y possibly come from translations of the Uncle Remus books into Indie languages (see in my previous article reference to an illustration from one such work reproduced in J u l i a Collier Harris, T h e Life and Letters of Joel Chandler Harris, facing 300). 17. T h e connections which Professor Espinosa tries to see are far-fetched and obviously mere coincidences; see his 151, 156, 163, 171.

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18. T h e existing materials make possible and demand a study to determine the direction of diffusion of the Tar-baby stories; it should result in setting u p a genealogical table of the reported versions. Aside from the question of whether India or Africa is the home of the story—and I believe the material in this paper shows that India cannot be so considered—such a study would check the following positive, but unproved, assertions of Professor Espinosa: 'The Hispanic-American versions are of European origin* (196); 'The Portuguese versions from Hispanic America like the three Cape Verde versions are even more specifically IndiaEuropean in character' (196); 'The African or Anglo-African source of the Hispanic-American versions of the tar-baby story is absolutely out of the questions. They are fundamentally of Hispanic origin' (196); the Cape Verde Islands versions and the 'Anglo-African' versions are derived from Spanish sources (197-198). Professor Espinosa's idea, following Dr. Parsons' suggestion (afterwards withdrawn; see note 1) of migration from India to Africa by Europe or Egypt (Folk-Lore 40 : 225) falls without further comment, if it is once conceded that India is not the homeland of the Tar-baby.

GODS AND HEROES ON MAYA MONUMENTS By Mar>' Butler

M A Y A carved stone monuments of the Old Empire period not only make a very real contribution to the archaic art of the world but present two well-defined sources of historical knowledge for the student. T h e hieroglyphic inscription on a monument should tell us why it was erected, the sculptured scene should tell us how the people who erected it looked, thought, and acted. How much has been realized from these two sources of information? Specialists in language, epigraphy, a n d astronomy have studied the inscriptions for fifty years, a n d deciphered m a n y glyphs that deal with dates and calendrical calculations. These establish the fact that the monuments served as markers for specific periods of time, usually the twenty-year period called katun, and together with the three M a y a codices, they have led to a real understanding of the M a y a calendar, its mathematical excellence and intricacies, its agricultural and astrological implications, and to an attempt to correlate this calendar with our own. T h e glyphs not yet claimed by the calendar may well contain direcdy historical information, b u t as yet no one has succeeded in reading them. Study of the figures carved on monuments enabled Dr. Spinden to establish at Copan and Quirigua stylistic sequences that checked with the inscribed dates, and to identify various objects and creatures of religious significance. 1 An early writer held that the subject matter of the carvings was symbolic, illustrating the mathematical calculations contained in the accompanying inscriptions. Dr. Spinden pointed out the evidence of actual portraiture on stelae, a n d established the

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claim of the persons represented to be considered as human or divine beings, instead of as symbols of eclipses.2 In distinguishing Mexicans from Maya by a study of costume on Chichen Itza frescos, reliefs, and gold plaques, Dr. Tozzer showed the historical value of a detailed examination of the figures represented in Maya art.® Similar work in two temples at the same Yucatecan site contributed knowledge of the Maya social structure in showing that of the many figures carved as decoration on square columns, almost all fell into four classes: warriors, priests, god impersonators, and old men.4 In an earlier paper the writer attempted, without marked success, to establish from a study of costume on monuments distinctive characteristics for the art of each of the Old Empire cities.5 The evidence pointed, in spite of the localization of certain traits, to a uniformity of costume and regalia throughout the Maya area during this period that could be considered another instance of the conformity in ceremonial affairs shown by the stela cult and the Period of Uniformity in the calendar. Such a conclusion leads to a study of the carvings regardless of provenience in an attempt to determine the status and activities of the persons represented. This paper suggests an approach to the problem through a study of the design or arrangement of figures on a monument. We find not only that a carving may show from one to a dozen persons in the main zone, but that on stelae, where the space to be filled is long but not wide, these persons may be on one, two, or three different levels. This latter arrangement may well have religious significance, since we know that the Maya universe was piled in neat strata rising from the underworld to a varying number of heavens. Considering four stelae with three-level scenes, we find that three of them, from Yaxchilan (Stelae 1 [Fig. 1], 4, 6),® show, at the top, possible Moon and Sun Gods on either side of a presiding deity above a sky monster; at the bottom, a grotesque figure that may represent Mam, ruler of the Underworld. The main figure, in the central zone, holds an object that may symbolize water, rain, the power on earth through which the other deities work to bring the all-important corn. He is,

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perhaps, one of the Chacs, or rain spirits, or a priest who acts as intermediary between them and the people. O n the fourth stela, from Seibal (Stela 3), none of the figures has attributes that would distinguish it as divine or priesdy, but the marked division, with the emphasis on the central figure, who presumably interprets the will of the gods above to the people below, marks it as belonging to the same general group. The scenes on two horizontal planes are even harder to interpret, since there is no definite line dividing those which show natural with supernatural from those, like Stela 12 at Piedras Negras and Stela 2 at La Mar, which are merely wrestling with the problem of perspective in a limited space. Two-level carvings which can be considered religious include the stela at Ixkun, which shows a large figure who seems to be the patron deity of the two warriors in the panel below, and three stelae at Naranjo (Stela 9 [Fig. 2]), Piedras Negras (Stela 22), and La Mar (Stela 1), where the personage seated on a dais in the upper compartment seems to bear the same relation to the people below. The upper zone on the Naranjo stela may show the patron god conferring with the person who stands alone in the lower; or the place of honor may this time have been given to the god, and the secular occasion over which he presides have been relegated to the upper zone. On Stela 40 at Piedras Negras we see the Corn God or his priest sowing grain on the upper level, and a head and shoulders rising from a chest below, possibly symbolizing the corn coming from the ground at its master's bidding. A specialized type in this group shows figures, standing on masks at Tikal (Stelae 1, 2) and Naranjo (Stelae 2, 3, 31), dancing on them at Quirigua (Stela A), and seated on them at EI Chicozapote (Stelae 1, 2, 3 [Fig. 3]). This mask beneath a figure may represent merely a well-carved stone seat or pedestal. Its occurrence at Naranjo, however, replacing in a series of similar figures the underfoot element of the captive, implies that it is a symbol of some force to which the person above is in direct relation. These stelae may show the Year Bearer, triumphant over Mam, God of the unluck Uayeb, or merely a priest or ruler under the protection of or associated

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with a deity represented by the mask. The latter is probably a conventionalized snake, but is vague enough to permit of varying interpretations. With these stelae, then, we seem to have two distinct levels presented, if not physically, at least symbolically. The third class of carvings consists of those on which the action takes place on one horizontal plane. It includes the main zone on stelae already discussed, and subdivides into scenes involving two or more figures, and those with only one. There are two theories to account for these solitary figures; one, that they represent a deity connected with the period of time marked by the monument, the other, that they show actual people of outstanding importance during this period. In considering the first possibility we must remember that a figure may have been intended to portray either the god himself, or a priest impersonating the god.7 There are figures, such as that of God D smoking on the tablet from the Palenque Temple of the Cross, that seem meant to show the god himself. When divine attributes are seen on a masked man (Copan, Stelae D, I; Quirigua, Stela A, C; Seibal, Stela 11), we can identify him as a priestly god-impersonator, though we cannot always be sure of his function. For instance, at Copan, he seems ready for adoration and worship, while at Quirigua he may merely be attired in the proper regalia to dance before the Jaguar God. But there are unmasked figures, such as the solitary corn-sowers at Piedras Negras (Stelae 2, 13) and El Chicozapote (Stela 2), who suggest divinity though they lack the characteristics that mark the generalized renderings of gods and goddesses in the codices. There is the possibility that the single figures on the carvings represent the Bacab or Year Bearer under whose guidance the period marked began or ended. If this were the case, there should be a periodicity of costume with reference to monument dates. The majority of the standing solitary figures merely stand (Fig. 4). They hold a Ceremonial Bar, a Manikin Sceptre, a shield, sometimes a spear. They have captives beside them or underfoot. At Coba they have captives beside them, and underfoot. These figures should not, strictly speaking, be

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considered under the heading of 'solitary.' They belong, however, on every consideration but that of added subservient figures, with this group, since we have here no suggestion of the rite or ceremony usually implied by more than one person. We have merely the celebration of one figure with chattels. The captives can be rated as no more than accoutrements, of a slightly different grade from Ceremonial Bar or spear, but adding no more than they to the meaning of the picture. Any of these figures, no matter how warlike, can be given as religious or symbolic an interpretation as one wishes. It seems probable, however, that with the exception of those identifiable as actual gods or god-impersonators, they represent actual priests, rulers, or warriors. At Piedras Negras, two instances of identical costumes on two monuments (Stelae 26 and 31, Stela 35 and Lintel 2) dated within a few years of each other, point in each case to two portraits of the same person. 8 Though ritual may have required the erection of a monumental marker at the close of a given period of years, such a marker did not need a pictured scene or person to complete its calendrical significance. It seems probable that advantage was taken of the fact that monuments were to be erected to commemorate on them people or events of outstanding importance during the period brought to a close. Such events would be recorded in the group where we have, on one level, two or more figures whose relation to each other helps us to determine the character of the scene. Religious scenes comprise, first of all, those with an actual deity involved. Stelae and lintels at Yaxchilan (Stelae 1, 11, 15, 18, 19, 20, Lintel 46, two from House F, two from House G), stucco reliefs at Palenque (House D of Palace), show two figures in such relation to each other that we can consider them only to be a god and the devotee to whom he has just appeared. Stela 11 (deity side) at Yaxchilan gives us a profile view of a god-impersonator priest appearing in this role to worshippers. There are four occurrences of a great snake with a human head and shoulders projecting from his jaws. This can pretty safely be interpreted as a Snake God, though he cannot be identified with either B or K, the two

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gods of the codices who have snake attributes. On two lintels (House F, G) this deity appears to a devotee, on two others (House E [Fig. 5]), he is held between a robed and a skirted man. A probable reading of the latter scene is that we have here a priest explaining the will of the Snake God, perhaps by means of an oracle, to the suppliant. It has been suggested that Gods B and K are merely two phases of a ubiquitous snake god. A parallel would be Quetzalcoatl, who appeared among the Aztecs in one guise as Feathered Serpent, in another as Wind God. We know that the worship of the snake was predominant in Maya religion. Why, then, cannot the heads of Gods B, K, and D, framed in snake jaws on all types of Ceremonial Bar, and the youthful head, perhaps that of E, the Corn God, issuing on these carvings from the jaws of a snake that is obviously divine, be all merely different aspects of the Snake God, the life-giver, dispenser of rain and sun, patron of the corn? The Jaguar God appears at Piedras Negras (Stela 10 [Fig. 6]) and at Tikal (wooden lintel, Temple A), an animal standing with his front paws outstretched over the head of the man seated below, a ruler or high priest under his protection. The main design at Piedras Negras is carried over to completion on one of the narrow sides which shows the human-head backshield of the god, and the back of his belt. The seated figure at Tikal is masked, presumably the priestly god-impersonator who interprets the will of the God to the people. A possible Sun God at Tikal (wooden lintel, Temple A) has a cruller twist over his nose and a number 7 on his cheek, and stands in the same protective attitude, above a seated figure, as the Jaguar God. The appearance of God D, with varying attributes, in the two figures supporting the altar before the Sun shield on a Palenque tablet may show the subordination of this god to the sun. An unidentified but definitely divine personage is the Man-in-a-muffler at Yaxchilan who wears a unique and characteristic neck ornament, and carries a stone knife or a sort of flexible shield, adored by his companions. This object may symbolize water (Fig. 7).

GODS ON MAYA MONUMENTS

1

'

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Five stelae at Piedras Negras (33, 6, 11 [Fig. 8], 14, 25) and one at El Cayo (2) show, in a series of one profile and five full-face views, a figure seated in a niche with a Serpent Bird above and a Two-headed Dragon below. Two of these have an attendant priest before them, another has a human sacrifice. These stelae represent undoubtedly a god or someone worshipped as such. Landa refers to the practice of sanctifying a Nacon at a given period, and surrounding him with the pomp and ceremony due a god.' On two of the full-face-view stelae (Fig. 8), the narrow sides bear standing figures. These are unmistakable human portraits, standing in such relation to the seated personage that it is obvious that the edges of the main picture have been folded over on to the sides of the monument, and there completed. One is reminded of Renaissance Italian art where, in the corner of a picture of the Holy Family, one finds a portrait group of the donor and his children. There seems to be no reason at the moment for not assuming these to be examples of the same custom prevailing in early Guatemala. At Copan (Stelae A, B, D, H, I, M, N) and Piedras Negras (Stela 5), playing about in the folds of headdresses on stelae, and seated on Altar T at Copan, are small figures, often zoomorphic, who may represent intermediary spirits between the high gods and men—the lesser deities who we know had their place in the Maya pantheon. Ritual scenes are frequent at Yaxchilan and Palenque. The penitential rite of drawing a rope with thorns knotted in it through the lip is at Yaxchilan being enforced on a kneeling suppliant (House F, G), at Naranjo on a seated lord (Stela 19, south side). At Tikal we have a death's-head offering, in a macabre scene where a skull lies between two men seated on opposite sides of a small altar who wear clothes trimmed with cross-bones. The famous Palenque tablets show a priest and a suppliant making offerings to the Sun God and two other deities. Lintels at Yaxchilan show, in one instance a priest and his acolyte making offerings to an offstage god, in most of the others a large and a small figure facing each other. When they wear similar costumes and

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headdresses and hold identical objects, we assume them to be priest and acolyte. When the lesser figure is robed, bringing a bundle to a man who holds a Manikin Sceptre, we assume the picture to be that of a priest and a suppliant, considering suppliant figures in long robes to be those of women. This original interpretation of such figures was supplanted by that which considered a long robe to be a priest's costume, but seems to the writer to be borne out by the evidence afforded by pottery figurines.10 Scenes that have been interpreted as of astronomical importance and therefore indirectly religious, are shown on Altar Q and the Hieroglyphic Step at Copan. On the altar two rows of seated figures lead away from a date that marks the end of the Period of Uniformity, and have been interpreted as a record of the scientific meeting that put the lunar count on an eclipse table basis. Similar figures, each seated on a glyph, occur on the step. Scenes that may be largely secular include a slab at Palenque (House E) on which an attendant is handing a headdress to a seated man, and two 'lintels' (3, 7) at Piedras Negras that show a figure seated on a dais above a row of seated attendants. O n the more pretentious 'lintel,' the man on the dais has behind him a carved stone screen, representing a grotesque snake mask, of which an actual example has been found in excavation. If the theocratic theory is correct, this carving may show a priest-ruler of Piedras Negras issuing an edict to his people. A stela from El Chicozapote (Fig. 3) shows two men in tall caps pleasantly chatting. But even this we cannot call definitely secular since the only occurrence of the tall cap elsewhere is at Palenque, on priests. At least, these priests, if such they be, were caught in an off moment. Military pictures at Piedras Negras comprise a series of 'lintels' (2 [Fig. 9], 4, 12) of which the first and last show a captain facing a file of soldiers, and the second shows soldiers bringing loot and prisoners to their chief, a subject rendered again on Stela 12, and Lintel 12 at Yaxchilan. At the latter site we see on Stela 11 (human side) two possible sentries holding torches, and on Lintel 8 two warriors capturing prisoners—

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or two priests seizing victims for sacrifice. At any rate, we can say that the Maya Old Empire was not the pacifist's Utopia that it has often been made out to be, since, aside from all the possible solitary warriors, we have definite army scenes. Yucatan. T h e square carved columns of the Temples of Chac Mool and the Warriors at Chichen Itza have marked on each face three divisions referred to in the text as shaft, capital, and base. T h e shafts bear single figures identified as priests, warriors, god-impersonators, sorcerers, and captives. T h e capitals and bases, at the Chac Mool, show either conventionalized snake masks reminiscent of the masks on Old Empire carvings or small Adantean figures with shell, turtle, or spider attributes, identified as Bacabs by Eric Thompson; 1 1 at the Warriors, the capitals bear a Mexican version of the Sun God, the bases a Feathered Serpent. The tripartite division of each column seems to have filled a symbolical as well as an artistic need, and we may have here a persistence of the artistic tradition expressed in earlier days by the two- and three-level scenes on carved stelae. O n the shafts of these columns the warriors wear either M a y a or Toltec costumes, with the Toltec type predominant, and the captives are also of both types, but with the Maya predominating; but the god-impersonators, sorcerers, and priests are typically Maya, though with headdresses far less elaborate than those of the Old Empire. Mrs. Morris points out that a god-impersonator from the Chac Mool is identical in almost every detail with another carved on a stela from Tzendales, dated 9. 13. 0. 0. 0.12 These figures, with their suggestion of a priesthood stubbornly clinging to the old Maya conception of the gods and their worship in the face of new religious ideas and symbolism, and a changed political and military outlook, afford an interesting commentary on conditions in a part of Yucatan that was intensively exposed to Mexican influence. Conclusions. This paper suggests an approach to the study of Maya figure carvings through a classification by design, that is, the vertical and horizontal arrangement and groupings

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of persons shown, supplemented by an analysis of costume, and comparison with other art forms and with written records. This should increase our knowledge of those phases of social and religious organization that were to a large extent uniform throughout the Maya area. Distinctions that will enable us to recognize the art of each city will eventually be determined through specific and comparative studies of style and treatment. NOTES 1. Spinden, H . J., A Study of Maya Art. Memoirs, Peabody Museum of American Archaeology and Ethnology, Vol. 6, Cambridge, Mass., 1913. 2. Spinden, H . J . , Portraiture in Central American Art. Holmes Anniversary Volume, Washington, 1916. 3. Tozzer, A. M., Maya and Toltec Figures at Chichen Itza. Proceedings, 23rd International Congress of Americanists, New York, 1928, New York, 1930. 4. Morris, E. H., Chariot, J., Morris, A. A., The Temple of the Warriors at Chichen Itza, Yucatan. Carnegie Institution of Washington, 1931. 5. Butler, M., Dress and Decoration of the Maya Old Empire. The Museum Journal, X X I I , 2, Philadelphia, 1931. 6. For illustrations of the carvings cited, consult the following references: Taxchilan, Maler, T., Researches in the Central Portion of the Usumatsintla Valley, Memoirs of the Peabody Museum (Vol. II, No. 2, Cambridge, 1903). Maudslay, A. P., Archaeology. Biologia Centrali-Americana (Vol. II, London, 1899-1902). Lintel 12, Spinden, 1913, 23. El Cayo, La Mar, El Ckuozapotc, Maler, op. cit. Quirigua, Ixkun, Maudslay, loc. cit. Pudras Xtgras, Maler, T., op. cit. Vol. II, No. 1, Cambridge, 1901. 'Lintels' 7, 12, Stelae 22, 10 (top and sides), and 11 (sides), photographs and drawings in the possession of the University Museum, Philadelphia. Naranjo, Maler, T., Explorations in the Department of Peten, Guatemala, and Adjacent Region, Memoirs, Peabody Museum, Vol. IV, No. 2, Cambridge, 1908. Seibai, Maler, T., Exploration of the Upper Usumatsintla and Adjacent Region, Memoirs, Peabody Museum, Vol. IV, No. 1, Cambridge, 1908. Copan, Maudslay, A. P., op. cit., Vol. I, London, 1889-1902. Palenque, Maudslay, A. P., op. cit., Vol. IV, London, 1896-1902. Tikal, Maudslay, A. P., op. cit., Vol. I l l , London 1896-1902. Maler, T., Exploration in the Department of Peten, Guatemala. Memoirs, Peabody Museum, Vol. V, 1, Cambridge, 1911. Cobd, Thompson, J . E., Pollock, H. E. D., Chariot, J., A Preliminary Study of the Ruins of Cobä, Quintana Roo, Mexico, Publication No. 424, Carnegie Institution of Washington, 1932. 7. ' . . . que en la vigilia de la dicha fiesta (del fuego nuevo) ya puesto el Sol se aparejaban los Sacerdotes de los idolos, y se vestian y componian con los ornamentos de sus Dioses, asi que parecian que eran los mismos Dioses: y al principio de la noche empezaban a caminar poco a poco y muy despacio y con mucha gravedad y silencio y por esto decian Teunenemi, que quiere decir, caminan como Dioses . . . ' Sahagun, B. de, Historia Universal de las Cosas de Nueva Espana, in Antiquities of Mexico . . . , compiled by Kingsborough, London, 1831-48, 7: 192.

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8. Butler, M., loc. cit., 170-172. 9. 'Antes de estos dias passades ivan todos a casa del capitan de sus guerras Uamado Nacon . . . y trayanle con gran pompa, saumandole corno a idolo al tempio, en el quai le sentavan y quemavan encienso corno a idolo y assi estavan el y cil os has ta passados los ciuco dias . . . .' Landa, D. de, Relation des choses de Yucatan; texte espagnol et traduction française, par l'abbé Brasseur de Bourbourg, Paris, 1864, 264. 10. Butler, M., A Study of Maya Mouldmade Figurines, American Anthropologist, 37: 655-56 (1935). 11. Thompson, J . E., Sky-Bearers, Colors and Directions in Maya and Mexican Religion. Preprint from Publication No. 436, Carnegie Institution of Washington, 1934. 12. Morris, Chariot, Morris, pp. 454-56.

THE SIGNIFICANCE OF FOLSOM AND YUMA ARTIFACT OCCURRENCES IN THE LIGHT OF TYPOLOGY AND DISTRIBUTION By J. L. Cotter

with anthropological research noticeably concentrated upon evidence of early man in North America, the oldest traces of human handiwork on this continent are sought with increased determination. Although little of definite value has been added to our knowledge of the physical composition of the older American aborigines, data on a stone-age culture complex of considerable antiquity is forthcoming in increasing abundance. From the mass of material now accumulated pertaining to the types of lithic artifact known as Folsom and Yuma, and the occurrence of these types in earth deposits, it is possible to draw some preliminary inferences. Before attempting to demonstrate trends in type occurrence throughout the United States, it is first necessary to state the relationship which apparently exists between the types established by the original discoveries at Folsom, New Mexico, and Yuma County, Colorado, and like or similar types found elsewhere in surface deposits. Following the initial discovery in 1925 and 1926 of five Folsom points among fossil bison bones near Folsom, New Mexico, by field parties from the Colorado Museum of Natural History, Director J . D. Figgins invited specialists in paleontology and archaeology to inspect the site and verify the find. In 1928, the American Museum of Natural History entered the field under the direction of Dr. Barnum Brown, in cooperation with the Colorado institution. The joint expedition resulted in the recovery of more than thirty skeletons of Bison taylori and with them, in situ, twelve additional points. TODAY,

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These artifact points are all characterized by a definite design: outline, leaf-shaped to lanceolate with more or less concave base; face surfaces channeled by the removal of a spall (varying in length) from the base of the point; more or less marginal retouching, and grinding of the edges at the base to protect lashings when the point was hafted. The identification of the so-called Yuma artifact is less definite. In 1928, Dr. A. E. Jenks of the University of Minnesota examined a new location in Yuma County, northeastern Colorado, which had been reported by Perry Anderson and his son Harold, collectors of Yuma, Colorado, as yielding archaeological evidence. Certain sandy erosion basins, characteristic of loess-covered areas of the high plains, yielded not only exposures of fossil bison and mammoth bones, but also human artifacts of more or less distinctive design, although less easily designated than the Folsom type which also occurred in the same erosion basins. Shortly afterward, Harold Cook, then Curator of Paleontology at the Colorado Museum of Natural History, investigated the sites located by the Andersons, and recognized as authentic the occurrence of an unchanneled chalcedony point of distinctive flaking design in situ in a deposit of gray sandy material. The writer has since seen this artifact and several others of what is now recognized as 'Yuma' pattern which have been preserved in original matrix by the Andersons. Later, the term 'Yuma' was applied to these artifacts by Dr. E. B. Renaud, who constructed a theoretical sequence of outline forms for these and Folsom artifacts, demonstrating the evolution of typology.1 It suffices for the present purpose to characterize the Yuma artifact as varying, like the Folsom, from leaf-shaped to lanceolate or sub-triangular. The Yuma types, however, may have straight as well as concave bases, and the characteristic grinding of the basal edges is sometimes emphasized so as to form a definite offset. The most definitive characteristic, in addition to the absence of channeling, is the remarkable rippling precision of the surface flaking which extends in parallel order either entirely across the blade faces on the flatter pieces, or to the longitudinal 'dorsad ridge' in blades with diamond-shaped

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cross-section. These points possess outline shapes which may be approximated by lithic artifacts throughout the New World. It is only when the outline form is matched by 'Yuma' flaking that the type becomes truly distinctive. This fact cannot be over-emphasized since any distributional study based upon the so-called Yuma outline form alone tends to become lost in a welter of 'borderline' types and common artifacts from recent sites which possess like outlines but lack the distinctive flaking. T h e detail of the above discussion has been necessary for the purpose of clarifying from the beginning the following interpretation of type distribution, and to demonstrate the reason for preferring Folsom types as more constant in form and clearly recognizable for such a purpose. It is, therefore, upon Folsom evidence that we shall rely in this study, using d a t a on Y u m a occurrences only where it clearly supplements Folsom d a t a in definite deposits. Since the discovery of the Folsom type site in New Mexico, additional light has been thrown upon the occurrence of these distinctive artifacts by other field workers who have reported finding Folsom points and stone and bone artifacts associated with extinct animal remains. Of particular value in offering new evidence has been the Lindenmeier site in northern Colorado, where in 1935 the writer participated in excavation for the Colorado Museum of Natural History, working in agreement with the Smithsonian Institution. Supplementing d a t a reported by Roberts, 2 the Denver party located in situ among bones of extinct bison, many examples of the Folsom type point, ranging from relatively large and crude pieces, m a n y unfinished, to precision-flaked and channeled points ostensibly broken after use and subject to the heat of c a m p fires. Also located in the same deposit were one complete unchanneled point, technically in the 'Yuma' category, and three basal fragments of unmistakable Yuma pattern. T h e same proportion of supplementary tools, end and side scrapers, knife blades, gravers, 'tattooing points,' etc., described by Roberts, were present at the Colorado Museum excavation the results of which have not been published. None of this

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artifact industry supplementary to Folsom can be designated as unique in any sense and, therefore, it has no bearing upon distributional evidence; however, it is well to mention this new material in order to point out that Yuma artifacts are only one type among many definitely associated with Folsom industry. The work of Dr. E. B. Howard near Clovis, N. M., gives valuable additional evidence concerning the occurrence of various implements associated with Folsom points. The

a

b

c

d

e

f

FIG. 1. Folsom-like Artifacts, a. Kentucky, b and e. Clovis, N. M. c. Eastern Colorado, d. Illinois. / . Dent, Colorado. b, e, j . Found in association with mammoth. (Courtesy of T. B. Steward (a, d), E. B. Howard (b, e), D. Houtz (e), Colorado Museum of Natural History (f).) Reduced one-half.

writer has Dr. Howard's permission to make note here of the recovery during the 1936 season's work at the 'Gravel Pit' of two bone units ostensibly belonging to the composition of a projectile shaft. These artifacts were located among portions of Elephas columbi skeletons, as were two complete chalcedony points representing both Folsom and Yuma characteristics, i.e., a rippled flaking and incipient channeling on both faces (Fig. 1, b, e). The latter have been termed 'Folsom-like' by Dr. Howard. Associated umistakably with the same

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clearly defined stratum at the same site were previously found true Folsom points, varieties of scrapers, and artifacts of precisely the same design as certain specimens from Yuma County, Colorado. T w o other instances in which Folsom-like points were associated with extinct animal forms have been reported in New Mexico and Colorado. In his report on Burnet Cave, in the Guadalupe Mountains of New Mexico, Dr. Howard 3 has described a heavy, short point with channeling extending halfway from the base, located beneath Basketmaker deposits in association with remains of the musk-ox family. More striking still, the two points taken from association with m a m moth (probably Elephas columbi) at Dent, Colorado, 4 represent heavy, Folsom-like forms markedly comparable to the points found in 1936 with the Clovis m a m m o t h (Fig. 1, f). Thus it is clear that distinctive Folsom and Folsom-like forms, as well as less easily identified artifacts, have been associated with certain extinct fauna in at least five excavated sites on the High Plains. In addition, there is evidence from two locations of Folsom artifacts associated with Y u m a forms. Although the present classificatory identification of Y u m a artifacts is not definite enough to permit use in a nation-wide distributional study, the distinctive unchanneled flaked points represented at Yuma County, Colorado, can be said to have a clear typological similarity in several instances to artifacts associated with extinct bison at the Scottsbluff, Nebraska, quarry 6 a n d at a site in Custer County, Nebraska. 6 In the light of these Folsom, Folsom-like, and Yuma occurrences, what can be said about surface finds of identical forms in erosion basins and other locations on the wind-swept High Plains? O n e thing seems certain: the character of deposits in the area from southeastern New Mexico to Western Nebraska, by and large, is uniform. Vertebrate fauna in these deposits is frequendy linked in species if not in age. T h e artifacts as well, whether located by excavation or found exposed by erosive forces throughout this area, similarly indicate a typological unity. T h e question relative to this indication is how we should

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classify Folsom and Folsom-like forms, if not Yuma types, found in locations outside of the High Plains area. Over a period of five years the writer has been interested in observing occurrences of these types throughout the country. In the past two years, through the kindness and cooperation of Dr. Howard, new data have been made available, mostly concerning occurrences east of the Mississippi River. It is upon this information, in addition to that which the writer has collected and compiled elsewhere,7 that the following notations are based. Since more than half of the five hundred or more Folsom and Folsom-like points known to the writer came from the High Plains, it is tempting to suggest this area as a focal point of the complex. Furthermore, specimens of these types from the High Plains manifest the greatest diversity in flaking technique and outline form, from relatively crude Folsom-like points to the finest true Folsom specimens retaining the highest possible precision of face channeling and marginal finishing. Every intermediate gradation between these two extremes is present. However, this impulse must be balanced by the consideration that investigation has so far been concentrated upon this region, and the fact that wind erosion has made possible the collection of a huge number of surface finds. Whether or not relative facility of observation on the High Plains has unduly magnified the importance of these finds, the fact remains that here, at least, multiplicity of Folsom sub-varieties indicates the existence of Folsom and accompanying 'Yuma' tradition over a long period of time. Contingent upon this indication is the possibility that trade and migration after game were important factors in the distribution of Folsom artifacts and even the technique itself. In considering the occurrences of Folsom and Folsom-like artifacts eastward, it is important to note that although true Folsoms of a high degree of excellence occur sporadically east of the Mississippi River, the great majority of'Folsom' artifacts outside of the Great Plains are, properly, Folsom-like. With this fact in mind, let us trace the appearance of this technique on the lower portion of the Great Plains.

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T o the north, in the Rocky Mountain piedmont of southern Wyoming, the rich sources revealed in northern Colorado apparendy continues; to the northeast, only sporadic occurrences are indicated in M o n t a n a and the Dakotas. T h e sand hill region of Nebraska where the richest yield of Folsom and Yuma artifacts outside of the High Plains is found, gives way to the loess-covered plains flanking the Platte valley which yield only occasional Folsom evidence. T o the south, Kansas and Oklahoma, through lack of data or otherwise, are scarcely represented. In Texas, however, the occurrence of true Folsoms, Folsom-like, and Yuma artifacts continues from the High Plains of New Mexico well into the Low Plains and beyond into Arkansas and Louisiana. T h e continuation from the Platte drainage of Folsom-like occurrences along the Missouri River, particularly in central Missouri, is well marked. In the area which includes eastern Missouri and southern Illinois, at the confluences of the Missouri and Ohio rivers with the Mississippi, a minor focal point seems to be indicated. From this area two trends, one northeast and the other south and southeast, are noticeable. A most remarkable concentration of Folsom-like occurrences is found on the central lowlands of central and southern Indiana and Ohio, particularly along the Miami River. T h e continuation of occurrences in the central lowlands extends to the eastern extremity of this geographic province in western New York State. In the north, sporadic occurrences are reported in Minnesota, Wisconsin, and southern Ontario. 8 T h e area south of the Ohio River and east of the Mississippi River shows great promise, although finds in the main are sporadic. T h e majority of specimens, mostly Folsom-like b u t with a few true Folsoms included, occur in southern Kentucky and in Tennessee. Mississippi and Louisiana also are represented as are to a slighter degree Alabama and Georgia. Occasional reports have been made of Folsom-like occurrences in the Appalachian plateaus of western Virginia and Pennsylvania, and record exists of a point from the less accessible Blue Ridge province. The majority of evidence, however, comes from the coastal plain between the Carolinas

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and New Jersey, particularly in the latter state. In New England, New Hampshire and Vermont are represented by several Folsom-like specimens. Evidence west of the High Plains is meager, but in several instances seemingly definite. That true Folsom industry penetrated the Rocky Mountains is evidenced by several occurrences in South Park, Colorado, in the Estes Park region, and beyond the range on the Colorado Plateau at Grand Junction. Arizona is represented by the Folsom type. A. Kidder, J r . reports a Folsom-like point from the Klamath

FIG. 2. Relative Frequency of Folsom and Folsom-like Artifact Occurrence in Relation to the Principal Drainage Systems of the United States.

region of California, and M. J . Rogers of the San Diego Museum has described a recent discovery of a Folsom-like point from San Bernardino County, California. At least two reports of Folsom-like points from Oregon have been noted. In conclusion, let us enumerate briefly the salient facts and their inferences relative to this study of Folsom artifact types and distribution. 1. Close typological relationship is indicated between Folsom and Folsom-like types occurring in loess and lake deposits

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35

throughout the area of the High Plains. Affinities seem also to exist between Folsom and Folsom-like artifacts from this area and those appearing exposed as surface finds throughout the United States. 2. These surface finds, especially those of Folsom-like types, range throughout the entire central and eastern portion of the United States, and well into eastern Canada, and show marked concentration along the chief drainage courses of the Missouri, Mississippi and Ohio rivers (Fig. 2). 3. Less than half a dozen clear evidences of Folsom occurrence west of the Rocky Mountains indicates at present that at best only a few traces of this complex penetrated to the Pacific Coast. 4. Evidence of general distribution over a major portion of the country indicates either a widespread sub-stratum of the Folsom complex or a general dispersion of the technique by diffusion or of the artifacts themselves by trade. 5. Finally, need is clearly indicated for the determination of Folsom artifact occurrence with regard to geologic association in regions other than the High Plains. NOTES 1. Renaud, E. B., T h e First Thousand Yuma-Folsom Artifacts. Publications of the University of Denver. 1934. 2. Roberts, F. H. H., Jr., Additional Information on the Folsom Complex. Smithsonian Institution, Miscellaneous Contributions, 95: 10, 1936. 3. Howard, E. B., Evidence of Early Man in North America. Museum Journal, 24, 2-3, 1935. 4. Figgins, J. D., A Further Contribution to the Antiquity of Man in America. Proc. of the Colorado Museum of Natural History, 12: 2, 1933. 5. Barbour, E. H. and Schultz, C. B., The Scottsbluff Bison Quarry and Its Artifacts. Nebraska State Museum, I: 34, 1932. 6. Schultz, C. B., Association of Artifacts and Extinct Mammals in Nebraska. Nebraska State Museum, I: 33, 1932. 7. Cotter, J. L., Folsom and Yuma Artifacts. University of Denver Library, Typescript. 1935. 8. Through the courtesy of W. J. Wintemberg, of the National Museum of Canada, the writer has learned recently of a true Folsom point found in Northumberland County, Central Ontario, and a fine Folsom-like point with ground basal edges from St. John County, New Brunswick.

FOOT FORMS OF POTTERY VESSELS AT PIEDRAS NEGRAS By Frank M. Cresson, Jr.

THE aim of this paper is to discuss the various forms of pottery vessel feet from excavations at the Maya ruins of Piedras Negras, Guatemala, conducted by the University Museum, University of Pennsylvania. 1 The study is limited to the foot forms themselves, and does not cover all vessel forms which are supported by feet. Thus vessel shapes from which the feet have been broken are not included, but only those vessel forms having the feet still attached. In all cases where enough of the vessel has been preserved to determine the original number of feet, it has been found that they were tripod vessels. The material for this study consists of specimens excavated at Piedras Negras during the field seasons of 1931 to 1936 inclusive, thus bringing up to date one special aspect of pottery investigation at this site, a full general description of which has been given by Dr. Mary Buder, based on the excavations of 1931 and 1932.2 As half of the objects from Piedras Negras are required by contract to be sent to the National Museum in Guatemala City, the pottery feet available for study at the University Museum constitute only a part of the total number excavated. However, the University Museum's collection of some 270 specimens is believed to contain representative examples of all the types encountered. Many of the feet from Piedras Negras vessels may be grouped into several distinct types having certain constant characteristics. Other examples form border-line cases combining features characteristic of more than one type, and still others are unique specimens showing individual peculiarities. The main groups are based on certain features of form, with varia37

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tions within each group as to size and also with respect to the number and arrangement of holes in the case of hollow feet. T h e clearly definable types may be arranged in the following table: I.

II.

Hollow feet 1. Spheroidal 2. Round-bottomed 3. Elongate 4. Flat-bottomed Solid feet 1. Round in horizontal section A. Round-bottomed B. Flat-bottomed 2. Rectangular in horizontal section ('slab feet') and ovoid variants.

Some of these groups may need to be divided later into subgroups, and other classes may be added by further analysis. T h e collection of drawings includes characteristic examples of each of the above main types, together with certain borderline cases and the principal unique specimens not assignable to any group. Regarding the drawings, it should be stated that the exact position of a foot with respect to the horizontal is not determinable where it is not connected to the vessel rim. This is also the case where only a small part of the rim is preserved, as in Nos. 6, 18, 25, and 26. Furthermore, as most of the hollow feet are unbroken, parts of their sections are approximate. Diameters at the rim of some of the vessels are as follows: No. 1 2 5 8 9

16 cm. 14.6 cm 23 cm. 28.8 cm 25 cm.

No. 16 18 25 29 31

27.2 cm. 26.8 cm. 18 cm. 40.5 cm. 31.3 cm.

Outside diameters at the base are: No. 24 36 45

11.3 cm. 17.6 cm. 11.7 cm.

In describing the various foot forms, we begin with the hollow feet, all of which are round in horizontal section. T h e spheroidal feet are represented by Nos. 1 to 5, the outstanding characteristic of which is their distinctly rounded appearance, the width of the foot being equal to or greater than its height.

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All the hollow feet from Piedras Negras have one or more openings to the outside, usually round holes, sometimes slits, and all those with holes presumably are rattle feet having one or more clay pellets inside. Two types of pellets are found (Nos. 21 and 22). These may be called the spherical and the discoidal types. Both kinds of pellets occur with spheroidal feet, but the spherical pellet is far more common. In fact, the spherical pellet is a distinguishing characteristic of spheroidal feet because it does not occur with any of the other principal foot forms. When the spherical pellet is used there is nearly always only one hole, as in Nos. 1, 2, and 4, and only one pellet, always larger than the hole. That shown as No. 21 came from a foot the size of No. 1. When the discoidal pellet is employed there usually are two holes on the opposite sides of the foot or on the outside and inside, as in Nos. 3 and 5. With other types of feet sometimes only one hole occurs, occasionally three. The number of discoidal pellets and also their size correspond to the number and size of the holes, since these pellets are formed by pushing in a section of the wall of the foot with some instrument such as a hollow reed. The larger diameter on one surface than on the other results from the pellet's breaking away from the foot after the reed has passed about halfway through the wall. Although spheroidal feet almost always have holes and pellets, there are a few cases in which one or more slits are found. In one of these the foot has three small vertical slits. In two specimens there is a large diagonal slit across the outside. One other unique spheroidal foot has two diagonal rows of four small holes each. Nos. 6 to 8 are examples of round-bottomed feet. This group includes feet having a height somewhat greater than their width and characterized especially by their symmetrical U-shape and round bottom. They have discoidal pellets and ordinarily have two holes on the outside and inside. One example, however, has two holes placed on the sides, another has only one hole. There is only one example with slits (No. 6). No. 9 is a unique form represented only by the feet from

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one bowl. It is round-bottomed but the constricted neck gives the sides an S-curve. There is a small irregular hole and one spherical pellet. No. 10 is also the only one of its kind, having proportions similar to the round-bottomed group but in its large size resembling the elongate type. Its broken condition makes it indeterminable whether the holes are on the sides or outside and inside. The elongate type is represented by Nos. 11 to 15. In spite of variations in certain features of form these feet have been grouped together as a unit because their height is much greater than their width. Their large size is also outstanding. The group includes specimens whose bottoms are round, pointed, or flat. The sides may curve in at the top (No. 11), curve uniformly out (No. 12), or remain nearly straight (No. 15). Nos. 13 and 14 are taken from complete examples of elongate feet to show bottom variations. As with the other groups, elongate feet usually have holes, rarely slits. When holes are present, there are discoidal pellets. When there is one hole, it is outside; when two, outside and inside. No. 13 has two holes outside, one inside; while another example probably has two holes on one side and one on the other. The slits of No. 15 are not opposite, and whether they are on the sides or not is indeterminable. Nos. 16 to 18 illustrate the flat-bottomed type, characterized not only by a more or less flat bottom but also by their asymmetrical form inside and outside of a vertical axis. The inner side is shorter and usually has a sharper curve. This results from their being attached to the rounded bottoms of shallow bowls, having an encircling flange just outside the feet. The feet may be set into the flange (No. 16) or separated from it (Nos. 17 and 18). The inner surface of these bowls may be smooth (No. 18), but more frequently there is a slight change in slope at a point nearly opposite the flange (No. 16). Although the typical flat-bottomed feet probably always accompanied such flanged bowls, a few other feet with flat bottoms are found with more flat-bottomed bowls, such as Nos. 19 and 20. The former is unique, the latter represents one of two

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examples. They show that as the bottom of the bowl becomes more flat the foot becomes more symmetrical. Most of the flat-bottomed feet have two holes and these tire always placed one on each side. Pellets are always discoidal. A few flatbottomed feet have two slits placed on the sides, a few have one hole on the inside; two examples have one hole on one side, and one has one hole outside. No. 19 has three holes arranged in a triangle on the outside. Turning to solid feet, we have first those which are round in horizontal section. They may be divided into round-bottomed and flat-bottomed groups, although there are many border-line cases when it is difficult to know whether to assign a certain foot to the round-bottomed or flat-bottomed group. Variations in the form and size of round-bottomed feet are shown as Nos. 23 to 32. No. 23 is the only case of such great width with respect to height; and No. 27 is the only case of such a pointed foot. No. 29 is attached to a large bowl, the bottom of which rises slightly from the edges to the center. Nos. 33 to 37 show variations in the form and size of flatbottomed feet, which follow closely those of the round-bottomed group. Nos. 38 and 39 are representative of a few solid feet which are constricted at the neck, giving the sides a very flat S-curve. No. 40 is a unique example, outstanding for its elongate form and its large size. Another unique specimen is No. 41. Although solid, it has two slits, probably on the sides, giving it the appearance of some of the hollow feet with slits. Slab feet, i.e., those having a rectangular horizontal section, and ovoid variants of this form, are represented by Nos. 42 to 45. Besides the differences in horizontal section, the elevation form varies from U-shaped to rectangular. The horizontal sections are drawn through the center of each foot. No. 46 is the only instance of a notched slab foot; and No. 47 a single fragment of what is probably a slab foot with a slit through the inner face and a narrow opening inside. No. 48 is one of four examples of what are believed to be animal effigy feet. 3 All are the same type of animal figure, which, if a foot, rested on its head, facing outward.

