To the Shores of Chile: The Journal and History of the Brouwer Expedition to Valdivia in 1643 9780271085388

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TO THE SHORES OF CHILE

TO THE SHORES OF CHILE The Journal and History of the Brouwer Expedition to valdivia in 1643

Mark Meuwese

The Pennsylvania State University Press University Park, Pennsylvania

Frontispiece: A llama or alpaca standing between a Chilean Indian couple and members of the Brouwer expedition. Photo: Nederlands Scheepvaartmuseum, Amsterdam. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Meuwese, Mark, translator, writer of introduction. Title: To the shores of Chile : the journal and history of the Brouwer Expedition to Valdivia in 1643 / [introduction and translation by] Mark Meuwese. Other titles: Journael ende historis verhael van de reyse gedaen by oosten de straet la Maire, naer de custen van Chili. English | Latin American originals. Description: University Park, Pennsylvania : The Pennsylvania State University Press, [2019] | Series: Latin American originals | Includes bibliographical references and index. Summary: “An English translation of a Dutch travel account, published in Amsterdam in 1646, that describes the Dutch attempt to establish a foothold in the abandoned Spanish colonial city of Valdivia, Chile, in order to find gold and establish alliances with the indigenous Mapuche people”—Provided by publisher. Identifiers: LCCN 2019015186 | ISBN 9780271083759 (pbk. : alk. paper) Subjects: LCSH: Chile—Description and travel—Early works to 1800. | Valdivia (Chile)—Description and travel—Early works to 1800. | Mapuche Indians—Early works to 1800. | Le Maire Strait (Argentina)— Description and travel—Early works to 1800. | Brouwer, Hendrik, 1581 or 1582–1643. | West-Indische Compagnie (Netherlands)—Early works to 1800. Classification: LCC F3061.J68 2019 | DDC 918.304—dc23 LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2019015186 Copyright © 2019 Mark Meuwese All rights reserved Printed in the United States of America Published by The Pennsylvania State University Press, University Park, PA 16802-1003 The Pennsylvania State University Press is a member of the Association of University Presses. It is the policy of The Pennsylvania State University Press to use acid-free paper. Publications on uncoated stock satisfy the minimum requirements of American National Standard for Information Sciences— Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Material, ansi z39.48-1992.

CONTENTS

Foreword / vii Preface / xi Note on the Translation / xv

Introduction to the Journal and History of the Brouwer Expedition to Valdivia, 1643 / 1 Journal and History of the Voyage made East of the Strait of Le Maire, to the Shores of Chile, under the command of Lord General Hendrick Brouwer, having taken place in the year 1643 / 29

Bibliography / 107 Index / 111

FOREWORD

Latin American Originals (LAO) is a series of primary source texts on colonial Latin America. LAO volumes are accessible editions of texts translated into English—most of them for the very first time. Of the fourteen volumes now in print, nine illuminate aspects of the Spanish invasions in the Americas during the long century of 1494–1614, four push our understandings of the spiritual conquest and the early church in Spanish America into surprising new territories, and one—the present volume—takes the series into exciting new territory. Taken in the chronological order of their primary texts, Of Cannibals and Kings (LAO 7) comes first. It presents the earliest written attempts to describe Native American cultures, offering striking insight into how the first Europeans in the Americas struggled from the very start to conceive a “New World.” The Native Conquistador (LAO 10) comes next, telling the story of the famous Spanish conquest expeditions into Mexico and Central America from 1519 to 1524—but from the startlingly different perspective of an indigenous dynasty, with Ixtlilxochitl, ruler of Tetzcoco, the alternative leading protagonist, as recounted by his great-great-grandson. Next, chronologically, are LAO volumes 2, 1, and 9. Invading Guatemala shows how reading multiple accounts of conquest wars (in this case Spanish, Nahua, and Maya versions of the Guatemalan conflict of the 1520s) can explode established narratives and suggest a more complex and revealing conquest story. Invading Colombia challenges us to view the difficult Spanish invasion of Colombia in the 1530s as more representative of conquest campaigns than the better-known assaults on the Aztec and Inca Empires. It complements The Improbable Conquest, which presents letters written between 1537 and 1556 by Spaniards struggling—with a persistence that is

viii | FOREWORD

improbable indeed—to found a colony along the hopefully named Río de la Plata. Contesting Conquest (LAO 12) adds intriguingly to that trio, offering new perspectives on Nueva Galicia’s understudied early history. Indigenous witnesses and informants, their voices deftly identified, selected, and presented, guide us through the grim, messy tale of repeated efforts there at conquest and colonization from the late 1520s through 1545. The History of the New World (LAO 11) offers the first English translation since 1847 of significant portions of a 1565 Italian book that, in its day, was a best seller in five languages. The merchant-adventurer Girolamo Benzoni mixed sharp observations and sympathy for indigenous peoples with imaginary tales and wild history, influencing generations of early modern readers and challenging modern readers to sort out fact from fable. The Conquest on Trial (LAO 3) features a fictional indigenous embassy filing a complaint over the conquest in a court in Spain— the Court of Death. That text, the first theatrical examination of the conquest published in Spain, effectively condensed contemporary debates on colonization into one dramatic package. It contrasts well with Defending the Conquest (LAO 4), which presents a spirited, ill-humored, and polemic apologia for the Spanish conquest, written in 1613 by a lesser-known veteran conquistador. LAO volumes 13, 6, 5, and 8 all explore aspects of Spanish efforts to implant Christianity in the Americas. Chronologically, To Heaven or to Hell comes first, presenting the first complete English translation of a book by Bartolomé de Las Casas originally published in 1552—not his famous Very Brief Account of the Destruction of the Indies but his Confessionary for Confessors. The Confessionary’s less sensationalist content was eventually overshadowed by the Very Brief Account but initially was just as controversial and—to conquistadors and many other Spaniards—outrageously offensive in its demand that Spanish conquistadors, in effect, be themselves made subject to the spiritual conquest in the Americas. Gods of the Andes (LAO 6) presents the first English edition of a 1594 manuscript describing Inca religion and the campaign to convert native Andeans. Its Jesuit author is surprisingly sympathetic to preconquest beliefs and practices, viewing them as preparing Andeans for the arrival of the faith from Spain. Forgotten Franciscans (LAO 5) casts new light on the spiritual conquest and the conflictive

FOREWORD | ix

cultural world of the Inquisition in sixteenth-century Mexico. Both works expose wildly divergent views within the church in Spanish America—both on native religions and on how to replace them with Christianity. Complementing those two volumes by revealing the indigenous side to the same process, Translated Christianities (LAO 8) presents religious texts translated from Nahuatl and Yucatec Maya. Designed to proselytize and ensure the piety of indigenous parishioners, these texts show how such efforts actually contributed to the development of local Christianities, leading to fascinatingly multifaceted outcomes. The present volume’s presentation of the Journal and History of the Dutch expedition to Chile brings up to seven the number of languages from which LAO sources have been translated. LAO 14 also extends the series into a new region of the Americas and forward into the 1640s, opening up for us—under Mark Meuwese’s capable guidance—a whole new perspective on European colonization, European-indigenous interaction, and global competition in the age of empire. The source texts in LAO volumes are colonial-era rare books or archival documents, written in European or Mesoamerican languages. LAO authors are historians, anthropologists, and scholars of literature who have developed a specialized knowledge that allows them to locate, translate, and present these texts in a way that contributes to scholars’ understanding of the period, while also making them readable for students and nonspecialists. Mark Meuwese is such a scholar, combining his language skills and expertise as an Atlantic World historian to lend this series the benefit of his unique insights. —Matthew Restall

PREFACE

The rise and fall of the Dutch Empire in seventeenth-century Latin America continues to fascinate historians. One particularly remarkable episode took place during the height of Dutch power in the early 1640s, when the West India Company (WIC) launched an expedition to Chile. In January 1643 a naval squadron consisting of five vessels and six hundred soldiers, sailors, and craftsmen set sail from Recife, the capital of Dutch Brazil, to the coast of southern Chile. The goal of this expedition, led by Hendrick Brouwer, was to establish a permanent outpost at the abandoned Spanish colonial city of Valdivia. This city had been overrun by the Mapuche, an indigenous people, in 1598. The Dutch viewed the Mapuche as a possible ally in their ongoing war against the Spanish Habsburg Empire. Establishing an alliance with the Mapuche would undermine the Spanish Empire in South America. Additionally, the WIC was especially eager to gain access to the rich gold mines that it believed existed in the vicinity of Valdivia. Although the Brouwer expedition failed in meeting its objectives of establishing durable alliances and finding gold, an account of the enterprise, based on original journals and logbooks, was published in Amsterdam in 1646. The book’s lengthy and descriptive title is Journal and History of the Voyage made East of the Strait of Le Maire, to the Shores of Chile, under the command of Lord General Hendrick Brouwer, having taken place in the year 1643. Travel accounts had become a popular genre of literature in the seventeenth-century Dutch Republic and the Journal and History about the arduous sea voyage from Brazil to Chile was published to capitalize on the public fascination with dangerous adventures of Europeans in exotic places. However, the book was also a political pamphlet intended to influence the public debate about whether to renew the charter of the WIC. Because the Brouwer expedition failed in its objectives and since the

xii | PREFACE

WIC’s Atlantic Empire disintegrated quickly in the mid-seventeenth century, the Journal and History was quickly forgotten inside and outside the Netherlands. Interest in the Brouwer expedition was first revived in Chile in 1892, when a Spanish translation of the Journal and History was published. After more than a century, renewed Dutch scholarly attention to the WIC led to the rediscovery of the Brouwer expedition. In 2015 a critical edition of the main journal of the Brouwer expedition, which is kept in the National Archives of the Netherlands and which forms the basis for the Journal and History, was published as a volume in the series of Dutch maritime voyages of the Linschoten-Vereeniging. To make the primary sources of the obscure but fascinating Brouwer expedition accessible to English readers, the present book is an annotated translation of the Journal and History as it was first published in 1646. Some of the research for this translation and critical edition of the Journal and History of the Brouwer expedition was done at the National Library of the Netherlands and at the National Archives of the Netherlands. Both institutions were indispensable for the completion of this project. The digitization of the papers relating to the Brouwer expedition by the National Archives was especially helpful. Digitized research aids such as the Woordenboek der Nederlandsche Taal (Dictionary of the Dutch Language) were also of enormous help in making sense of early modern terms. Moreover, this book could not have been written without the help of the excellent editorial scholarship on the Brouwer expedition produced by Elisabeth Erb and Henk den Heijer. Their critical observations and reflections on the Dutch voyage to Chile in 1643 made my task much more manageable. A presentation about the Brouwer expedition at a conference on privateering and piracy in the Americas held in Lima in 2012 made me realize how significant the topic of Dutch expansion on the Pacific coast of South America still is for Chilean and Peruvian maritime historians. I would also like to thank the two anonymous reviewers as well as the following individuals for helpful comments on the manuscript: Michiel van Groesen, Henk den Heijer, Jaap Jacobs, Kris Lane, Cees Paul and the Stichting Nederlandse Kaap Hoorn-vaarders, Erik Thomson, Diederick Wildeman, Jorge Nallim, and the participants of the Latin American studies seminar at the University of Manitoba. All errors of interpretation and translation are my own. For help with Spanish translations, I want to thank Kayla Quiring.

PREFACE | xiii

Weldon Hiebert of the Geography Department at the University of Winnipeg did an excellent job of preparing the map. I am also grateful to Diederick Wildeman and the Nederlands Scheepvaartmuseum in Amsterdam for supplying me with the illustrations of the History and Journal. For inviting me to contribute to the series, I want to thank Matthew Restall. The editorial staff at Penn State University Press, in particular Susan Silver and Laura Reed-Morrisson, was very supportive in guiding this project to completion. The University of Winnipeg provided me with financial support during various stages of this project. Finally, a big thank you to Kristin, Saskia, Evelien, and Fern.

NOTE ON THE TRANSLATION

This translation is based on a copy of the original publication of the Journal and History published by Broer Jansz in Amsterdam in 1646. I have made use of a copy in the Dutch Royal Library in The Hague (call number: KW 562 D 26) as well as digitized copies made available through the library of Utrecht University and Google Books. I have also consulted the transcription of the Journal and History made and annotated by Elisabeth Erb in 2002. As Erb pointed out in her study, the three Dutch editions of Journal and History are virtually identical in content, length, and letter type.1 I have tried to stay as close to the original seventeenth-century sentence structure as possible, but I have modernized punctuation and the use of capital letters to make the text more accessible. The original page numbers are referenced in brackets. Unusual or outdated terms and editorial inaccuracies are explained in footnotes. I have used several databases to clarify early modern nautical and metrical terms.2 The brief Description of the Island of Eso is not included in this edition, but a fairly recent English translation is available.3 According to the title page of the Journal and History, the anonymous liefhebber made use of “several Journals and notebooks” to compile the text. The Journal and History is presented as a journal and is written in the third person. These unnamed journals and notebooks were kept by several scribes during the expedition and perhaps later edited by others in Recife or the Netherlands. The surviving journals are kept in the Dutch National Archives together with 1. Erb, “Journaal van de Nederlanders in Chili,” 25–26. 2. “De oude Nederlandse maten en gewichten [Old Dutch measures and weights],” Meertens Institute, accessed November 29, 2018, http://www.meertens​ .knaw.nl​/‌mgw/; “Historische woordenboeken: Nederlands en Fries,” Instituut voor de Nederlandse Taal, accessed November 29, 2018, http://‌gtb.inl.nl/‌?owner=WNT. 3. Robert, Voyage.

xvi  |  NOTE ON THE TRANSLATION

several reports, sailing directions, and other papers relating to the Brouwer expedition.4 The journal kept aboard the flagship Amsterdam, together with several other documents of the Brouwer expedition, was published in 2015 in a critical edition by historian Henk den Heijer.5 A comparison of the Journal and History and the main journal kept aboard the Amsterdam shows many similarities but also significant differences. As Erb has also pointed out, sometimes events described in the journal of the Amsterdam take place at a different date in the Journal and History.6 Moreover, it is clear that the scribe referenced in the Journal and History is not Jean, or Johan, van Loon, the main scribe aboard the Amsterdam. While Johan van Loon was stationed on the Amsterdam, the unnamed scribe of the Journal and History transferred to the yacht named Dolphin on January 8, 1643.7 Additionally, while the journal kept by Johan van Loon abruptly ends with the death of Brouwer on August 8, 1643, the Journal and History continues until the return of Herckmans in Recife on December 28, 1643. Thus, the period from August through December 1643 in the Journal and History comes from a journal that is now lost. A manuscript, kept in the Göttingen State and University Library and containing a detailed description of Valdivia as well as several painted maps of the city, may be part of this missing journal.8 In any case, the main events of the five-month period as described in the Journal and History are corroborated by the report written by the

4. “Stukken betreffende de expeditie naar Chili, 1642–1644” (Papers relating to the expedition to Chile, 1642–1644), Archive of the Old West India Company (here­ after cited as OWIC), Dutch National Archives, The Hague, 1.05.01.01, inv. no. 44. This collection of papers has been fully digitized as 445 scans at “Oude West-Indische Compagnie (OWIC),” Nationaal Archief, accessed November 22, 2018, http://www​ .gahetna​.nl/‌collectie/‌archief/‌inventaris/‌gahetnascans/‌eadid/‌1.05.01.01/‌inventarisnr​ /‌44/‌level​/‌file. 5. Heijer, Goud en Indianen. 6. Erb, “Journaal van de Nederlanders in Chili,” 218. 7. Journael ende Historis Verhael, entry of January 8, 1643 (page 9 of the original page numbering of the 1646 edition by Broer Jansz). For Johan van Loon, see Heijer, Goud en Indianen, 56, 216–17; and Rooij, Jacht Dolphijn van Hoorn, 4–5, 112. The latter book contains a condensed account of the Johan van Loon journal and of the Journael ende Historis Verhael. 8. This manuscript was brought to my attention by Henk den Heijer, email communication, April 9, 2018. I have been unable to consult the manuscript, which is in the Göttingen State and University Library in Germany.

NOTE ON THE TRANSLATION  |  xvii

third-in-command Elbert Crispijnsen upon his arrival back in Recife in late November 1643.9 Unlike other seventeenth-century Dutch travel accounts, the Journal and History did not become an international best seller. It was published once in an abbreviated German edition in 1649 and in an abbreviated English edition in 1704.10 A Spanish-language edition was first published in Chile in 1892, just as the Chilean nationstate was completing its violent subjugation of the Mapuche.11 This English edition is the first complete translation of the Journal and History.

9. Crispijnsen’s report is transcribed and annotated in Heijer, Goud en Indianen, 285–307. 10. For the German edition, see Levinus Hulsius, Die fünff und zweyntzigste Schiffahrt, DTA, accessed November 29, 2018, http://​www​.deutschestextarchiv​.de​ /book/‌view​/‌hulsius_schifffahrt_1649?p=5. For the English edition, see “Voyage to the Kingdom of Chili,” in Churchill and Churchill, Collection of Voyages and Travels, 1:503–26. 11. Roechner, “Viaje de Enrique Brouwer,” in Documentos para la historia, 16:3–88.

Fig. 1  Title page of the Journal and History as published by Broer Jansz in Amsterdam in 1646. Photo: Nederlands Scheepvaartmuseum, Amsterdam.

Introduction to the Journal and History of the Brouwer Expedition to Valdivia, 1643

In 1646 a small book of 104 pages was published in Amsterdam about two Dutch expeditions in the Pacific that had taken place three years before. According to the book’s title page, the travel account was compiled by an anonymous liefhebber, or amateur scholar, from several journals and notebooks kept during the expeditions. The overwhelming majority of the book (ninety-five pages) consists of an account of the Journal and History of the Voyage made East of the Strait of Le Maire, to the Shores of Chile, under the command of Lord General Hendrick Brouwer, having taken place in the year 1643. This expedition sought to establish a permanent outpost in southern Chile, enter into an alliance with the local Mapuche, and search for gold. The account of the Brouwer expedition is presented as a daily journal or logbook, but it also contains lengthy descriptions of geographic landmarks, natural resources, interrogations of Spanish prisoners, and brief ethnographic descriptions of indigenous peoples. A much smaller portion of the book (nine pages) contains A description of the Island of Eso, located about thirty Miles from the mighty Empire of Japan. In 1643 an expedition of two Dutch East India Company vessels had visited the island of Eso (now Hokkaido) to search for silver mines. This introduction discusses the background and origins of the Brouwer expedition to Chile, the detailed instructions for his voyage, and the development of the expedition and its aftermath, as well as an explanation for why the book was published in 1646, three years after the actual expedition had taken place.

2 | TO THE SHORES OF CHILE

Background and Origins to the Brouwer Expedition The expedition led by Hendrick Brouwer in 1643 was the last in a series of Dutch maritime enterprises to the Pacific coast of South America. From 1598 until his voyage, four Dutch expeditions visited the shores of Chile and Peru.1 The Dutch first developed a fascination with coastal Peru and Chile in the late 1590s in the context of the Dutch war with Habsburg Spain and as part of the Dutch quest to find maritime routes to the East Indies. Since the late 1560s the northern provinces of the Habsburg Low Countries (present-day Belgium and the Netherlands) were in armed rebellion against the Habsburg Spanish Empire. After two decades of struggle, the rebellious provinces had organized themselves in a confederation commonly referred to as the Republic of the (seven) United Netherlands. While each of the provinces was autonomous, foreign policy and military defense were coordinated by the States General, the assembly of the seven provinces. As the republic consolidated its independence, Dutch merchants developed an interest in trade in the East and West Indies. The first Dutch expedition to obtain exotic spices in Southeast Asia in 1595 followed the Portuguese route alongside the Cape of Good Hope. When this expedition returned to the Netherlands in 1597 with a small amount of spices, it set off a frenzy among Dutch merchants. While most merchants organized expeditions that tried to reach the East Indies by way of southern Africa, two privately funded expeditions tried to get to Asia by traveling through the Straits of Magellan.2 The two Dutch expeditions that left for the Straits of Magellan in 1598 had two objectives once they reached the coastal waters of Peru and Chile. One objective was to attack Spanish shipping in the South Sea (the Pacific). From recent English privateering expeditions by Francis Drake and Thomas Cavendish to the South Sea in the 1570s and 1580s, the Dutch had learned that the Spanish silver convoys that sailed from Peru to Panama and from Acapulco to Manila were vulnerable. If the Dutch expeditions could intercept the Spanish

1. For the 2015 Dutch edition of the manuscript journal of the Brouwer expedition, see Heijer, Goud en Indianen. For an overview of the Dutch voyages to Chile, see Schmidt, “Exotic Allies.” 2. Roeper and Wildeman, Om de wereld, 13–16.

INTRODUCTION | 3

silver ships, like Drake had done, the Habsburg enemy would be delivered a devastating blow.3 The second goal of the two expeditions was to enter into friendly relations with the “Araucanians,” a Spanish term for indigenous people in southern Chile whose own indigenous name was Mapuche. Unlike the centralized Inca Empire in Peru, the decentralized Mapuche proved difficult to defeat for the Spanish conquistadors. A major war erupted in 1598, when Mapuche clans united to take up arms to end ongoing Spanish slave raids. The Mapuche attacks were so effective that the Spanish were forced to abandon the city of Valdivia and retreat north of the Biobío River.4 The only secure Spanish foothold remained the southern island of Chiloé, where the local Huilliche people traded woolen clothes for European goods.5 The outfitters of the two expeditions hoped that alliances could be established with the Mapuche. This strategy of seeking out coalitions with the Native peoples of the Americas was part of a Dutch global strategy to undermine the Habsburg Empire.6 But the two Dutch expeditions that sailed through the Straits of Magellan in 1599–1600 did not have much success. The first expedition, a flotilla of five vessels led by Jacques Mahu (1564–1598) and Simon de Cordes ([?]–1599), had great difficulty sailing through the Straits of Magellan. Once they reached the coast of Chile, most of the vessels had become separated from one another. One ship managed to reach Chiloé, where the crew briefly established friendly relations with the Huilliche. But two other ships were attacked by the Mapuche, who viewed the Dutch intruders with great suspicion.7 The other expedition, led by Olivier van Noort (around 1558–1627), visited the Chilean coastal islands of La Mocha and Santa María. The crew of

3. Bradley, Lure of Peru, 2–4; Roeper and Wildeman, Om de wereld, 11–12. 4. Weber, Bárbaros, 54–61. For the uprising of 1598, see Berger, “Permanent War on Peru’s Periphery,” 29–64, 97–99. For the attack on Valdivia, see Guarda, Nueva historia de Valdivia, 102–21. 5. Jones, “Warfare, Reorganization, and Readaptation,” in Salomon and Schwartz, Cambridge History, 144. 6. For the objectives of the two Dutch expeditions, see Wieder, De reis van Mahu, 1:19–21; and Heijer, Goud en Indianen, 20–21. 7. For a summary of the Mahu and Cordes expedition, see Sluiter, “Dutch on the Pacific Coast,” 129–51; Lane, Pillaging the Empire, 73–76; Roeper and Wildeman, Ontdekkingsreizen van Nederlanders, 81–91; and Bradley, Lure of Peru, 13–19.

4 | TO THE SHORES OF CHILE

Van Noort’s three vessels traded in foodstuffs with the local Indians, but no alliances were made with the mainland Mapuche.8 The third Dutch expedition to visit the Pacific coast of South America was the voyage from 1614 to 1617, led by Joris van Spilbergen (1568–1620), in service of the Dutch East India Company. In 1602 the States General chartered the Vereenigde Oost-Indische Compagnie (United East India Company, or VOC) as a way to merge all the competing merchant companies to Asia. As a monopoly enterprise, the VOC received the exclusive right to sail to Asia along the Cape of Good Hope and through the Straits of Magellan. The latter route was ignored by the VOC, since the voyage around the Cape of Good Hope was much more reliable. In 1614, however, the States General permitted the merchant Isaac le Maire (around 1550–1624) to launch an expedition to Asia along the southern tip of South America. To protect its monopoly position from interlopers, the VOC commissioned Spilbergen to sail through the South American maritime passage. To offset the expenses for the voyage, Spilbergen was instructed to attack Spanish ports and ships along the coast of Peru and Chile. The VOC commander was also encouraged to seek out alliances with the Mapuche. Although Spilbergen’s expedition was effective in harassing Spanish ports and ships in the coastal waters of Chile and Peru, relations with indigenous peoples remained limited to a friendly but very brief visit to the Indians of the island of La Mocha in May 1615.9 Dutch interests in the Pacific coast of South America were kept alive after the Spilbergen expedition. Spilbergen himself published his account of the expedition in 1619, in which he highlighted the mineral riches to be found in Peru and Chile.10 In the same year a Dutch edition of La Araucana, an epic poem written by the conquistador Alonso de Ercilla y Zúñiga in 1569, was published. In this work the Mapuche were portrayed as “noble savages” heroically struggling for their independence. The subtitle, Historical description of the 8. For the Van Noort expedition, see Lane, Pillaging the Empire, 75–79; and Bradley, Lure of Peru, 19–25. 9. Bradley, Lure of Peru, 30–48. For the visit to La Mocha, see Warnsinck, De reis om de wereld, pt. 1, 40–42. For the expedition of Isaac le Maire, see Engelbrecht and Herwerden, Voorbij het eind van de wereld. This expedition never visited the Pacific coast but sailed directly into the Pacific after rounding South America. 10. Bradley, Lure of Peru, 45.

INTRODUCTION | 5

Gold-rich lands in Chile, of the Dutch edition of La Araucana also highlighted the valuable gold to be found in Chile.11 Two years later a twelve-year truce between Spain and the Netherlands ended. To cripple the Spanish ability to finance the war in Europe, the States General; the VOC; and Prince Maurits van Nassau (1567–1625), the stadtholder and supreme military commander of the Dutch army, dispatched a force of eleven warships called the “Nassau Fleet” to capture the Spanish silver transports in the Pacific in 1623. The Nassau Fleet was also instructed to establish alliances with the Mapuche. The States General supplied the fleet with formal letters inviting the Indians of South America to join the Dutch war against Spain.12 But the Nassau Fleet was not very successful in meeting its objectives. Once again some damage was inflicted on Spanish shipping and ports on the Pacific coast, but the ultimate prize of capturing Spanish silver ships proved elusive. Similarly, except for a few captured Indians who served as informants, no contacts were established with the Mapuche.13 Although the VOC lost interest in the Pacific coast of South America after the disappointing result of the Nassau Fleet, the newly founded West India Company (WIC) continued the Dutch interest in Chile and Peru. The WIC had been chartered by the States General in 1621 as a trade company that received the exclusive right to develop commerce and colonies in the Americas and West Africa. At the same time the States General viewed the WIC as a military instrument against Habsburg Spain. The WIC spent most of its capital on the conquest of the sugar-growing regions of Portuguese Brazil, which had become part of the Habsburg Empire in 1580. In 1629 the WIC also authorized an expedition to establish a naval base on the Chilean coast. The leader of this expedition would be Johannes van Walbeeck (1602–1649), a mapmaker who had participated in the Nassau Fleet. But this expedition never took off, since the conquest of Pernambuco, 11. Lechner, “Vroege Nederlandse drukken,” in Lechner and Vogel, Nieuwe Wereld, 92–93; Schmidt, “Exotic Allies,” 463–64; Heijer, Goud en Indianen, 24–25; Doedens and Looijestein, Op jacht naar Spaans zilver, 96. 12. Doedens and Looijestein, Op jacht naar Spaans zilver, 39–53, 94–95; Schmidt, “Exotic Allies,” 452–53. 13. Doedens and Looijestein, Op jacht naar Spaans zilver, 87–97 (expedition overview), 251–53 (four Indians captured), 284–85 (Indian informant). See also Heijer, Goud en Indianen, 23; Schmidt, “Exotic Allies,” 454; and Bradley, Lure of Peru, 49–71.

