Third International Handbook of Lifelong Learning 3031195914, 9783031195914

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Springer International Handbooks of Education

Karen Evans · Wing On Lee Jörg Markowitsch · Miriam Zukas Editors

Third International Handbook of Lifelong Learning

Springer International Handbooks of Education

The Springer International Handbooks of Education series aims to provide easily accessible, practical, yet scholarly, sources of information about a broad range of topics and issues in education. Each Handbook follows the same pattern of examining in depth a field of educational theory, practice and applied scholarship, its scale and scope for its substantive contribution to our understanding of education and, in so doing, indicating the direction of future developments. The volumes in this series form a coherent whole due to an insistence on the synthesis of theory and good practice. The accessible style and the consistent illumination of theory by practice make the series very valuable to a broad spectrum of users. The volume editors represent the world’s leading educationalists. Their task has been to identify the key areas in their field that are internationally generalizable and, in times of rapid change, of permanent interest to the scholar and practitioner.

Karen Evans • Wing On Lee • Jo¨rg Markowitsch • Miriam Zukas Editors

Third International Handbook of Lifelong Learning With 58 Figures and 28 Tables

Editors Karen Evans UCL Institute of Education London, UK Jörg Markowitsch 3s Research and Consulting Vienna, Austria

Wing On Lee Institute for Adult Learning Singapore University of Social Sciences Singapore, Singapore Miriam Zukas Birkbeck, University of London London, UK

ISSN 2197-1951 ISSN 2197-196X (electronic) Springer International Handbooks of Education ISBN 978-3-031-19591-4 ISBN 978-3-031-19592-1 (eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-19592-1 © Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are reserved by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publisher, the authors, and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations. This Springer imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Switzerland AG. The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland

Preface

It has been our privilege, as Editors-in-Chief, to work with our inspirational authors and the Springer Reference Team on the development of this Third International Handbook of Lifelong Learning. The two previous Springer Handbooks of Lifelong Learning, published at the start of the first and second decades of the twenty-first century, respectively, provided us with a platform and a set of new challenges. The successive handbooks, first, second, and third, have aimed to stimulate the field with fresh insights that are “of the time,” while exploring anew some enduring themes. For continuity, we have kept a similar structure of four main parts, each led by a member of the editorial team: “Philosophy, History, and Theory Development” (Karen Evans) “Fresh Perspectives on Policy and Policy Development” (Jörg Markowitsch) “Emerging Programs and New Approaches” (Wing On Lee) “Re-imagining Lifelong Learning for Future Challenges” (Miriam Zukas) There are different perspectives on handbooks and what they should achieve. For some a handbook gives a “snapshot” of the field, at a given time, through tertiarylevel review articles that explore topics within recognized pathways and boundaries that define the field. However, the question of what constitutes the “field” of lifelong learning generates a debate that is itself characteristic of its historical development of the territory and power relations among the people and groups that are active within it. The contested notion of the field, and whether it is better captured by the metaphor of moorlands (Edwards 1997), is not one we will rehearse again here, but the moorland metaphor is a useful one, not least because it encourages an inquiring approach to the expansive and less-explored spaces of the lifelong learning landscape (Field et al. 2019) and an openness to discovering possibilities for learning that lie beyond the bounded field of adult education. Thus, our scope in this handbook has embraced learning over the whole human life course. Our emphasis is on the ways in which forms of education and learning that continue after initial schooling can be renewed in the present and reimagined for the future. In the context of global events, we have attempted to take a long view of broader trends and issues, while acknowledging the upheavals and shocks of the

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period in which authors were writing their chapters. For all of us, it has been a time of creativity and much learning. We wish to emphasize that, although the publication of something called a handbook sounds definitive, it is always a work in progress – understandings, theories, policies, practices transforming even as they are fixed through publication. Seeking out routes through the territory is a matter of trail finding, not pathway following, for the editors too. Starting points reflect multiple histories, while intersections and viewpoints depend on interlocking networks. For our readers, we have provided a map in the opening chapter “Advancing Research and Collecting Evidence on Lifelong Learning Globally” (▶ Chap. 1) explaining the rationale and content of the handbook parts and their constituent chapters more fully. In inviting our chapter authors, we have aimed for international diversity and have also aimed to achieve a balance between distinguished authors of long-standing and new-generation authors. Our authors have brought fresh ideas and perspectives, with each contribution invited to offer a well-grounded argument for a position on the topic – one which critically engages the field in debate and further research. Behind the scenes, like you as readers, many of our contributors and some of the Editors have been dealing with exceptionally challenging personal, health, and work circumstances. When we began the project in summer 2020, we could not have imagined the challenges of the Covid-19 pandemic would have continued for so long. The chapters have been written and curated over a period of global health, environmental, and geo-political crises that have been in the making for many years. Therefore, we are particularly proud of the whole collection, as well as the individual contributions and sections. We are indebted to former editors Emeritus Professor David Aspin, Monash University, Australia, and Professor Emerita Judith Chapman, Australian Catholic University, Melbourne, for their support and encouragement throughout. We wish to thank and pay tribute to all our authors for staying with the project, keeping to time, responding to reviews constructively, and generally being collegial throughout a most difficult time. We are also indebted to those who worked invisibly behind the scenes to support the project with reviews and timely advice. They include: Professor Stephanie Matseleng Allais, University of Witwatersrand, South Africa Professor Mike Baynham, University of Leeds, UK Professor Chiara Biasin, University of Padova, Italy Professor Andrew Brown, UCL Institute of Education, University College London, UK Dr Allison Friederichs, President of ROI Training Solutions, USA Professor Alison Fuller, UCL Institute of Education, University College London, UK Dr Kerry Harman, Birkbeck, University of London, UK Professor Emerita Christine Jarvis, University of Huddersfield, UK Dr Rebekah Lim, Head of Teaching and Learning, Singapore University of Social Sciences Dr Carol Ma, Gerontology Centre, Singapore University of Social Sciences

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Dr Tom Nesbit, Simon Fraser University, Canada Professor Richard Taylor, University of Cambridge, UK Dr Kim Young Shek, Korea National University of Education, South Korea Dr Alexandra Withnall, Warwick University, UK For all those of you, our readers, who are concerned about the future of education and learning in times of disruptive change, our aim has been to offer an illuminating basis for powerful debate and endeavors in the field. Contributors seek to focus readers’ attention on aspects of multifaceted processes, issues, and decisions that must be better understood and enacted if inclusive development and fair access to lifelong learning are to become realities for us all. We have taken inspiration from two social philosophers and activists whose views on hope are separated by almost half a century: Arundhati Roy (2020) who has reminded us, in the present moment, that times of rupture are also portals, through which we pass with the prospect of imagining anew what our futures can and should be. And Raymond Williams (1976) whose views on what it is to be truly radical have captured our purpose and intent in endeavoring to connect fresh ideas with emergent evidence: To be truly radical is to make hope possible rather than despair convincing.

London, UK Singapore, Singapore Vienna, Austria London, UK February 2023

Karen Evans Wing On Lee Jörg Markowitsch Miriam Zukas

References Edwards, R. (1997). Changing places? Flexibility, lifelong learning and a learning society. London: Routledge. Field, J., Künzel, K., & Schemmann, M. (2019). Revisiting the debate on international comparative adult education research: Theoretical and methodological reflections. In: A. Fejes & E. Nylander (Eds.), Mapping out the research field of adult education and learning (Vol. 24). Lifelong Learning Book Series. Cham: Springer. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-10946-2_10 Roy, Arundhati (2020, April 3). The pandemic is a portal. Financial Times. https:// www.ft.com/content/10d8f5e8-74eb-11ea-95fe-fcd274e920ca Williams, R. (1976). Keywords. A vocabulary of culture and society. New York: Fontana.

Contents

Volume 1 Part I 1

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1

Advancing Research and Collecting Evidence on Lifelong Learning Globally . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Karen Evans, Wing On Lee, Jörg Markowitsch, and Miriam Zukas

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Part II

Introduction

Philosophy, History, and Theory Development

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Karen Evans 2

The End of Learning: Living a Life in a World in Motion Ronald Barnett

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3

Risk Society and Its Implications for Rethinking Lifelong Learning . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Fazal Rizvi

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On Learning, Responsibility, and Play in Lifelong Learning . . . . . Yusef Waghid

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Learning Potential of the Lifeworld: A Comprehensive Theory of Lifelong Learning . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Kapil Dev Regmi

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Intersectionality: Implications for Research in the Field of Adult Education and Lifelong Learning . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Maria Slowey

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Lifelong Learning Research: The Themes of the Territory . . . . . . Erik Nylander and Andreas Fejes

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Empowerment Through Lifelong Learning . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Pepka Boyadjieva and Petya Ilieva-Trichkova

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Knowledge and Learning at the Workplace in Times of Digital Transformation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Christian Harteis and Stephen Billett

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Politico-Economic Transformation, Globalization, and Lifelong Learning: The Example of the Russian Federation . . . . . Joseph Zajda

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Apprenance: Rethinking How and Why Adults Learn Philippe Carré

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Taking Forward Perspectives on Reflexivity in Learning: Five Capitals . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Séamus Ó Tuama

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Dialectical Perspectives for Researching Lifelong Learning Peter H. Sawchuk

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The Institutionalization of Lifelong Learning in Global Scale . . . . Soonghee Han

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Steps to an Ecology of Lifelong-Lifewide Learning for Sustainable, Regenerative Futures . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Norman Jeffrey Jackson

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Human Strivings and Social Change: Scenarios for Renewal in Lifelong Learning . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Karen Evans

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Part III

Fresh Perspectives on Policy and Policy Development . . .

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Jörg Markowitsch 17

Learning and Life Chances: Rethinking the Dynamics of Inequality and Opportunity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Ingrid Schoon and Karen Evans

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Lifelong Learning Systems . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Richard Desjardins

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Educating Rita’s Grandchildren: Formal Adult Education in the Shadow of Educational Expansion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Günter Hefler, Jörg Markowitsch, and Eva Steinheimer

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Higher Education and Lifelong Learning . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Karin Dollhausen and Wolfgang Jütte

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Worklife Learning: Personal, Educational, and Community Contributions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Stephen Billett, Sarojni Choy, and Anh Hai Le

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Global Implications for Work-based Learning in Platform Economies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Asmita Bhutani and Peter H. Sawchuk

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Changing Concepts and Tools for Realizing Lifelong Learning Strategies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Henning Salling Olesen

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Lifelong Career Guidance: Between Autonomy and Solidarity . . . Ronald G. Sultana

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The European Union and Lifelong Learning Policy . . . . . . . . . . . . John Holford and Marcella Milana

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Lifelong Learning for Economy or for Society: Policy Issues in Post-Socialist Countries in Europe . . . . . . . . . . . . Ellu Saar, Triin Roosalu, and Eve-Liis Roosmaa

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Lifelong Learning in Asia: A Brief Tour Michael Osborne and Soo Kheng Sim

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The Evolvement of Lifelong Education in China: A Policy Perspective . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Qi Sun and Dayong Yuan

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Lifelong Learning Policies in Latin America . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Raúl Valdés Cotera and Sergio Cardenas Denham

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Lifelong Learning: Policy Issues in Brazil . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Ana Ivenicki

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Lifelong Learning and Education Policy in North America . . . . . . Elizabeth A. Roumell, Jude Walker, and Florin D. Salajan

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Volume 2 Part IV

Emerging Programs and New Approaches . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Wing On Lee 32

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New Impulses for a Lifelong Learning University: Critical Thinking, Learning Time, and Space . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Françoise de Viron and Pat Davies

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Decolonizing Arts-Based Public Pedagogies in the Indigenous, Environmental and Climate Justice Movements . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Pierre Walter

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The Role That Adult Education Can Play in Supporting Young Adults with Vulnerabilities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Jo Tacchi, Hanna Toiviainen, and Natasha Kersh

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Contents

Competence Development for the Unemployed: Interplay Between the Individual and Organization Lennart Svensson and Anna-Karin Florén

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Intergenerational Learning in Action . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Tiina Tambaum

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Neuroplasticity and Adult Learning . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . S. H. Annabel Chen and Alicia M. Goodwill

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The Role of Mobile Instant Messaging in Supporting Lifelong Learning . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Ying Tang and Khe Foon Hew

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Unbundling and Aggregation: Adapting Higher Education for Lifelong Learning to the New Skills Agenda and to Digital Transformation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Norbert Pachler Develop a Qualification Ecosystem for Adult Learners: Micro-credentialing to Formalize Informal and Nonformal Learning . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Wing On Lee and Justina Tan

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Non-formal and Informal Learning: A Gateway to Lifelong Learning for All. The Case of Migrants and Refugees . . . . . . . . . . Marie Macauley, Ruud Duvekot, and Yann Jakub Berthier

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Learning Experiences of Young Adults with Immigrant Background in Local Communities in South Korea . . . . . . . . . . . . Jinhee Kim and Romee Lee

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Innovation Initiatives in Enterprises: Advancing Learning at Work . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Mark Neild and Renée Tan

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Employee-Driven Innovation in Medium-Sized Enterprises: The Singapore Insights . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Justina Tan

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Enabling Continuous Innovation and Knowledge Creation in Organizations: Optimizing Informal Learning and Tacit Knowledge . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Edwin L. S. Lee and Wing On Lee The Best of Both Worlds: Mutually Enriching Workplace Learning and Program Planning . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Bernd Käpplinger

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Corporate Governance of Innovation in Singapore Chinese Family Business . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Geok Chwee Ong and Thomas Menkhoff

Part V

Re-imagining Lifelong Learning for Future Challenges . . .