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There remains, finally, a group of seven pottery objects, represented by Nos. 49 to 52, to which attention is called because it is uncertain whether they are feet or vessel lugs. Unfortunately none of these is connected to the vessel rim, so that their proper position is entirely indeterminate. If they are feet, No. 49 is the only instance of a solid foot with a hole through it. The one hole of No. 50 and the two holes of No. 51 are small like those of the spheroidal feet; but, unlike the latter, there are no pellets. No. 52 has a larger hole but again no pellet occurs. These pieces must wait for further comparative material before they can be surely identified. NOTES 1. The writer is indebted to Miss Tatiana ProskouriakofF for making the accompanying drawings and to Mr. Linton Satterthwaite, Jr. for many helpful suggestions in the preparation of this paper. 2. Butler, Mary, Piedras Negras Pottery, Piedras Negras Preliminary Papers, No. 4, University Museum, Philadelphia, 1935. 3. Ibid., 28.

THE RELATIONSHIP OF TASMANIAN AND AUSTRALIAN CULTURES By D. S. Davidson

the early days of European expansion, numerous and often fantastic theories have been advanced to account for the presence and derivation of native races. Lacking the general anthropological knowledge accumulated in recent years, and unfamiliar with the critical points of view in cultural and racial studies developed since their time, it is not surprising that early theorists expressed conclusions concerning native peoples not in line with modern thought. T o these writers, many of whom were poorly qualified to express opinions on the subject, race, language, and culture were interchangeable terms, and the finding of slight similarities in racial characteristics was often tacitly assumed to imply cultural or linguistic relationship. Conversely, the appearance of cultural or linguistic similarity in even a slight degree was often interpreted as indicative of racial unity. In addition to this confusion, consideration generally was not given to such questions as real or relative antiquity of the culture elements involved, to the necessary technical background for the development of certain traits, to the dynamics of culture growth, or to the historical influence of one culture upon another. As a result it frequently was assumed that all elements in the contemporary culture of a people were likewise present at all times in the past regardless of how great an antiquity might be involved. Nor did the lack of certain traits in modern culture deter a belief in their existence in the past if such an assumption was considered necessary to the conclusion being drawn. From these points of view no difficulties were encountered, for instance, in maintaining that a SINCE

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people equipped to make great ocean voyages today also could have made them at any time in the past or, vice versa, in believing that a people unequipped with seagoing craft in historic times could have possessed craft capable of any transoceanic voyage in ancient times. Probabilities in time and space were completely disregarded, minor similarities were misconstrued as major identities, and major differences were either minimized or ignored. These attitudes were typical throughout the world wherever European migrants in their colonizing and exploring activities felt the need of accounting for the presence of aboriginal peoples. It is such a condition of chaos that is found in the writings of the early theorists interested in the racial and cultural derivation of the Tasmanians. They found the Tasmanians living on an island but lacking seagoing craft. They noted that the Tasmanians could be distinguished readily from the Australians and that most of the outstanding cultural characteristics of the Australians, such as the spearthrower, shield, various types of stone implements, boomerangs, avulsion of teeth, circumcision, subincision, and certain aspects of social organization, to mention only a few, were lacking in Tasmania, and that Tasmanian types of stone tools were not found in Australia. Without a critical exploration of the other possibilities in the case it perhaps was not unnatural for them to conclude that the Tasmanians could not have come from Australia, but must have migrated from some distant land. Hence it appeared that they must have been equipped in the past with some sort of seagoing craft. As a consequence theories were advanced whereby the presence of the Tasmanians was attributed to an oceanic migration, and the lack of seagoing craft in historic Tasmanian culture was easily accounted for by the assumption that the original migrants had been stormblown and shipwrecked, that they found Tasmania so delightful they decided never again to put to sea, that the flora of Tasmania was unsuited to the manufacture of the traditional type of craft, or that they gradually lost interest in the sea and finally forgot how to build substantial craft. Incidentally none has advanced any explanation why paddles, standard

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equipment of all known early forms of oceangoing watercraft, should also have been discarded in favor of poles when they would be so much more serviceable, especially on deep baywaters. Accordingly there was no hesitancy in maintaining that the immediately prior home of the Tasmanians was New Caledonia, various parts of Melanesia proper, the Andaman Islands, New Zealand, Antarctica, Africa, America, or real or fictitious submerged islands and continents. 1 With the development of more critical standards of evaluating evidence, and with greater consideration given the possibilities and probabilities in the case, it began to be recognized toward the end of the nineteenth century that not only was there no positive evidence in favor of a theory of an oceanic derivation but that such a theory could not be supported by reasonable deductions. Thus it became increasingly apparent that the Tasmanians with their simple culture could have reached their island only after having first traversed Australia. Mathew 2 claims to have been the first to give 'convincing proof of an Australian derivation, an honor of questionable value since his method of interpreting the evidence on which his conclusions were based, the identification of certain words in Tasmanian and Victorian dialects, is not in accord with modern standards of comparative linguistics. However, more recent studies by Schmidt have indicated that suspicions of linguistic relationship are well founded. 3 In 1899 H. L. Roth 4 implied historical relationship for what he regarded as important cultural resemblances in the two areas, corroborees, 'curious structures,' the use of a separate fire by each family, legends concerning the origin of fire and the revival of dead people by ants, and the alleged use of 'moccasins.' In 1905 Graebner 5 attributed to the Tasmanian Kulturkreis, as represented in both Tasmania and Australia, such traits as simple spears, throwing-sticks, eolithic-like unhafted stone implements, the simple wind-break and body painting, but regarded as possibly belonging to his chronologically later 'Old Australian' Kulturkreis other traits in Tasmania such as fire burial, entombing in hollow trees, fur mantles, beehive huts, scarification, twined basketry, the twin

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myth and an assumed high god concept. He has since been followed in general by Schmidt and Koppers.* Howitt seems to have been the first to give serious attention to the plausibility of a land bridge between Tasmania and Victoria. 7 He was supported by Hedley 8 on the basis of differences in marine fauna east and west of Wilson's Promontory. In 1910 Noetling 9 showed that the Flinders Islands became attached to Tasmania at the twenty-fathom level, that the channel was shallow with numerous islands which could be within view of one another at twenty-five fathoms and that at thirty fathoms the land bridge would be complete. Thus if the sea level during the glacial period was two hundred feet lower than at present, as claimed by David, 10 occupants of Australia could have walked to Tasmania. Lewis,11 on the other hand, recently has stated that the land bridge could not have been complete since Malannan times (Mindel) unless there has been a sinking of the isthmus. For this submergence he feels there is good evidence, although as yet the extent cannot be indicated. Hence the whole question of whether the land bridge was partial or complete at the end of the Pleistocene is still open, and we need not concern ourselves at the moment as to whether any invaders at that time may have reached Tasmania on foot or by propelling logs or crude rafts across the narrower strait. Direct evidence of antiquity is both meager and unsatisfactory. Both Noetling and David have attempted to compute the antiquity of the shell heaps. The former estimated that at least five thousand years must be allowed for those in evidence, but the latter criticized this conclusion as an underestimate. However, neither made any accurate study of the total cubic capacity of the accumulations nor took proper samplings at different depths. Furthermore the estimates of the number of shellfish eaten a day by each native (50) and of the population which consumed them (2,000) cannot be regarded as reliable. Thus their conclusions cannot be considered as satisfactory although there can be no doubt that several thousands of years must be allowed for the accumulation of the present heaps.

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As yet few artifacts have been found in geologically datable deposits. David has discussed the question of the antiquity of certain implements from Regatta Point (1,500 to 2,000 years) and of a chalcedonic flake from Gladstone found in situ in a drift deposit which in his opinion is either of Rissian or Würmian antiquity (20,000 to 100,000 years). If man has been in Tasmania since Pleistocene times other geologically datable evidence should be forthcoming to substantiate this claim. Thus by the end of the first quarter of the twentieth century, opinion seemed virtually unanimous that the Tasmanians had reached their island via Australia. Not only had indications for such a conclusion been assembled from several points of view, but no facts in support of a theory of an oceanic derivation had been presented. Obviously enough the data are sketchy, there are great gaps in information, some inconsistencies, and many important questions have not been answered. Nevertheless the evidence points definitely in one direction. It seems rather strange, therefore, to find in recent years the revival of the theory of an oceanic migration by Pulleine, 12 Wood Jones, 13 and Skinner, 14 each of whom either has ignored the positive evidence of an Australian derivation or has magnified beyond their relative importance certain gaps in information. Pulleine attempts to show cultural affiliation between Tasmania and Melanesia. Wood Jones advances some technical objections to certain assumptions which he feels are maintained by others. Skinner would interpret as a relic of Tasmanian migration from New Caledonia a greenstone adze found recently in Tasmania. Pulleine's attempt to show a relationship between Tasmanian culture and culture elements in Melanesia really defeats its own purpose, for it we could admit that his selected traits were fairly comparable they would demonstrate a closer relationship between Tasmanian and Australian cultures. Furthermore, his method of comparison is open to question, for there is no tribe in Melanesia in which the majority of these traits are present, hence the comparisons are made between Tasmanian culture on the one hand and individual traits from

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a number of widely separated tribes from the Solomon Islands to the Andaman Islands on the other. For instance, Pulleine infers a relationship between Tasmanian and 'Negrito' cultures by finding cremation in the Solomon Islands; scarification, widespread in Melanesia; long hair of men and short hair of women in the Admiralty Islands, the Bismarck Archipelago, and the Andaman Islands; and either ignores or does not stress the fact that cremation is practised by some Australian tribes and that both scarification and the wearing of long hair by men and short hair by women are typical of the Australians. He mentions the use of the simple spear for the Tasmanians and the Baining of New Britain but does not cite its all but universal although not prominent use in Australia. The simple throwing-stick of the Tasmanians is compared with the club (sic) of the Baining, but no mention is made of the use of identical throwing-sticks in much of Australia. He is inclined to believe that there is slender evidence for the use of the bullroarer in Tasmania, for which certainly there is no satisfactory evidence, and cites the use of this object in the Solomon Islands, New Britain, and New Guinea but ignores its all but universal appearance in Australia. Mention is made of general classes of ornaments (armlets, anklets, necklets of shell) for the Tasmanians and Negritos, but nothing is said of not dissimilar uses on the continent. The wearing of jaws or skulls by the Tasmanians, Andamanese, and tribes of the upper Markham River, New Guinea, is stressed, but no reference is made to the carrying of the dead or their skulls or other bones by certain Australian tribes, although in respect to the preservation of dead hands by Tasmanians and Papuans recognition is given the fact that the custom also was found among the Kurnai on the northern side of Bass Strait. Thus if we could accept these traits as valid for comparative purposes the evidence quite definitely would indicate a close relationship between Tasmanian and Australian cultures and a very distant one between Tasmanian culture and the cultures of various peoples in the tremendous expanse between the Solomon Islands and the Andaman Islands. However, as already remarked, most of these traits are too general in

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character to serve as a basis for inferring direct historical relationship. O n the basis of the foregoing comparisons Pulleine admits 'that our positive evidence from the cultural side of the Negrito-Papuan origin [of the Tasmanians] is slender' but insists for reasons not at all apparent that it 'outweighs the negative, that is, the absence of culture elements present in Australia.' How Pulleine could reach such a conclusion is difficult to understand for, as pointed out, the very traits he considered, to say nothing of those he neglected, are much more typical of Australia than of any of the Melanesian areas he mentioned. It is held by Wood Jones that if the Tasmanians reached Tasmania over a land bridge from Australia the dingo and other Australian animals would have crossed to Tasmania and Kangaroo Island. He further maintains that these two islands would not be characterized by present faunal differences if land bridges had been available for man and other animals. These objections might be valid if it could be assumed (1) that the dingo was present in the adjacent parts of the mainland when the land bridges were present, or (2) that the land bridges existed in such a recent period that the lapse of time since then is insufficient to account for the noted differences in fauna. Neither assumption seems warranted. That there are important differences in the fauna of the three regions is well established. Nevertheless the similarities are equally impressive and it should be noted that the differences are no greater than those found within Australia itself. Since we do not know how long it took for the specific characteristics in the fauna of Tasmania and of Kangaroo Island to develop, the objections raised seem pointless for the questions at hand. Indeed since it seems likely that these islands have not been joined to the continent for several thousands of years such differences or even greater ones should be not unexpected. Wood Jones also seems to believe that those who regard Australia as the immediate homeland of the Tasmanians maintain that the Tasmanians were driven from Australia to Tasmania by the invading Australians. However, there seems to be no one at the present time who holds such a position.

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T h e hypothesis that the peoples of the world who possess the more simple cultures have been driven into isolated and peripheral regions by those with the more advanced cultures cannot be maintained as a general explanation of present ethnic or cultural distribution. Rather it would seem in general that the former once occupied the world at large and have been replaced or altered by the latter in all but certain peripheral and isolated areas. Thus in respect to the Tasmanians it should not be thought that they had not setded Tasmania before the coming of the Australians, but rather that they originally had occupied both Australia and Tasmania and that the expanding Australians replaced or absorbed those living on the continent but did not reach those living in Tasmania, possibly already isolated for some time by the formation of a narrower Bass Strait than found today. However, it is not necessary to maintain that Bass Strait was completely or even partially formed to serve as an active barrier to the further expansion of the advance guard of the Australians. Indeed it is conceivable that a few Australians actually may have reached the island by a land bridge or possibly by rafts or swimming logs when the strait was relatively narrow. If it is true that some traits in Tasmanian culture are 'Old Australian' as suggested by Graebner, such an explanation would be plausible. However, it is by no means certain that these traits are not old Tasmanian, and Graebner himself seems somewhat dubious about their classification. We should not conceive of the Australian occupation of the continent as a sweeping advance of migrating groups annihilating all Tasmanians in one great surge. T h e Europeans with their superior armament, technical knowledge, a n d means of transportation and communication have not yet completely replaced aboriginal peoples in any major world area, although in one way or another they have been striving for such a goal for several centuries. Hence it seems reasonable to suspect that the period of Australian penetration may have required many centuries, possibly even millennia, before the Tasmanians lost their identity on the continent. Indeed the Australians could have been in complete mastery of cer-

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tain parts of Australia at a time when Tasmania still was attached to the continent or separated by a narrow strait. T h u s their cultural influences might have diffused to Tasmania before it became isolated and long before the Australians settled what in the meantime had become the northern shore of Bass Strait. T h e question of the antiquity of the dingo on the continent is very much a moot one. Numerous claims of association with Pleistocene fauna have been made, notably by early writers, but for the most part they have not been accepted and many have been discredited. 15 Since the Australians presumably are responsible for the presence of the dingo in Australia it follows that they must have at least an equal antiquity there. Thus if there is an association of dingo remains with those of Diprotodon or other extinct mammals, man too must have been contemporary with the latter. This does not mean very much in the way of antiquity, however, until we know definitely when these animals became extinct in the specific localities where the associated remains are found, for they may have continued to exist in certain regions until relatively recent times. Lastly, since we also must allow for the possibility that the Australians may have filtered into the continent by small groups over a long period of time, we cannot be certain that the dingo came with the first migrants. Thus the Australians themselves and certain Australian culture traits may be much older in certain areas than the dingo. The finding in 1927 of a polished greenstone adze three feet below the surface near Devonport, Tasmania, eight hundred yards from the seacoast, has led Skinner to the conclusion that this object was brought from New Caledonia by the migrating Tasmanians. He points out that the particular type of nephrite is not reported for Tasmania but present in New Caledonia and that the specimen conforms in style to the adzes of the latter region. T h a t the specimen is not Tasmanian seems obvious, that it may be New Caledonian in origin seems not unlikely. However, any theory of how it came to Tasmania must be based upon other considerations and the possibilities and probabilities in the case.

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In the first place it should be noted that the object was found by workmen excavating for commercial purposes. Although said to have been picked u p three feet below the surface its actual depth in situ was not noticed. Hence it may have rolled into the excavation from above, perhaps even from the surface. Secondly, no data were produced to show what the antiquity of the site itself may have been. Thus we have no information which denies the possibility that the specimen may have become deposited at this seaside site since 1800 when whalers who called at islands throughout the Pacific may have given it to local aborigines. T h e claim that this object was brought by migrating Tasmanians from New Caledonia cannot be considered plausible unless it can be established that the period of human occupation of New Caledonia is greater than that of Tasmania, that a polished stone industry was already followed at that time in New Caledonia, that this specific type of adze was already in use at that early period, and that the ancient occupants of New Caledonia had watercraft suitable for carrying them to Tasmania whether by design or by accident. Thus it appears that the three recent proponents of an oceanic derivation of the Tasmanians have not only not succeeded in demonstrating their thesis but they have avoided the consideration of pertinent data which establish the Australian route as the only one which satisfactorily meets the requirements of the evidence at hand. First of all it should be noted that in spite of our limited and often ambiguous knowledge of Tasmanian culture there seems to be a basic similarity with Australian culture, a fundamental unity of pattern which cannot be confused with that of any other region, although individually many of the traits are found elsewhere. For instance, we find numerous traits which appear to be typical of Tasmania and of widespread distribution in Australia. In material culture there are simple spears, throwing-sticks, twined baskets, skin cloaks, rolled skin drums, the beating of two sticks for cadence, simple windbreaks, spears concealed by dragging through the grass with the toes, poling

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of rafts; in political culture, the horde as the political unit with defined boundaries, trespass regulation and headmen with nominal power; in social culture, polygamy with young men receiving cast-off wives of elders, infant betrothal, divorce, the suggestion in Tasmania of a system of preferential marriage, scarification at initiation; in religious culture, ceremonies held at full moon with emphasis on dancing, origin of fire myth, twin myth, characters in myths and folk-tales often blown into sky to become stars or constellations, outline type of rock carvings. For the most part these traits are merely suggestive, and it must be admitted that in respect to Tasmania many of them are not sufficiently definite in character or are too poorly known to be considered individually as acceptable proof of relationship, although doubt is lessened considerably by the proximity of the two regions and by other considerations. In addition it is extremely important to note that in every instance in which we have any indication of chronological relationship in Australia the Tasmanian traits conform to those which appear to have a relatively great antiquity on the continent, for instance, simple spears, throwing-sticks, twined basketry, rafts propelled by poles, scarification as an initiation rite, outline type of rock carvings, a simple social structure without moieties or sections. 1 ' Furthermore it should be observed that the more outstanding Australian traits lacking in Tasmania, such as the more elaborate or more complex types of spears, hafted weapons, and tools, the shield, various throwing-clubs and hand-clubs, the boomerang, the polished ax, the spearthrower, various bark canoes and dugouts, various types of receptacle, avulsion of teeth, circumcision, subincision, moieties, sections, subsections, etc., do not appear everywhere on the continent but are lacking variously in the peripheral regions of Australia, such as the Southeast, the Southwest, the Northwest, northern North Australia and isolated eastern coastal areas. 17 Thus Tasmanian and Australian cultures not only are characterized by a general similarity of pattern, but fairly com-

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parable Tasmanian traits are most like old Australian traits, and the differences between historic Tasmanian culture and modern Australian culture are not so apparent when comparisons are made with the appearances in the peripheral areas of the continent where the more recently developed or acquired Australian traits also are wanting. All indications suggest that as we go back in time, the lesser would be the differences and the greater would be the similarities in the cultures of Tasmania and the continent. Secondly, cognizance should be taken of the fact that there are no Tasmanian traits of any importance which do not also appear in Australia, with the one major exception which has puzzled so many writers, Tasmanian type stonework. At first glance this would seem to be a factor of primary significance, but when consideration is given to all the conditions involved its importance is considerably diminished. For instance, it should be recognized that Australia never has been explored archaeologically and that with few exceptions investigations have not passed the stage of surface collecting. Hence we know virtually nothing about the chronological and stratigraphical aspects of the various types of specimens. More important still, it should be noted that since the Tasmanians undoubtedly have been isolated for a considerable period of time it seems obvious that we should not seek relationship between the stone stools of the historic Tasmanians and the specimens left by modern Australians. A proper comparison can be made only between artifacts from the oldest level in Tasmania prior to severance of culture contact with Australia and those with a corresponding antiquity on the continent. Although it has been generally believed in the past that Tasmanian stonework is quite homogeneous in type and in technique of manufacture, we no longer can assume that no changes have taken place since the first Tasmanians occupied their island, for recent studies of surface collections have brought to light what appear to be typological differences and it may be possible by proper archaeological investigation to establish a chronological relationship between them.

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As we know them today the general differences between Tasmanian a n d Australian stonework cannot be considered an argument against an Australian derivation of the Tasmanians. If T a s m a n i a n lithic industry as represented by the majority of specimens now available is a development which took place in Tasmania, there would be few comparable remains in Australia. Incidently T a s m a n i a n type artifacts have not been found in Melanesia, a point which seems to be avoided by those who would bring the Tasmanians directly from that region. Of an analagous nature is the lack to date of Tasmanian skeletal remains in Australia. Since the period when we may suppose the Tasmanians occupied the continent must have been several thousands of years ago, the factor of time may be pardy responsible for the non-preservation of skeletal evidence. In addition the historic Tasmanians disposed of some of their dead by cremation, and if this custom had prevailed on the continent we should have another explanation why Tasmanian skeletons are not readily forthcoming there. It also is important to note that Tasmanian skeletons are not abund a n t archaeologically even in Tasmania. Of the available skeletal remains of this race very few seem to be of established prehistoric antiquity, a great number, it would seem, being those of individuals who died since the coming of Europeans. Nevertheless the early writers have certified that the Tasmanians interred at least some of their dead and placed skulls in ossuaries. T h u s if T a s m a n i a n remains are not a b u n d a n t in Tasmania after a constant occupation of the island for several thousands of years during which time probably several hundreds of thousands of natives lived and died, should it be considered strange that they have not been found in a poorly known area which they may not have inhabited for several millennia? Lastly no discussion of the problem of Tasmanian derivation can be considered complete without attention to the question of the antiquity of seagoing watercraft. It is an easy matter to assume as does Wood Jones that ' T h e Tasmanian most cer-

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tainly came to Tasmania as a seafarer, just as the Maori came to New Zealand and the aborigine to Australia.' Such a statement is acceptable only if it implies that the Tasmanians in crossing the various straits between Asia and Tasmania employed some sort of craft for that purpose, but it is to be presumed that Wood Jones actually means that the Tasmanians and Australians sailed the open seas as did the Maori. For such a claim there is no foundation in fact nor is there any evidence to warrant even a suspicion that such has been the case. Not only do available facts suggest that the Polynesians and Micronesians were the only Pacific peoples who ever made great journeys by water, apparently all within the past two millennia, but that the confinement of Negroid and Australoid peoples to the chain of lands from Tasmania to Asia is the result of an original lack of craft suited to distant offshore journeys. It is only for the areas east of the Solomons that the Melanesians had to cross more than one hundred miles of ocean, and we have no evidence as yet to indicate that man has even a moderate antiquity in these groups of islands. Although direct information concerning the antiquity of the various types of watercraft in Melanesia is lacking, it would seem that we have no reason to suppose, let alone any right to take for granted, that the ancient inhabitants of that region were any more advanced in watercraft during any particular period of time than the peoples of China, India, and Egypt18 where the development of watercraft, at first very primitive, seems to have taken place within the past six thousand years with the likelihood that they were employed mostly for coastwise activities and for only short trips to sea until near the end of the first millennium B. C. Thus it seems plausible to suspect that this maximum limit in time may also apply to the insular East Indies and Melanesia, which seem to have derived much of their advanced culture from the Asiatic mainland. Indeed it is quite possible that such influences may have reached distant Melanesia in much more recent times, possibly not much before the period of Polynesian expansion. However, opinions in this respect must await the outcome of

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archaeological investigation and the determination of man's antiquity in Fiji, New Caledonia, and the New Hebrides and Santa Cruz groups. These considerations, however, would seem to warrant the suspicion that oceangoing watercraft may be so relatively recent in the Pacific that they could have played no part in Tasmanian migration. In support of this contention is the distribution of simple craft in Australia and Tasmania as well as the distribution in the Pacific of polished stone tools so intimately associated with the manufacture of seagoing craft. Thus when we take into consideration the evidence of antiquity of the Tasmanians in Tasmania, the similarity of their culture with that of modern Australia and the greater resemblance with that of ancient Australia, and the apparent relatively recent appearances of seagoing watercraft in the Pacific, the only conclusion which seems to be tenable is that the Tasmanians formerly inhabited Australia and reached Tasmania from that continent. NOTES 1. For a brief summary of early theories of T a s m a n i a n derivation see Howitt, A. W., O n the Aborigines of T a s m a n i a a n d Australia. Australasian Association for the Advancement of Science. Sydney 1898; T h e Native Tribes of South-east Australia. London. 1904; M a t t h e w , J . , T w o Representative Tribes of Queensland. London. 1910. 2. M a t h e w , J . , op. cit. 3. Schmidt, W., O n the Classification of Australian Languages. M a n 8. 1908; Die Gliederung der australischen Sprachen. Vienna, 1919 (also in Anthropos, V I I - X I V , 1912-1919). 4. R o t h , H . L., T h e Aborigines of T a s m a n i a . Halifax (England) 1899. 5. G r a e b n e r , F., Kulturkreise und Kulturschichten in Ozeanien. Zeitschrift für Ethnologie, 37. 1905. 6. Schmidt, W . and Koppers, W., Gesellschaft und Wirtschaft der Volker. Regensburg. 1924. 7. Howitt, A. W., op. cit. 8. Hedley, C., T h e Effect of the Bassian Isthmus upon the Existing M a r i n e F a u n a , A Study in Ancient Geography. Proceedings of the Linnaean Society of New South Wales. Part IV. 1903. 9. Noetling, F., T h e Antiquity of M a n in T a s m a n i a . Royal Society of Tasmania-Transactions. 1910. 10. David, T . W . Edgeworth, Geological Evidence of the Antiquity of M a n in the C o m m o n w e a l t h , with Special Reference to the T a s m a n i a n Aborigines. R S T - T ( 1 9 3 3 ) 1934. 11. Lewis, A. N., Correlation of the T a s m a n i a n Pleistocene Raised Beaches and River Terraces in Unglaciated Areas. R S T - T . 1934.

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12. Pulleine, R . H., The Tasmanians and their Stone Culture. Aust.AAS. Hobart (1928) 1929. 13. Wood Jones, F., Australia's Vanishing Race. Sydney. 1934. 14. Skinner, H. D., A Greenstone Adze or Axe from Northern Tasmania. Journal of the Polynesian Society 45, 1936. 15. David, T. W. Edgeworth, op. cit. 16. Davidson, D. S., The Chronological Aspects of Certain Australian Social Institutions. Philadelphia, 1928; Australian Netting and Basketry Techniques. J P S 42, 1933; Australian Spear Traits and Their Derivations. J P S 43, 1934; Chronology of Australian Watercraft. J P S 44, 1935; Aboriginal Australian and Tasmanian Rock Carvings and Paintings. American Philosophical SocietyMemoirs 5, 1936. 17. Davidson, D. S., op. cit., Australian Throwing-Sticks, Throwing-Clubs and Boomerangs. American Anthropologist 38, 1936; The Spearthrower in Australia. APS-P 76, 1936; Transportation and Receptacles in Australia. MS. 18. Forde, C. D., Ancient Mariners. London. 1927.

A PRELIMINARY SKETCH OF THE EYAK INDIANS COPPER RIVER DELTA, ALASKA By Frederica de Laguna

THE Eyak Indians, whose original territory included the mouth of the Copper River and the eastern edge of Prince William Sound, Alaska, were first mentioned in 1788 as the Ugalachmuten in the reports m a d e by the Russian explorers Ismailof and Botscharof to Shelikof (see the G e r m a n translation of Shelikof's report in Pallas, V I , 7,1793, p. 218 ff). From that day until the present this little tribe have been discussed by a succession of writers under a variety of names, most of which, like Ugalachmuten, are corruptions of Ur;ala7miut, the n a m e by which their Eskimo neighbors designate them. Partly because the form of the n a m e is Eskimo, partly because the Eyak were supposed to live on Kayak Island, an island actually occupied by the Eskimo, and because the Eyak have borrowed some elements of Eskimo culture, a n u m b e r of writers have assumed these people to be Eskimo. A number of others have confused them with the Atna, the Athabaskanspeaking group who live above them on the Copper River. Because the Eyak were in close contact with the Tlingit, who were expanding from the southeast, and because Eyak culture contains traits obviously borrowed from the Tlingit, other writers have considered them as a branch of these people. T h e Handbook of American Indians (II, 1910, p. 862) has only succeeded in increasing the confusion by describing the 'Ugalakmiut' as 'a tribe of Alaskan Eskimo . . . so far metamorphosed by contact with the Tlingit as to be more properly Tlingit than Eskimo.' I first visited the survivors of this tribe in 1930 and at that 63

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time learned enough to suggest the hypothesis that the Eyak 'are an Athabaskan-speaking people who have pushed down the Copper River to its mouth, separating the Eskimo of Kayak Island from their neighbors in Prince William Sound' (The Archaeology of Cook Inlet, Alaska, 1934, p. 156). The ethnological researches conducted by Dr. K a j Birket-Smith and myself in the summer of 1933, and the information supplied me by Colonel W. R. Abercrombie who visited the Eyak in 1884, have supported this hypothesis and form the basis of this preliminary sketch. The final report is being prepared jointly by Dr. Birket-Smith and myself. The name 'Eyak,' by which these Indians call themselves in speaking English, is a corruption of ^iaqDelaqeiyu, 'people of Eyak,' from l7iaq, one of their two principal villages. They claim as their territory the mainland from the eastern edge of Prince William Sound (Cordova Bay) to Cape Martin, excluding Kayak and Wingham Islands which were originally held by the Eskimo, later by the Tlingit. The vocabulary which Norman Reynolds and I collected has been examined by Dr. Boas and Dr. Sapir. The latter reports that the phonetic system is suggestive of Tlingit, and the language itself may be a new dialect of the Na-Dene group, coordinate with Athabaskan on the one hand and Tlingit on the other. Certainly it is not Eskimo, nor any known dialect of Tlingit or Athabaskan. Some rather striking differences in the words given by two informants suggest that even within the Eyak itself there may have been dialectic differences, though this would be surprising to find in a tribe that numbered some 150 to 200 individuals, when intercourse between the two main villages seems to have been intimate. The material and spiritual culture of the Eyak represents a rich blending of Interior Athabaskan, southwestern Alaskan Eskimo, and Tlingit elements. In sketching the culture I shall do little more than point out the more striking borrowings, since this phase of the problem is being exhaustively studied by Dr. Birket-Smith for the final report. The Eyak house was a rectangular structure, built entirely above ground, with walls of vertical planks mortised into a

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frame of horizontal logs at top and bottom. The gable roof of planks and bark was supported on a ridgepole that ran through the center of the smoke hole. The doorway was square, with a plank door suspended on rawhide hinges. The fireplace was in the middle of the dirt floor; the smoke hole protected by a movable wooden wind-break. Across the back and sides were small sleeping rooms for the several families, roofed and floored with planks, illuminated by lamps of clam shell or roughly hollowed stone cobbles, and entered by means of sliding doors. They were furnished with grass mats on the floor and walls; the bedding was of skins and a goat's hair blanket; the common pillow was a long sloping board. Besides these communal houses, there were also smaller houses accommodating a single family. The village contained smoke houses where fish and meat were cured, and meat caches, like those of the Interior Athabaskans, small box-like houses set on high posts. In each village was a fort or stockaded enclosure built of upright logs. Near it were the two potlatch houses of the two moieties, in front of which was a post carved to represent the moiety bird, raven or eagle. In 1884 Abercrombie found people living in these podatch houses, sleeping on top of a high broad platform that ran around the two sides and across the back, and storing their belongings in lockers under it. Each locker door was carved with totemic crests (?) in typical Northwest Coast art style. These podatch houses were used as guest houses for visitors, as public halls, and for the feasts and ceremonies conducted by the moieties. Near the village was the graveyard, where the dead were buried or where their ashes were stored. The graveyard was surrounded by a picket fence, and each individual grave was similarly enclosed. A tall post, the top of which was carved to represent a raven, with other unrecognizable animals below it, was seen by Abercrombie in one of the village graveyards. Many of the individual graves had smaller carved graveposts at the head of the small house-like box that held the ashes of the dead. The Eyak built wooden dugout canoes, and it is apparently from them that the Prince William Sound Eskimo learned the

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art. The small Eyak hunting canoe had a cleft prow, like the small canoe of the Yakutat Tlingit. The cleft was formed by the projection of the keel below the ordinary prow, and this facilitated handling in waves or swift currents. The larger traveling canoe, holding from ten to sixteen occupants, was sometimes equipped with mast and sail. The paddles had a pointed blade and crutch handle; a long paddle was used for steering the big canoe. There were also special canoes built for racing, and large canoes for war, the latter carved with a raven's or an eagle's head on the prow. To some extent the Eyak made use of the Eskimo kayak for seaotter hunting, and there were also war canoes, made of goat or seal skin, like the Eskimo umiak. The Eyak made crude snowshoes, with three cross-bars, webbed only between the first two bars. For bringing home game they made an emergency sledge of branches. While they bred large dogs for hunting, dogs were never used for hauling the sled or packing loads. Just as children inherit the name of a dead relative, so dogs were named after dead dogs. There was no taboo against feeding animal bones to dogs, as among some Athabaskan groups, but it was considered unlucky to kill a dog at any time. Men wore their hair tied behind in a bunch, women and girls had a long single braid. Shamans let their hair hang somewhat longer and looser than other men. The faces of both sexes were painted (only for dances?). Women (and men?) were tattooed around the wrist with awl and thread, and women burned their wrists to harden themselves to pain. Both men and women wore earrings, women wore nose rings. Men wore finger rings of native copper, traded from the upper Copper River. Milk teeth, nail pairings, and hair were disposed of in special ways to keep them from witches. The dress of men and women was like that of the Eskimo, and consisted of shirt, trousers, boots, mittens, and gloves. The inner or summer shirt was worn with the fur next the body, and lacked a hood. The outer shirt, worn over it in winter, had a hood attached. With the summer shirt a separate skin cap or hood might be worn, but the Eyak lacked

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both the Eskimo hunting helmet and the Tlingit basket hat. In rainy weather the men wore a gut-skin shirt like the Eskimo kamleika. Trousers were worn in winter. The women's summer boots left bare the leg between the boot top and the hem of the shirt. The men went barefooted in summer but in winter wore a short boot leaving their knees bare below the trousers. On war expeditions they wore an apron and when fishing a breech-clout. Men and women also had robes, something like those of the Tlingit, made of small animal skins sewn together. Shamans wore special costumes, masks, and belts when practising. Taboos relating to clothing forbade women to dress in fresh sealskins, and also prohibited the mixing of land and sea animal skins in the same garment. This taboo is certainly inspired by the Eskimo restrictions separating land and sea animals, though the Prince William Sound Eskimo applied it to food, not clothing, and the Eyak lacked the taboo in respect to food. Among the other items of material culture we may mention the heavy Northwest Coast and southern Alaskan Eskimo adze, stone axes and wooden wedges for splitting logs, hand and cord drills for making fire and drilling holes, ulos, crooked knives with blade of beaver tooth, double-bladed copper knives like those of the upper Copper River Indians and the Tlingit. Food was roasted on spits over the fire or was boiled with hot rocks in spruce root baskets. Wooden storage boxes were not made after the Tlingit pattern (also copied by the Prince William Sound Eskimo) of one long plank steamed and bent around to form the side, but were of five pieces, the sides mortised into the bottom, though they were carved in Northwest Coast art style. There were also pails and storage vessels of bark, wooden bowls and plates for serving food, spoons of wood, baleen, and goat horn. Twined spruce root baskets were decorated with false embroidery of colored grass in typical Tlingit patterns. Pack straps were used to carry loads and babies. Sewing thread was made of twisted sinew, but no needle was used. Ropes were of rawhide or bast. Abercrombie describes pipes made of pottery, imperfecdy

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fired, with stems of hollow arrowwood. This is the only reference we have to pottery among the Eyak. Mountain goats were hunted by driving them towards hunters in ambush, the dogs assisting. Bears were hunted with spears at the winter dens, or were killed in deadfalls or with the automatic bow. Fox and lynx were caught in snares; beaver, mink, and martin in deadfalls; weasels in box traps. Land otters and wolves were not hunted because they were supposed to be transformed human beings. (Compare with Tlingit and Prince William Sound Eskimo belief.) The Eyak did not hunt walrus for the same reason, and were afraid to attack fur seals, porpoises, or whales, though there was no taboo against using the meat of those they found dead. The bows had sinew backing; the arrows were equipped with three half-feathers and a barbed bone head, and were kept in wooden quivers or under the hollow stool in the hunting canoe. Harbor seals were clubbed or harpooned on sand-bars, less often harpooned from the canoe. The harpoon used for seals and salmon had a detachable barbed head with tang; and the seal harpoon was sometimes equipped with a float of an inflated seal stomach. The sea otter harpoon-arrow was identical with that used by the southern Alaskan Eskimo. Birds were shot with bow and sharp (not blunt) arrow, or, when moulting, were driven together and clubbed. The loon was not killed, because a boy had once turned into one. Salmon was the most important item in the Eyak food supply. They were caught in fish traps like those of the upper Copper River Indians, with two-pronged fish spears, with big dip nets, or with harpoons. In fishing with dip net or harpoon, two men generally worked together, one man catching the fish, the other dispatching it with a club. Halibut, cod, sand-sharks, trout, and whitefish were caught with compound hooks, a piece of quartz fastened to the shank acting as lure and sinker. The bait was a clam, a lump of seal fat, or some salmon eggs, depending on the type of fish sought. Herring and oelachen were caught with a two-pronged spear like a rake or a dip net from the canoe, with fire used to attract them.