6 | TO THE SHORES OF CHILE

the richest sugar-growing province in Brazil, proved much harder than expected. In 1632 the WIC shelved the plans for the expedition to Chile.14 The dream of establishing a foothold in Chile was revived after the WIC had greatly expanded its military power in the South Atlantic. By the early 1640s the company controlled half of the sugar-growing provinces of colonial Brazil. Moreover, in March 1641 the high council; the supreme colonial council; and Johan Maurits van Nassau-​Siegen, governor general of Dutch Brazil (ruled 1637–44), received news that Portugal had restored its independence from Habsburg Spain. The unexpected turn of events led to a ten-year truce between the Dutch Republic and Portugal, which also went into effect in Brazil. The sudden cessation of hostilities in Brazil inspired the high council and Maurits to launch new expeditions to expand Dutch power in the South Atlantic and the Pacific coast of South America. In late May a flotilla left Recife to capture Luanda, the major slave-trading port of Portuguese Angola.15 Several months later, in August 1641, Maurits proposed to the Heeren XIX, the central board of nineteen company directors in the Netherlands, a plan to dispatch a naval force to southern Chile. The goals of this expedition were to be essentially the same as those of the earlier ones: establish anti-Spanish alliances with Indians, attack Spanish silver ships, and explore Terra Australis. Once an outpost had been established in southern Chile, Maurits also wanted to capture Buenos Aires, the port city believed to give access to the rich silver mine of Potosí in Bolivia. If all these plans succeeded, the WIC could become the dominant colonial power in South America.16 Although the WIC’s financial resources were substantially limited because of the heavy expenditures that had been made to conquer and occupy Brazil, the Heeren XIX were enthusiastic about the proposal for an expedition to Chile. The company directors likely hoped that a foothold in Chile could give them quick access to much-needed precious metals to replenish the company’s coffers. On June 6, 1642, the Heeren XIX discussed the plan for the Chile expedition.17 Initially, 14. On the aborted expedition, see Zandvliet, Mapping for Money, 172–73. 15. Ratelband, Nederlanders in West-Afrika, 98–104. 16. Zandvliet, Mapping for Money, 173; Heijer, Goud en Indianen, 26. 17. “Secrete notulen, instructies, minuten van uitgaande secrete brieven, afschriften van ingekomen secrete brieven en rapporten, 1629 augustus 1–1645

INTRODUCTION | 7

the Heeren XIX selected Van Walbeeck as the commander, but by August 1642 the directors appointed Hendrick Brouwer (ca. 1581– 1643) as the supreme officer. The sixty-one-year-old Brouwer had already had a long career in Asia, culminating in a stint as governor general of the VOC in the East Indies from 1632 to 1636. During his long service for the VOC, Brouwer had shown a considerable interest in navigation and exploration. In 1611 Brouwer had discovered a faster sea route from South Africa to Java by relying on strong western winds prevailing in southern latitudes. As governor general, Brouwer had also encouraged the VOC to search for Terra Australis.18 Upon his return to the Netherlands in the late 1630s, Brouwer, who had become embroiled with the VOC directors, became director of the WIC for the chamber of Amsterdam. Partially because of Brouwer’s prestigious past as governor general and partially because of his skills as a navigator in the Southern Hemisphere, the relatively old Brouwer was appointed as the admiral and general of the expedition to Chile.19

The Instructions for the Brouwer Expedition Around the same time as Brouwer’s appointment was being finalized, the Heeren XIX issued detailed instructions for the expedition.20 The instructions reveal that the WIC directors were well informed through earlier Dutch voyages about the local situation in southern Chile. Because of the seasonal weather patterns in the South Atlantic, Brouwer was to set sail to Recife as soon as possible to mei 2” (Secret minutes, instructions, minutes of outgoing secret letters, and notes of incoming secret letters and reports, August 1, 1629–May 2, 1645), June 6, 1642, OWIC, 1.05.01.01, inv. no. 2, scan 296. See also Telting, “Nederlanders in Chili,” 2013. The Spanish prisoner is not identified. 18. Coolhaas, “Oud-Gouverneur-Generaal Henrick Brouwer”; Wildeman, “Ontdekker op de brandstapel,” in Daalder, De ontdekking van de wereld, 75–77. 19. For the appointment of Brouwer, see “Secrete notulen,” September 24–25, 1642, OWIC, inv. no. 2, scans 296–97; see also Telting, “Nederlanders in Chili,” 2012–15; and Zandvliet, Mapping for Money, 174. 20. “Instructie en commissie Hendrick Brouwer” (Instruction and commission for Hendrick Brouwer), 1642, Archive of the States General, Loketkas WIC, Dutch National Archives, The Hague, 1.01.07, inv. no. 12564.11L. The instructions are transcribed in “Instructie voor Hendrick Brouwer,” in Heijer, Goud en Indianen, 59–71. See also Telting, “Nederlanders in Chili,” 2016–19.

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catch the winds blowing from the north. Once Brouwer had reached Recife, he had to deliberate with Johan Maurits. In consultation with Maurits, Brouwer had to select additional vessels and manpower.21 After departing from Recife the expedition was to sail through the Strait of Le Maire, which was a new passage around South America that had been discovered and named by the expedition fitted out by Isaac Le Maire in 1615–17.22 The Strait of Le Maire was much safer and faster than the treacherous Straits of Magellan because it went through open water. Once Brouwer entered Pacific waters, he had to make landfall on Chiloé Island and establish alliances with the local Indians. Brouwer was ordered to tell the local caciques that the Dutch and the Indians were united in their fight for freedom against the Spanish. A special letter from the stadtholder Frederick Hendrik was to be given to the caciques to seal the alliance. If possible, several Indians had to be persuaded to travel to the Netherlands so that they could witness how the Dutch waged war against the Spanish.23 After alliances had been made, Brouwer was to seek permission from the local “Araucanians” to establish a fort in or near Valdivia, which had been abandoned by the Spanish in 1598. Valdivia was selected because it was also viewed as being nearby gold mines. Brouwer was instructed to delicately obtain gold from the local Indians in exchange for weapons and ammunition, which were seen as the trade goods that Indians desired the most. Another important component of the expedition was to turn the nearby fertile island of Santa María into a privateering base and as a supplier of food for the future Dutch outpost in Valdivia. The company directors warned Brouwer not to enslave any of the Indians for fear of alienating them.24 Once Brouwer had established an “offensive and defensive alliance against Castile” with the Chilean Indians and once the rich gold deposits had been identified, he was to dispatch news of this back to Recife so that reinforcements could be sent together with new weapons for the Indians. To accurately identify the mineral deposits 21. “Instructie voor Hendrick Brouwer,” arts. 1–2, in Heijer, Goud en Indianen, 59–60. 22. For the discovery of the Strait of Le Maire, see Engelbrecht and Herwerden, Voorbij het eind van de wereld; and Heijer, Goud en Indianen, 15. 23. “Instructie voor Hendrick Brouwer,” arts. 7–11, in Heijer, Goud en Indianen, 61–63. 24. Ibid., arts. 11, 12.

INTRODUCTION | 9

in southern Chile, Brouwer was instructed to recruit mining experts in Recife. The directors also wanted the expedition to collect information about the indigenous peoples. They also had to try “to take away all the heathenish blindness and superstitions of popery” from the Indians and instead “bring them to the light of the beatific mercy of the holy evangelism” of the Reformed Church. In addition to looking for gold and silver, the expedition members had to send back to Recife specimens of sheep wool and investigate whether it was possible to transport Chilean sheep to Brazil.25 Brouwer was authorized to search for Terra Australis, as long as he accomplished his goals in Chile first. Elias Herckmans ([?]–1644), a Dutch literary figure and a colonial official from Dutch Brazil, was to be left in charge of the outpost in Chile.26

The Expedition and Its Aftermath The course of the expedition can be divided into four episodes. The first episode covers the expedition’s stopover in Dutch Brazil. In early November 1642 Brouwer and three large WIC ships left the Dutch island of Texel to set sail to Brazil. Aboard were several hundred sailors, soldiers, and craftsmen. Also on board of one of the ships was Elias Herckmans, the second-in-command, who had been on furlough in the Netherlands in 1642. Following an uneventful Atlantic crossing, the three ships reached Recife on December 22. The military situation of the WIC in the South Atlantic had substantially changed since Maurits had first proposed the plan for the Chile expedition in August 1641. Although the Dutch had captured Luanda as well as the West African island of São Tomé in the fall of 1641, the Portuguese continued to put up fierce resistance in both places. To make matters worse, the Luso-Brazilian settlers in the northern Brazilian province of Maranhão, which had been annexed by the WIC in 1641, staged a

25. Ibid., arts. 17, 29, 21. The expedition also had to search for saltpeter and dyes; see articles 22–23. 26. Ibid., art. 25. On Herckmans, see Heijer, Goud en Indianen, 34–38; Dams, “Elias Herckmans,” in Huigen, Jong, and Kolfin, Dutch Trading Companies, 19–37; and Worp, “Elias Herckmans.”

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rebellion against Dutch colonial rule.27 These military crises forced Maurits and the high council to divert ships and reinforcements to Maranhão and West Africa that otherwise could have been supplied to the Brouwer expedition.28 Despite these setbacks, the expedition commanders and Maurits expanded the fleet. They appointed Elbert Crispijnsen, a member of the judicial council in Dutch Brazil, as the third-in-command of the expedition. The number of vessels was expanded from two to five by including the large ship Vlissingen (Flushing); a smaller supply ship, the Orangienboom (Orange Tree); and a fast-sailing yacht named Dolphijn (Dolphin), which was to be used in the coastal waters of Chile. A number of extra soldiers, sailors, and craftsmen were also recruited in Recife, although they were not told about the expedition’s destination. Eventually three military companies of 110 men each were distributed over the expedition’s fleet. After three weeks of taking on fresh supplies, alcohol, and warm clothing in anticipation of the cold weather to be encountered in the Strait of Le Maire, the expedition set sail in mid-January 1643.29 The second episode of the expedition concerns the fleet’s onemonth-long ordeal to sail through the Strait of Le Maire and around Cape Horn, the southernmost promontory of the Tierra del Fuego archipelago. During this time the fleet made a discovery that had significant consequences for future maritime voyages that would sail around South America. In March 1643 the Dutch fleet anchored at Valentijns (Valentine’s) Bay on the western shore of the Strait of Le Maire.30 Ever since the voyage sent out by Isaac le Maire in 1615, the eastern shore of the Strait of Le Maire was presumed to be part of an unknown landmass, named Statenland, which stretched deep into the South Atlantic. But the Brouwer expedition discovered that Statenland was an island. This discovery meant that ships no longer had to sail through the relatively narrow Strait of Le Maire but instead could easily sail around Staten Island to reach the Pacific. The body of water east of Staten Island was named Brouwers Gulf. To aid future expeditions, several detailed maps, coastal profiles, and sailing 27. For the Portuguese resistance and rebellions, see Baerle, History of Brazil, 234–36; and Ratelband, Nederlanders in West-Afrika, 143–65. 28. Heijer, Goud en Indianen, 26–27. 29. Ibid., 28–30. 30. Journael ende Historis Verhael, 16–18 (original page numbers).

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Map 1  The approximate route of the Brouwer expedition from Recife to Valdivia in 1642–43. Drawn by Weldon Hiebert based on Natural Earth imagery and a map made by Humphrey Hazelhoff Roelfzema, in Rooij, Het jacht Dolphijn van Hoorn.

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directions were made of Staten Island and Valentijns Bay.31 One setback for the expedition was that the supply ship Orangienboom broke its mainmast, causing that vessel to become separated from the rest of the fleet as it made its way around Cape Horn.32 The next episode in the Brouwer expedition was the nearly four-month-long stay at the island of Chiloé from late April to mid-​ August 1643.33 The stay at Chiloé was lengthier than planned because the ship Vlissingen needed significant repairs after being battered by a bad storm. In the meantime the expedition tried to establish friendly relations with the local Huilliches. Communication with the Huilliche proved difficult, partially because of linguistic barriers and also because the Spanish still held control over the island. Brouwer and the other commanders eventually decided to attack Castro and Carelmapu, the two main Spanish towns on, respectively, the island and the nearby mainland. Both towns were quickly captured and burned down. At Carelmapu the WIC soldiers annihilated a Spanish force without taking prisoners.34 After the Spanish defeats the Huilliche felt secure enough to join into an alliance with the Dutch. Almost five hundred Huilliche men, women, and children boarded the WIC vessels as they made their way to Valdivia in late August. Several weeks before General Brouwer had died from an unknown sickness. His embalmed body was taken along to Valdivia, where the general wanted to be buried.35 The last episode of the expedition was the awkward twomonth-long stay of the Dutch at Valdivia from late August until mid-​October 1643. The Dutch found the city in ruins and overgrown with trees and grass. Shortly after the arrival of the Dutch ships, some 1,200 “Chileans,” or Mapuche, arrived to meet them, many of them on horseback and greatly outnumbering the expedition members. In early September Herckmans had several meetings with 31. “Reglement voor die so van de kust van Fernambuco om de zuijd na de Straet Magelanes ende Lamair begeeren te seijlen” (Directions for those who want to sail from the coast of Pernambuco to the Strait of Magellan and Le Maire), n.d., OWIC, 1.05.01.01, inv. no. 44, scans 273–78. See also Heijer, Goud en Indianen, 309–22, 311 (map). 32. Journael ende Historis Verhael, 22 (original page number). I thank Cees Paul for explaining the situation of the mast on the Orangienboom. 33. This episode is covered in Journael ende Historis Verhael, 26–57. 34. Telting, “Nederlanders in Chili,” 2023. 35. Journael ende Historis Verhael, 56–57.

INTRODUCTION | 13

regional Mapuche caciques in the central plaza of Valdivia. Communication was probably done in Spanish since the Dutch held several Spanish captives from Chiloé and the Mapuche held large numbers of Spanish captives.36 During the fateful parlay, which is reprinted in the Journal and History, Herckmans told the caciques how impressed the Dutch were with the Araucanian war against the Spanish. Closely following his original instructions, Herckmans presented letters from the stadtholder Frederick Hendrik to the caciques. At the end of the meeting, feeling overly confident, Herckmans asked the caciques about the whereabouts of the gold mines. Even though Herckmans emphasized that the Dutch wanted to obtain gold through peaceful trade, the caciques were clearly upset. Remembering how the Spanish had enslaved their people, the caciques now became highly suspicious and abruptly ended the meeting.37 Although the Dutch did receive permission from the caciques to build a fortification in Valdivia, the hoped-for trade in gold did not take off. To make matters worse, the Dutch were also unable to develop a vital trade in food provisions with the Mapuche. The caciques explained to Herckmans that they did not normally store large food supplies for fear of the Spanish looting them.38 Additionally, recent ecological catastrophes such as a deadly epidemic disease in 1639 and an earthquake had made obtaining adequate food resources difficult.39 The failure of a brisk food trade with the Mapuche was especially troublesome for the Dutch, since the supply ship Orangienboom never made it to Valdivia. On September 26 Herckmans was still optimistic, as he dispatched Elbert Crispijnsen with the Amsterdam to Recife to ask Maurits and the high council to send reinforcements.40 But several weeks later the Dutch commander concluded that the position in Valdivia was untenable. In the surviving journals, excerpts of which are printed in the Journal and History, Herckmans argued that the growing food shortage made an ongoing 36. The Mapuche had captured thousands of Spanish women and children during the attacks in 1598. See Jones, “Warfare, Reorganization, and Readaptation,” in Salomon and Schwartz, Cambridge History, 148. 37. Journael ende Historis Verhael, 72–75. For a very similar version of the meeting, see the report by Crispijnsen, transcribed in Heijer, Goud en Indianen, 297–301. 38. Journael ende Historis Verhael, 87 (entry of October 19, 1643). 39. Gascón, “Defense of the Spanish Empire,” 17–22. 40. Journael ende Historis Verhael, 78–79.

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stay in Valdivia too dangerous. Desertion and unrest among the WIC soldiers became a growing problem, and rumors, spread by some caciques, about the arrival of a large Spanish army from central Chile also worried Herckmans.41 Several chiefs even warned Herckmans that one of the caciques, Manquiante, was a Spanish spy.42 Despite the pleas from several caciques to stay, Herckmans and the rest of the expedition sailed back to Recife in mid-October, where they arrived on December 28, 1643.43 Meanwhile, the Dutch presence in Valdivia greatly alarmed the Spanish colonists. In the city of Santiago special processions and masses were held in September 1643 to pray for the defeat of the Dutch.44 In May 1644 the governor of Chile dispatched two naval expeditions to southern Chile to find out if the Dutch were still there. The Spanish found Valdivia abandoned, but they captured several deserters from the Brouwer expedition. The Spanish also located Hendrick Brouwer’s grave, dug up his body, and publicly burned it to signify the fate of heretics who attacked the Catholic Habsburg Empire. In February 1645 a major expeditionary force from Peru arrived in Valdivia to construct Spanish fortifications along the coastal waterways leading to the city. The Spanish also rekindled relations with some of the Mapuche caciques, most notably with Manquiante.45 The aftermath of the Brouwer expedition in WIC circles was marked by bitter accusations against Herckmans. Maurits and the high council were greatly upset with the unexpected return of Herckmans, since they had just began the preparations to ship soldiers and supplies to Valdivia in response to the request from Crispijnsen, who had arrived in Recife in late November. Herckmans had anticipated 41. Berger, “Permanent War on Peru’s Periphery,” 159. 42. On the suspicions that Manquiante was a spy, see “Extract uit het Journael van Elbert Crispijnsen” (Extract from the journal of Elbert Crispijnsen), examination of the cacique Manquianti, 1643–44, OWIC, 1.05.01.01, inv. no. 44, scans 361–63. This interrogation is not printed in the Journael ende Historis Verhael, although it does make reference that he was kept aboard a Dutch ship for several days; see page 82. See also Telting, “Nederlanders in Chili,” 2030. 43. Journael ende Historis Verhael, 85–95. 44. Solar, Sociedad de Santiago, 241–43. I thank Diederick Wildeman for this reference. 45. Bradley, Lure of Peru, 82–85; Berger, “Permanent War on Peru’s Periphery,” 157–63.

INTRODUCTION | 15

this criticism, and he wrote up an extensive defense of his actions, in which he urged his superiors to send a new expedition with more ships and soldiers. Eventually fabulous riches could be obtained, which included even “the precious pearl fisheries in California as well as Australian islands.”46 Before he could defend his actions further, however, Herckmans died of an unknown sickness in Recife on January 8, 1644, less than two weeks after he had returned. The Heeren XIX in the republic were also angry with Herckmans when they learned of the failed expedition. Even though Herckmans had already passed away, the directors accused him of cowardice and of alienating the Indians with his aggressive talk about gold.47 Although the Brouwer expedition had been a failure, the Heeren XIX continued to discuss plans for a future expedition to Chile through 1645. For the strapped WIC, gaining access to quick riches such as the reputed gold mines of Chile had become a critical concern. Around the same time as news of the Brouwer expedition reached the republic in March 1644, the assembly of the dominant province of Holland as well as the States General were discussing a plan to merge the WIC with the VOC. According to this plan, the WIC, whose charter was expiring in 1645, could be saved if it merged with the prosperous VOC. The Heeren XIX, sensing a unique opportunity, used this proposal for a merger to lobby the States General to either finance a new expedition to Chile or amalgamate the two 46. “Vertooch aen de E. Heeren Bewinthebberen der Geoctroyeerde Westindische Compagnie ter Vergaderinge van de XIX tot Amsterdam noopende de saacken op de expeditie op de Zuijdt voorgevallen” (Presentation made to the honorable lords directors of the chartered West India Company at the meeting of the Nineteen in Amsterdam regarding the affairs that happened during the expedition to the South Sea), n.d., OWIC, 1.05.01.01, inv. no. 44, scans 285–304. This document is unsigned and undated but almost certainly written by Herckmans. The quote about the pearl fisheries in California is on scan 303. See also Telting, “Nederlanders in Chili,” 2033–34; and Heijer, Goud en Indianen, 44. 47. See, for example, “Cort Recueil vantgene uit de provisionele becomen advijzen ende journaals over wegen de successen van de heer Generaal Brouwer zaliger voyagie uit Brazil naerder Zuijt Zee tot noch toe verstaen wert” (Brief summary of the provisional recommendations and journals of the successes of the expedition from Brazil to the South Sea made by the late Lord General Brouwer), 1644, OWIC, 1.05.01.01, inv. no. 44, scans 327–46; and “Rapport ende advijs van wegen de Generale Rekenkamer aende Ed. Vergaderinge der XIX over de saecken van Chili” (Report and advice from the General Auditor’s Office at the meeting of the Nineteen about the situation of Chile), 1644, OWIC, 1.05.01.01, inv. no. 44, scans 377–87. See also Telting, “Nederlanders in Chili,” 2034–35; Heijer, Goud en Indianen, 44.

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companies.48 As part of this lobby campaign, WIC directors submitted glowing reports, proclaiming that “this region [Chile] is so rich in gold like nowhere else in the world.” In the same report the suggestion was even made that that the WIC could “become the master of Río de la Plata because the situation in Chile is such according to the report of some that the same river La Plata can be reached by rivers in the interior and lagoons [of Chile].” From Río de la Plata the legendary silver mines of Potosí could be reached, which would be a major blow for the Spanish Empire and a major boost for the Dutch Empire.49 But plans for a future expedition to Chile never came to fruition, because the VOC and the States General refused to amalgamate the two companies and because a major rebellion broke out against Dutch colonial rule in Brazil in June 1645. Since the VOC did not want to be dragged down by the impoverished WIC, VOC directors and lawyers strongly opposed any union with the WIC.50 In late April 1645 the Heeren XIX invoked one more time the prospect of a lucrative Chilean expedition to the States General. According to a report dated April 28, 1645, the Heeren XIX had sat down with Johan Maurits, who had recently returned to the Netherlands from Brazil, to discuss the need for another expedition to Chile. The report bluntly stated that “the well-being and welfare of the Company depend on the plan for an expedition to Chile, because the occupation of Brazil, which supplies only sugar, does not sustain the Company enough, while in Chile there are plentiful amounts of gold.”51 But while the States General continued to postpone a decision about the future of the WIC, news reached the republic in early September 1645 of an uprising by the Luso-Brazilian settlers against Dutch rule in Pernambuco. The outbreak of this rebellion abruptly ended any discussion about a possible expedition to Chile. From now on the Heeren XIX were forced to use all their available resources to save their precious colony in Brazil. When Dutch Brazil finally collapsed after a decade 48. For the possible merger of the WIC and VOC, see Heijer, “Plannen voor samenvoeging”; and Heijer, Geschiedenis van de WIC, 97–101. 49. “Rapport ende advijs,” 1644, OWIC, 1.05.01.01, inv. no. 44, scans 377–87. 50. Heijer, Geschiedenis van de WIC, 99. 51. “Raport van het exploit op Chili, 28 April 1645” (Report of the exploit on Chile, 28 April 1645), OWIC, 1.05.01.01, inv. no. 44, scans 393–96. See also Telting, “Nederlanders in Chili,” 2036–37.

INTRODUCTION | 17

of fighting in January 1654, the WIC was bankrupt, and peace had been made between the Netherlands and Spain.52 Following a half century of failed attempts, no plans were ever made again to establish a permanent Dutch foothold in Chile.

The Publication of the Journal and History Since the Brouwer expedition was such an embarrassing failure for the WIC, it is surprising that the Journal and History of the voyage was published at all. Throughout the first half of the seventeenth century, many accounts of Dutch voyages across the world had been published to celebrate their successes or exploits. This was clearly different in the case of the Brouwer expedition, since there was very little to celebrate. Apart from discovering a new sea passage around Staten Island, the Brouwer expedition had accomplished very little. Moreover, any discussion about funding a new voyage to Chile had ended by the fall of 1645 because of the Pernambuco revolt. To add to the mystery of why the Journal and History was published in 1646 is that in March of the same year the long-awaited peace negotiations between delegates of the Dutch Republic and Spain had begun in the German city of Münster.53 It seems puzzling that the Journal and History of the Brouwer expedition, with its explicit aim of doing damage to the Spanish Empire, was published in the same year that the States General tried to establish peace with Spain. An answer as to why the Journal and History was published in 1646 can be found by taking a closer look at the book’s publisher and his role in the public debate surrounding the WIC and the peace negotiations with Spain during the mid-1640s. The publisher of the Journal and History was Broer Jansz (1579–1652), a prominent printer and bookseller, and one of the first newspaper editors from Amsterdam. Since the early 1620s Jansz had been an ardent supporter of the WIC. When the WIC launched its attack on Bahia in 1624, Jansz printed a special edition of his newspaper to celebrate the anticipated victory. In the same year he also published West-Indian 52. Heijer, Geschiedenis van de WIC, 50–54. 53. Geurts, “Moeilijke weg naar Munster,” in Noordegraaf et al., 1648, 57–58; Parker, “Why Did the Dutch Revolt Last?,” in Parker, Spain and the Netherlands, 59.

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Mirror; in which one can see all the Islands, Landscapes, the Mighty Empire of Mexico and the Gold- and Silver-rich country of Peru. This book, a mixture of anti-Spanish propaganda and American geography, was reportedly written by Athanasium Inga, a “Peruvian from Cuzco.” In reality the West-Indian Mirror was produced by Jansz to promote Dutch interest in the Americas, including Chile.54 During the 1630s and 1640s Jansz continued to support the WIC campaigns in Brazil in his newspaper. While other Amsterdam newspapers became more critical of the WIC in Brazil following the outbreak of the revolt in Pernambuco, the newspaper of Jansz minimized Dutch setbacks in Brazil.55 In the light of Jansz’s strong support for the WIC, it is not surprising that he published the Journal and History of the Brouwer expedition in 1646. Most likely Jansz obtained a copy of the main logbook and other papers of the expedition from directors of the Amsterdam chamber of the WIC, who obviously supported his sympathetic publications. It also seems highly probable that Jansz himself was the anonymous liefhebber, or amateur scholar, who prepared the journal for publication. Although the voyage to Chile had clearly failed, Jansz issued a book edition of the journal to put a positive spin on the whole enterprise. The positive view of the WIC held by Jansz is evident throughout the Journal and History. Right on the first page of the journal, the text appeals to the patriotism of readers by describing the Dutch as freedom-loving people. The author then holds up Hendrick Brouwer as a heroic leader who is a good specimen of this Dutch value. These introductory details are nowhere to be found in the original journal kept aboard Brouwer’s flagship Amsterdam, on which most of the account is based. Jansz clearly inserted this passage to celebrate Dutch overseas expansion and the Brouwer expedition.56 54. For Jansz, see Groesen, Amsterdam’s Atlantic, 42–46, 49. See also the catalog of Jansz’s publications in the (online) Short Title Catalogue of the Netherlands of the National Library of the Netherlands in The Hague, which lists 305 different publications by Broer Jansz (accessed November 22, 2018), http://‌picarta.nl/‌xslt/‌DB​ =3.11/‌SET=5/‌TTL=1/‌REL?PPN=075550261). For Inga’s West-Indische Spieghel (West-Indian mirror), see the digital copy of the Bayerische StaatsBibliothek, accessed November 22, 2018, http://‌reader.digitale-sammlungen.de/‌en/‌fs1/‌object/‌display​ /‌bsb10220505_00007.html?contextType=scan. 55. Groesen, Amsterdam’s Atlantic, 128–29. 56. Journael ende Historis Verhael, 3–4 (original page numbering). The main journal of the expedition was published in Heijer, Goud en Indianen, 73–284.

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Moreover, the book edition of the expedition frequently minimizes Dutch weaknesses or setbacks. Although the Journal and History closely follows the main journal of the expedition, the published version leaves out some of the military setbacks that the WIC suffered in the South Atlantic in 1642. For example the journal kept on the commander’s ship spends considerable detail on the uprisings of the Portuguese in West Africa and Maranhão, when Brouwer arrived in Recife in December 1642.57 On December 29 Maurits and the council even decided to disarm all the Portuguese settlers south of Recife as a precautionary measure.58 In the Journal and History, references to these events, which may have reminded readers about the vulnerable position of the WIC, are omitted or briefly summarized. Likewise, a sensitive discussion between Maurits and Brouwer about the poor financial situation of the WIC in Brazil is also left out in Jansz’s version of the expedition.59 Other aspects that could shed a negative light on the Brouwer expedition are also omitted, such as sour beer, the poor condition of the overcoats that had been bought to keep people warm, and incidents with sailors and soldiers aboard the ships.60 Furthermore, the Journal and History downplays the Dutch massacre of the defeated Spanish soldiers at the town of Castro, whereas some of the manuscript documents of the expedition openly blame Brouwer for having unnecessarily caused the bloodbath. Finally, the book does not blame Herckmans for departing from Valdivia. Instead, the text simply ends with the journal entry of December 28, which describes how Herckmans and his vessels safely arrived back in Recife. Readers of the Journal and History are left in the dark about the angry reactions from Johan Maurits and the WIC directors.61

57. Heijer, Goud en Indianen, 89–90 (December 22–23, 1642: news about the revolt in Maranhão and West Africa). 58. Ibid., 93 (entry of December 29, 1642). 59. Ibid., 97–98 (entry of January 7, 1643, on WIC debts). 60. Ibid., 95 (entry of January 4, 1643, on spoiled beer and overcoats eaten by moths), 121 (February 8: woolen socks from Iceland eaten by moths), 128 (February 24: Brouwer threatening crew after incident of people stealing bread and cheese from others), 233 (June 9: complaints of officers about the poor quality of firearms). 61. For Brouwer being blamed for the massacre, see “Cort Recueil,” OWIC, 1.05.01.01, inv. no. 44, scans 327–28; and Telting, “Nederlanders in Chili,” 2023, especially note 2.

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By presenting the Brouwer expedition as a heroic expedition, Jansz hoped to influence public opinion in the Dutch Republic. By extolling the exploits of the expedition and downplaying its failures, Jansz reminded Dutch readers that the WIC was still capable of launching campaigns that could garner incredible riches. Even though the rebellion in Pernambuco had plunged the WIC in a major crisis and even though the States General had rejected a merger of the two trade companies in 1645, perhaps the WIC would be able to send out an expedition to Chile in the future that would be able to get hold of the rich gold deposits in the Pacific after all. In 1646 the States General had not yet renewed the charter of the WIC. By putting a positive spin on the Brouwer expedition, the publisher appealed to supporters of the trade company in the Dutch Republic. While most merchants and magistrates in Amsterdam were eager to withdraw their support from the WIC by the mid-1640s, the province of Zeeland and zealous Calvinists throughout the republic continued to view the company as a useful commercial and religious instrument.62 Perhaps Jansz was also inspired to publish the Journal and History because of the recent publication of Johannes de Laet’s multivolume history of the WIC. Laet, who was a prominent director of the Amsterdam chamber of the WIC, authored a detailed chronology of all the successes of the WIC from 1621 to 1636, which was first published in 1644. Laet published his work to convince magistrates in Holland and in the States General that the WIC had inflicted enormous damage to the Spanish Empire and that the charter of the WIC therefore should be renewed.63 In a similar manner, by bringing the Journal and History on the market in 1646, Jansz may have tried to shape public opinion during the peace negotiations with Spain. Although a majority of provinces were eager to establish peace, several political factions were willing to continue the war against Spain. For example, the provinces of Zeeland and Utrecht wanted to prolong the war against Spain for geopolitical and religious purposes. Moreover, directors and supporters of the WIC as well as the VOC were concerned that a peace treaty could force them to surrender hard-won territories in the Atlantic 62. Heijer, “Recht van de sterkste,” in Bos, Ebben, and Velde, Harmonie in Holland, 84–86. 63. Bick, “Governing the Free Sea,” 241–60; Laet, Iaerlyck Verhael.