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Miriam Zukas 48

Lifelong Learning and Life-Wide Challenges: Toward the Uncertainty of Sustainable Futures . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Violeta Orlovic Lovren

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. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1013

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Learning for Climate Justice Shirley Walters and Jane Burt

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Indigenous Knowledges as a Catalyst for Change for Lifelong Learning in the 21st Century . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1035 Sandra L. Morrison and Timote Vaioleti

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Adult Education for “Resilience”: Educating in Precarious Times . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1053 Astrid von Kotze

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Simulation as a Transformative Pedagogy: Challenging Normativity and Embracing Emergence . . . . . . . . . . 1071 Madeleine Abrandt Dahlgren and Nick Hopwood

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Rethinking Lifelong Learning in the “Fourth Industrial Revolution” . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1091 David James, Sahara Sadik, and Phillip Brown

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Surveys of Lifelong Learning as Contributors to Neoliberal Processes of “Southering” . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1111 Anke Grotlüschen and Klaus Buddeberg

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Fourth Age Learning for Persons Living with Dementia . . . . . . . . 1135 Marvin Formosa

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How Adult Learning from Media Cultures Changed the World in 2020 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1155 Robin Redmon Wright

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Confronting Nationalist Tendencies: The Role of Citizenship Education, Media Literacy and Lifelong Learning in Supporting Democracy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1179 Edith Hammer, Christiana Nikolitsa-Winter, and Ashley Stepanek Lockhart

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Contents

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Challenges of Digital Professional Learning: Digital Technology Systems Are No Substitute for Human Agency . . . . . . 1201 Allison Littlejohn

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Lifelong Learning: Researching a Contested Concept in the Twenty-First Century . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1219 Maren Elfert and Kjell Rubenson

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Reimagining Refugee Lifelong Education: Towards a New Social Contract . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1245 Eugenia Arvanitis and Shirley Wade McLoughlin

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Lifelong Learning, Migration, and Conditions for Inclusion . . . . . 1265 Andreas Fejes and Magnus Dahlstedt

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Accommodating Sexual and Gender Identities in Societal, Cultural, and Lifelong Learning Contexts . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1283 André P. Grace

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Imagining the Future of Lifelong Learning . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1305 Robert F. Arnove

Index . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1315

About the Editors

Professor Karen Evans is Emeritus Professor of Education at University College London (UCL). She was previously Head of Lifelong Education and International Development in UCL Institute of Education. She is a Fellow of the UK Academy of Social Science and honorary professorial fellow in the Economic and Social Research Council Centre for Learning and Life Chances at UCL. Her areas of research and publication focus on comparative studies of work and learning in changing social landscapes, and on learning in life and work transitions. She is Editor of Springer’s Lifelong Learning Book Series and plays a leading role in the AsiaEurope Education and Research Hub for Lifelong Learning. Professor Wing On Lee is Executive Director of the Institute for Adult Learning and Professor at the Singapore University of Social Sciences. He has previously assumed senior positions at Zhengzhou University, Open University of Hong Kong, National Institute of Education, Singapore, Hong Kong Institute of Education (now EDUHK), University of Sydney, and University of Hong Kong. He was former President of the World Council of Comparative Education Societies (WCCES), and has published 36 books and 200 book chapters and journal articles. He is also Editor of three Routledge and one Springer Book Series.

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About the Editors

Dr. Jörg Markowitsch is Senior Partner at 3s Research & Consulting in Vienna which he founded in 2001. He holds a Master’s degree in Mathematics from the Technical University of Vienna and a PhD in Philosophy from the University of Vienna. He is policy advisor on national and EU-level for senior officials and policy makers and is active in European Union expert groups and in international research associations. His areas of research include comparative research on vocational education and adult learning; skills taxonomies and skills forecasts; European educational policy. Professor Miriam Zukas is Professor Emerita of Adult Education in the Department of Psychosocial Studies, School of Social Sciences, History and Philosophy (SSHP), Birkbeck University (London). She was Executive Dean of SSHP until 2016. She is a Fellow of Birkbeck and a National Teaching Fellow. Her research and publication areas focus on adult higher education, academic work and learning, professional workplace pedagogies, and professional learning in transitions. She also has a long-standing interest in gender in education and work.

Contributors

Madeleine Abrandt Dahlgren Department of Health, Medicine and Caring Sciences, Linköping University, Linköping, Sweden Robert F. Arnove Indiana University, Bloomington, IN, USA Eugenia Arvanitis University of Patras, Patras, Greece Ronald Barnett University College London Institute of Education, London, UK Yann Jakub Berthier Université de Sciences Po, Paris, France Asmita Bhutani University of Toronto, Toronto, Canada Stephen Billett Education and Professional Studies, Griffith University, Brisbane, QLD, Australia Pepka Boyadjieva Institute of Philosophy and Sociology, Bulgarian Academy of Sciences, Sofia, Bulgaria Phillip Brown School of Social Sciences, Cardiff University, Cardiff, UK Klaus Buddeberg Faculty for Education, Department for Adult Education and Lifelong Learning, Hamburg University, Hamburg, Germany Jane Burt Realife Learning, Bristol, UK Sergio Cardenas Denham Centro de Investigación y Docencia Económicas, David Rockefeller Center for Latin American Studies, Cambridge, MA, USA Philippe Carré Centre de recherches éducation et formation, Université Paris Nanterre, Nanterre, France S. H. Annabel Chen Centre for Research and Development in Learning, Nanyang Technological University, Singapore, Singapore

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Contributors

Sarojni Choy Griffith University, Brisbane, QLD, Australia Magnus Dahlstedt Linköping University, Linköping, Sweden Pat Davies Labroye, France Richard Desjardins Department of Education, University of California, Los Angeles (UCLA), Los Angeles, CA, USA Karin Dollhausen German Institute for Adult Education – Leibniz Centre for Lifelong Learning, Bonn, Germany Ruud Duvekot Centre for Lifelong Learning Services (CL3S), Houten, The Netherlands Maren Elfert King’s College London, London, UK Karen Evans UCL Institute of Education, University College London, London, UK Andreas Fejes Linköping University, Linköping, Sweden Anna-Karin Florén FORTE, Stockholm, Sweden Marvin Formosa Department of Gerontology and Dementia Studies, Faculty for Social Wellbeing, University of Malta, Msida, MSD, Malta Alicia M. Goodwill Centre for Research and Development in Learning, Nanyang Technological University, Singapore, Singapore André P. Grace University of Alberta, Edmonton, AB, Canada Anke Grotlüschen Faculty for Education, Department for Adult Education and Lifelong Learning, Hamburg University, Hamburg, Germany Edith Hammer UNESCO Institute for Lifelong Learning, Hamburg, Germany Soonghee Han Department of Education, Seoul National University, Seoul, Republic of Korea Christian Harteis Paderborn University, Paderborn, Germany Günter Hefler 3s Research and Consulting, Vienna, Austria Khe Foon Hew Faculty of Education, The University of Hong Kong, Hong Kong, China John Holford University of Nottingham, Nottingham, UK Nick Hopwood University of Technology Sydney, Sydney, NSW, Australia Petya Ilieva-Trichkova Institute of Philosophy and Sociology, Bulgarian Academy of Sciences, Sofia, Bulgaria Ana Ivenicki Federal University of Rio de Janeiro/UFRJ, Researcher for the Brazilian National Research Council/CNPq, Rio de Janeiro, Brazil

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Norman Jeffrey Jackson Lifewide Education, Betchworth, UK David James School of Social Sciences, Cardiff University, Cardiff, UK Wolfgang Jütte Bielefeld University, Bielefeld, Germany Bernd Käpplinger Justus-Liebig-Universität Gießen, Gießen, Germany Natasha Kersh UCL Institute of Education, University College London, London, UK Jinhee Kim Korean Educational Development Institute, Seoul, South Korea Astrid von Kotze University of the Western Cape, Cape Town, South Africa Anh Hai Le Griffith University, Brisbane, QLD, Australia Edwin L. S. Lee Judge Business School, University of Cambridge, Cambridge, UK Romee Lee Korea National Open University, Seoul, South Korea Wing On Lee Institute for Adult Learning, Singapore University of Social Sciences, Singapore, Singapore Allison Littlejohn UCL Knowledge Lab, University College London, London, UK Marie Macauley UNESCO Institute for Lifelong Learning, Hamburg, Germany Jörg Markowitsch 3s Research and Consulting, Vienna, Austria Shirley Wade McLoughlin Keene State College, Keene, NH, USA Thomas Menkhoff Lee Kong Chian School of Business, Singapore Management University, Singapore, Singapore Marcella Milana University of Verona, Verona, Italy Sandra L. Morrison Faculty of Māori and Indigenous Studies, University of Waikato, Hamilton, New Zealand Mark Neild University of Bristol, Bristol, UK Christiana Nikolitsa-Winter UNESCO Institute for Lifelong Learning, Hamburg, Germany Erik Nylander Linköping University, Linköping, Sweden Geok Chwee Ong Bridge Alliance, Singapore, Singapore Violeta Orlovic Lovren Faculty of Philosophy, University of Belgrade, Belgrade, Serbia Michael Osborne University of Glasgow, Glasgow, UK Séamus Ó Tuama ACE (Adult Continuing Education), University College Cork, Cork, Ireland ASEM Lifelong Learning Hub, Cork, Ireland

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Contributors

Norbert Pachler Institute of Education, University College London, London, UK Kapil Dev Regmi Department of Educational Studies, University of British Columbia, Vancouver, BC, Canada Fazal Rizvi The University of Melbourne, Melbourne, Vic, Australia Triin Roosalu Institute of International Social Studies, Tallinn University, Tallinn, Estonia Eve-Liis Roosmaa Institute of International Social Studies, Tallinn University, Tallinn, Estonia Elizabeth A. Roumell Texas A&M University, College Station, TX, USA Kjell Rubenson University of British Columbia, Vancouver, Canada Ellu Saar Institute of International Social Studies, Tallinn University, Tallinn, Estonia Sahara Sadik Institute for Adult Learning, Singapore University of Social Sciences, Singapore, Singapore Florin D. Salajan North Dakota State University, Fargo, ND, USA Henning Salling Olesen Roskilde University, Roskilde, Denmark Peter H. Sawchuk Ontario Institute for Studies in Education, University of Toronto, Toronto, ON, Canada Ingrid Schoon UCL Institute of Education, London, UK Soo Kheng Sim Institute for Adult Learning, Singapore, Singapore Maria Slowey Higher Education Research Centre, Dublin City University, Dublin, Ireland Eva Steinheimer 3s Research and Consulting, Vienna, Austria Ashley Stepanek Lockhart UNESCO Institute for Lifelong Learning, Hamburg, Germany Ronald G. Sultana University of Malta, Malta, Malta Qi Sun The University of Tennessee, Knoxville, USA Lennart Svensson University of Linkoping, Linkoping, Sweden Jo Tacchi Media and Creative Industries, Loughborough University in London, London, UK Tiina Tambaum Estonian Institute for Population Studies, Tallinn University, Tallinn, Estonia Justina Tan Centre for Workplace Learning and Performance, Institute for Adult Learning, Singapore University of Social Sciences, Singapore, Singapore