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Like the Tlingit, the Eyak were divided into two exogamous matrilineal moieties, Eagle and Raven. Within these were partially differentiated groups, supposed to be descendants of some Tlingit who had been adopted into the tribe. The sub-groups were the 'Wolves' (within the Raven moiety) and the 'Bark House People' (within the Eagle moiety). At the head of each moiety was a chief, one of them the tribal chief, who led war parties. Below each moiety chief was a sub-chief, and there seems to have been a chief or leader of each moiety in each village. The office passed on death to the brother (failing a brother, to the maternal nephew?). The communal hunts were under the leadership of a chief. It was principally the chiefs who owned slaves (captives or the children of captives), and one of these might be killed at the funeral of a chiefs son or daughter. Though the chiefs and their families were generally distinguished by garments of rare furs decorated with dentalium shells, there does not seem to have been any fixed hierarchy of rank. In addition to the chiefs, there was some man (in each village ?) who acted as peacemaker to prevent quarrels, and who carried a painted paddle, like the ceremonial paddles of the Northwest Coast, as a badge of office. Though a large number of Eyak myths and tales mention chiefs and slaves, there is not one that mentions the moiety or potlatch, the moiety ceremony, and this leads us to suspect that the dual division of the tribe was an institution borrowed in comparatively recent times from the Tlingit. The podatch houses, for example, have typically Tlingit names. The use of one of the kinship terms, szthta also suggests a time before the moiety was instituted. This term is used by a man towards his father's sister's son (his future brother-in-law under the system of cross-cousin marriage), and by the woman towards her female cross-cousins, whom her brother calls 'sweetheart.' However, she also uses it for her co-wife, her husband's brother's wife, and the man uses it for his wife's sister's husband, individuals belonging to the same moiety as the speaker and who now could not possibly marry into the speaker's family. This makes us suspect that the term was origi-

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nally applied to cousins of the same sex as the speaker, at a time before moieties were established. Within the family the oldest brother had authority over his younger brothers and sisters. The prospective groom 'slaved' for his future parents-in-law, and there is some evidence that he lived in their house for a short time after marriage, though he afterwards took his wife back to his own house. The sonin-law avoided his mother-in-law, and one tale suggests that the father-in-law and daughter-in-law were forbidden to speak to each other. Joking and 'rough-housing' were permitted between brother- and sister-in-law, but grown-up brothers and sisters were not allowed to speak to each other or be alone together. There was polygyny but not polyandry, the sororate, the junior levirate, even involving the taking of the elder brother's wife during his lifetime. Men sometimes exchanged wives or offered them to guests. Between men of the same moiety a partnership might be arranged, but there were no secret societies. There was no village end- or exogamy, no moiety or family regulation of house sites, fishing or hunting territories. Murder, or even the accidental injury of a member of the opposite moiety, or of a member of the offender's own moiety living in another house, called for payment of damages to the victim's family. Grievances were aired in public by the singing of insulting songs, as among the Eskimo. The religious beliefs of the Eyak are very similar to those of the Eskimo. They conceive of all things, animate and inanimate, as having souls, or spirit owners, shaped like human beings. Those of the animals are located in the heads. For this reason, when a hunter has made a kill he cuts the eyeballs of his game, so that the animal cannot see him, and caches the head in a secluded place, so that the animal's soul may be reincarnated. The tail, blood, and entrails of a fish are thrown back into the water. No particular respect was shown the bear, though the hide was lowered three times over the carcass before being removed. A hunter never spoke about what game he hoped to kill, or made a sled in advance to bring home the meat, for this form of boasting would spoil his luck. The

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Eyak also had a simplified form of first salmon ceremony. The man who caught the fish washed and dressed in clean clothing. He cooked the fish because no woman was supposed to touch it, and it was eaten by every one in the village except menstruating or pregnant women. It is the souls of people and things which are seen in dreams, and it is the soul which leaves the body in dreams, shamanistic trances, and in insanity. At death the soul leaves the body, but is revived by the sun to become reincarnated in a child. A child was named after a dead relative of the same sex in the mother's family, and was supposed to be the deceased, actually returned to life, with all his or her peculiarities. There was no taboo against mentioning personal names, except that of a dead person, but it was impolite to address a person by his name. At puberty the girl was secluded in a special hut or in a sleeping room in the house for several months, during which time she ate from special dishes, sucked water through a bone, and used a bone scratcher to scratch her head. Menstruating women ate from their own dishes, and at the end of their fiveday period purified themselves with a cold bath. Menstruating and pregnant women were not supposed to see, touch, or eat fresh meat or fresh fish, for fear of offending the animals. Other food taboos applied to expectant mothers were designed to protect the health of the child. The mother was not secluded at childbirth, though all the men had to leave the house. The husband was not allowed to hunt during his wife's ten-day confinement, and at the end of that period both purified themselves in a bath of devil-club infusion. The death and potlatch customs suggest those of the Tlingit. When a person died, the body was kept in the house for four days, during which time members of the opposite moiety prepared it for burial or burning, watched beside it, and entertained the relatives with songs and stories. The dead person's property was either buried with him, or was saved to be burned or given away at the death potlatch. There was thus no inheritance of wealth except for the dogs and house, and unfortunately we were unable to get specific information about these. The bodies of slaves and witches were always

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cremated (Contrast with the Tlingit belief that the body of a shaman could not be burned). The dead were removed through an opening made in the wall of the house. Several months or even years after the death, the relatives would invite the members of the opposite moiety to a potlatch. The chief of the deceased's moiety acted as host. Food was put into the fire for the dead, as were those of his belongings saved for this occasion. If a member of the opposite moiety wanted one of these things, he might offer something in exchange, to be kept by the relatives. Food was served and gifts given to the guests in order of rank, and each recipient was addressed by his potlatch name, that is, by the name of a dead and not yet reincarnated member of the hosts' moiety. In accepting, he would answer that he took the gift or food, not for himself, but for some dead relative of his own. In this way all the dead were supposed to share in what the living enjoyed. The chief of the guest clan and those who had attended the corpse received the greatest number of gifts. Persons who had sung songs requested by the hosts, or who had given the best animal impersonations at the festivities following the podatch proper, received special prizes. Somewhat similar feasts and giving of gifts celebrated the building of a new podatch house. It should be noted that while there was a certain rivalry between moieties there was none between chiefs. The podatch was not an occasion for overwhelming the guests \vith gifts to be returned at ruinous interest, nor did it lead to the bankruptcy of the hosts. Potlatches might be held in honor of any dead person, man or woman, of whom the relatives had been fond. Feasts and dances were also held in the podatch house to entertain guests. The two performances held in honor of Abercrombie and his party were actually plays. The shaman, dressed as Raven, told the story, incident by incident; his assistant acted as stage manager; dancers in masks and appropriate costumes acted out the play with dialogue. They were accompanied by drummers and by a chorus of women; the two old women who led the chorus enlivened the performance with repartee. Musical instruments used at potiatches were the hollow log drum, tambourine, whisde, and ratdes worn or

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carried by the dancers. While the Eyak know a great number of Raven tales, including the story of the theft of the Sun by the Raven-baby, one of the plays witnessed by Abercrombie enacted the theft of the Sun by the sea mammals. The other recounted the massacre of the Russian exploring expedition up the Copper River in 1847. Various taboos and magical observances show a blending of Eskimo, Athabaskan, and Tlingit elements. A man might not hunt during his wife's confinement, nor until the body of a dead housemate had been taken from the house. Women were not supposed to touch a man's weapons, nor step over them or a man's legs (Athabaskan). While her husband was hunting or chopping wood a woman was not supposed to leave the village, make a noise, wash clothes, or sew on new garments (Eskimo). When a boy made his first kill, the meat and gifts were distributed. Bad luck in hunting, sickness, or spells could be counteracted by the use of the devil-club in certain ways. The devil-club as a purifying agent is also found in Tlingit practice. Sexual abstinence was observed by shamans during the period of their novitiate and before attempting a cure. It was enforced between the widower and a surviving wife for a few months, and a widow had to wait some time before remarrying. Fasting was practised by relatives on the first day following a death, by warriors before a fight, and by all when a warrior had been killed. The shaman fasted often during the period of his novitiate. The general fast and sexual abstinence may be considered as a means of provoking the pity of the supernatural forces and keeping the body pure and receptive to their blessings. It may also be the traditional expression of grief. Bathing in cold water, as among the Athabaskans and Tlingit, was not only a part of the physical training of boys and men, but was also a means of purification. Men who lived like women were termed 'good-for-nothing' and had no supernatural powers. The Eyak distinguished between witches and shamans. The former were men or women who had obtained their evil power from handling skeletons. They could fly through the air and change into animal or bird form at will. They could kill a person by

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making a piece of his clothing or nail-parings rot, or by touching him with the dog skin which they wore when acquiring their power. Sickness was generally attributed to witchcraft. A witch might be detected by the shaman and killed, or else forced to pay a fine. A man or woman might become a shaman. The power was apt to be inherited, even though it would not manifest itself until the person had passed puberty. The first manifestation of the spirit helper was in a dream. After a period of fasting, bathing in cold water, purging with devil-club infusion, the novice went alone into the woods to fast and receive his power. The spirit might appear in animal or human form, and the shaman would make a doll in that same form to embody his power. The spirit also taught him his song. A shaman might have any number of helpers. Shamans could cure the sick by singing, laying on of hands, sucking out the disease, etc. They could also kill or bewitch by spells. They could fortell the future, find lost or stolen property, bring good luck in hunting or in war, walk on hot stones and handle fire, walk on the surface of the water, free themselves from bonds, give ventriloquist performances, etc. The sun seems to have been worshipped at one time, and prayers were said to it. Northern lights shine when some one is dying. Thunder is caused by a huge bird like a raven. When trees are split by lightning this is supposed to be the work of a creature that wanders through the woods with its crying baby on its back. It brings good luck if a man can take off his clothes, run and touch this animal (Compare with Tlingit belief). Bad weather is caused by abortion, concealment of an illegitimate child, playing with boats, sleds, or a buzz in winter, by touching a fresh-water clam, or when an adolescent girl looks at the sky. Good weather can be brought back by a number of spells, most of them involving the use of fire. Generosity towards the poor or towards starving animals is rewarded by good luck. The Eyak believed also in monster animals, dwarfs who live beside a lake, giants (Tree People), and man-eating Wolf People. Among children's toys and games the Eyak knew the pop

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gun, blow gun, whip sling for dart, throwing stick for pebbles, top, buzz, string figures, and hide-and-seek. Girls were not allowed to play with dolls in human form. Adults games were the stick game, tossing wooden disks at a mark, shinny, shooting matches, foot and canoe races, wresding, and gambling with dice. In this brief sketch I have attempted to oudine the culture of the Eyak and show the various elements which have mingled here at the mouth of the Copper River.

INDEX MOLLUSCA AND THEIR BEARING ON CERTAIN PROBLEMS OF PREHISTORY: A CRITIQUE By Loren C. Eiseley

I.

INTRODUCTION

S I N C E m a n first became aware of his lineal projection backward into glacial time, the correct interpretation of a multitude of indirect indices of Quaternary duration has been the primary and enduring concern of the archaeologist. Efforts to refine these techniques have been constant and energetic and have led in Europe to such achievements as the varve chronology of De Geer, to the growing improvement of pollen analysis, and, in America, to the dendrochronology of Douglas. Nevertheless it cannot be said, with the one major exception of Douglas, that the spectacular achievements in Europe have been duplicated here, either from the standpoint of paleolithic cultural stratification or the use of techniques borrowed from the other sciences 1 —and even in the case #of dendrochronology its reliability at present does not extend beyond the relative recency of the eighth century A.D. For this there are ameliorating circumstances. We have lacked, in some measure, until recently, the stimulus afforded by the presence of really ancient cultures as measured by European standards, and we have been satisfied, for the most part, with the abstract, elastic estimates of the geologist. W e have been content with certain supposed faunal distinctions between upper and lower Pleistocene which for so long helped to befuddle the issue of man's antiquity here, 2 and we have seen even this carefully conceived faunal succession disappear before the onset of a later generation of paleontologists. 3 T h e result is that we are now confronted with a recently discovered and remarkable

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flake industry associated with extinct animals of a definitely Pleistocene character, 4 but whose date of extinction cannot be established with sufficient accuracy to determine their extinction as late Pleistocene or early Recent. A matter of comparative unimportance on the great time-scale of geology, it is nevertheless a problem of concern to the chronologist of culture, and has led to renewed efforts to refine the measurement of post-glacial time in America. That these efforts are destined to resolve post-glacial time into periods of climatic fluctuation with accompanying changes both floral and faunistic, no one who has observed the growing accuracy of European pollen studies can doubt for a moment. At the same time, however, a word of caution must be sounded. For with the example of European successes before us, it is a temptation to see change before we have fully demonstrated it, or to accept far-reaching climatic variation upon the testimony of individual species. 5 Since pollen analysis has so far proved of no direct value in that area where our oldest human cultures are concentrated, namely, the High Plains, there has been a growing tendency to utilize the testimony of the molluscan fauna of the loesses in the determination of age. That this method promises much for the future there can be no doubt, nor that it is even now yielding interesting results. Yet it must be realized that we are dealing with a relatively primitive and stable type of life 6 and one at the same time of so inconspicuous a character that it has not been subjected to such intensive study over many areas as has the group of the mammals. 7 Pleistocene molluscs, at least to a certain extent, have changed and varied. This has been recognized. But agreement among observers, adequacy of observation in many regions, there has not been. And the archaeologist, coming late to the scene, is too often confused by the dust of controversy, or over-impressed by some weighty litde mollusc whose significance may be variously interpreted. It is upon these matters that I wish to touch briefly in this paper—in no sense as a professional conchologist, but as an archaeologist who has himself been troubled by these problems, and hopes eventually to see them resolved.

INDEX II.

THE

MOLLUSCA

PROBLEM

OF

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VARIATION

In the Introduction to his recent work the Fossil Non-Marine Mollusca of North America, Henderson says: ' T h e present catalogue includes all the species of North America . . . except those from the post-Tertiary deposits, which have been omitted because their inclusion would greatly inflate the catalogue by including a large number of species which have been found fossil in very small, local, superficial deposits of no importance.' 8 Yet it is with these post-Tertiary deposits, and their latest and most problematical strata that we are now so intimately concerned. And in this casual phrase of dismissal it is possible to catch a glimpse of the unsolved problems of taxonomy, the lack of investigation and high percentage of living species which have combined to limit interest in the index possibilities of Pleistocene mollusca. In 1920 Frank C. Baker, in his comprehensive The Life of the Pleistocene or Glacial Period9 attempted an extensive record of the vertical molluscan succession throughout Pleistocene time, yet his conclusions do not differ essentially from those of Shimek 10 whom he quotes at length: ' T h e fossil mollusks do not enable us to determine the age of any of the Pleistocene formations. T h e fossils of the Aftonian are not sufficiently distinct from those of modern alluvium to permit the drawing of any conclusion other than that the conditions of deposition were much the same. They do not enable us to distinguish between the loesses . . . ' 1 1 T h e glacial epoch, for all the faunal displacement which it brought about, seemed, to Baker, to have had little effect upon molluscan life as a whole: ' T h e tables showing that a large number of species, especially the pulmonates, both land and fresh water, persist practically unchanged from the Aftonian to the present time. T h e great differentiation of species, especially among the land snails, has taken place beyond the limits and influence of the great ice invasions.' 12 It is obvious that the views of Baker and Shimek were essentially in agreement at this time. They were later destined to

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diverge widely, a n d this divergence it is of considerable importance to the archaeologist to understand. I t already involves the interpretation of one site, the Scottsbluff Bison Q u a r r y , a n d m a y bear eventually upon others. I n 1922 Baker, after the examination of additionally acq u i r e d mollusca f r o m the loesses, maintained that 'more species or varieties have become extinct than is indicated by o u r present records. M a n y species have been linked with existing forms though they vary quite enough to constitute distinct species or races. I t will be found that some species are a b u n d a n t in Pleistocene deposits, but rare living, indicating that the species is approaching extinction.' 'In the study of Pleistocene fossils it is of the greatest importance that minute differences between species be recorded, for it frequently happens that two deposits contain species closely related but yet sufficiently different to indicate a difference in climate, habitat or general environment.' 13 T h e italics are my own. T h e y serve to define an attitude t o w a r d the problem which has been intensified through m a n y papers since; which has been actively opposed by Goodrich a n d Shimek, supported indirectly in some degree so far as post-glacial variation is concerned by Chamberlin and Jones, 1 4 a n d left uncommented u p o n by others. T h e only intensive examinations of the loess f a u n a which we possess are those of Baker in Illinois a n d other nearby regions, a n d the work of the late Bohumeil Shimek in Iowa. Since they came to exacdy opposite conclusions which resulted in m u c h acrimonious discussion in the pages of the Nautilus, it is obvious that only the participation of other scientists to a n extent allowing a majority opinion is likely to clarify the issue. W i t h o u t mentioning a multitude of papers concerning specific a n d varietal distinctions which do not as yet directly concern the archaeologist, it m a y be well to indicate here that three of the varieties described by Dr. Baker have been identified by him f r o m the Scottsbluff Bison Q u a r r y at Scottsbluff, Nebraska, a n d discussed in the pages of the American Anthropologist.15 These are, respectively, Succinea grosvenori gelida, Succinea ovalis pleistocenica, and Fossaria parva tazewel-

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81

liania, O n e other specifically differentiated form is recorded from the Yuma blowouts, through the courtesy of Mr. Perry Anderson, who obtained specimens. It is Gyraulus altissimus.11 This latter form was at one time regarded as having become extinct in Wabash time, but recently forms which resemble this species have been discovered in Canada and North Dakota. Apparently it is a dying type, and may come to bear some significance in relation to the Wisconsin ice. It is a variable species, however, and little weight can be placed upon it until the living fauna of the West has been more carefully investigated. Baker, and Baker and Cahn have discussed it at some length. 1 8 Baker's methods are essentially biometric, and may be illustrated by his study of the 'Variation and Distribution, Recent and Fossil, of the Snail Polygyra profunda Say, in Illinois.' 19 The nature of variation in size and other peculiarities is determined by the use of biometric methods, and the measurements are plotted on graphs in order that the mean of variation for a given group of shells may be determined. O n the basis of this procedure Baker maintains that a variety of P. profunda can be established, a form which he labels P. profunda pleistocenica. T h e loess shells, he contends, reveal a smaller altitude n o r m for the aperture as well as a slightly different shape. T h e size norm of the fossil shells is also smaller. H e comments that Polygyra profunda of the Pleistocene includes both the typical form and the variety pleistocenica. T h e fossil pleistocenica has been found, so far, only in western and southwestern Illinois, and has not been recognized outside of this area. Obviously, distinctions based upon minute variations in the size of shells, particularly in variable species, require the study of a large n u m b e r of individuals, and a careful recording of all measurements in order to obtain the norm. T h e problem of distinctions between forms is especially difficult when limited to shells alone, as must always be the case with fossil forms. T h e study of the soft parts permits of much more accurate discrimination. Nevertheless, and granting such difficulties, Baker contends that given enough shells to work with, and

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accurate stratigraphic records as to their source, it is possible to observe these distinctions and observe them as constants in the loesses which he has examined. Shimek, on the other hand, has consistendy denied the validity of this approach. In 1936, in the pages of the Nautilus,20 he made a renewed assault on the method in connection with the very form (P. profunda pleistocenica) which we have used to illustrate Baker's biometric treatment of the subject. Shimek lists figures intended to illustrate the variability of fossil and recent forms of this species and insists: 'the table shows that this range is about the same as that of the fossils from Iowa and Nebraska and that the recent forms from the prairie groves of north Iowa and eastern Nebraska are even slightly smaller.' 21 Dr. Shimek's position, in short, has been that there is so much overlapping in size between the so-called variety and the recognized species that the former cannot be held to be even sub-specifically differentiated. In taking this attitude toward Dr. Baker's varieties, many of which he has consistently refused to recognize, 22 Shimek maintains with consistency views which he expressed before the turn of the century as to the essential similarity of the loess and modern invertebrate faunas. 23 Such ecological variation as he has observed is confined to an apparent tendency on the part of many forms to average larger in the eastern part of the country, whereas the western forms of the same species tend to be smaller and heavier. This he ascribes to changed living conditions on the upland, relatively barren and treeless areas in the West. Where depauperation or variation in size is noticeable, Shimek regards it as taking place in the direction of the western modern forms. T h e conditions bringing about depauperation, he maintains, exist today, especially in the West, and are not to be ascribed to climatic extremes beyond those of the present, nor to frigid glacial conditions. H e suggests a possibly greater extension of xerophilous conditions than exists at present, but refuses to entertain the supposition that depauperate shells are evidence of a colder climate during the deposition of the loess.

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83

T h e settlement of this argument must be left to the specialist. We indicate it here merely to clarify the issue from the standpoint of the archaeologist and in order to dwell a moment upon the extinct varieties from the Scottsbluff Q u a r r y and what may be inferred from them. In the light of the problems just discussed, it would seem that caution is necessary. In the first place, and Dr. Baker would be the first to agree to this, more material from datable horizons in the late Pleistocene of the High Plains is sadly needed for comparative purposes—particularly if the biometric method is to be applied with any surety. The varieties established by Dr. Baker were recognized far eastward and, if largely ecological and intergrading, it becomes necessary to ascertain whether a similar variance of mode can be established in this area, particularly in view of Shimek's assertions about the upland character or type of the molluscs of the western loess. Of the three extinct varieties named and discussed from the Scottsbluff Bison Quarry, two, to date, have not been recorded from any other deposit of known date within the state, and the third, in addition to its presence at the quarry, is indicated only from a lake bed of uncertain, though Pleistocene age. 24 This is not to imply that these forms will not be established in Nebraska. Most of the material of this nature supplied by Dr. Lugn in his recent study pertains to the Upland formation and does not contain invertebrate lists of the Peorian loess fossils. Nebraska, at present, is one of the key states in the study of the fauna of the loesses, and the activities of Lugn, Schultz, and others in this area may be expected eventually to modify both our knowledge of the vertebrate and invertebrate successions in this region. It is sufficient to indicate here that until more quantitative examinations are carried out upon datable Pleistocene horizons yielding these forms—and this within a reasonable distance—the recognition of the varieties in question as valid and trustworthy index fossils must remain purely tentative, at least in this area. It may be recalled that Mr. Schultz and myself, while fully indicating the preVVisconsin nature of the invertebrate evidence as interpreted by Dr. Baker, were moved by archaeological considerations to

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SOCIETY

place a later d a t e upon the deposit in question. 2 5 It would seem the part of wisdom to maintain this attitude of caution, a view heartily concurred in by Dr. Baker who, in a letter to the writer, emphasized w h a t too often is overlooked by workers in other disciplines: ' T h e n a t u r e of the cultures must . . . be given d u e consideration, for the evolution of this feature is quite as i m p o r t a n t as the stratigraphy.' III.

HUMIDITY AND TEMPERATURE

A factor somewhat ignored in recent American discussions of mollusca is the problem of humidity versus temperature. D r . Richards, for example, provisionally suggests that the presence of Pupilla sonorana a n d Gastrocopta ashmuni at the Lindenmeier site in northern Colorado m a y be indicative of a w a r m e r climate than that of today. 2 6 This is worthy of consideration, b u t before going further, it m a y be well to d r a w attention to some of the work on this subject that has been carried on in Europe. H e r e molluscs associated with fossil forms have long received attention, and attempts have been m a d e to interpret their relation to climate. Geyer 27 has examined this problem in some detail, a n d his deductions are worth summarizing. H e points o u t that molluscs are d a m p air loving animals far less d e p e n d e n t on winter temperatures t h a n u p o n summer moisture. This relatively simple fact tremendously complicates the problem of inferences as to climate. Snails are more d e p e n d e n t u p o n earth conditions, he says, t h a n on direct solar rays. I n studying the a m o u n t of water the e a r t h can store and transmit to molluscs we must consider latitude, distance f r o m oceans, character of soil, wind and precipitation and flora—all of which are m u t u a l variables. Even h u m a n beings are c a p a b l e of bringing about change, as is instanced by the extinction of certain species after the destruction of great areas of G e r m a n forest, and their survival in the mountainous regions. In general, the more these southern invertebrates spread toward colder a n d more rugged climates, the more they a r e dependent on moisture, tend to seek h u m i d soil, and be covered by plants. Again, there are certain groups bound to m o u n -

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85

tains or valleys without direct reference to climate. W e must search, he says, for species especially sensitive to temperature if we are to deduce d a t a bearing directly on that phase of climate. Interpretation from single sites as to climatic conditions he regards as narrow and uncertain. T o date our molluscan studies are more apt to reveal d a t a in regard to conditions of humidity rather than temperature because the effects of the former are the more direct. E. C. Case corroborates this conclusion, saying: ' T h e climatic factor of temperature is far less readily determined than that of humidity.' 28 Keeping these factors in mind, let us return to a consideration of the invertebrates of the Lindenmeier site. Both of the species n a m e d , Pupilla sonorana a n d Gastrocopta ashmuni, b e l o n g

to the southwestern molluscan province, and have been described as no longer ranging so far north. 2 9 This statement m a y reasonably be doubted in the case of Pupilla sonorana, which has been recorded by so able a conchologist as H e n d e r son as present in Estes Park, Colorado. 3 0 W e shall, however, merely record this fact in passing. It is worth noting, however, for reasons to be dwelt u p o n later, that Estes Park is high a n d plentifully supplied with a variety of molluscan habitats, some of a h u m i d nature. A survey of the rather sparse references dealing with these two species indicates a preponderance of recordings from high altitudes. Pilsbry, for example, records P. sonorana at the top of Big H a t c h e t M o u n t a i n in southern New Mexico, 3 1 the tallest m o u n t a i n in the range (8,500 feet with light snow present) and Gastrocopta ashmuni f r o m similar altitudes. 32 In view of Cockerell's statement that 'there is every reason to believe t h a t during the glacial period the present mountain f a u n a inhabited m u c h lower levels' 33 it does not seem unreasonable to consider whether this northward extension of two southern species over a comparatively small area m a y not just as well indicate moist conditions a t t e n d a n t u p o n receding m o u n t a i n glaciation, t h a n u p o n a postulated period of increased w a r m t h over that of the present. This supposition has the added advantage of checking in rather well with the d a t a available from H o w a r d ' s researches 34 and would be in harmony with

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PHILADELPHIA ANTHROPOLOGICAL SOCIETY

Antevs' conception 'that the age of heavy rainfall in the semiarid belt, the latter part of the Pluvial epoch, coincided with the greatest southward displacement of the North Atlantic and the North Pacific lows and was connected with the decrease in precipitation over the ice sheets, which, together with rise in temperature caused the deglaciation. 35 Such a correlation on the basis of conditions of humidity would seem more reasonable than to assume necessarily warm temperatures at Fort Collins beyond those of today, and be faced with what are apparently faunal indications of a cool climate at Clovis. Humidity, as a factor in causing movements among both northern and southern invertebrates would resolve this difficulty. Geyer emphasizes the fact that, in Europe, mixtures of different species of opposite origin and different climatic necessities take place, not as in earlier periods in middle Europe, but in the western portion of the continent under the influence of the humid oceanic climate. It would seem that humidity more than direct temperature is the controlling factor, and may have played its part in the Southwest during the pluvial conditions attendant upon the glacial retreat. Again, favorably moist surroundings for northward wandering invertebrates were peculiarly and locally apparent during the time the Folsom people inhabited this site.36 Thus a combination of one or several factors might have contributed to the presence of the species under discussion. In setting forth at some length the opinions of Geyer, it must be understood that all possible types of Wisconsin and postWisconsin climate in the area under consideration are by no means exhausted. We have emphasized Geyer's conclusions about humidity because the influence of this factor upon molluscan life has, in some cases, been underestimated in favor of sheer change in temperature. It remains to consider the possibilities of a dry post-glacial climate having caused the dissemination northward of a southwestern fauna adapted to endure more arid conditions. The study of post-glacial climate in America is a complicated problem which has hardly received the concentrated attention

INDEX MOLLUSCA

87

it deserves. Sears, it is true, has made progress in the study of pollen successions in the eastern woodland, but the method threatens to be inapplicable over that area of the High Plains upon which attention is now concentrated. The means of measuring climate which is left to us, notably the study of floral relicts, and animal successions, cannot time these phases with much exactitude at present, and, of course, minor fluctuations during the time of the ice retreat may well indicate climatic oscillations which at present it is impossible to differentiate in a satisfactory manner. 3 7 Many writers agree, however, that there are indications of one or more periods of climate more arid than that of today. Gleason, who based his theory of an immediately post-glacial xerothermic period upon the testimony of floristics,38 has been widely quoted. Gleason makes a strong case for this period, and it is not impossible that a northward penetration of southwestern mollusca in response to arid conditions such as might be preferred by some forms took place at this time. When we come to consider the total situation, however, we find that even if we accept this theory we are still at a loss, so far as the archaeological dating of the site through this means is concerned. This is because Gleason regards it as not impossible that his postulated dry period may have been most pronounced during the actual time of the Wisconsin glaciation. 39 H e believes the climate in the Middle West was semi-arid during the maximum stand of the ice, and that the boreal floras were greatly restricted toward the west. 40 Obviously, no such successful study of tree pollens as can be made in the East seems possible over much of this area. The encroachment of the prairie eastward upon the forested regions following and contributing to the retreat of the boreal conifers is generally accepted as post-glacial. 41 The mollusca in question could equally have responded by a northward movement during this time, though the essentially western character of the species in question is shown by a failure to this day, north or south, to penetrate eastward. There remains, however, our inability to correlate this movement with dry conditions during actual Wisconsin time or with the possibly later period of prairie ex-

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PHILADELPHIA ANTHROPOLOGICAL SOCIETY

pansion. Hence, from the standpoint of indicating the possible antiquity of the Lindenmeier site, we are helped but little. T h e floral adjustments to which we have referred are botanical realities, but they figure most hazily at present on any time scale involving years. 42 An interesting point, also arising from a survey of the literature, is a record of Pupilla syngenes from a Montana location. Commenting upon this occurrence, Henderson is led to say: 'this is a species of New Mexico and Arizona, the Montana material being far from home . . . ' 43 Thus we have evidence of an unexplained case of recent saltatory distribution, which, if it had occurred archaeologically, might well have led to theories involving climatic change. Such recent cases should stand as warnings to hasty generalization, as do the words of Shimek: 'If the student will study the molluscs of a given region for a number of years, he will find that from year to year the abundance of the several species varies, some even running out entirely, while others unexpectedly appear. The writer . . . has found this variation often striking.' 44 In the case of sparsely distributed and rare species, superficial generalization is particularly unwise. The Pupilla are small and inconspicuous, and in many cases their apparent absence may suggest no more than insufficient intensive exploration. Expert conchologists are not numerous. Comments such as that of Henderson: 'In Colorado much has been done in the more mountainous portions but very little has been done on the eastern plains . . . ' 45 or Cockerell: 'It must be said, however, that our southern border [of Colorado] has never been properly searched,' 4 6 statements concurred in, generally speaking, for various areas in the West, by Winslow, 47 Berry, 48 and Pilsbry, 49 are evidence that much still remains to be done, particularly in dealing with the often peculiarly 'spotty' distribution of southwestern molluscs. 60 In short, in the writer's opinion, the two unusual species at present recorded from the Lindenmeier site are subject to the alternative explanations of the Wisconsin or post-Wisconsin dry, if favoring such conditions as those preferred by P. syngenes 51 or if, as seems likely, at least in the case of sonorana,

INDEX MOLLUSCA

89

they favored slightly more humid conditions as do m a n y of the Pupilla, they m a y fall into the pluvial epoch which has been dwelt on more by the geologist t h a n by the botanist. Again, they m a y bear less significance t h a n this w h e n we come to consider the distribution of syngenes a n d the record of sonorana from Estes Park. Increased d a t a will help eventually, b u t so far as t e m p e r a t u r e alone is concerned, Geyer's caution about the uses of mollusca is as pertinent here as in Europe. I t is u n f o r t u n a t e also t h a t the edaphic conditions sought by m a n y forms have not been sufficientiy recorded by collectors. 52 IV.

CONCLUSION

If we are n o w to summarize the possibilities of mollusca as indices of late Pleistocene or post-glacial climate, the effort is hardly taxing. T h e fact is, briefly, that this a p p r o a c h is suggestive b u t requires f u r t h e r development. W e have seen that certain varieties r e m a i n u n d e r a cloud a n d that, even if recognized, they m a y be endemic to certain localities, a n d not valid, or at least suspect, over wide areas. W e have noted that there are constant complaints a m o n g conchologists that wide areas r e m a i n unexplored. W e have seen t h a t certain species are sparsely distributed, totally unrecorded in a fossil state, a n d h a r d to find, so that their t r u e distribution, b o t h vertical a n d horizontal, is sketchily a n d imperfectly known. In addition, we are not in a position, so far as m a n y of these species are concerned, to heed Geyer's d i c t u m a b o u t the necessity, if we seek to measure t e m p e r a t u r e by itself, of relying on types which are known to respond emphatically to t h a t type of stimulus alone. I t would be inadvisable to rely too heavily on varietal distinctions still u n d e r discussion; nevertheless it is worth noting that a certain a m o u n t of evidence at h a n d , a p p a r e n t l y reliable, m a y suggest slightly more h u m i d conditions probably coincident with the pluvial period of ice retreat discussed by Antevs. 53 It is not impossible that of the Folsom sites investigated some m a y represent a later climatic phase t h a n others, or local differences. O n l y a multiplication of information f r o m m a n y sites is likely to clarify the issue, which c a n n o t be settled on

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PHILADELPHIA ANTHROPOLOGICAL SOCIETY

the basis of even several invertebrates until our knowledge of them has been greatly extended. Whether the appearance of Gastrocopta ashmuni a n d Pupilla sonorana some two hundred miles north of their present known range in a spot at one time favored by springs and moisture is sufficient to demonstrate temperatures in excess of those of today, is dubious, particularly when we consider the present distribution of the elusive P. syngenes. The safest attitude would seem to be to await more comprehensive collections and more intensive general faunal surveys of the area of the High Plains. This last may seem a tiresome study, b u t it is a prerequisite to any reliable use of molluscan migration as an indicator of climatic change. A few conchologists have been indefatigable workers, but they have been few, and the territory huge. M u c h more needs to be done before we can safely move beyond the point of tentative theorizing. Yet when all is said and done, the approach is far too promising to be abandoned. Its failures are those of a young method, not yet sufficiently refined to meet all of the demands placed upon it, but already suggesting results which, while unlikely to compare with the sensitivity of the pollen technique, may yet be the latter's sole substitute in the short grass area of the High Plains. Certainly it should be the duty of all workers in the life sciences to contribute by collection and careful stratigraphic record to the effort of the conchologist to obtain as clear a picture of this molluscan movement and succession as is humanly possible. T h e index value of invertebrate life as it concerns the archaeologist is dependent upon such refinements, and he himself will do well to further them by careful and systematic collection at the sites which he excavates. NOTES 1. Pollen studies, for example, are still in a very inconclusive state in America. See J. Voss, Postglacial Migration of Forests in Illinois, Wisconsin, and Minnesota, The Botanical Gazette (BG), 96: 39^*0, 1934. 2. Hay, O. P., The Recognition of Pleistocene Faunas, Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections (SIMC), Vol. 59, No. 20, Publ. 2139, 1912, and many following papers. 3. Romer, Alfred S., Pleistocene Vertebrates and their Bearing on the Problem of Human Antiquity in North America. (American Aborigines, edited by D. Jenness, Toronto, 1933.)

INDEX MOLLUSCA

91

4. Roberta, F. H. H., J r . , A Folsom Complex, preliminary report on investigations at the Ländenmeier site in northern Colorado. S I M C , 94, No. 4, 1935; Additional Information on the Folsom Complex, S I M C , 95, No. 10, 1936. C. B. Schultz and Edgar B. Howard, The Fauna of Burnet Cave, Guadalupe Mountains, New Mexico, Proceedings of the Academy of Natural Sciences of Philadelphia (PANSP), 87: 273-298, 1935. Cotter, J . L., The Occurrence of Flints and Extinct Animals in Pluvial Deposits Near Clovis, N. M . Part I V . PANSP, 89: 1-16, 1937. 5. Upon this point Shimek is justly cautious. 'Hasty conclusions based on individual species are always unwise; it is always safer to take entire faunas into account.' B. Shimek, The Habitats of Iowa Succineas, The Nautilus (N), 49: 10, 1935. 6. Baker, F. C., The Life of the Pleistocene or Glacial Period, Bulletin, University of Illinois, Vol. 17, No. 41: 195-370, 1920. 7. Numerically, the mollusks constitute, however, a large percentage of the preserved fauna of the Pleistocene. 8. Geological Society of America (GSA), Special paper No. 3, p. 2, 1935. 9. Op. cit. 10. Shimek, B., The Significance of Pleistocene Mollusks, Science, n.s., 37: 501-509, 1913. 11. Ibid. 12. Baker, op. cit., p. 370. 13. Baker, F. C., Pleistocene Mollusca from Northwestern and Central Illinois, The Journal of Geology ( J G ) , 30: 43, 1922. 14. Goodrich, Calvin, T h e Nomenclature of Ecological Varieties, N, 42: 114—118, 1929; Shimek, B., Comparative Studies of Loess and Recent Molluscs, N, 49: 71-73, 1936; Chamberlin, R . V. and Jones, D. T . , A Descriptive Catalog of the Mollusca of Utah, Bulletin of the University of Utah, 19: 6 - 7 , 1929. 15. Schultz, C. B. and Eiseley, Loren, Paleontological Evidence for the Antiquity of the Scottsbluff Bison Quarry and Its Associated Artifacts, American Anthropologist, 37: 306-319, 1935. 16. Baker, F. C., Descriptions of New Forms of Pleistocene Land Mollusks from Illinois With Remarks on Other Species, N, 40: 114-120, 1927. See also his Pulmonate Mollusca Peculiar to the Pleistocene Period, Particularly the Loess Deposits, Journal of Paleontology, 5, No. 3, 1931. 17. Described by Baker in Postglacial Mollusca from the Mark of Central Illinois, J G , 26: 659-671, 1918. 18. Baker, F . C., Pleistocene Mollusca from Indiana and Ohio, J G , 28: 449, 1920; Pleistocene Mollusca from Northwestern and Central Illinois, J G , 30: 54, 1922; Baker, F. C. and A. R . Cahn, Freshwater Mollusca from Central Ontario, 59-60, Ottawa, 1931. 19. The American Midland Naturalist, 15: 178-186, 1934. 20. Shimek, B., Comparative Studies of Loess and Recent Mollusks, N, 49: 71-73, 1936. 21. Ibid., p. 71-72. 22. See Shimek, B., Land Snails as Indicators of Ecological Conditions, Ecology, 11: 673-686, 1930; Pleistocene and Recent Mollusks, N, 44: 37-41, 1930, as well as other papers. 23. Shimek, B., The Distribution of Loess Fossils, Proceedings of the Iowa Academy of Sciences for 1898 (PIAS), 6: 98-113, 1899. 24. Lugn, A. L., The Pleistocene Geology of Nebraska, Nebraska Geological Survey, Bulletin No. 10, Second Series, 194-195, 1935. 25. Schultz, C. B., and Eiseley, L. op. cit., 317. The question of the validity of the varieties secured from this site in no way alters, however, the data bearing

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PHILADELPHIA ANTHROPOLOGICAL SOCIETY

on a progressive and quantitative change in vertical succession from aquatic to land species which was observed here. 26. Richards, Horace G., Mollusks Associated with Early Man In The Southwest, The American Naturalist, 70: 369-371, 1936. 27. Geyer, D., Die Quartärmollusken und die Klimafrage, Paleontologische Zeitschrift, 5: 72-94, 1923. 28. Case, £. C., Criteria for the Determination of the Climatic Environment of Extinct Animals, GSA, 32: 333-338, 1921. 29. Richards, op. cit., 371. The fossil range of these species is not known. 30. Henderson, Junius, Mollusca of Colorado, Utah, Montana, Idaho and Wyoming, The University of Colorado Studies (UCS), 13: 135, 1924. I hesitate to press the point because, owing to the serious illness of Dr. Henderson, I have been unable to take the matter up with him. Pilsbry has commented on the intricacies of taxonomy in relation to this form. (H. A. Pilsbry, Manual of Conchology (MC), 26: 154, 155, Philadelphia, 1920-21) and has pointed out that some examples of P. blandi are hard to distinguish from P. sonorana (161). 31. Pilsbry, H. A., Mollusca of the Southwestern States VI, PANSP, 67: 323350, 1915. It is interesting in connection with southwestern climatic conditions in general that Forest Shreve has indicated, in the study of one mountain range, a rate of evaporation three and one half times as great on the desert as at 8,000 feet. Precipitation tends to increase as the mountains are ascended. (The Vegetation of a Desert Mountain Range as Conditioned by Climatic Factors, Carnegie Institution Publication, 1915.) Other botanical studies corroborate this fact and J . R. Watson (Plant Geography of North Central New Mexico BG 54: 194-217, 1912), in a study immediately concerning the botanical features of an area in which we are interested specifically, mentions the diverse conditions present where the arid climate of the southwest meets, in the mountains, the more humid conditions of the north. Edaphic variability is a strong factor and in the higher regions heavy winter snow provides greater moisture. Criticising Merriam's life zones he comments that 'A spring will change one life zone to another.' In this connection it is worth noting that Pilsbry comments on the tendency of P. sonorana 'to inhabit higher, less arid places than the New Mexican blandi.' Pilsbry, MC, 26: 161. 32. Pilsbry, H. A., Shells from the Chiricahua Mountains, Arizona, N, 33: 70, 1919. In the Manual (24: 41-42) he says of G. ashmuni, 'Chiefly in broken country and foothills, but up to 8,000 feet in some places.' 33. Cockerel], Theodore, The Zoology of Colorado, 127, Boulder, 1927. 34. Howard, Edgar B., Evidences of Early Man In North America, Philadelphia, 1935, 89-90. Richards, op. cit., 371. 35. Antevs, Ernst, Climaxes of the Last Glaciation In North America, American Journal of Science, 28: 28, 1934. Statement quoted as slightly modified by Dr. Antevs in copy sent to the writer. 36. Roberts, F. H. H., Jr., Additional Information on the Folsom Complex, SIMC (1936), 95, No. 10: 12, 36. 37. Atwood, W. W., and Mather, K. F., Physiography and Quaternary Geology of the San J u a n Mountains, Colorado, USGS, Professional paper, No. 166: 145 (1932). 38. Gleason, H. A., The Vegetational History of the Middle West, Annals of the Association of American Geographers, 12: 39-85, 1922. 39. Ibid., 73. 40. Ibid., 84. 41. Daubenmire, R., The 'Big Woods' of Minnesota: Its Structure and Relation To Climate, Fire and Soils, Ecological Monographs (EM), 6: 257, 1936.

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93

42. See E. L. Braun, Forests of the Illinoian Till Plain of Southwestern O h i o , E M , 6: 146, 1936, for an indication of the difficulties in establishing even a widely recognizable area of post-Wisconsin conifer dominance in certain areas. 43. Henderson, Junius, Mollusca of Colorado, U t a h , M o n t a n a , I d a h o a n d W y o m i n g , U C S , 13: 135, 1924. 44. Shimek, B., T h e Distribution of Loess Fossils, P I A S for 1898, 6: 101, 1899. 45. Henderson, Junius, op. cit., 66. 46. Cockerell, op. cit., 130. 47. Winslow, M . L., Mollusca of North Dakota, Occasional Papers of the M u s e u m of Zoology, University of Michigan, No. 98: 1 (1921). 48. Berry, S. S., Notes on the Mollusks of the Colorado Desert, I, P A N S P , 74: 75, 1922. 49. Pilsbry, H . A., M C , 24: 37; 26: 169. 50. Berry, S. S., op. cit., 71. 51. Ferris, J . H., T h e N a v a j o Nation (concluded), N, 34: 13, 1920. 52. Shimek, B., T h e Habitats of Iowa Succineas, N, 49: 8, 1935. 53. Kirk Bryan's recent report on the geology of the Lindenmeier site bears out this conclusion. H e says: ' W e can conclude that Folsom man flourished d u r i n g a time when glaciers, somewhat larger than now exist, still lingered in t h e mountains, and when, by inference, the climate was somewhat cooler a n d wetter than now.' (Geology of the Folsom Deposits in New Mexico and Colorado, P a p e r read before Symposium on Early M a n , Academy of N a t u r a l Sciences, Phila., M a r . 18, 1937.)