INTRODUCTION | 21

and Asia back to the Spanish Empire.64 Thus, the supporters of the war effort and of the two trade companies would have used the Journal and History of the Brouwer expedition as evidence that the war against Spain should be prolonged and that there was great potential for obtaining enormous riches in the Pacific. The addition of A description of the Island of Eso, located about thirty Miles from the mighty Empire of Japan (not included in this translation) immediately following the Journal and History also makes sense if the book is viewed as part of the publicity offensive to protect the interests of the two trade companies.65 Access to plentiful silver and gold was essential for the VOC to trade with Asian merchants. For this reason several expeditions had been launched in the early 1640s, including the one to Eso (now Hokkaido), to search for unexplored territories that might contain rich gold or silver deposits.66 By highlighting the possibility that islands filled with potential rich silver mines were located nearby in Japan, the Description of the Island of Eso tried to convince readers that VOC interests in the Pacific should not be squandered away by the negotiators in Münster. By combining two travel accounts about voyages to find gold and silver in the Pacific, the book would have brought the message home that the Pacific was an important area for Dutch navigation and trade. Soon after peace negotiations began in the spring of 1646, Spain indeed raised objections to the Dutch colonial possessions in the East and West Indies. The discussions in Münster even stalled in the summer of 1646 because of disagreements about the colonial issues. In January 1647 Spain eventually gave in to the Dutch demands, and the WIC and VOC were allowed to keep their possessions in the West and East Indies.67

64. Rietbergen, “Consolidation of the Dutch Overseas Empire,” in Noordegraaf et al., 1648, 121–22; Geurts, “Moeilijke weg naar Munster,” in Noordegraaf et al., 1648, 58–62; Ebben, “Twee wegen naar Munster,” in Bos, Ebben, and Velde, Harmonie in Holland, 60–62. 65. For a discussion of the account A description of the Island of Eso, see Erb, “Journaal van de Nederlanders in Chili,” 228–31. For an English translation of the account of the expedition to Eso, see Robert, Voyage. 66. Roeper and Wildeman, Journaal van Abel Tasman, 17. The voyage of Abel Tasman in 1642–43 was also part of the VOC goal to find mineral riches. 67. Rietbergen, “Consolidation of the Dutch Overseas Empire,” in Noordegraaf et al., 1648, 127.

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The success of Dutch diplomacy at Münster may also explain why the Journal and History never became a best seller. Many other Dutch travel accounts were continuously reprinted long after they first appeared. But once peace had been concluded between Spain and the republic and once the future of the WIC and VOC were secured after their charters were renewed by the States General in 1647, the Journal and History was reprinted only once, in 1660.68 By that time the WIC was practically bankrupt and had given up on pursuing any imperial ambitions in the Americas. Apart from being published in the context of the WIC’s charter renewal and of the peace negotiations at Münster, the Journal and History was also prepared to appeal to readers of travel accounts. As scholars of early modern Dutch travel literature have pointed out, a strong correlation existed between the rise of the Dutch publishing industry, mostly centered in Amsterdam, and the Dutch expeditions made across the globe during the first half of the seventeenth century. Amsterdam publishers found a ready audience for books and pamphlets because of the very high literacy rate in many Dutch cities and towns. Accounts of adventurous Dutch expeditions and voyages to Asia, Africa, and the Americas became a popular genre. Dutch people were eager to read about adventures in exotic locales. Merchants, mapmakers, and scientists were also interested to learn about economic opportunities, geography, and natural history outside Europe.69 The way in which the Journal and History is edited strongly suggests that Jansz wanted to capitalize on the renewed popularity of travel accounts in the republic during the mid-1640s. While public interest in travel accounts waned in the 1630s, the genre revived through the publication of two best-selling works in 1645 and 1646. The first publication was an anthology of VOC voyages compiled by Isaac Commelin and printed by Johannes Janssonius in 1645. This anthology was reprinted in 1646 and soon thereafter published by other Dutch printers in pirated editions. The other book, first 68. Bouman, Journael ende Historis Verhael, item no. 54, in Short Title Catalogue of the Netherlands. Bouman was active as a publisher from 1644 until 1671. For the full bibliographic title, see the entry in the Short-Title Catalogue of the Netherlands, accessed November 22, 2018, http://‌picarta.nl/‌xslt/‌DB=3.11/‌SET=7/‌TTL=1/‌SHW​ ?FRST=2. 69. Roeper and Wildeman, Reizen op papier, 132–37.

INTRODUCTION | 23

published in 1646, was an account of the adventurous voyage to the East Indies in 1618, made by a ship’s captain named Willem IJsbrantsz Bontekoe. His dramatic tale of surviving the explosion of his ship was an instant success. A second edition was quickly printed in 1646 to satisfy the growing demand. The renewed interest in voyage literature may have inspired Jansz to bring Brouwer’s journal on the market.70 Like other travel accounts, the Journal and History emphasized its authenticity. With the addition of History to the title, readers were reminded that the story of the Brouwer expedition had truly happened. The title page of Journal and History also highlights its reliability by stating that the account is based on “several journals and notebooks” kept during the expedition. To make the daily journal of the Brouwer expedition also more palatable, Jansz and the editor left out in their version of the journal many details concerning the prevailing winds and sailing directions. Sometimes several daily observations are simply left out of the Journal and History because they did not contain any exciting material. These nautical and meteorological details were important for WIC navigators but not for the average readers. This was a customary editorial policy practiced by many publishers.71 Typical of the genre, the Journal and History also contains descriptions of exotic animals and non-European peoples. The only picture in the book shows an alpaca or llama, an unusual animal for Europeans, standing between a Mapuche couple and several expedition members.72 The illustration is inserted in a discussion about alpacas and llamas. The Journal and History and the Description of the Island of Eso also contain ethnographic descriptions of the indigenous peoples of Chile and Eso. The title page even highlights that the book discusses “Chilean manners, commerce, and customs.” Observations about non-European peoples in expedition journals 70. Roeper, “Halve eeuw reizen in druk,” in Bostoen et al., Bontekoe, 39–40. 71. Erb, “Journaal van de Nederlanders in Chili,” 214–15; Roeper and Wildeman, Reizen op papier, 135; Doedens and Looijesteijn, Op jacht naar Spaans zilver, 15–18. 72. Unfortunately, the illustration of the llama and the Mapuche couple is not as evocative as the color drawings of the animal and the Mapuches by Caspar Schmalkalden, a German adventurer who served as a WIC soldier in the Brouwer expedition. Schmalkalden’s manuscript, which covers his voyages to the Americas and Asia, was not published until 1983; see Joost, Wundersamen Reisen, 47–48.

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originally served a practical purpose. The WIC as well as the VOC wanted to collect accurate firsthand information about the societies encountered on expeditions to find out if they produced valuable commodities and if the peoples were friendly or not. For scholars and armchair travelers, the ethnographic observations also became a way to learn about exotic peoples and cultures. For example, both the Journal and History and the Description of the Island of Eso contain brief observations about how Mapuche and Eso women deliver babies.73 The two accounts also briefly discuss indigenous subsistence practices, dietary preferences, and religious beliefs. Both the “Chileans” and the people of Eso are portrayed in the Dutch accounts as primitive but friendly people from whom no great commercial benefits were expected. Compared with other seventeenth-century Dutch publications about the overseas world, the geographic and ethnological information presented in the Journal and History is subservient to the political purposes of promoting the WIC and the VOC and their quest for mineral riches.74 One year after the publication of the Journal and History, another account of Brouwer’s expedition was published in a scholarly and lavishly illustrated book celebrating the tenure of Johan Maurits as governor general in Brazil. This book, titled The History of Brazil under the Governorship of Count Johan Maurits of Nassau, was brought to the market by the prestigious Amsterdam publisher Joan Blaeu. Soon after Maurits’s return from Brazil in 1644, the former governor general commissioned Caspar van Baerle (also known as Barlaeus), a professor of classical philology and philosophy in Amsterdam, to write a scholarly and positive account of his tenure as governor general of Dutch Brazil. Since the Brouwer expedition was initiated by Maurits, Baerle devoted a chapter to it in History of Brazil. The presentation of the expedition in the Journal and History is quite different from the one in History of Brazil. While the Journal and History was published in Dutch and aimed at a wide readership to propagandize about the WIC, History of Brazil was written in Latin and aimed at the cultural elite in the Netherlands and elsewhere in Europe. Reflecting

73. Journael ende Historis Verhael, 63 (August 1643), 100. 74. On seventeenth-century Dutch publications about the Indians of the Andes and Chile, see Bussel, “Beeldvorming van de Indianen,” in Bock and Zuidema, Erfenis van de Incas, 241–45.

INTRODUCTION | 25

its scholarly character, the chapter on Brouwer’s expedition in History of Brazil also focuses much more on the geography, animals, and indigenous peoples of Chile than the Journal and History. Moreover, in contrast to the firsthand accounts about the Chilean animals and peoples in the Journal and History, Baerle liberally borrows from other, presumably Spanish, sources in his description of the Chilean Indians. Curiously, a list of indigenous terms and phrases, based on information collected by the Brouwer expedition but also by Spanish authors, is included as an appendix in History of Brazil. The actual expedition is only briefly discussed by Baerle. Interestingly, Baerle characterizes Brouwer as an arrogant commander, while Herckmans, a man of letters like Baerle himself, is presented as “gentler and more moderate in his behavior than Brouwer.” Baerle concludes in a rather simplistic way that the expedition to Chile failed because Dutch fortune had run out.75

The Relevance of the Journal and History Although the Journal and History of the Brouwer expedition was originally published more than three hundred years ago, the travel account still offers many insights today. Above all, the Journal and History sheds dramatic light on the global imperial ambitions of the Dutch. The expedition led by Hendrick Brouwer took place when the WIC was at the height of its power. Emboldened by a truce concluded with Portugal in 1642, the WIC quickly organized the Brouwer expedition. At the same time the company was already burdened with enormous debts and faced with major unrest in most of its colonial possessions in Brazil and West Africa. For this reason the WIC was able to fit out only a small expedition of five vessels and a relatively small contingent of soldiers and sailors. Although still impressive, the task force was much too small and weak to accomplish anything substantial once it arrived in Chile. The failure of the Chile expedition signaled the beginning of the end of the WIC’s empire in the

75. Baerle, History of Brazil, ix–xxiii (background of the book and the author), 251–75 (chapter description of the expedition to Chile), 317–23 (Chilean vocabulary). For the quote and the characterization of Brouwer and Herckmans, see page 267; for Baerle’s dismissal of the expedition, see page 273.

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Atlantic. The WIC had no money left for new adventures in South America, and in mid-1645 the uprising in Pernambuco dramatically inaugurated the decline of the company’s empire. After the loss of Brazil in 1654, the WIC’s dream of constructing an empire on the Atlantic and Pacific coasts of South America at the expense of the two Iberian empires had ended.76 The Journal and History is also revealing in illuminating the persistence of indigenous power in South America. More than 150 years after the arrival of Christopher Columbus in the Caribbean, indigenous peoples like the Mapuche and the Huilliche in southern Chile were able to maintain their autonomy in the face of European colonizers. The Journal and History shows that the Mapuche were fully in control during the encounter with the Dutch. When Herckmans realized that the Mapuche were not forthcoming in supplying the WIC soldiers and sailors with enough food supplies, the Dutch commander was forced to abandon his outpost in Valdivia and return to Recife. Similarly, the Spanish influence south of the Biobío River remained tenuous after the Dutch had left Valdivia. Until late in the nineteenth century, southern Chile remained largely under control of the Mapuche.77 Third, the Journal and History sheds light on seventeenth-​century print culture, specifically the publishing of texts about the Americas. Although the Journal and History is itself a primary source, it needs to be used with caution, since it is an edited text that served multiple purposes. One of the goals of publishing the Journal and History was to promote the WIC and to present the Brouwer expedition as a valiant voyage that needed to be repeated to secure the Dutch quest for gold and silver in the Pacific. The other main purpose of releasing the Journal and History on the Amsterdam book market was to tap into the popularity of travel literature. Embellished accounts of adventurous expeditions to exotic places were popular in the seventeenth-​century Dutch Republic and Europe, and the Journal and History needs to be viewed as a specimen of this genre. Finally, the Journal and History supplies much information about the harsh day-to-day life of sailors, soldiers, and other workers 76. For this argument, see also Klooster, Dutch Moment, especially chapters 2–3. 77. For the persistence of Mapuche power, see Weber, Bárbaros, 61, 151–53, 169–70, 261.

INTRODUCTION | 27

aboard ships during lengthy and dangerous maritime voyages. Historians of the colonial Americas and the Atlantic world often take for granted the role of oceanic travel, which was the backbone and lifeline of many European colonies in the Americas. By bringing us the daily tedious and dramatic events aboard oceangoing vessels, the Journal and History reminds us that, in the mid-seventeenth century, navigation and shipping were of utmost importance for the establishment and maintenance of colonies and empires.

Journal and History of the Voyage made East of the Strait of Le Maire, to the Shores of Chile, under the command of Lord General Hendrick Brouwer, having taken place in the year 1643, containing the manners, trade, and customs of the Chileans, As well A description of the Island of Eso, located about thirty Miles from the mighty Empire of Japan, at the height of 39 degrees and 49 minutes, Northern latitude, as it has been reached in the same year by the ship Castricum Everything collected and edited by an amateur scholar from various Journals and Notebooks and enriched with several copper plates In Amsterdam, ______________________________ printed by Broer Jansz, living on the Nieuwe-zijds Achter-burghwal, in the Silver Can. Anno 1646

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[Page 3:] Just as the birds were created to roam the sky and the fish to swim in the water so it appears that the Netherlanders have been created to defend their ancient freedoms. Among all heroes who have risked their lives in this endeavor, our brave General Hendrick Brouwer is not one of the least, as his last and following deeds will clearly testify. As he completed his post as governor general in the East Indies with honor and arrived back in the fatherland to spend his old days in peace, he was unable to rest but was always busy to deliberate in which way he could serve his fatherland and do damage to our general enemy (the Castilian). To accomplish this he informed the honorable directors of the chartered Dutch West India Company (of which he was a prominent member) [4] about the following raid on Chile, not neglecting to offer himself to execute the same. Having been approved by his colleagues and with consent from the supreme government,1 he commanded a fleet of three well-equipped ships to Pernambuco, to deliberate further with His Excellency, Count Maurits van Nassau, governor general of the company’s conquests in those parts, as well as with his councillors. [Margin: November 6, 1642] For this objective then at Texel2 were prepared to set sail the ships Amsterdam, Eendracht [Concord], Abrahams Offerande [Abraham’s Offering], as well as the Swaen and Neptunis, which were destined to other parts of the West Indies. On November 5 the wind blew in a south by southeasterly direction, but only weakly. Despite this, the pilots came aboard the ships on the sixth of the same month, and in the afternoon the anchors were lifted to sail from the roadstead at Texel to the Nieuwe Diep,3 together with four straits carriers,4 two warships, as well as several others. Having confirmed the wind, remarkably light, to be coming from the southeast, a resolution was made to unfurl the sails on the morning of the 7th ditto and to enter the ocean with fifteen ships total. In the morning at ten, when we were offshore, we learned from the pilots 1. The States General, the assembly of the seven United Provinces, which convened in The Hague. 2. The largest of the Frisian or Wadden Islands and the traditional launching area for Dutch ships sailing to the Atlantic and Asia. 3. A harbor near the port city of Den Helder in northern Holland. From here Dutch ships set sail into the North Sea and Atlantic. 4. Straits (of Gibraltar) carriers were Dutch merchant vessels trafficking to the Mediterranean.

JOURNAL AND HISTORY | 31

how the merchant fleet coming from Moscovy, 18 ships strong but only accompanied by two warships, was attacked along the shore of the Dunkirkers.5 The warships, named Hasevelt and Roo-boon, were too preoccupied protecting themselves. The Hasevelt as well as nine freighters were taken. Roo-boon defended himself well and saved the remaining ships by taking them to the Vlie.6 In the afternoon we saw northwest from her [Brouwer’s fleet] four sails that were steering toward the shallows, without recognizing them. At night all sails were corrected [5] to course southwest and as westward as possible. On the 8th ditto sailing with the same wind and course, we lost sight of the straits carriers. We presumed that they had thrown themselves on the leeward side to wait for some of their company that were not yet ready. We also saw on the leeward side three other sails, which the vessel sailing at our rear contacted. We found that they were a convoy, who told us that the Dunkirkers were located toward the west. We also learned that there were many currents, which we assumed were shallow parts. We threw out the lead and found the sandy bottom was 6, 8, or 10 fathoms7 deep. In the afternoon we saw Gravelines and Calais. During the night we sailed along the French coast, west-southwest, and southwest-west, with a southeasterly wind at full speed. Sailing with the aforementioned wind, on the 11th ditto they were eight miles north-northeast from Lesaro8 in the morning and seven miles northwest-west from the Sortes isles.9 The Amsterdam, waiting for a small boat that belonged to her, threw a line to tow it, but as the wind rose up in the evening and since the fore topsail was set, they were forced to leave it. The course was set in a southwesterly direction. On the 12th ditto they had a cloudy sky and the same course as before. With the rising of the sun they discovered approximately 2 miles from them four sails, who, when they saw us, moved away. Because they did not appear that large and as they roamed around

5. Reference to the port city of Dunkirk in the southern Low Countries, a major center of pro-Spanish privateers. 6. Passage between the Wadden Islands of Vlieland and Terschelling. 7. One fathom is approximately six feet (1.82 meters). 8. Lizard Point on the southern English coast. 9. Scilly Islands, an archipelago on the southwest coast of England.

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us we assumed them to be Turkish pirates.10 If they had not sailed so fast, we would have done our best to capture them. On the 16th ditto, cruising in the same direction as previous. In the afternoon they got into a hard storm from the northeast so that they had to strike their mainsail. Because the Amsterdam swayed so terribly, its top deck came under water on both sides so that the cook could not fire up his kitchen. For this reason six cheeses were distributed among the crew. On the 17th ditto as the weather calmed a bit they missed the ship Abrahams Offerhande. In the afternoon at 40 degrees and 36 minutes, they changed course with a north-northeastern wind going in a southerly direction. On the 19th ditto, in the afternoon they found themselves at 36 degrees and 9 minutes when the wind suddenly came out of the west with much rain, thunder, and lightning. But they held their course southwest-west. On the 21st ditto it was reasonable weather but with variable winds. During the day they saw the island Madeira. In the afternoon they were at 32 degrees and 11 minutes. Because it was nice weather in the afternoon the lord general11 came aboard the ships Eendracht and Neptunis to decide on a unified course for a swift voyage (without stopping to seek refreshments).12 On the 24th ditto in the afternoon, they had a southeasterly wind and a southwestern direction at 29 degrees and 49 minutes. They had lost the ship Neptunis,13 and they saw the island Palma14 straight ahead as they sailed toward it. In the meantime they caught a tuna fish four feet in length. On the 25th ditto, with variable winds they were at 28 degrees and 23 minutes, when they lost the company of the ship De Swaen, which was destined for the Cape Verde Islands. On the 29th ditto, they were making good progress with an east-northeastern wind and calm weather. They were at the latitude 10. Barbary pirates. 11. Hendrik Brouwer. 12. Elias Herckmans and Elbert Crispijnsen were aboard the Eendracht. See Heijer, Goud en Indianen, 80. 13. The Neptunis sailed on to Curaçao, a Caribbean island captured by the WIC in 1634. 14. One of the Canary Islands.

JOURNAL AND HISTORY | 33

of 18 degrees and 28 minutes. To maintain their progress they resolved to go south to avoid the lee side at the Saint Jagos Islands15 [7] and to pass the islands of Sao Bonaventa and Mayo from the east.16 The other day the island of Bonaventa had been sighted by the ship Eendracht. In this way they continued their voyage and course, making use of various winds and sometimes they caught sharks, albacore,17 and other fish. It happened that on December 13 at dawn (with the southeastern wind rising) three large sharks (each about 8 feet in length) were caught, one of them had an English cap in its stomach that one of the sailors had lost an hour or two before. On the 15th ditto they crossed the equator at night. In the afternoon they were at 50 minutes south latitude. Caught a steady amount of bonito18 and albacore since they swam nearby us in large groups. On the 19th ditto during the watch at dawn19 the Eendracht saw land, and they fired a cannon as a sign. This was the Bay of Treason, in northern Parayba.20 They changed direction to get the right course, the wind being east-southeast at 6 degrees and 20 minutes at south latitude. During the night we sailed alongside the shore, reaching the River Parayba on the 20th ditto, where a boat came toward them. Hereupon the lord general put out his sloop, while the rest of the fleet kept away from the shore with small sails, waiting for the small boat to arrive. Seeing that the boat sailed away from them, we took aboard the sloop, also because the wind began to pick up. In the meantime the lead stone was thrown out at 10–12 fathom stony bottom. On the 21st ditto, having passed Cabo Blanco21 in the evening, they saw two sails windward of them who appeared to come toward them and who adjusted their direction to ours [8], but they remained unidentified until we noticed that they carried prince flags.22 Then 15. Ilha de São Thiago, one of the Cape Verde islands. 16. Two other Cape Verde islands. 17. Albacore: a species of tuna fish. 18. Another species of tuna fish. 19. From four to eight in the morning. 20. A bay on the northeast coast of Brazil. 21. Another landmark on the northeast coast of Brazil. 22. Flags bearing the colors of the Dutch Republic: orange, white, and blue in horizontal layers.

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they caught at dawn a kingfish,23 being of great taste. In the afternoon we came at the height of 7 and a half degrees. In the late afternoon we were cruising straight in front of Tamarica,24 in the evening getting into view the City of Olinda (located on a high hill). On the 22nd ditto in the morning, making little progress because of the wind from land, they eventually got the right wind with which they arrived at the roadstead of Pernambuco in the afternoon, together with the ships Eendracht and Abrahams Offerhande, with which they had lost contact for one or two days, together with a galiot,25 these being the two vessels they had seen the day before. The skipper of the galiot was ordered to come aboard the ship of the lord general Brouwer. He testified to have come from the Marenion [Maranhão], having been traveling for eight or nine weeks. The same place [Maranhão] had been besieged by Portuguese rebels twelve days before his departure.26 The ship Amsterdam anchored at 8 fathom deep, having the castle north-northwest and the city of Olinda to the north of her. They found on the roadstead inside the Recife harbor the following vessels: De Blauwe Haen [The blue rooster], Vlissinghen [Flushing], Den Orangien Boom [The orange tree], Utrecht, Elias, Het Hart [The heart], De Zayer [The sower], Ter Veere, Ommelandia [Countryside outside Groningen], Leyden [Leiden], Haerlem [Harlem], De Princesse [The princess], De Swaen [The swan], De Melck-Meyt [The milkmaid], Groote-Gerrit [Great Gerrit], Oliphant [Elephant], Het Lam [The lamb], Prins van Portugael [Prince of Portugal], De Hope [The hope], Nantes, Medemblick, the yacht De Gulde Reede [The golden Anchorage], having arrived from Guinea on the 21st with 154 Negros27 and 10,000 pounds28 of elephant tusks and the yachts De Dolphijn, Het Cabrit [The goat], and the Hasewindt [Greyhound]. Toward the evening also arrived 23. Large colored fish belonging to the Lampridae family. 24. Island of Itamarica, north of Pernambuco. A strategic stronghold of the WIC in Brazil. 25. A fast-sailing, shallow-draft coastal vessel. 26. Luso-Brazilian settlers and soldiers had attacked the WIC fort in Maranhão on the northern coast of Brazil in October 1642. 27. West African slaves to be sold to sugar mill owners and other colonists. Heijer states that the slaves came from Luanda in Angola (Goud en Indianen, 89n82). The ship Groote Gerrit also carried 122 Angolan slaves. 28. The pound referred to here was probably the Amsterdam pound, equal to approximately 494 grams.

JOURNAL AND HISTORY | 35

on behalf of the chamber Delft the ships De Hinde [Hind], and Noort-Hollandt [North-Holland]. The lord general came ashore, whereupon all the cannons of the batteries were fired.29 [9] On the 31st ditto toward the evening, the ship De Blauwe Haen sailed to the Maranhão, together with eight other barks, with Colonel Hinderson with 300 soldiers in order to defend the same place against the Portuguese. Until that day they were preoccupied with disembarking the supplies from the ships. Meanwhile, ashore a resolution was made concerning the designs of the lord general, and it was resolved that General Brouwer should depart for the shores of Chile with four ships and one yacht at the earliest opportunity. The esteemed reader is made aware here that the most principal scribe of this journal so far had been aboard the ship Amsterdam until Pernambuco and now switched to the yacht Den Dolphijn. On the 4th of January 1643 sailed from Recife the ship the Eliphant, destined to Portugal, also another fluyt30 to the West Indies. Similarly on the 6th ditto the ships Amsterdam and the Eendracht departed for the island Santo Alexo,31 to take in fresh water and firewood for the upcoming voyage. On the 8th ditto the principal keeper of this journal transferred to the yacht the Dolphijn of Hoorn, and the ship Vlissingen departed for Santo Alexo. On the 10th ditto in the afternoon the two yachts the Dolphijn and the Winthondt (Greyhound), together with two barks with 350 soldiers from the Recife, arrived on the roadstead, from where they sailed at midnight with an east-northeasterly wind, adjusting their course to the south. They had the Cape Saint Agustijn to the west-northwest of them and saw in the morning around 10 a caravel32 on the leeside of her, which they assumed came from the Bahia de Todos los Sanctos,33 positioning his course northwest. In the evening around five hours, they came at the anchoring site behind the island Santo Alexo [10], where the ships Amsterdam, Vlissingen, Eendracht, and the Orangie-boom were located. 29. It was customary to fire a welcoming salute for high-ranking officers. 30. A merchant carrier. 31. Santo Aleixo, a small island south of Pernambuco, which was often used by the WIC as a staging area for maritime expeditions. See Heijer, Goud en Indianen, 29. 32. A type of oceanic vessel. In this context it referred to a Portuguese vessel. 33. The capital of Portuguese Brazil, south of Pernambuco.

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On the 12th and 13th ditto proceeded to take in water, firewood, and other necessities for the upcoming voyage. On the 14th ditto several barks that had come with them departed for Recife. On the 15th ditto, when all were ready to set sail from Santo Alexo, the lord general in the morning ordered to fire a cannon shot, this being the sign whereupon the lords councillors E. Harckmans and E. Crispijnen came aboard, as they had been waiting at Serinhaem.34 When they came aboard in the afternoon, the fleet weighed anchors at five hours in the evening, consisting of the following ships: Amsterdam, as admiral, on which sailed the lord general Hendrick Brouwer; Vlissingen, as vice admiral, on which was the lord Elias Herckmans; the ship Eendracht, having the lord Elbert Crispijnen; the Orangie-boom; and the yacht the Dolphijn; at night they followed an east-northeasterly wind, cruising south-southeast in order to get into the open sea. On the 16th ditto, wind and course the same as before, having the southern latitude of 10 degrees and 2 minutes. On this day the men were given the following ration: each man one cheese per week, 3 pounds of hard bread, a mutsje35 vinegar, a half-pound butter, a flap can of water per day, three and a quarter pounds of meat on Sundays, one and a half cod on Mondays and Wednesdays, a quart stockfish36 on Tuesdays, and on Saturdays dried peas and beans, in addition three quarter pounds of bacon on Thursdays; plus as much gruel37 as can be consumed at the bench38 each morning. On the 18th ditto they had nice weather with an eastern wind, cruising south-southeast, reaching the latitude of 13 degrees [11] in the afternoon. Toward the evening the skipper of the yacht got from the general’s vessel the signaling letters, in addition six young pigs, to be distributed over the three other ships, as was done in the next few days. Likewise the yacht received the letters on the 22nd ditto, being in substance as follows: “That the ship Amsterdam will sail steadily at the front at night. That the ship Vlissingen, on which is the Lord Harckmans, will fly 34. 35. 36. 37. 38.

A coastal town south of Recife. Dutch measurement: one and a half deciliter. Dried and salted cod. A type of porridge made from barley. A place aboard ship where sailors ate.