Contributors

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Renée Tan Institute for Adult Learning Singapore, Singapore, Singapore Ying Tang Faculty of Education, Southwest University, Chongqing, China Hanna Toiviainen Adult Education, Faculty of Education and Culture, Tampere University, Tampere, Finland Timote Vaioleti Hamilton, New Zealand Raúl Valdés Cotera UNESCO Institute for Lifelong Learning, Hamburg, Germany Françoise de Viron UCLouvain, GIRSEF (Groupe Interdisciplinaire de Recherche sur la Socialisation, l’Education et la Formation), Louvain-la-Neuve, Belgium Yusef Waghid Stellenbosch University, Stellenbosch, South Africa Jude Walker University of British Columbia, Vancouver, BC, Canada Pierre Walter University of British Columbia, Vancouver, BC, Canada Shirley Walters Institute for Post-School Studies, University of the Western Cape, Cape Town, South Africa Robin Redmon Wright Lifelong Learning and Adult Education, Pennsylvania State University, Middletown, PA, USA Dayong Yuan Beijing Foreign Studies University, Beijing, China Joseph Zajda School of Education, Australian Catholic University (Melbourne Campus), East Melbourne, VIC, Australia Miriam Zukas Birkbeck, University of London, London, UK

Part I Introduction

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Advancing Research and Collecting Evidence on Lifelong Learning Globally Karen Evans, Wing On Lee, Jo¨rg Markowitsch, and Miriam Zukas

Contents Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Philosophy, History, and Theory Development – Perspectives Contributing to Holistic Conceptions of Lifelong Learning . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Fresh Perspectives on Policy and Policy Development . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Emerging Programs and New Approaches . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Reimagining Lifelong Learning for Future Challenges . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Concluding Comments . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Abstract

This introductory chapter of the Third International Handbook of Lifelong Learning explains the editors’ understanding of the scope of lifelong learning and our purposes in compiling and curating this new collection of chapters at a time of global disruption and challenge. The chapter highlights connections, discontinuities, and changes from the previous handbooks in the series, whether in approach, focus, or emphasis; explains the logic of the handbook; and K. Evans (*) UCL Institute of Education, University College London, London, UK e-mail: [email protected] W. O. Lee Institute for Adult Learning, Singapore University of Social Sciences, Singapore, Singapore e-mail: [email protected] J. Markowitsch 3s Research and Consulting, Vienna, Austria e-mail: [email protected] M. Zukas Birkbeck, University of London, London, UK e-mail: [email protected] © Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 K. Evans et al. (eds.), Third International Handbook of Lifelong Learning, Springer International Handbooks of Education, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-19592-1_69

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introduces readers to each of the four parts, as well as the chapters within. The approach aims to develop extended dialogues between ideas and up-to-date evidence, as contributors explore how holistic conceptions of education and learning are creating a new impetus for lifelong learning to develop beyond discourses that have previously framed and shaped its development. Reimagining lifelong learning is a creative and productive process in which we all share responsibility in contributing to the iterative and recursive development of ideas, plans, programs, and practices. Keywords

Lifelong learning perspectives · Lifelong learning purposes · Holistic conceptions of lifelong learning · Lifelong learning themes · Societal change · Policy development · Research evidence · Innovation · Changing practices · Future of lifelong learning

Introduction Building on two previous Handbooks, published at the start of the first and second decades of the twenty-first century, respectively (Aspin, Chapman, Evans, & Bagnall, 2012; Aspin, Chapman, Hatton, & Sawano, 2001), the approach of this Third International Handbook is characterized both by continuity and change. The successive handbooks aim to stimulate the field with fresh insights that are “of the time,” while exploring anew enduring themes. In each volume, the editors have reflected on the development of the field and the horizons of change: If the “lifelong” aspect of lifelong learning presupposes an integrated, holistic, and seamless approach to the whole of education, it is this notion that holds the key to the difference between dominant ideas of education and training, and the developing impetus toward lifelong learning, a difference between the present and the future. We have maintained a structure of four main Parts, each led by an editor: “Philosophy, History and Theory Development” (Karen Evans) “Fresh Perspectives on Policy and Policy Development” (Jörg Markowitsch) “Emerging Programmes and New Approaches” (Wing On Lee) “Re-imagining Lifelong Learning for Future Challenges” (Miriam Zukas). Our scope continues to be the learning that takes place in human beings over their whole life span. Our emphasis is on the ways in which forms of education and learning that continue after initial schooling can be renewed in the present and reimagined for the future. In that process, we have attempted to take a long view of broader trends and issues, while acknowledging the upheavals and shocks of the COVID-19 global pandemic over the period when authors were writing their chapters.

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Changes in content and approach in the third handbook have been stimulated by the question of what constitutes newness in the “themes of the territories” of lifelong learning. Our approach has focused on emergent ideas, policies, programs, and practices. It is informed by extended dialogues between ideas and up-to-date evidence, as contributors explore how holistic and interdependent conceptions of education and learning create a new impetus for lifelong learning to develop recursively beyond discourses that have hitherto framed and shaped its development. The editorial team has changed with each version of the handbook and will continue to do so into the future. The First and Second Handbooks were led by founding editors David Aspin and Judith Chapman, to whose inspiration and commitment we pay tribute. Karen Evans, previously one of the four editors in the second handbook, took over the project in 2018. The formation of the editorial team, with Wing On Lee, Jörg Markowitsch, and Miriam Zukas joining the team of editors from 2019, was based on the broad principle of engaging open-minded and broad thinkers, able to cross boundaries and value strengths wherever they can be found. Through the networks of the editorial team, we have welcomed new contributors from cognate fields and embraced innovative approaches wherever they were seeded, in established educational fields or wider “moorlands of learning” (Edwards, 1997). This process has extended the dialogue between ideas and evidence in ways hitherto unimagined. So, for example, the increase in the Asian contributions in this third handbook acknowledges the realities behind Nylander and Fejes’ (2019) observation that burgeoning research across the Asian continent is destined to change the field of lifelong learning research in the short- to midterm. This expansion has been enabled by editorial team networks within Asia and at the Asia-Europe interface. In collecting and curating over 60 chapters, important considerations included both how to engage new writers and how to stimulate all our readers – whether newly interested or long-term committed – to become involved afresh in forward thinking and action. Our aim is that chapters reflect recent movements in the field or advances in authors’ own research activity and production. We have looked beyond reviews of pertinent literature for well-grounded arguments for positions on the topic that can critically engage the field in debate and further research. We have aimed to capture the dynamics of change and to show how theories, accounts, and versions of lifelong learning may be related to successful practice. These chapters sit alongside contributions invited for their intellectual imaginaries and explorations of the realms of possibility. We have included the richness of community-generated activities and the challenges identified by research projects that are connected with current lifelong learning initiatives, endeavors, and enterprises. As well as presenting examples of lifelong learning that have been successful in practical implementation, contributors creatively suggest fresh approaches to stimulate debate and action. The previous volume debated the scope for transformation of existing models and practice of education and training deriving from twentieth- and even nineteenth-

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century antecedents. The present volume advances the search for means and modes by which learning throughout the life span can be realized, while keeping in view the multiple stresses of everyday life for citizens and communities as well as implications for administrators, professionals, public servants, teachers, and facilitators of learning in all sectors. Lifelong learning strategic plans and their underpinning ideas have been dismissed by many commentators as hopelessly idealistic, or short-term fads, or evidence of the enslaving effects of neoliberal ideology. Many others have seen in these ideas, and in their recursive development in shifting scenarios of change, significant opportunities for initiating, and eventually institutionalizing, radical changes in our approaches toward learning and teaching, education, and training. There is strong advocacy in this handbook for transnational grand plans that match the strategic visions of the 1990s, from, e.g., the Manifesto “Building the Future of Learning in Europe” of the European Civil Society for Education (EUCIS-LLP, 2015) to the visions toward 2030 promoted through Confintea (UNESCO Institute for Lifelong Learning, 2019). The previous handbooks advocated an evolutionary, gradualist approach, in which people need to start from where they are, with the tentative hypothesis, testing, and adoption of a solution to a problem that they feel they can manage and that lies within their resources. Drawing on Popper (1989), this approach enabled Aspin et al. (2012) to look back “at the end of all our striving” and see how such an approach could turn out to have transformed the whole educational domain. The third handbook reaches beyond this problem-focused approach with an extended dialogue between ideas and evidence that embraces complexity – an evolving theme since 2012, with manifestations in a range of social ecological approaches. Indeed, working independently and with a free hand, many authors have referred to emergent social ecologies and societal eco-systems. Renewed attention to interdependencies also enriches explorations of environments that are conducive to lifelong learning development in changing circumstances; it further enables the exploration of broader social concerns that were implicit in previous volumes, for example, in relation to Indigenous forms of knowledge, and issues of sex and gender. Moving beyond critique, many authors now visualize the steps beyond the nearhegemony of dominant discourses of lifelong learning. The institutionalization of lifelong learning is at a new stage. Soonghee Han shows how incremental, recursive development is enabling the institutionalization of autonomous formulations of lifelong learning. In advancing these ideas, it remains important to deal with actualities, taking care not to underestimate how captive we are to our multiple inheritances, everywhere (King, 1999). For public policy interventions that aim to support citizen well-being and the public good, the intellectual case (according to contemporary philosopher of public policy James Wilson) is overwhelming for a shift to complex systems approaches that aim to understand the dynamic stabilities that operate in social systems (Wilson, 2021). The corollary is that the more the hidden interconnections are made visible, the more pressure builds on policy-makers to act on them, requiring commitments to deep change.

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Lifelong learning is presented in this handbook in all its versatility. Accordingly, lifelong learning is referred to as an idea, a concept, an approach, a method, a program, a strategy, even a philosophy, or worldview. Similarly, the approaches to lifelong learning presented here are sometimes philosophical, sociological, economic, psychological, or educational, but frequently inter- and transdisciplinary. Common foci are the practices of individual, organizational, and collective learning as well as the development of people, communities, and societies.