CROSS-COUSIN MARRIAGE IN THE LAKE WINNIPEG AREA By A. Irving Hallo well

IN a paper read at the International Congress of Americanists in 1928,1 I pointed out that Ojibwa, Ottawa, and Algonkin kinship terms recorded in early documents reflected crosscousin marriage so positively, that it seemed reasonable to infer that this form of mating had formerly been practised. U p until that time no ethnologist had reported this custom from any Algonkian people, 2 although two statements by early nineteenth-century observers (H. Y. Hind and Duncan Cameron) apparently referred to the practice of cross-cousin marriage by some of the Saulteaux-Ojibwa bands between Lake Nipigon and Lake Winnipeg. 3 I attributed the contemporary absence of the custom to the transformation of native marriage institutions under white influences, and pointed to evidence which showed that the contemporary relationship terms of several bands in the linguistic groups under discussion were variants of an older pattern which harmonized with cross-cousin marriage. As a correlative and better documented instance of modern changes in Algonkian relationship terms under changing conditions, I referred to my study of the St. Francis Abenaki kinship system. 4 Shortly after the Congress I met William Duncan Strong. He had just returned from northern Labrador and told me of his discovery that cross-cousin marriage was practised by the Barren Ground Band of the Naskapi and that this custom was clearly reflected by their kinship system.6 With Strong's data as a basis I undertook a comparative study of Cree-Montagnais-Naskapi terms, using both pub95

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PHILADELPHIA ANTHROPOLOGICAL SOCIETY

lished sources a n d two manuscripts of the seventeenth century. I t was possible to show that throughout this linguistic group there were not only consistent lexical indications of cross-cousin marriage, b u t a striking equivalence between the terms used a n d those employed by the O j i b w a - O t t a w a Algonkin. 6 In the m e a n t i m e Speck h a d secured positive evidence regarding the practice of cross-cousin m a r r i a g e by the Mistassini b a n d of Montagnais a n d to a certain extent at Lake St. J o h n . 7 Wishing to pursue the possible distribution of the custom to the west, I was fortunate enough to receive a grant-in-aid f r o m the Social Science Research Council in support of field work in the environs of Lake Winnipeg. J u s t before leaving Philadelphia in J u n e , 1930, I received a publication by J . C. Boileau G r a n t , on the somatology of several Cree a n d Saulteaux bands in the region I planned to visit. 8 H e had m a d e his observations in the summer of 1927. O n e of the b a n d s measured, a g r o u p I was later to visit, m a d e their s u m m e r headquarters at Island Lake, 115 miles east of northern L a k e Winnipeg. In some prefatory remarks u n d e r the caption 'marriage' G r a n t wrote, ' though for the most part it is the custom oj these Indians to marry their cousins, they nevertheless a d h e r e to the tradition of not marrying into their own totem.' N o t being a n ethnologist, G r a n t did not realize the significance of his statement in regard to cousin-marriage, nor did he explain that cross-cousins were m e a n t . Although I was not aware of it at the time, E. S. Curtis in his s u m m a r y account of the Western Woods Cree, published in 1928, had already referred to their practice of cross-cousin marriage a n d its connection with their kinship structure. 9 Consequendy, Curtis must be credited with the earliest p u b lished reference to cross-cousin marriage as a going concern a m o n g a contemporary Algonkian people. And, in the summer of 1927 when on the U p p e r A l b a n y River, J . M . Cooper met an Anglican minister, himself a Saskatchewan Cree, w h o told him, quite unsolicited, that cross-cousin marriage was permitted in this Algonkian group. 1 0 T h u s while encouraged by the observations of Strong, Speck,

CROSS-COUSIN MARRIAGE

97

and Grant, I did not know of these other independent reports of cross-cousin marriage among the western Cree when I started my own field inquiries in the Lake Winnipeg region. During the course of the summer I visited three bands of Swampy Cree (Grand Rapids, 11 Norway House, Cross Lake) and two groups of Saulteaux-Ojibwa (Island Lake, Berens River). In the summers of 1931 and 1932 short visits were made to the Saulteaux bands at Wanipigow River and Poplar River. Since that time I have made a more detailed study of the social organization and general ethnography of the three bands on the Berens River. Other investigators such as D. Jenness, 12 Regina Flannery, 13 J . M. Cooper,14 T. Michelson, 15 and Ruth Landes 18 have also reported the occurrence of cross-cousin marriage elsewhere among Cree, Ojibwa and Montagnais speaking peoples. The positive generalizations which can be made from the data already secured in the Lake Winnipeg area are the following: 1. The kinship pattern of all of the bands visited and of those about which I have information is of the 'bifurcate collateral' type,17 the generation principle is paramount and since there are no specific terms for relatives by marriage, the characteristic equations that occur are the following: (a) mother-in-law = father's sister = mother's brother's wife. (b) father-in-law = mother's brother = father's sister's husband. (c) son-in-law = cross nephew = husband of parallel niece. (d) daughter-in-law = cross niece = wife of parallel nephew. (ie) woman's sister-in-law = woman's female cross-cousin. (f) man's brother-in-law = man's male cross-cousin. (g) sibling-in-law of opposite sex = cross-cousin of opposite sex. (A) The term for 'sweetheart' is identical with the last mentioned term or a derivative of it. 2. Inquiry revealed that the mating of cross-cousins was

98

PHILADELPHIA ANTHROPOLOGICAL SOCIETY R E L A T I O N S H I P O F ISLAND L A K E W I V E S T O HUSBANDS

mother's father's sister's daughter's daughter father's father's brother's daughter's daughter father's father's sister's son's daughter father's mother's brother's son's daughter ! father's mother's sister's daughter's daughter

mother's mother's brother's daughter's daughter mother's mother's sister's son's daughter mother's father's brother's son's daughter

father's half sister's daughter

mother's half brother's daughter

father's sister s daughter

X XXX X

XXXX X

b -o E

iL

4

XXXX

X

X

XXXX X

1 •2 a §

X

X

4 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2

X XX

XX

X X

X

1

3

X

10

X

X

6

1

2

4

X X X

XXX

X

3

13

XXXX

X X

XXX

XX XXX

X X

XXXX

X

X

3 2 6 5 5 5 2 2 4 2 2 2 5 2

XXXX

20

X

X

Totals

XXX

147\144 137\152 157\114 169\124 98\94 91\84 93\86 107\101 95\118 81\88 83\90 110\104 87\80 92\85

X

OENERATION V

|

132 3 9 \ 133 134 44\36 45\37 46\38 32\40 22\29 33\41 34\42 53\50 48\51 49\52

H

1 1 1 1 1 1

X

XX

14\7 6\13 21\28 16\10 19\27 17\30

SECOND CROSS-COUSINS

XXX

GENERATION IV

|1 OENERATION III

MARRIAGES (numbers to left, husbands; to right; wives) 0)

mother's brother's daughter

FIRST CROSS-COUSINS

16

0

79

(1) These are the numbers that appear on genealogical charts in the possession of the author, which may later be published.

CROSS-COUSIN MARRIAGE

99

recognized as a traditional form of marriage, that a certain proportion of married individuals now living were of this relationship, and that unions of this sort were still contracted. When I asked an English-speaking Indian (Alfred Settie) at Norway House whether it was possible to marry ki'tim, he replied, 'You bet your life. That's what they all do here!' The United Church Missionary, Rev. S. D. Gaudin, who speaks Cree fluently and at that time had been in missionary work forty years, said that sixty per cent of the Indians of this band were married to their cousins.18 He added that the percentage was higher farther to the north but that nowadays, at Norway House, since parents no longer arranged matches for their children, the custom was dying out. Rev. S. D. Gaudin began his missionary work among the Cree of the Nelson House Band in 1891, where he remained fifteen years. Native customs were in full swing when he went there, and he said that the degree of inbreeding was much higher than it is now or in the Norway House band. In addition to securing kinship terms, sample genealogies and other information in the Cree and Saulteaux bands personally visited, data obtained from Indians belonging to other groups, or whose parents or relatives belonged to these bands, is sufficient to include, tentatively, the following bands in our generalizations: Cree: Norway House, Cross Lake, Grand Rapids, Nelson House, Split Lake, Oxford House, Gods' Lake. 19 Saulteaux: All of the bands bordering on eastern Lake Winnipeg from Poplar River on the north to Wanipigow River on the south, and in the interior those at Little Grand Rapids, 20 Pekangikum, Sandy Lake, Deer Lake and Island Lake. 21 3. What are the fundamental principles of cross-cousin marriage among these Cree and Saulteaux peoples? How does it work? In the first place, their kinship pattern defines the social status of individuals in such a way that only persons of the same generation are potential mates. 22 Secondly, in one's own generation, there is a dual classification of relatives of the

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opposite sex: (a) full (or half) siblings, parallel cousins of the first degree a n d m o r e r e m o t e cousins, or other individuals w h o fall into the terminological category of 'siblings'; (b) crosscousins of the first degree, siblings-in-law of opposite sex, seco n d 'cross-cousins,' a n d o t h e r related persons w h o fall into the terminological category of 'cross-cousin of opposite sex.' Since kinship t e r m s a r e widely e x t e n d e d in usage, individuals actually unrelated by blood m a y fall into either of these two groups. If two u n r e l a t e d m e n , for instance, m a r r y sisters they will a d o p t the t e r m ' b r o t h e r ' f o r each other, while u n related w o m e n w h o m a r r y b r o t h e r s will call e a c h o t h e r 'sister.' I n the case of the S a u l t e a u x , w h o h a v e a sib organization, a m a n visiting a strange c a m p will call all of the girls of his a p p r o x i m a t e age g r o u p 'cousin,' except those belonging to his o w n sib, those w h o m he c a n classify as 'sisters,' t h r o u g h some k n o w n blood connection, or those w h o m he c a n ' p l a c e ' t h r o u g h the terminology he knows t h a t his p a r e n t s a p p l y to their parents. I n a c o m m u n i t y with a kinship p a t t e r n of this sort it is inevitable t h a t persons w h o call each o t h e r 'cousin' should m a r r y , n o t t h r o u g h the c o m p u l s i o n of precept, b u t because of the prohibition of sibling marriage. 2 3 B u t the a c t u a l degree of blood relationship t h a t exists b e t w e e n the m e m b e r s of these unions m a y v a r y f r o m zero to t h a t between first cousins. T h e m a r r i a g e of cross-cousins in this latter, n a r r o w sense c a n n o t b e viewed as a n i n d e p e n d e n t custom or u n i t trait, b u t r a t h e r as a n integral p a r t of the o p e r a t i o n of the social system as a whole. If such a social system, ideally conceived, is t h o u g h t of as o p e r a t i n g in face-to-face groups, w h e r e everyone addresses everyone else by a kinship t e r m a n d n o one m a r r i e s outside the group, t h e n all m a r r i a g e s would occur b e t w e e n individuals w h o previously called e a c h o t h e r by a 'cousin' t e r m . Furthermore, if the p o p u l a t i o n in w h i c h such a m a r i t a l situation o p e r a t e d were n o t replenished by n e w family lines, t h r o u g h the m a r r i a g e of outsiders into it or the m i g r a t i o n to it of n e w family units, the original family lines would inevitably b e c o m e m o r e a n d m o r e highly linked. W h i l e this is, of course, a theoretical, r a t h e r t h a n a realistic, p i c t u r e of conditions either

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today or in the past a m o n g the L a k e Winnipeg bands, it nevertheless has been very closely a p p r o a c h e d in some instances. For the areal density of population has always been low in this area a n d there is every reason to believe that m a r riages in the past have been intra-group (or intra-local) r a t h e r than inter-group (inter-local) affairs. 2 4 In view of these general conditions the collection of genealogical d a t a is the only possible means of obtaining a n y precise notion of the extent of inbreeding or information in respect to the presence or absence of actual blood relationship, between married persons. At Island Lake I was lucky enough to secure as informant, a m a n ( R i c h a r d M u n i a s ) who not only spoke English b u t w h o h a p p e n e d to be a m e m b e r of the Sturgeon sib, whose family h a d i n t e r m a r r i e d with a family of the Sucker sib over a n u m b e r of generations. I n his father's generation, for example, six marriages between first cross-cousins h a d occurred. These were the total n u m b e r possible between the children of two brothers a n d a sister. I n the genealogical material obtained, which included 188 individuals all told (chiefly lineal a n d collateral relatives of my informant) the n u m b e r of m a r r i e d individuals in four generations is 152. Of these, 64 persons (31 men a n d 33 women) m a r r i e d first or second cousins (thirty marriages being m o n o g a m o u s and one polygamous), all b u t four of these marriages being between relatives of the former class. A m o n g these, there are twice as m a n y cases (20) in which a m a n is m a r r i e d to his mother's brother's d a u g h t e r , as those (10) in which he is married to his father's sister's d a u g h t e r . It is a striking fact t h a t a n u m b e r of the wives are not only related to their spouses as double first cousins, b u t that all of the individuals of generations I V a n d V (see Table) w h o are related to their spouses as first cousins are related to t h e m as second cousins, too. M y informant's wife, for instance (No. 114) in addition to being his double cross-cousin of the first degree (mother's brother's daughter and father's sister's d a u g h t e r ) is related to him as second cousin in four other ways (mother's m o t h e r ' s brother's daughter's d a u g h t e r , mother's father's sister's daughter's daughter, father's father's sister's son's d a u g h t e r , father's

102 PHILADELPHIA ANTHROPOLOGICAL SOCIETY mother's brother's son's daughter). All of the women, moreover, who are related to their husbands only as second cousins are related to them in more than one way. In this connection, Radcliffe-Brown's differentiation of Australian kinship systems into Type I (Kariera) and Type II (Arunta) comes to mind. 55 'The Kariera kinship system,' he says, 'is based on and implies the existence of the form of marriage known as cross-cousin marriage' (p. 15). 'A man may only marry a woman to whom he applies the same term of relationship that he does to his own mother's brother's daughter. If it is possible for him to marry the daughter of an actual brother of his own mother he normally does so, but of course this only happens in a limited number of instances' (p. 17). 'The Aranda system (Type II) divides the female relatives whom a man may marry in the Kariera system into two parts, from one of which he must now choose his wife while those of the other are forbidden to him' (p. 21). This system 'also requires a special marriage rule, by which a man marries his mother's mother's brother's daughter's daughter or some relative who is classified with her and denoted by the same term of relationship' (p. 20). Putting matters in another way we may say that Type II is a system in which the marriage of first cross-cousins has been suppressed and the marriage of second or more remote crosscousins encouraged. But both types are actually based upon cross-cousin marriage, unless we think of the latter in the narrowest terms.26 In the Island Lake genealogy the four marriages of second cousins would be typical examples of those which occur in kinship systems of Type II in Australia. But sociologically among the Saulteaux they are undifferentiated from those of first cousins. In one sense the biological basis of any such differentiation is more apparent than real. In a population where marriages of first cross-cousins occur with any frequency, and particularly where these marriages are unrestricted (i.e., of the bilateral type) as in the case of both the Saulteaux and the Kariera, the inbreeding that results progressively reduces the number of ancestors of the individuals of succeeding generations. 27 Consequently, as I have already

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pointed out, individuals become related as both first and second cousins. If more information were available about the ascendants of Generation I I I (Table) the same thing would probably be true for them. In Australia, where the density of population is low and comparable to that of the Lake Winnipeg groups and where there are likewise economic similarities 28 it seems to me that among the Kariera and other bands with Type I marriage comparable inbreeding must occur. A proportion of marriages must at the same time be those of first and second cross cousins, while others are unions of second cousins (Type II). Viewed from this standpoint Type I I represents a cross-cousin marriage system of a restricted kind but based upon the same principles as Type I. It limits the degree of possible inbreeding. 29 In the social system of the Island Lake Saulteaux and other groups of the Lake Winnipeg region then, marriages between the children of full brothers and sisters occur (i.e., cross-cousin marriage in the narrowest sense) and in addition there are marriages of second cross-cousins, who are the children of parallel cousins (i.e., terminological brothers and sisters). How far the magnitude of inbreeding in the Island Lake genealogy cited is a fair sample of inbreeding in the band as a whole, which numbered a little over 700 at the time, I do not know. I was able to spend only a few days there and have never returned since. M y genealogical study of the Berens River Bands, which have the same kinship organization and social customs as the Island Lake Saulteaux, supports the general observations stated above and makes it possible to make a further point, although my analysis of the relationships of the individuals involved in about 200 marriages is not yet completed. This analysis, when finished, will give the relative incidence of first and second cross-cousin marriages during several generations for the entire native population of the river as well as data on other kinds of blood relationship among married individuals or the absence of it and the social classification of these from the native viewpoint. In one case, for instance, a man married his mother's co-

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wife's brother's daughter. Now a co-wife is terminologically e q u a t e d with mother's sister a n d therefore the co-wife's brother's d a u g h t e r is in turn classified with a cross-cousin. Biologically the individuals involved in this marriage were n o t related at all. But since the parents of these individuals used ' b r o t h e r ' a n d 'sister' terms for each other, the marriage is a cross-cousin marriage from the native standpoint a n d likewise falls into this category if the objective criterion be a m a r r i a g e of the children of siblings (in the extended sense) of the opposite sex. O f considerable frequency is another type of cross-cousin m a r r i a g e in which the individuals m a y not be either related by blood, nor the children of terminological brothers a n d sisters. Such cases are those in which a m a n m a y m a r r y his brother's wife's sister, or a w o m a n her brother's wife's brother (or equivalent marriages of siblings-in-law). O n account of the fact that the term for 'siblings-in-law of opposite sex' (ni'nam) is the same as that for a cross-cousin, such marriages, f r o m the native standpoint, fall into the same class as the cross-cousin marriages described above. I m a y add that the reason these marriages occur quite frequently is because on the Berens River and elsewhere in this region it is considered desirable for the brothers of one family to m a r r y a series of sisters in another. At Poplar River there is one such instance in which six brothers married six sisters, the two families being unrelated when the original marriage took place, which is not, of course, to be classified as a cross-cousin marriage. But w h e n unrelated individuals m a r r y there is a special t e r m (ndindawa) adopted between their parents that binds the latter together in m u c h the same fashion as if they were related as siblings a n d siblings-in-law to each other. I t is obvious, too, t h a t a social system that permits or encourages cross-cousin m a r r i a g e will also involve the marriages of a series of siblings of one family with a series of siblings in another family, even aside f r o m cases such as those referred to above. Consequently it m a y be assumed, I think, t h a t regardless of blood relationship or the terminology employed by parents, such marriages are actually an integral part of the social system

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considered as a whole. Marriages of fraternities and sororities are also mentioned in the mythology. From the standpoint of native culture, therefore, it is impossible to define cross-cousin marriage (1) in terms of one specific biological relationship (i.e., first cousins), or (2) a more inclusive degree of biological relationship (i.e., second or more remote cousins) or (3) even with exclusive reference to the use of 'sibling' terms by the parents of individuals to the union. The actual formula is very simple. All marriages between persons who are nvnam (the Saulteaux term) to each other are cross-cousin marriages in terms of the social system in actual operation and in the thought of the Indians themselves. 30 While in the past, as I have suggested above, a large proportion of marriages must have been cross-cousin marriages in the widest sense, this is not to be understood as equivalent to the assertion that all marriages fell into this category. I have many marriages in my Berens River genealogies of several generations ago that according to the characterization of the Indians themselves were not between nvnamak. A good many of these, I may say, seem to have been inter-group (local or band) marriages. Without genealogically supported evidence of the incidence of various classes of marriage between blood kin, and without an understanding of how cross-cousin marriage works in terms of the social system considered as a whole, intertribal comparisons cannot mean very much. Nor do I see how historical problems can be intelligently formulated. Cross-cousin marriage among the Lake Winnipeg Cree and Saulteaux is certainly something different from cross-cousin marriage among the Miwok and other California groups, or from that occurring on the Northwest coast, or elsewhere.32 To discuss it as a 'culture trait' divorced from the social context of which it is a part and in terms of which it is integrated with other traits in different ways among different peoples, can only lead to superficial and inept comparisons, if it does not involve an actual distortion of fact. 4. If the fundamental principles of the kinship system and

106 PHILADELPHIA ANTHROPOLOGICAL SOCIETY marital practices of the Algonkian bands of the Lake Winnipeg area, as outlined above, are correct, then certain problems of cultural dynamics can be more adequately formulated with reference to this type of aboriginal social organization as a datum line. As already pointed out, my personal contacts have been principally with the Indians living in the bush country on the eastern shore of Lake Winnipeg and inland, 32 where an aboriginal social organization of the type described remains essentially intact. 33 On the western side of the Lake the penetration of the country by roads and railroads, and the suitability of its soil for farming, 34 have led to incursions by white settlers and, in the course of time to more radical transformations in the economic life, the religious beliefs, and the social organization of Indians whose native languages and culture were originally identical with those across the Lake. Moreover, in earlier times, as well as now, some visiting back and forth occurred. The history of the Midewiwin shows how close the connections were only a few decades ago 35 and there is blood relationship through intermarriage and the migration of families. Members of the Moose sib, for example, at the mouth of the Berens River are descendants in the male line of an ancestor born on the west side of Lake Winnipeg, some of whose lineal and collateral descendants still live there. Several men of the Berens River band were also born across the Lake. Under these general conditions I think we may assume that any differences in kinship terminologies, kinship patterns, or marital practices that the Indians west of Lake Winnipeg exhibit, are the result of modern local conditions or, putting it another way, variants under specific circumstances of the master pattern of social organization once common to all the Indians of this region. While I have not investigated this problem in detail, a single instance that came to my attention will illustrate its importance. At Fisher River today there are domiciled 34 most of the remnants of the Saulteaux that formerly constituted the St. Peters band. 37 In 1907 they surrendered their

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lands a n d were moved f r o m their old reserve on the R e d River, near Selkirk. T h e old St. Peters Indians were a m o n g the first to come in contact with the white settlers on the R e d River a n d as early as 1875 the Deputy S u p e r i n t e n d e n t of I n d i a n affairs characterized them as 'the best settled a n d most progressive of all the Bands which have been a party to T r e a t y No. 1.' 3 8 T h e r e is said to be a very high percentage of white blood in the Saulteaux division of the Fisher R i v e r Band today, 3 9 m a n y of these Indians are farmers a n d consequently lead a more sedentary life than the hunters and fishermen of the eastern side of the Lake a n d they m a y still be considered as 'progressive' when compared with most of the b a n d s of the area. I n this group, according to m y informant, 4 0 first cousins of neither type m a r r y and blood relationship in itself is considered a bar to marriage. So far as the usage of kinship terms is concerned, w h a t seems to have happened is this: the old terms neither have been outmoded nor become recrystallized into a distinctively new pattern of usage. T h e i r application simply has become more fluid through synonymous usages that do not occur in the bands which have retained the aboriginal social system. T h u s Anglicized synonyms for ' m y m o t h e r ' (nimama) a n d ' m y father' (nipapa) have come into vogue, 4 1 descriptive terms occur for 'father's brother,' 'father's sister,' and 'mother's sister,' the term for 'mother's brother' ( = fatherin-law) m a y be likewise used for 'father's b r o t h e r ' a n d the term for 'father's brother' ( = stepfather) for 'mother's brother, 4 2 b u t the term for 'mother-in-law,' on the other h a n d , has become restricted a n d no longer is equivalent to ' f a t h e r ' s sister.' In the first descending generation f r o m Ego the term for cross-nephew ( = son-in-law) or cross-niece ( = d a u g h t e r in-law) m a y be used for parallel nephew a n d niece respectively, and in one's own generation the distinction between parallel a n d cross-cousin is no longer rigidly maintained, the tendency being to group these together as against full brothers a n d sisters. N'rnam can therefore be used for cousins in the English sense as well as for sibling-in-law of the opposite sex. Only the diminutive of this term conveys the sense of 'sweet-

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heart.' Evidence of such a radical change in kinship pattern and marital practice, controlled as it is by specific data on the aboriginal social systems of related Saulteaux groups of the same region, suggests a broader problem. 5. If, as now seems more likely than a few years ago, it can be assumed that the fundamental social organization of the Algonkian peoples north of the Great Lakes and the St. Lawrence River was once essentially similar to that in the Lake Winnipeg area, then the problem of contemporary variants in northern Algonkian kinship systems and marital practices may profitably be attacked in terms of this hypothesis. Only recendy Fred Eggan 43 has admirably and conclusively demonstrated that the confusing and hitherto sometimes irreconcilable data on the kinship system of the Indians of the Gulf States can be understood as variants, under different conditions of acculturation, of the Crow pattern that underlies them. It seems to me that northern Algonkian kinship systems are likewise intelligible as variants of a basic pattern that has undergone modification as the result of acculturative processes and differences in local conditions. NOTES 1. Was Cross-cousin Marriage Practiced by the North-Central Algonkian? Proceedings, Twenty-third International Congress of Americanists, N. Y., 1928, 519-544. 2. R . H . Lowie, Primitive Society, 1920, 27, wrote, 'While relatively rare in America, this usage is reported from the northern coast of British Columbia, from central California and Nicaragua; and the fact that in South America Chibcha women have a single word for husband and father's sister's son suggests that they too, frequently mated with cross-cousins.' 3. Hallowell, op. cit., 522. 4. Recent Changes in the Kinship Terminology of the St. Francis Abenaki. Proceedings, ICA 22 (Rome), 1928, vol. 2, 97-145. 5. See W. D . Strong, Cross-cousin Marriage and the Culture of the Northeastern Algonkian. American Anthropologist 31: 277-288 (1929). 6. A. I. Hallowell, Kinship Terms and Cross-cousin Marriage of the Montagnais-Naskapi and the Cree. AA 34: 171-199 (1932). 7. F. G. Speck, Mistassini Notes, Indian Notes (Museum of the American Indian, Heye Foundation), vol. 7, no. 4 (1930), 4 2 W 2 4 . 8. J . C. Boileau Grant, Anthropometry of the Cree and Saulteaux Indians in Northeastern Manitoba. Bull. 59, Canada Dept. of Mines, Ottawa, 1929. 9. E. S. Curtis, T h e North American Indians, 18: 70-71 and 156. 10. Personal communication, Dr. Cooper, Feb., 1937. 11. Mouth of the Saskatchewan River. 12. T h e Ojibwa Indians of Parry Sound, their Social and Religious Life. Bull. 78, Canada Dept. of Mines, 1935, 98.

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13. F o u n d in 1933, 1935 a m o n g Eastmain a n d R u p e r t House Montagnais. M S . field notes. 14. Definitely established in 1932 a m o n g Ft. George Montagnais, in 1933 a m o n g Albany Cree, in 1934 a m o n g Neoskweskaw (formerly Nitcikun) M o n t a gnais. As regards Moose Factory Cree a n d R u p e r t House Montagnais, D r . Cooper writes me (Feb. 14, 1937), ' I have statements (1932, 1933, 1934) from one or more informants from each of these groups that permissive or preferential cross-cousin marriage obtained b u t other informants were hazy or in certain cases denied its occurrence.' In all these instances the information refers to first cross-cousins. 15. First hand information f r o m Great W h a l e River a n d Albany River, where bilateral cross-cousin marriage occurs, a n d f r o m Moose Factory a n d Attawapiscat, where the typical marriage is between a m a n a n d his father's sister's daughter. At Weenusk, the kinship system favors cross-cousin m a r r i a g e but ' b o t h types a p p a r e n d y are forbidden' (Personal information—Feb. 12, 1937). 16. O j i b w a Sociology, C o l u m b i a University Contributions to Anthropology, N. Y., 1937. Chapters I I and I V (in press). 17. See R . H . Lowie, Relationship Terms, Ency. Brit. 14 ed. 1929. 19: 85. It should be noted, however, t h a t in the kinship terminology 'father's b r o t h e r ' = 'step father' so that while formally the pattern is bifurcate collateral, psychologically a n d sociologically it is equivalent to the bifurcate merging pattern, as an example of which Lowie cites the O j i b w a proper. 18. At first he said 7 5 % , but I a m inclined to think that even 6 0 % is too high. I mention his estimate r a t h e r as a n indication of the c o m m o n occurrence of the custom t h a n as an accurate measure of its m a g n i t u d e . Genealogical d a t a are the necessary basis for any quantitative statements of incidence. 19. Dr. Michelson offers corroboration from a n o t h e r source in his letter, op. cit., ' F r o m a physical anthropologist I know it [cross-cousin marriage] occurs at Oxford House and God's Lake.' 20. Berens River. 21. T h e latter are on the borderline between Cree a n d O j i b w a (Saulteaux) speaking peoples. 22. T h e r e are cases where this formal i m p e d i m e n t has been overcome but it is unnecessary to consider them here. 23. This rule is supported by the fear that its infringement will result in sickness. 24. M y Berens River genealogies offer definite evidence on this point. 25. A. R . Radcliffe-Brown, T h e Social O r g a n i z a t i o n of Australian Tribes, O c e a n i a , M o n o g r a p h No. 1, 1931. 26. W h e n Tylor first called attention to the m a r r i a g e of cross-cousins ( O n a M e t h o d of Investigating the Development of Institutions. J A I (1889), 18: 245-269), he spoke only of first cousins, a n d in other definitions given since a n d discussions of the subject it is not always clear how far the writer has taken the occurrence of the marriage of second cousins or individuals terminologically classified as cross-cousins into account. I n Notes a n d Queries on Anthropology (5th ed. 1929), 56, the implication of the definition given there ('Cousins of which the mother of one is sister to the father of the other are called cross-cotisins') suggests a highly restricted usage. 27. I n a n unpublished ms. I h a v e dealt with the m a g n i t u d e of inbreeding in the Island Lake genealogy as measured by R a y m o n d Pearl's Coefficients of Inbreeding and Relationship. 28. See Radcliffe-Brown, op. cit., p. 35, for d a t a on K a r i e r a . 29. Inquiry a m o n g the Plains Cree a n d Plains O j i b w a (Saulteaux) in the s u m m e r of 1931 leads m e to infer t h a t marriages of first cross-cousins are infrequent, but that marriages of second cross-cousins have a fairly high incidence

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in some groups. Father Moulin, who, at the time, had been at the Hobbema Reserve (Alta.) for twenty-eight years, stated that the marriage of first cousins was extremely rare among these Cree. On the other hand, the tendency for the grandchildren of a brother and sister to marry was so pronounced that it necessitated that he obtain special dispensation in about 50% of the marriages he performed. He believed that these marriages were usually those of second crosscousins. He also thought that formerly, when the bands were smaller and the Indians separated during the hunting season, the marriage of first cousins must have occurred. Besides there must have been inbreeding, since all the Indians here are descendents of a few families. I have no information to show that this suppression of first-cousin marriages, however, has affected the fundamental principle of the kinship system of the Plains Cree and Ojibwa, which is essentially that of their Woodland relatives. But it would be interesting to know whether this restriction, if it could be genealogically substantiated, is a result of their association with the peoples of Plains culture, where cousin marriages are tabu, or is explicable in some other fashion, such as the influence of the missionaries. 30. As I worked out the blood connections between certain individuals in my genealogies it often happened that I was able to point to distant relationships that these individuals themselves were only partially aware of. They had not made precise blood connection a matter of reflection. 31. Perhaps this is one of the reasons why the various theories, advanced from time to time as 'historical' explanations of cross-cousin marriage per se, have only seemed plausible with respect to specific conditions. As Paul Kirchhoff has pointed out (Verwandtschaftsbezeichnungen und Verwandtenheirat, Zeitschrift fiir Ethnologic, Band 64, 1932, 64), all these explanations work either on the basis of pre-suppositions seldom realized, or they explain too litde. But I do not find any evidence in the case of these Algonkian peoples, that would support his general principle that marriage with cross-cousins evolved from older forms of kin marriage, particularly those between individuals of different generations. 32. Except for a brief visit to the Cree of Grand Rapids (mouth of the Saskatchewan) in 1930 and to the Saulteaux of Jack Head in 1936. 33. With exceptions that need not be considered here. 34. The basin of Lake Winnipeg lies along the western contact zone between the rocks of the Pre-Cambrian Shield and the Paleozoic limestones so that the terrain east of it is of fundamentally different geological origin than that to the west of it. 35. See A. I. Hallowell, The Passing of the Midewiwin in the Lake Winnipeg Region. AA 38: 32-51 (1936). 36. Along with some Cree, originally from Norway House. 37. This band was a party to Treaty No. 1 (1871). 38. See Annual Report, Canadian Department of Indian Affairs, 1875, 38. 39. More than half was reported to be mixed bloods in the Report of 1875, op. cit. 40. T h e grandson of Red Eagle who signed the Treaty of 1871, who in turn was the son of the famous Pegwis who previously negotiated with Lord Selkirk. 41. A development that has likewise occurred in a number of bands on the Eastern side of the Lake. 42. Both of which usages are contrary to a bifurcate collateral pattern. 43. Historical Changes in the Choctaw Kinship System. AA 39: 34-52 (1937).

THE EMERGENCE OF A GENERAL FOLSOM PATTERN By Edgar B. Howard LEST the title of this paper give the impression that the "Folsom problem" is about to be settled once and for all by the evidence gathered in the last few years, let me dispel this notion by admitting at the outset that this is not the case. However, when compared to what was known about this early culture a few years ago, we may be justified in saying that a general pattern is beginning to emerge from the evidence that is accumulating. This is not only a pattern of the typology of the artifacts so far discovered, but it is an environmental pattern as well. The first discovery at Folsom produced only one kind of stone tool—namely, a spearpoint of a specialized type.1 At Clovis, New Mexico, several types of spearpoints were discovered—Folsom and Folsom-like—and, in addition, flake knives, snub-nosed scrapers, and a graver, though this latter was not recognized till after the discovery of a similar type at the Lindenmeier site, the excavation of which by Dr. Frank H. H. Roberts, Jr. followed closely upon that at Clovis. Thus we have most of the tools necessary for hunting animals of large size, for skinning their hides, cutting flesh and bone, scraping, and decorating. Added to this series of stone tools are bone spearpoints, two examples of which were found during the summer of 1936 at Clovis, New Mexico, direcdy associated with elephant remains. Only the tools of a hunting people have been found so far—nothing to indicate that the people who made them were other than the followers of the herds of large animals that once roamed the plains.

Coming to the environmental pattern, what can be said of 111

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it? First, the animals associated with the Folsom and Folsomlike tools are extinct forms. T h e bison, in practically every case, has been identified as Bison taylori, an extinct species, and the elephant we know is extinct in the New World. In Burnet Cave, New Mexico, where a Folsom-like point was discovered definitely below a Guadalupe Mountain cave-dweller burial (probably the same as the Hueco cave dweller), 2 there was an association with remains of an animal of the musk-ox family (Preptoceras) , 3 which in turn seems to be of the same age as the remains of other animals discovered in the cave, such as another musk-ox-like animal (Euceratherium) ,4 bison, horse, antelope (Tetrameryx), camel, mountain sheep, cave bear, and an animal related to the caribou. These animals, we say, are extinct, b u t there are a few mountain sheep living today in the Guadalupe Mountains, just as there are four-horned antelopes in the flat country below, and as there were bison herds in the days before the white m a n exterminated them; b u t they are not the same species as the recent ones. Moreover, the animals referred to above are associated with forms such as the elephant and camel, about which there is no doubt that they do not live in North America today, outside of zoos and circuses; and though the animals of this faunal group may not have become extinct at the same time, it seems evident that they were contemporaneous during part of post-glacial times. By a study of other sites where faunas occur having some of the forms in common with those already mentioned, we can safely extend the list to include other animals which seem to have survived the last glaciation in North America. Of these we might mention the ground sloth, mastodon, peccary, elk, llama-like camel, giant beaver, and probably an extinct species of cave bear, large wolf, and mountain lion, to say nothing of a number of smaller mammals. T o get a better picture of the extinction of the animals one should examine some particular region for comparison with types now existing there. At Burnet Cave, 6 for example, forty-three forms of mammals were identified, of which 2 3 % are extinct, 12% living but not found in New Mexico, 3 0 % are now living in the Guadalupe Mountain region, and 3 5 %

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are living in New Mexico but are not reported from the Guadalupe Mountains. Thirteen forms of larger mammals were found in this cave, of which 6 8 % are extinct and 23% are now living in the Guadalupe Mountain region. From Williams Cave 6 at the point of the Guadalupe Mountains in Texas 22.7% of the mammals are extinct, 31.8% are living but not found in the Guadalupe Mountain region of Texas, and 45.5% are now found there. From Gypsum Cave, Nevada, five species of mammals were reported as being definitely extinct, and one additional identified as probably an extinct species. These comprised the larger animals. Space will not permit a more detailed account of other discoveries 7 of recent years such as the faunal associations from Conkling Cave, New Mexico, and so on, but it would appear that twelve or fourteen genera of the larger mammals, whose remains have been in some way directly or indirectly associated with man, might be considered as Pleistocene forms that survived into post-glacial times. This, then, forms part of the environmental pattern, but it needs to be carried further. These faunal associations with man or man-made objects had led to the formation of the more or less fixed opinion that the animals became extinct as the result of the last glaciation, though the belief is general today that most of these forms survived the last glacial advance and continued to exist in many regions in post-glacial times. Glacial geologists having furnished evidence that the last glacial ice sheet had ended its advance roughly some twenty-five thousand years ago in this country, the natural assumption was that m a n had lived as long ago as that. This has been followed by evidence that the animal remains are, in many cases, so well preserved that the animals could not have died out very long ago. Thus the pendulum of opinion swings back and forth. There is no question that sloth and camel remains have been found in caves so well preserved that the assumption can be made that they must have lived till comparatively recently in the regions where they are found. However, anyone who has worked in the dry caves of the Southwest is struck by the remarkable preservation of fragile yucca baskets and other such

114 PHILADELPHIA ANTHROPOLOGICAL SOCIETY perishable material. In a perfectly dry limestone cave, covered by three to ten feet of dust, there seems to be no reason why the hair and tissue of the sloth, camel, horse, or bison could not have been preserved for several thousands of years without being completely destroyed. Thus we should not go to the other extreme and dismiss lightly the evidence for a reasonable antiquity of man in America based on such associations. Rather should we continue to find some method of utilizing the remains of extinct mammals to help in dating such associated occurrences as we have been discussing. As a single piece of evidence, it must be granted, the association of the remains of a ground sloth or musk-ox-like animal with man-made objects in caves of our Southwest is not worth much, but when regarded as part of a larger picture, embracing studies of past climates and physiography, then such evidence will become useful as forming part of the general pattern that we have been trying to point out. This pattern, to be sure, so far as the faunal associations are concerned, looks contradictory. We find forms like the ground sloth and those of the musk-ox family in the same regions and presumably of post-glacial age. One causes us to look towards South America for its origin, the other towards the far north for its immediate origin. What are they doing together in a region far removed from both South America and the Hudson Bay region, or Greenland? Such a region as that of our Southwest must have been cooler then for the sloth and warmer for the musk-ox-like animals. Evidence from many angles of approach 8 appears to point to a cooler, damper climate than now in most of our southwestern states, and yet not wholly different so far as the flora is concerned. Into such a picture most of the evidence produced by the faunal assemblages, therefore, seems to fit. What we do not know is the extent to which such animals as those mentioned above may have adjusted themselves to a somewhat different environment than that to which they had been accustomed, or whether they actually did. T o summarize, we should like to point out that there is much evidence of all kinds that is accumulating to show that

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someone whom we have been wont to call 'Folsom man,' though he has not himself emerged from hiding, lived in our Southwest at the same time that animals, now extinct, once lived. Further, that when they lived there, the climate seems to have been cooler, the larger rivers on the east side of the Rockies seem to have reached farther into the mountains, lakes existing today were larger then, while many smaller ones, and water-holes not now existing, covered our semi-arid regions. Folsom and Folsom-like points are associated with such environments and with such extinct animals. The types of artifacts are, judging by comparison with flint chipping processes in other parts of the world, to be considered neolithic. In the sense that the Neolithic ushered in pottery-making and agriculture, the Folsom complex in representing, as far as known, a hunting stage, would not belong to it. What terms should be used to define this pattern is for the future to say. We can only point out that such a pattern is beginning to be recognized and that the time will soon be here for someone to gather together all the evidence into a comprehensive picture of the faunal and cultural sequences which reach back probably to the earlier stages of post-glacial times. NOTES 1. A letter from W. E. Baker of Boise City, Oklahoma, states that his son found a scraper at this site last summer. 2. E. B. Sayles, An Archaeological Survey of Texas. Medallion Papers, X V I I : 66 (1935). 3. C. B. Schultz and E. B. Howard, The Fauna of Burnet Cave, Guadalupe Mountains, New Mexico. Academy of Natural Sciences—Proceedings, L X X X V I I : 291 (1935). 4. Ibid., 290. 5. Ibid., 293. 6. Mary Y. Ayer, Archaeological and Faunal Material from Williams Cave, Guadalupe Mountains, Texas. ANS—P, L X X X V I I I : 617 (1936). 7. For another recent faunal association see Chester Stock and Francis D. Bode. ANS—P, L X X X V I I I , 1936. 8. Pollen and diatom analyses, identification of invertebrates, botanical analysis of dung, geological and physiographical studies.