JOURNAL AND HISTORY | 37

the flag and sail at starboard a little behind the ship Amsterdam. Similarly, the ship Eendracht will sail at portside a little bit behind. That the ship the Orangie-boom shall keep his place straight behind the general’s ship Amsterdam and at such distance, as experienced navigators can assess, to avoid any accidents. Upon sailing from Saint Alexo, the cruising direction shall be established (wind permitting) south-southeast or turning clockwise, preferably a stretch toward the east, against the loss of the warcken39 and at the latitude of 23 degrees south of the equator. Having arrived there, one shall try to sail a southwesterly course to the Strait of Le Maire, lying at the latitude of 55 degrees, to the east of the Magellans.40 Having reached that, the first rendezvous is Valentine’s Bay, located on the west side, on the corner of Mauritius-Landt, in the middle of the strait, where there is a good roadstead, as well as an adequate amount of firewood and other things. As the ships arrive there, they will be asked to equip themselves with everything and wait for eight days for any others of their company.” [12] On the 23rd ditto, with variable winds and a course of south-southeast, having the latitude of 19 degrees and 56 minutes southern latitude, the lord general toward the evening flew the prince flag from the top and fired a cannon to signal a course change, which was adjusted to the southwest but with little wind and progress. On the 25th ditto with an east-northeastern wind and a course as previously, having in the afternoon the latitude of 24 degrees 45 minutes; at sunset the northeastern deviation of the compass was 13 degrees and 12 minutes. On the 27th ditto with an eastern wind and a course as previously, the skipper of the yacht the Dolphijn delivered a letter to the Eendracht, given him [the skipper] days earlier by the lord general, as well as 1,400 pounds of cod; at a latitude of 26 degrees 36 minutes. On the 31st ditto, having in the afternoon with a southwestern wind the latitude of 31 degrees 29 minutes, the wind dying down in the late afternoon, the mainmast of the yacht Dolphijn broke to 39. Unknown term, possibly a term for “current.” See Erb, “Journaal van de Nederlanders in Chili,” 46. 40. The Strait of Magellan.

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pieces due to the terrible swaying. Toward the evening all the skippers came aboard upon the signal of the general. On the first of February it was a cloudy sky so that they were unable to measure the latitude in the afternoon. In the late afternoon the wind began to blow hard, so that the foremast of the yacht also broke to pieces. They were busy the whole night to repair it. Meanwhile, they put up several fire signals so that the fleet would wait, [but] on the morning of the second it was gone, but they saw it again east-southeast to the windward so that they finally toward the evening came together with the others. On the 3rd ditto the broad council41 met at the lord general’s ship, at the latitude of 33 [13] degrees 24 minutes; the following was resolved: “That the northeastern deviation of the compass will be adjusted to 17 degrees. That the people, both sailors and soldiers being on guard at night, a small shot of brandy will be given. That the soldiers, to be well trained, will daily rehearse their arms, and every fourteen days they will present their weapons so as to keep them clean and ready. To remind everyone of their duty the regulations will be read up every fourteen days on each ship. Each skipper will keep the lord general informed about their cannons and ammunition so that a general register can be made. When the yacht Dolphijn arrives at the rendezvous location of Valentine’s Bay, it will wait there for eightand-twenty days instead of eight days. In addition, as it has been found that the ship Vlissingen is very slow in sailing, in such a way that the fleet sailing in the wind for one day has a delay of five miles, and because their lords the XIX42 have recommended them to pursue a steady voyage, it is decided to abandon the same ship and that it will do its duty to sail to the Valentine’s Bay, according to the secret instruction also given to the lord Herckmans.” At sunset the northeastern deviation of the compass was calculated at 17 degrees. On the 5th ditto we turned because of the variable winds so much that the yacht the Dolphijn ended up at the back of the fleet. When it put up its topsails to catch up, after having sailed a little, her foremast 41. Formal council of sea captains and other prominent officers sailing together in a fleet. 42. The central board of nineteen directors of the WIC.

JOURNAL AND HISTORY | 39

fell down in three pieces; two or three cannon shots were fired to alert the other ships. The general’s ship pulled them that night with a cable, attaching the other day several plates [14], but, seeing that the mainmast pole was not salvageable, we took out the rear mast and placed it into the mainmast pole, setting a course west-southwest with a southern wind. In this capacity continuing their journey, they encountered on the 13th ditto a heavy storm from the southwest so that they added a large sail and thus let their ship float. The vice admiral believed his sails had blown off; in the afternoon [the yacht] swung so strongly that the latitude could not be measured. On the 17th ditto a weak wind from the west, they cruised south-southwest. Since it became colder each day and since the crew had been provisioned with clothes in a sober manner, the general decided to distribute some woolen cloth among those who needed it, although they were charged for this. In the afternoon [we] had a latitude of 42 degrees and 20 minutes, and after that a heavy storm with rain, so that we were forced to add a large sail, letting it float to the southeast the entire night, which storm lasted until the evening of the next day so that the ship Vlissinghen became missing. Only several days later, when the fleet had turned westward, did it rejoin. On the 20th ditto it was calm but misty weather so that no latitude could be measured; toward the evening they found that the sea on many places was as red as blood. On the 22nd ditto, nice sailing weather, the wind north-northwest, cruising south-southwest. They all adjusted the northeastern deviation of their compasses to 22 degrees. The lord general in the evening sent a letter to the skipper of the yacht the Dolphijn, ordering him “that since they would soon reach waters that had not been navigated much, and also because the nights became longer with a new moon, he would have to pay better attention [15], that is, keeping a distance of one goteling shot43 straight before the Amsterdam, and that in unexpected circumstances, as per the written signage instructions, he would keep a fire so as to be better seen.” On the 24th ditto we followed a southern wind, adjusting to a course of south-southwest. Arrived at a latitude of 47 degrees 38

43. A cast-iron cannon with a reach of 4,921 feet (1,500 meters).

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minutes in the afternoon. At sunset they were positioned at 21 degrees 21 minutes northeastern deviation.44 On the first of March the bowsprit of the general’s ship broke because of the rough weather. In the afternoon a latitude of 50 degrees 8 minutes. On the 2nd ditto they sailed with large sails, the wind north-northeast, sailing in the direction west-southwest, measuring the sun at 51 degrees 16 minutes. In the afternoon the yacht fired a shot and signaled with the prince flag that they had observed land in the way of three high round hills as far as could be seen from the masthead to the north-northwest, without being sure whether it was the mainland or Sibaldt de Weert’s Islands.45 Where the fleet was headed to by the evening the bottom was reached at 60 fathoms deep. On the 3rd ditto, around two o’clock in the morning, they reached bottoms at 43 and 44 fathoms of brown sandy soil. During the day they saw Cabo de los Bareras46 to the northwest, very briefly. Setting course southeast-south and south-southeast, around the afternoon they encountered very low-lying land, as if one saw stone-covered areas because the sea was swirling. Toward the evening the yacht inquired with the general, who ordered them to sail ahead southeast on the leeward side that night. On the 4th ditto in the afternoon they had the latitude of 53 degrees 13 minutes, cruising to the south; toward the afternoon they saw Capo di Pennas [Cabo de Peñas] (being the eastern corner of the Strait of Magellan) south-southwest of them, appearing very hilly and with many cliffs [16] and high-pointed mountains. In the evening the wind was north-northwest. During the night, it being a clear moonlight, the lord general ordered the yacht to run leeward east-southeast as close as possible to the coast. As the land revealed itself, the mountains were mostly covered with snow.

44. Navigational term referring to the difference between the magnetic and geographic north that navigators often encountered. Hendrick Brouwer frequently ordered the navigators of his ships to compare their various measurements of the magnetic and geographic north to reach an as accurate as possible deviation. See Heijer, Goud en Indianen, 20. 45. The Jason Islands, an archipelago near the Falkland Islands, discovered by Dutch navigator Sebald de Weert in 1600. 46. Geographic landmark on the southwest coast of South America.

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On the 5th ditto, a very strong wind from the northwest, cruising southeast and south-southeast, by the end of the day they could not conclude other than that they were lying straight ahead of the Strait of Le Maire, because the land on the western side, called Mauritius Land,47 revealed itself with several low round hills, and that on the eastern side (called Staten-landt) had many cliffs and high-pointed mountains that were mostly covered in snow. When the weather cleared up again, those of the yacht observed Staten Land (which until now was seen as part of the mainland) to be an island, having a length of 9 to 10 miles from the eastern corner to the northwestern end.48 From the northeastern corner to the southwestern corner, we did not find any bays or harbors hospitable for ships. It is all barren and also with few trees, but very hilly and with cliffs. It [Staten Island] has four small islands with many cliffs so that it is difficult to get around it, the most easterly one being half a mile from Staten Island, where the yacht was pulled with strong currents. It found a depth of 20, 25, 30, and 35 fathoms, but a very dangerous cliff-like bottom, wholly impractical for anchoring. The current was so strong here that we did not see any chance to land. Hundreds of fowl from the islands came flying around the yacht. They are as large as ours in Holland but of different colors, with pointy beaks like seagulls [17]. As those of the yacht were located in front of the strait, they fired their cannon and waved the prince flag at the stern to signal that they were in front of it. Then the vice admiral and the Eendracht came toward them, putting them into the leeward wind to await the general and the Orangie-boom, which did not come, but they held their prior course east by south, sailing along the shore toward the eastern corner of Staten Island, where they expected to find the respective strait. They signaled the other ships to follow her, as happened, obtaining toward the afternoon the latitude of 54 degrees 44 minutes. The fleet having passed the eastern corner of Staten Island, and not seeing any more land toward the east, so the skippers presumed that

47. Mitres Peninsula of Tierra del Fuego in southeastern Argentina. Jacob le Maire and Willem Schouten named it Mauritius Land in 1616 to honor Prince Maurits van Nassau, then stadtholder and supreme army commander of the Dutch Republic. 48. The journal kept aboard the flagship Amsterdam reveals that Admiral Brouwer first realized that Staten Land was actually an island five days later, on March 10. See Heijer, Goud en Indianen, 139.

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this was the extreme corner of America, and, having passed the strait, we turned away from the shore and sailed back [to the strait]. On the 6th ditto they had variable winds, with much rain and hail. They were again straight ahead in front of the strait, having the latitude of 55 degrees in the afternoon. We did our best to anchor in Valentijn’s Bay (being the first instructed rendezvous, according to the gentlemen directors). They noticed that the ship Eendracht was in there, having dropped its anchor, firing a cannon as a signal that this was the right bay, so the yacht sailed toward it, but, seeing that the general was a little below of the said bay and flying a white flag as a signal that they had to come to him, so he gave them orders to examine a large crosscurrent at the beginning of the strait to see whether it was a cliff, and if it was deep enough they had to sail across it, in which case they would have to fire a shot. But if it was a cliff, they would fly the white flag from the stern, but when they came there [18] they found it to be a crosscurrent that floated from the South Sea [Pacific] into the North Sea [Atlantic]; it is there 10 a 11 fathoms deep, with a dangerous bottom so that the current pushed everyone out of the strait, except the Eendracht. Toward the evening we saw on the northwestern corner of Mauritius Land near the beach several large fires.49 On the 7th ditto it was very raw and unstable weather with a northwestern wind, mixed with rain and snow, so that they could sail only with the large topsail, and they could not use the wind to sail into the bay. On the 8th ditto, nice weather with variable winds. At this time the general instructed the yacht to do its best to get into Valentijn’s Bay to bring from there his small boat with a crew who had been sent there a day or two before to examine the same bay. They did not doubt that they [the crew of the little boat] were with the Eendracht. But in the afternoon there came a strong wind that broke the foremast so that they were forced to turn back to prevent getting stuck on the shore. Between the 8th and 9th they found themselves together with their general with a west-southwestern wind floating three miles around the east, forcing them to go around Staten 49. Ferdinand Magellan had named the coast Tierra del Fuego (Land of Fire) to refer to the manmade fires he and his crew observed. The fires were most likely set by the indigenous Yaghan people. See Heijer, Goud en Indianen, 135n244.

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Island. Toward the evening it was very quiet; during that time they had the eastern corner of the island to the north-northwest of them and the western corner to the west and south so that the same island stretches from the southern side west-southwest, and northeast to the east, so that they could see much of it. On the 10th ditto, they went with very unsteady weather into a northwester. Toward the evening they saw many whales, some of which swam underneath the yacht. At that time they were about six miles from shore. Here the strong current that flows from the South Sea into the North Sea with a western wind runs incredibly strong around the eastern corner.50 On the 11th and 12th ditto, they were in an incredible storm from the [19] west-southwest mixed with hail and snow, so much so that they drifted with the large topsail. Also the yacht swayed terribly, and the water splashed on the deck so much that it was hard to bear. In this capacity with many storms and variable winds until encountering an unknown passage on the 16th ditto, so it was in the morning with an east-southeasterly wind nice, calm weather. Then those of the yacht noticed the general about three miles from them against the wind. In the afternoon they had the latitude of 53 degrees 16 minutes. Toward the evening they received orders from the general to sail ahead during the night with the wind on their back, and if they saw land or encountered shallow waters, they were to signal this with a shot from their cannon. On the 18th ditto during the day, nice weather. They saw then again Staten Island about 8 miles south-southeast and Mauritius Land and the corner of the strait to the southeast about 4 miles from them. Toward the evening they had a northern wind, which they used to set sail straight for the Strait of Le Maire, where they arrived toward the evening, and together with the general anchored in Valentijn’s Bay at 7 fathoms. There they saw as well the Eendracht and the ships Vlissingen and the Orangie-boom, the one having arrived on the 8th and the other having arrived there on the 10th. On the 19th ditto it was a nice day with a northwestern wind, but they encountered such strong downhill winds from the mountains that all the ships were forced to take down their mast extensions 50. This body of water west of Staten Island was named Brouwer’s Gulf after General Brouwer. See Heijer, Goud en Indianen, 139.

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and strike their great masts to prevent drifting from their anchors. Toward the afternoon the skipper and the man at the helm from the Eendracht received commission to go aboard the yacht De Dolphijn and to sail with it to Staten Island and to investigate it closely and to report well on everything. Several young pigs will be given to them so that these may procreate there.51 For this reason [20] the mast extensions were reattached, and the mainmasts were raised again; the anchors were weighed and they set sail. But because the wind blew against them from the northeast, they were forced to throw their anchors again to rest for the night. On the 20th ditto with the same northeastern wind persisting strongly, they were forced to drop another anchor but around midnight with reasonable weather blowing from the west set sail. But outside the bay they got him [wind] from the north so that they went east-northeast; about two miles from the shore they encountered an area of great surf, which they expected to be a shallow area, but when throwing a plumb line they realized it was contrarian currents. On the 21st ditto during the day they had topsail winds from the northwest with nice clear weather. The current had put her on the course of east-northeast and north-northwest so that they sailed from the south-southeast toward the northwestern corner of Staten Island. In the afternoon they were in front of it, so they sailed the entire day along the coastline, using the plumb line to measure everything. And they found it to be the same as those made on the 5th of this month. Having seen everything by sunset, they turned seaward to reach the lord general in Valentijn’s Bay as soon as possible. They arrived there the next day in the evening around the tenth hour. On the 23rd they gave an account of everything. During the several days it took for the yacht to sight Staten Island, the other vessels had obtained all the provisions they could get so that the yacht had to hurry and was busy gathering water and firewood because the lord general had decided to leave the next day. [21]

51. The expectation was that the pigs would quickly reproduce themselves on uninhabited islands and serve as a steady food source for future maritime expeditions. See Heijer, Goud en Indianen, 38–39, 145.

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This Valentijn’s Bay is located on the west side in Strait of Le Maire, nearby Mauritius Land at the southern latitude of 54 degrees 45 minutes. It has an adequate anchorage for 12 to 14 ships, at 9 to 10 fathoms are black sand, but from the mountains come heavy downhill winds so that one is forced to throw down 2 to 3 heavy anchors. The land itself is very hollow,53 because on some high mountains one can stick spears deep into the ground until it reaches the cliffs. Good water and wood for carpentry as well as for firewood is there in abundance, but wood for masts and extensions not at all. The land produces as well red and black berries (which at that time were blooming) as well as a certain green herb, like parsley (that the mates brought aboard daily and boiled into a vegetable stew, having a nice flavor). There was an abundance of nice mussels and cliff shells, which, when boiled, were good to eat. There were shot several ducklike birds, which were adequately described on the 5th of this month earlier. Fish is not to be obtained there, but we saw sometimes on the cliffs in the bay a multitude of sea lions and seals, being as big as a calf, some of them drab, others brown; (when the mates approached them to catch them) they bleat like sheep and jumped into the sea. Although we did not speak nor see inhabitants (we speculated that they fled after our ships fired their cannon upon arriving), we concluded them to be large and coarse people, as there were footprints in the sand measuring 17 and 18 thumbs.54 The huts in which they live are nicely made like straw-and-grass shelters, in which we found nothing but mussel shells so that we concluded that these were their main food source. 52

52. The following description of Staten Island is a summary of the report written by skipper Barent Hendricksen of the Dolphijn and Jan Clasen van Durgerdam, senior navigator on the Eendracht. Their full report is in Heijer, Goud en Indianen, 148–50. 53. The printed text reads “vol,” but this must be an error. From the context of the rest of the sentence, it seems that it should be “hol” instead of “vol.” 54. One thumb measures 0.98 inches (2.50 centimeters). See Erb, “Journaal van de Nederlanders in Chili,” 64. The reference to giants living on Tierra del Fuego had a long history going back to the first voyage of Ferdinand Magellan in the early sixteenth century. Interestingly, the manuscript report about Staten Island does not contain any mention of a human presence on the island, although the entry of March 24 makes reference to the sighting of three or four humans on distant mountains. See Heijer, Goud en Indianen, 148–50. The editor of the travel account here clearly tried to link the myth of the giants of Tierra del Fuego to Staten Island.

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On the 25th ditto on orders of the lord general [22] a broad council was held. Resolved (now that they were all outfitted with everything) to continue the journey with the first good wind, attempting to run south of Cape Horn and from there to the west for a length of 100 miles, avoiding as much as possible, even with contrarian winds, Tierra del Fuego, since it is subject to so many westerly winds. Because of this it is advised to seek the southern wind and to avoid the same land of the [Strait of] Magalenas fifty miles away, as the western winds make it difficult to come alongshore, until reaching 46 degrees southern latitude, being their second rendezvous.55 When the ships reach this latitude separate from the others, they are to open their secret instruction (given to them for this purpose), to see to which places the others went. The council had not yet adjourned when there came such a strong northwestern wind from the mountains that the yacht floated away from its anchor so that they were forced to drop another one; otherwise, they would have been driven against the cliffs. After the weather calmed down the skipper was able to leave the council and go aboard again. In this way the anchors were lifted to go and search for the bark of the Orangie-boom, which had drifted out of the bay toward the sea due to the heavy weather, but they could not find it. Toward the evening they sailed with our main and foresails in front of the strait, uncertain whether the fleet had followed her. At sunset the southern corner of Valentijn’s Bay was about two miles to the northwest of them; during the night the dogwatch saw a fire to the southwest of her; she set course straight for it, assuming it to be her ships, as they were able to observe by the early morning. On the 26th and 27th ditto they had a heavy storm from the northwest [23]; thus, they sailed with our main and foremasts until the 28th ditto, when the wind died down. In the afternoon they had the latitude of 57 degrees 30 minutes, maintaining a southern course. On the 29th ditto using a topsail wind with a north by northwestern wind. Then the general gave (using a line connecting the two ships) a signal letter to the yacht, which it had to deliver to the Orangie-boom. During the afternoon they had latitude of 58 degrees 42 minutes, maintaining a course south-southwest. 55. The second rendezvous was the northern shore of the island of Chiloé. See Heijer, Goud en Indianen, 153.

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On the 30th ditto the general was informed that the upper part of the mainmast of the Orangie-boom had broken so that it could not carry a powerful sail. Thereupon the general admonished [the skipper of the Orangieboom] to do his best to advance, because no one would wait for them and the location of the second rendezvous was known anyway. But this ship was never seen again in Chiloé or thereafter. They assume it returned to Pernambuco, although that would not have been necessary because of its considerable weight; it would be better for it to go back to Valentijn’s Bay and repair everything and follow the fleet.56 Toward the evening they adjusted their compasses to 18 degrees northwestern deviation,57 direction with main and foremasts west-southwest. In this way continuing their voyage until the 3rd of April, when they got a northwestern wind, by which they turned east, having in the afternoon a latitude of 61 degrees 59 minutes, maintaining a direction of south-southwest; toward the evening they caught a heavy storm from the southwest. They continued the voyage with many hardships, coldness, storms, hail, snow, and variable winds until the 7th ditto. The wind coming from the southwest, the general waved the white flag as a signal that he wanted to talk to the yacht [23], telling them that they needed to put more sails up, as they would not wait for them since the second rendezvous was now known. They gave as an answer that they could not do this, as the yacht would then break and all sails would fall down. Obtained the latitude of 58 degrees 35 minutes, cruising north-northwest. Toward the afternoon they gained the wished-for wind from the south, which was essential for her voyage. At this time the general’s galleon came floating by the yacht because it was driven off course by heavy sea waves. Until the 14th ditto nothing happened except for constant stormy weather, with icy hollow swells. So [on the 14th] it was quiet weather with calm water. Then the general called for a broad council aboard his ship; the maintained course was west by northwest.58 56. The Orangienboom eventually rounded Cape Horn but reached Chiloé after the other WIC ships had already left for Valdivia. The Orangienboom thereupon returned to Recife without ever making it to Valdivia. 57. This is the adjustment made to account for the difference between the magnetic and geographic north. 58. At the broad council of April 14, 1643, the captains of the Eendracht, Amsterdam, and Dolphijn compared their latitude measurements and decided on the course

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On the 26th ditto they had a west by northwesterly wind with rain and a stiff cool breeze, cruising north by northeast, having the latitude of 45 degrees 50 minutes. The broad council, having met again aboard the general’s ship, so it was resolved: that the ships would sail together in one line to the northeast until the latitude of 43 degrees. That the yacht the Dolphijn would sail eastward, next to it the Eendracht, and in the south the ship Amsterdam, 3 to 4 miles apart from one another from east to west. During the night they will carry a fire, to signal the others whenever anything would happen. They would also strike a sail [during the night], but during the day carry topsails to be better seen. Having arrived at 43 degrees latitude, one would search for land to reconnoiter it.59 On the 27th ditto during the night they had many rains with a stiff, cool breeze west-northwest, cruising to the northeast, the wind changing to southwest during the day. Measured the latitude of 44 degrees [25] 7 minutes, toward the evening we adjusted the compass to 10 degrees northwestern deviation. On the 28th ditto, with the same wind and direction as earlier, as they lost sight of the ship Eendracht, having the latitude of 43 degrees, they carried a light at night. On the 29th ditto, in the afternoon having the latitude of 42 degrees 58 minutes, they found that the current carried them tremendously to the north. On the 30th ditto, having the latitude of 42 degrees 40 minutes, they saw in the late afternoon the coast of Chile, around six miles east-northeast from her, the land appearing with several hills. We fired a cannon and waved the prince flag from the stern to signal the general, who promptly came, even though he had to sail a considerable distance against the wind. During the night they continued, sometimes estimating the sea bottom at 30, 35, and 40 fathoms brown sand. On the first of May, nice weather with a weak southern breeze, they sailed the yacht closely alongside the shore, seeing on the beach several great fires being made. After having notified the lord general to take now that they were located southwest of the Straits of Magellan. The Dolphijn also received 8.5 gallons (32 liters) of French wine and a large sack of sea biscuits from the Amsterdam to distribute among a number of sailors who had fallen ill recently because of the rough and cold weather. See Heijer, Goud en Indianen, 165. 59. The ships had now reached the latitude of the island of Chiloé.

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of this he sent the fiscaal60 to the yacht in the afternoon with instructions to visit those places where smoke had been seen by way of sailing as close as possible to them. He [the fiscaal] should try as much as possible to persuade [local] people to get aboard in order for him to know the area. As the cool breeze increased in the afternoon, they came closer to the shore at 18 and 20 fathoms, being pebble ground, ill-suited for anchoring. At a place where a large smoke had been seen, they threw their ship against the wind and waved the white flag of peace from the stern, hoping that someone would come aboard. But nobody dared, even though they saw 2 or 3 persons riding a horse along the beach, but so fast [26] that they quickly disappeared in the woods, followed by some on foot, who also disappeared from view so that they could not see what people they were. Also the surf was so terrible that it was not possible to come ashore in any vessel without danger of being overturned; thus, they did not dare to go. The general was briefed about everything. Toward the evening came the ship Eendracht (being lost to the fleet since 28 April) and they ran together along the shore toward the north, until the first watch and dropped the anchor at 45 fathoms deep black sand ground. On the 2nd ditto we tacked in drizzling weather and had an east-northeastern wind alongside the shore, which turned south-southwest by the afternoon. In the afternoon the broad council met and resolved to dispatch the yacht to sail along the shore until it had found the right place and that it then would turn back and inform the general about everything. The general in the meantime would anchor in a large inlet, close to a small island, which had three tunnels as if they were vaults. Toward the evening the yacht returned and anchored at 16 fathoms deep on coarse sand ground about two miles from the small island in calm weather. Those who approach the island [Chiloé] from the south and try to get into the Great Bay of Chile,61 one has to run 5 or 6 miles to the north to find the right entrance, being located at 43 degrees latitude. Those of the yacht, still searching for the right bay, saw around the afternoon from the sea, because of a clearing in the weather, 60. Official who combined the duties of prosecuting officer and law enforcement officer. According to the journal kept aboard the Amsterdam, the fiscaal Cornelis Faber was fluent in Spanish. See Heijer, Goud en Indianen, 172. 61. The body of water between the Pacific Ocean and the Gulf of Ancud. It separates northern Chiloé Island from mainland Chile.

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a sail coming from the sea. [27] They recognized it to be the ship Vlissing­en, cruising straight for the land, and it would undoubtedly have done so if they had not warned them with a cannon shot, because they were as close to the shore as a musket shot. On the 5th ditto having the wind from the northwest in the morning, we adjusted the compass from 10 to 5 degrees eastern deviation; in the evening with the weather clearing they found themselves in a large bay, where they stayed the whole night at 20 fathoms on a murky bottom. The day then breaking on the 6th ditto, the navigator sailed to see if it was the right bay that they were looking for, but he did not find an opening, only closed land. Having seen on the south side of the same bay close to the beach a large house, in front of which was located a wooden cross, and in the vicinity 15 or 16 persons on horseback so that he assumed that they were not Indians but Castilians. Around the afternoon the anchor was lifted again, and they sailed northward so that they came at the right place by late afternoon, named the Great Bay of Chile, but because of the quiet waters and the strong ebb tide confronting them, they were unable to enter it. However, they arrived toward the evening behind the Cordes corner,62 at 13 fathoms on sandy bottom, with a northwestern wind, and anchored there. Having anchored there during the night, the other day the 7th ditto with a north-northwestern wind they set sail again to report to the general that they found the right bay. But they were busy until four in the afternoon to get out to sea north of the Cordes corner because of the strong current streaming into the bay so that they could not advance by way of tacking. They saw 20 to 30 horsemen riding along the beach without being able to see what posture or clothing they had. Toward the evening being at sea they saw the ships [28] Amsterdam and Eendracht sailing, but they were to the south-southwest so far from them in the ocean as they could see, and they were cruising straight toward them. On the 8th ditto having united themselves with the fleet and having reported everything to the general. At night the sloop was lost. On the 9th ditto with a northern wind straight ahead of the bay or inlet they adjusted the direction east-northeast straight toward it, where toward the evening they anchored with the entire fleet in a 62. Extreme northwestern peninsula of Chiloé Island.

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bay (now called Brouwershaven63) at 3.5 fathoms good bottom. The ship Orangie-boom (as they had hoped) they did not find, but the Vlissingen was there, having separated from the fleet several days before. On the general’s orders all the ships let white flags wave at the stern as a sign of peace so that those persons on land would see it and feel safe to climb aboard. Not seeing any vessel or person, however, nor seeing any peaceful signs on shore, in the evening the broad council was called, where it was resolved to have the yacht sail into the bay the next day to investigate landing sites.64 On the 10th ditto a hard storm blew from the north so that the yacht was forced to stay put. The ship Vlissingen drifted despite having put out four heavy anchors. It threatened to crash against the rocks and was forced to cut down its large mast. The weather calming down on the 11th ditto, Lord Albert Crispijnsen, in addition to Major Blauwbeeck, boarded the yacht, supplemented with 25 soldiers, to better discover the bay. Having lifted the anchor, they sailed to the Robben Island,65 straight ahead, where behind a high corner [29] was located a good sandy beach to adequately anchor the yacht. But as the wind died down in the afternoon, the major, in addition to the vice-navigator Jan Joppen, and with several soldiers, set out in the sloop to test the adequacy of the bottoms. Having come back aboard after some time, they reported to have seen on the beach several persons on horseback and on foot, who remained there for a while, but they could not speak to them. In the meantime the navigator had constantly dropped the plumb line, finding on certain places 3, 4, and 5 fathoms of water, but dirty bottoms, unsuitable for anchoring. He also could not find the aforementioned sand bay. Toward the evening they reached with little wind a great bay (now called Dolphins Bay66) straight ahead of the aforementioned island. Having been a mile into the bay, they dropped the anchor at 12 fathoms deep in good anchoring ground, straight ahead of a great sandy point, where they stayed until the next day. 63. Bay on the northern coast of Chiloé Island. An earlier Dutch expedition had sheltered in this area in 1600, and the Brouwer expedition had maps and journals from this expedition with them. See Heijer, Goud en Indianen, 183–84. 64. The bay to be explored is now called the Gulf of Ancud, separating mainland Chile from Chiloé Island. 65. A small island off the northern coast of Chiloé Island. 66. A body of water along the northern coast of Chiloé Island.