Philosophy, History, and Theory Development – Perspectives Contributing to Holistic Conceptions of Lifelong Learning A resurgence of references to the Fauré Report (1972), and the all-encompassing “learning to be” visions for learning throughout the life course, is apparent in emergent manifestos for lifelong learning globally. But what do the holistic, integrative visions espoused actually mean, and what do they entail? Philosophical, historical, and theoretical perspectives in this part bring depth and fresh insight to these questions. The lead chapter by Ronald Barnett builds on his earlier “supercomplexity” thinking, developing an “imagino-realist” approach to questions of human being and “becoming” in an unstable world. Drawing on western and eastern philosophies, he argues that the new end of learning becomes that of sustaining all life. Fazal Rizvi also attends to instabilities in society in his reevaluation of Ulrich Beck’s (1992) “risk society” thesis. Rizvi argues that the concept of lifelong learning is ripe for redefinition, incorporating “ethical reflexivity,” focused on both individuals and communities, as a core component. Taking a different angle on societal change, Yusef Waghid expands on an Ubuntu-inspired philosophy of higher education by drawing on Derrida, Foucault, and Agamben to argue that learning (that is inherently lifelong) is an act of responsibility and play, constituted by the pedagogical acts of discomfort, criticism, and skepticism. These three chapters together extend the circuitry of lifelong learning outward, to borrow a metaphor from Lakatos (1976). They raise new questions about the acts of human responsibility that are integral to learning and, critically, about what the essence of learning that is continuous “without finality” might be. The framing of comprehensive theories that redefine and connect the core components of lifelong learning has long been an aspiration of scholars in the field, such as the avenues mapped out by David Aspin and Judith Chapman in the First and Second Handbooks. In this one, Kapil dev Regmi rises to the challenge, arguing that Jürgen Habermas has provided a strong theoretical basis for connecting the systemic and lifeworld dimensions of learning in a comprehensive theory. Regmi identifies four dimensions as the key components of the comprehensive theory of lifelong learning: rational learning, communicative learning, intersubjective learning, and action learning. Peter Sawchuk, meanwhile, identifies the aspirational nature of much current theorizing, proposing dialectical methodology as the key to unlock

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complex relations, and Maria Slowey argues that making the concept of intersectionality explicit can contribute to more holistic theory and praxis building in adult education and lifelong learning. The resonances, as well as profound differences, between these independently conceived, original contributions are manifest; their themes permeate this third handbook. The theoretical contributions that follow, expand the richness and diversity of influences and perspectives in the development of the transdisciplinary moorlands of lifelong learning. The interplay of influences is illustrated in Nylander and Fejes’ analysis of the “themes of the territory,” as represented in articles published in selected English language journals between the 1980s and the present day. Taking as a benchmark Rubenson’s, 1982 “quest” to map the territory of adult education research, Nylander and Fejes draw attention to the influences of higher education inquiry and workplace learning research on topic distribution. This is only part of the story, as scholarly perspectives brought from these fields can themselves be considered as part of the dialogic, recursive process described by Soonghee Han, through which lifelong learning comes to be better understood as a distinctive mode of societal learning. Many chapters reveal interwoven histories of ideas as well as institutional influences and practices that are contributing to the diversity of lifelong learning in contemporary times. These histories augment, and sometimes disrupt, the mainstream histories of ideas that are typically traced through the stances of international organizations. While Maren Elfert and Kjell Rubenson in the final part of the Handbook expertly reshape the mainstream historical narrative with a fresh perspective on the future, authors here make lateral connections between histories of ideas and practices. Maria Slowey’s chapter sketches the history of ideas behind intersectionality, the exploration of structural interactions in socially constructed factors of gender, race, and class. Over time, the construct has been newly interpreted as it has “moved” across disciplines and global regions, specifically from the USA to Europe, and has become implicit in much literature on adult education and learning through the life course. Looking forward, the author also questions how far these contributions can expand beyond the “global north’s academic theories and priorities” to embrace perspectives from the global south. The related construct of empowerment has its own history of multiple interpretations. These interpretations are traced by Pepka Boyadjieva and Petya IlievaTrichkova, who aim to show how capability approaches – popular lines of inquiry over recent decades – can be refocused on the issue of social justice. They generate a dialogue of ideas and evidence by drawing on analyses of European Social Survey data to explore associations between lifelong learning and individuals’ strivings to overcome everyday problems and enhance other people’s well-being. Current discourses on lifelong learning and the future focus strongly on the effects of digitalization and automation on work, schooling, and lifelong learning. Christian Harteis and Stephen Billett outline the evolution of Industry 4.0 discourses of digitalization, skills, and work. In drives to integrate humans and machines into the networks known as the “internet of things,” the relations between people and these technologies are becoming increasingly interdependent, they argue. Popular

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notions of inevitability in societal responses to these technologies have been heavily critiqued over time, as have unilinear assumptions about modernization and globalization. Joseph Zajda’s detailed account of the interplay of globalizing tendencies in lifelong learning with historically embedded perspectives and inheritances in adult education focuses on the timely example (with a postscript referencing the crisis in Ukraine) of the Russian Federation. Several chapters explore theory-practice relations from new angles, highlighting the significance of intercultural communication and interdisciplinary cooperation. The account of the development of the construct of “apprenance” in Philippe Carré’s chapter, for example, shows how inquiries originally published in the Francophone literature are rapidly extending their international reach, while continuing to contextualize and elaborate applications through new inquiries. Relationships between philosophy, theory, and inquiry are highlighted by many authors in this part. When we strive, through research and inquiry, to learn more about lifelong learning, the process itself commits each inquirer to a particular way of looking at and understanding the matter, after Wittgenstein (1953 p 308). Yet the best illumination is often found in the “mingled region of interferences” (Serres, 1995) between sources of light. In this intermingling, the significance of reflexivity and ethical practice is repeatedly highlighted as authors discursively trace their ideas for development. The notion of holism in lifelong learning frequently relies on the construct of reflexivity. Reflexivity, as a collective act, is performed through dialogue across epistemic and cultural differences, according to Fazal Rizvi. Seamus Ò Tuama’s contribution, which newly incorporates the notion of “seed capital,” uses the lens of reflexivity to connect five forms of capital in ways that refocus debate on “the real needs of learners, from the learner’s perspective.” Mediation is added to the cluster of pervasive ideas, as the intermediary roles of institutions, environments, and enabling (or disabling) social processes are uncovered in the identification of change strategies. Thus, Harteis and Billett show how effective, educative use of technologies in workplace learning is found not in technologies themselves, nor in the individuals who use them, but in the interaction between them and in the creation of environments that are sensitive to workers’ sense of themselves as competent, in the face of digital innovation. The recurrent themes of reflexivity, interdependence, and mediation are stimulating fresh methodological debate, which refreshingly has moved on from paradigm wars. Philippe Carré identifies the potential of “mesology” – a product of interdisciplinary interplay between human geography, phenomenology, and sociology – to open new avenues for heuristic exploration of what constitutes the learning “milieu” in which learning capabilities and learning readiness are facilitated, as learning becomes a lifelong attitude. The methodological challenges of researching reflexive social relations are identified by Peter Sawchuk, who explains the potential of dialectical methodology (drawing on Olman and Adorno) to account for the unexpected and underidentified features of actual people undergoing change. Focusing on popular lines of inquiry: reflective learning; transformative learning; and situated learning, he makes the tantalizing (motivational) suggestion that the community of

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lifelong learning researchers might be best placed to lead the way beyond present formulations. The renewed focus on interdependencies, mediating influences, and relational practices is reinforcing a turn to complexity theories, to address the gulf between ideas and institutional practices that occurs in all sectors of education and learning. Many authors strive to reach beyond dualistic ontologies, and a shift toward relational, or “flat,” ontologies, as Soonghee Han explains, is becoming part of the recursive institutionalization of lifelong learning. In the last two chapters, of the Philosophy, History and Theoretical Development, Norman Jackson and Karen Evans consider, in contrasting ways, what ideas of human striving, as interconnected beings “within and with” an ecological world of relationships, might mean for lifelong learning. Working for a regenerative future, Norman Jackson explains the life-wide dimensions of lifelong learning in terms of the ecological character of everyday life. In the Part’s final chapter, Karen Evans returns to the dialogue between ideas and evidence, to refocus on human strivings, scenarios for change, and the potential for relational and ecological perspectives to reshape our understandings of lifelong learning as a multifaceted societal phenomenon.

Fresh Perspectives on Policy and Policy Development Policies are crucial for making the vision of lifelong learning a reality for all. However, where policies are discussed, the harsh realities of the politics of lifelong learning cannot be omitted, with parties rallying for their conflicting interests, everyone’s best intentions notwithstanding. Even well-designed policies have their downsides, and an overoptimistic discourse about what lifelong learning policies can deliver calls for a critical assessment as to whether the intended goals are met; detrimental effects kept at bay; who benefits from a policy; and for whom it implies a disadvantage. In critically reviewing policies, one needs to spell out one’s framework of analysis and clarify the normative stances taken, so that one is enmeshed once again in questions about lifelong learning. Eight contributions analyze specific arenas of lifelong learning. Ingrid Schoon and Karen Evans demonstrate the complexity involved if the idea of learning is freed from the narrow corset of learning in schools and universities and opened up to lifelong and life-wide learning. Life chances and opportunities for learning are shaped by social, economic, and cultural contexts that in turn influence individual behavior and experiences. Consequently, inequalities in opportunities are rooted in early childhood, i.e., before schooling, and may continue to accumulate over the life course. Such a life-course perspective and comprehensive understanding of the multiple influences on individual lives requires a transdisciplinary framework which is sketched by the authors by bringing together such diverse theories and concepts as habitus, rational choice, reflexive modernization, and bounded and human agency. Bringing structure and clarity to the relevant theoretical approaches is in itself of great merit, and the contribution by Schoon and Evans is therefore also

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particularly suitable as a starting point for further explorations, as well as a retrospective framing. Richard Desjardins, Günter Hefler, Jörg Markowitsch, and Eva Steinheimer’s contributions concern comparative changing patterns of participation in lifelong learning. Comprehensive comparative data has become available through the OECD’s Programme for the International Assessment of Adult Competencies (PIAAC). This data enables not only insights into the country-specific educational behavior of adults, but also the testing of new concepts. For instance, Desjardins defines “Adult Learning Systems” (ALS) as both the mass of organized learning opportunities available to adults and the underlying structures and stakeholders that shape their organization and governance. His analysis shows that many countries have experienced considerable growth in adult learning opportunities over the last thirty years, but some have experienced more growth than others. It also shows that a healthy level of public spending on education is a necessary but not sufficient condition for ensuring well-developed ALS. Hefler, Markowitsch, and Steinheimer note that Formal Adult Education (FAE) has mainly been used as a statistical category in cross-country comparative surveys on adult learning, but they show that it has become more and more difficult to keep the promise of social mobility through FAE over the last three or four decades due to the effects of educational expansion. In their comparative work, Karin Dollhausen and Wolfgang Jütte reconsider the extent to which higher education, the main driver of educational expansion, contributes to society beyond its two core tasks of teaching and research, and realizes its “Third Mission.” They assume that, along with the increasing relevance of the Third Mission, higher education offers will be further opened and designed for different target groups, such as nontraditional students. However, it is currently an open question as to the extent higher education institutions are committed to lifelong learning in their pursuit of the Third Mission. It is also an open question as to how ongoing institutional diversification and stratification will shape the higher education landscape in the future and thus determine the inclusion of lifelong learners in higher education processes. Two chapters deal specifically with the policies and politics of workplace learning. Stephen Billett, Sarojni Choy, and Anh Hai Le studied “worklife” learning biographies of Australian workers which could be ideal examples for the application of the transdisciplinary framework suggested by Schoon and Evans but not in a single chapter. Instead, Billett, Choy, and Hai Le rise to the challenge of complexity by breaking down their approach to a supposedly simple formula without making any concessions to the holistic approach demanded by Schoon and Evans. Their formula is the following: Person + educative support + community where “person” refers to the capacities, personal needs, ambitions, and individual trajectories of individuals; “educative support” refers to the experiences intentionally supporting that learning; and “community” signals the affordances outside the person such as family and familiars, ethnic/cultural affiliates, workplaces, etc. This implies that adults can best be assisted in their “worklife transitions” by providing opportunities, engagements, and support which go beyond the provision of lifelong education.