AUSTRALIAN CULT TOTEMISM By Nathaniel Knowles, Jr.

with unusual homogeneity of physical type and cultural characteristics for such a large area, has nevertheless many interesting variations in detail. These are particularly pronounced for so-called totemic traits. The relationship between man and nature may be culturally expressed in a multitude of ways. It is perhaps unfortunate that certain traits of this general relationship have been arbitrarily classified under the term 'totemism.' Even in so relatively undifferentiated a continent as Australia, totemism has no specific content by which it may be identified. It is suggested that if the category 'totemism' is to be used, it be confined to that aspect of the relationship between man and nature where every individual belongs to a group, equivalent to every other group, in which all members have the same mystical relationship, expressed by some definite action, with a non-human manifestation of nature. One of the first to give totemism prominence was McLennan. Using observations which had been made on some American Indians who had an animal as a crest or emblem, treated this animal with respect, and in turn received protection, he built up a theory to account for the worship of plants and animals, together with the associated mythologies and cosmogonies, throughout the world. The totem was considered merely as an individual fetish extended to include a group. Data on Australia furnished by Howitt and Fison, and later by Spencer and Gillen, aroused much interest in the subject. This area, particularly the tribes in the central deserts, became the focus for conflicting theories offered by Frazer, Lang, and AUSTRALIA,

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many others. Much of the dispute centered around the determination of which tribe was the most primitive, for only there, according to their belief, would be found the key to the origin of exogamy, food taboos, group names, magic, descent, and so forth. The basic assumption that all people had evolved along the same path was not questioned. Durkheim emphasized the religious aspect of the totem, which he believed to represent a period in human life before the idea of god had become individualized. In 1910 Goldenweiser broke away from these elaborate generalizations and suggested, using Australian and American data, that the various totemic traits were psychologically independent and historically unrelated. He demonstrated that the totemic complex might be made up of distinct and unrelated traits in separate areas and did not necessarily involve exogamy, naming function, descent, food taboos, magic, reincarnation, or guardianship. Again in 1918, Goldenweiser attempted to distinguish the emotional content of totemism from the specific social localizations, and gave three essential constituents of the complex: 1. A subdivision of the tribe. 2. Beliefs and attitudes centering around plants, animals, etc. 3. Beliefs held by each social unit are equivalents of those held by all other social units. In 1916, Boas denied that subjective grouping of phenomena could offer a proof of common origins and indicated that totemic elements were present where the unilateral family was designated by some characteristic feature which was used to indicate exogamic lines. The psychoanalytical approach to totemism by Freud and Roheim predicates a primitive cyclopean family. Food taboos and exogamy are associated with the Oedipus complex. Much work is now being done in Australia by Elkin and others using the functional approach. A review of the ethnological data available for Australia presents a bewildering array of traits which have been considered as totemic. The following classification, based in general upon that of Elkin, is useful in handling these data:

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/1AP£

FIG.

1.

Map I. \ \ \ \ — C h u r i n g a with strong totemic association. / / / / — Churinga with weak totemic association. P—Totem Centers, Talu Rites and Alcheringa are present. L—Totem Centers, Talu Rites and Alcheringa are lacking. Map II. Spirit Children. Map III. Areas of Cult Totemism.

120 PHILADELPHIA ANTHROPOLOGICAL SOCIETY Individual Totemism.—Possessed by an individual exclusively, usually obtained by purchase or as a gift, and connected with magical practices. Appears to be confined to the southeastern area. It is possessed by a limited number of individuals. Sex Totemism.—Each sex has some animal, usually a bird or bat, as an emblem. Fights between men and women, often as a preliminary to marriage, result from insults to the totem. This form of totemism likewise seems confined to the southeastern area. Moiety, Section, and Sub-section Totemism.—The classes, whether associated with matrilineal or patrilineal descent, may have some natural species or object from which is derived the name of the group and towards which all members of the group may assume a ritualistic attitude, as indicated by food taboos or other means. In patrilineal moiety areas, the presence of moiety names would probably be the only clue to this form of totemism, as the ritualistic factors are associated with a distinct group totemism of a cult nature. Subsidiary totem groups may also be present in the matrilineal moiety areas which, owing to matrilineal totem descent, would necessarily be exclusively in one moiety. Food taboos and a respectful attitude toward this totem may be present. Cult Totemism.—Cult totemism in patrilineal descent areas offers a much greater variation in content and function than the other types of totemism. From a very simple form of cult ritual in peripheral areas it attains the highly elaborated and intimately inter-related complex of the central tribes where the following traits are present: 1. Food taboos. 2. Churinga. Held in sacred storehouses under control of leader. 3. Reincarnation beliefs. 4. Mythical (Alcheringa) ancestors with associated mythology. 5. Totem centers. 6. Rites. Increase (Talu) and traditional (Engwurra). 7. Spirit child beliefs. Each of these traits will be considered separately. Food Taboos.—Are definitely lacking, or inferentially so, in association with all cult totemism in patrilineal areas except among the Arunta and northward to the Gulf of Carpentaria. Among the Arunta the totem is eaten ceremonially by a totemite at the increase ceremony. It should be noted that

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this is exactly the opposite of a taboo. Spencer and Gillen also report that they always ate the totem 'sparingly.' A term such as this is difficult to evaluate, and it is probably well to remember that the investigators fully expected to find a strict food taboo which was assumed at the time of their investigation as inherent in totemism. It may be possible also that the strict food taboo reported in groups north of the Arunta was not a taboo on the cult totem at all, but rather on a matrilineal class totem. Among the Koko-Yao on Cape York Peninsula and in South Australia, where both types of totemism are present, the food taboo is entirely confined to the matrilineal totem. Churinga (See M a p I).—Sacred objects of stone or wood possessed by the fully initiated and kept in secret hiding places are widespread in Australia. These are given great emphasis in the cult totemism of the Arunta. Immediately to the north and south this emphasis seems m u c h weaker, and elsewhere churinga and bull-roarers, although they may be present, have no connection with totemism, but appear rather as individual possessions left in individual hiding places, not under control of the totem leader in sacred storehouses. Reincarnation.—Such beliefs are difficult to define and interpret. They seem to be present among the Arunta and tribes northward to the Gulf of Carpentaria. Elkin found them present occasionally in Dampier Land, a n d McConnel reports such beliefs for the W i k m u n k a n in the Cape York peninsula. They are not mentioned for most areas and are definitely lacking in some. Alcheringa and Associated Mythology, Totem Centers, Increase Rites (See M a p I).—Distribution of these three traits probably coincides. I n no case is it definitely known that this condition is not true, although explicit d a t a are not available on each trait for all areas. Their distribution is practically identical with that of the patrilineal moieties except in certain peripheral regions where information is lacking. Spirit Children (See M a p II).—Present in large areas of patrilineal moiety descent, but not part of the totemic complex

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in all cases. As indicated on the m a p the content of the belief varies considerably. From the above it would appear that the various traits mentined as making u p the highly complex cult totemism of the Arunta and neighboring tribes are extremely widespread in patrilineal moiety descent areas. However, the relationship between them and the function they may perform varies considerably. O n M a p I I I certain areas are defined by number. A brief summary of the cult totemic complex in each of these areas follows. It should be recalled that no matrilineal moiety descent areas except in northern South Australia are included, as no cult totemic traits are found in them. Area I.—Very simple. Totemism probably consists of nothing more than a name for the horde. In I-b, spirit children associated with a dream of the father are present b u t not totemic. Area II.—Totem centers, increase rites, and Alcheringa mythologies are present, but of a simple nature. Increase rites consist merely of rock paintings or songs and seem to be a horde function. In Il-a, spirit children, usually dwelling in a water hole, appear to the father in a dream and are taken to the mother. In Il-b, they are associated with food eaten by the mother. Totemic significance is lacking in both cases. Area III.—This area represents a typical pattern of patrilineal cult totemism. Several totems are common to all members of the horde, but probably do not appear in any other horde. Increase rites are performed at the various totem centers by all the members of this cult-horde, b u t with few taboos on attendance, even women being permitted to take some part. Alcheringa myths are associated with these totems. I n I l l - a and III-c, spirit children associated with a dream of the father are present, as is generally the case in northern Australia. In 11 I-b, spirit child belief is sporadic and associated with food eaten by the women, as in southwestern Australia. Area IV.—Increase rites are more elaborated a n d with stricter taboos against attendance by the non-totemite, al-

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though members of the opposite moiety assume importance by initiating the rites in IV-a or 'bossing' them in IV-b. Totems tend to be confined to a horde, as totem descent is based upon spirit child entrance at place of birth, which normally would be in the horde area. If, by unusual chance, the birth occurs outside the horde area, there is little importance attached to this totem, and in addition the individual receives the patrilineal horde totem as a gift This is the one which becomes the vital force in the ritual life of the individual. In Area IV-b, this patrilineal cult totemism is present in a matrilineal moiety descent area with matrilineal class totemism. In Area IV-c, descent is modified so that the totem is exclusively in one of the two sub-sections present in the horde area. Therefore the child cannot have the same totem as the father, b u t has that of the father's father. T h e spirit child must be careful to select a person of the correct sub-section as a father. Churinga beliefs and reincarnation ideas are associated with the cult totemism in this area. Area V.—Most highly complex, with intimate totemic relationship between till the traits. Totem descent is based upon spirit child entrance occurring when the woman approaches too close to a totem center where the spirits reside. There is therefore no reason why the child's totem should be the same as that of either parent, although it would tend to be confined to such totems as were present in the horde area. Conclusions.—Totem exogamy may be nothing more than horde or class exogamy in any part of Australia. I n the matrilineal moiety descent areas where the totems are exclusively confined to a moiety, exogamy of the totem would be required by the moiety exogamy. T h e only direct reference noted to pure totem exogamy is by Parker, who definitely states that it is present among the Euahlayi. Exogamy in the patrilineal cult totem groups apparently is merely a corollary of the horde exogamy. Where the horde and totem group do not coincide, as in the Arunta, totem exogamy does not exist. It is true that in certain peripheral regions the totem groups appear to be exogamous in their own

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right when distinct hordes possess the same totem. However, it is rare for the same totem to be in more than one horde in these areas, and such an occurrence perhaps indicates a fairly recent split-up of the horde with the original horde exogamy still recognized. It would seem quite possible that in patrilineal areas, as well as in matrilineal, totem exogamy is incidental to other exogamic regulations. Totemism in areas of matrilineal moiety descent has associated with it these traits, which do not seem to be present in patrilineal areas: Food Taboo, Sex Totems, Individual Totems, Belief in supernatural entities which are quite distinct from the Alcheringa of patrilineal areas and have no connection with the totem groups. Cult totemism is probably lacking in matrilineal moiety areas, except where there are indications of diffusion from patrilineal areas, as in northern South Australia. Totemism in patrilineal areas is of the cult type. Moiety and section totemism may be considered present where moiety names are used or implied but has little significance. The complex of cult totemism reaches its highest degree of elaboration in the central tribes. The traits making up this complex, however, are not unique in the central tribes, but are for the most part extremely widespread in the patrilineal moiety areas. These tribes appear to have fused into an elaborate ritual distinct and unrelated traits which may have no inter-relationship in other areas, and the increasing complexity attained by moving from the marginal areas towards the center, as indicated by M a p I V and the descriptive material on the areas, at least suggests that the idea of combining these hitherto unrelated traits has originated in and spread from the Arunta group in Central Australia. BIBLIOGRAPHY

Boas, F. 1916 Origin of Totemism. American Anthropologist, 18. Durkheim, E. 1915 The Elementary Forms of the Religious Life. Elkin, A. P. 1931 Social Organization of South Australian Tribes. Oceania, 2. 1932 Social Organization of the Kimberly Division. O, 2.

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1932 Secret Life of Australian Aborigines. O , 3. 1933 Totemism in Northwest Australia. O , 3, 4. 1933 Studies in Australian Totemism. O , 4. 1934 Cult Totemism and Mythology in Northern South Australia. O, 5. Fison, L. and Howitt, A. W. 1880 Kamilaroi and Kurnai. Frazer, J . G. 1898 Observations on Central Australian Totemism. Journal of the (Royal) Anthropological Institute, 28. 1910 Totemism and Exogamy. London. Freud, S. 1919 Totem and Taboo. Goldenweiser, A. 1910 Totemism, An Analytical Study. Journal of American Folklore, 23. 1911 Totemism and Exogamy Defined. AA, 13. 1912 Origin of Totemism. AA, 14. 1912 A. Lang on Method in the Study of Totemism. AA, 14. 1918 Form and Content in Totemism. AA, 20. Howitt, A. W. 1883 Australian Group Relations. Smithsonian Report. 1890 Dieri and Other Kindred Tribes. J ( R ) A I , 20. 1904 Native Tribes of Southeastern Australia. London. Knowles, N. 1936 Totemism in Australia. Typescript, University of Pennsylvania Library. Lang, A. 1905 Secret of the Totem. 1905 Primitive and the Advanced in Totemism. J ( R ) A I , 35. 1910 Historicity of Arunta Traditions. Man, 10. 1912 Method in the Study of Totemism. AA, 14. McLennan, J . F. 1869 Worship of Plants and Animals. Fortnightly Review. Parker, K . L. 1905 Euahlayi Tribe. Roheim, G. 1925 Australian Totemism. London. Spencer, B. and Gillen, F . J . 1899 Native Tribes of Central Australia. London. 1904 Northern Tribes of Central Australia. London.

LATE ARCHAEOLOGICAL SITES IN DURANGO, MEXICO FROM CHALCHIHUITES TO ZAPE By J. Alden Mason

THE first four months of 1936 I spent in archaeological researches in northern Mexico, mainly in the State of Durango and a little in adjacent parts of Coahuila. T h e expedition was one of three financed by a grant from the American Philosophical Society, the main purpose of all three being a search for traces of most ancient man in America with an emphasis on the Folsom Horizon. T h e official concession from the Mexican Government granted permission only for excavations in caves, old lake terraces, and such presumably ancient sites, and excavations in more recent sites were not allowed. However, since the more recent archasology of the region visited is practically unknown, superficial observations were made on all sites heard of, and surface collections of potsherds and other objects and notes and plans of the principal sites were made. T h e results of the cave investigations, which, although this work occupied the greater part of the time, were unfortunately not great or important, of the linguistic researches and of the notes upon petroglyphs, are reserved for future publication, but the data upon the late pre-Columbian sites are here presented, by and with the kind permission of the American Philosophical Society. Throughout the entire period I was accompanied by M r . Robert H . Merrill of Grand Rapids, Michigan; the plans of the sites accompanying this report are the result of his expert work. During the first few weeks we also enjoyed the company of Mr. Richard A. A. Martin of Boston. For the drawings of the Plates I am indebted to Miss J e a n Francksen, of 127

128 PHILADELPHIA ANTHROPOLOGICAL SOCIETY the University of Pennsylvania, and for the petrographic analyses of the pottery to Mr. Donald Horton. The type site of this region, and the southernmost site visited by the expedition, is that of Chalchihuites in the northwest of the State of Zacatecas, just over the border from the State of Durango. This is the northernmost archaeological site in the Mexican highlands that is scientifically known until one reaches the region of Casas Grandes, of Puebloan affiliations, in the State of Chihuahua. Here Dr. Manuel Gamio 1 made excavations in 1908, and Sr. Eduardo Noguera 2 at a later period. The site is, however, far from completely excavated, and the culture only superficially known. Nearby are other unexcavated sites, such as those of the Cerro de Moctezuma or Montedehuma. 3 The excavated ruins at Alta Vista, Chalchihuites, are impressive though not large. There are mounds, courts, plazas, plastered stairways and other features that definitely connect the builders with the cultures of southern Mexico. Especially is there a large hall with many round columns of plastered masonry that evidendy supported a roof. This and many other features demonstrate an especially close connection with the larger and better-known site of La Quemada 4 in Zacatecas not far to the southeast. Both ruins are built of rude stone slabs originally covered with plaster, the plaster at La Quemada having practically disappeared. The latter is a very large ruin, apparently primarily a fortress, covering a high hill, the walls standing far above ground level. Chalchihuites is a smaller site, and most of the features, including the columns, were not evident until after excavation. As one travels northward in Mexico the cultural level of the archaeology gradually diminishes; investigations establish this expected fact. At one site after another certain features found further to the south have disappeared. La Quemada is culturally poorer than the Valley of Mexico, Chalchihuites poorer than La Quemada. All these sites have yet to be tied up with their proper tribes and cultures; they are still too little investigated for any stratigraphical researches to have been made, and whatever deductions are made as to tribal and

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cultural affinities and relative age must be done on purely comparative grounds. On the whole, La Quemada and Chalchihuites certainly pertain to the same culture, but certain features present at La Quemada, such as stone pyramids, seem to be missing at Chalchihuites. Noguera, with good reason and probably correctly, believes this culture to be a peripheral and slightly degraded phase of the Tarascan culture, which is centered in Michoacan and southern Jalisco. We may here anticipate a little and state that our expedition found, north of Chalchihuites, no stone masonry that we could identify as pre-Columbian. Except for pottery, there is such slight differentiation in small artifacts that these can in few cases be used as criteria for the identification of culture phases. For instance, from the Tarascan region northward the stone axes are grooved or semigrooved, in contradistinction to the ungrooved axes characteristic of south-central Mexico. Pottery, with its infinite number of possible variations, is the best criterion for culture distinctions, and most of the present article will be concerned with pottery. Unfortunately the pottery types of La Quemada are but slightly known; the only collection of pottery made there, by Batres, has unfortunately disappeared. That of Chalchihuites is well known, from the excavations of Gamio and Noguera. Pottery from small neighboring sites is known from the excavations of Hrdlicka and Lumholtz. 4 At Chalchihuites, three main types of pottery are found, painted, carved or incised, and inlaid or cloisonne. The latter is a very peculiar ware, unique and of limited distribution. An ornate design is carved out on the surface of the vessel to an appreciable depth, and then filled in with mastic in many colors; the latter are in soft pastel shades and the result quite agreeable. While the technique is undoubtedly related to the lacquered gourd work done by the Tarascan Indians today, the designs and general effect are much more reminiscent of Teotihuacan frescoes, and I believe the ware to be intimately related to Toltec. The shapes of the vessels are also different from those employed with the other wares. At

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Chalchihuites they are mainly annular-based cups and bowls, the designs mainly geometric, while at Estanzuela, near Guadalajara, they are mainly round-bottom ollas, the designs of naturalistic panels with human figures. Noguera says that this ware is not found at La Quemada, but both Hrdlicka and I have picked up sherds of it there. The present expedition found no fragment of this ware anywhere, and Chalchihuites may be accepted as its approximate northern boundary. It probably has a cultural horizon and geographical distribution different from the other wares, but unassignable at present. Incised or carved decoration is generally, if not always, found in a band around the rims of tripod bowls; the design was apparently carved after the vessel had been baked, the bowls generally have a black surface, and the incised designs are often painted with another color. This type of ware is not recorded at La Quemada, but probably should be found there. Examples of it are common at Chalchihuites, and a few examples were found or seen by the Expedition at several places further north. The most characteristic ware of Chalchihuites is one with red or brown designs painted on a buff or cream base. The designs are generally small and dainty with rather fine lines and dots, generally geometric and most frequently curvilinear, but conventionalized animal figures are also found. The ware is usually thin, highly polished, and on the whole an excellent ceramic type. It is found mainly on shallow bowls, tripod bowls, and small-necked round-bottom jars or ollas. This ware may be found at La Quemada but seems to be not typical of that site, as it is of Chalchihuites. As regards peculiarities of shape, the rims of the Chalchihuites tripod bowls are often, raised and perforated at two opposite points, apparendy for suspension. The feet are rather short but not mammiform, and apparently solid. The tripod bowls from La Quemada seem to be a little different in shape. Potsherds of the typical Chalchihuites brown-on-buff ware were collected on the surface at three sites in Durango State (See map, Fig. 3 a), which therefore pertained, at least at one period of their occupation, to the Chalchihuites culture.

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a

b

FIG. 1, a. Potsherds of red-on-buff Chalchihuites pottery, from Villa Antonio Amaro (1-5), Cueva Susana (6), Pueblito (7-10), and Los Remedios (11-14), Durango, Mexico, b. Potsherds from Pueblito (2, 4-14), and Villa Antonio Amaro (1, 3), Durango, Mexico. 1, 3, Carved gray, the latter filled in with red; 2, Modeled buff; 4, Incised black; 5-9, Painted white-on-red; 10-14, Painted red-on-buff.

132 PHILADELPHIA ANTHROPOLOGICAL SOCIETY Some of these sherds are shown in Fig. 1 a. None is large enough to afford much of an idea of the shape of the vessel, but most of them seem to be parts of bowls, the decoration either on the exterior or interior; in one case it is on both. The average thickness is from .5 to 1 cm. and the extremes 2 mm. to either side of this. Several of the sherds, apparently from bowls, indicate two surfaces meeting at an angle with rather sharp edge; the interior is rounded, producing unusual thickness at the junction angle. No. 13 is a fragment of a leg or handle, of oval cross-section. The five sherds of the upper row are from Antonio Amaro; the first in the second row is from Cueva Susana, the other four from Pueblito; the four in the lower row were secured at Los Remedios. Los Remedios and Pueblito are suburbs of the city of Durango which lies, in a straight line, about 100 kilometers or 62 miles northwest of Chalchihuites. The sites, however, differ considerably in nature. The Cerro de Los Remedios is a high, rocky, and rather precipitous hill about 100 m. high, just on the outskirts of the city. Except at the base, the earth is shallow and in pockets between the rocks. Possibly all the objects found on the slopes had washed down from the summit. Unfortunately here is a church, the hill was fortified during the French occupation, and whatever aboriginal structures there may have been were destroyed. Nearby residents reported that there formerly were lines of stones outlining aboriginal structures, and that skeletons, complete pottery vessels, stone axes and other similar objects had been found there. A permanent stream flows by the base of the hill, and most of the finds were apparently made near the foot, though we picked u p a number of typical sherds on the summit. Among these there seem to be a larger number than usual of vessel legs, handles, and types other than fragments of simple vessels. Pueblito is a village about 5 km. south of Durango City. Near here is a large surface site close to the Rio de Tunal, a permanent stream. The ground is relatively flat on a natural terrace above the stream. The soil has been ploughed for years and all traces of structures of any kind obliterated. A

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road has been cut through the deposit to a depth of some 2 meters, and in the cut potsherds, stones, and flint and obsidian chips may be found to a depth of at least 1.85 m. They are very infrequent, however, especially towards the base, and in the opinion of Mr. Merrill the earth is 9 0 % wind-blown loess. It contains, however, many large stones that must have been brought in. The few sherds recovered from the lowest layers show no obvious differentiation from those on the surface. Most of the specimens were picked u p on the surface of the ploughed fields. In addition to the potsherds, fragments of metates and metate manos, other stones, and flint and obsidian chips were found. Undecorated pottery predominates, but there is a good amount of typical Chalchihuites brown-on-buff ware, and lesser amounts of other types of decorated ware. Some of the sherds are thick, up to 2 cm. in thickness. A number of tripod legs and some long handles were secured. Villa Antonio Amaro is a new town about 70 km. northeast of Durango City and 80 north of Chalchihuites. At Las Penitas, about two miles from the town, is a large horseshoeshaped valley with a large spring at the bottom. In many places on the crest and upper gentle slopes are seen traces of aboriginal sites. These are, as throughout this entire region from here north to Zape, straight lines of stones interred so as to form rectangular sites of various proportions and sizes. I think I remember sites of the same type as far south as Azqueltan in Jalisco. T h e stones are laminated slabs, interred vertically so that only their tops show above the surface, and interred to a depth of about 40 cm. Few of the rectangular sites are entirely complete, one or two sides being often missing or unidentifiable, and the interior is most often on the same level as the ground outside. The dimensions of some of these sites were measured as 4.5 X 3.5 m., 5 X 5 m., and 5 X 10 m. T h e sites are on terraces on the sloping hillside. T h e lines of the sites are approximately parallel, with the longest sides approximately on a magnetic north-south line. M a n y sherds were picked up on the surface, especially where earlier excavations had been made, and excavations were made in several sites which had already been dug into. Sherds were found to

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a depth of 1 m., as well as fragments of metates and metate manos, and scattered human and animal bones. Some shallow mortar-holes, about 15 cm. wide and 4 cm. deep, were seen in rocks. The metates are shallow and not well made, relatively rectangular, troughed and without legs. The manos, of heavy lava, are relatively symmetrical and thin, two measuring 18 X 11 X 5 cm., and 20 X 10 X 4 cm. The used surfaces are slightly convex, the upper surfaces more so. Two types of objects are clearly shown in the sherds from these three sites, tripod bowls and long handles to some object. The tripod legs, of which several are shown in Fig. 2 a, are characteristic. They are solid and relatively short. Several, from Antonio Amaro and Remedios, are relatively small and taper to wedge-shaped bases. These seem to be from plain black or buff vessels, and approach the form that seems to be typical of Chalchihuites. Most of them are massive and quasi-conical, and all seem to possess a characteristic knob or enlargement near their tops on the outer side. One of these, from Remedios, is from a typical red-on-buff Chalchihuites ware vessel; the others are more rudely painted in red and buff. Another, from Antonio Amaro, is of carved gray ware. Two fragments of handles from Remedios are shown in this fig. (9, 10); they would seem to be from 'basket' handles, as they have relief knobs and brown-on-buff painted designs on the convex side; they may be ladle handles, however. The stem of a tobacco pipe (3) was found at Pueblito. This is short and broad with a flat base and narrow shaft; the bowl was apparently low and circular. Other types of ware were found at these sites, some of them shown in Fig. 1 b. At Antonio Amaro were found three examples of carved gray ware, in one of which (No. 3) the triangles had been filled in with red paint. In another (No. 1) the raised section of the rim with the perforated hole that is characteristic of Chalchihuites is seen. At Pueblito several unusual wares were found, a fragment of finely incised black pottery (No. 4), and one of buff ware with decorative knobs (No. 2). The most unique ware, however, is repre-

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136 PHILADELPHIA ANTHROPOLOGICAL SOCIETY sented by a series of sherds (Nos. 5-9) with a dark red surface and designs painted in white lines, generally fine and parallel. Also, in addition to unpainted or plain red sherds, some were found (Nos. 10-14) of red-on-buff ware, but the lines are thicker and the designs simpler and more rectilinear than in the typical Chalchihuites ware. To summarize, at till three sites typical Chalchihuites red-onbuff pottery was found. At all sites pottery of other types of ware was found, but at Antonio Amaro none seems to be of a type not already known at Chalchihuites, while at Remedios and especially at Pueblito wares and shapes are found that tire apparently foreign to Chalchihuites. The origin of these is at present unknown. The next site observed, going northward, was at Guatimapé, on the west side of Lake Santiaguillo about 90 km. north of Durango City. Here, in the Valley of the Canyon Molino, are many house sites by a permanent stream. These are mainly rectangular and outlined by buried stones as at Antonio Amaro, often in terraces one above and behind another. Some of these terraced sites are up to 9 X 15 m. in size. There are also some smaller round sites 2.5 to 3 m. in diameter made of larger boulders. There are the ruins of a rude rectangular masonry structure about 7.2 X 4.2 m. in size with walls built of massive stones 60 cm. thick to a present height of about 1.5 m., but we could not certify it as being aboriginal. Parts of the site were retained by stone walls. Many manos and metates were found, some small rude animal figures of lava, and a few potsherds, including one ladle handle of red-on-buff ware. The metate fragments found indicated that they were trough-shaped, without legs. The manos are of lava or granite, quasi-rectangular, and rather thin with one or both faces convex. At Hervideros, some 150 km. in a straight line northwest of Durango, is a large site that has been considerably dug. It occupies much of the top and slopes of a large high hill that overlooks the Nazas River; at its base is a spring of boiling water. Here are many rectangular sites outlined by lines of stones interred to almost their full length. Most of these lines

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a

FIG. 3, a. M a p of west-central Mexico, showing the sites visited. b. Plan of the site at Santa Ana, Zape, Durango, Mexico.

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are parallel, with their long axes u p and down the slope, and often with a low retaining wall at the lower end. There are also some smaller round enclosures ringed with larger stones and lava boulders. At the top of the hill is a small rocky mesa, and the larger and 'richer' sites are near this top. Many of these sites have been partially excavated and the objects secured demonstrate a high degree of culture. Tripod bowls of typical Chalchihuites shape with the rim upcurved in two places, each perforated by a small hole, and with vertical legs converging to a wedge are found in plain black (Fig. 2 b, 1) and in black with carved decorations, filled with red. Ornate copper ear-ornaments (3), and shell ornaments decorated with incised circles with central dot (2), fine obsidian flaked and chipped blades, copper bells and other ornaments, a finely carved h u m a n figure of bone, beads of shell or bone, stone axheads and larger objects of carved stone, conical and biconical pottery spindle-whorls and a figurine of black pottery have been found here. T h e culture was evidently of a high grade, and all its details connect it with that of Chalchihuites. No sherd or object of the typical red-on-buff painted ware was seen but we were told that painted pottery had been found there; nevertheless it is certainly not characteristic. The site is obviously, however, typical of one phase of the Chalchihuites Culture. T h e town of Zape lies at a distance of some 225 km. northwest of Durango City. It was the northernmost site examined by the Expedition, not far south of the border of Chihuahua. Three late pre-Columbian sites were examined in this region. T h e site reported on by Guillemin-Tarayre in Exploration Minéralogique des Régions Mexicaines, Paris, 1869, is at Santa Ana, a few miles south of Zape. Owing to the fact that this site has been the only one known between Chalchihuites in Zacatecas and Casas Grandes in Chihuahua, undue importance has always been given it. Tarayre's report is not incorrect, if read critically, but his plan of the site in his Plate I I I is greatly idealized, especially as regards the regularity and height of the mounds. We were much disappointed in this

139

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140 PHILADELPHIA ANTHROPOLOGICAL SOCIETY site. The ploughings of the last seventy years may have altered it considerably, however. A plan of the present appearance of Santa Ana (Zape), accurately drawn by Mr. Robert H. Merrill, is shown as Fig. 3 b. This should be compared with the plan of Tarayre. The site of Santa Ana is, like all sites in this region, a high hill partly surrounded by a bend in the river; the slope is slight. As one nears the top he becomes aware of low terraces and of lines of interred stones like those seen further south. The unbroken lines at present are never more than a few feet long nor the terrace fronts more than two feet high. One line of nine stones in a row is 2.5 m. long. Some of the terraces appeared to be about 7.5 m. in length. The stones used in this region aire always elongated water-worn river boulders. The most important features are at the crest of the hill. Here is a rectangular court about 15 X 20 m. in size, surrounded by mounds of about 1.5 m. maximum height, more or less as indicated in Tarayre's plan, but it is not clear whether there were four separate mounds or whether some of these coalesced. Considerable excavation had been done in these mounds, but apparently no masonry was revealed. The masonry structure noted by Tarayre in the center of the court had disappeared, and it is impossible now to determine whether it was pre- or post-Columbian. Several other sites of similar nature were examined in this region, all on hills partly surrounded by bends in rivers. All consist of rectangular enclosures outlined by lines of stones buried vertically and projecting slightly above the surface. One such, containing a few such sites, is across the river from the town of Zape Chico (Fig. 4 b). The largest and most undisturbed site found is on the Arroyo Quelites, about two hours' walk northeast of Zape. A plan of this, made by Merrill with additions by myself, is given as Fig. 4 a. About twenty such rectangular sites were observed here; most of them are small, from 3 X 4 to 4 X 6 m., but a few as large as 10 X 12 and 10 X 17 m. were observed. In most, the soil level within is slightly raised, but even in the case of the largest mounds the height is not over 1 m. The largest

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mounds often have transverse lines of stones, especially one dividing them into equal halves. Most of the stone lines are parallel and in all cases but one the long axis is approximately north and south. There is one depressed plaza or court about 16 X 12 m. in size with a low mound at the west side, higher ground to east and north, but the same level to the south. At the corners of certain stone lines tall upright stones had been placed; similar stones were placed at shrines much further south near Azqueltan in Jalisco. Excavations were made in one mound that had already been partially dug, and potsherds were collected here and on the surface. In the excavation several broken large metates were found and quite a number of me tate manos; these must have been purposely interred here. The metates are trough-shaped and large, about 50 X 40 cm.; the manos resemble the type of the American Southwest, relatively rectangular and thin with one convex surface. Two of these measured 25 X 11 X 5.5 and 18 X 10 X 6.5 cm. The potsherds found in all of these sites arc distinctly inferior to those of Hervideros and further south. No examples of cloisonné, carved, incised, or of fine red-on-buff ware were found, and we may be certain that this region is beyond the limits of those wares. Most of the sherds are monochrome, gray or buff with a minority of bright red. A few painted sherds were found, and the best of these are shown in the lower two rows of Fig. 2 b. The colors are the same as at Chalchihuites, red on buff, but the designs are much ruder and the proportional quantity much less. Several objects that are apparently the legs of tripod vessels were found; these are solid, rude, and quasi-cylindrical (6). The stem of a tobacco pipe was found (4) very similar to that from Pueblito, but larger and with a much larger orifice, and a half of a broken, black, quasi-hemispherical pottery spindle-whorl was given to us as having been found at Santa Ana (5). Tales were of course heard of finds of fine unusual objects, such as gold ornaments, but these are not credible. No noteworthy artifact from this region was seen. Beads were made of tubular

142 PHILADELPHIA ANTHROPOLOGICAL SOCIETY pieces of hollow bone. Excellent stone bowls and fine grooved axheads were made. The type of the house sites, rectangular and outlined by deeply interred vertical stones, is almost identical throughout the entire region visited, indicating that the basic culture is the same. The presence of tripod vessels and hemispherical spindle-whorls in the Zape region indicates that the culture there was basically Mexican. We may therefore deduce that the general Chalchihuites-La Quemada culture extended north to the region of Zape. At this point, however, it had become attenuated and peripheral, and had lost much of its fine quality. Probably the culture did not extend far, if any, north of the Zape region. It is only about 350 miles, air-line, from here to Casas Grandes, a region of certain Puebloan affinities, and only about 100 miles to the southern boundary of the Medanos phase of the Chihuahua culture, as given by Sayles.6 At this latter point Sayles saw no clear evidences of Mexican influences. Nor does the culture extend far to east or west. To the east it has disappeared long before one reaches the city of Torreon, two hundred kilometers to the northeast, and to the west it is only a short distance to the high mountains, where a slightly different and lower culture must have obtained. Some researches were pursued in the high pine-covered mountains of the Sierra Madre Occidental to the west, in the region of Sotolitos, about 120 km. northwest of Durango City. Sites are rare and small in this region. Two small ones were seen, on both of which are rectangular small low mounds oudined by stones interred vertically, and extending just above the surface, like those seen at all other sites, and presumably of the same basic culture. At both places, however, structures of another nature were observed. These consist of an open depressed oblong court or plaza bounded on each long side by a long mound of stones. The ends of the court are open and the level depressed area extends as an apron beyond the flanking stone mounds. The resemblance to a primitive type of Mexican ball-court is obvious. A drawing of one of these at Los Fresnos by Mr. Merrill is shown as

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Fig. 4 c. Potsherds are rare on these sites, b u t a few were picked up, all small and weather-worn. T h e shapes are apparently all simple, and none shows at present any trace of painting or decoration. While the culture, judging from the stone-lined sites, must have been somewhat similar at basis to that of Chalchihuites, it must have been even more peripheral and simple than that of Zape. TECHNOLOGICAL

CERAMIC ANALYSIS AND

DEDUCTIONS

A thorough qualitative analysis of the pottery fragments secured was made by the Ceramic Laboratory of the University Museum, sponsored by the Works Progress Administration, Project No. 2232, and a complete technical report was submitted by the leader, Mr. Donald Horton. Naturally only a digest of this report can be given here. Of several hundred sherds available, half of the total having been retained by the Mexican Government, some sixty-three were analyzed qualitatively. T h e selection included sherds of all obviously different wares from all of the sites visited, not only the ten open sites above described, but other open sites and m a n y caves, about twenty-five in all. From a general point of view the study was disappointing inasmuch as it revealed no clear-cut distinctions between any sites or any types of ware, no criteria by which any geographical or cultural boundaries or divisions could be established; no sherd could be assigned to any site or category on the basis of its technical peculiarities. However, certain peculiarities suggest that, had the study been pursued on a larger scale, and with more specimens, and particularly had the quantitative phase been investigated, such criteria might have been deduced. T h e paste is composed of clays of sedimentary origin, generally bentonite, containing minute fragments of volcanic glass in different stages of alteration. Quartz, feldspar, and fragments of volcanic rock are common intrusive elements, and all are abundant in most specimens. Q u a r t z is present in proportions of five to thirteen percent. Feldspar occurs in two forms: plagioclase, which is more common in the mountain

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sites, and orthoclase in the valley sites. The temper employed is pulverized potsherds in the open sites; sherd temper is generally lacking in pottery from the caves. About sixty percent of the sherds have black cores, indicating incomplete oxidation or firing; with very few exceptions the sherds have not been fully oxidized. The typical colors of the paste, the unoxidized black cores, are mouse gray and drab. The oxidized band between the surface and the dark core is narrow and of the same color as the surface, unless paint has been applied. The paint colors vary from brick red to ferruginous. The oxidized bands and unpainted surfaces show a color range from testaceous to mouse gray. Typical colors are wood brown and cinnamon. Exceptional colors are ocher red and terra cotta. The average surface hardness is remarkably high, 5.5 to 6, the range being from 3 to 7. The inclusions (quartz, feldspar, and volcanic rock) are moderate to sparse in quantity and of medium size; the texture would be considered as medium and the surface texture smooth. The core is dull, the surfaces dull to lustrous; many are polished. Relatively few of the sherds have a true slip, although most of them have the superficial appearance of such, due to thorough smoothing and polishing. 'A possible reconstruction of the technology of the sherds may be outlined as follows: The sedimentary clays were tempered with moderate to coarse sand, composed of the debris from volcanic rocks and, except at some of the mountain cave sites, with crushed sherds of local or trade ware. The wares were mostly well polished. They were fired at an intermediate temperature, which brought the surface very close to complete oxidation. The dark cores which are characteristic in this pottery may have been due to firing conditions, but there is a possibility that the low fusion point and density of the clays prevented oxidation of the core. Certain of the wares were slipped with a coat of unrefined clay and subsequently painted. A dark line marking the contact of slip and body in several cases suggests that the ware may have been fired both before and after application of the surface coating.

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Where the slip is of fine texture the applied paint has penetrated only slightly; in other cases the paint has penetrated through the slip. Certain sherds are entirely painted, although it is difficult to decide whether the applied surface should best be described as a thick ocher paint, or a relatively fluid ferruginous slip.' M o r e specifically, a comparison of the sherds from Antonio Amaro with a few secured at the type site of Chalchihuites shows a close technical resemblance. T h e sherds from Antonio Amaro can be divided into two groups on the basis of composition. T h e red-on-buff ware, which is both slipped and painted, seems to be composed of a clay slightly different in character from that used in certain other sherds. T h e latter are less dense, more flaky, are not clearly bentonitic in character, and contain few if any micro-organisms; the inclusions differ in quantity. T h e sherds from Pueblito are not bentonitic in character and contain no micro-organisms. T h e unique white-on-red pottery differs only in having a slightly finer texture; it was presumably, therefore, a ware of local manufacture, not imported. T h e sherds from Zape (Santa A n a and Quelites) are relatively homogeneous and not very different from those further south. T h e y are of relatively coarse texture, of a flaky clay without clear bentonitic structure. T h e birefringence is relatively high, in which characteristic they differ from the sherds from the southern sites. A specific characteristic of the Santa Ana sherds is the presence of thick plates of biotite, and occasional grains of other ferromagnesian minerals. T h e sherds from the caves are characterized by a moderately coarse texture, flaky clay, an average hardness of 6, and an absence of sherd temper, with a few exceptions. Those from caves in the high Sierra are very similar to those from the caves near Zape; these have a high birefringence, and an abundance of plagioclase, rock fractures, and tuff. One from a cave near Torreon has a low birefringence, and lacks rock fractures and tuff.

146

PHILADELPHIA ANTHROPOLOGICAL SOCIETY NOTES

1. Manuel Gamio, Los monumentos arqueológicos de las inmediaciones de Chalchihuites, Zacatecas (Anales del Museo Nacional de Arqueología, Historia y Etnología, Tomo II, Mexico, 1910), 467-492. 2. Eduardo Noguera, Ruinas arqueológicas del norte de Mexico; Casas Grandes, La Quemada, Chalchihuites (Publicaciones de la Secretaría de Educación Pública, Mexico, 1930). A fuller bibliography is included in this work. 3. Everardo Gamiz, Geografía del Estado de Durango; Monografías de los municipalidades de Nombre de Dios, Poanas y Súchil (Torreon, 1929). La región sureste del Estado de Durango (Torreon, 1936). 4. Cf. the bibliography of La Quemada in Noguera's work above cited, especially Seler, Batres, Tarayre, Garcia and Noguera. For further notes on the archaeology of this general region see Carl Lumholtz, Unknown Mexico (New York, 1902) and Ales Hrdlicka, The Chichimecs and their Ancient Culture, with Notes on the Tepe canos, and the Ruin of La Quemada, Mexico (American Anthropologist, n.s., 5, 3, 1903) 384-^40. 5. E. B. Sayles, An Archaeological Survey of Chihuahua, Mexico (Medallion Papers, No. X X I I , Gila Pueblo, Globe, Arizona, May, 1936).