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On the 12th ditto the major sailed with the sloop up the aforementioned bay, to see if they could get to speak to any inhabitants.67 When he came aboard again, he declared to have gone up the aforementioned river for one mile, where he saw two small vessels, being of the same size as our smallest vessels but not as tall. A little bit farther upriver on a high mountain were located one or two houses covered with straw (as he could see) and a large wooden cross in front, with four or five persons on horseback, two of which came riding on the beach closely, one in white and the others dressed in black, but when those in the vessel began to yell they ran into the bush. Seeing this, he [the major] ordered the small anchor to be thrown out, and they lay there for some time. They first put down a white banner on the beach, together with a knife and two or three strings of beads, calling out to them that they were their friends and that they [30] wanted to meet with them. At once a horseman and two or three men on foot picked up the banner and the other things and brought the items to those standing on the mountain. When they inspected the items, the one on horseback came back on the beach and threw the banner so far into the water as possible and rode back to his companions. In the afternoon several people on horseback again came to the beach where the yacht was located. The major quickly rowed to them, but again it was without success because when he came close to shore to talk to them they rode away. The major then ordered one of the sailors to bind some beads to a stick and leave it on the beach. In the evening the yacht was surprised by a storm so that they had to throw out another anchor. On the 13th ditto they saw on the southern side of the aforementioned bay several persons on horseback, some of them dressed in red, in black, and in white, but they could not detect of which nation they were. The weather improving toward the afternoon because the wind turned toward the west, the major again rowed to shore, to the place where he had put down the beads the day before, but he found that no one had been there. Toward the evening they saw on 67. Blaubeeck and Crispijnsen were instructed by General Brouwer to establish friendly contact with the local Indians. In the written instructions they were told to speak to local caciques and remind them of their heroic war against the Spanish. The caciques were to be told that the Dutch had come to establish an alliance with them against the Spanish. The Dutch would offer weapons and ammunition to the Indians. See Heijer, Goud en Indianen, 184–85.

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the north side in another branch of the river large amounts of smoke, where the major sailed to, but he did not see any people, except for two houses, in addition to a large plain, where many horses, oxen, and sheep wandered around. About these strange treatments, and the wooden crosses that they always saw in front of the houses, they could judge only that the Spaniards were completely in control, although, as far as they could see, the people on horseback and on foot, although unarmed, were Chileans and not Spaniards.68 This aforementioned river or Dolphins Bay reveals itself on both sides [31] with many farms and sowed lands because there are many waterways running from the mountains to the beach. On the 14th ditto in the early morning the weather was quiet, but they raised the anchor and were towed until dawn. The lord Cris­ pijnsen and the major seeing this took the small vessel of the Eendracht to go ahead and to report to the lord general of their findings. When the wind came up a little, those of the yacht, having raised their anchor, moved on, arriving around ten o’clock at the other ships lying in the bay. They saw the ship Vlissinghen throwing overboard its foresail, which they in addition to their small boat and sloops had lost during the great storm on the night of the 12th. The report being considered in the council, the major Blauwbeeck, together with his company, was again sent to the yacht with a new commission to examine another time the aforementioned bay and to speak with someone by friendly or hostile means. In the absence of wind they had to stay still during the day. On the 15th ditto, the wind blowing weakly from the southeast, they nevertheless set sail. In the afternoon it became so foggy that they could not see any land so that they had to anchor at 12 fathoms on sandy bottom; this mist went away in the late afternoon when the wind turned east-northeast, but because they faced a strong ebb tide, and the current increased, by sunset they anchored at 6 fathoms on sandy bottom, where they had moored yesterday. On the 16th ditto they lifted the anchor again and in the absence of wind pulled the boat by rowing. It became foggy again around eight o’clock, but it quickly cleared and became nice weather. Around 68. The official report submitted by Crispijnsen and Blaubeeck to General Brouwer suggested that the Spanish (“Castilians”) kept the local Indians firmly under their control. See Heijer, Goud en Indianen, 193–96.

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the afternoon they anchored the yacht at 14 feet of water [32], where they previously had seen the two small vessels on the beach. On the nearby green plain several persons on horseback showed themselves, among them one who made threatening gestures with a lance. When they waved their white flags at the stern of the yacht and fired two cannon shots as a sign of friendship, it appeared as if those on land did not want to listen. They began to intensely yell in a language that they did not understand and for that reason they changed into Castilian, shouting, “Auans arckebus e cavalieros,”69 but they did not come out of the bush. They added, “Ha cornudes fillies du poute,”70 “you people do not come here to do good.” Noticing that they were not Indians but Spaniards, they changed the white flag for the blood flag at the stern and displayed the prince flag on the top to signify that they viewed them as enemies, and they began to shoot with live ammunition into the bush. Meanwhile, the major landed with his men and, after putting them in order, marched to the two aforementioned houses on the mountain, which they found empty, [the residents] having fled when the Dutch landed. When they reached the two aforementioned vessels, they found them without any value. In the absence of nails they had been stitched together with the bark of trees. In the afternoon the lieutenant marched into the interior with a number of men and brought back to camp as captives an old Chilean woman with two children, who they could not understand. Meanwhile, the captains Oosterman and Flori,71 together with their companies, laid several ambushes. Flori captured a Chilean.72 However, 69. Possible translation: “We have harquebuses [arckuebus, a type of firearm] and cavalry [cavalieros].” Presumably the people onshore wanted to communicate that they were heavily armed and not afraid to confront the Dutch. See Heijer, Goud en Indianen, 202n443. 70. Freely translated as “cuckolded sons of bitches” (fillies du poute means hijos de puta, which is “sons of bitches or prostitutes”). Cornudos also had the meaning of “horned devils.” See Heijer, Goud en Indianen, 202nn440, 442. 71. In the manuscript account of the expedition, the last names are spelled, respectively, Vorsterman and Fleurij. See Heijer, Goud en Indianen, 29, 197, 201. 72. This captured indigenous Chilean man is called “Louis” in the manuscript account of the Brouwer expedition. He was captured on May 15, according to the journal held on the Amsterdam. The Dutch communicated with him in sign language and in broken Spanish. With white chalk the man drew circles, signifying the Spanish forts on Chiloé Island. The man was described as physically resembling Brazilian Indians, with whom the Dutch were familiar. He later accompanied the Dutch on their attack on the Spanish town of Carelmapu. See Heijer, Goud en Indianen, 197–201.

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since this captive as well as the earlier woman and children did not understand the Spanish language, they were unable to learn anything from them [33]. In the evening several sailors who had been ashore brought a load of beans onboard, which they had found in the houses. One of the sailors who sailed on the ship Amsterdam allowed himself to be captured, which gave the enemy full knowledge of their [Dutch] power and intentions.73 On the 17th the major and his men came back aboard, and on the 18th they joined the fleet. However, due to a lack of wind the major and his prisoners went ahead [to the fleet] in a rowing boat. Toward the evening the yacht anchored with his companions. On the 19th ditto, after new deliberations in the council, it was resolved that the major with his company would go over into the yacht the Dolphijn, sail through the tidal passage of Osorno,74 and go to an island in the Gulf of Ancud, where he had to take several prisoners from whom one could learn about the situation of the town of Castro. In the afternoon he went with his soldiers into the yacht, together with a large sloop [from the Amsterdam], and sailed with a westerly wind. However, as it became evening and dark and as they were close to shore, they put up a lantern at the stern, occasionally firing a gun so as not to lose the sloop (which was far behind them). Because they could not continue for a lack of wind, they were forced to stay put, outside of a bay next to a sharp corner, anchoring at three fathoms on brown sandy bottom. Meanwhile, they fired several shots as a signal. While they were doing this, unexpectedly two cannon shots were fired from a high mountain against the yacht, one of which hit the water close to the boat. After a short wait the sloop came to her [the yacht] and turned off the light (that they carried with them on their stern) so as not to be seen on land. In this situation having deliberated, it was resolved that the lieutenant Willem ten Bergen, in addition to Jan Thijsz (senior navigator on the ship Amsterdam) together with sixteen musketeers would go into the large sloop during the evening to investigate the situation in the bay and on the beach. Around eleven at night the yacht heard several musket shots, and, not doubting that this was done by the people 73. According to the journal kept on the Amsterdam, the unlucky captured sailor was Joost Lammertsen of Emden. See Heijer, Goud en Indianen, 198. 74. The tidal passage separating northern Chiloé with mainland Chile.

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sent out, a sergeant with six musketeers was ordered to go out in a small sloop to help. But in the meantime the lieutenant returned and declared that behind the high mountain he had seen many houses, that he had heard the alarms (from trumpets, drums, and bells), and that the enemy had fired several shots against them, which they answered. Regarding the navigator Jan Thijsz, he had examined the depths of the bay, constantly finding depths of 7, 9, or 18 feet, good bottom, and nearby the village depths of 12 to 13 feet. Until the morning the yacht remained anchored. On the 20th ditto those of the yacht let fly the blood flag, and the lieutenant with fifty men landed about a half gotelingh75 shot east of the houses, immediately followed by the major with sixteen men in the small sloop, commanding the ensign Blauwenhaen to send the remaining men on land as soon as the large boat had returned, and that he, together with the senior navigator with the aforesaid boat, would sail along the beach to assist them with their cannon. After the major had all his men on land he put them into marching order on the beach. In the meantime the enemy marched outside the village and onto the beach, in size about 90 men, both on horse and on foot. Those of the yacht quickly shot at them [35] so that those on horseback swiftly turned toward the woods, and the infantry dropped down on the ground and also moved into the bush. In the meantime the major, having put his company in order, marched toward the enemy, with the lieutenant and several riflemen at the front, and entered the woods, attacking the enemy and quickly suffered six wounded, but being supported, the skirmish turned into a sword fight, until the enemy finally fled into the woods, leaving behind 6 dead, in addition to 15 or 16 horses. As this was finished, the major with his troops returned to the beach, to march through the village to the redoubt. Having arrived in the mountainous area, they searched for the cannon that had shot at them the previous night, but finding nothing more than an empty gun carriage so that they suspected that they [the enemy] had thrown the cannon into the sea. With the 15 to 16 captured horses they rode to the woods, where they captured a Chilean, who was brought to the major. Being on the mountains, they noticed five to six enemy soldiers in the woods and a troop on horseback on a plain. In the afternoon the major sent his ensign with 75. A small cast-iron cannon.

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the sloop to the lord general to notify him of everything. During the afternoon the lieutenant with 60 men, together with the Chilean, was dispatched to the woods to see where the enemy had hidden themselves. Having marched a little inland, they found their enemy on a plain in battle order. They bravely attacked them, forcing them into the woods, and leaving behind their general, Andrea Munes Iserrera, who was shot from his horse, in addition to several others. All their baggage was plundered by the men and brought outside the [enemy] camp. Thus, the Netherlanders became masters of Carel-Mappa [Carelmapu],76 a frontier town close to the beach, having a fort or redoubt of palisades, with a protective wall and two wings, supplied with 60 soldiers [36] and two metal pieces of artillery. A similar frontier town is located about 4 miles to the east, called Saint Michiel de Calibuco [San Miguel de Carabuco], provided with the same redoubt and occupied with 40 soldiers and one metal cannon. Both these places are bulwarks against those77 of Osorno and Conco, being a neighboring nation against which they frequently wage war. N. B.: In Carel-Mappa our people found letters written in Conception [Concepción] dated the 28th of February 1642, in which it was explained that they had received letters from Lima describing how the Hollanders were intending to display their power with twelve ships, divided in two squadrons, in the year 1643 and to capture the places and harbors of Chilove [Chiloé] and Baldivien [Valdivia]. Because of this, those of Chilove were warned to be on their guard.78 The lord general Brouwer, having learned of all this, resolved in person to go there to have a watchful eye on everything, taking with him the companies of Captains Vosterman and Flory. He ordered the councillors Elias Herckmans and Elbert Crispijnsen to stay with the ships Vlissinghen and Amsterdam, as the Vlissinghen was without 76. Carelmapu is a Spanish colonial town on the southern mainland shore of Chile, opposite Chiloé Island. 77. Indigenous peoples of the Osorno region. 78. In cursive text in the original Dutch text. This information is not found in the journal account of the expedition, although the journal does mention that on May 23, 1643, the Dutch did find letters and papers from Spanish colonial officials in Carelmapu; see Heijer, Goud en Indianen, 209. Francisco López de Zúniga, Marquis of Baides, the Spanish governor of Chile from 1639 to 1646, boasted that Spanish spies operating in Flanders were often able to obtain intelligence about Dutch expeditions aimed against the Spanish Empire in the Americas. See Gascón, “Defense of the Spanish Empire,” 9.

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masts and badly damaged so that alterations were being made. Having arrived on the 21st ditto in the afternoon with the ship Eendracht, he ordered the two companies of soldiers to go ashore. Here then having lain still until the 24th ditto, they were warned to prepare to depart for Carel-Mappa the next day. On the 25th ditto during the morning the lord general demanded that Carel-Mappa be put to the torch, to destroy everything that could be of use to their enemies, yes even to shoot dead the captured horses.79 This being done, he set sail toward the afternoon to the second frontier town, called [37] Saint Michiel de Calbuco, located in the inland sea or the Golfo de Ancoed. But as the ship Eendracht ended up in a shallow trench and with ebb tide it could not get out of it so that those of the yacht were forced to anchor it at 18 feet of water; this aforementioned trench is located on the northeastern side of the shore, where one can sail to during high tide. On the 26th ditto, the Eendracht being ready, set sail again with an east-southeastern wind. In the afternoon maneuvered through the channel of Osorno and anchored below the north side of the mainland at 4 fathoms on sandy bottom. On the 27th ditto, with drizzly weather and a stiff cool breeze from the east-southeast, they set sail again in order to anchor at the roadstead of Saint Michiel de Calbulco. But they were warned by their captive Chilean (since he had been there before) that there were many cliffs in the water so that they could have an accident if they arrived there in the evening, especially since they were unfamiliar with the coastal waters. This they had addressed to the general, who agreed for them to stay close to the shore at seven fathoms on sandy bottom. On the 28th ditto it was drizzly weather with a stiff wind from the north-northeast. They tacked until the afternoon, until they were forced because of the strong ebb tide confronting them to anchor again on the north side of the mainland at four fathoms on sandy bottom mixed with small shells. The large sloop of the Amsterdam, in the afternoon having been sent forward to measure the depth of

79. The journal account reveals that Brouwer wanted to burn Carelmapu to show the local Indians that the Dutch were serious about their hatred for the Spanish. The town consisted of twenty-six houses and a palisade. See Heijer, Goud en Indianen, 210–11.

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the water, came back after a short time, saying it was deep enough everywhere and having not seen any rocks above or below water. Whereupon the yacht in the afternoon was ordered to set sail again with the mainsail, finding it very differently, because while tacking it rubbed against a large rock [38], gaining five or six feet of water so that the support beam in addition to a piece of the ship’s outside layer appeared above the surface. They observed to sail among 10 or 12 of these rocks, some of them at surface level, others 2 or 3 feet below. They were able to reach the Eendracht, which was lying alongshore, where they anchored at 10 fathoms on sandy bottom. Crispijnsen, in addition to the major Blauwbeeck, came aboard with the lord general, and they reported in what danger they had been and that it had been impossible for the ships to reach the roadstead of Calbuco, because of the many rocks and the large reef that was located right in front of the channel and that was covered during high tide. On the 29th ditto the lord general deliberated with his councillors about the dangers to which the ships were subjected to when advancing to Calbuco. They resolved to leave it at that and go to Fort Castro.80 Setting sail for it, with a north-northeastern wind changing to southwestern, they anchored in the afternoon between two islands at 14 fathoms on sandy bottom. Toward evening some men went ashore to get sheep or any other cattle, but they did not bring back more than one sheep that had been tied to a tree. On the 30th ditto it was foggy weather, with a stiff breeze from the north-northeast. By orders of the lord general the yacht again set sail, cruising south-southwest. We anchored at another island at 14 fathoms on clean bottom. As they did not know to be at the right place, the major, in addition to two captains and all the soldiers, went ashore to fetch several prisoners. They came back aboard in the evening, having found neither Indians nor Castilians but bringing a number of sheep including five large camel sheep, which have fine wool and have necks [this page is preceded by the page picturing an alpaca or a llama; 39] in length 3 to 4 feet.81 These are not good to eat, as the meat is as tough as horsemeat. The Spaniards give the

80. Compare with the manuscript account in Heijer, Goud en Indianen, 214–15. 81. Alpaca or llama. The journal account mentions six “camel sheep.” Heijer, Goud en Indianen, 218. The description of llamas is not found in the journal account. It was probably added to the book version together with the engraving of the llama.

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following information about these sheep: of all the characteristics of the sheep of Peru is this one, which they easily carry between 50 and 75 pounds of weight just as camels, to which they are very similar except for that they do not have a hump, and they are able (as the Spaniards have experienced themselves) to carry a human 4 to 5 miles per day. When they become tired they lie down and no matter what one does, including beating them, they will get up again only by taking their loads from them. If one is riding on them and they get tired, they turn their heads against the person riding on them and spit on them with a filthy stench so that it appears to originate in their rumen.82 It is a very useful and valuable creature because it has very fine wool, principally those they call Pacos [alpacas], which have long flocks of wool. They eat or drink little, especially those that are put to work. They eat maize and go 4 or 5 days without drinking. The meat has a good flavor and is very healthy, just as that of some wethers83 which one can get from Castile. For the curious reader and for more enjoyment the following drawing has been included. Regarding the other sheep, they were as big as the ones from Holland, being of good flavor and being a good refreshment for the fleet, having not had anything better in a long time. [40] On the 31st ditto, having lifted the anchor again with good weather and a nice breeze from the north-northwest, they sailed south-southwest to sail to another island (named Pechelinge).84 Around the afternoon they saw nearby another island a Spanish vessel, and they made an effort to get to it, but it took them until the evening because of the contrary wind. Dropped anchor at 14 fathoms on sandy bottom. The lord general quickly dispatched several boats with men to it to see what its condition was. When they returned, they reported that it was loaded with clean planks and was stuck in the ground. On the first of June during the day all the soldiers, in addition to as many sailors as wanted, went ashore. During the day they 82. The so-called first stomach of ruminant animals like the llama. Llamas and alpacas were almost never ridden by humans. 83. Castrated male sheep. 84. Pechelinge was a Spanish corruption of “Vlissingen,” or Flushing, a port city in the Dutch province of Zeeland. The Spanish often used it as a reference to the Dutch. The island was probably named after Dutch or English ships that visited the island in the sixteenth century.

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Fig. 2  A llama or alpaca standing between a Chilean Indian couple and members of the Brouwer expedition, illustrated in Journal and History. Photo: Nederlands Scheepvaartmuseum, Amsterdam.

sent many sheep aboard.85 Toward the evening the aforementioned Spanish vessel (named Saint Domingo) that was sitting on the beach broke because of the heavy storm from the north-northwest that lasted the entire night. The soldiers stayed in four large houses on the beach during that night, and they went aboard again the next day and set sail to continue their journey.86 On the 3rd ditto with a north-northeastern wind approaching Castro, they noticed that in passing several islands that their enemies had set fire to their own houses.87 Toward the evening a pistol’s shot 85. The manuscript account emphasizes that the soldiers collected no fewer than three hundred sheep. Many of them were grilled and eaten on the spot. See Heijer, Goud en Indianen, 221. 86. The journal account on May 31, 1643, discusses that the soldiers were sent ashore to dry themselves and their uniforms, which had been soaked by the continuous rainy and damp weather. Heijer, Goud en Indianen, 218–20. 87. The city of Castro was the largest colonial town on the island of Chiloé and the target of the Eendracht and the Dolphijn, which were sailing in the coastal waters. The Brouwer expedition recorded that Castro had approximately sixty houses and four churches or monasteries. Most houses were made of straw and soil. Heijer, Goud en Indianen, 227.

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away from the shore anchoring on the northwestern side at 15 fathoms on brown sandy bottom, they saw (it being dark) the northern sky turn red as if an entire city had been burning. On the 4th and 5th ditto, it being foul and rainy weather, bringing fall winds from the mountains, the fleet lay still. In the meantime the major, with two vessels, was sent up the river of Castro to report on everything. In the evening they returned to the fleet [41], reporting to have been close to the city of Castro, where they had seen 40 or 50 men, on foot and on horseback, who began to shoot at them.88 As it was calm weather during the night, they rowed and anchored at 2 and a half fathoms of anchor ground. They fired a cannon shot, but, not hearing any sound in the city, they remained quiet during the day. On the 6th ditto, having fired several shots at the city during the day, the enemy showed themselves on foot and on horseback on the beach and on the mountains. The major (having received a commission from the lord general) rowed ashore with all soldiers and put his men in marching order on the beach. The lieutenant Croeger went into the mountains with a reconnoitering patrol, followed by the rest of the men, and they marched into the city without any opposition. The same was found empty and destroyed, many houses having been burned to the ground; the remaining, including churches and other public buildings, were without roofs, and the residents had fled into the woods. Several patrols were sent out to get into contact with residents through friendly means or by capturing them in a violent manner, in order to gain information about the surroundings. However, everything failed, as they had fled too quickly and they were more familiar with the roads. During this quest they found in the late afternoon a dead Chilean in a dry well. He was assumed to have been murdered by the Castilians and thrown in there (as he had not been dead for a long time) to show to the other [indigenous] Chileans after the departure of the Netherlanders what could be expected of them if they fell into their [Dutch] hands. But before they left they took him out and buried him so that his countrymen would not notice it. In the evening [42] the sailors brought aboard many apples, while the

88. The journal account speaks of approximately two hundred Spanish defenders in Castro. Heijer, Goud en Indianen, 226.

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soldiers stayed ashore to see if they could catch any animals in the morning. The lord general then realizing on the 7th ditto that it was not probable to get several residents, either Chileans or Castilians, because of the unknown roads and the continuing rains, and considering the time too precious to waste, he resolved to depart. He therefore ordered all the soldiers to come aboard after ordering to destroy anything in the city that was still intact. Castro, with many beautiful and important buildings now desolate and destroyed, is nicely situated on top of a high mountain surrounded with many beautifully planted fruit trees. It has nice cultivated lands, some fields still had several grains, and it is decorated with fountains and other fresh waters that are very good to drink. On the beach there is a daily tide of 13 to 14 feet of water so that it happened that the yacht on the 6th got stuck on the ground more than four feet so that one has to be cautious in everything there. On the 8th, having departed during the day, they were forced to be towed because of the lack of wind. They came close to land in the evening, anchoring at 26 fathoms. Because they stayed there on the 29th ditto89 due to the lack of wind, the major with several soldiers went ashore to see if any animals, sheep or pigs, could be taken. In the evening more than one hundred sheep and 12 large pigs were brought aboard. They torched five houses that stood on the beach. On the 10th ditto, without wind, the ships were towed. On the 11th ditto, having set sail during the day with a north-northeastern wind, they were forced to put it [their ship] at 5 fathoms on gravel bottom, as [43] the current would have pulled them into the inland sea. They went ashore on the nearest island. Those of the yacht brought toward the evening around sixty sheep and 15 to 16 hens aboard, as they did not observe any people. The Eendracht anchored at another island. Those of the yacht set sail around 2 hours before the morning (on the 12th ditto) to get to their general, the wind coming from the south and being a cannon shot from the shore,90 and sailed against a reef in which the stern of the yacht was stuck for one and a half hours. This would not have been without danger if it had not been high tide. This aforementioned 89. Clerical error: it should be “9th ditto.” 90. Approximately 1.24 miles (2 kilometers).

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reef or cliffs are located in the sixth channel coming from Castro, where one can sail over them without any damage during high tide. Around the afternoon, anchored at the aforementioned Spanish vessel at 10 fathoms on sandy bottom, with high tide they drifted to another island. On the general’s orders as many parts as possible were taken [from the Spanish vessel] as fit on the Eendracht and the yacht. Meanwhile, the soldiers were rowed ashore. In the evening they brought aboard many sheep. Found it to be here high tide with a south-southwestern moon.91 On the 13th ditto, lying still with a south-southwestern wind, the major and all the soldiers were put ashore again. The lieutenant Croeger, who had stayed ashore the night before, brought aboard a captured Chilean boy in the morning. Several patrols went into the interior during this day. Toward the evening they boarded ship again, bringing with them an old Castilian woman about seventy-five years old,92 in addition a number of sheep, but because of the large quantity they had to let go of a large group. In the afternoon on orders of the general the aforementioned Spanish ship named [44] Saint Domingo was set afire. On the 14th ditto in the morning they put the captured Castilian woman and the Chilean boy on shore again. They lifted anchor with a northern wind and put the anchor out near the island Gnack, a goteling shot from shore at 40 fathoms, since they were unable to use our sails due to the strong current. On the 15th ditto, having set sail with variable winds, saw in the afternoon on starboard southeast of them, one mile from the shore and about 4 miles from the Channel of Osorno, a large reef, covered during high tide. In the evening anchored at 30 fathoms anchor ground. On the 16th ditto set sail during the day with a stiff breeze from the north-northwest. In the afternoon it was unstable weather, and they proceeded through tacking. This way they reached the Channel of Osorno, finding 10, 12, and 14 fathoms of water, and, as it became 91. Moon: the clerk probably meant to write “wind” instead. 92. The manuscript account of the Amsterdam gives the age and name of this woman as sixty-eight-year-old Louisa Pisara, widow of Jeronimo Trouchellio. See Heijer, Goud en Indianen, 236–39. The travel account presents the interview with Pisara on July 16, 1643, immediately following the interrogation of the Spanish-Portuguese soldier.

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high tide, they dropped the anchor, for fear of drifting into the inland sea, at 42 fathoms on cliff bottom so that the previous 10, 12, and 14 fathoms on sandy bottom must have been a bank. Around midnight high tide had ended, and they lay there with the yacht, not without danger as it was sometimes spun around its anchor by the strong currents moving through the channel. Because the rudder (despite being attended by a man) did not respond, they found it useful to lift the same [the anchor] and reach Carelmapu at ebb tide, stay there anchored during the day, and stay with the ship Eendracht. However, they drifted with great danger from the aforementioned place, having a constant rain. They found that the anchor had been dropped in a cliff, as one of its arms had become loose. On the 17th ditto, having the wind with nice weather from the south [45], those of the yacht tried to anchor in Brouwershaven with the ships Amsterdam and Vlissinghen, which happened around 10 hours. The next day toward the afternoon with an east-northeastern wind the general arrived inside [the harbor] so that the four ships were united again. During this part of the voyage the general contracted a sickness of which he became very weak and constantly bedridden.93 On the 21st, having lain here, meanwhile the ships being cleaned and outfitted, it was resolved by the general and the broad council that the lord Elbert Crispijnsen, with the ship Eendracht and the yacht Dolphijn, would sail to Baldivia and report to His Highness as soon as possible all the situations of the harbors and approaches, also about the peoples and their forms of government and about any enemies thereabouts. When in the meantime the ships Amsterdam and Vlissingen were ready, they would follow quickly. But this plan was not implemented for considerable time because of the extraordinary large storms from the north, as well as hard winds, making it impossible to pass the northern wind, as will be related here later in more detail. During the night they got a heavy storm from the north so that the yacht drifted away from its anchor. We fired a cannon shot until they were helped by the Eendracht with an anchor and rope. [46]

93. The journal account of the Amsterdam also does not specify what disease the general suffered from.

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The principal [record] keeper of this voyage until now having sailed on the yacht the Dolphijn, the favorable reader is kindly asked to take notice that, on the 22nd of this month of June on order of the broad council, he went over to the ship the Eendracht. He will adjust his account to reflect this change. On the 23rd ditto the general notified those of the ship the Eendracht and the yacht that they had to prepare themselves to sail to Baldivia in the morning. On the 24th ditto, with an eastern-northeastern wind being carried from the bay of Brouwershaven to the roadstead, they put their ship next to the yacht at 4 fathoms. Sitting ready to set sail, the ship’s council decided that, due to the scarcity of food, the rationing of bread would be put at 2 and a half pounds per man per week.94 In the afternoon they had a hard storm from the northeast so that they dropped 3 heavy anchors. Those who want to anchor here in Brouwershaven have to lie at 4 fathoms on sandy bottom around one and a half goteling shot northeast of the northern corner at the same roadstead, where this time of year is the best anchoring ground. The Eendracht and the yacht here having anchored until the 28th ditto, they received orders not to depart until the ships Amsterdam and Vlissingen were ready so as to assume the journey together. On the 2nd of July it was drizzling and misty weather. As was found out through questioning, because the rationing of food was tight, some of them [the crew] had the gall to steal someone else’s rations of bread, meat, bacon, and tobacco. The secret council met in the afternoon and issued their resolution by posting [47] their message on all the ships and prohibited theft by the punishment of hanging.95 Then having spent the time lying still until the 8th ditto, in the meanwhile provisioning themselves with water and firewood, they gained a north wind, which in these quarters always causes drizzling 94. The journal mentions that on June 22, 1643, the broad council sentenced several sailors who had been in knife fights with other members of the expedition. Heijer, Goud en Indianen, 244. 95. On the third of July two sailors aboard the Vlissingen were sentenced by the broad council for having committed theft. In addition to physical punishment the two sailors, named Willem Visscher and Henrick Struijs, from Ypres, lost three months of their wages. Their physical punishment included being thrown three times from the top of the mainmast into the water with a weight bound around their feet. See Heijer, Goud en Indianen, 248.