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In the first study of its kind, Asmita Bhutani and Peter Sawchuk provide two further interesting empirical cases in which the learning of adults is studied in relation to new forms of work, one dealing with microwork platforms in India, and the other with health care management platforms in Canada. The alarming developments they describe underline the need to focus future lifelong learning policies much more on building collective and occupational identities and capacities to counteract increasingly fragmented and isolated subjectivities of workers. Ronald G. Sultana and Henning Salling Olesen both examine capitalism and lifelong learning in their chapters. Sultana argues that a liberal approach to lifelong learning does not adequately take into account the systemic and structural nature of the problems of capitalism and ends up placing the burden exclusively on the individual while the state shirks responsibility, effectively abrogating the social contract. He calls for more emancipatory forms of career guidance and suggests seeking inspiration in the many social movements that point toward other ways of being in the world. In a similar vein, Olesen criticizes traditional models of (key) competences, such as those produced by the OECD or the European Commission, for their deficit orientation and contrasts them with Oskar Negt’s broader areas of competences. For instance, instead of numeracy, literacy, and the like, Negt calls for higher-order competences such as “technology competence” – the capability to distinguish potentially threatening technologies and make use of those that serve emancipation or “sense of justice and sensitivity to expropriation and inequality” (Negt, 2010). Negt’s competence canon positions work as a life activity and a sphere of experience with an important potential for learning democracy and codetermination. With this in mind, Olesen calls for a reconceptualization of competence assessment and validation of prior learning in such a way as to transform work and extend democracy. The thematic chapters are followed by chapters discussing the intertwining of the policies and politics of lifelong learning at different scales. We look at the lifelong learning policy of the European Union as a supranational organization, at country groups such as Asia, Latin America, and Central and Eastern Europe, and zoom in on China, Indonesia, Japan, the Republic of Korea, Malaysia, Singapore, Thailand, Brazil, Canada, and the USA. For these chapters, we asked authors to explain the current situation in the respective country or region against the background of historical developments and, if possible, to venture a look into the future. Despite cultural, ethnic, and religious similarities, differences between countries in the same region can be enormous as, for instance, the contribution by Ellu Saar, Triin Roosalu, and Eve-Liis Roosmaa shows. They argue that the current state of development of lifelong learning policies and practices in postsocialist countries in Eastern Europe is highly dependent on the peculiarities of the socialist system as well as the process of societal change in the 1990s. Therefore, it is necessary to differentiate between postSoviet and other postsocialist European countries. What almost all country contributions have in common is the critique of an overly economic orientation of lifelong learning and the insight that most national policies still lack the holistic understanding of lifelong learning as an institution that would enable the meeting of social and cultural challenges. This critique is most explicit in

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John Holford and Marcella Milana’s historical account of the European Union’s lifelong learning policy. But also across the Atlantic, for Brazil, Ana Ivenicki criticizes the limited focus on economic factors and particularly urges that cultural diversity be taken into account in the concept of lifelong learning. Raúl Valdés Cotera and Sergio Cardenas Denham attribute the limited implementation of lifelong learning in Latin America to the lack of a shared concept of lifelong learning, limited experience of designing and implementing lifelong learning policies, and political resistance among the various actors involved. The situation seems to be even more extreme in North America, where both Canada and the USA exhibit a very narrow understanding of lifelong learning framed almost exclusively in terms of skills and workforce development as Elizabeth A. Roumell, Jude Walker, and Florin D. Salajan demonstrate. Only the Asian countries seem to be an exception in this respect. Both Michael Osborne and Sim Soo Kheng’s overview of current lifelong learning policies in Asia, as well as the detailed analysis of the evolution of China’s lifelong learning system over four decades by Qi Sun and Dayong Yuan, present economic and social purposes as “logical bedfellows.” Whether this difference between East and West is due to the economic catching-up process will probably only become clear in retrospect in a future edition of the handbook.

Emerging Programs and New Approaches Lifelong learning educators expend vigorous, vibrant, and continuous efforts to introduce new programs and pedagogical methods, but what matters more, as contributions to this Part show, is the metadiscourse of critical and reflective thinking behind those new approaches. Many contributors delineate the fast-changing economic landscape leading to significant economic restructuring or the emergence of new economic ecosystems, such as Industry 4.0, sharing economies, platform economies, gig economies, servant economies, etc. Those have brought about new kinds of production, creating new jobs that require new skills and forms of production. The new jobs are variously described as digital labor, cloud work, and gig work. At the extreme, jobs become projects, gigs become microtasks, and work processes are increasingly data-tracked. Digitalization also plays a crucial role in reshaping new job types in the “future economy” that is already here in the form of Industry 4.0. Contributors also critique the insufficiency, or incompetence, of the existing education system that has never been able to, and now more clearly realizes that it cannot, catch up with the changing job demands of emerging economies. Those adopting critical theories cite Freire’s (2000) critique of the “banking” theory of knowledge-work divide, such that what students learn in schools will already be outdated when they complete schooling. Others point out that, in the last thirty years, even lifelong learning has continued to adhere to the traditional education system, trying to obtain qualification recognition from universities, with the result that lifelong learning is marginalized and regarded as inferior to the formal education system. By and large, traditional education systems adopt a deficit model, justifying

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the teach-learn model that teachers know and students do not know, assuming students are deficient in knowledge and skills. Lifelong learning is perceived as even more deficient, often existing outside the university curriculum, and lifelong learning courses are frequently taught by teachers who are considered inferior to university teachers in terms of academic qualifications. Following this critique of the existing education system and mode of lifelong learning programs, many authors raise the question of educational inequality. Norbert Pachler, for example, points out the phenomenon of the “low skills equilibrium,” i.e., low-skilled jobs being matched by a low-skilled workforce. As participation in formal learning and adult learning declines among aged workers, upskilling opportunities are taken up by wealthier, more highly skilled, individuals more able to master new digital technologies. In addition, the “servant economy” has led to bifurcation between elites and the rest, and the “platform economy” reduces jobs to on-demand services or projects. Lennart Svensson and Anna-Karin Florén point out that upskilling competence programs for unemployed people in Sweden have not been useful, as even after taking the programs, most participants remain unemployed. Thus he calls for the engagement of organizations and employers in these upskilling programs. Jo Tacchi, Hanna Toiviainen, and Natasha Kersh observe that young adults with vulnerabilities are socially excluded, and even if lifelong learning programs are available, young adults often do not have access to information about programs, and thus the status quo is maintained. This echoes the notion of “low skills equilibrium” – for have-nots, even what they have can be taken away. Marie Macauley, Ruud Duvekot, and Yann Jakub Berthier show how this is exacerbated for migrants whose talents are underutilized when most of their prior qualifications, knowledge, and skills are unrecognized by destination countries. Such inequality is a social concern, argue Jinhee Kim and Romee Lee, when many migrants to South Korea develop identity issues and do not see a future for themselves. These criticisms are only the preface to the many promising suggestions and innovative ideas for empowering lifelong learning that not only benefits individual learners but also advances the economy. Addressing the gap between schooling and the unmatched demands for new skills, Edwin Lee and Wing On Lee take a more optimistic view pointing out that lifelong learning in the workplace is critically pertinent as workers are expected to engage actively with change and to be selfdirected and self-regulating in acquiring new knowledge and skills. Their chapter explores the intricate relationship between tacit knowledge and twenty-first-century skills and considers how tacit knowledge could function to enhance innovation for organizations. Wing On Lee and Justina Tan also note that, because the majority of the workforce has already left formal education, lifelong learning is increasingly seen as a solution. They argue that, if lifelong learning helps workers become knowledge workers, enhancing skills such as learning to learn, translating knowledge to practice, and/or moving from bottom-up experience to transferable skills and knowledge building, they should be able to survive in the future economy. A number of authors suggest different kinds of lifelong learning programs. Utilizing the deficit model critique discussed above, Françoise De Viron and Pat Davies build on their previous concept of the lifelong learning university to suggest a revised model called

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LLLU-Model, a composite lifelong learning university that takes learning as lifelong, life-wide, and in a space suitable for the learners, wherever it is. Pierre Walter also suggests repurposing lifelong learning, though rather differently, arguing for public pedagogies – pedagogy of the public and pedagogy in the interest of publicness. He proposes arts-based learning in order to create a social movement to provoke reflective learning, transformative learning, and educativeactivism that will in turn create public creative engagement. In addition, he suggests that pedagogy in the interest of publicness disallows the “unfreedoms” imposed by agents of adult education and promotes purposeful education for individuals. Svensson and Florén report on their experience of offering competence programs in order to help the unemployed to find jobs. They found that if we really want to offer upskilling competence programs that can help employment, the programs must be long-term, developmental, open, agile, process-oriented, interactive, and inclusive. More importantly, employers and stakeholders must be engaged and willing to recruit people from these programs, or else programs will not work. In contrast, Tacchi, Toiviainen, and Kersh focus on developing social networks and hubs for young adults with vulnerabilities, creating media modalities and platforms, and an agency that provides contextual resources and literacies that address the young adults’ vocational special needs and training. Most importantly, they encourage communication (e.g., WhatsApp, Facebook, and YouTube) to support young adults in finding and sharing information about work. The pedagogical significance of communication is elaborated by Ying Tang and Khe Foon Hew who suggest that mobile instant messaging is an effective means of lifelong learning. They utilize the concept of heutagogy, which encourages self-directed and self-purposed learning supported by the availability of communication encouraging active learning with other learners and their teachers. Tiina Tambaum’s project on intergenerational learning challenges many assumptions that older adults are slow to learn, less intelligent, and more forgetful and introduces pedagogic breakthrough concepts such as “reciprocal learning” and “reverse mentoring.” Her project brought together younger and older adults with young adults finding the experiences of the older adults useful and eye-opening, and older adults benefitting from the teaching of the younger adults especially in digital skills. Taking a different tack, Pachler proposes “new power learning” for reconceptualizing the lifelong learning curriculum. On the one hand, he cites Dede and Richard’s 60-year Curriculum (Dede & Richards, 2022) as a fundamental framework that takes a life span approach and planning toward learning for life. This is echoed by Annabel Chen and Alicia Goodwill, whose chapter focuses on the enhanced capability of adult learning with the advancement of neuroplasticity of the brain. Older adults can now be understood to be active learners, instead of seeing them as deteriorating human beings. On the other hand, Pachler concedes that microcredentials, unbundled from the university curriculum, are more suitable for lifelong learners facing constant changes in the economy. However, microcredentials could become more powerful if they were rebundled through stackable channels leading toward formal qualifications,

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particularly where those microcredentials focus on work-integrated learning around industry-aligned curricula and employer validation of quality. Lee and Tan explore the recognition of microcredentials, taking several examples from various countries and identifying three approaches: (1) a centralized approach that ties emerging microcredentials to the existing qualification frameworks; (2) a decentralized approach that allows market demands and ground-up practices to shape the development of the ecosystem; and (3) an initially decentralized system which gradually converges into wider recognition by various stakeholders. In addition, Macauley, Duvekot, and Berthier propose a Recognition, Validation, and Accreditation (RVA) model, particularly for migrants, drawing on their work on the mutual recognition of qualifications between New Zealand and Australia, and between France and Quebec. Setting aside the question of credentials, Justina Tan examines Employee-driven Innovation (EDI) in medium-sized enterprises showing how, with support from leadership, workplace learning encourages idea generation and ownership among employees. As EDI focuses on incremental improvements rather than big-bang innovations, employees feel that it is feasible and are motivated to focus on improvements on the job, paving the way for realistic innovations. Lee and Lee further emphasize knowledge-sharing, especially through communities of practice (CoP), as essential to optimize workers’ informal learning and tacit knowledge, an important element in converting experience to explicit knowledge. Frequent knowledge sharing is the prerequisite of continuous innovation both on the job and for their organization. Bernd Käpplinger, on the other hand, suggests that some formal training is required, if we want workplace learning to be productive, and notes that such training programs may lead to professionalization as well. Mark Neild and Renée Tan are also concerned with innovation learning in enterprises, arguing that such work can be facilitated by capturing “emergence” through a combination of simpler structures into more complex ones and encouraging the “adoption” of solutions through a coconstruction process. They provide examples of how intersubjectivity and cocreation can both de-situate the problem to overcome blocks to innovation and then resituate it to make adoption easier. Lastly, at the enterprise level, Geok Chwee Ong and Thomas Menkoff identify three antecedents to encourage proactiveness in adopting innovation strategies, namely an innovation agenda, innovation expertise, and shareholders’ expectations. To implement these strategies, enterprises also require another three antecedents: cohesiveness, continuity, and control. They offer a governance framework and a checklist for boards, corporate stakeholders, and also lifelong learning providers, to evaluate their plans and programs from an innovation governance perspective.