FRIENDSHIP AS A FUNCTIONAL MOTIVE IN CERAMIC TYPES OF EASTERN NORTH AMERICA By Samuel W. Penny-packer, 2nd

THE question of doubled-necked pottery jars has interested both archaeologists and ethnologists past and present. The double forms generally have been referred to as ceremonial jars, but as a rule this has been merely a guess. Another type of closely related artifact is the double-stemmed pipe-bowl. Without going into too much detail I should like to mention several references to these objects I have come across. Among the present-day Catawba Indians of South Carolina these double-necked pots are occasionally found. In 1936 Dr. Frank G. Speck saw a specimen at Cherokee, North Carolina, described by its maker, Mrs. Lillie Bryson, as a 'marriage' pot from which the bride and groom drank together. Mrs. Bryson, now married to a white man, formerly was the wife of Joseph Saunders, a Catawba, and had spent much of her married life on the Catawba reservation where she learned pottery-making and its traditions. Although a Cherokee descendant from northern Georgia, her knowledge of ceramic art is definitely Catawba. She is a reliable informant and preserves old Catawba customs in ceramic manufacture. Since the pot which I obtained (Fig. 1) is of a type found archaeologically, it would seem that the custom associated with it may be quite old. Outside the Southeast there is another interesting reference. According to oral statement by Mr. Frederick H. Douglas of the Denver Art Museum, Dr. Jean Allard Jean^on some years ago saw a doubled-necked black vase used in a wedding ceremony at Santa Clara Pueblo, New Mexico, the bride 147

148 PHILADELPHIA ANTHROPOLOGICAL SOCIETY drinking from one side, the groom from the other. This appearance may deepen considerably the significance of the Catawba reference. Since archaeologically these pots have a very wide distribution which extends from Canada to Florida

along the Atlantic Coast and includes large areas in Central and South America is it possible that the idea in question may have existed over a large area? At present there are few written references, and as time goes on the association may be lost as the older people die. Pipe-bowls having places for four or five pipestems likewise are found archaeologically and ethnologically. These have been reported ethnologically from the Pamunkey, the Catawba, and the Chitimacha in the Southeast. Archaeologically they occur elsewhere in the Atlantic Coastal region. One was found at the present site of Philadelphia and was described

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by Abbott. This pipe is of steatite, whereas all of the later ones are made of clay. Known to the Pamunkey as 'pipes for joy' these objects are the peace pipes of the Southeast. West gives the following definition for a two-stemmed pipe: 'The bridegroom pipe has two stem-holes and was given its name because it is supposed to have been used in matrimonial ceremonies, both bride and groom smoking at the same time.' This peculiar type of pipe is rare and varies in shape according to the maker's taste. Its distinguishing characteristics are the two stem-holes and a single bowl. West gives an interesting note on a pipe found near Syracuse, New York. It had two bowls side by side and of the same shape and size, each with a stem-hole. This possibly was a bridegroom pipe used in some matrimonial ceremony, although this is purely supposition and not backed by historical or traditional evidence. Pollard (p. 18) was the first to mention this type of pipe for the Pamunkey Indians of Virginia. 'In the bowl of this pipe are five holes made for the insertion of five stems, one for the chief and one each for the four councilmen. Before the days of peace these leaders used to celebrate their victories by arranging themselves in a circle and together smoking the pipe for joy.' Holmes (pp. 53-55, PI. cxxviii) shows a modern Catawba pipe of this type. He also discusses the methods of manufacture of pipes and pottery vessels. Speck (pp. 427-432) has some interesting information on the subject. 'Among the peculiar products of eastern pipe-makers we encounter a few forms of the pipe bowl provided with four or five holes for the insertion of stems. This style has been preserved both at Pamunkey and at Catawba, a rather noteworthy coincidence in view of the supposed borrowing of ideas. The occurrence of these forms arouses a question both of antiquity and distribution. Were it not for the fact that similar pipe bowls have been reported from other eastern and southern centers there might be some doubt on the first question.' The Catawba form is called 'peace-pipe.' The chief made the men of two quarreling families smoke to show that everything was peaceful again. Considering the evidence

150 PHILADELPHIA ANTHROPOLOGICAL SOCIETY it would seem that the peace-pipe was a native southeastern object, still surviving in Virginia, with a history parallel to that of the smooth potteryware of the two areas. Again quoting from Dr. Speck, 'One other point is worth considering for a moment: No stone pipes have been found at Pamunkey. The absence of stone pipes would seem to show either that smoking was contemporaneous here only in a relatively late age of ceramics, or that the Powhatan peoples came into the region smoking only the clay pipes. That they had a recent residence where we find them may be suggested for consideration.' McGuire (pp. 545, 546) gives some very interesting information. He shows several examples of what he calls bridegroom pipes. One from Rhea County, Tennessee, is four and onehalf inches long and one and one-quarter inches in thickness. A hole has been drilled through the center. There are separate stems and bowls. The two bowls face each other, while the stems go in from the sides. In another specimen one bowl is on top of the other; hence to smoke each at the same time the pipe must be turned on its side. This type also has been found in Ontario and in the Champlain Valley. Double-bowled pipes have not been reported ethnologically in so far as I know. All are archaeological. There also are no records of double-bowled pipes, the ones mentioned in historical accounts being double-stemmed types. Much information must be worked up before we can come to definite conclusions. The theory that double-necked jars and plural-stemmed pipe-bowls serve as bridegroom utensils is supported by analogy to an old Dutch custom. According to McGuire, 'There is said to have been an old Dutch custom of smoking a double pipe on one's wedding day, which was never again used except upon the wedding anniversary. Two such pipes, known as Dutch bridegroom pipes, were in the celebrated Bragge collection. The bridegroom pipe was one of the household gods of Holland. Smoked in augury of a happy future upon the wedding day, it was held too sacred to be touched again save on the recurrence of the anniversary of the

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momentous event.' Thus the question arises as to whether the early Dutch traders could have introduced the custom to America. However, archaeological evidence seems sufficient to establish the pre-Columbian use of these objects. This is true for both pottery jars and pipes. At present with such meager information we can make only suggestion about their use, but it would seem that the modern associated belief may be old in America. Since both types of object are found in the Southeast, a relatively high culture center, they may have worked north to the Pamunkey and been passed on by them to the more northern peoples like some other culture traits (splint basketry, feather mosaic in weaving techniques, certain pottery types, and tobacco-smoking itself), of which ethnologists are now becoming more and more conscious. Dr. Heinz Wieschhoff recently has informed me that double-necked jars are found in Africa. Their distribution has been plotted by Weyersberg. The whole question of the double-necked jars and doublestemmed pipes and pipe-bowls appears to be one of functional ceremonialism influencing typology in material culture both archaeologically and ethnologically. It is a subject to be borne in mind by ethnologists in their future questionings in the field of pot-making and smoking customs. BIBLIOGRAPHY West, G. A. 1934 Tobacco Pipes and Smoking Customs of the American Indians. Public Museum of Milwaukee, Bulletin 17. Pollard, J. G. 1894 The Pamunkey Indians of Virginia. Washington. Holmes, W. H. 1899 Aboriginal Pottery of the Eastern United States. Annual Report of Bureau of American Ethnology. Vol. 20. Speck, F. G. 1928 Chapters on the Ethnology of the Powhatan Tribes of Virginia. Indian Notes and Monographs, Vol. I: 5. McGuire, J. D. 1897 Pipes and Smoking Customs of the American Aborigines. Washington. Weyersberg, M. 1929 Forschungsinstitut fur Kulturmorphologie. Viertes Heft.

COMPOSITION OF 'TORTS' IN GUAJIRO SOCIETY By Vincenzo Petrullo

A DISCUSSION of the laws of a primitive society has first to surmount the difficulties of definition. How shall we differentiate law from custom, moral from legal duties and obligations in a society that has not codified its laws, that lacks an easily recognized agency for making and enforcing them, and that cannot put forward a juristic philosophy? Are we justified in selecting certain acts which in our society fall subject to legal actions, and constructing a system of 'laws' out of them? In the literature on jurisprudence there is the tendency either to exclude law from primitive society altogether, to recognize in a vast array of reciprocal obligations and social censures law in the raw, or to set u p criteria which allow for the existence of law in some societies and exclude it from others. For instance, analytical jurisprudence practically limits law to those rules which a fully organized state recognizes and enforces. 1 O b viously many primitive societies cannot satisfy such a strict concept of law for lack of the required social mechanism. Even Stammler, who rejects the concept that there can be no law without a state and who seeks law in custom, approaches the problem by asking: Is there an agency to make and enforce laws; is its purpose to ensure justice; does it determine in sovereign fashion who shall be subject to it; does it claim inviolability as long as it is in force? Likewise the historical and sociological schools would exclude law from some of the primitive societies.2 Radcliffe-Brown, writing from an anthropological point of view, accepts Roscoe Pound's definition of law as 'social control through the systematic application of force of politically organized society,' and goes on to say that 153

154 PHILADELPHIA ANTHROPOLOGICAL SOCIETY the field of law is 'coterminous with that of organized legal sanctions.' If there are no 'legal sanctions,' obligations are considered as matters of custom and conventions. He further suggests the use of 'public delicts' and 'private delicts' to classify violations of law which in our society would fall into the criminal and civil classes respectively. 3 Malinowski, justly calling attention to the fact that the field of law does not limit itself to prohibitions but also enjoins duties, extends the term to include binding obligations governing the intercourse of daily life and enforced by a 'specific mechanism inherent in the structure of society.' 4 While it is not within the scope of this paper to examine critically the various concepts of what constitutes law, we may well ask if its existence in primitive society is dependent upon what one accepts as its definition. We are given the choice of admitting either that certain societies do not know law, or that law is present in all societies in the form of reciprocal obligations which include many phases of behavior which we are accustomed to call either custom or moral obligation. Still it may be granted that in any society there occur breaches of custom, which are recognized as trespass on the recognized rights of the individual and perhaps on the entire community, for the composition and rectification of which there are known and accepted acts whose nature is set and limited by precedent. These are in contrast to those breaches which may bring on the offender only social reprobation in a mild form through giving him a 'bad name.' The former ought to fall within the province of law as generally understood in our society, while the latter may properly be included in the field of morals. Before proceeding with a description of Guajiro concepts of law and of custom it may be well to outline briefly the structure of their society. It is estimated that there are between ten and twenty thousand Guajiro inhabiting the peninsula that takes its name from them. Though most of the territory belongs to Colombia and a narrow coastal strip is within Venezuelan borders, the Guajiro live almost independently of both governments. The land is arid, lacking running water except in the hills of Macuire, where there are some springs. Most of

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the men speak some Spanish in addition to their native language. Some of them know how to read and write. They are almost entirely pastoral, possessing great herds of horses, asses, sheep, goats, and cattle. They have borrowed a great deal from the Europeans but they have also kept their own culture to a remarkable degree. As usual, native elements are most strongly present in the non-material phases of culture. Unfortunately they are not united or organized into a modern state, though against all foreigners they stand together as a unit. Authority is acquired by certain caciques through their wealth and membership in the 'casta,' the major social grouping in Guajiro society. Each casta claims a mythological origin and holds sovereignty over a well-defined territory. Many of these castas or social groupings are further subdivided. Each casta has its caciques whose function is chiefly to settle disputes and whose position is inherited, matrilineally. The oldest of them is allowed more authority, but generally it is the wealthiest man, and the one who can marshal more retainers, armed with rifles and revolvers, who is listened to with greater respect. There are further divisions in Guajiro society. At the top are the caciques and their families who are rich and powerful. The next group is composed of peons or retainers in the service of the upper stratum, and at the bottom are the 'slaves' who have been born in that condition or have been enslaved following an offense to some powerful group, and who can even be let out to work for planters in the sugar fields of Zulia The life of the poor people has not changed much since early times. Polygamy is widely practised, as is also concubinage, by the wealthier men. Each wife lives in her own rancho and there awaits the occasional visit of her husband. The children inherit property and social affiliations through the mother. Disputes that arise within a casta are settled by arbiters chosen by the families of the litigants. Disputes inter-casta may be setded by arbitration if violence is not desirable. Generally the killing of an individual gives rise to armed action with an eventual composition by payment. My informants attempted to demonstrate the difference be-

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tween law and custom in Guajiro society by a variety of illustrations. O n e of them said in effect: If a cacique visits me and I fail to kill a sheep in honor of his visit and to feast him in accordance with the dignity of his rank and my wealth, I have broken a custom of my people. However, though I offend him by such negligence my guest may take no action to redress the wrong other than to inflict the same discourtesy on me if the opportunity should arise. He may seek neither redress in violence nor composition in payment. My only punishment may be the acquisition of a bad name among my people. But if I visit one of my wives at her rancho and she fails to kill a sheep from her own flocks to feast me, refuses me her person, neglects to supply me with hammocks, saddle-bags, and other articles made by women, or refuses me shelter, she will have broken a 'law'; that is, she will have broken the marriage contract. In this case I may demand from her and her family payment or a divorce. In the latter case her family would have to return to me the bride-price plus any increase in the herds but less an amount considered fair for my having exercised sexual privileges over her, though I may demand even this if she marries again. In case her family refuses to adjust the matter in accordance with our law I may appeal to my family for help in obtaining my just rights. I should be justified in having recourse to violence. However, the law is so well understood that it would not be necessary to resort to such drastic measures generally.6 These informants were acquainted to some extent with Colombian and Venezuelan laws and were attempting, no doubt, to classify their own customs in accordance with European practices. Nevertheless it is an indication that in their minds there does exist a class of offenses for which one may seek composition even through violence, and a class that is in the category of merely moral obligations though investigators may not always draw an equally fine distinction. Simons, for example, in discussing Guajiro law speaks of injury to oneself as giving rise to a legal obligation for composition. M y informants, on the contrary, distinguished it from that class of wrongful acts. If a m a n cuts himself, his father and father's relatives receive an expiatory offering. H a d one of my informants, the son of a rich cacique, cut himself he would have given a small barrel of r u m and five or more sheep to his

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father's relatives who would eat the meat and drink the r u m immediately, a feast to which the mother's relatives might be invited as a gesture of courtesy. T h e offering of rum and meat is voluntary, and even a friend may ask for something as an indication of deep personal interest in the welfare of the injured person. If the injured man makes no offering, no action is taken by anyone to make him do so, but he will acquire a 'bad name.' A Guajiro has a moral obligation to avoid shedding his own blood, but not a legal obligation. Since the father takes care of his son during his lifetime, this obligation is directed towards him and his relatives, but is extended to include any good friend. Another example of the same distinction is the case where a son asks his father for a particular horse or object possessed by the latter, as a gift. T h e father is morally bound to grant the request, but there is no legal compulsion to do so. I gave a cacique a fine hunting knife which pleased him greatly. T o my surprise his son was proudly wearing it the following day. O n inquiring about it the cacique told me that his eldest son had asked for it. H a d he refused to give it he would have been considered a bad father. The son inherits nothing from his father on the death of the latter, but while he is alive the son may beg anything within certain limits set by precedent. This moral obligation to give up a prized possession when asked for by one's sons is extended to include close friends. Allowing the Guajiro to make their own distinctions, let us turn to a consideration of their 'laws.' T h e commission of certain acts, which in our society would give rise to criminal prosecution, in Guajiro society are considered matters to be settled by the parties concerned. Criminal law is practically non-existent. There is no body politic, properly speaking, that metes out punishment whether or not the injured party seeks redress, and social pressure can hardly be of any importance in a society that protects the individual through the instrument of family and casta membership. In only one case does there seem to be an approach to concerted social action. If an individual has caused his family much trouble and is incorrigible, if his family has been called upon to pay for his mis-

158 PHILADELPHIA ANTHROPOLOGICAL SOCIETY deeds frequendy, and fears that he may bring severe disaster on his relatives, he may be killed. It is interesting to know that the individual may not necessarily be evil-intentioned. We are accustomed to think that for an act of trespass on the person or property the injured party can recover only if the act is considered to have been intentional or negligent. 8 Among the Guajiro there is no such qualification of a tort in order to allow legal action and to recognize legal liability. The act and the injury ensuing from it are the only considerations which have any importance. Case I: Three boys, A, B, and C, close friends, were seated on a log in the order named. B held a knife in his hand. In the spirit of play A and C attempted to take it away from him. In the good-natured scuffle that ensued A was slashed across the thigh accidentally. T h e families of A, the injured party, and of B were on friendly terms. B's family immediately offered payment for the hurt done to A. Each family chose an arbiter, men known for their knowledge of law and their fairness, who granted A's family payment commensurate with the social position of A and the ability of B's family to pay: 60 sheep, 1 bull, 1 ass, a gold necklace, a horse. Case II: Cacique A killed Cacique B through the accidental discharge of a firearm. Their families belonged to the same casta, and both being anxious to avoid armed conflict B's family agreed to accept a property composition for the tort: 100 cows, 100 horses, 7 mules, 1,000 sheep. Case III: Cacique A killed Cacique B in a quarrel. Both families being desirous of keeping the peace and both being members of the same casta, property composition was arranged. This case would obviously fall within the class of crimes in our society and A would have been punished irrespective of the attitude of B's family. As a matter of fact, had B's family been less important or had it belonged to the peon or slave class, A's family may not have paid anything. O n the other hand had A been a peon or slave, his family would have suffered extermination at the hands of B's relatives. A's family

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could not have paid the price in the first place, and besides B's family would have litde to fear from them. T h e father a n d maternal uncle of the slain m a n take the initiative in seeking payment which goes to the mother's family. If A and B had been workmen or retainers of C, a cacique, and A's family could not have paid the price of composition, then C would have paid B's family and in compensation would have enslaved A and his family. Payment for killing a peon is 10 asses, 50 to 100 sheep, and 10 steers. Case IV: A was working for B. I n the course of the work through no fault of B, A was hurt. B paid A's family for the injury. A's family took care of A. Case V: A a n d B were working for C. T h r o u g h accident B hurt A. B's family had to settle the injury with A's family. H a d A been hurt in the course of the work without B acting as the instrument, then C, the employer, would have had to pay. This case is similar to the one described by Simons. If A lends a horse to B and B is hurt through the instrumentality of the horse, A has to pay. If A gives r u m to B and B injures C, A is held responsible. Case VI: A wants to marry B. B or B's family reject his suit. A goes to B's rancho at night and commits suicide there B's family has to pay A's family for the death of A, B being considered as the direct instrument that caused A's death. Case VII: A injures or kills B, caught in flagrante delicto with A's wife. A has to pay B's family a price minus an amount considered fair value for the sexual privilege that B exercised on A's wife. These illustrations point to the absolute nature of Guajiro law. No extenuating circumstances are allowed to enter into settlement of cases of battery or other trespass on the rights of an individual. T h e case is different in so far as public sympathy and moral censure or approbation are concerned. Furthermore, society as a whole takes no action in righting wrongs. T h e family of the injured person must seek composition, and if it is not powerful enough to d e m a n d a high price it has to be satisfied with a smaller one. Conversely, there is

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family responsibility for the acts of one of its members. If there is no property composition for a tort committed and the injured family has recourse to arms, the revenge that it may take is limited by precedent. If the family is very powerful it may dispense with that, but public moriil reprobation is a strong barrier to excesses. NOTES 1. J . Austin a n d T . E. Holland restrict the term L a w to those rules which a fully organized state recognizes a n d enforces. I.e., T . E. Holland: 'A law, in the proper sense of the term, is a general rule of h u m a n action, taking cognizance only of external acts, enforced by a d e t e r m i n a t e authority, which authority is h u m a n , a n d a m o n g h u m a n authorities, is t h a t which is p a r a m o u n t in a political society.' (See Bibliography.) 2. Rivet, D ü r k h e i m , H a r t l a n d , a n d H o b h o u s e express this position. 3. Radcliffe-Brown, 202. 4. See Malinowski in H o g b i n . 5. F r o m my field notes gathered in 1935. T h e C o l u m b i a University— University M u s e u m G u a j i r o Expedition spent three months in the peninsula making an ethnological a n d archaeological survey. T h e other members of t h e expedition were: Dr. Paul Kirchhoff; M r . Lewis K o r n a n d Mrs. G w y n e t h Browne H a r r i n g t o n , archaeologists; Miss Lydia C. d u Pont, photographer; Señor Gregorio H e r n a n d e z d e Alba, a C o l o m b i a n student. 6. See Bohlen.

BIBLIOGRAPHY Bohlen, Francis H . —Cases on the L a w of Torts. 2nd ed. Indianapolis, 1925. —Studies in the L a w of Torts. Indianapolis, 1926. Hobhouse, L . T . — M o r a l s in Evolution. L o n d o n , 1925 (4th ed). Hogbin, H . I a n — L a w a n d O r d e r in Polynesia. A Study of Primitive Legal Institutions. (With a n introduction by B. Malinowski.) New York, 1934. J a h n , Alfredo •—Los Aborígenes del Occidente d e Venezuela. Caracas, 1927. Miraglia, Luigi — C o m p a r a t i v e Legal Philosophy. (Translated by J o h n Lisle, with an introduction by Albert Kocourek.) New York, 1921. Radcliffe-Brown, A. R . —Primitive Law. Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences. I X . Simons, F. A. A . — A n Exploration of the Goajira Peninsula. Proceedings Royal Geographical Society. X I I . L o n d o n , 1885. S t a m m l e r , Rudolf — T h e T h e o r y of Justice. (Translated by Isaac Husik, with appendixes by Francois Geny a n d J o h n C . H . W u . ) New York, 1925.

IDENTIFICATION OF MAYA TEMPLE BUILDINGS AT PIEDRAS NEGRAS By Linton Satterthwaite, Jr. If the existence of Middle American high cultures is ever adequately explained, it probably will be by working back to origins from various 'civilizations' at their peaks. Indications are strong that such a process will show various separable courses of change and evolution, and many interactions between cultures and between regions within a given culture, which produce the final results. The story, as investigation proceeds, grows more rather than less complex. For the M a y a area historical and ethnographic sources are of extreme importance but very incomplete, and the history is often contradictory. Neither goes far back in time. Linguistics and physical anthropology provide broad essential checks. But archaeology, carefully checked with the other sources and deriving much of its meaning from them, must provide the bulk of the description, especially as we work back from the latest pre-Columbian times. Most material M a y a remains as now handled fall into four groups, though the study of one overlaps another and all must be finally interpreted together. These are the hieroglyphic writings; art, especially stone sculpture; minor objects, especially ceramics; and the products of builders and engineers. The last group includes buildings, substructures, and burial structures which we may differentiate as architecture; and more stricdy engineering products such as ceremonial roads, bridges, water supply systems, and so forth. Only architecture and ceramics promise to provide adequate bodies of comparative material for all periods in all M a y a re161

162 PHILADELPHIA ANTHROPOLOGICAL SOCIETY gions. Of these two, the architectural remains by their bulk first reveal the site. These cannot be excavated without encountering also ceramics and, if present at the site, carved and inscribed sculptures which are almost always associated with architectural remains. The Central American habit of building new structures on the more or less well preserved remains of old has preserved a unique record and has provided stratigraphical bases for relative chronology. This applies not only to the structures themselves, but often to ceramics and occasionally carved monuments buried in or below them. The fundamental importance of architectural studies is accordingly very great, especially as the initial approach at any site. It appears self-evident that in deducing either architectural evolutions or regional inter-influences it is first necessary to isolate various series of structures, each series comprising examples of known similar function or functions. Otherwise functional differences may be mistakenly used to show noncontemporaneity. All available clues to function should be sought. During any period these may have varied from region to region; and even in a given region from period to period. The essential problem in finding them is to work back from the known to the unknown by means of criteria which happen to overlap in particular structures. This paper is an attempt to do this for temple buildings at Piedras Negras. This is an 'Old Empire' site on the Usumacinta river, under excavation for the past six seasons by the University Museum, University of Pennsylvania, to which the writer is much indebted for permission to use the data, largely unpublished. The potential value of any architectural results here is greatly enhanced by the presence of a long series of dated monuments and the quality and large quantity of sculptural art upon them. Our starting point is the occurrence on the surface of thirteen approximately square-terraced structures. These are fairly high in relation to width and are usually called pyramids, a convenient though inaccurate term. Throughout the Maya area, and in contiguous areas, these usually support buildings. Figure 1 shows a low example, 7.95 m. high, the building shown as if sliced off horizontally just above the floor

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level in order to reveal the plan. 1 Rarely no signs of a building remain, though in such cases, unless there is positive evidence to the contrary, buildings of perishable material may have been present. The stepped top of the platform on one of our pyramids, J-3, does suggest strongly that no building was ever present.2 On another the evidence of a building has been destroyed, if it was ever present. Despite rare exceptions there is little doubt that the common and usual function of pyramids in late times both in Mexico and in the lowland Maya area was to support buildings, and that these were temples in the ordinary sense of that term; and the application of this interpretation to pyramid-supported buildings wherever found in the Maya area is generally accepted,3 sometimes with the added note that the buildings are usually fairly small.4 The remaining eleven Piedras Negras pyramids did support buildings, and below one of them is an earlier pyramid and remains of a building. If the pyramid substructure is a valid temple indicator, these twelve buildings were temples. The correctness of this identification is confirmed by the positions of all these structures on five plazas or courts, as closely integrated as the terrain allows, which in turn are hemmed in by'a circle of low platforms of entirely different character, suitable for dwelling-house foundations. Considering the buildings on pyramids as temples, the city plan agrees with descriptions of conquest times, which place the temples in a central position.5 The occurrence of all carved stelae, obviously priestly products, immediately before or actually on the pyramids at this site also points to a religious function. Examining our twelve temple buildings, in all cases by excavation, we find that eleven originally consisted of a single room each. Interior depths (front to rear wall distance) of eight of these vary from about 1.55 m. to 2.10 m., the lengths from about 7.60 to 8.90 m., showing little difference in room sizes. Exterior dimensions in general keep step with room size, lengths running from 9.70 to 12.20 m. and depths from 4.25 to 5.35 m. Unfortunately these particular extreme figures are

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all based on reconstructions, but are reliable enough for our purpose here. Structure J-29 (Fig. 2) is an exception, the solid mass behind the room raising the depth to 7.20 m. These eight temple rooms of what we shall call normal size all have three front doorways. But two others have only single doorways and the room lengths drop to 6.20 and about 3.60 m. respectively, the latter very much shorter and therefore more nearly square. The last one-room temple of our list, the buried one (Fig. 4) is very much larger, measuring about 18.70 by 4.80 m., interior dimensions, large enough to contain two of the normal or three of the smallest surface buildings. The three-room building (Fig. 5) contained two rear rooms much narrower than any others, but a much longer and probably deeper front room. After partial rebuilding this front room was 20.90 by 2.95 m. and the over-all maximum temple dimensions were 22.50 by 9.40 m. From the foregoing it is clear that at Piedras Negras the size range is very great for one-room temples, and we shall see presently that it is great also for multi-roomed temples. The small size criterion seems of little value here, unless perhaps as confirmatory value where present. Other secondary criteria, however, are available. In the rooms of five, were fire-burned, more or less cylindrical, 'column altars,' and these occurred in the debris of four other temples in positions showing former presence in the rooms before collapse. Evidence of the former presence of the altars in two others will be adduced below, while in the twelfth and last, that is, the three-room temple, the altar was found in a disturbed position on the pyramid and may possibly have belonged to an earlier temple, since removed. There is no particular reason for supposing so, except perhaps, the difference in plan, and the association of the altar with this pyramid temple group, including all surface and one buried example, may be one hundred per cent, and certainly is very high. The altars may have been repeated in front of temples, since in one case a second example was found, though disturbed, in addition to that in the room. These altars, when in position, were on the front to rear

166 PHILADELPHIA ANTHROPOLOGICAL SOCIETY axis of the room; in two cases in the approximate center of the floor, in two in a small niche in the rear wall. In four cases of completely collapsed rear walls and foundation terracing, the altars were found approximately on the axis. Of these one surely, another probably, had been set in the temple floor; a third surely, the fourth probably, had fallen from niches in the rear walls. O n this showing we may certainly conclude that the altars were the centers of interest of the temples when in use. They vary considerably in size and form but are alike in three respects: length is greater than width; all found in position stood upright with one end embedded in the concrete floor of room or niche, while there is evidence on most that all were similarly set on end; finally, they always show evidence of fire. 6 Form, position, and some knowledge of specific use point to a common function for all: locations in temples show this was ritualistic. These stones, perhaps misnamed 'altars,' seem almost as reliable temple indicators as the pyramids. As stated, three of the altars were found in special niches and two others probably fell from such niches. The niche floors are raised above room-floor level by the height of low narrow benches or sills to be mentioned later. Apart from pyramid temples and the niche of Structure 0 - 1 5 to be mentioned later, wall niches have been found after considerable investigation only in the long buildings usually called palaces. One of these is the center of interest but is wider and very much shallower than any in the temples and was designed for reception of a throne. All others appear to be incidentally formed by the secondary walling u p of interior doorways. All palace niches extend to room-floor level, the sill being absent. Niches in the center of the rear wall, especially if combined with the sill, appear to be receptacles for the column altars, and thus temple indicators also, unless other explanations are obvious. O n this principle we postulate the former presence of the altars in the two pyramid temples where they were not found. In one case this is confirmed slightly by ash stains in front of the niche; in the other by the altar itself at the base of the pyramid, where it may have been thrown from the temple. Also both niches were entered from the rear without knowledge

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of their nature, and actually present altars may have been unrecognized. The dependence of the niche on the altar remains highly probable and it becomes a valuable secondary temple criterion, though not a necessarily present feature. Since niches do occur in other types of building, it is to be used with caution. In the large buried temple a bench, 50 cm. high and 1.25 m. deep, runs from side to side of the room, along the base of the rear wall, passing behind the altar (Figs. 3 and 4). In the much smaller surface temple above, this is replaced by a correspondingly smaller bench, which we have differentiated by the term 'sill,' though the difference is in size only. These sills vary in height from 10 to 40 cm., in depth from 15 to 25 cm. Where altar niches are present their floors are perforce at the level of the top of the sill. Sills of these proportions, with or without the niche, occur in eight of the eleven surface pyramid temples, while collapse has destroyed the evidence in the other three. As in the case of the altar, the temple correlation with bench or sill may have been one hundred per cent for our group. A bench or sill running the length of the rear wall seems another safe temple criterion at Piedras Negras. In the one originally multi-chambered temple this is in the front room. The room plan of any building, unless very simple, is likely to reflect function. The plan of the largest surface temple (Fig. 5, seen from one side and to the rear) is unusual. The narrowness of the middle and rear rooms, the latter shorter, probably indicate special use, which in a pyramid-supported building with sill and probably altar, plus a lavish provision of sculptured monuments, must be temple use. The repeated occurrence of similar plan elements in buildings on pyramids at Tikal, in another region, confirms the interpretation. 7 One of our simple temples was later modified to the threecell plan shown in Fig. 7, again seen from the rear to show design elements which concern us below. The unsuitability of this building plan for residence, sweat-house or other known Maya use, and its continued situation on a high stela-furnished pyramid, suggest that it is a special temple plan.

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The irregular side and rear facades which may be noted in Figs. 1, 2, 5 and 7 are absent in sweat-houses, the long palaces, and in the few other known buildings not suspected of being temples on other grounds. This complexity of design is probably an importation from the Tikal region, here apparently applied only to temples. It occurs on three of our twelve pyramid temples, probably on five others, with data lacking for the rest. The specific details, occurring in varying combinations, are a centered projection of the rear wall, side outsets making the building longer at the front, and indentations in the side walls. These design elements perhaps raise a legitimate presumption of temple function at this site, but require confirmation of other criteria. Before listing our criteria, which we have derived from pyramid-supported buildings, and applying them to others, we note that the pyramids used are all of considerable height, the lowest rising about 6.50 meters, the highest about 26.00 m. above plaza level. If we cut oflf the heights of the stelaebearing terraces at the base, many of which do not seem to be integral parts of the pyramids, these extremes will be about 5.00 m. and 20.50 m. Where known, the temple does not rest directly on the pyramid, but on a subsidiary foundation platform. These vary from 65 cm. to 3.80 m. in height, and only these, or their upper parts, are shown in the figures, except in Fig. 1. We must recognize the possibility that pyramid and foundation platform may on occasion be separable. But if a pyramid 5.00 m. high is compared separately with the foundation platform for Fig. 5, the upper terrace only of which is shown, total height 3.80 m., it is clear that the distinction between them is somewhat arbitrary, at least until information as to all classes of substructures is fairly complete. The point is that possibly there is no clear dividing line between the lowest temple-supporting pyramids and substructures of other classes; and that the pyramid should not be used as a positive temple criterion without corroboration unless it is fairly high. Perhaps the additional presence of the subsidiary foundation platform would be legitimate corroboration here, for it seems to be found only under temples. With this

170 PHILADELPHIA ANTHROPOLOGICAL SOCIETY qualification, the criteria worked out above may be listed: 'Pyramid' substructures; column altar, burned, on front to rear axis, in the room, possibly also before it; niches for the altar; bench or sill running length of rear wall of room (front room if rear rooms present); narrow rear rooms, the back room shorter, with single central doorways ('Tikal Plan'); three small rooms, side by side, with doorways in the façade; rear projections, side outsets, or side indentations in the façades (with caution). When present these seem to be valid temple criteria at this site, though not necessarily elsewhere. So far as we yet know, some or all may have been absent on temple buildings, and their absence will prove nothing. With this caution we will apply them to some other buildings. Structure 0 - 1 5 (Fig. 6) has a substructure only about 2.00 m. high and the pyramid criterion is not available. T h e column altar is present in a niche on the center axis, though in the front wall of a rear chamber. T h e altar seems a certain enough criterion to assure temple function here. Since the niche is not behind a sill, its floor is at room-floor level. T h e room is only 2.00 m. deep but nevertheless there is a bench 1.20 m. deep and something over 85 cm. high. It does not run the length of the room, as elsewhere. The room length is 6.60 m. T h e height and depth of the bench probably account for the front position of the altar since it would have been rather inaccessible behind the bench. Small available space also caused by the bench probably accounts for altar placement in a niche rather than in the room floor. If the altar test is valid a new temple plan is identified in which the rites took place in a rear room screened from view through the façade doorway. T h e identification receives some confirmation from indentations in the side walls, and side outsets and rear projection may have been present; the rear room is shorter than the entrance chamber, as in Fig. 5, but is not narrow. Structure R-2 is known only from remnants of a rear wall, bench or sill, and probably consisted mainly of perishable materials. T w o column altars, first noted in disturbed positions, indicate a temple building, if there was a building. T h e substructure is about 1.50 m. high.

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Structure 0 - 1 6 is a one-room building, the room measuring 6.50 by 2.60 m. There is an uncertain hint that side and rear facades were complex, and barely possibly the sill was present. Temple identification rests on the column altar, found disturbed near the center axis, its original position close to that axis as marked by a buried bowl of objects such as were found under a number of altars. There is no substructure other than a simple plinth 30 cm. high. Structure U-3 is identified with some assurance from similarities to Str. 0 - 1 3 (Fig. 5). These are a single rear room, instead of two, about 6.00 m. long, lying behind an open front gallery about 12.00 m. long; and the sill running along the rear of the front gallery. In both buildings this is interrupted by the single centered doorway to the rear room, the floor of which was, at least originally, at the approximate level of the front room. No altar was found, and it may not belong with this specialized plan, that from Structure 0 - 1 3 possibly pertaining to an earlier temple. A complex exterior design is probable, especially a side outset. The building faces the same court as a pyramid temple. The substructure is in the neighborhood of 1.50 m. high. A deeply buried building known as Structure 3 of the SubCourt 1 Level of the Acropolis shows in essentials the three-cell plan (Fig. 8). Though multi-chambered, the over-all length, 5.30 m., is less than any other here considered. The floor, in good condition, showed the absence of the column altar, suggesting that the altar was not used with this plan type. If so, this fact would have required its removal from Str. J-4 when remodeled as in Fig. 7, and would account for our failure to find it in the niche there. The sill is absent in the buried temple; its presence in the later one was a necessary result of remodeling a standard one-room temple which contained it, and probably is non-significant there in the later period. The only other possibly significant difference (size, materials, and structural methods apart) is that in the earlier building the central room is a trifle shorter, in the later one somewhat longer, than the side rooms. Identification based on plan type is confirmed by placement

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on a subsidiary platform, and this, perhaps, justifies identification of the main substructure as a temple-supporting pyramid, although its height is only about 2.20 m., according to our calculations. This is litde higher than the foundation platform of Fig. 7, which is a mere final unit perched on top of a pyramid 26.00 m. above the plaza, 19.65 m. above a broad stela-bearing terrace at its base. Comparison of the two illustrates the difficulty in distinguishing subsidiary foundation platforms from pyramids on the basis of height, the platform and pyramid heights being respectively 65 cm. and 2.20 m. for Str. 3, 1.95 and 19.65 m. for Str. J-4. Comparisons of design also give equivocal results. Among foundation platforms square rear corners appear in Figs. 2 and 5, round ones in Fig. 7. If our buried substructure belongs in the temple pyramid family, which seems more than probable, pyramid corners may be 'inset' between projecting masses or not, and sides may be terraced or not, and have or lack heavy apron moldings. Compare Fig. 1 with Fig. 8. The reconstruction of Fig. 8 is offered with the caution that the fronts of temple, platform, and pyramid are entirely hypothetical, the rest of the pyramid largely so. Pyramid form and height are based on a partially known nearby unit. The rear and side walls of the building are of plastered masonry, and there is satisfactory evidence for stick partitions covered with plastered clay ('watde and daub'). Wooden posts are known to have been inserted in a stone and masonry platform nearby and on this level, and are restored in the facade because of the small space available for doorways and the absence of thin stone or masonry piers or columns in the southern Maya area as known. The Three-cell plan at first suggests identification of Structure F-4 as a temple (Fig. 9). Here as in the buried temple of Fig. 8 the middle chamber is slighdy shorter than the side rooms. But the correspondence is gready weakened by the presence of communicating doorways and especially by additional exterior doorways at the ends of the side rooms. However, ritualistic use of the center room is suggested by the presence on the center axis of a 'portable altar.' These are

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small stone d r u m s , normally about 20 cm. in diameter a n d a b o u t half to three-quarters as high. H e r e and in a neighboring building they simply rest on the floor, and could be moved a b o u t . O t h e r s have been found buried at the bases of stelae so that some i m p o r t a n t significance is assured. Two, t h o u g h not this one, show scratches a n d signs of irregular wear on the tops only. Small animals or birds m a y easily h a v e been sacrificed u p o n t h e m . In specific function they surely differ f r o m column altars, evidence of fire being absent. T h e sides of one were p a i n t e d red, those of another sculptured with an Initial Series. All column altars are plain. Neither paint nor sculpture would have long been effective in the presence of fire. At back a n d sides there is no substructure other t h a n a m e r e plinth a b o u t 30 c m . high. But at the front a stairway probably descends a b o u t 3.00 m . to the plaza, so that a n imposing front, as on low pyramids, was achieved. Considering all factors, the temple function for this building must be p u t d o w n as d o u b t f u l . Should the portable altars, absent thus far in well-authenticated temples, palaces, and sweat-houses, t u r n u p in q u a n t i t y a m o n g the little known housemounds, we shall probably conclude this building was essentially residential, b u t that religious rites were sometimes practised in dwellings as well as in special public buildings, to which the term 'temple' should perhaps be restricted. T h e existence of private chapels is n o t improbable, 8 a n d they m a y have been incorporated in dwellings. T h e interior plan of the other portable altar building, Str. F-3, is unknown. Like this, on the center axis at least, it lacked the column altar, sill, niche, a n d the complexities of side a n d rear facade design so c o m m o n on pyramid temples a n d probably on others. T h e substructure is 1.80 m . high a t the front, later reduced to 1.20 m . by a higher court floor. I t is perhaps significant that b o t h these buildings can be considered either as fronting on a large plaza containing a p y r a m i d temple, or as p a r t of a chain of low 'housemounds' which everywhere crowd closely the areas in which temples have been more surely identified.