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rainy weather and heavy storms. The broad council having met, resolved, since it was impossible to get out of Brouwershaven with this wind (which is blowing here most of the time this year), to go to Carelmapu with the first opportunity to get out to sea better, in the meanwhile not to neglect anything that could help their voyage. On the 10th ditto they had a hard storm from the northwest so that in the front their heaviest anchors started to drift. On the 11th ditto in the morning, it being nice weather, they all sailed together with a northwestern wind from the Brouwershaven to Carelmapu, where they anchored in the afternoon at barely three fathoms deep: but as the shore was too near and they could touch the bottom at low tide, they reset their anchors at the 12th ditto until they reached 4 fathoms deep. On the 13th ditto a hard storm from the north, with drizzly rainy weather, which calmed down toward the afternoon, when several soldiers were directed to shore to see whether they could get some animals. They concluded that the Castilians, after their departure, had been there again, as they [the soldiers] encountered many empty chests that had been dug up [by the Spanish]. On the 14th ditto a flying storm blew from the east, mixed with much hail and lightning so that they were forced to drop all their anchors. On the 15th ditto with a west-northwest wind [48], it being reasonable weather, they sounded the reef that is located before Carelmapu, from the northwest off the high corner and southeast from each other about a goteling shot in length, stretching east-southeast and west-northwest beyond the aforesaid bay. On the 16th ditto, with variable winds being drizzly weather, Lieutenant Rembagh with 30 men went a considerable distance into the interior in the afternoon to obtain several animals. This Rembagh, being the lieutenant of Captain Flori, coming aboard again on the 17th ditto in the afternoon, brought three captured Castilians with him, which he obtained at a place named Las Bahias, being about 3 miles from Carelmapu. They were holding guard there, together with 2 or 3 other Spaniards (who escaped), against the Ankaos96 or 96. Possibly the same as the “Ucas,” described as enemies of the Spanish in Baerle, History of Brazil, 256. It can also be a reference to the Araucanians, the general Dutch term for the Indians who were hostile to the Spanish.

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rebellious Chileans.97 One was named Juan Mascaregnes de Sosa, being Portuguese by descent, born in San Francisco de Quito in Peru, who declared to be about 68 years old and to have served about 40 years in Chili, seven years in Concepción, and 33 years in Carelmapu so that he finally reached the rank of sergeant. That since his arrival in Chili he had been nowhere else except Concepción and Castro as well as in Arauco, being equipped with a ropael fort98 named San Philippo, laying about a cannon shot from the sea where one approaches the shore, having a garrison of 500 Castilians. That on the land side an additional fort is located, but of little importance. That it here currently was the winter season and that the worst weather had passed and that there had also not blown extraordinary hard winds as had in other years, which were so powerful that the mountains shook and turned over trees and houses.99 That in the month of August the western winds would begin to blow [49], but that this would not last long. He said that there was much gold in Osorno, but in Valdivia even more and that the wilden100 would labor in the mines so that they would not lack for gold. That the Indians in all times have worn this [gold] as ornaments and as a sign of their prosperity, as pieces as large as phalanges, perforated with holes, strung on strings around the neck, head, and elsewhere, and that in Castro they presently did not have gold, as the Indians had not worked in the mines for 40 years since the revolt.101 He further declared that the general of Castro, from Osorno and of Castilian parents born, named Don Ferdinando Alverado, being a mild man and peaceful of character, had always been an encomendero and had a repartimento agent in Castro and in addition a stipend of

97. The journal also lists a Chilean woman and two of her children as captives being brought aboard by Lieutenant Iurjaen Rembagh. The three Spanish captives were divided over three ships. The journal from the ship Amsterdam includes the interrogation of Juan Mascaregnas de Sosa on July 20–21, 1643. See Heijer, Goud en Indianen, 255, 263–67. According to the journal, Elias Herckmans interrogated Juan de Sofa, probably because Brouwer was too sick. 98. A Dutch misspelling of the term “Reael fort”: large fortress. See Heijer, Goud en Indianen, 263n624. 99. This was in reference to a question by the Dutch whether hurricanes were present in Chile. See Heijer, Goud en Indianen, 264, question no. 6. 100. “Wild people”: common Dutch term for “savages”; indigenous people. 101. The major indigenous revolt of 1599.

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one thousand pataques102 per year, for any of the soldiers captured by the Oucaes.103 That he [Alverado] had been there for only three months so that he had not become rich yet, bringing with him a ship’s cargo with about 40 vats of wine, sheet linen, and red linen from Rouen to trade. That it was about 48 years ago since the Spanish had been driven from Baldivia and that there another Spanish governor with 200–300 Castilians had arrived, but as they found no provisions they perished of hunger so that they retreated with great danger to Osorno. That there about 16 years ago, a ship from Lima (under the general Pedro Rijcquo Marseiliaen) had arrived, which had obtained great booty from the Oucaes so that some of the soldiers brought 6, 10, yes even 20 pounds of gold from there. He said that the fortification of Concepción was about one legua104 from there, where the ships approach and that one can reach the city only with a small boat. That there is a small fort similar as in Carelmapu, occupied with 100 soldiers. That the inhabitants consisted of soldiers and citizens [50] from several nations, but above all Castilians, being around 2,000 strong, and it is furthermore an open place. That in Imperiael105 there were no Spaniards, but that it is empty and wild. Still, they captured on one of the islands in the Chilean inland sea an old Spanish woman, named Louysa Pizara,106 widow of Jeronimo of Trouchillo, born in Osorno and driven by the revolt from the same place in the year 1599, for the time of 30 years having lived at Quintiau, who declared that about 40 years ago, before the Indians revolted, the Spanish in Osorno were very well positioned and had been greatly esteemed; yes, in such manner that an individual Castilian made use of 300 Indians as his subjects, who had to deliver to him a certain weight of gold as tribute weekly. Because of these and other unbearable burdens, cruelties, and tyranny, the Indians joined together in the year 1599 and besieged the Spanish in their 102. “Patacones”: silver currency; pieces of eight. 103. An indigenous people of southern Chile. Perhaps the scribe meant here that the pataques were supplied to ransom the soldiers captured by the Oucaes. 104. Approximately 3.46 miles (5.57 kilometers) (about an hour’s ride on horseback). 105. A Spanish town north of Chiloé Island. Baerle, History of Brazil, 257, describes it as the seat of a bishopric destroyed by the Auracanians long before the arrival of the Brouwer expedition. 106. This woman was originally captured on June 13, 1643; see also Heijer, Goud en Indianen, 236–39.

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fortification (which they had there to defend themselves) and reduced them to such extreme starvation that they were eventually not only forced to eat the bark of trees but (seeing no sign of aid forthcoming) left the aforesaid place and retreated to Carelmapu and Calibuco and made a treaty with those of Osorno. These places have been fortified since that time and kept as frontiers against those of Osorno and the surrounding lands to prevent the same [the Indians] from invading with their canoes and other barks the islands of Chiloé to conquer people, as they have done several times before. That when the Castilians from Osorno had to flee to the aforesaid places of Carelmapu and Calibuco, they had traveled for about a month because of the difficult roads [51], without, however, estimating the distance in miles; that they had to cross three fast-flowing rivers where the canoes had to be carried over land by three to four men each to get to the aforesaid rivers. That on the islands of Chiloé are distributed around one hundred encomenderos. Some of the most prominent ones have 28 to 30 Indians or Chileans under their command, but most have 5 or 6 who serve them as serfs to make beds, blankets, farms and the planting of peas, beans, barley, flax, and hemp, further serving as herders of sheep (which they have in abundance there), goats, pigs, and horses, as cows are small in number. Everything the Chileans have the Spanish assume to be theirs. For their service they have the right to be fed, clothed, and instructed in the Christian religion, without having to be sold, stolen, or hired out or to be transported from one island to another but have to reside and end their life at the place where they were born and raised. These encomenderos are given by the king as rewards for services and that after their deaths this [the encomienda] is inherited by his firstborn son or daughter, or in absence of these to his rightful widow, and by the death of the same again to the king. That in Chiloé currently no gold or silver is being sought, although for several years from some mines a certain yearly amount was taken. Since the year 1638 this has stalled because a third of the people died of the pestilential sickness so that the peoples were greatly reduced.107 The mines also gave little gold and silver and the 107. In 1639 the plague, or perhaps smallpox, struck Spaniards and Indians in Chile. See Gascón, “Defense of the Spanish Empire,” 22. Presumably, this is the same sickness described here.

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Castilians were more inclined toward agriculture, for which reason the peopling and cultivating of the aforesaid places and lands has greatly taken off [52], neglecting the exploiting of the mines, as no gold or silver, coined or not-coined, is to be found among these peoples, but when asking them about it, they say that the same is to be gotten in abundance in Osorno and Baldivia. In this way all commercial goods and victuals that are annually sent from Concepción and San Jago [Santiago], such as coarse linen, sheets, oil, flour, Spanish wine, pepper, iron tools, and other items, come over annually with three ships, are paid for with blankets, boards, flax, hemp, and other goods and are transported to Concepión and Santiago. These boards are not to be found on these islands but come from 6 to 8 miles away from the highlands, where they are prepared only with an axe, but not sawn, that important work [on the boards] would take much time and labor, but they don’t have the labor [for this]. That there last March a small Spanish vessel (named Santo Domingo and burned by us) had arrived from Concepión and Santiago, bringing along thirty Spanish soldiers to strengthen the frontier towns of Carelmapu and Calibuco. With this Spanish vessel the commander’s daughter had come over, bringing many letters for the various inhabitants, who all testified that the places of Osorno, Baldivia, Imperiael, Villarica, Tucapel, Arauco, and Pureen, having been at peace with the Spaniards for several years, now about a year ago all revolted again against the Spaniards so that those of Concepión who held several Araucanians as hostages quickly decapitated them when the revolt broke out. That about 20 days before the arrival of the ships from Holland there, the Spaniards of Carelmapu with a certain number of soldiers had went out against those [Indians] of the lands of Osorno to get captives [53] so that they gained 30, which they brought back and hoped to obtain a large ransom from it or to send them to Concepión, but that with the arrival of the Netherlanders all had escaped and fled. This was what the old woman declared.108 Further obtained a Chilean with wife and children, in addition to 20 sheep and 16 beautiful horses. On that day General H. Brouwer 108. The journal account has this interview with the elderly Spanish woman take place a month earlier. See Heijer, Goud en Indianen, 236–39. The woman was put back onshore by the Dutch on June 14, 1643.

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resolved that one should send in advance the yacht to Baldivia to notify the Indians of their arrival and to signify that they were their friends and were enemies of the Castilians, but Hermans and all the other sea captains, reviewing the affairs a bit more closely, thought that because of the continuous northern winds this would be difficult to do, by which they could end up in the ocean and be steered off course, which they did not want to do, so that the proposal was rejected. The 18th ditto is the captured Chilean, together with wife and children, put on land and set free again. He promised to send more Chileans to the ship as he now realized that they were friends, and enemies of the Castilians, who had told them much about the tyranny and bad treatment by the Hollanders; otherwise they would have come to them earlier.109 The 19th ditto the major and the fiscaal navigated to shore with the captured Spaniards, who would point them to where a chest with silverware was buried. Although the lieutenant had neglected to torture them, it was nevertheless found in the same house where he had captured them. On the 20th ditto they came back aboard again, and the aforesaid chest was presented to the general. In it (after being opened) were found 325 pieces of eight,110 in addition 25 pounds worth of silverware.111 On the same date 6 Chileans came to the fleet, among them two caciques, saying to have heard that this fleet had come here to be friends [54] with them and to be enemies of the Spaniards and that they were most delighted about this. With these [visitors] our Netherlanders talked much, testifying to them to have come there with many arms to trade with those of Osorno, Baldivia, and all others who want to establish friendship with them, so as to protect themselves against the Spaniards in the future and for which reason they [the Dutch] want to give them a helping hand. To show that these were not empty words, it was resolved to sail to Baldivia as soon as possible. To which the aforesaid Chileans answered that they, in addition to some others of their own group, had resolved for several days to flee to Baldivia and Osorno to escape the cruelty of 109. This claim is not found in the manuscript journal of the expedition. 110. Spanish currency. 111. According to the journal, the silverware included plates, salt and pepper containers, candleholders, and also tablecloths, napkins, and old socks (!). Heijer, Goud en Indianen, 261.

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the Spaniards or Castilians, but that they had neglected to do this because of the rumors and hope for friendship and help that they now expected. Thus, they requested, together with their wives and children and some of their friends, to be taken by our ships across the sea to leave for Baldivia to be better protected, because it was too dangerous for the women and children to travel overland because of the war, rains, high rivers, and difficult roads. This was permitted, which overjoyed them, and they were presented with broadswords and pikes so that not only they, but all those of their nation who would greet them [in Baldivia], that the Netherlanders were serious and that they had good intentions with them. Upon this they departed on the 22nd and went ashore contently, to get their women, children, and other known friends and further to equip themselves with adequate provisions for the upcoming journey. These Chileans made so well known the good intentions of the general and the large number of weapons that they carried with them that every day many others came to meet them.112 [55] On the 21st ditto a Chilean informed them that the Castilians had buried on land a metal cannon, which was found and brought aboard the Eendracht, being 8 feet in length. On the same day a council was held at the ship of the vice admiral, where all sea captains and navigators resolved in unison, as General Brouwer’s illness worsened daily, to go with the first steady wind to sail to Brouwershaven again for the winter, as the prisoners declared that the month of August is the most miserable one of the year because of heavy storms and rains. Eight years ago these were so tremendous and lasted for more than 40 days in a row so that the earth shook, the mountains trembled, and the trees blew from the soil.113 On the 24th ditto, with the wind, having good weather, coming from the northeast, all the ships (except the yacht that remained behind with Mr. Herckmans) lifted their anchors and sailed for the Brouwershaven, where they arrived sometime in the afternoon.

112. On July 21, 1643, the commanders of the expedition instructed all soldiers and sailors to refrain from intermingling with the indigenous families staying near the ships. If anyone was found to have sexually assaulted a Chilean woman, the punishment was execution by a firing squad. Clearly, the WIC commanders were nervous about angering their indigenous allies. See Heijer, Goud en Indianen, 262–63. 113. This could be a reference to earthquakes, which are frequent in Chile.

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On the 26th and 27th ditto it was fine weather, and many men went on land to hunt, bringing back aboard a heap of poultry, such as geese, ducks, sandpipers, gulls, blackbirds, and other unknown birds. On the 28th ditto came aboard two principal caciques from Carelmapu, one named Don Diego from Carelmapu, being the chief there, and the other Don Philippo, senior cacique from the surrounding district. They said to have learned about the arrival, inclination, and friendship of the Netherlanders toward their nation, as well as their inclination to provide all support against the Spaniards, and that they had brought with them many weapons to trade with them. They [the caciques] were very pleased with this and came to offer their services and fully resolved to free themselves from tyrannical Spanish rule. [56] To emphasize their opinion Don Philippo displayed the head of a Spaniard whom he had killed himself about 14 days ago (what pleasant smell this head emitted one can guess).114 They also said to have the intention to go to Baldivia and Osorno, for which purpose they already had 200 Chileans with them. We encouraged them to be there before the fleet’s arrival. They requested 18 broadswords, 18 pikes, and 5 muskets with gunpowder belts and fuses, in return for which they promised to deliver 4 or 5 fine cows to Carelmapu, which was permitted. It was resolved by the council, that the fiscaal would deliver these caciques with the vessel of the Eendracht to Carelmapu on the 29th to encourage their aforementioned journey to Baldivia. He further carried with him a letter from the lord Herckmans to send to the governor of Castro, relating to the ransom of a sailor115 on the ship Amsterdam, and to bring aboard the promised cows, which was done. On the 6th of August 18 Chileans in one of their canoes, coming from the Dolphijnsvoerd,116 joined the fleet, requesting the general to go with the ships to Baldivia, which was permitted. On the 7th ditto, the wind being north-northeast and blowing with a stiff breeze, the lord general Hendrick Brouwer finally died after a long sickness between 10 and 11 hours in the morning. 114. This gruesome detail is found in the manuscript journal of Elbert Crispijnsen, one of the senior commanders of the Brouwer expedition, for July 28, 1643. See Heijer, Goud en Indianen, 292. 115. Joost Lammers of Emden, who was captured by the Spanish in mid-May 1643. See Heijer, Goud en Indianen, 198. 116. Dolphin’s Bay.

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Beforehand he urgently requested from his two nearest councillors, the lords E. Herckmans and E. Crispijnsen, that when the mighty God wished to take his soul that his body might be preserved and honorably buried in Baldivia. [57] To fulfill his request and to prevent the body from extraordinary decomposing and protect it from bad smells, so it was opened and the intestines taken out and put in a separate chest and deposited in the earth in the Brouwershaven. The body, being embalmed with various oils, spices, and herbs, was put in the ship’s hold. In the afternoon all the Chileans traveling with the fleet were put ashore again.117 The fiscaal and the vice-navigator of the ship Eendracht sailed on the 29th of the same [July] (as was related to previously) with the two caciques, from Brouwershaven to Carelmapu. They came aboard again by way of the sloop of the ship Amsterdam on the 9th. They testified how, when they left the fleet, they were forced, because of a storm, to land on Horse Island118 to prevent any accidents. Having arrived there, the navigator ordered the sailors to anchor their boat at an appropriate place to avoid it becoming flooded with water. As eventually seven sailors adjusted the sail to find a better mooring place, they were almost pushed offshore because of the heavy wind. They were forced to run before the wind until finally they were able to align with the wind, [but the boat] filled with water and all drowned together. Those located on the island seeing this, being deprived of their boat as well as of victuals, as they had none brought with them, were not a little saddened and did not know how to get back to their company or how to keep themselves alive. They did find a small house, 5 to 6 fine sheep, in addition to sweet potatoes (being a certain root that one digs out of the earth and uses as bread) with which they sustained themselves until they had eaten the sheep. Then as luck would have it, the sloop from the ship Amsterdam came ashore by chance and, without thinking about their countrymen [58] (as everyone in the fleet believed they had all drowned), they found them [the stranded men] in desperation and without provisions, rescued them, and brought them back to the fleet. Since they would not

117. These details are based on the journal kept by Elbert Crispijnsen; see Heijer, Goud en Indianen, 292. 118. Small island north of Chiloé.

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have survived for four more days, it was altogether not a little matter to thank God for this unexpected rescue. On the 10th ditto several soldiers had gone ashore who found a letter in the woods, being a reply from Ferdinand de Alverado, governor of Castro, dated the 3rd of August 1643, to the letter sent to him on July 29 by Lord Herckmans by way of the daughter of Juan de Soysi. The heading in Spanish (although translated in Dutch here) was “To Lord Elias Herckman[s], lieutenant general of the Dutch ships, in the English119 harbor [Brouwershaven], God have mercy.” This letter being submitted to Lord Herckmans on the 11th ditto was opened in council and the content was as follows: “Lord Lieutenant General, I received your letter and from it understood that it is your desire to get back the captive sailor (Joost Lambertsz) for De Soysi (being a Spaniard). It does not surprise me that you request this from me as this is part of the rules of war. Give me this De Soysi on the guarantees of a cavalier120 who will promise Your Honor to show friendship to the king, my lord. If I still had the sailor here, I would have sent him without any difficulty to Your Honor from the bottom of my heart, as this is a mutual obligation even though we are enemies. It is about a month ago that I sent him on a bark to the Marquess De Bayde121 in the city of Concepción: our God treats him so well, and I trust he is well treated there by our godly Majesty. [59] If you were entrusted with this task, you would do the same as the governing of these places requires it. If you will excuse me, I am a subject of my king and natural lord, for whom I will die and whom God will entrust.” Toward the evening many Chileans came to the fleet to sail to Valdivia. On the 12th ditto the vice admiral sailed to the Dolphins Bay to fetch several Chileans, taking with 10 soldiers out of fear for the Spanish who were hiding there. They came back to the fleet the other day so that they are busy daily with transporting Chileans to Carelmapu.

119. The Spanish appear not to have made any distinction between the English and Dutch, both Protestant enemies. 120. An escort or some sort of envoy. 121. Francisco López de Zúñiga, Marquis of Baides, the Spanish governor of Chile from 1639 to 1646. See Henige, Colonial Governors, 291.

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The lord Herckmans, having been in Carelmapu for several days to put things in order, has come to the fleet on the 14th ditto with the admiral’s ship to prepare the burial of the intestines of the deceased general. Because the weather in the meantime had calmed down, on the 18th of this month all the ships prepared their sails (the yacht having arrived with the fleet several days before with about 200 Chileans from Carelmapu), as they hoped to depart within three days. In the afternoon the lord Herckmans in presence of the entire council and all captains opened the closed commission letter, which appointed him as senior head of this expedition.122 With this leadership everyone wished His Honor good luck and blessings and promised to obey him. To this end the ships fired five or 6 shots with their cannon. On the 19th ditto the fleet left Brouwers Harbor for the roadstead, where it arrived in the afternoon. The wind being easterly with good weather. [60] Lying ready to set sail, there was a whole crowd of Chileans, including men, women, and children, aboard the ships, who had come from the mainland of Chile in order to travel with them across the sea, or with the troops of Don Diego and Don Philippo overland, to Osorno and Valdivia to be set free from the unbearable tyranny of the Spanish. It was decided to stay here [in the roadstead] so that all Chileans who had the opportunity to come over to them. After Don Diego and Don Philippo, being ready to travel with them to Osorno, received news that the Spanish were in firm control of the roads to the aforementioned place, they requested to travel with the ships to Valdivia, which was granted, to their great satisfaction. They were divided over the ships together with the others, being 470 souls, bringing for them an abundance of supplies such as barley, millet, wheat, peas, beans, potatoes, sheep, and pigs. While the Spanish controlled the overland roads and the Chileans were distributed on the ships, one of them [Chileans] caused great trouble, saying that as this fleet arrived in Valdivia, without informing them [the Chileans in Valdivia], it would be very problematic as they would certainly view them [the Dutch fleet] as enemies and be resolved to do as much damage to them so that it was advisable to send someone 122. The Heeren XIX had appointed Herckmans as the second-in-command of the expedition. Now that Brouwer had died, Herckmans became the formal commander of the expedition. See also Heijer, Goud en Indianen, 292.

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overland to notify them of the meaning and arrival [of the fleet]. This same individual offered to go without being apprehended by the Spanish as long as one or two others adventured with him, whereupon soon two able-bodied men offered their services [61] and departed to inform those of Valdivia of everything. After it had become nice weather with a southeasterly wind on the 21st ditto, the general123 ordered the sign to be made to depart, whereupon all lifted their anchors and set sail, cruising northwest-north, having arrived in the open sea, being located at 41 degrees and 27 minutes southern longitude. Discourse and description of Brouwers Harbor and the surrounding places, located on the coasts of Chile.124 This harbor, inlet, or place, by some called Chiloé, by others English Harbor, and by us Brouwers Harbor, is located at 41 degrees 30 minutes southern longitude, being a beautiful place for ships to winter, also to get into the open sea in all conditions. Fresh water is in abundance and easy to get, as is firewood since the surrounding country is full of trees. There is also an abundance of fish in the surrounding bay, among others a species as big in shape and color as our haddock, being very good in flavor. There are also caught smelts of eighteen thumbs long,125 and at full moon groups of extraordinary large crabs. The mussels were sometimes also very good but never as big as [62] those found in the Strait of Le Maire, while they are one span in length and one hand wide.126 This land, like the islands in the inland sea, is very rich in cattle such as sheep, pigs, horses, and goats and has an abundance of poultry. The Spanish relate that one finds ostriches on the agricultural plains of Chile who jump so fast along the ground without flying that they cannot be pursued by a horse. The land in itself is profitable, good, and fertile, generating barley, millet, corn, potatoes, turnips, peas, and beans, which are planted much by the inhabitants, 123. It is unclear if Herckmans formally became general upon the death of Brouwer, but the anonymous author consistently refers to Herckmans as general in the rest of the account. 124. Most of this ethnographic and geographic information is also listed in the manuscript journal of the Brouwer expedition; see Heijer, Goud en Indianen, 269–80, 293–97. 125. One thumb is approximately 0.98 inches (2.50 centimeters). 126. Width of one hand, approximately 3.94 inches (10.00 centimeters).

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Fig. 3  Map of the northern part of Chiloé Island, published in Journal and History with the caption “Being the great bay or the Chilean inland sea.” Photo: Nederlands Scheepvaartmuseum, Amsterdam.

as some types of wheat, although not much; also flax (which some of ours still found in the husk), but this crop is often beaten down to the ground by the heavy storm winds (to which this climate is much subjected to) so that it doesn’t come to fruition. If Dutch seed would be cultivated here, one doesn’t doubt whether it would be brought to fruition. Potatoes are roots, which are often found in the earth; they are round or elongated, as big as a fist, but smaller and also larger. Cut up, they are of various colors such as red, white, and purple, as drawn by others; some are also very white. These roots are roasted in the fire and are used as a bread and are found to be nutritious. According to the above-mentioned testimony, there are supposed to be rivers in Chile that during the day run and at night are without water, which would be fantastic for those who are unfamiliar to its causes, which are that when snow melts during the day because of the heat of the sun, it runs from the mountains; during the night because of the cold, it freezes and becomes hard again so that it [the

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water] no longer runs. I will leave this, however, to the discernment of the reader. [63] The people or Indians here in the country are not the tallest, but they are strong, fat, and well built of life and limbs, not unlike the Brazilians.127 The body is brown of color, physically strong, with black hair, which they cut around their ears, having wrapped a bonnet or something else around their head. They pluck out completely their beards and moustaches. Their clothing is very simple but in their manner very tidy. The men wear pants, just like the sailors, with a band tied around their waist, without a shirt or jerkin. From the same material they make pieces of cloth 3 and a half ell in length and 2 ell wide,128 of which they make a hole in the middle to put their head through and let the same hang on their shoulders. Further, they have bare arms and go barefoot without a hat, socks, and shoes. They use long spears as their weapons. The women are smaller in size, dressed in the same cloth but in the following manner: they take a cloth, which they fix around their lower body as if it was an apron; then they fix a similar cloth around their neck, letting it fall on their back nearly to the ground, the head, breast, arms and legs bare. Some of them have long black hair locks, which have bound into them neatly woven woolen ribbons of different colors; others let the hair fall loose on their backs. Although they are not very well dressed for the cold of this country, they are healthy and strong, as was evident daily on the ships, where some of them bore children and within half an hour bound them on their backs, with which they walked across the ships. Some of them have breasts that are so large that they can throw them over their shoulders so that their children can suckle them.129 These peoples of Chile made and wove the cloths for their own clothing [64], mostly the women, who steadfastly carry with them their loom (which is prepared with little difficulty) so as not to be idle.

127. A reference to the indigenous Tupi-speaking peoples of coastal Brazil, with whom the Dutch had established alliances. 128. An ell is 27.32 inches (694 millimeters). 129. This was a stereotypical observation made by European men about African and indigenous American women. See Morgan, “Some Could Suckle.”

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These Chileans of Chiloé do not number more than two thousand because in the years 1637 and 1638 about one third died from a pestilential disease. All these Chileans are divided among encomenderos through repartition, each having 30, 50, to 100 and 120 under their command. They cannot, however, be sold and transferred from one place to another but have to stay in the islands and places where they have been born until they die. These encommanderos use these Chileans for constant labor, in agricultural farms, for the making of tablecloths, cloths, and to cut boards. Each encommandero has a cacique over his Chileans, to watch over them and to keep them occupied with labor so that these peoples do not earn more than board and cloths, as well as instruction in the Roman Christian religion. Their houses are very simple, low on the ground, without attics or separate rooms, covered with tall grass, a door, without windows, having only an air vent in the roof for smoke. Gold nor silver is not looked for here or mined because of the great unwillingness of the Chileans who do not want to work, as well as because of the poor quality of the minerals that can be found, because the mines are very poor and of little value. For years in February, March, and April two to three ships come from the islands of Santa María and Concepción. From Santa María are brought only some wheat for the sustenance of [65] the Spanish because not so much wheat can be won in Chiloé as they need. From Concepción come several wines that are cultivated there, as well as from Lima (which are the best ones), further, coarse blankets, iron, a type of Rouen linen that is made in Lima, salt, oil, and other goods for which they buy boards, tablecloths, beds, sheets, cloths, and other carpets of various colors. As well each year a bark from Lima travels along the shore to pay a visit in order to check whether there are no enemy vessels in the vicinity. The grains that are cultivated on the island of Santa María are not as important as thought and are being sent only to the soldiers and citizens of Arauco and Chiloé. This island is only inhabited by one Curagidoor130 and a secretary who are overseers there, without any soldiers or fortifications. And there are also about forty Indians that 130. Corregidor: local official in Spanish America.