Reimagining Lifelong Learning for Future Challenges It might be thought a fool’s errand to try to predict future challenges for lifelong learning. After all, ten years ago when the previous edition of the handbook was published, few could have anticipated the challenges of learning to live in a pandemic, a theme taken up by many authors in this edition. Nor could they have

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anticipated that learning how to engage with social media would be such a crucial part of many people’s daily lives, whether to participate in social justice movements such as #blacklives matter and #metoo, to stay in touch with topics as fast-moving as the COVID pandemic or the war in Ukraine, or simply to stay in touch with family and friends through Signal, WhatsApp, Instagram ... In light of uncertainty about the future then, education and learning are often understood as an attempt to shore ourselves up against unpredictability and to ensure the future in terms of economic certainty, social inclusion, individual achievement, and/or any other societal ambitions. This take on the relationship between learning and the future relies on a view of learning as human-centered where the objective world is that to which the learner must adapt. But perhaps, as argued by Richard Edwards (2012) in the Second International Handbook, predictions about lifelong learning responses to future challenges are not what matters. Instead, we could accept that we are living in what some have called the posthuman condition, defined by Edwards as “an enactment that deconstructs the separation of subjects and objects, the human and the material, and with that the focus on the human subjects as either a representative of an essentialized human nature or in a state of constant becoming” (p. 152). He argues further that, from this perspective, lifelong learning can be seen as “a condition of the entanglement of the human and non-human, as without the non-human, humans would neither exist nor be able to act as part of world experience.” According to Edwards, “a post-human condition could position learning as a gathering of the human and non-human in experimentation to establish and engage with matters of concern” (p 158). This handbook, and particularly this Part, could therefore be understood as such a gathering, such an experimentation with matters of concern. It follows that the decisions as to what to include and what to leave out in such a part are not ones which rely on identifying a list of future challenges for lifelong learning but instead focus on the reimagining of lifelong learning – the enactment of practices in which learning and knowing emerge, rather than are prefigured. In this experiment, there are those chapters where the focus of the reimagining is core business for lifelong learning scholars and practitioners – research, knowledge, work, digital learning, and literacy. Then there are other chapters in which the authors reimagine lifelong learning itself: simulation, fourth age learning, citizenship education, refugee learning, and media literacy. A third group of authors experiment with matters of concern and their relationship to lifelong learning: climate justice, sustainability, precarity, indigeneity, and sexual and gender identity. And, of course, there is overlap between these chapters – authors’ matters of concern also include populist politics, migration, and social justice, for example. To write, then, about omissions would be inconsistent with the theoretical perspective laid out above because it would suggest that there is some list of topics “out there” that constitutes the future challenges for lifelong learning. But there are important matters of concern currently occupying many of us that do not appear here in their own right but only tangentially, for example, race and racism, and lifelong learning responses to such matters such as moves to deconstruct the curriculum (particularly in higher education). Such omissions are sometimes the result of

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editors’ own preoccupations, politics, and gatherings – who one knows, what one reads, and what one has access to in terms of language and publisher firewalls. And sometimes they come about despite the editors’ best intentions – overcommitted authors decline requests to contribute, committed authors withdraw because of personal and other circumstances, and pandemics intervene in authors’ writing as they struggle with new demands – educating their children, moving all their teaching online, and blurring work and home life. And even setting aside theories about the posthuman condition and reverting to more conventional views of lifelong learning as an inoculation against uncertainty, is it fair to ask authors to write in relation to future challenges? After all, unless we write science fiction, we are more accustomed to writing about and understanding the present and the past of lifelong learning, with any nod to the future limited to our conclusions. There is also the obvious point that learning itself does not conform to linear time (see Taylor, 2018, for a discussion about the temporalities of learning), so the invitation to reimagine lifelong learning may be futile, even from this point of view. Violeta Orlovic Lovren makes this point in her chapter on sustainable futures when she notes that the future is an integral part of our present and our past. Nevertheless, authors have taken up the impossible challenge in a variety of ways. Although they might not have labeled their work posthuman, some have addressed the “gathering of the human and non-human” head-on: Shirley Walters and Jane Burt’s chapter foregrounds nappies in order to explore learning and climate justice; Sandy Morrison and Timote Vaioleti’s chapter highlights the interconnectedness of living entities and their physical worlds. Astrid von Kotze puts food – an excellent example of the entanglement of the human and nonhuman – and food sovereignty at the heart of her challenge to the notion of educating for resilience. And Madeline Abrandt Dahlgren and Nick Hopwood home in on simulation equipment to reimagine learning and professional practices. For others, the nonhuman and human entanglement gives rise to their work, even if they privilege the human. Technological change and the “fourth industrial revolution” are at the heart of David James, Sahara Sadik, and Phillip Brown’s progressive proposals for lifelong learning. Anke Gröttluschen and Klaus Buddeberg investigate how international large-scale assessments of literacy (themselves nonhuman actors) not only categorize but also produce low-income countries as “inferior” and “low-performing.” Materiality such as a favorite scarf is also highlighted in Marvin Formosa’s moving account of fourth-age learning. Chapters by Robin Redmon Wright and by Edith Hammer, Christian Nikolitsa-Winter, and Ashley Stepanek Lockhart deal with the political and educational consequences of our ubiquitous entanglement with media, while Allison Littlejohn points out that those designing digital learning systems have to deliberately engage with human agency, thus ensuring the human is not omitted. Some authors focus on practices related to lifelong learning. Maren Elfert and Kjell Rubenson look to insights from past generations of research on lifelong learning to imagine future research that attends to democratic, nonformal, and pedagogical dimensions of lifelong learning. Eugenia Arvanitis and Shirley McLoughlin reimagine refugee lifelong education as a new social contract, based

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on a resistance to what they call sedentarist framing that assumes refugee lifeworlds are all about repatriation. One of the specific practices in refugee lifelong learning education – second language classes – is explored as a case study by Andreas Fejes and Magnus Dahlstedt. Many authors foreground and expand matters of concern, reaching beyond lifelong learning’s separation of knowledge “out there” from the human subject to reframe what it should be concerned about. Andre Grace’s exploration of the need for lifelong learning educators to understand more fully the diversity of sexual and gender identities and to challenge the fixity of norms and categories is a case in point, addressing head-on assumptions about essentialized human nature. The final chapter – an afterword by Robert Arnove – draws on his own lifelong learning as a university-based educator to imagine a system of education that contributes to equipping individuals to be effective members of more just and democratic societies. Arnove also gathers together some of the chapters of this handbook to elaborate his argument as to how to achieve such a vision. In curating this part, we have not, in the end, pursued Edwards’ logic to its conclusion in which he suggests that, perhaps, “rather than a post-human condition of lifelong learning, we could enact a post-human condition of experimentation that embraces risk, responsibility and emancipatory ignorance” (p. 161). The part bears only some of the hallmarks of Richard Edwards’ identification of lifelong learning in the posthuman condition. It is experimental, conditional, and fallible, and many chapters illuminate the entanglement of the human and nonhuman. But reimagining is a creative and productive activity and a challenge to which authors have risen with insight, wit, and – in the end – considerable learning.

Concluding Comments Two principles endure, in the continuity from the First and Second Handbooks to the Third. The first principle is that, in the critical enterprise, no one is immune from scrutiny. Fresh thinking and new developments should be widely exposed to attempts at critical review and refutation. In the second principle, no one is exempt from the responsibility of contributing to the iterative and recursive development of ideas, plans, programs, and practices. In 2022, as in 2012, we are all under the epistemic and ethical obligation to work toward ensuring that all people have the resources, means, access, and right to participate in the process. There is a new intensity and urgency to the warning that: “No-one can plan for facing the challenge of change in the twenty-first century with only “half our future”” (Aspin et al., 2012). The contributions in the third handbook, taken as a whole, suggest that preoccupations with the boundaries of educational fields and learning moorlands (Edwards, 1997) are giving way to a fuller appreciation of the value in heterogeneity, the renewed search for intersections, and the formation of boundary-crossing relationships. The chapters have been written and curated over a period that has become ultracharged with global health and environmental crises that have been building for a long time. For Arundhati Roy (2020), the pandemic has been a “portal”: “Our

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minds are still racing back and forth, longing for a return to “normality,” trying to stitch our future to our past and refusing to acknowledge the rupture. But the rupture exists.” (Roy, 2020). How the processes of rupture and resolution will play out into the 2030s and beyond is unknowable, and we all have our parts to play in imagining the world anew. For lifelong learning development, it is an advance for lifelong learning to have its place in global Sustainable Development Goals for 2030. But what that means remains an open question – with responses to be imagined afresh in the years to come.

References Aspin, D. N., Chapman, J. D., Evans, K., & Bagnall, R. (Eds.). (2012). Second international handbook of lifelong learning. Dordrecht: Springer. Aspin, D. N., Chapman, J. D., Hatton, M. J., & Sawano, Y. (Eds.). (2001). International handbook of lifelong learning. Dordrecht: Kluwer Press. Beck, U. (1992). Risk society: Towards a new modernity. London: Sage Publications. Dede, C., & Richards, J. (Eds.). (2022). The 60-year curriculum: New models for lifelong learning in the digital economy. New York: Routledge. Edwards, R. (1997). Changing places? Flexibility, lifelong learning and a learning society (1st ed.). London: Routledge. https://doi.org/10.4324/9780203132029. Edwards, R. (2012). Lifelong learning: A posthuman condition? In D. Aspin, J. Chapman, K. Evans, & R. Bagnall (Eds.), Second international handbook of lifelong learning (pp. 151–162). P. Dordrecht: Springer. EUCIS-LLP, European Civil Society for Europe – Lifelong Learning Platform. (2015). Manifesto for the future of learning in Europe. Brussels: EUCIS. Fauré, E., et al. (1972). Learning to be: The world of education today and tomorrow. Paris: UNESCO. Freire, P. (2000). Pedagogy of the oppressed. Introduction by Donaldo Macedo. Trans. Myra Berman Ramos. 30th Anniversary Edition. New York: Continuum. King, E. J. (1999). Education revised for a world in transformation. Comparative Education, 35(2), 109–117. Lakatos, I. (1976). Falsification and the methodology of scientific research programs. In I. Lakatos & A. W. Musgrave (Eds.), Criticism and the growth of knowledge. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Negt, O. (2010). Der politische Mensch. Demokratie als Lebensform [The political man. Democracy as a way of life]. Göttingen: Steidl Verlag. Nylander, E., & Fejes, A. (2019). The research field of adult education and learning. In A. Fejes & E. Nylander (Eds.), Mapping out the research field of adult education and learning. Cham: Springer Nature. Popper, K. R. (1989). Conjectures and refutations: THE growth of scientific knowledge (5th rev. ed.). London: Routledge. Roy, A. (2020, April 3). The pandemic is a portal. Financial Times. https://www.ft.com/content/ 10d8f5e8-74eb-11ea-95fe-fcd274e920ca. Accessed 22 May 2022. Rubenson, K. (1982). Adult education research: In quest of a map of the territory. Adult Education, 32(2), 57–74. https://doi.org/10.1177/074171368203200201. Serres, M. (with Latour, B.) (1995). Conversations on science, culture, and time. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press.

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Taylor, K. (2018). Temporalities of learning: Lessons from a socio-material study of allotment gardening practice. Studies in Continuing Education, 40(3), 290–305. https://doi.org/10.1080/ 0158037X.2018.1457518. UNESCO Institute for Lifelong Learning (2019) towards CONFINTEA vii: Adult learning and education and the 2030 agenda Hamburg UIL. Wilson, J. (2021). Philosophy for public health and public policy: Beyond the neglectful state. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Wittgenstein, L. (1953). Philosophical investigations. (G. E. M. Anscombe). Oxford: Blackwell.