174 PHILADELPHIA ANTHROPOLOGICAL SOCIETY SUMMARY AND

CONCLUSIONS

Seventeen temple buildings have been identified with reasonable certainty. These occur not only on pyramids varying greatly in size and height, but on low platforms and once on a mere 30 cm. plinth. This is perhaps the most important fact resulting from the survey, since it invites us to seek temples not only under pyramids, where they have consistently been found elsewhere in the Maya area, under raised palace areas where they have been found here and in the Peten, 9 but among and even under low mounds, which commonly surround the principal ceremonial areas. The absence of temples from the housemound areas becomes matter for proof by adequate sampling. The usefulness of the series for comparative purposes is very much limited until the units are arranged chronologically, and only a few hints based on actual stratigraphies are possible here. However, the deeply buried position of Str. 3 under Court 1, the lowness of its pyramid, and the occurrence elsewhere on the surface of temples on mere foundation platforms justifies a working hypothesis that the pyramid substructure developed gradually as a temple-supporting construction. In that case the use of pyramids as open offering places would be exceptional in all periods, and the large size of our probable surface (and a probable sub-surface) example would be understandable. Vaillant has suggested the development of pyramids of considerable height before temples were placed upon them. 10 He apparently ignores evidence, possibly equivocal, that the Maya pyramid which he places in such an initial period originally supported a wooden-post building; 11 and the facts here rather point to the priority of temple buildings. Our series is fairly complete for the surface of the central ceremonial areas, only two or three suspicious low mounds remaining unknown. But buried levels are poorly represented as yet, partly because deep digging has been sparse and partly because earlier temples were probably removed from five pyramid tops when they were buried. The tiny three-cell temple under the Acropolis was followed by four

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extensive levels of later building activity, involving at least seven additional sequent phases and episodes. It is therefore very likely older than the relatively enormous temple K-5-3d, which was followed by only two subsequent levels, without signs of minor phases. Both surely are older than many of the surface temples, perhaps, though not necessarily, earlier than all. The series evidendy covers a long period of time, so that the great range in designs, sizes, and in materials and building methods, which cannot be fully expounded here, probably results in part from local development on the spot, and may contribute to our knowledge of architectural evolution. The K-5 stratification proves that normal-sized temple rooms could follow a very large one. Therefore it is as yet unsafe to see chronological significance in the subnormal size of all the temples on very low pyramids or platforms, although the smallest is surely early on stratigraphical grounds. The stratification also indicates the fairly early appearance of nearly square masonry piers, so characteristic of late Usumacinta architecture. Borrowing from the Central Peten is plainly indicated by representatives of the Tikal plan, and minor design elements. 12 The subsurface series must be extended before we can decide whether the very large temple room developed locally or not. It certainly went out of fashion. It is perhaps worth noting that the buried example here is the largest lowland Maya temple room reported, except certain of those built in northern Yucatan under late Mexican influence; and except plans of similar proportions which are published for Rabinal in the Maya highlands, 13 one of the sites considered by Gamio to have been under early Mexican influence. 14 Finally, no one of our criteria runs through the whole series. Therefore no one was essential unless, perhaps, during certain periods. It follows that any or all may be absent at other sites. If present, the pyramid, the Tikal and three-cell plans, the column altar and perhaps the room-length bench or sill seem most likely to prove valid temple indicators elsewhere, because it is difficult to imagine other than temple uses for

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them. Niches and complex facades should be approached with more doubt. University Museum Philadelphia

NOTES 1. In figures 2, 5, 7 and 8 plans are similarly indicated, but well above floor level. Figures 1 and 2 are in perspective; Figs. 5, 7, and 8 in isometric projection at the same scale as the simple plans of Figs. 4, 6 and 9. 2. Satterthwaite, L., Jr., A Pyramid Without Temple Ruins, PI. 1; Piedras Negras Preliminary Papers, No. 5, Univ. Museum, Philadelphia, 1936. 3. Holmes, W. H., Archeological Studies Among the Ancient Cities of Mexico, Part 1, 22; Field Columbian Museum, Chicago, 1895. Spinden, H. J., Ancient Civilizations of Mexico and Central America, 69; American Museum of Natural History (AMNH), New York, 1917. Lothrop, S. K., Tulum, 25; Carnegie Institution of Washington, Washington (CIW), 1924. Pollock, H. E. D., in A Preliminary Study of the Ruins of Coba, 111; C I W , 1932. Thompson, J . E., Mexico Before Cortez, 16; New York and London, 1933. 4. Smith, A. L., in Year Book No. 33, 83; CIW, 1934. 5. Landa, Diego de, Relation des Choses de Yucatan. Translated by Brasseur de Bourbourg. Collection de Documentos, etc., Vol. I l l , 90; Paris, 1864. Villagutierre, J u a n de, Historia de la Conquista de la Provincia de el Itza, Biblioteca 'Goathemala,' Sociedad de Geografia e Historia, Vol. I X , 2nd ed., 82; Guatemala, 1933. The same passage occurs on p. 100 of the first edition, Madrid, 1701. 6. Four column altars are illustrated in Satterthwaite, L., Jr., Notes on the Fourth and Fifth Univ. Mus. Expeds. to Piedras Negras, Peten, Guatemala, in Maya Research, Vol. I l l , No. 1, 76; New Orleans, 1936. T h e total length of these stones, as known, varies from 30 to 74 cm., maximum diameters at floor level from 14 to 27 cm. Many taper from top to bottom. One altar exceeds these limits, being 97 cm. long and 50 cm. in diameter at probable floor level. Exposed heights, when in position, vary from 31 to 49 cm., as known. The upper part of the smallest (in diameter) is missing. The evidence of burning is smoke on the buried and on some surface examples; flaking and calcining on all; bluish discoloration on many. These criteria appear only above known or probable floor lines. 7. See Figs. 4, 5, 29, 30, 41, 42, 44 and 45 in Memoirs of Peabody Museum, Harvard University, Vol. V, Cambridge, 1911. These are in two descriptions of Tikal by Maler, T., and Tozzer, A. M . 8. Landa, op. cit., 158, says for the Yucatecan Maya that, besides public temples the rulers, priests and principal people had oratorios and idols for their private rituals and offerings. These were apparently in or associated with their dwellings—they were en casa. In the Maya highlands to the south of our site, Padre M . Roman says the Indians had two sorts of sacrifices, some genera], participated in by the whole town, and other private ones, at which each person would offer according to his devotion and need (quoted by Ximenez, Francisco, Historia de la Provincia de San Vicente de Chiapa y Guatemala, 81; Biblioteca Goathemala, Sociedad de Geografia e Historia, Guatemala, 1929). On 87 Roman adds that private oratorios were for the most part in dense groves. Perhaps this implies placement

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some distance from the town, but the remark does not seem to apply to all such oratorios or chapels. 9. Smith, A. L., Year Book No. 34, 116. CIW, 1935. 10. Vail]ant, G. C., The Architecture of Pre-Columbian Central America, in Natural History, Vol. X X X I V , No. 2, 123; AMNH, New York, 1934. 11. Ricketson, O. G., Year Book No. 27, 312; CIW, 1928. 12. Satterthwaite, L., Jr., Peten Influence on Usumacinta Architecture, unpublished Ms. 13. Maudslay, A. P., Biologia Centrali-Americana, Vol. II of Plates, PI. 70; London, 1889-1902. Viliacorta C, J . Antonio, and Villacorta, Carlos A., Arqueologia Guatemalteca, 325; Guatemala, 1927. 14. Gamio, M., Cultural Evolution in Guatemala and its Geographic and Historical Handicaps, Part I, in Art and Archeology, Vol. X X I I , No. 6, 217, Washington, 1926.

CATAWBA MEDICINES AND CURATIVE PRACTICES By Frank G. Speck

THE Catawba Indians by now scarcely need an introduction to ethnologists. Awakening interest in the native cultures of the Southeast has urged with unflinching persistence in the last few years the collection of information among living residues of the notable tribes of the Carolinas. And historians of culture have shown concern for the recording of their languages and customs, fragments at best, before these Indians have merged their existence completely with that of the English. The case of the Catawba is an outstanding one. Speaking a language which merits classification with the Siouan speech-family, and yet located so far from groups using related tongues, they represent the only surviving resource in language and custom by which we may reconstruct the cultural picture of peoples of the Carolina lowlands. T h a t the civilization of the southeastern Siouan tribes was a relatively simple one as compared with that of the Muskhogian Creeks, and the Cherokee perhaps, is quite in accordance with our understanding. History and tradition point to the latter peoples as having been agencies in thrusting the Catawba and their Siouan-speaking allies toward the east and the southeast from an earlier and wider district of possession. And it may be added that the Catawba and their southeastern affiliates seem to disclose few traces of similarity in social and economic characters with the Siouan tribes of the lowland prairies and the plains. We owe the interpretations of the cultural status of southeastern Siouan tribes to the painstaking research and scholarly sense of historical values of Dr. John R. Swanton of the Bureau 179

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of American Ethnology. In a recent article he has summarized his judgments on southeastern native history,1 and with the same graceful accolade of his pen, in reference to Catawba ethnology, has given me a new stimulus to proceed with the task of Catawba investigation entrusted to me some years ago by Dr. Boas.2 The following essay is accordingly a section drawn from manuscript ethnological notes made irregularly over the period 1913-1930, while engaged in work with the last four living speakers of Catawba—Mrs. Samson Owl, Margaret Brown, her daughter Sally Brown, and her son Sam Blue.3 Some of this material was published in text form in 1932 (see Catawba Texts, in list of references at end of article), and some is quoted from Swanton's notes as indicated. In the article to follow I have given only the literal translations of native herb names, except in the case of those not previously published.4 The Catawba concept of sickness and disease is expressed in the term waru'pha, which also denotes the idea of seizing; whence disease or pain is a 'seizure,' or 'grip.' Our information on diseases and their cures provides a series of some fourteen 'pains' or ailments, and some thirty varied herbal remedies. The disease names are descriptive and diagnostic, not specific, and have reference to the part of the body in which the seizure is suffered. rheumatism ague fever fever and ague heart complaint headache constipation dysentery jaundice skin affections soreness} boils J catch cold backache, lumbago hives, nightmare

literally " " " " " " " " " „

'body pain (seizure)' 'bone pain (seizure) much* 'pain (seizure) in the flesh of my body' 'hot-wet' 'pain (seizure) in the heart' 'head pain (seizure)' 'dysentery stop' 'faeces-blood much' 'looks poorly1 'body sores'

" " "

'cold catch' 'back-pain (seizure)' 'dwarf-spirit, or little people (caused)'

'to be spoiled,' 'decayed,' 'salty'

Extant Catawba sources do not offer any conclusive answer to the question as to what is in general the cause of sickness,

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beyond the assertion that when the sap rises in the hearts of the trees in springtime the blood in the body undergoes a change, becoming thinner, then thickening with the return of winter (Sally Brown). W e also hear that evil spirits entering the body cause sickness (D. A. Harris). 5 T h a t ghosts are the sources of disease we also learn from the teachings of Sally Brown. She declared the following, which was taken down in text. ' T h a t it is the shadow of a dead person, or ghost, coming at night that brings sickness which may result in death, unless medicine is prepared and taken for recovery.' Sam Blue expressed fear of a ghost's warm breath felt wafted against the face at night when the air is still, as a sign of a disease-bringing ghost passing near. Yet as regards the counter-agents against illness, we receive light from both living and traditional practices sufficiendy to enable some comparisons and analysis of beliefs in the southeast to be made. T h e healer or doctor is called in Catawba y$kwe'w\tita!howe 'person he who medicine makes.' T h e material means employed as medicines are herbs, mosdy roots, then leaves. T h e one term wi'ti- covers both the idea of medicine and root; hence medicines are roots and roots are medicines. Sympathetic interaction between n a m e and purpose, between n a m e and ailment (the doctrine of signatures), and form and ailment are not as emphatic in the Catawba materia medica as in Creek, for instance, or perhaps in Cherokee. Perhaps, however, meagerness in the a m o u n t of material may account for this. A certain correspondence in the native habit of naming plants, if not in the identities of the herbs themselves, may be noted between Catawba and the Muskogian tribes (Creek). 6 It may seem from the diction and arrangement of the medical prescriptions given in the following translations that they are formulistic. Such an impression is not intended. Their wording has not a set Jorm, as it has in Cherokee. 7 T h e form in which they appear is due to their being recorded as dictations giving instructions for the preparation and use of the remedies. It is quite certain to m y mind that the Catawba did not employ medicine formulas like the Cherokee in the secular practices

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of curing, as these are. If there did exist here an esoteric curative Shamanism possessing formal recitations all remains have long ago disappeared f r o m the m e m o r y of the people. T h e only substitute for recitations a n d formulas appears in the use of a spoken prayer addressed to the supreme power, Wariwe, 'He-Who-Never-Dies,' when administering medicine, to make the remedy effective. Changes m a y indeed have taken place in the character of C a t a w b a medical treatment, leading in the direction of decline of religious form in curing and the development of a practical herbology more like that of the whites. This Swanton observes in the case of the Creeks a n d their medical practices. T h e proximity of the C a t a w b a to the territory of the Cherokee a n d the knowledge we possess historically of early a n d late association between the two peoples may be thought to have caused some interchange of practices. T h a t such borrowing has occurred on the part of the C a t a w b a is, however, not evident. A few correspondences are noted d u e to the occurrence of the same herbs over a wide area in the southeast, b u t here the similarity ends. Unrelated traits distinguish the practices of both tribes. Consideration must be given to differences in the fullness of d a t a ; Cherokee sources so m u c h richer a n d more detailed as recorded in the work of M o o n e y a n d Olbrechts as compared with the meager living sources among the C a t a w b a . It should be noted that intercourse between the latter a n d the Cherokee has not indeed been constant or intimate nor has it resulted in leveling off their cultural departures. It has not lifted the cruder status of C a t a w b a therapy to the advanced status of Cherokee practices of ritual curing. T h e C a t a w b a are actually conscious of this difference. As S a m Blue puts it f r o m his quaint and naive angle, ' W e C a t a w b a were more civilized t h a n the Cherokee. W e did not believe in all the superstitions they did. O u r s was just by using the herbs more like white people.' H o w simple a m a t t e r it is, by apologetic reasoning, to justify one's sense of tribal superiority. Nor do the Cherokee, for their part, hesitate to retort in kind to aspersive comments u p o n the povertystricken status of the C a t a w b a culture.

CATAWBA MEDICINES R U L E S FOR G A T H E R I N G ,

P R E P A R I N G , AND

183 ADMINISTERING

MEDICINES

Some regulations involved in gathering herbs are expressed in the words of Sally Brown. 'When going to secure medicines, I peel the bark on the north side of the tree, so that the medicine will be good.' And, she adds '(He-Who) NeverDies, help me, for I cannot help myself!' In these few sentences we have a glimpse of the widespread custom in the east of paying attention to the direction of exposure of the tree or herb from which the substance is taken. 8 And also the feature of supplication to the supreme being, He-Who-Never-Dies, held in the mind of the gatherer. Another rule for gathering herbs, observed by Sally Brown, is oudined as follows: ' O n the side facing sunset cut the tip of the medicine plant, that is, behind the side of sunrise. C u t the root, or medicine, and put it in water. Put a litde of it back in the ground so that it may not run away and be no more. If not it may go away somewhere. Some of it will come back again (to the place) if you put it back in the ground.' T h e preservation of a supply of breeding stock seems to be the motive in mind, one almost universal among the eastern Indians in gathering plant growths. Gathering during the new or waxing moon is also enjoyed upon the herbalist. And he is advised by tradition also to put u p a quantity for use in the winter. Blowing Medicine by the Doctor.—The usual practice among the southeastern peoples of blowing through a cane tube into the medicine infusion to charge it with personal power was likewise known to the Catawba. The herbs, roots, or leaves, after being steeped in water in an earthen pot, being subjected to this process by the aboriginal practitioner, were then given to the patient to drink. The medicine was sprayed over him in special cases by being spouted through a hollow cane blowpipe after the concoction had been sucked into the doctor's mouth. T h e purpose of this operation as stated by the informant (Sally Brown), was to 'steam the sick person and to heat him up.' An external as well as an internal dosage combined. 9

184 PHILADELPHIA ANTHROPOLOGICAL SOCIETY During the period of investigation, while the information was being taken down in text, specimens of the plants mentioned were, so far as was possible, collected for the Museum of the American Indian (Heye Foundation). Botanical identifications were kindly furnished by Dr. J . M. Fogg, University of Pennsylvania. Unfortunately our information concerning further theories and procedures of this important medicinal doctrine is too limited. Yet several poses were made by the older people to illustrate the process as it was recalled (PI. I). The blowing tubes of cane are from 24 inches to 48 inches long and from 1/2 to 5/8 of an inch in thickness. They resemble the blow-gun used in hunting small game. Ordinary cooking bowls were used for medicines. The text in which this information was recorded mentions this vessel as the 'pot with legs'; which reminds one of the vessels of this form occurring in archaeological sites in the Southeast. Medicine drinking bowls or cups, so called by the Catawba, hold from a half-pint to a pint of liquid. One form has an inverted rim, the other a slightly flaring mouth, and globular body. At the present time it is usual to see the Catawba steeping their family herb remedies in small pottery or tin cups of a size for drinking They resort constantly to home treatment with herb medicines for the complaints they suffer, prominent among which is fever and ague. That the Catawba scarified the skin over the place where pain was felt and sucked the wound, is also known from the texts on medicine usage already recorded. 10 A pin has been employed for this purpose in later times, and a turkey wingbone was used for the sucking. When the blood flowed, the doctor sucked the incision then blew medicine into it, or dropped it in through a bone tube and gave some of the medicine to the patient to drink. This is all largely in accord with curative treatment throughout the whole southeastern area. Sally Brown (1937) described the use of a sharpened quill (eagle) to puncture the skin, the hollow center filled with medicine which flowed into the cut like ink from a fountain-

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pen. A red stain m a d e of 'puccoon' (Blood-root) was smeared over the cut and left there until it wore off. This scratching, she asserted, strengthened the weak. T h e arms were occasionally scratched leaving the mixed blood and Blood-root to dry on the scratches for the benefit of health and strength. Scratching was a practice of symbolical significance among the Catawba of Lawson's time (1701). H e mentions that scratching a stranger on his shoulder at parting was regarded as a compliment, a n d the use of a comb set with rattlesnake teeth for scraping the body before applying medicine to the affected part in cases of lameness. 12 While no instrument of this nature is known now to the Catawba, the use of a ratdesnake-tooth scratching instrument is still known to the Cherokee, which for comparison I have illustrated in the sketch (Fig. 1). T h e Cherokee specimen was FIG. 1. Rattlesnake-fang scratching instrument (Cheroobtained from Deliskie Climbkee) (Museum American Ining Bear of the Big Cove Set- dian) (nat. size). dement of the Eastern Cherokee. It shows two ratdesnake teeth set in a cleft of a white duck feather, tied with red string. T h e instrument has been used until recendy to prepare the players of the Cherokee ball team for the ceremonial and strenuous native stick-ball game. T h e y are scratched deeply on the arms, on the right chest and right shoulder blade, to test their nervous endurance and ability to bear pain. At the same time a prayer

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is said by the conjurer who performs the ceremony, in which the red lightning is invoked to give them fierceness and swiftness. T h e red string symbolizes the red lightning appealed to in the prayer. T h e scratching ordeal is intended to inculcate the fierceness and swiftness of the ratdesnake's stroke to the players, a terrible symbol of their force. (The bonesplinter scratcher similarly employed is also shown (Fig. 2).13) These objects are known to the Cherokee as i nata tikayu lka 'snake [teeth] scratcher,' or simply as ti kayu ' k a ' s c r a t c h e r . ' T h e Cherokee conjurer also puts snake-root infusion on the cuts to make them heal. T h e snake teeth are also put into an infusion of the same medicine to annul their poison. We are told that some conjurers removed the teeth from the living snake and released it afterward. 1 1 Purification in Running Water (Native Baptism).—Catawba tradition, through Sally Brown, speaks of abelief in the purifying qualities of running water (i.e., river water), in connection with health and the curing of disease. T h e question arose, in the course of questioning, in an attempt to compare and contrast Catawba and Cherokee therapeutics.

a b FIG. 2. a, Bone-splinter scratching instrument (Cherokee) (nat. size), b, Bone-splinter scratching instrument (Cherokee) (Museum American Indian) (nat. size).

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Unfortunately only a few disclosures resulted f r o m discussion with the two informants. W e learn that both the native doctor a n d his patient would derive benefit by going to the river (running water which is pure) a n d immersing themselves, or merely washing, to purify themselves so that the 'medicine would have effect.' 15 T h e r e was thus a conviction shared by this people a n d c o m m o n to tribes throughout eastern N o r t h America that r u n n i n g water was a sacrament, that it removed spiritual i m p e d i m e n t a a n d promoted h u m a n welfare. So effective was the belief that, as recalled f r o m the stories of his mother by S a m Blue, in past times 'going to water' was indispensable to the administration of cures. I n the devastating smallpox scourges, which at least three times afflicted the tribe during the historic period, m a n y of the C a t a w b a Nation died after plunging into water to a u g m e n t the benefits of 'medicine,' as the same i n f o r m a n t reminds us. T o w h a t extent does this immersion rite b e a r an association with the blowing of water, or anointment, u p o n the victim of disease? F r o m Sally Brown we also learn of dancing a n d singing over the sick person. I n her words she gives the correspondent to the Chickasaw optimistic though-treatment discussed by Swanton, 1 6 w h e n she says ' T h e y used to dance a n d sing a n d act glad to m a k e the ailing one get better.' T h e place of applied psychology, especially of suggestion, in the therapeutic systems of the Southeast is not a little interesting. 17 MEDICINE

PRACTICE

Scratching the Shoulder with Garfish Teeth for Strength.™—'The ancient

people used to tell us to scratch ourselves. So I scratch my shoulder with teeth from the longheaded fish (the Garfish Tylosurus marinus), when I have sores. To do this when you are sore will make you much better.' Bear-Root for Rheumatism and Fever.—'For body-pain (rheumatism) drink not water. The bear-medicine root may do good, very much good for my severe chills (and fever) when I am hot with severe bone-pain (ague).' It also acts as a blood tonic. Devil's Shoestring for Rheumatism.—'The bad-man's (Devil's) string 19 (Devil's Shoe-String, Tephrosia virginiana) leaves, put in your shoe to get better from pain in the flesh of the body (fever).'

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Heart-leaf for Heart and Stomach Trouble.—'Pitcher leaves (Asarum arifolia) are my medicine for severe pain in the heart (heart disease). They are very good.' Adam-and-Eve Root for Boils.—'The first man (Adam) and first woman (Eve) root (Aplectrum hyemale) is the medicine. We beat it up and boil the powder for boils and pain in the head. My head aches badly!' Sour-Wood for Female Complaints.—'The sour-tree (Oxydendron arboreum) is very sour-tasting when I bite it. When a woman is very sick put some of it in cold water, and she drinks it to get better.' The statement has reference to use among women during 'change of life' to regulate flow of blood and to check excessive flow at other times. Ball-Root for Sores}0—'The round-root (Psoralea pedunculata) boil, and boil the grease (salve) from it. R u b it on the flesh when a person has boils to make him better.' The salve is also applied to sores and wounds, and has proved a constant resource in cases of broken bones which are set in splints and covered with it. Pennyroyal for Colds.—'The smell-root (Hedeoma pulegioides) pull up and bring to boiling. It will do good when one catches cold. It will sweeten (heal).' Holly Leaves for Measles.—'He who has measles badly has sores. Sharp-leaf tree {Ilex opaca) leaves made into medicine we drink. This was an ancient peoples' drink.' Cause of Dysentery and Star-Grass Cure}1—'Eating the apple and the plum may cause dysentery, you may even have bloody dysentery. 'Cane-leaves' (Aletris farinosd) we put in water. We drink it for dysentery when (it is) bad. It will relieve and stop the blood at once.' It is also given for any form of colic and stomach disorder. Alder-tag for Constipation in Children.—'Next when a child is sick with dysentery-stop (constipation) using a little alder-tag may do good.' Tellow-Root for Jaundice.—'The yellow-root (Xanthorrhiza apiifolia) we boil and drink to get better when we look poorly (have jaundice).' 22 It is also recommended for ulcerated stomach and even taken for colds. Bear-Grassfor Skin Disease.—'The bear-grass (Yuccafilamentosa)root rub on your body flesh to get better. Two small pieces are good for the medicine. You will get better if you drink it and go lie down. In another use, that we put the bear-grass to, we use it to put meat on to hang it up.' Red-Root for Horse Tonic.—'Red-root (Gyrotheca capitata) dry and

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make into powder, and crush it up. When it is crushed u p if your horse drinks it it may make him quite fat.' Water-Root JOT Backache.—'Water-root (identity uncertain, ? Arnica acaulis) or the medicine for the person's back, is good for a pain in the back. We make (the sufferer) drink some of it.' Red-blossom for Luck Charm.—'The red-blossom (identity ?) we (use) for very good luck. O n e may get some money, some gold or paper money in quantity.' Daddy-long-Legs in Dough Swallowed for Chills.—'The old-house insect (spider) whose leg is very long (daddy-long-legs) rolled in corn meal dough. I swallow so that I will have no chills.' Rattlesnake Skin Bound on the Head JOT Headache.—'The snake-chief (banded rattlesnake) skin (should be) taken off and tied on one's head for pain in the head to relieve it. It is very good for (the tone of) a fiddle if you put inside it a rattlesnake's ratde (i.e., take off its button).' Snapping-Turtle Heart Swallowed for Long Life.—'The big-head terrapin's (snapping-turde) heart swallow to live a long time, to live a very long time, and to die very very hard.' Rattle Box, The Catawba 'Black Drink,' for Mental Troubles.—'The r a t t l e - m e d i c i n e , d r i n k it. It may do good to your stomach; may do it good. Your troubles will not seem so serious. You may be better.' The informant stated that the infusion turned the liquid a black color. 24 Broom-Grass Roots for Backache.—'Root-grass,28 pull u p the root. Root-grass is the backache medicine. It is good.' Blunt Manna-Grass for Backache.—'Water-root28 is good for backache. It is good. Beat it u p and put it in water. Put the medicine in the pot and cause it to stand a while. Drink it three times a day.' The informant added that the longer the medicine was kept the better it became. Pipsissewa and Heart-Leaf for Backache.—'The medicine (known as) fire-flower, or medicine flower-fire,27 for backache is very good. T h e medicine flat-leaf28 p u t in together with it. It will be good.' A tea made of Heart-leaf is taken to relieve pain in the heart, and palpitations. Red-root™for Sore Nipples.—'Red-root is good for sore nipples of the breasts. When using red-root to make them better the baby will be better. The cooter-terrapin comes out to lay its eggs when the red-root blossoms.' Red-root for Sore Mouth.—'Red-root is good indeed. It is a good

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medicine root for the mouth of a child. When the litde one's mouth is sore, wash with it.' Black Locust for a Beverage.—'The flat-(pod) tree' 0 we eat of, and we can make beer of it, putting it together with bread and drinking it.' Pipsissewa for Backache.—'The medicine (known as) fire-flower or medicine flower-fire,81 for backache is very good. The medicine flat-leaf12 put in together with it. It will be good.' Pin-weed for Sores.—'The medicine tie-leaf r o o t 3 ' beat u p thoroughly; made into medicine for anyone with sores. Put in a litde grease and put it in water to boil well which will make a good medicine.' Tobacco to cure Horses.—-'Tobacco is good for a sick horse. H e will get better. Boil it well, make it strong, put it in a botde, pour it in and make him drink it.' Life Everlasting.'4 d>p)hwp'' ifpa,'' 'rabbit tobacco' leaves are steeped and drunk for colds and pneumonia. Wild Ginger (Asarum apiijolia). Locally known as Heart-leaf, in Catawba as pi'tea ha'ho're, 'pitcher (Eng.) comes.' Leaves steeped and drunk for heart trouble and pain in the stomach. Wg.k duksu"hre, 'opossum ear,' or pa'rprne wi'tvky 'ya, 'four the medicine' (plant not identified). So named from its structural characteristics. A handful of leaves are boiled and in the tea boils and swellings are bathed. Mullen (Verbascum thapsus). Root boiled and sweetened to make syrup for croup in children. T h e leaves are also mashed and applied as a poultice for pain and swelling, sprains, bruises, and wounds. Fire-weed, 'sira'kipa", grass-fire. 86 Steeped tocure kidney trouble, i.e., when they are 'locked' and the urine checked. Wood Betony (Pedicularis canadensis) smu'sikej, "money red," is named from the color of its blossoms. T h e roots are steeped to cure stomach pains and disorders. For childbirth.—To ease the action of childbirth an infusion of the bark of poplar, wild cherry, and dogwood is given the expectant mother to drink at frequent intervals. T h e following notes o n m e d i c i n e p r o p e r t i e s of p l a n t s w e r e o b t a i n e d b y S w a n ton f r o m C a t a w b a i n f o r m a n t s in 1918. 3 6 'Deponwd'yisi

nd"ne'-i, or ponwonyasind',

popularly known to whites

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as 'Sampson's snake root,' was used to stop pains in the stomach, an infusion, hot or cold, being drunk or the roots chewed. It was also applied to cure backache. Hastuk (Erigeron ramosus). A drink was made of the roots and taken in cases of heart trouble. Ddpa sigrihere, Salvia lyrata. A salve to put on sores was made of the roots. Itewarap wetere, Senecio (Smallii ?), was considered good for consumption. Witsaguan-i skampatcVa, Parthenium integrifolium. When a horse had a sore back the leaves were burned and the ashes applied to it. People sometimes placed the fresh leaves over burns. Witi si"ware, 'blossoming medicine.' This has a flower like that of a self-heal but larger. T h e roots were used in cases of backache a n d by women. Sureare, Marshallia obovata, a wild clover, used in certain diseases. Waswdnwetiware, Prunella vulgaris, used in certain diseases. T h e bark of the slippery elm was used in cases of consumption. From broomweed roots they made a drink to administer to malarial patients, a n d f r o m its stalks, cut u p and mixed with water, a n eyewash. A few medicines non-vegetal in character were also spoken of. It was thought that chills might be cured by swallowing a grandaddylong-legs rolled u p in dough. Rattlesnake rattles were hung about the head to cure headache. I n order that newborn babies might have long lives the heart of a 'cooter' turtle, 3 7 was dried, beaten fine, and stirred up in water which the child was made to drink. T o improve the speech of a child unable to talk plainly the green burrs of the sweet gum were taken at the time when they first came out and burnt to an ash which the child was made to blow upon.' Snake-chief root for Snake-bite. 'Rattlesnake-root,' as it is called in Catawba ya iswg,' wi'ti''re, 'snake-chief root' (American aloe, Agave virginica) is locally known among both Indians and whites of this locality as Rattlesnake-masterpiece. They keep portions of the dried root about the house for use when needed, secreting it among their clothes and sometimes in their pockets, since it keeps ratdesnakes away when traveling in the woods. O n e method of using it is to scratch the part of the body where pain is felt with the teeth of a garfish, and r u b a paste of the medicine over the spot. A belief exists that if several of these roots are found growing together and

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one is pulled up the other will depart in a very short time. And the same congenital behavior is credited to the rattlesnake when its mate is killed; as several personal observations seem to prove. As regards the 'rattlesnake root,' Sam Blue (1928) in digging a grave found four of the plants growing near together. He took one of them home for medicine and the following day went back for the others, but he discovered, as he might have known, that the others had in the meantime vanished. Swanton obtained information on this root which he recorded by the same name, showing that it was used to cure snakebite and dropsy. For snakebite, the roots were washed and put in water to be taken internally and externally. He notes that for dropsy the roots were pounded up, put in a glass of water with a tablespoonful of whiskey and used internally and externally. In 1937 Sam Blue asserted that it was beneficial for dropsy and also for stomach trouble, and when taken internally, for snake-bite. The Syringe Enema.—A mechanical syringe was known to Margaret Brown, who had employed the device on her children, as remembered by Sally. It consisted of a four- or five-inch section of cane about the thickness of a pencil, over one end of which another section with one of the section joints left in was fitted to form a piston. In the latter the medicine was placed and pumped out by pushing it over the smaller tube. To prevent scratching the patient a mouthpiece of baked clay was made for the inserted end. She also mentioned a piece of eel-skin made to form a bulb-squeezer being tied to the end of the c a n e . "

BIBLIOGRAPHY Adair, James. 1775 The History of the American Indians. London. Bartram, Wm. 1789 The Creek and Cherokee Indians. AES-T, III, pt. I. Brickell, John. 1737 The Natural History of North Carolina, etc. Dublin. Cushing, F. H. 1896 Exploration of Ancient Key Dwellers' Remains on the Gulf Coast of Florida, Proceedings, American Philosophical Society, Volume 35. Forman, G. 1930 A Traveler in Indian Territory. Journal of Major-General E. A. Hitchcock. Cedar Rapids. HalloweU, A. I. 1935 The Bulbed Enema Syringe in North America. American Anthropologist (AA) 37, 708-10. Hawkins, Benj. 1798-9 Sketch of the Creek Country. Collections Georgia Historical Society, III, pt. I, Savannah, 1848.

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Lawson, John. 1714 History of Carolina, etc. London, Raleigh edition, 1860. Mooney, James. 1890 Cherokee Ball Play. AA, 03. 1891 Sacred Formulas of the Cherokee. Bureau of American Ethnology— Report (BAE-R) 7. 1894 Siouan Tribes of the East. BAE. 1900 Myths of the Cherokee. B A E - R , 19, Part 1. Mooney, J . and Olbrechts, F. M . 1932 The Swimmer Manuscript, Cherokee Sacred Formulas and Medical Prescriptions. BAE-B, 99. Olbrechts, F. M. 1929 Prophylaxis in Cherokee Medicine. Janus, Archives Internationales pour l'Histoire de la Médecine et la Géographie Médicale, 1929. Paz, Lyda A. 1936 Koasati (Creek) M S . Yale University. Speck, F. G. 1907 I. The Creek Indians of Taskigi Town. AA-M, I I , 2. I I . Notes on Chickasaw Ethnology and Folk-Lore. J A F L , X X I , 76. 1909 Ethnology of the Yuchi Indians. University of Pennsylvania Museum, Anthropological Publications (UPM-AP), 1, 1. 1911 Ceremonial Songs of the Creek and Yuchi Indians, UPM-AP, 1, 2. 1934 Catawba Texts. Columbia University, Contributions to Anthropology, X X I V . Swanton, John R . 1911 Indian Tribes of the Lower Mississippi Valley and Adjacent Coast of the Gulf of Mexico. BAE-B, 43. 1918 Catawba Notes. Journal of the Washington Academy of Sciences. V I I I , No. 19. 1922 Early History of the Creek Indians. BAE-B, 73. 1928 I. Social Organization and Social Usages of the Creek Confederacy. Religious Beliefs and Medical Practices of the Creek Indians. BAE-R, 42. I I . Social and Religious Beliefs and Usages of the Chickasaw Indians. BAE-R. 44. 1935 Notes on the Cultural Province of the Southeast. AA, 37, 3. 1936 Early History of the Eastern Siouan Tribes. Essays in Honor of Alfred Louis Kroeber, University of California Press, 371-81. Zeisberger, David. 1779-80 History of the North American Indians. Ed. by A. B. Hulbert, Ohio. State Archaeological Society, 1910. 1. Swanton; 1936. It is his opinion, independently reached, that these curious Catawba represent remains in historic times of a formerly greater and wider culture group of Siouan tribes in the Southeast through the Carolinas and westward into the Appalachian region, concentrated, by pressure of Muskhogian units and Cherokee, within the territory where they were encountered since late in the 17th century. He also explains probable movements of tribes in the southeast in another recent article (Swanton, 1935, 384). 2. Supported by grants from the Bureau of American Ethnology and the Council of Learned Societies during 1921-23 and 1928-31; and remainder of Grant 322 (1936) Faculty Research Fund, University of Pennsylvania. 3. Again in January, 1937, I had an opportunity to return to the Catawba, with Mr. S. W . Pennypacker I I , for a short visit which enabled me to check the

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data presented here and to make some additions to it with the help of Sally Brown and Sam Blue who has in recent years been made chief. 4. In writing native terms the following symbols have been employed. Consonants approximately as in English; p, b, t, d, k, g, s, m, n; r a weak trill approximately similar to Spanish; tc like English ch in church; ' breath following vowel'; glottal stop; h open breath. Semivowels, w, jr. Vowels, a as in Jother; o, u approximately with continental values; t- like English tt, e like English t in met; » short, obscure like e in her; a short similar to English u in sun; a, e, ;, nasalized. Syllable accent marked by '. 5. O t h e r peoples of the Southeast attribute the cause to animals, spirits, and celestial phenomena (Creek, Yuchi, Cherokee) (Swanton, 1928, I, 638). In the case of the Cherokee a most interesting dual attitude toward man is believed manifest in nature; namely, hostility on the part of animals who bring disease upon mankind; protection on the part of plants in offering themselves as remedies to cure disease (Mooney, 1891, 319-24). T h e Creek (of Taskigi T o w n ) relate a medicine origin tale quite different from that of the Cherokee in its cast but fundamentally like it in that the animals inflict maladies upon the h u m a n world (Speck, 1911, 211, 237-40; 1907, 122; Swanton, 1928, I, 638, 655). T h e Chickasaw also attribute sickness largely to offended animal spirits (Speck, 1907, I I , 54). All the tribes of the Gulf area, both in ancient and modern times, however, employ the growths of the herb kingdom as medicines, though in no other references to the area is the explanatory myth recorded. For the general practice of herbalism see references in Swanton, 1922 (Cusabo, T i m u c u a , A is, and eastern Siouan groups), Swanton, 1911 (Natchez, Chitimacha), and 1928, I, (Alabama, Natchez, Creek). 6. W e have the following parallel composite descriptive terms to serve as reminders of a structural similarity between the southeastern Siouan a n d Muskhogian languages to which Swanton has again recently called attention (Swanton, 1936, 380). Bark; C a t a w b a , yapapi's 'tree-skin,' Creek, ¡'to ha'lpi-, 'tree-skin'; leaves; C a t a w b a , y a ' p h a , 'tree-hair,' Creek, i'to i'ssi-, 'tree-hair.' 7. A strong contrast between C a t a w b a and Cherokee curative practices is evident. An intensive analysis of Cherokee-therapeutics by Olbrechts demonstrates the power of the spoken word in the beliefs of the latter (Monney and Olbrechts, 1932, and Olbrechts, 1929), and the same holds for the Creeks in reference to singing formulas (Swanton, 1928, 640-8; Speck, 1911). 8. It is more usual to learn that medicinal material should be gathered from the side of tree or herb exposed to the strength-giving rays of the sun. As testimony for this belief a n d practice, there stands a very old Carolina poplar near the house of Edith Brown on the reservation, where years ago old M a r t h a Harris got her poplar bark supply in concocting remedies. Being a famous local midwife she had occasion to use quantities which she cut from this tree until it now shows an immense gash on its east side. She peeled the bark upward in removing it. 9. T h e medicine is, in some cases, sprayed from the doctor's mouth over the patient by the Cherokee (Mooney, 1891, 328), and Brickell (374) says the same for the Carolina Indians of 1737. T h e Creek doctor blows through a cane-tube into the medicine. Hawkins (77) mentions 'physic-maker' of the T u k a b a t c h i e blowing through small reed tubes into medicine composed of 14 herbs on the eighth day of the annual busk ceremony, after which the men drank it and rubbed it over their bodies (also F o r m a n , 138). A series of the song formulas in Creek (Taskigi T o w n ) with botanical identities of the plants used and outline of the ceremony used when the s h a m a n blows into the medicinal infusion to

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charge it with power, are given for the Creek and Yuchi by the writer in several monographs (Speck, 1907, I, 121, 140-41; 1911, 214, Yuchi, 1909, 133, also Swanton (Alibama, 1928, I, 623-24), and Paz (Koasati). The Chickasaw shaman likewise sings a medicine formula chant, blows through a cane tube into the bowl of medicine, then blows the infusion over the patient's head through the cane (Speck, 1907, I I , 55). Adair describes Chickasaw medicine practice as consisting in part of incantation but does not specifically mention blowing. Zeisberger, referring evidently to the Delawares, mentions blowing the medicine over the face and body of the patient (Zeisberger, 25). 10. Archaeological finds by Cushing contribute their testimony as to the antiquity of scarifying and sucking in the Southeast; to wit, the finding of a lancet of fish bone set in a wooden handle and a wing-bone sucking tube in the shell deposits on Key Marco, Florida (Cushing, 379). 11. In her own words; watkatu'hsre tupa'yotca" kus^'yare wj ti yotcar" hus^'hade, literally 'Feather pen using, writing (scratching), medicine you use, scratch (him).' 12. Lawson, 71, 75-77. 13. See also Mooney, I, 8, 94; 71 (Waxhaw, Cherokee); also Mooney, 1891, 334-35; 1890, 105, 111. 14. Information Deliskie Climbing Bear, 1930. 15. Noted also for the Koasati Creeks by Miss Lyda Paz (MS Notes, Yale University). 16. Swanton, 1928, 11, 261. 17. Swanton, 1928, 1, 629. 18. In the Southeast, scratching is most general and important as a rite of purification, protection against evil, propitiation, and as a remedy against illness (Carolina Indians, Lawson, 76; Brickell, 372; Creek, Bartram, 1791, 262; Swanton, 1928, 1, 354-55, 363-65, 445-56, 621, 628; Cherokee, Mooney, 1891, 334-35, 1900, 230, 476 Mooney and Olbrechts, 1932, 68-71; Yuchi, Speck, 1909, 115, 121; Natchez, Swanton, 1911, 80-86). Both the Cherokee and Natchez, as did the Catawba, practised sucking the scarified part of the body to remove the cause of pain, and the Timucua did the same (Swanton, 1922, 385, quoting Le Moyne, see also Swanton, 1922, 710). Brickell (372) mentioned the scratcher as being made of rattlesnake teeth, though he did not designate the Carolina tribe which did so. 19. Swanton (Catawba, 1918, 626) says that a tea was made from roots of this plant. 20. Oenothera Jruticosa is mentioned by Swanton (1918, 626) as another remedy for sores. He records the name serak waruwe' for it, which I translate as 'grass never dies.' T h e same herb is given by Swanton as I have recorded it above, under the native name which translated as 'bald root' through mispronunciation of the word 'ball' by the informant. 21. Swanton (1918, 626) obtained similar information. His Catawba informant gave the name wa"sahaone' for the herb, which means literally 'cane leaves, ain't it?' 22. Swanton (1918, 626) mentions this as used by the Catawba for sore mouth. 23. Crotalaria sagittalis or jotundifolia. 24. In this remedy we may have the Catawba equivalent of the notorious 'Black Drink' of the Southeastern area. An interesting wide diffusion of the black medicine over the entire Gulf area presents an engaging problem in ethnobotany and ceremony. Inquiry among the Catawba failed to show a knowledge there of the terms 'cassine,' 'yupon,' or 'dahoon' which we shall see were wellknown terms in early literature on the 'Black Drink.'