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are used for labor services. Chickens and sheep are there extraordinarily in abundance as well as a profusion of beautiful fruit such as grapes, apples, pears, and other types. But the places of Santiago and Concepción generate each year an abundance of grains with which surrounding areas are fed so that it is to believed that the Spanish, if Santa María would change hands, would do everything possible to use the same as a breadbasket for Chiloé. The Spanish use otherwise no slaves on this coast, except for those they take in the lands of their enemies, predominately from the areas of Imperial, Villarica, Valdivia, Conco, and Osorno. The naval force that the Spanish have in Lima consists of 6 to 7 royal vessels,131 among them one with 46 cannons, two rows on top of each other [66], the other equipped with 24 to 30 pieces, but they [also] have many private merchantmen. In Lima only large ships are made but in the harbors of Valparaíso and Concepción are no ships of war but comings and goings of barks and other light vessels.132 It is to believe (as has been related here previously) that if the Spanish obtained knowledge of the arrival of the Dutch in these quarters, they would not omit to fortify and strengthen the island of Santa María and turn it into a profitable privateering place like Dunkirk and capture all coming and going [Dutch] ships. It is better to prevent this and to send to the force currently in Valdivia133 reinforcements of two to three hundred and fifty men and to be strengthened in this manner and capture Santa Miguel de Calibuco, located on the Gulf of Ancud or Ankaos and to occupy with this same force Calibuco (with the support of those [Indians] from Osorno and Conco, which cannot be doubted) and to capture Castro and all the islands and to drive off the Spanish, whose forces are too light and are not estimated to be higher than 12 permanent soldiers in addition to approximately 180 citizens. Furthermore, all Chileans of Chiloé are eager to obtain their freedom and to be liberated from the tyranny of the Spanish. In addition, the mastery of Calibuco is necessary to trade with those of Conco and Osorno (where there are many gold mines) so that one is assured that they like the presence of the 131. Presumably galleons, or large warships. 132. Spanish naval vessels were built in Guayaquil, not in Lima. 133. This indicates that the text was written after the Brouwer expedition had reached Valdivia. Presumably, this fragment was taken from one of the recommendations written by Herckmans or Crispijnsen in Valdivia.

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Dutch. And that from there in their own country it is easy to travel to the other side in one and a half days, whereas to Valdivia one has to travel 4 to 5 days through strange lands, which they [Indians] do very slowly. [67] Continuation of the Voyage On the 22nd ditto nice weather from the south, with a cool breeze in the topsail, having in the afternoon the position of 39 degrees and 59 minutes, redirecting our course to the east toward the shore and toward the evening turning it again westward. The land revealed itself along the shore, and, as far as they could see, it was carved with puddles and swamps. The general Herckmans steered the yacht close to the shore to search for the river of Valdivia, but because of a lack of wind in the evening it was unable to reconnoiter. On the 23rd ditto, being very calm in the morning, they were approximately 4 miles from the shore, having in the afternoon the position of 39 degrees and 46 minutes and then had the southern corner of the river (from what they could see) east-northeast from them. Toward the evening the cool southern breeze increased, which allowed them to turn into the direction of the river, where they anchored in the dark, close to the shore about one mile east-southeast from the same southern corner, nearby the yacht at 33 fathoms deep. The ships Amsterdam and Vlissingen were not able to get close to them and were forced to move into the open sea. On the 24th ditto, during the day having a southwestern wind, they lifted their anchor again, while the ships Amsterdam and Vlissingen were located at a large distance south-southwest from them in the open sea. They sailed in advance with the yacht into the river of Valdivia, whose entrance is found to be a mile wide at its mouth. Having thus sailed half a mile with the sounding lead from 20 to 4 fathoms of water, mostly being good anchoring ground, they dropped the anchor since they ran against the ebb tide, when three branches or rivers were revealed. Uncertain which branch was the correct one to sail into, they sailed for one and a half miles into the branch straight ahead of them until the evening [68], when they got stuck on the bottom of the river. They stayed there for the entire night, just as the ships Amsterdam and Vlissingen, which also got stuck. From this location this river extends upward with many curves and on both sides having high shores with many trees and good outlets.

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On the 25th ditto in the morning the captain of the Eendracht took the small boat with six soldiers and three Chileans to sail up the river to reconnoiter the area. In the evening he returned and came back aboard, reporting that the waterway extended upward with many curves for at least two miles before reaching the city of Valdivia. That after about half a mile on this side of the city a branch runs to the sea, about where the Chileans say the Spanish usually pass with their vessels. On the 26th ditto, being clear weather, 10 Valdivians came with three canoes (cut from tree trunks) to their ships. Their leader, being a captain, had brought a sheep with him as a sign of friendship and because he was eager to trade with us. He was astonished about the ships being supplied with so many weapons and men. On the 27th ditto various canoes with Indians came to the ships, telling them that a large crowd of people was in the city awaiting their arrival and that within two days many people from Osorno and Conco would come to trade with them. On the 28th ditto toward the afternoon in clear weather the ship Eendracht and the yacht the Dolphijn anchored in front of the city of Valdivia. This city was built by the Castilians and was wrested from them by the Chileans in 1599, destroyed, and all the Spaniards killed, except the governor, who was captured and into whose mouth and ears they poured melted gold. [69] From his cranium they made a drinking cup and from his leg bones trumpets as a sign of victory. Of this destroyed city many large and strong walls were still standing. It had about 450 houses, several streets and crossroads, in addition two large market squares; it being a very nice location, but now it is so wild, covered with wild trees and weeds that it no longer resembles a city. Upon arrival each ship fired six cannon shots as a joyful sign. The Indians watching onshore came aboard in large numbers and were just as surprised as the others earlier about the appearance of the ships. But they were very thief-like and yearning for ironware. Everything they saw they wanted to have, including the compasses, which they took out of the night houses134 so that they [the Dutch] later on were forced to stow away and tighten everything when these kinds of merchants came aboard. The rest of the people, around three hundred strong, remained in the center of the city, which formerly 134. Cupboards or chests aboard ships where compasses were held.

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had been a market square (but which was now a large field). They were all equipped with their weapons, which consisted of a lance eighteen feet in length, for those on horseback and for those on foot. Some of the caciques (or commanders) asked Lord Crispijnsen if all the soldiers could soon come ashore with their weapons in order to be greeted and welcomed. They had waited so long for their arrival and were very interested to see them [the WIC soldiers] in proper order, especially since they [the Indians] had not brought many foodstuffs with them and therefore had to leave again soon. Lord Crispijnsen spoke with them and politely turned down their request, apologizing that General Herckmans and two ships had not arrived yet but that [70] he did not doubt that they would arrive in the evening and then come together ashore in the morning. The aforesaid caciques were content with this explanation and went ashore. Meanwhile, the Chileans that had traveled with them from Carelmapu and Castro were put ashore with their luggage. The ships were fastened with two cords to trees, which were in great abundance in this city. On the 29th ditto, as the ships Amsterdam and Vlissingen were still stuck so that they could not reach Valdivia, General Herckmans with the remaining two companies entered the yacht and in that manner came to Valdivia. Together with all the soldiers he went ashore, where around seventy Chileans were positioned at the market square, each with a lance. The rest, being around two hundred on horseback and some on foot, left yesterday and intended to return on the first. In presence of all these Chileans the general gave an important speech and harangue to one of their caciques (being a Valdivian), informing him for what purpose they had come and how useful this place would be in the light of the recent conquest of Brazil and how they would bring to them all kinds of weaponry and trade goods. He also submitted to them a letter of credentials, signed by His Highness, the Prince of Orange. He read the letter and then had it translated by one of the [Spanish] prisoners. They all appreciated this. Thereupon, Herckmans, in name of the Prince of Orange, presented to this cacique two swords and a long pike, for which he and all the other Chileans greatly thanked him. After many discourses about the loyalty that they showed them against the Spaniards and all other enemies, our people politely [71] separated from them. They departed inland for their residences since the city was uninhabited, with promises that they would return with the

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ones who had left yesterday. They understood that those of Osorno and Conco would have come to negotiate a general alliance with the general. It would have been difficult for them [the Dutch] to meet any of the Valdivians if the rumors from Castro and Carelmappa, that we were enemies of the Spaniards and had come to help the Chileans, had not circulated here before their arrival. This would also have been made difficult since none of them [the Dutch] understood Spanish. On the 30th ditto the weather was clear. Toward the afternoon one cacique and eight Chileans from the country came to meet the general. They said that several Chileans who had come to them overland from Concepción that there were two large ships that were ready to set sail to Valdivia on the first. Having listened to this, the general asked the cacique whether it was not possible to send the aforesaid Chileans to him so as to honor them with something for this warning and so as to take the opportunity to hear from them about Spanish power in Concepción and other nearby places. They also testified that those of Osorno and Conco were on their way and that they would be there [Valdivia] with a large force with two or three days. They also understood that the governor of Castro had hanged many caciques who had the intention to go over to our side. Having witnessed this, many Chileans fled to Osorno and Conco, from which they would arrive here on the first. [72] On the 31st ditto rain from the northwest. When it became reasonable weather in the afternoon, the general went ashore and ordered the creation of a space on the market square of Valdivia where the soldiers could construct their huts. On the first of September, when it was dark and misty, those who had to build the huts went ashore. On the second ditto, having a southeastern wind, the lord general went on land to decide on a place for the fort. Toward the afternoon there came around one thousand Indians, from Osorno as well as Conco, to make an alliance with us, which was finally made after several days of deliberations. When the third of September came, the weather was clear with the wind being north-northeast. All soldiers were put ashore with their baggage, which they brought into their huts. Also around thirty canoes came to our ships, bringing much schitie [chicha], also named

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cawau,135 being the drink of the Chileans, which is made in the following manner. They use corn, which is roasted, or not, in the sand, and which is then chewed on by their women and thrown into a large pot with water, to which are added several other unknown tree roots. They let this stand for a day or two until it starts to ferment (like beer). It sometimes appears white, on other occasions red and tastes like sour whey. They traded this drink for iron ware. On this day General Herckmans addressed the aforementioned caciques from Osorno, Conco, and Valdivia, who had come to greet him and his men together with approximately 1,200 Chileans, under a clear blue sky. “That the reason for their arrival here was because in the faraway Netherlands [73], they had heard about their solemn deeds in the war against the Spaniards since the year 1550. That the Dutch for the same freedom had been at war against the Spaniards for eighty years, which not only had they obtained but with God’s blessing they had also expanded their territory in such a way that halfway between the Netherlands and these lands of Chiloé they had come to the northern parts of Brazil, where they had driven away the Portuguese (who had been subjects and supporters of the king of Spain), from whom they had taken seven provinces, from which they were now able to get to Chile within two months. They would have come earlier but because of the long distance from the Netherlands, which is located far away, and because they had to pass countries and roads that were in control of the enemy, it took a long time before they were able to visit them. Now that this happened they were prepared to enter into an alliance. They had brought with them many cannons and several European weapons including muskets, pikes, swords, powder, lead, and other trade goods. Everything had been brought here to trade, which would not only help your defenses but also enable us to make greater progress against our enemies.” After this speech each cacique was given a letter from His Highness, the Prince of Orange, which was read to them and translated into their tongue. All of them, from the most to the least significant leader, were so excited about it that they kissed the aforementioned 135. Two names for a fermented corn drink, to which are added saliva and pepper-plant roots. In Brazil the drink is made with manioc instead of corn. See Erb, “Journaal van de Nederlanders in Chili,” 154.

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letters. They praised themselves lucky with the arrival of them [the Dutch] from faraway lands, that they supplied them with European weapons, and that they supported them in their fight against the violence and tyranny of the Spaniards. And to examine whether the Chileans were as affectionate [74] as they seemed, they hid the scarcity of their foodstuffs from the caciques, asking them to supply the fleet with sheep, pigs, cows, and other edible items, promising to pay them back with weapons and other trade goods. We would not pay them anything if we did not receive even one chicken from them. When they [the Indians] refused, they would be forced to depart with the fleet. Thereupon all the caciques responded by urging the general and his men to stay, promising them sheep, cows, pigs, and other foodstuffs in abundance, as their lands had plenty of them. When the lord general and his councillors realized how joyful this nation was for their arrival, they offered to them, in name of the High Mightiness, the States General; and His Highness, the Prince of Orange, of the United Netherlands, an offensive and defensive alliance against the Spaniards, to assist each other in case of an enemy attack. They both consented to this and displayed great contentment, promising that when the Netherlanders would be visited by the Spaniards they would come to their aid from all directions. But they did not understand why we wanted to put this down in writing, claiming that this was not their custom. They declared that the promises made by both sides were enough as well as the letter from His Highness, the Prince of Orange, which they wanted to preserve as a symbol for this alliance. Further, they were told that in the interest of the security [75] of both of them it was necessary to build a fort or stronghold in the central square of Valdivia to protect them from the enemy. They readily permitted this if the general and his councillors felt this was necessary. After these exchanges the Netherlanders finally explained with sweet pleasantries for what purpose they had taken their weapons with. This was principally to trade them for gold, which they understood was found in abundance on their lands in several locations. The caciques thereupon unanimously declared that they did not know of any gold mines, as they had neither traded in nor mined for gold for many years. But they did remember the great and intolerable

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burdens and cruelties that the Spaniards (during their reign) had imposed on their ancestors. When they did not supply enough gold as tribute, their noses and ears were cut off. They were still shocked when they thought back to this. They had such a strong aversion to gold that they neither seek it nor think highly of it. When the general heard this answer, he answered them amicably, saying that neither he nor his men sought tribute or a contribution. They were eager to pay for the gold with weapons and other trade goods without forcing anyone to bring them a weekly quantity. Thereupon the caciques looked at one another and did not say anything in response. But we understood from others that there are many mines here that have abundance in gold and that they can be mined without much effort. But they [the Dutch] trusted that their great desire for our weapons would eventually cause [76] the caciques to persuade their people to mine for gold. Since eventually each one of them, out of desire for our weapons, would search for gold, we no longer talked about it. That way they would also not notice our great desire for gold, which we feared to be a hindrance. We found this to be a nation of simple minds, which should be approached carefully. As far as we could understand, they are also very lazy. They would not have considered the request of the Netherlanders to be strange and perhaps they thought that they [the Dutch] could mine the gold and other minerals with their own people. In that case it would be necessary to send some mining experts from Brazil or the Netherlands.136 On the 5th ditto three boats were commissioned to bring back to Carelmapu several Chileans who wanted to move to Osorno, as they did not feel safe in Valdivia. On the 6th ditto it was drizzling. A slaughterhouse was erected in Valdivia to process and preserve the cattle that those of Valdivia, Osorno, and Conco would bring. On the 7th ditto a broad council was held aboard the Eendracht. After long deliberations it was resolved to send to Brazil Lord Elbert 136. The manuscript account of Elbert Crispijnsen submitted to Governor General Maurits and the high council in Recife on November 25, 1643, gives a very similar version of the speech by Herckmans and the response of the Indians. See Heijer, Goud en Indianen, 300–301. Baerle describes how the Chilean Indians told Herckmans that the Dutch were free to look for gold mines themselves. See Baerle, History of Brazil, 269.

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Crispijnsen with the Amsterdam to inform His Excellency and the councillors about the situation and the places in Chile. Toward the evening of the 8th ditto Crispijnsen went to the Amsterdam to make an inventory of the goods belonging to the deceased General Hendrick Brouwer. Having inventoried the goods for future sale [77], he returned to Valdivia the next day. On the 11th ditto toward the afternoon a Chilean from the interior came to inquire whether we had some kind of alliance with the Spaniards. When he came aboard in the evening, he pretended to know nothing. He related that he had come here from Marikines137 in six days to speak with the lord general and to trade with him, but that the other Chileans disliked him and tried to capture him. He claimed to be a friend of the Netherlanders and wanted to come to them [the Dutch] with his people. He further said that he had been in Concepción to trade ironware with the Castilians and that there were two ships ready to set sail to Carelmapu and Castro. He also said that the Indians of Arauco had recently revolted against the Spaniards but that he did not know whether they could sustain themselves, although because of their great numbers he expected they could. That two of the most principal caciques from Arauco relocated to Imperial to better fight the Spaniards there. On the 13th ditto, with a northern wind and a cloudy sky, in the afternoon five or six canoes with Chileans came aboard, bringing with them several sheep, pigs, calves, and pots of schitie [chicha] or cawau, which they traded for old ironware. On the 14th ditto, it being reasonable weather, the body of the late general Brouwer was transported from the Amsterdam to the Eendracht before Valdivia, to be buried at the first opportunity. Because of the daily disturbances committed by the soldiers and sailors in trade with the Chileans for sheep, pigs, and other foodstuffs, the council deliberated and was forced to prohibit, with the threat of corporal punishment [78], the trade in weapons, directly or indirectly and no matter the conditions [of the weapons], with the Chileans. On the 16th ditto the sailors were busy again with brush clearing to prepare for the construction of the fort. In the afternoon the body of the late general Hendrick Brouwer was interred with great 137. Possibly San José de Mariquina, about 24.85 miles (40 kilometers) northeast of Valdivia.

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splendor (as much as possible considering the time and place). In the evening there was a storm. Lord Crispijnsen has, in correspondence with the council’s resolution of the 7th of this month, bid farewell to Lord General Herck­ mans and the councillors and boarded the Amsterdam to go to Pernambuco at the first opportunity. The Vlissingen, Eendracht, and the yacht Dolphijn stayed behind, with 180 sailors and three companies of soldiers, 296 men strong (under the command of Blaeubeeck, Vosterman, and Flory). On the 21st ditto in the afternoon the general boarded the Eendracht.138 On the 22nd ditto several Indians came aboard again, bringing with them one pig, three sheep, two cows, and two and a half lead139 of gold as a gift to the general. Because it was nice weather with a south-southwestern wind on the 23rd, the lord general and all officers went ashore. They marked the boundaries of the fort and put a spade in the ground. On the 24th ditto with the wind from the south, the general dispatched the second man at the helm of the Eendracht with that vessel downstream to see if the Amsterdam had left. He found it still taking on ballast, which enabled him to give a letter to Lord Crispijnsen.140 [79] In it the general related that rumors had reached him that the supreme cacique of Villarica,141 together with 2,000 men, was in the vicinity of Valdivia to meet again with him, bringing with many cows, sheep, goats, and pigs. The general also intended (as long as there would be no complications) to send the Eendracht and the yacht to the island of Santa María on the last day of October to gain control of it. He would have liked to have done this earlier, but he needed all the manpower to complete the fortification. He did not doubt the conquest of the island, although he was not sure whether 138. On September 16, 1643, the broad council of the Orangeboom also met. It concluded that they had been looking fruitlessly for the fleet. Because the seasonal winds from the south were beginning, which would delay a voyage back, it was decided to return to Pernambuco, also in the light of dwindling food supplies. See Rooij, Jacht Dolphijn van Hoorn, 93n1. 139. Early modern Dutch weight; one Amsterdam lood was approximately 0.53 ounces (15 grams). See “De oude Nederlandse maten en gewichten,” Meertens Institute, accessed November 29, 2018, http://www.meertens.knaw.nl/‌mgw/‌plaats/‌44/. 140. The contents of Herckmans’s letter is also described in Crispijnsen’s journal of the expedition. See Heijer, Goud en Indianen, 301–6. 141. A Spanish colonial city northeast of Valdivia.

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a number of Chileans from the mainland (who were enemies of the Spaniards) would be willing to go there to cultivate foodstuffs for them, since the Spaniards based in Concepción, Bio-Bio, or Arauco could easily raid the island and sell them as slaves. The letter also related that those of Osorno, Conco, Valdivia, Imperial, and Villarica would love to see that the general deployed his forces to drive the Spaniards from Arauca, Penco, and Bio-Bio.142 Not only did those of Osorno, Valdivia, and their allies offered to help, but also the Chileans of Arauco, Penco, and Bio-Bio were eager to be utilized for such a campaign. If the Spaniards could be driven from these places all the way up to Concepción, a large portion of Chile would be freed from Spanish tyranny. Eventually all of Chile could be liberated, since Spanish power is (according to the following breakdown) [80] not more than 1,500 soldiers, distributed as follows: In: Valparaéso and Santiago 300 Concepción 300 La Serena 100 The River Bio-Bio 100 Jumbel 60 Arauco 500 Chiloé, Carelmapu, and Calibuco 120 soldiers This is excluding civilians, which are large in number. If a fleet of ten ships and three yachts, with 800 soldiers, sailors, cannons, and ammunition can be sent this way, there is no doubt that this force, with the aid of the Chileans, who are very eager to help, will capture all these locations. This can be done without having to worry that the enemy will launch naval attacks from Lima or other places. Through such a campaign we could cause not only all of Chile to rise up in rebellion but also the majority of the people in Peru, the conquest of which will also greatly benefit us. The extraordinary hatred and animosity that the Chileans display toward the Spaniards and the excellent friendship that they show to us is remarkable. This was shown by the 470 Chileans who, together with their women and children, traveled with us overseas from Chiloé to Valdivia. Similarly, it was also evident when the caciques of Valdivia, Osorno, Conco, and Villarica, together with 1,200 men on horseback and foot, 142. This information and the following paragraphs are identical to the report written by Elbert Crispijnsen on November 26, 1643. See Heijer, Goud en Indianen, 303–7.

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came to greet us and ask for our friendship. It was also clear when they responded so joyfully by kissing the letters from His Highness, the Prince of Orange. They were overjoyed about the arrival of aid from faraway lands. We have asked them to supply cows [81], sheep, goats, pigs, and other foodstuffs and told them that we would be forced to leave if they did not give it to us. Whereupon they unanimously replied that they did not want us to leave and that they promised to sufficiently care for us. The general further related that he had heard that some time ago the Indians of Río de la Plata had killed several priests or Jesuits to mark the beginning of a campaign to free them from the yoke of Spanish tyranny. This event should be tended to carefully, and when the fleet will sail to Chile, we should try to assist them as much as our situation in Brazil permits. It should also be noted that many Portuguese settlers live in Río de la Plata who, since the revolt in Portugal,143 have shown their teeth to the Spaniards several times. If we could ignite the fire of rebellion among the Indians, it is possible that it will spread to Chile and even to the Potosí Mountain.144 On the 25th ditto many Chileans again came alongside our ships with their canoes, bringing twenty cows, in addition several pigs, sheep, and pots of schitie [chicha] or cawau, which they traded with our men. On the 26th ditto in the afternoon in calm weather the general [82] went ashore and met with the caciques that had arrived yesterday. They declared that they would not be able to deliver any livestock, sheep, or pigs in the next four or five months. The general was not happy with this because the fleet was running low on foodstuffs and also since those of Osorno and Conco delayed their food deliveries. Toward the evening a sloop was sent downstream to see whether Lord Crispijnsen and the Amsterdam were still there. It found that he had left. On the 27th ditto, the weather being nice and calm. The general went ashore again in the afternoon and brought back aboard the caciques. He treated them well and discussed with them the delivery

143. The rebellion of 1640–41, which restored Portuguese independence from Spain. 144. The great silver mine of Potosí in contemporary Bolivia, a favorite target of the Dutch and other European enemies of Spain.

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of livestock. He asked (like he did yesterday) whether they could not deliver cattle sooner, and he reminded them that they had already been given nice weapons so as to protect themselves against the Spaniards. They declared that they could not do it any earlier than before two months. In the evening they returned again to their residences. On the 29th ditto to each captain were given nine shovels, six spades, four picks, and two pikes. With these tools the digging of the fort began in the afternoon. On the first of October the Chileans again brought six cows aboard, which they traded. On the 3rd ditto they were still working on the fort each day. The Chileans brought eleven cows and four pigs in the afternoon, which the general traded for some old rusty ironware. On the 5th ditto rainy weather and wind from the north. During this day the sloop and small boat of the Vlissingen went up the river to take on the cattle from the Indians so that they could be better aboard the ships. In the afternoon Mantquiante, the supreme cacique from Mantquiante (who was held aboard for several days but was released on September 27 after promising to bring an abundance of cattle and foodstuffs within eight or ten days) came aboard again. On the 6th ditto the inhabitants of Valdivia came to see the cacique Mantquiante toward the evening. They discussed matters and after many deliberations came to an agreement. Those of Valdivia returned to their residences in the same evening. On the 7th ditto the weather was calm. The cacique Mantquiante [83] left. On order of the general he was honored with a cannon salute. He offered the general twenty-nine sheep, two pigs, and eight cows. He was compensated with beads, two axes, some combs, and other knickknacks. He promised to return in eight or ten days and bringing with him cattle in abundance as well as some gold (to trade for weapons, which they greatly desire). His country also generated more gold than the other areas because his subjects worked harder for it than those of Valdivia. They were used to obtain weaponry or ironware by bringing gold to Concepción for trade with the Spaniards, but now they promised to bring it here. On the 9th ditto before the afternoon the general ordered to begin with the construction of the walls of the fort. On the 10th they were working hard on it.

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Because it was beautiful weather on the 11th ditto the secretary Johan van Loon and several others went for a walk in the countryside. When they came aboard again in the afternoon, they reported to the general that when they went upriver they observed how certain soldiers exchanged their swords for sheep with several Chileans. A little further up the same riverside they saw many armed Chileans, having with them one of the captured Spaniards named Antonio Zanchies [Sánchez] Zines, with whom they exchanged harsh words. They wanted to kill him, blaming him for causing the fort to be built by telling us that there was gold. He denied the accusations, telling them that he had been captured and kept against his will by the Dutch at Carelmapu. They did not believe him and intended to take him away. But when he saw [84] the secretary he was overjoyed, since without his presence he would not have been released and feared to be killed by them. These caciques and Chileans shortly thereafter came to the general with ten to twelve canoes, bringing with them twelve sheep and a pig. The general traded them for four half axes, two knives, and some beads. The one cacique was named Checulemo, but the other was an envoy from the cacique Tanimanqui from Imperial. He notified us that there were 2,000 Spaniards from there who would arrive here by land within a short time. He requested that the general and some of his men should join him. He promised to lead them to a place where they could gain much booty. The general did not trust it and asked whether he and his men should leave. The cacique Checulemo answered that it would be better if they stayed, but that they should stay on the seashore. The general also stated that he would not send any of his men with this cacique, as he feared that they would be slaughtered. Thereupon these caciques left again in the evening. At their request we honored them with a cannon salute. On the 12th ditto in the afternoon several canoes came alongside again, among them two caciques from Valdivia, bringing with them several sheep and schitie [chicha] or cawauw, which they traded with our people. They also said that they had received news that 2,000 Spaniards with thirteen ships had landed in Imperial and were making their way here. Toward the evening the captured Spaniard Antonio Sánchez Sines came aboard. He declared to Cornelis Faber, the fiscaal, that while he was walking in the woods he encountered four soldiers without knowing to which company they belonged. They

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invited him to join them in going into the interior [85] to reach the Spanish in Concepción. They indicated that there were fifty or sixty other soldiers who were of the same opinion. Fearing to be killed, he accepted their invitation and also promised to keep quiet. Thereupon they left him and told him that they would be ready to go tomorrow or the day after tomorrow. They would meet with their hand weapons at a certain open space in the woods. He should meet with them there, and they would immediately leave. On the 13th ditto there was a northern wind with drizzling rain. On this day the broad council met and resolved that, because of the shortage of foodstuffs and since support from the Chileans was not to be expected for five or six months, and although they sometimes brought five or six animals (but not bigger than the calves in Holland and not enough for our men), all vessels were to be cleaned and made ready to set sail for Brazil with the remaining victuals at the first opportunity. On the 14th ditto the four aforementioned soldiers, who were intending to go over to the other side, went to their spot in the woods to find the Spaniard (as was discussed on the twelfth of this month). As the Spaniard had not kept his promise, the four of them marched fully equipped with their hand weapons to get to the Spaniards in Concepción. They also did this since they feared that their plan had become known, and they would be punished for it. Toward the evening two Chileans on horseback came to report that they had encountered four soldiers on the march without knowing which way they were going. They told the general in which direction the soldiers had gone. Thereupon the ensign Otto ter Viele with two sergeants and thirty musketeers were ordered to pursue them. If they caught up with them, two were to be shot in the foot while the other two were to be brought back as prisoners. [86] On the 15th ditto, while they were busy readying the sails, Baptista Heyns, commies145 of the Vlissingen, came aboard the general’s ship in the afternoon. He told him how the captured Spaniard Juan de Soise, who had come aboard his ship yesterday, had been sent up the river toward the evening to see whether he could trade any cattle with the Chileans. They refused, telling him that their caciques had ordered them not to supply any more cattle or victuals. Toward 145. Official in charge of merchant goods aboard a ship.

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the evening the general ordered special councils to be held on all vessels to confirm the resolution to depart made on the 13th. On each vessel the following resolution was signed: “As has been resolved by the broad council on the 13th of this month: since our victuals are scarce, and the Chileans supply us with little and are neither willing to work in the mines, the ships are being prepared to set sail and, with the victuals that we still have, will return to Brazil in order to ensure that the same will not happen to the relief expedition from Brazil. All officers on the ship . . .146 not only agree with this but find it essential to begin our voyage to Brazil as soon as possible. Done on the ship . . . on the 15th of October 1643, being anchored in the river in front of the square of Valdivia and signed by etc.”147 On the 16th ditto, rain with a northerly wind. In the afternoon the ensign Otto ter Viele returned to our headquarters, having caught up with the four deserters. Two of them had been shot while the others had been captured and brought back. On the 17th ditto the sky was cloudy with a west-northwestern wind. [87] The sails were fastened to leave at the first opportunity. In the afternoon the soldiers began to bring aboard their luggage. On the 19th ditto the sky was cloudy with a northern wind. They were busy to raise the anchors, but the grappling hook was stuck, and they were forced to wait as the flood tide had passed. In the afternoon the general went ashore to say good-bye to several caciques. They waited for him at the city square of Valdivia, apologizing that they were unable to supply him and his men with foodstuffs. They said that if they had known about our arrival one or two years before, and if they had known that they were good folk and enemies of the Spaniards, they would have ensured that there had been victuals in abundance. They had only small supplies of wheat,148 peas, and beans since they yearly do not plant more than they consume. Any surplus is destroyed to prevent the Spaniards from taking it. For this reason they could not support the Dutch, and they were very sad about their departure. They assured them that within a year or two they would

146. Space left blank for the ship’s name to be filled in. 147. Herckmans probably had these statements distributed and signed to preempt any criticism from Maurits and the high council in Recife. 148. Possibly corn.