Part II Philosophy, History, and Theory Development Karen Evans

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Contents Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Options in a World in Motion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Rise and Now the Fall of Modernity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Supercomplexity Revisited . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Problem of Learning . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Being Amid Ecosystems in Motion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Making Wagers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The End of Learning . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Value of Stillness . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Conclusions: Lifelong Learning in a World in Motion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Cross-References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Abstract

The world is in motion and is interconnected. It is a world in which its entities are becoming more and more entangled. Moreover, the world harbors hidden layers of mechanisms that affect their influence and, indeed, their powers. These four features – (i) a world that is in motion that is (ii) interconnected and which (iii) possesses hidden depths, and (iv) contains powerful forces – pose difficult issues for the matter of learning. The problem is no longer one of learning – even of lifelong learning – but of being. What is called for is a conception of lifelong becoming that is able to provide stability in an unstable world, in short, a Buddhist-type stillness and mindfulness, deeply aware of one’s turbulent entanglements with the world. For this, what is required is an un-learning; a displacement and even a shedding of the detritus of formal learning. This amounts to the end of learning as one keeps making wagers on oneself, imagining feasible R. Barnett (*) University College London Institute of Education, London, UK e-mail: [email protected] © Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 K. Evans et al. (eds.), Third International Handbook of Lifelong Learning, Springer International Handbooks of Education, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-19592-1_1

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futures for oneself but in and of the world and not apart from it; and yet held steady by just such an imagino-realist perspective. If learning has an end, it is a new end, that of sustaining all life, the life of the whole world. Keywords

End of Learning · World in Motion · Life · Perpetual Becoming · Realism · Imagination · Complexity · Entanglement of Self

Introduction The world is in motion and is interconnected. Far from the world being like an expanding universe in which all its entities are moving farther apart, the entities of the world are becoming more and more entangled. Moreover, humanity is coming to a realization – which it should have come to a long time ago – that it is not at the center of the Earth but is merely a participant in it. And moreover still, as Roy Bhaskar was at pains to observe in his depth realism, the world harbors hidden layers of mechanisms that affect their influence and, indeed, their powers. Taken together, these four features of the place of humanity – of (i) a world in motion that is (ii) interconnected and which (iii) possesses hidden depths, and (iv) contains powerful forces – pose difficult issues for the matter of learning. Some may consider that it is against the background of such a large framing – of what it is to live on this planet – that lifelong learning comes into its own. If human beings are no longer to be understood as masters of all that they survey – let alone do – then the idea of learning coming to an end after a period of formal education is redundant. If tomorrow is not like today, salvation can still be obtained (it may be felt) through lifelong learning, through the idea that being human calls for incessant learning through life. This is a valuable idea, not least in that it imports a sense of humility into the matter: learning is never fully accomplished. In a changing world, there is always more to learn. But this rejoinder is actually totally inadequate. The four features already noted – of humanity’s place on Earth – place in jeopardy the idea of learning as such. If the world is in incessant motion, is totally interconnected, and harbors huge powers, many of which are hidden, the problem is no longer one of learning but of being; of eking out a way of being on this planet, not just in oneself or even with other human beings but with the whole world. We are being taught these lessons by the present pandemic but we should have learnt them half a century ago when concerns over the degradation of planet Earth were arising. It turns out not that we have learnt too little but that we have learnt too much. We have learnt how to despoil the planet, to exterminate peoples and animal species, and to devise systems for suppressing people’s well-being and that of their societies. Accordingly, the idea of lifelong learning has to be translated into a journey of lifelong becoming, which is nothing other than learning how to live and be on this tiny planet; but even this idea has to be treated with care. What is called for is a

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conception of lifelong becoming inspired by an imagino-realist perspective. It is not enough to be a realist now: to realism has to be attached an imagination for life (with all of the ambiguities of that last phrase to be worked at in a never-ending manner).

Options in a World in Motion For some time, educationalists have noted that the world is continually changing and have pondered on the implications for education of this matter. Scholars are also noting that this line of thought has a long pedigree, with references to Heraclitus being increasingly provided. Famously, Heraclitus was alleged to have observed that “One cannot step twice into the same river twice.” Never noticed, however, is the full sentence, that passage running on “. . ., nor can one grasp any mortal substance in a stable condition, but it scatters and again gathers; it forms and dissolves, and approaches and departs” (Kahn 1987: 53). It is not just that situations are elusive; so too are substances of any kind. Straightaway, we are into interconnected issues of time, motion, repetition, difference, identity, and being, all of which have been major matters in philosophy even quite recently (being present in the work of Bergson, Deleuze, Derrida, and, more recently still, in their quite separate bodies of work, Bernard Stiegler, Karen Barad, and Thomas Nail). A close examination of that lineage is (fortunately) beyond the scope of this chapter but it is important to acknowledge the wide hinterland here and we must touch on some of its more recent vestiges. There are two key and related points. Firstly, the entire world is in motion. “World” here has to refer to the totality of the Earth and its surrounds in the universe. (There may be multiple universes but that is not an interest here.) To say that the world is in motion is not necessarily to deny that there are points of relative stability, but it is to claim that “the flux, turbulence and movement of energy are more primary than the relative or metastable fixity of [features such as] classical bodies” (Nail 2019: 2). It is also to insist that it is the whole world that is implicated here; very much to include human beings, and their societies and institutions but also the whole of the animal, vegetable, and mineral worlds. To the point that the whole world is in motion, we have to add a second point that the world is interconnected. This has long been contended, both in the sciences and in philosophy but also in public debate. I would make three qualifications for our purposes here. First, to say that the world is interconnected is not to pretend that each entity in the world is immediately connected with every other entity. Rather, each entity is connected to other entities in the world within regions or assemblages (DeLanda 2013) or, to use a term that I prefer, in ecosystems, and these ecosystems are themselves interconnected. Assemblages or ecosystems can be natural or nonnatural. There are ecosystems in the natural world and in the social world, and in the latter, although the distinction is far from watertight, it is important to distinguish between overtly social institutions – such as the economy – and those that provide society with reflexive powers, especially the ecosystems of knowledge and learning.

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Assemblages or ecosystems are sets of entities that have immediate affinities. Each ecosystem has an internal coherence. Moreover, it has a self-reproductive tendency even if it also has fissiparous tendencies; and this leads us to my second point. Each has internal forces that give it motion and durability. But this is to say that each ecosystem exerts forces on its neighbors; they constitute “generative mechanisms,” in the language of Roy Bhaskar’s (2008: 50) critical realism. The third point is that, while ecosystems impinge upon each other, the two ecosystems of knowledge and learning have particular properties. As with all ecosystems, they are influenced by the panoply of other ecosystems: knowledge and learning are societal in scope and are profoundly affected by the economy, the polity, the generality of social institutions, culture, and so forth and they can affect all other ecosystems. However, they possess the significant properties of deliberation, intentionality, and direction. This is all crucial for the argument here and deserves a little amplification. We can both illustrate the last few paragraphs and draw out the points being made about knowledge and learning by referring again to the pandemic that the world has been experiencing. The pandemic has borne witness to the interplay between the ecosystems of the world, including those of the natural world, social institutions, transport systems, knowledge systems, cultures, technologies including the digital world, economies, learning systems, health systems, identity, and persons as such. The interplay between these ecosystems has unpredictable patterns; they form complex systems, their complexity compounded by their interconnectivity. Knowledge and learning exemplify this instability for they are affected by the multitude of other ecosystems. The ways in which the world affects knowledge systems are multiple, affects being evident in changing truth criteria, tacit relationships between knower and the world, the presence of ideology, changing epistemic relationships across forms of knowledge, and so forth. However, important for our purposes here is that knowledge can in turn profoundly affect the world. Not only can the physical sciences gain understandings of a virus and lead to efficacious vaccines, but so too can the social and psychological sciences, understandings of culture(s) (Ulin 2001), and ethics assist in the take-up of those vaccines. There is an important twist to this narrative. We have observed that ecosystems of the world exert force on each other and so influence and shape each other and, further, that knowledge as an ecosystem is subject to the forces of the ecosystems in and around it. However, knowledge differs from ecosystems in general in that it can affect them with degrees of deliberation. It is no accident or happenstance that knowledges of many kinds are at play in humanity’s responses to a global virus: indeed, they are so as a matter of intentionality. Very crudely, whereas ecosystems act upon each other as a reflection of the interplay of their structures, knowledge can act, and does act with a significant degree of agency upon the ecosystems of the world. For the moment, let us leave these matters of ecosystems interacting, albeit differentially, upon each other and now turn to learning.

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The Rise and Now the Fall of Modernity For approaching half a century, it has not infrequently been suggested that since we live in a changing world, learning has to be lifelong, from cradle to grave, even. Learning is intended to produce a change in being but, if the world is changing, there is likely to be a continuing mismatch between a state of being and the state of the world; and the individual should be prepared to undergo a lifelong process of selfmonitoring and self-change. Often, it is said that one needs continually to be replenishing one’s “skill-set”: one’s skills are liable to be no longer in keeping with the needs of the world. Digital skills, complexity skills, intercultural skills, innovation skills: unless an individual is willing to take on such a panoply of skills, she or he will be ill-matched to the world in which they find themselves. (In the process, the notion of “skills” becomes completely empty, but let that pass.) In a way, this set of ideas, with its analysis and its pedagogical injunctions, has much to commend it. It contains a realist account of the world – there is an external world and it is changing – and it contains a humility, in that the individual places her or himself in the world and is prepared to recognize a disjunction in that relationship (Jarvis 1992). Moreover, that critical self-reflection prompts an abiding understanding that, in a changing world, there is always more to learn. This is all to the good; but it is not good enough and for two interrelated reasons. Bruno Latour has attracted much approval for his assertion that “we have never been modern” (Latour 1993: 47). The reality, however (and the first point here), is that we have been all too modern, at least in the knowledge-driven culture of the Global North, which now has to include China. Its birth was announced by René Descartes (1966: 20) in his “first principle of philosophy,” namely “Cogito Ergo Sum” (“I think, therefore I am”). In this assertion, Descartes was doing far more than lay down a fundamental principle on which philosophy could proceed for he was, in fact, sharing with the world the basis of its culture for the next three centuries, and from which we are only now beginning to escape. In that assertion, Descartes was declaring that thought was independent of the world, that thought could go it alone (Gellner 1969), and that the basis of humanity lay in individualistic cognitions of the world. It was the dawn of a culture in which humanity and Nature were set up quite separate from each other; and it was, therefore, but a short step to a stance in which Nature was there for the plundering by humanity. It took another 100 years or so, but that stance was to lead to a realization that cognitions could produce a knowledge that was independent of the world (an idea given formal endorsement in Popper’s (1975) idea of “epistemology without a knowing subject”) and from thence it was a relatively short step to recognizing that knowledge could generate technologies that would enhance the value to be derived from humanity’s extractions from the world. It was then a further short step to turning people into extensions of machines and then into machines; and it was in this latter stage that education shifted from being based in knowledge and understanding to being based in skills, in which human being is cast as a “posthuman” machine (Herbrachter 2013) able to respond efficiently and reliably to situations as they present themselves.

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This is, of course, a crude account of various and conflicting movements over three and a half centuries. (For example, the development of higher education in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries often followed technological developments, which it sought to understand and enhance. The predecessor college of the University of Sheffield was founded by Mark Firth, a local steel manufacturer; the predecessor institution of Birkbeck College London was founded by George Birkbeck in setting up the Mechanics’ Institute.) Accordingly, the relationship between teaching and research took different forms, both across systems of higher education and within them. It follows that the university offered both varying degrees of societal and personal reflexivity and formed a collective societal “hyperobject” (Morton 2013) with varying degrees of epistemic agency. But these are details in our overall depiction.