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T h e narrative of Peter Martyr (quoted in full by Swan ton, 1922, 42-46) referring evidently to Eastern Siouan tribes of 'Chicora,' identified by Swan ton as a region near the mouths ot the Pedee and Sautee rivers, mentions a draught of a plant called Guahi causing vomiting and relief. This Swanton thinlr« may have been Ilex vomiloria. T h e A is of Florida as described by Dickenson (1803, quoted in Swanton, 1922, 384-86) are noted for their drinking casseena. The importance of Cosine among the Timucua of Florida is portrayed in Le Moyne's narrative (1564, quoted by Swanton, 1922, 374-75) where its sacred character and exclusive use are mentioned in great detail by Pareja. The Black Drink ceremony seems here to have reached its peak of development, its importance elsewhere in the Southeast being less, except in the case of the Creeks. With the latter the Black Drink rite was of primary social-religious importance as we learn from abundant sources (Brickell, 319, 327; Bartram [1789], 23, f.n., Adair, 380; Hawkins, 7, 69, 71, 76, referring to Tukabatchie; Swanton, 1928, I, 711, 666 [Alabama], 537, 538, 543, 544, 548). Among the Chitimacha (Swanton, 1911, 351 and 357) Ilex cassine, according to Swanton's opinion, was drunk and smoked by the shaman to induce unconsciousness when he was about to diagnose disease. He records the term wai't'i for it. T h e Natchez, only while living among the Creeks, are described as brewing the 'Black Drink' (Taitt, 1772, quoted by Swanton, 1922, 313) though the ingredients are not given. Mention of the medicine and the rite is lacking among the Natchez before the destruction of the nation (1730) in its original seats (Swanton 1911). The Choctaw likewise do not seem to have held the Black Drink rite in the high esteem shown it by the peoples of Carolina, Florida, and the Creeks. Bushnell found the Choctaw of Bayou Lacomb, Louisiana, ignorant of the use o f / , cassine though it grows in the region (Bushnell, 1909, 10). And for the Cherokee, specific reference to it is absent in the available sources (Mooney, 1891 and 1900), yet Timberlake (77-79) in 1762 observed a ceremonial 'physic' which suggests the use of the weed. T h e rite seems not to have attracted attention of the writers on the Chickasaw while they resided on the Mississippi. T h e Yuchi, too, have not retained the practice of drinking the Ilex infusion in recent times, though it is probable that they had it when residing a century ago in Georgia. Although Adair (Adair 361) speaks of the virtues of Tupon cassena (Ilex cassine) among the southeastern nations, he does not record its use a as purifier among the Choctaw as we observe it in Creek custom. Among the Southeastern Indians there is some confusion of identity between I. cassine and I. vomitoria, apparently both being used similarly, since Swanton does not distinguish between them. I. vomitoria has evidently a wider distribution to the north (Virginia) and into the Piedmont, inland from the coast, while I. cassine is more limited to the swamps near the coast (Sudworth, Check List of the Forest Trees of the U. S., Department of Agriculture, Miscellaneous Circular 92 (1927), 183, and K . J . Small, Flora of the Southeastern U. S. (2d ed.) N. Y. 1913). T h e leaves o f / , vomitoria possess stimulant properties and contain nearly as much caffeine as tea, it being a near relative of Paraguay tea, or mate, which has similar qualities (R. M. Harper, Economic Botany of Alabama, pt. 2, Monograph 9, Geological Survey of Alabama, 1928; and F. B. Power and V. K . Chesnut, Ilex vomitoria as a Native Source of Caffeine, Journal American Chemical Society, 41, 1307-12 (1919); W. E. Safford, Narcotic Plants and Stimulants of the Ancient Americans (Smithsonian Rep.), Wash. 1917, 416-19. Whereas the use of cassine (/. vomitoria, and I. cassine) has declined among the southeastern tribes since their removal to Oklahoma in the first third of the last century, it seems that two other powerful emetic stimulants have come into

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prominence, n a m e l y Eryngium yuccaejolium (Button-snake root) a n d Salix tristis (Red Willow), known today a m o n g the Creek a n d Yuchi a n d used in their a n n u a l ceremonies as the cassine was formerly. T h e two herbs were also i m p o r t a n t a m o n g the Creeks a century a n d a half ago, as we learn from their Creek names pa's> (Button-snake root) and mi'ko hoyani'dja 'Chief physic' (Red Willow). Hawkins (1798) speaks of their sacred character (Hawkins, 79, 76, 77, 82) a n d use in the busk ceremony (Swanton, 1928, I, 710, Speck, 1907, I, 138). T h e Creeks of Koasati used pasa' to accomplish every magical objective (Paz, M S ) . T h e Yuchi employ the same two medicines in their a n n u a l ceremony of the harvest (Speck, 1909, 115), while the Chickasaw also considered Button-snake root important (Adair, 122), a n d employed the other, R e d Willow (ha'kcic hu'mma, 'red root'), as a n emetic in the harvest ceremony (Speck, 1907, I I , 56). Most of the nations that formerly used the above narcotics have developed, since their removal to O k l a h o m a , substitute ceremonies in connection with the Peyote plant. 25. Andropogon glamoratus (sp. ?). 26. Glyceria (Panicularia) obtusa (sp. ?). S w a n t o n (1918, 626) obtained Arnica acaulis for the same complaint. 27. These are C a t a w b a synonyms for the Pipsissewa (Chimaphila umbellata). 28. 'Flat-leaf on g r o u n d ' is one of the C a t a w b a names for Asarum arifolia, known locally as Heart-leaf. 29. This is pronounced ta'ktuwi by Mrs. Owl. Specimens collected proved to be Salix tristis. T h e plant a n d its use as a dye material was mentioned in 1704 by Lawson (281) a n d later by Brickell (1737, 278-79). T h e y observe t h a t the Carolina Indians went to the hilly country to secure the root, at other times using a substitute which they called pecoon. This latter we recognize to be the Algonkian designation for Blood-root (Sanguinaria). 30. Jugians nigra, the Black Locust, n a m e d in C a t a w b a from the shape of its seed pod. 31. These are C a t a w b a synonyms for the plant Pipsissewa (Chimaphila umbellata). 32. 'Flat-leaf-on-ground' is one of the names for Asarum arifolia. 33. Pin-weed (Lechia sp. ?) known, in C a t a w b a as 'tie-leaf' because of the deep indentations of the leaves. 34. Lobelia inflata, or possibly Gnaphalium obtusifolium. 35. Lycopodium obscurum. T h e C a t a w b a n a m e is apparently of E u r o p e a n derivation. T h e Indians think it is the same plant t h a t the local whites call 'lion's tongue, r a t - b a n e or evergreen.' 36. S w a n t o n , 1918, 626-27. 37. Any of the river terrapins a b u n d a n t in the Carolinas. 38. Swanton, 1918, 626. 39. Several instances of a supposedly native syringe are recorded from the North. Hallowell noted it among the Saulteaux (1935), a n d quotes other records for the region. N o further references, however, seem to have been m a d e to it in the South.

FIJIAN DREAMS AND VISIONS By Dorothy M. Spencer

to Fijian 1 belief, dreaming as such is but one of several experiences possible to the yalo (spirit). There is no doubt some confusion in the native mind as to the exact nature of this yalo. A child is born in possession of one, and certain facts would seem to indicate that the yalo, like the body, is immature at birth: a child is said to be yalo wai, 'watery-spirited,' unable to comprehend and not responsible for its actions. O n the other hand a small child has the power to see visions because, Fijians say, his yalo is old enough to see things but his body is still young; the crying of an infant is sometimes attributed to such a vision. But when the body grows older and stronger this power leaves the child. During an individual's waking hours his yalo is in constant attendance; 2 its presence is essential to continued life. Informants agree, however, that it does not reside in the body, nor is it part of the body in the sense that the heart, for instance, is part of the body. A man's character depends upon the character of his yalo. If an individual is cruel or wicked it is because a cruel or wicked yalo abides with him. It is not possible to reform such a m a n by punishment, because while the individual may be killed or inflicted with disease, it is impossible to punish the yalo. In such cases a feast is made to the spirit to render it more amicable. Several words compounded withj/a/o illustrate the idea that a person is characterized by the attributes of hisyalo:yalo mbura, spirit bad, means to be ill-disposed towards others;yalo ndriondrio, spirit dark, denotes a stupid person; yalo vina, spirit good, usually heard in the imperative verbal form, corresponding to our 'please,' is to be well-intentioned. W h e n d e a t h occurs, theyalo abandons the individual forever. DurACCORDING

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ing sleep the yalo may absent itself; at such times it is like the wind, it does not have to follow one path as a human being does, but is able to be here and there, to go in every direction at once. Its adventures on these occasions are referred to as mbuimbui, 'dreams.' It is extremely difficult to obtain details regarding the exact nature of these dream experiences. When pressed, informants will change the subject or admit that they do not know. I am convinced, however, that the Fijians do not hold the theory that such spirit adventures occur, like ordinary events in space and time. They admit that because a m a n dreams of meeting another man on a certain path, it does not mean that the yalo of the second m a n was actually present on the path. O n the whole mbuimbui are of comparatively slight interest to the Fijians. They may or may not have a meaning which bears directly upon real life; and that meaning may never be known, or not until subsequent events prove that the dream was a prophecy. Most of my informants had difficulty in recalling dreams. Kitcioni, a very intelligent old man, after considerable thought related the following: One time he dreamed of Saiyasi, a man who lived in Sivikoso. T h e village crier called out that all the people were to go to Saiyasi's house to an assembly. When Kitcioni arrived he found a deep well beside the door of Saiyasi's house. All the people were crowded around it. Simeli, a man from Tomalevu, called to Kitcioni to come and sit beside him on the brim of the well. T h e n Saiyasi jumped into the well; the water came u p to his chest. Simeli told Kitcioni to get in too, and to listen to what Saiyasi would tell him. When Kitcioni jumped into the well Saiyasi said to him, 'Let us play the game of vimbusou.' 3 They did so, and while they were singing the accompanying song they threw water at each other according to the rules of the game. When the song ended Saiyasi dived down and did not reappear. Kitcioni felt around with his feet but could not find any trace of Saiyasi. H e said to the people, ' If he comes u p to the surface, push him under again.' T h e people kept silent. A while later they heard Saiyasi's voice calling Kitcioni three times. ' I have trusted you,' he

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said. But Kitcioni did not know w h a t Saiyasi meant. Then he woke up. T h e next year Saiyasi became feeble and died. It was then that the meaning of the d r e a m became clear to Kitcioni. It seemed to him that the well stood for a bowl ofyaygona.* T h e dream meant that Saiyasi would die without making a mandrali5 for his luve-ni-wai 6 spirit. T h e act of diving symbolized the death of Saiyasi. H e hoped that Kitcioni would make the i mandrali for him and hence his remark, ' I have trusted you.' T h e g a m e that they played referred to the fact that Saiyasi used to try to persuade Kitcioni to become a ndau ni vuthu.1 While I was endeavouring to secure information on his activities as a ndau ni vuthu, another informant related the following dream: H e met a w o m a n in a foreign dress, with two rings on her fingers. She took them off and asked him to try them on. T h e first did not fit and he removed it and gave it back to her. T h e other fitted him very well and he kept it on his finger. H e thought about this dream w h e n he awoke but could not understand its meaning. Later on he c a m e to see me and I started to question him about his experiences as a song-writer. He refused to talk, denying all knowledge of such matters. Later on he was persuaded that I could be trusted, and consented to answer m y questions. H e then realized the meaning of his d r e a m and explained it to m e in the course of our conversation. I was the w o m a n in a foreign dress; m y first attempt to induce him to talk was the first ring w h i c h did not fit him, and the second, successful, attempt was the second ring. In this instance the informant was m a k i n g a clever but not altogether sincere interpretation of his dream, since actually he persisted in withholding important information from me throughout our discussion, regardless of the fact that in the d r e a m the second ring fitted. A dream of another informant illustrates the practice of heeding a dream only w h e n it has become a fact. Simeli dreamed that he was in the neighboring village of Sivikoso attending the funeral of his oldest son, R a t u . But R a t u was in

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excellent health at the time, and it was not until he died a year later that Simeli realized that the dream had been one with meaning after all. T h e same informant related another dream, the meaning of which he did not know, and he was inclined to think that it had no meaning: H e was in a garden at Sivikoso. H e asked a woman whose garden it was and she replied that it belonged to Akwila, who was one of his relatives. A messenger arrived and told him to go to Isaiya's house in Mbukuya. When he reached the village he went inside the house. It was a large house and he sat down on one of the mats near the doorway. Underneath the mat, however, was a hole, and he fell in. He said to Isaiya, 'Why haven't you filled this up?' Suddenly a m a n appeared in the doorway; he had been sent from the chief of Maqondro. H e told Simeli that a ceremony had been prepared for him, that the people were waiting outside with the articles for it. Then he went out again. After a few minutes the chief of Maqondro came into the house, and the rest of the people followed behind. T h e chief held three whale's teeth in his hand for the ceremony. Before turning to Simeli he went first to Isaiya and began to talk to him. But Isaiya turned his back on the chief. Then Simeli said, 'Why are you addressing him? The ceremony is for me. And besides you have broken his lamp.' Whereupon the chief of Maqondro went outside and Simeli did not get the whale's teeth, nor was the ceremony held. 8 It is apparent that an ordinary dream is not a matter of great concern to the dreamer. There is, however, a special type of dream which almost invariably has some serious meaning, and such a dream is distinguished from mbuimbui by the term vakaumata (to take the face of?). Hazlewood 9 translated the Mbauan equivalent, kaukaumata, thus: 'A supernatural dream in which one sees the face of some persons to whom evil is expected to happen. Also applied to a god who appears in the likeness of any person.' One informant's comments on the word were as follows: 'If I should dream while I was sleeping that you died, and I saw you lying dead, and then later on, maybe a week later, N a m b u m a died, I would remember and

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s a y , " O h yes, vakaumata"; or if I d r e a m e d that I was cohabiting with a woman it would m e a n that she had or was about to have relations with some other m a n . T h a t is vakaumata.' Kitcioni w h e n questioned as to the meaning of the word gave the following examples f r o m his personal experience: A. H e had a d r e a m one night while he was in Wauosi. A nitu 10 took the face of Naqgitha and came to Kitcioni stooping over h i m in his sleep. Kitcioni spoke to it, 'Naqgitha, Naqgitha.' T h e r e was no answer and he spoke again, asking her why she did not speak to him. W h e n he woke he stretched o u t his arms to see if anyone was there and he felt nothing. I n the morning he called to Naqgitha a n d asked her if she h a d come to h i m d u r i n g the night, and she said that she had not. T h e n he concluded that a nitu h a d taken her face. B. While sleeping one night in Yavuna he d r e a m e d that Kinisimere, his sister's daughter, was cohabiting with him. W h e n he woke u p he related the d r e a m to some people in Y a v u n a . T h e y said to him, ' H o w did that happen? Isn't she your vasu? 11 T h e next day they heard that Tevita, a m a n f r o m Nasauthoko, had cohabited with Kinisimere on their way from Nausori to Yavuna. C. H e d r e a m e d one night that M b u r e , a young m a n from Sivikoso, was d e a d . H e saw a crowd of women sitting around the body, wailing. W h e n Kitcioni went u p he also began to cry, ' M b u r e , m y brother, w h a t can I do for you now?' W h e n he awoke he told M b u r e about the d r e a m ; M b u r e said, ' O h you must have h a d a b a d d r e a m , that frightens me.' T h e n he w e n t to the g a r d e n a n d brought a huge root ofyaqgona, and p r e p a r e d a bowl ofyarjgona which he presented to Kitcioni, w h o in accepting it said that he hoped the d r e a m would transfer to someone else. A week later a m a n n a m e d N a t h u v a bec a m e ill a n d died. Kitcioni does not know whether or not M b u r e would have died if he h a d not m a d e the yaqgona. As far as content is concerned, there seems to be little to distinguish these dreams as vakaumata f r o m others which are not so called. According to the informant whose comments are given above, the distinguishing feature would seem to be that somewhere in the d r e a m a substitution takes place, so that

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the meaning of the d r e a m is not necessarily to be applied to the figures in it. Kitcioni's second example illustrates this, b u t the other two do not. Another characteristic of vakaumata is probably to be found in Kitcioni's remark made in the course of relating the first dream, that a nitu h a d taken the face of Naqgitha (unfortunately I neglected to ask specifically regarding this point for the other two examples). Hazlewood 12 says that this word is applied to a 'god who appears in the likeness of any person' and he does not indicate that the 'god' appears to an individual only in sleep. In fact the word vakaumata refers to encounters between a nitu who has assumed a disguise a n d an individual while he is wide awake, at least according to native theory and as far as I can judge in actual fact. Such adventures are extremely common; one account will illustrate the type of experience: A m a n named Alivati related the following experience to Kitcioni, when the two men met on the path to Lautoka. Alivati said that he h a d nearly died that day. H e left Namosa very early in the morning a n d went on to Neivakaka. There he met an Indian woman who asked where he was going; Alivati replied that he was on his way to M b a . Not long after this he came to a hill called T u v u and there he met another Indian w o m a n with her head wrapped in a black cloth. W h e n he came close to her she asked him for some tobacco, b u t Alivati replied that he was a preacher and did not smoke. She answered that m a n y preachers smoked, but he repeated that he did not smoke. After leaving T u v u he came to N a t a w a r a u where he m e t an old Fijian woman with her body painted red and wearing a liku.13 She also asked him for tobacco a n d he replied as before that he did not smoke. T h e n she asked for matches a n d he told her that he had none, whereupon she asked him to make a fire for her with sticks. But he refused, asking her if he was her husband that he should do such things for her. W h e n he started off again they separated a n d he went on to a hill ctilled Taqaloli. There he met Mereoni, a girl from Namoli. She was a beautiful young girl, her body was shining with oil, her hair was beautifully combed a n d she was lying on the ground, naked. H e felt desire for

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her and she suggested that they cohabit. But he prayed God to protect him a n d to smite the girl. W h e n he saw an Indian approaching he pushed the Indian toward the girl and they cohabited. Suddenly the woman vanished and immediately the Indian became weak and feeble, and died where he lay. Alivati departed, and as he went the girl called to him, 'You are lucky that you did not cohabit with me, or you would have died.' When he reached Namoli he went into a house and lay down, weak a n d unable to move. In this case, and it is typical of many such adventures, the nitu took the form of several people in turn, and it is understood that all the people who encountered Alivati on his journey were manifestations of one nitu. I n addition to dreaming, a second type of experience is possible to the individual during sleep: a nitu or theyalo of a living person may visit (kania) 14 him. There is some d o u b t as to whether or not the yalo of the sleeper is present on such occasions; one Fijian expressed the belief that the spirit remained and acted as interpreter for the visiting spirit, but a more cautious informant admitted that he did not know. I t is agreed, however, that the spirit who is visiting does not enter the body of the individual. But the word kania is not used to indicate the mere presence of a nitu in the house. Wakefulness at night, when one is ordinarily sleepy, is attributed to the fact that a nitu is in the house, b u t the spirit is not said to kania in such a case. If while he is asleep a person is heard moaning a n d muttering, his companions recognize the symptoms a n d question the spirit; they ask his n a m e and why he has come. T h e nitu in replying speaks through the sleeper's m o u t h b u t the words are not pronounced plainly, nor are the tongue and lips used to form the words. T h e most dramatic account of such a visitation was related by Kitcioni: O n e night a w o m a n named Vani was sleeping in the house with her husband. She was lying on one side of the fireplace, and her husband and children on the other. Presentiy she began to tremble and mutter. Kitcioni, hearing a disturbance in the house went in a n d asked, ' W h a t is the matter? W h a t is going on here?' Vani was clenching her teeth; he tried to

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force her jaws apart but could not do so. T h e n he fetched a pig spear and p u t the point of it into a gap left by a missing tooth, and thus he pried her m o u t h open. ' W h o are you?' he asked. T h e answer was, ' I a m a tuwawa.16 ' W h a t is your name?' ' I cannot tell.' ' W h y not?' said Kitcioni. T h e tuwawa replied, 'There is no need for you to know.' Whereupon Kitcioni asked, ' W h a t are you doing with this woman?' And the tuwawa answered, ' I a m cohabiting with her.' 'Are you doing it now?' 'Yes.' ' C o m e on,' said Kitcioni, 'Get off. W h y are you cohabiting with her?' 'Because she pulled u p a yarjgona root in a place where I used to live,' replied the tuwawa. T h e n Kitcioni tried hard to force the nitu to depart but he could not do it, so finally he summoned Emosi, whose ancestral spirit was a friend of the tuwawa. H e begged the spirit to leave, and the woman was freed at last. If for some reason or other the onlookers wish to detain the spirit, it is necessary only to tie a cord around one of the house posts, and the spirit will not be able to get free. This is sometimes done, it may be in order to question the spirit at length, and informants said that if the cord were not eventually untied the one who was being visited would die. N o case of this was known, however, and Kitcioni after some thought said that this was probably not true, and decided that the spirit would manage to free himself, in which case he would be very angry. Such a visitation is a cause of fright to all concerned, though there are never, as far as I could discover, any ill effects. As distinct from dreams and spirit visitations, both of which occur during sleep, a vision, yandra, is experienced during the individual's waking hours, either in the daytime or at night. O n e m a n speaking of visions generally said that in a vision light and dark are different from light and dark in ordinary sight. Kitcioni reported a vision which he had experienced: H e was about to eat his dinner one evening when he saw Levani, a m a n from Sivikoso, pass by the door. H e called to him to come in and share the food. Levani entered the house, sat down beside Kitcioni, but said nothing. Even when Kitcioni urged him to eat he sat without moving. T h e n Kitcioni

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said to his wife, 'Who is this man?' And she told him that there was no one there, that no one had come in. Sometime later Levani came to see Kitcioni, and when told of the vision became alarmed. Kitcioni advised him to go to the tolayandra 16 in Tambujgguto. This Levani did, and he was told by the tolayandra that he had not made the mburua17 for his wife properly—the people in Kitcioni's clan should have received 'the h e a d . ' 1 8 T h e nitu of Levani's dead wife had come to Kitcioni in the vision, disguised as Levani. T h e yalo of a living person may also appear in a vision. Kelereani, a woman in Wauosi, saw the yalo of Elai, a man of Nasauthoko, shortly before he died. T h e yalo was traveling along the path towards Sivikoso, and she said to herself, 'There is that old m a n from Nasauthoko, where is he going? H e is too old to travel so far.' Then she noticed that objects were not in their normal positions in the village, and she realized that it was not Elai but his yalo that she had seen. It has been customary in discussing dreams of primitive people to classify them under two headings. J . Steward Lincoln writes: 'The dreams and visions of so-called primitive peoples always fall into two distinct classes, the unsought or spontaneous dreams occurring in sleep, here called individual dreams, and the sought or induced "culture pattern" dreams of special tribal significance. 19 It is difficult, unless one ignores native beliefs entirely in making the classification, to group all of the experiences thus far discussed under the heading of 'spontaneous dreams occurring in sleep.' Though these dreams and visions were all unsought, the mbuimbui, for instance, has nothing in common with theyandra. With regard to the second type, 'the sought or induced dream,' there is one occasion on which a Fijian may resort to such a practice. When death occurs unexpectedly or from an unknown cause and it is desirable to obtain information regarding the matter, the spirit of the dead individual may be induced to visit one of the living. After the corpse is laid in the grave and covered with earth, a stick is planted in the ground with one end touching the corpse, to be the path of the spirit. After dark a m a n goes to the grave and pulls out the stick. During the

208 PHILADELPHIA ANTHROPOLOGICAL SOCIETY night the spirit of the dead man will visit him and reveal the cause of his death. When Nanewa, a man of Mbukuya, died, this was done, and the man who pulled up the stick was visited by the spirit of Nanewa. Speaking from the man's mouth the spirit informed the listeners that Ratukini from Mbukuya had become angry and made magic against him as the result of an incident that had occurred a short time in the past: Nanewa had thrown a stone which accidentally hit Ratukini in the head.20 Except that this sort of experience is induced by a special method this visitation does not differ in any way from the type described above. In fact a visitation that is not sought may fulfil the same purpose as one that is induced. A spirit may come of its own accord to reveal the cause of death. I have considerable doubt as to what extent it is justifiable to impose such a logical and clear-cut classification on these Fijian dream experiences. NOTES T h e native terras used throughout are in the dialect of Namataku:—v bilabial sonant; r ordinarily weak trill, non-contact; tc affricative; th equals the theta; i) and g are independently pronounced; vowels are clear and long. Stress accent falls on the penult. 1. In view of the diversity of customs and beliefs which is characteristic ol Fijian culture it is necessary to state that the following account refers only to the district of N a m a t a k u , in the province of Tholo West, Viti Levu. This information was obtained while I was in Fiji in 1935-36, as a pre-doctoral fellow of the Social Science Research Council. 2. M r . B. H . Q u a i n , who carried on field work in M b u a in V a n u a Levu, tells me that according to native belief the spirit sits on the individual's back; when a spirit of the dead is near, the yalo becomes frightened a n d crawls around to the front of its owner's body. 3. A child's game. 4. T h e Fijian word for the drink prepared from the root of the Piper mcthystiaim. 5. Ceremony of propitiation. 6. Each m e m b e r of the luve-ni-wai cult serves a spirit of the same name. 7. 'Milker of songs,' one who is inspired by a certain class of spirits to write songs. 8. This dream is of interest because of the personality of the dreamer. Simeli was a very proud and aggressive m a n but of low r a n k socially, and although he was vasu (sister's son) to the men of Mbukuya a n d as such a person of some privilege, his mother's brothers who were of considerably higher rank were inclined to regard him with contempt. 9. Hazlewood, David, A Fijian and English Dictionary, 1850. It deals principally with the dialect of M b a u , an island off t h e eastern coast of Viti Levu. 10. A spirit of the dead. 11. Sister's child. There is a strong tabu on intercourse with this relative.

FIJIAN DREAMS AND VISIONS 12. 13. 14. minds 15. 16. 17. 18. which 19. 20.

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Op. cil., note 9. The fringed skirt formerly worn by women. This word also means 'to eat,' but I could discover no idea in native that the spirit in any sense consumes or devours. The name of a certain class of spirits. A seer. The last and most important of the series of funeral ceremonies. The property to be distributed is divided into several groups, one of is termed 'the head.' The Dream in Primitive Cultures. London, 1935, 22. It is a great insult to hit anyone in the head.

THE SCOPE OF THE RITE OF ADOPTION IN ABORIGINAL NORTH AMERICA By H. Newell Wardle

P R O B A B L Y no ceremony of the North American Indian has more profoundly affected the history of this continent than the rite of adoption. The drama as variously enacted by different tribes held scenes touching birth and death, life here and hereafter, social organization, friendship, peace or war, reciprocity, and nascent international law—all vitalized, after the manner of the red man, by religious beliefs. Hitherto, it is believed, no comprehensive study of the rite and its significance has been made, though references abound in the literature of exploration and anthropology, and, more rarely, the custom of adoption in a given tribe is discussed with some detail (16a).

Kin Adoption.—The custom of adopting a child of relatives was common in many, and probably in almost all, tribes. It was unaccompanied by any ceremony, for the probable reason that the child was already a member of the family as the Indian understood it. J . Owen Dorsey states definitely: 'The Omaha idea of adoption differs from ours. A member of the same gens, or one who is consanguinary, cannot be adopted: he or she is received by a relation' (7, 10, 206, 246, 29a, 32d). The reason for kin adoption may lie in affection, in the needs of the child or those of the relatives who receive him. Instances of the last are reported among the Eskimo, where childless couples frequentiy adopt a boy or girl, in order that, when they die, there will be someone whose duty it shall be to make the customary feast and offerings to their shades at the feast of the dead (25). Disciple Adoption.—For an analogous reason, the Patwin 211

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shaman who had no near paternal relative of suitable ability to whom he might bequeath the charms and secrets of his practice, chose for adoption a youth possessed of the requisite qualities. T h e disciple was expected to 'pay' the adopter a recognized sum—undoubtedly to be interpreted as gift calling for countergift—and to serve the apprenticeship required of all future shamans. H e was henceforth deemed a regular member of the shamanistic family, not only as the possessor of the family charms and medicines, b u t as the undisputed blood descendant of his predecessor and instructor. Among the Northern Maidu, boys who were to become shamans, it is pertinent to note, were placed in pits and 'killed with medicine,' hence were reborn at the end of their initiation period on returning from the hills (14, 22). Clan Adoption.-—As families die out, so do clans. It is well known that m a n y Pueblo clans have been so extinguished and their ceremonial property thus lost to the group. A decrease in the birth-rate of females, or their reduced viability, results in a serious threat to the clan. T o strengthen or revive a dying clan, members are sought among the resident alien women born to a similar clan of another Pueblo. There is m u c h rivalry among the weaker clans for possession of a woman of child-bearing age seeking clan membership. ' T h e adoption ceremony may be considered in the way of a rebirth, and, as such, is similar to the original naming ritual of a newborn infant' (15). Replacement Adoption {Tribal).—What the accidence of the birth-rate did to the clans of sedentary and peaceful tribes, repeated wars accomplished for the powerful and warlike. T o counteract this diminution of their effective strength, whole tribes were adopted with pomp and ceremony. T h e Iriquois thus incorporated into their body politic Tuscaroras, Tutelos, Saponis, a n d Nanticokes, all weaker tribes over whom their adoptive 'fathers' h a d already extended their power. The legal fiction of tribal adoption was made, in the historic case of the Tutelo, to present that people collectively as a child on the cradle-board, who, by successive stages, grew to warrior age and rank and a recognized place in the council of the League (16a, 32a).

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Not alone by such mass increase of tribal strength did the Eastern tribes seek to counteract the effects of inimical orenda, but by the rite of 'resuscitation' to reincarnate the powers of the honored and the mighty dead. T o this end was chosen, sometimes from the tribal members, otherwhiles from among the captives, one who by adoption should take the name, the tribal and family position and, it was hoped, advance the prestige of the honored dead in whose place he stood. T h e ceremony was called 'raising the name,' that the dead may be resuscitated and strong leadership maintained (33). Replacement Adoption (Family).—Fraught with tenderer feelings and resting upon concepts of the intimate relation of this world to the next, the adoption rite among the Algonkin tribes took on a personal and family character. It was designed to replace within the family circle the lost member who, unseen, still visited at intervals his former abode. T o d r e a m or think of the departed called him into presence. As time passed and grief softened, it became necessary to 'set free the dead' by means of the so-called 'adoption feast.' If this were not given within four years, the disconsolate shade would become an owl, calling forlornly in the night. This four-year period is the duration of protecting vigil which the 'large soul' or shadow keeps beside the grave. T h e 'child' selected for adoption should be of the same sex and as nearly as possible of the same age and character as the deceased. H e is provided by the parents with clothing which must be wholly new, lest the shadow-one for whom he stands, arriving in the village of the tribal dead, be stripped by the ghosts, who cry: 'This is mine!' 'This is mine!' T h e 'child' thus clad makes the last rounds of the wickiup—a final parting — a n d passes out bearing in his hands Indian tobacco, gift for the ambient ghosts, and invitation-sticks for the 'adoption feast' offered to the living and to the tribal dead. T h e adopted takes his position before the assembled gifts—calicoes substituted for former types of clothing. These are gifts for the invited guests—and their non-material parts are destined for the bodiless guests, as are the unsubstantial portions of the foods, chosen specially to the liking of the one whose farewell feast is

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celebrated and presided over by the adopted 'child.' T h e favorite games of the departing shade are played. H e has been greeted by the living, has partaken in essence of the feast and participated in the games and so, clothed and fortified for the journey, he departs for that pleasant land of spirits to return only upon special invitation. T o Aiyapa'ta, god of the dead, the ghost reports, repeating the messages from the living, calling attention to the tobacco, food, and clothing, and asking that these be returned in abundance, as countergift, with happiness and length of days. In place of the departed stands the new 'child' succeeding to the affections and to all his rights and privileges, bound by all the restrictions of family and clan, which were his (17, 23a). T h e 'resuscitation' of the dead is certainly not equivalent to reincarnation as understood in the Old World. T h a t which gives to the adopted his identity with the dead whose place he holds may be the 'small-breath-soul,' or possibly herein lies the remnant of belief in the 'name-soul' (4). For the Fox tribe, and apparently for other Algonkin tribes, this ritual resuscitation could be accomplished only in a member of the tribe, preferably a companion of the lost one. T h e Iroquois, the Prairie Potawatomi, the Winnebagos and many of the Plains tribes replaced their dead, especially those slain in batde, by captives adopted into the bereaved families, ' t h a t the dead may depart in peace to the land of shades.' These aliens sometimes rose to places of importance in their adopted tribe (19, 24a, 27, 296). Captives, while primarily the property of the captor, seem to have come under the jurisdiction of the war chief who recognized the claims of those families who had suffered loss. It is significant that at peaceful Cochiti, where adoption has become a means of strengthening the social orders, application for adoption must be made to the war chief. T h e fate of the prisoner of war thus assigned would seem to have rested largely with the temper of the woman; in bitterness and revenge, he might be consigned to torture and death, in more relenting spirit, compelled to run the gauntlet—in effect, a form of trial of courage—a passage, as it were, into life; or, in

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that pity which is born of grief, adopted in place of the lost relative, called by his name, and succeeding to his rights and privileges. A Tsimshian m y t h reflects an early practice of that tribe. T h e Prince, having killed the Wolf Prince, repented and vowed to take his name, announced his intention by wearing the insignia of the Wolf Prince at a feast and podatch which he gave. Later the Wolf Mother acknowledged the adoption at a feast given by her (3). A typical Northwest Coast pattern. Reciprocal Adoption.—Adoption, where the child was chosen within the tribe, while it gave to him a legal and emotional status in the new family, did not wholly sever the original ties. Often, a n d apparently without further ceremony, the relationship became reciprocal, the real children of the adopting family being regarded as offspring of the blood parents of the one adopted. Among the O m a h a it was the custom to renew the relationship in alternate order from generation to generation (10). Among the Plains Indians and formerly among the Cherokee it was customary for two young men of the same tribe to agree formally to become brothers and ratify the contract by an exchange of names and gifts (24b). Adoption JOT Cure.—Among the Pueblo peoples a form of clan adoption for cure occurs. T h e clan into which the candidate seeks to enter is always a strong one. It is said, 'Strength adheres to the group.' Such by their very numbers show the favor of the Powers of life, hence she hopes to benefit not only by the life-force of the group b u t by the prayers of the numerous newly acquired relatives (15). T h e curing of ills, physical and spiritual, is the avowed object of many of the secret societies of the American Indian. Their power lies partiy in the knowledge of medicine obtained through membership, but chiefly in the mass psychosis—the 'orenda' of the group. Ceremonial Adoption (Societies).—The rite of adoption was evidently based on the logical ground that the new member must have a father a n d mother within the tribe; consequently,

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the a t t e n d a n t ceremonies were adapted f r o m those which m a r k e d the presentation of an infant born to the tribe. W i t h the development of religious a n d age societies, the initiation ceremonies seem to have taken over the complex a n d required a social father a n d mother for the candidate. A significant feature is the persistence of the replacement idea, in that admission to m a n y societies is obtained only by the passing on of a m e m b e r , either by d e a t h or the progression to a higher g r a d e (20c, d). W h e r e the sudatory is a d o m i n a n t feature of all i m p o r t a n t ceremonies, it appears appropriately as an essential p a r t of the rite of adoption. Symbolically, ' T h e litde cleared p a t h between the fireplace a n d the door of the sweat-lodge is the road. I t is cleared because the tribe wish to prosper a n d live in happiness so long as the earth lasts. T h e circular excavation inside the sweat-lodge, where the heated stones are placed, is caled ' O p e n Brains,' reference being m a d e to a certain m y t h . T h e litde hole inside this excavation in which the incense is placed is the navel of the m o t h e r ; it is the place of our birth, the sipapu of the H o p i — t h e E a r t h representing the m o t h e r ' (9). T h e emergence m y t h of the N a v a h o presents the concepts of the M o t h e r E a r t h , f r o m whose w o m b the tribes of m e n c a m e forth, of the sweat-lodge as the symbol of that original w o m b a n d the use of that symbol for spiritual or physical purification, i.e., rebirth (21). Nothing could be more a p p r o p r i a t e t h a n this to use w h e n the object is to symbolize a n d legalize the birth into the tribe of an adopted m e m b e r . I n the T o b a c c o Society of the Crow Indians, ' t h e a d o p t e r stands toward the novice in a parental relationship.—The entire proceedings are designated 'child h a v i n g . ' — T h e m e m bers say 'we will let this boy be born.' After the public ceremony in the adoption lodge, erected for the purpose, follows the sweat b a t h in a sudatory also erected for the occasion. Those w h o enter into it with the candidate take sage brush a n d r u b it over his body from the head d o w n w a r d , w h i c h they call "washing h i m o f f " ' (20e). I n the Pueblo region the d o m i n a n t ceremony is head-washing. Climatic conditions are the i m p o r t a n t factor. T h e

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symbolic w o m b of Mother Earth is reduced to the Sipapu— a small hole in the ground, covered by a stone. T h e ceremony of adoption deals not with the in utero phase of the new member, but with the post-natal ritual. T h e washing of the head stands for the washing of the newborn babe, especially the ceremonial head-washing inflicted upon it by its maternal relatives (2, 26c). In Cochiti, 'such ceremonies as clan adoption, adoption for cure, initiation into societies, all are very closely related to infant-naming—the birth ceremonial plays a part in the ritual —with however distinct variations and modifications' (15). Sacred Kinship.—The highest development of the adoption rite appears in the calumet ceremony—called by the O m a h a 'to make a sacred kinship.' Originally conceived as a family or clan rite expressive of friendship within the tribe, the calumet ceremony flowered into an elaborate ritual whereby peace was m a d e and alliances proclaimed between tribes (10, 11a, 12, 20a, 35). T h e inclusion of the Calumet dance in the adoption complex throws a new light on the history of race contacts—the many times when the calumet was offered by the Red man, and accepted by the White—not merely a peace pipe, to confirm a contract easily broken, but a calling of the High Powers to witness that they were thus made of one blood. This accounts for the great solemnity with which the Indian regarded the rite he termed 'making a sacred kinship' (16b, 32b, c). Bound u p with the thought of affection and peace, the adoption ceremonial would not be complete without its opposite— war significance. In the Hako ceremony of the Pawnee, the ritual of the 'inception of the child' calls for the entry of the warriors into the lodge, in warlike fashion, as if to capture and hold it securely, followed by the 'touching of the child' to give it endurance and wisdom (11a). Adoption of the Slain.—Captives and scalps were the proofs of victory (24c). As the prisoner of war might be entrusted to the mercies of the women, so the scalps, when brought to camp, were delivered to mother, wife, and sweetheart, and they it was who danced the scalp dance. Since the scalplock

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was regarded as representing and bound up with the life of a man (11¿), if it were to be retained in possession of the tribe, it was, in many instances, subjected to a form of adoption ceremony; it was offered tobacco and food, washed, combed and adorned after the peculiar fashion of the tribe with whom it remained. In the words of Cushing, the scalp dance was 'one of initiation . . . designed both as a commemoration of victory and to lay the ghosts of the slain by completing the count of their unfinished days and making them members of the ghostly tribe of Zuñi' (5b, c, 26b, d, 30, 31, 34, 36, 6). The rite of adoption is thus linked with the concept of Mother Earth; the tribal emergence; birth ceremonies; strengthening of the family from other totemic groups; renewal of family, clan, and tribe though aliens; friendship, communion of souls, and peace-making with the living and the dead. BIBLIOGRAPHY 1. Adams, Richard C. Adoption of Mew-Seu-Qua, Tecumseh's Father. 2. Beaglehole, Ernest. Notes on Hopi Economic Life. YU-PA, 1937, 15: 74. 3. Boas, Franz. Tsimshian Mythology. Bureau of American Ethnology-R 31: 320. 4. Brinton, D. G. Religion of Primitive Peoples. 1897: 93-96. 5. Bunzell, R u t h L. (a) Introduction to Zuñi Ceremonialism. BAE-R 47: 477—478. (A) Zuñi Origin Myths. BAE-R 47: 527. (c) Zuñi Ritual Poetry. BAE-R 47: 674-689. 6. Cushing, F. H . Outline of Zuñi Creation Myth. BAE-R 13- 328. 7. Dellenbaugh, Frederick. North Americans of Yesterday. 1901:366, 416. 8. Dixon, R. B. T h e Shasta. American Museum of Natural HistoryB 17: 454. 9. Dorsey, George A. (a) T h e Arapho Sun Dance. Field Museum of Natural History-PAS 4: 49. (i) Oraibi Natal Customs. F M N H - P A S 6, 2. 10. Dorsey, J . Owen. O m a h a Sociology. BAE-R 3: 265, 276, 280. 11. Fletcher, Alice C. (a) T h e Hako: a Pawnee Ceremony. BAE-R 22: 346. (6) Handbook of American Indians—article Hairdressing. BAE-B 30. 12. Fletcher .Alice C. and La Flesche, Francis. T h e O m a h a Tribe. BAE-R 27: 61 et. seq., 74, 376 et. seq. 13. Friederici, Georg. Scalpieren u. aehnliche Kriegsgebraeuche in Amerika. 1906: 111-129. 14. Gifford, Edward W. (a) Southern Maidu Religious Ceremonies. American Anthrolopogist 29: 244. (A) Northeastern and Western Yavapai. University of CaliforniaPAAE 34, 4: 304. 15. Goldfrank, E. S. T h e Social and Ceremonial Organization of Cochiti. American Anthropological Association-M 33: 17, 49-52. 16. Hewett, J . N. B. Nandbook of American Indians, (a) article Adoption. (A) Calumet. BAE-B 30.

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17. Jones, William. Mortuary Observances and the Adoption Rites of the Algonkin Foxes af Iowa. International Congress of Americanists, (1906). 15, 1: 268-270 18. Keppler, Joseph. Cayuga Adoption Custom. Museum of the American Indian (Heye Foundation)-IN, 3: 73-75. 19. La Flesche, Francis. T h e Osage Tribe. BAE-R 36: 67. 20. Lowie, R . H . (a) T h e Northern Shoshone. A M N H - A P , 2: 195. (A) Crow Social Life. A M N H - A P 9: 219. (c) Military Societies of the Crow. A M N H - A P 11: 205. (d) Hidatsa and M a n d a n Societies. A M N H - A P 11: 325-26, 349-51. (