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have everything in abundance. Toward the evening the general came aboard again, bringing with him the soldiers, which were divided over the ships. They began to descend the river, but they got stuck. This river or harbor of Valdivia is located at 39 degrees 40 minutes south of the equator.149 It has a bay [88] and, when entering the aforementioned river, there is a small island (as is shown in the accompanying drawings). If a fort could be constructed on it, one could control all incoming vessels, as they all have to pass within a musket shot of the island. In the districts of Valdivia and Chiloé are not to be found any fine and red woolens, nor saltpeter or any other precious dyes, but only poor quality ones. We have not yet been able to examine what there is in other parts of Chile. The peoples of Valdivia, Osorno, and Concepción are similar in stature as those of Chiloé, but they are much coarser and meatier because they don’t do anything else besides drinking, dancing, and playing games. They live without any concerns or religion. Everyone has as many wives as he wants, which they buy from the parents (when the girls are still young). All wives have to work on the land, except those one or two who are the prettiest. The others are kept as nothing but slaves. The men pretend to be seigneurs and sometimes have fifteen, sixteen, yes, even twenty women. They are subject and obedient to their husband in such a way that they live more as beasts than men. Their clothing is the same as described for those of Chiloé. The men also pluck all facial hairs and cut their hair short so that their enemies cannot grab them. The familiarity with Spanish has so dwindled among these nations that we have not spoken to anyone who understands it even a little. This country has an abundance of sheep, cows, pigs, goats, chickens, and horses. Barley, millet, peas, and beans and also some wheat [89] are yearly planted. There are also many apples and other delightful fruits. The weapons they use are long lances, of 28 and 30 palmen,150 some with iron points and others with wooden ones. They

149. This information and the following paragraphs giving a description of Valdivia are identical to the report written by Elbert Crispijnsen; see Heijer, Goud en Indianen, 305–6. 150. Early modern Dutch length measurement. One palm equals approximately 3.94 inches (1 decimeter). See the website of the Instituut voor de Nederlandse Taal

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Fig. 4  Map of the coastal waterways leading to Baldivia (Valdivia), published in Journal and History with the caption “Being a chart of the river of Valdivia, as well as the coastline, when one approaches it from the north around two miles offshore at 39 degrees 59 minutes.” Photo: Nederlands Scheepvaartmuseum, Amsterdam.

also have Spanish swords, rapiers, and coats of mail, which they captured from the Spaniards. They are very skilled lancers on horseback. On the 20th ditto the wind came from the north. The yacht did its best to get downriver by trailing and sounding.151 Toward the evening they reached the Vlissingen, where they got stuck on the ground due to the low tide around the corner of the Barcken-gat.152 During flood tide they were freed again. Being busy with trailing and sounding until the 23rd ditto, they often were stuck until they on the yacht reached Porto Corral,153 where they anchored at five fathoms on sandy bottom, passing the Vlissingen. On the 24th ditto in the evening the military council met to examine the captured soldiers. (Dutch Institute of Lexicology), accessed November 29, 2018, http://‌gtb.inl.nl/‌iWDB​ /‌search?actie=article&wdb=WNT&id=M052077&lemma=palm/, s.v. “palm.” 151. Trailing (boegseren) means being pulled by a sloop when there is no wind. Sounding refers to the measuring of the navigable depths of coastal waters or rivers. 152. A waterway near Valdivia. 153. A harbor near Valdivia.

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On the 25th ditto they had an easterly wind. Many canoes came alongside, bringing sheep, chickens, and eggs, which they exchanged with the sailors. On the 26th ditto, the weather being nice, the military council met at the Eendracht. The deserters and their accomplices were sentenced. Six of them were to be executed, and six were to be pulled from the mainmast. From the six aforementioned five were shot, and their bodies thrown overboard. The sixth person, fastened to a pole, was pardoned. Justice being implemented, in the afternoon several canoes came alongside again, bringing five to six sheep [90], which the general traded with them. Toward the evening several caciques came from Valdivia, with one named Canimanqui from Canten in Imperial, and the cacique Nicolante of Calicaly brought with him a camel sheep154 from Quele,155 which they offered to the general. They were saddened by the general’s departure and asked him the reason for it. He answered that they had not kept their promises and had not supplied him and his men with victuals. Thereupon they left the ship (without saying anything further), after having received two rusty rapiers as gifts. These sheep the Chileans call Chiluwecke in their language, meaning “land sheep.” They slaughter these when they host a large guest meal and give a joyful feast. They then take the heart, of which they all bite a piece as a sign of friendship or brotherhood. On the 27th ditto, as they were ready in the mouth of the harbor to set sail, the rations for the upcoming voyage were sharply reduced. They were set for eight men daily, at seven mutsjens156 raw gruel, one and a half pounds of stockfish, four pounds of meat, seven mutsjens of raw peas or four pounds of flour, further, for each man per week two and a half pounds of hard bread or four pounds of soft bread, one mutsje of oil, and one mutsje vinegar. In addition, eight mutsjens of water per day. On the 28th ditto the weather was nice and calm with a northeastern wind. The general gave the signal to set sail, the anchors were lifted, and each vessel did its best to get out of Porto Corral and 154. Llama. 155. Queule: a coastal town north of Valdivia. 156. Early modern Dutch liquids measurement: one mutsje equals approximately 5.07 fluid ounces (0.15 liter). See “De oude Nederlandse maten en gewichten,” Meertens Institute, accessed on November 29, 2018, http://www​.meertens​.knaw​.nl​/‌mgw​ /‌maat/‌101/.

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into the sea. With a northeastern sun they had a nice breeze from west-southwest, through which they sailed as close to the wind as possible. They entered the sea in a northwestern direction. On the 29th ditto in the afternoon they had the latitude of 39 degrees and 29 minutes so that they suspected that the current had pushed them northward. On the 30th ditto at night the wind slowly turned southwest, so [91] they turned, going south-southeast. In the afternoon they had a latitude of 39 degrees and 37 minutes. Toward the evening it was calm, and they saw many whales. After prayers the letter outlining the rations, made on the 27th, was read up to all sailors and attached to the poop deck.157 On the 31st in the morning justice was done on the Vlissingen. Three were forced to walk from the mainmast because they had stolen iron hoop rings.158 On the first of November in the afternoon, they were at the latitude of 41 degrees. In the evening they saw the land of Carelmapu, situated approximately 11 to 12 miles east-southeast from them. In this direction they continued until the ninth of this month of November. On that day they had little wind from the north so that the ships were not moving. In the afternoon they had a latitude of 44 degrees when they had a fresh breeze from the northwest. They adjusted their direction with small sails to south-southwest, since the Vlissingen could not follow. They had many sick in the fleet daily because of a fever that made people mad so that they reasoned it to be a sickness from the country.159 On the 10th ditto they called out to the Dolphijn, which complained to be leaking so badly that all the watch units160 had to make 200 pump activations each. On the 16th ditto, it being mostly drizzling, they could not measure their latitude. Yesterday they were about Tierra del Fuego or 157. The poop deck is the deck in the rear area of a ship, usually elevated, as the deck forms the roof of the captain’s cabin. 158. In this punishment individuals were thrown off the mainmast while tied to a long rope. As they plunged into the water from great heights, they were pulled up on the other side of the boat. It created a near-drowning sensation. 159. They believed the disease originated in Chile. 160. The crew of each ship was divided into work units, to operate the ship for a twenty-four-hour period. Each watch lasted four hours.

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Mauritius Land and adjusted their course east-northeast in order to spot land. On the 17th ditto, having the wind in the topsails from the northeast, they sailed east-southeast, then southeast-east. In the afternoon they had the latitude of 57 degrees and 3 minutes. In the afternoon the wind shifted to west-northwest with fog. They set course again in the direction east-northeast. Until the 20th ditto they sailed on in this manner. [92] They now had a nice cool wind west-southwest. They adjusted their course to north-northeast and northeast. In the afternoon they had the latitude of 55 degrees and 36 minutes. Seeing no land they did see rapid currents. On the 21st ditto in the morning, the wind northwest, their course was north-northeast and northeast-east. In the afternoon they had the latitude of 53 degrees and 55 minutes. They found themselves in the North Sea161 east of Staten Island. Because the Vlissingen was a long way behind them, they were forced to wait with low sails in the direction northeast. Since the wind was coming from west-southwest, they ran into wild waters. In the evening during the sunset the northeastern deviation from the compass was 28 degrees. The general, realizing to be in the North Sea so quickly beyond all expectations, contacted all ships and told them that as they had reached the North Sea without encountering Strait of Le Maire or any land to obtain fresh water, it was not advisable to search for land now but to continue the voyage. To save drinking water for the rest of the journey, each man should have six mutsjens per day. The yacht was also instructed to go ahead to Pernambuco to notify them of our arrival and to delay the expected relief expedition. In the afternoon they had the latitude of 52 degrees and 26 minutes. On the 25th ditto the wind was from the southwest and their course was north-northeast. They made good progress and encountered hollow waves. During the night the provost Cornelis Jacobsz Pruys died.162 After prayers he was put overboard. The general waved the white flag to signal the yacht. The captain of the yacht was ordered again to sail ahead to Pernambuco, and he said his good-bye.

161. North Sea here refers to the (South) Atlantic. 162. Provost: officer responsible for military justice.

JOURNAL AND HISTORY | 103

[93] In the afternoon they had the latitude of 49 degrees and 41 minutes. On the 26th ditto during the night they had heavy showers and were surprised by heavy winds, as if they were close to shore. They were forced to take in their topsails, after which things improved. In the afternoon they had latitude of 49 minutes and 2 minutes. During the day the wind suddenly shifted to the northwest so that they could not use the topsails. In the evening during the sunset, the northeastern deviation from the compass was 28 degrees. On the 27th ditto the weather was unsteady with rain, hail, and snow. They made good progress. In the afternoon they saw six or seven penguin birds. Their bodies have the color of seals, their lower bellies are white colored, and around the eyes the color is yellowish. Their beaks are like those of seagulls, and their size is similar to that of geese. They lie down on the water like ducks, and they have long necks. They can swim very fast with webbed feet, which they use for peddling under water. They sometimes jump out of the water and squeal like seals. On the 28th ditto they had a hard storm out of the southwest so that they adjusted the sailing direction with the foremast to north and northeast. They were busy putting new topsails on, as the old ones had been torn by the wind. In the afternoon they had latitude of 46 degrees and 58 minutes. They saw many birds. On the 29th ditto in the evening their northeastern deviation from the compass was 24 degrees and 17 minutes. In the afternoon they had a latitude of 45 degrees and 35 minutes. On the first of December they had a heavy storm from the east so that their topsail was torn apart. They continued east-northeast with a lowered mainsail.163 On the 2nd, when this wind declined, they had a latitude of 40 degrees and 43 minutes. They made good progress with a south-southwest wind, but they had lost the Vlissingen. After the evening prayer the general told the men [94] that they could have their old rations as long as they had no contrarian winds. They made progress until the 5th ditto. In the afternoon they had a latitude of 35 degrees and 46 minutes. At sunset the northeastern deviation of the compass was 17 degrees. 163. This combination of a storm from the east and sailing in the direction of the northeast is impossible, according to Rooij, Jacht Dolphijn van Hoorn, 98n6.

104 | TO THE SHORES OF CHILE

On the 11th ditto the wind was west-northwest with a calm breeze. Their direction was northeast. In the afternoon they had a latitude of 29 degrees and 33 minutes. In the evening the child of the captured Spaniards died, named Marrial. On the 15th ditto they had a strong wind from east-southeast. Their direction was north-northeast. In the afternoon they had a latitude of 23 degrees and 22 minutes so that they crossed the Tropic of Capricorn for the second time at 23 degrees and 31 minutes. On the 16th ditto they made good progress. In the afternoon they had a latitude of 21 degrees and 2 minutes. Their direction was north-northeast. At sunset the northeastern deviation from the compass was 10 degrees and 52 minutes. On the 18th ditto they passed the abrollos164 with a northern wind, having the direction of east-southeast. In the afternoon they had a latitude of 16 degrees and 40 minutes. On the 21st ditto the weather was nice, the wind east-southeast and southeast. Their direction was north-northwest. In the afternoon they had latitude of 10 degrees and 10 minutes. On the 25th ditto, it being Christmas Day, the weather was nice, and the wind was calm and east-southeasterly. Their direction was westward. In the afternoon they had latitude of 8 degrees and 26 minutes. In the afternoon they went west-northwest so as to get at the latitude of Recife. On the 28th ditto, the wind being east by southeast. They cruised as before. In the afternoon they had latitude of 8 degrees and 16 minutes. They saw the coast of Brazil six miles ahead of them. They adjusted their cruising altitude westward. Shortly thereafter they saw a vessel, assuming [95] it to be a fisherman. After a considerable time of tacking, he came to the general and reported that the Amsterdam with the lord Crispijnsen, who had left Valdivia on the 25th of September, had arrived here three weeks ago and the flute the Orangieboom only fourteen days ago, after having roamed the sea for a long time. He also said that the vessel Hollandia was ready to set sail to help them in Valdivia and that the yacht named De Jager would go to the fatherland to report about everything. 164. Abrolhos: sandbanks along the Brazilian coastline between Rio de Janeiro and Recife.

JOURNAL AND HISTORY | 105

Also, neither the Vlissingen nor the yacht Dolphijn had yet arrived. They had Recife to the northwest of them, and they arrived there in the evening around eight o’clock at seven and a half fathoms deep anchoring ground. They have reason to thank God for his merciful protection.

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INDEX

Abrahams Offerande (Offerhande), 30, 32, 34 abrollos (abrolhos), 104 alpaca, 23, 59, 60 Alverado, Don Ferdinando, 68–69, 76 Amsterdam, xi, xiii, xv, 1, 17–18, 20, 22, 24, 26 Amsterdam, WIC Chamber of, 7, 18, 20 Amsterdam (flagship), xvi, 13, 18, 30–32, 34–37, 39, 41 n. 48, 48, 49 n. 60, 50, 54 n. 72, 55, 57, 58, 65–66, 68 n. 97, 74–75, 83, 85, 90–91, 93, 104 Angola, 6, 34 n. 27 Araucanians, 3, 8, 67 n. 67, 71 See also Mapuche Arauco, 68, 71, 81, 90–92 Asia, 2, 4, 7, 21–22 Atlantic, South, 6–7, 9–10, 19, 25–27 Atlantic Ocean, 42, 43, 102 See also North Sea Bahia (Brazil), 17, 35 Baides, Marquis of, Francisco López de Zúñiga, 57 n. 78, 76 Barlaeus, Caspar (Caspar van Baerle), 24–25, 89 n. 136 Bergen, Willem ten, 55 Biobío River (Bio-Bio River), 3, 26, 92 Blauwbeeck, Jan (Blaubeeck), 51–53, 59 Blauwenhaen, Johannes, 56 Bouman, Jan Jacobsz, 22 n. 68 Brazil, xi, 5–6, 9, 85, 87 Dutch Brazil, xi, 9–10, 16, 18–19, 24–26, 89, 93, 96–97, 104 Broad Council, 38, 47–49, 51, 65–67, 89, 91 n. 138, 96–97

Brouwer, Hendrick, xi–xii, 1, 2, 7–9, 12, 14, 18–19, 25, 32–40, 44, 46, 48, 53, 57–60, 61–62 burial of, 90 death of, 74 inventory of his goods, 90 See also lord general Brouwers Gulf, 10, 43 n. 50 Brouwershaven, 51, 65–67, 73–76 Caciques, 8, 13–14, 52 n. 67, 72–75, 85–90, 92–93, 95–97, 100 Calais, 31 Calbulco, 58 Canimanqui (cacique), 100 Cape Hoorn (Horn), 10, 12, 46, 47 n. 56 Cape of Good Hope, 4 Cape Verde Islands (Cabo Verde), 32 Carelmapu (Carel-mappa), 12, 13, 54 n. 72, 57–58, 65, 68–72, 74–75, 77, 86, 90–91, 93, 96, 101 Castile, 8, 60 See also Habsburg Spain; Spain Castro (Chile), 12, 19, 55, 59, 61–63, 68, 74–76, 82, 86, 90 Channel of Osorno, 58, 64 Checulemo, 95 Chicha (schitie, cawau), 86, 90, 93, 95 children, 12, 54, 55, 68 n. 97, 71, 72–73, 77, 80, 92 Chile, passim Chileans compared to Brazilian Indians, 54 n. 71, 79 Chileans of Chiloé, 53, 62, 67, 70–78, 80–83, 85, 89, 92 See also Huilliche; Indians

112 | INDEX

Chileans of Osorno and Valdivia, 12, 82, 84–96, 98, 100 See also Indians; Mapuche Chiloé, island of, 3, 8, 12–13, 47, 49, 57, 70, 78–79, 81–82, 87, 92, 98 Spanish on Chiloé, 69–70 churches, 62 Concepción (Chile), 68, 69, 71, 76, 81–82, 86, 90, 92, 94, 96, 98 Cordes, Simon de, 3 Crispijnsen, Elbert, xvii, 10, 13, 14, 52 n. 67, 53 n. 68, 58, 59, 65, 74 n. 114, 75, 82 n. 133, 85, 90–91, 93, 104 Croeger, Cornelis, 62, 64 desertion, 14, 97, 100 diseases, 13, 65 n. 93, 70, 73, 81, 101 Dolphijn (yacht), 10, 34–39, 44, 45 n. 52, 48, 55, 65–66, 84, 91, 101, 105 Dolphin’s Bay (Chile), 74 Don Diego de Carelmapu (cacique), 74, 75–77 Don Philippo (cacique), 74, 77 Drake, Francis, 2–3 Dunkirk (Duinkerken), 31, 82 East Indies, 2, 7, 21, 23, 30 Eendracht (vessel), 30, 32–37, 41–44, 48–50, 58–59, 63–66, 73–75, 84, 89–91, 100 encomenderos, 68–70, 81 equator, 33, 37, 98 Erb, Elisabeth, xii, xv–xvi Ercilla y Zúñiga, Alonso de, 4 Eso (Japan), 21, 23, 24, Faber, Cornelis, 49 n. 60, 95 fiscaal (fiscal), 49, 72, 74, 75, 95 Flori, Pierre Jean (Flory), 54, 57, 67, 91 food, 4, 8, 13, 26, 45, 66, 85, 88–90, 91–93, 96–97 pigs as future food-source, 44 forts, 8, 13, 14, 57, 59, 68–70, 81 Dutch fort in Valdivia, 86, 88, 90, 91, 94–95, 98 Frederick Hendrik, stadtholder, 8, 13 gold, xi, 1, 5, 8–9, 16, 18, 20–21, 26, 68–69, 70–71, 81–82, 91, 94–95

Herckmans and gold, 13, 15, 88–89, 91 melted gold poured into Spanish governor’s mouth and ears, 84 as tribute, 69, 88 Gulf of Ancud (Ancoed), 49 n. 61, 51 n. 64, 55, 82 Habsburg Spain, xi, 2, 3, 5–6, 14 See also Castile; Spain Heeren XIX (WIC board of directors), 6–7, 15, 16, 77 n. 122 Heijer, Henk den, xii, xvi Henderson, James (Hinderson), 35 Herckmans, Elias, xvii, 9, 14–15, 19, 25, 36, 38, 57, 68 n. 97, 73–76, 83 appointed as head of the expedition, 77 in Valdivia, 12–14, 83, 85, 87, 89 n. 136, 91, 97 n. 147 Heyns, Baptista, 96 High Council (Dutch Brazil), 6, 10, 13, 14, 89 n. 136 Holland (Dutch province), 15, 20, 41, 71, 96 horses, 53, 56, 58, 70, 71, 78, 98 Huilliche, 3, 12, 26, See also Chileans of Chiloé Imperial (Chilean town), 82, 90, 92, 95, 100 Indians, 4–5, 6, 8–9, 15, 25, 68 of Arauco, 90 of Chiloé and Osorno, 50, 52 n. 67, 54, 68–70, 71, 81, 82 of Rio de la Plata, 93 of Santa María island, 81 of Valdivia, 84, 85–87, 89 n. 136, 91, 94 See also Araucanians; Chileans; Huilliche; Mapuche; wilden Janssonius, Johannes, 22 Jansz, Broer, xv, 17–20, 22–23 Japan, 21 Johan Maurits, count of Nassau-Siegen, 6, 8, 16, 19, 24 Joppen, Jan, 51 Laet, Johannes de, 20 Lammers, Joost (Lambertsz), 74 n. 115, 76 La Serena (Chilean town), 92 Lima, xii, 69, 81, 82, 92

INDEX | 113

llama (chiluwecke), 23, 59, 60 n. 82, 100 Loon, Jean van (Johan), xvi, 95 Luanda, 6, 9 Madeira, 32 Mahu, Jacques, 3 Maire, Isaac le, 4, 8, 10 Mantquiante (Manquiante, cacique), 14, 94 Mapuche, xi, xvii, 1, 3–5, 12–14, 23–24, 26 See also Araucanians; Chileans; Indians Maranhão, 9, 10, 19, 34–35 Marrial, 104 Mascaregnes de Sousa, Juan de, 68 Mauritsland (Mauritius Land), 37, 41–43, 45, 102 Mocha, La (Chile), 3–4 Münster, 17, 21–22 Nassau Fleet, 5 Neptunis (vessel), 30, 32 Nicolante (cacique), 100 Noort, Olivier van, 3 Nuñes de Herrera, Andrés (Andrea Munes Iserrera), 57 Olinda, 34 Orangie-boom (vessel), 10, 12, 34, 35, 36, 37, 41, 43, 46–47, 51, 91 n. 138, 104 Osorno (Chilean town), 55, 57, 68, 69–74, 77, 82, 84–86, 87, 89, 92–93, 98 Pacific Ocean, 1–2, 4–6, 8, 10, 20, 21, 26, 42 Panama, 2 penguins, 103 Pernambuco, 5, 16, 18, 20, 26, 30, 34, 35, 47, 91, 102 Peru, 2–5, 14, 18, 60, 68, 92 Pizara, Louisa, 69 Portugal, 6, 25, 35, 93 Potosí, 6, 16, 93 Prince Maurits of Nassau, stadtholder, 5, 41 n. 47 privateering, 2, 8, 82 Pruys, Cornelis Jacobsz, 102 Quele (Chilean town), 100

Recife, xv–xvii, 6–10, 13–15, 19, 26, 34–36, 104 religion, 9, 70, 82, 98 Rembagh (Rembach, Iurjaen), 67 Republic, Dutch, xi, 2, 6, 15–17, 20, 22, 26 Rio de la Plata, 16, 93 Rouen, 69, 81 sailors, xi, 9, 10, 25–26, 33, 38, 48 n. 58, 52, 60, 62, 75, 80, 90, 92, 100, 101 captured by Spanish, 55 disciplining of, 19, 66 n. 94, 66, 73 n. 112, 90 San Philippo (Felipe) fort, 68 Santa María Island, 3, 8, 81–82, 91 Santiago de Chile (San Jago), 14, 71, 82, 92 Santo Alexo (Aleixo), 35 São Tomé, 9 sheep, 9, 53, 59–61, 63, 64, 70, 71, 75, 77, 78, 82, 84, 88, 90, 91, 93–95, 98–100 silver, 2–6, 9, 16, 18, 21, 26, 70–71, 81 silverware, 72–72 slavery, 3, 8, 82, 92, 98 Soise, Juan de (Sousa), 96 soldiers, 9, 14–15, 25, 35, 38, 73 n. 112, 92 Spanish soldiers, 56, 57, 69, 71, 81, 92 WIC soldiers at Chiloé and Carelmapu, 12, 19, 51, 55, 58–60, 61–64, 67, 76, WIC soldiers at Valdivia, 26, 84–86, 90, 95–98, 99 Spain, 5, 17, 20–22, 87 See also Castile, Habsburg Spain Spilbergen, Joris van, 4 Staten Island, 10, 12, 17, 41, 43–45, 102 Statenland, 10 States General, 2, 4, 15–17, 20, 22, 88 storms, 12, 32, 39, 43, 46, 47, 51–53, 61, 65–67, 73–75, 79, 91, 103 Strait of le Maire, 8, 10, 37, 43, 78, 102 Straits of Magellan, 2–4, 8 Tanimanqui (cacique), 95 Terra Australis, 6, 7, 9 Texel, 9, 30 Thijsz, Jan, 55–56 Tierra del Fuego, 10, 41 n. 47, 42 n. 49, 45 n. 54, 46, 101 torture, 72

114 | INDEX

Trouchillo, Jerónimo, 64 n. 92, 69 Tucapel (Chile), 71

VOC (Dutch East India Company), 4, 5, 7, 15–16, 21–22, 24

Utrecht (Dutch province), 20

Walbeeck, Johannes van, 5, 7 West Africa, 5, 9–10, 19, 25 West India Company (WIC), xi–xii, 5–9, 12, 14, 17, 22, 24–25 Broer Jansz and the WIC, 17–20 plans for merger with the VOC, 15–16 West Indies, 21, 30, 35 wilden (savages), 68 wine, 69, 71, 81 women, 12, 24, 54, 55, 64, 68 n. 97, 69, 71–73, 77, 80, 87, 92, 98

Valdivia (Baldivia, Baldivien), xi, xvii, 3, 8, 12–14, 19, 26, 57, 68, 71–73, 76–78, 82–84 Dutch in, 85–90, 91, 92, 94, 97–98, 99–100, 104 Valentine’s Bay (Valentijns Bay), 10, 12, 37–38 Valparaíso, 82 Viele, Otto ter, 96–97 Vlissingen (vessel), 10, 12, 35–36, 38, 43, 51, 65–66, 83, 85, 91, 94, 96, 99–103, 105

Zanchies (Sánchez) Zines, Antonio, 95 Zeeland (Dutch province), 20, 60 n. 84

latin american originals Series Editor | Matthew Restall This series features primary source texts on colonial and nineteenth-century Latin America, translated into English, in slim, accessible, affordable editions that also make scholarly contributions. Most of these sources are being published in English for the first time and represent an alternative to the traditional texts on early Latin America. The initial focus is on the conquest period in sixteenth-century Spanish America, but subsequent volumes include Brazil and examine later centuries. The series features archival documents and printed sources originally in Spanish, Portuguese, Latin, and various Native American languages. The contributing authors are historians, anthropologists, art historians, and scholars of literature. Matthew Restall is Edwin Erle Sparks Professor of Colonial Latin American History, Anthropology, and Women’s Studies, and Co-​Director of Latina/o, Latin American, and Caribbean Studies, at the Pennsylvania State University. He is an editor of Ethnohistory. Board of Editorial Consultants J. Michael Francis (chair) Jane G. Landers  |  Kris Lane Laura E. Matthew  |  Martin Austin Nesvig Titles in Print Invading Colombia: Spanish Accounts of the Gonzalo Jiménez de Quesada Expedition of Conquest (LAO 1) J. Michael Francis Invading Guatemala: Spanish, Nahua, and Maya Accounts of the Conquest Wars (LAO 2) Matthew Restall and Florine G. L. Asselbergs

Translated Christianities: Nahuatl and Maya Religious Texts (LAO 8) Mark Z. Christensen The Improbable Conquest: Sixteenth-​Century Letters from the Río de la Plata (LAO 9) Pablo García Loaeza and Victoria L. Garrett

The Conquest on Trial: Carvajal’s “Complaint of the Indians in the Court of Death” (LAO 3) Carlos A. Jáuregui

The Native Conquistador: Alva Ixtlilxochitl’s Account of the Conquest of New Spain (LAO 10) Edited and translated by Amber Brian, Bradley Benton, and Pablo García Loaeza

Defending the Conquest: Bernardo de Vargas Machuca’s “Defense and Discourse of the Western Conquests” (LAO 4) Edited by Kris Lane and translated by Timothy F. Johnson

The History of the New World: Benzoni’s “Historia del Mondo Nuovo” (LAO 11) Translated by Jana Byars and edited by Robert C. Schwaller and Jana Byars

Forgotten Franciscans: Works from an Inquisitional Theorist, a Heretic, and an Inquisitional Deputy (LAO 5) Martin Austin Nesvig

Contesting Conquest: Indigenous Perspectives on the Spanish Occupation of Nueva Galicia (LAO 12) Ida Altman

Gods of the Andes: An Early Jesuit Account of Inca Religion and Andean Christianity (LAO 6) Sabine Hyland Of Cannibals and Kings: Primal Anthropology in the Americas (LAO 7) Neil L. Whitehead

To Heaven or to Hell: Bartolomé de Las Casas’s “Confesionario” (LAO 13) David Thomas Orique, O.P.