Supercomplexity Revisited The story to be gleaned from these schematic reflections is that higher education has largely been a responsive institution but that it has also contained significant degrees of societal agency. That a raft of pertinent debates are now underway over epistemic citizenship, well-being (both personal and collective), academic freedom, the corporate agency of large institutions, the university and the public realm, and its response to global warming, the university’s role in coloniality, and now the beginnings of a “cultural turn” in the field (Barnett et al. 2022), are indications that there is a heightening of interest in the potentialities and the responsibilities of the university in the twenty-first century. However, those debates – wide as they are – have yet fully to tackle the matter of learning as such against the background of a sense of a world in motion. The idea of supercomplexity (Barnett 2000) offered the beginnings of an idea that addressed this situation. Its original formulation saw it as an educational context framed by the four concepts of unpredictability, uncertainty, contestability, and challengeability, concepts that it placed on the two axes of cognition and experience; and world and self. Its more recent formulations (Barnett 2022) have extended that frame to bring out additionally that the idea of supercomplexity has both ontological and epistemological properties. The resulting depiction takes the following form: World Ontology (a) Unpredictability Ontology of the world Experiential (b) Uncertainty Ontology of the self Cognitive

Self (c) Contestability

Epistemology Epistemology of the world

(d) Challengeability Epistemology of the self

There is motion across all the elements of this table. The (a) unpredictability of the world is (c) a matter of contestability (climate change is contested) and it produces a destabilization of the self in (b) the uncertainty it causes, exacerbated

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by a sense that any position or identity that the self adopts is (d) challengeable, both by others and by the self. Under such circumstances of supercomplexity, it is hardly surprising if professional persons experience stress in their working lives and we can see how it comes sometimes to have utterly destabilizing consequences, such that professionals take early retirement or opt for an entirely different life-course, or even – and increasingly – commit suicide. This is a world in which one’s fundamental categories are unstable and one knows that there is no resting place. Let us pursue an example to understand this more fully (which will serve as a device in the discussion here). A practitioner in the health service sees something gravely amiss and considers an incident to be symptomatic of a systemic failure in an organization. The situation involves a possible matter of professional malpractice, where a hospital unit seems to be falling well below good practice. It is understood that several other such situations had been witnessed over time – perhaps by other colleagues – and the practitioner feels the matter personally. Not least, she feels that her professional ethics and her sense of what it is to be a doctor are tacitly being jeopardized. This is not just a matter of complexity in which systems are awry but is also one of supercomplexity, in which readings of a situation are multiplying and conflicted. As such, all the (14) categories, elements, and dimensions in the above table are present in this situation. The setting presents our possible whistleblower with our earlier fourfold set of aporias, namely (i) an unpredictability (will the malpractice be repeated?), (ii) a contestability (there will be multiple and conflicting readings of the situation), (iii) an uncertainty (our doctor is unsure what to do: if she embarks on a formal process of whistleblowing, the outcomes are entirely uncertain), and (iv) a challengeability (the doctor is experientially and even painfully challenged, as she faced multiple dilemmas and critiques in the situation). She is unsure of her ground, goes on questioning herself as well as the situation, and may feel powerless or, at least, that her agentic powers – her room for maneuver – is limited and even selfthreatening. This is an ontologically Real situation, with causal properties (Bhaskar 2008), it opens to epistemological and ethical disputes, it involves the world (since world standards are at stake) and it involves deep subjectivity, with personal dilemmas and self-identity components. The discursive and experiential instabilities that lie at the heart of supercomplexity have, therefore, ontological properties, for those instabilities spring from complexities in the Real of the world. It is no wonder that such situations give rise to deeply felt angst, for the emotional and experiential turmoil has its basis in a legitimate sense of the complexity of the situation. There are real forces present, hugely powerful, that could spell the end of a career, that threaten a personal identify, that could fiercely resist any case of alleged malpractice, and that could produce a united front in protecting the profession from critical public gaze. Ontology and epistemology, knowledge and ethics, self and collectivities, identity and organization: all these aspects are present in this case, even just in the dilemma – as to whether or not to act to make a formal complaint and set in motion a host of uncertainties.

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The Problem of Learning It is surely evident, against the background of the argument and the narrative so far, that the category of learning is in trouble. The concept of learning has application in relatively stable settings. That “relatively” is important. We cannot say that learning takes place in stable settings, tout court. Learning, especially adult learning, announces a disjunction between a person’s being – her knowledge, her capabilities, her sense of herself – and the demands of a situation with which she is faced (Jarvis 1992). There is, therefore, in all learning some kind of instability: there is an inadequacy of a kind that has yet to be overcome. The initial self is – however minimally – destabilized, if only in an understanding that a new mode of being is being called for: a new skill is to be taken on, a new set of concepts, or facts is to be mastered, a new framework is to be understood. Nevertheless, in learning as ordinarily conceived, there is also some – and usually a large – degree of stability. The general form of the pedagogical situation is tacitly understood, the sense of self is reasonably assured, the ethical bargain is agreed, the basic epistemological or practical setting is taken for granted. So the learning takes place in the context of an assuredness of it being conducted in a relatively stable setting. Indeed, it is part of the meaning of “higher education” that it seek to bring about a measured degree of instability, to jolt students out of taken-for-granted paradigms and so contain a degree of risk (Barnett 2007; Biesta 2016). However, that is precisely not the situation that is of interest here. Increasingly, “learning” in the life-world is taking place in situations that are more or less entirely destabilized. This is the nature of a world – and its settings – that is not just complex but is supercomplex. Consider again our would-be whistleblower. Her situation is one that is ontologically, epistemologically, discursively, ethically, and so experientially unstable. There is nothing to hang onto. Whichever move she makes is fraught with uncertain outcomes and discursive contestability. She even comes to doubt herself: the question “Who am I?” hovers. That it is a supercomplex situation is crucial: there is no framework to hand and no set of concepts on which to rest. Frameworks of professionalism, ethics, readings of the situation, and allegiance are all hazy in the situation in question. Concepts such as right, professionalism, causation, duty, self, good, public good, and so on are put into question. The context against which judgments are to be made is entirely open (Gellner 1970). In every dimension, there is instability. It is more than a totally liquid situation (Bauman 2000), for our doctor is entangled in it (Barad 2007), and in numerous directions. It is not a situation that she can simply attempt to espy from afar. She is multiply implicated in it. “Learning” therefore is not a category that has much if any application in this setting. Perhaps at some point in the future we might wonder as to what our doctor “learnt” from the experience; but in situ, there being no resting point, no solid entity or concept on which to hold, we need another category than mere “learning.”

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Being Amid Ecosystems in Motion The category that calls us forth here has to be that of being but being is notoriously a difficult concept; one of the most difficult in philosophy indeed. Heidegger (1998) makes a particular distinction in relation to being, which is at least provocative. His distinction is between that which is ready-at-hand and that which is present-to-hand. That which is ready-at-hand is that which is taken up into one’s being, by no means unreflectively but intuitively, and with concern: it is that which comes into oneself and oneself goes into it. It is the characteristic mode of being of the craftsperson, whose crafting of an object, is constitutive of her being. This mode of being stands in traditions, of ways of life, of a communal life-world. (Heidegger’s stock example is that of the craftsperson in using a hammer.) That which is present-to-hand – to which, by the way, Heidegger gives far less attention – is that which stands before one, such that one takes up a deliberative stance, inspecting it, analyzing it, and forming a view of it. This mode of being is systematic, analytic, and reflective, and posits a gap between the individual and her world. Crudely, there are two forms of knowing and understanding in this distinction, a practical knowledge (phronesis) and a theoretical knowledge (theoria). Now, it would be tempting to suggest that the mode of being that is called for amid ecosystems in motion is that of the more reflective, analytical state of being. A world characterized by complexity and supercomplexity, so it might be suggested, provokes one out of the ready-at-hand mode of being into the present-to-hand mode of being, from a being that is locked into the world to a mode of being that stands off from the world and inspects it and tries to make formalized sense of it. But this account simply won’t do since, as remarked, amid supercomplexity, individuals are thrown into a situation in which there is nothing to hang onto. To put the matter into Heideggerian language, there is nothing at hand. One simply does not know how to go on; nor does one have any frame of interpretation by which to guide one and give one a sense of direction amid turbulence. Our whistleblower has no stable reference point; only glassy surfaces. My argument has been that, in a world of both complexity and supercomplexity (which we have distinguished), continual adjustments are called for. However, now, the familiar idea that learning has to be lifelong is quite inadequate since under the conditions just identified, all is destabilized. A tempting move is to suggest that the concept of learning as such should be dispatched, to be replaced by the concept of being. However, it is now apparent that even to speak of being is in itself inadequate, for the question now becomes what kind of being is going to be adequate to conditions jointly of complexity and supercomplexity – where there are no stable points (of concepts, systems, cultures, or ethics) on which to rest. Neither of Heidegger’s two forms of being – ready-to-hand and present-at-hand – will fit the bill: the one relies on given conventions and traditions and the other assumes stable positions for inspection and analysis. There is a further problem here and we may keep in mind our whistleblower. We noted that Heidegger paid much more attention to the form of being that places its trust in, and develops concern for that which is ready-at-hand; the more or less taken-forgranted facets of world. Heidegger paid much less attention to the present-to-hand,

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often the same facets of the world but now the objects of scrutiny and analysis. Heidegger, it may be recalled, had seen himself as instituting the idea of, and the proper study of, being; and this was quite fair in a way, for Western thought had been largely developed over the preceding three centuries as a systematization of the mode of being marked out by present-at-hand matters. In the process, formal issues as to the relationship between knower and the world – now held up for inspection – came to dominate reflection in general and philosophy in particular. It was on this basis that Heidegger developed his philosophy of being (being having been relegated and even repudiated). But Heidegger sought succor in a homely and conservative philosophy, characterized by the craftsman (it was a “he”) and his hammer and the characteristic mode of being in the hammer’s use. None of this is helpful to us; quite the reverse. What is called for here is a sense of a mode of being that is adequate to the totally destabilized conditions of complexity and supercomplexity that the world now presents – again, as evident so dramatically in our whistleblower example. Let us try to enumerate the severe demands that are placed on our whistleblower. There are two levels of demands. At the basic level, our whistleblower has to: (i) (ii) (iii) (iv) (v) (vi) (vii) (viii)

Analyze the situation in a quasi-empirical mode, building an evidential base Identify the various agents in the situation Bring to bear some sense of the meaning of professionalism Import an understanding of relevant national and even cross-national standards Form judgments as to the likely repercussions of different courses of action Assess the extent to which support and even collaboration might be found among others Possess or quickly form relevant networks that might provide resources Place the situation in a wide context, of the profession as a whole, its governing bodies, and their modus operandi

This is a formidable set of demands but there is a much deeper level in which our whistleblower has to move. To a large extent, the separate demands just enumerated are instances of the present-to-hand mode of being (in Heidegger’s philosophy). They call for the individual to stand off from the world, and investigate it and analyze it; or they are operationally strategic. They call for instrumental forms of cognition, which is appropriate for dealing with situations of complexity.

Making Wagers However, in addition to coping with complexity, our whistleblower has to cope with forms of unsettlement of her sheer being. This is not the inwardness and the familiarity of Heidegger’s ready-at-hand, the oneness of traditions and routines, in which the individual can be readily agentic. What is required here, in the situation being imagined, is a form of being that is able to withstand that which is

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irredeemably uncertain and challengeable; where the concepts and frameworks for interpreting the world are unstable and all of that is intuited by our (graduate and professional) doctor. It is a matter of finding the personal resources to cope with supercomplexity. How is it possible for a human being to move forward where there are no anchor points, no concepts, frameworks, values, understandings to hang onto? This is the situation into which our whistleblower has been plunged: she is bereft of any firm plank on which to stand and to act. Somehow, if she is to act and not to be paralyzed into inaction, our whistleblower has to find the resources to move to a position of “authoritative uncertainty” (to draw on a term from the English educationalist, Sinclair Goodlad (1976)). Pascal offers us the beginnings of a way through. Famously, in giving a rationale for his relationship with God, Pascal spoke of a wager. To maintain one’s equilibrium in and commitment to an uncertain world, a wager (in favor of God’s existence) was called for. “. . .you must wager. It is not optional” (Pascal 1910). However, our whistleblower example indicates that being, sheer being, in a world in total motion calls for multiple wagers; wagers as to there being value in one’s actions and in one’s professional life, in the possibility of a (more or less) true reading of the world, in the possibility of improving the world (whatever that might mean), in oneself (that the risk of action is worth taking), and so on. To act autonomously in the situation in which she finds herself (which includes determining not to act) calls for a multitude of wagers, it being impossible to provide a firm footing for any of those sets of presuppositions that constitute each wager. Each wager is a commitment that lacks the possibility of prior affirmation or demonstration. Each one is a commitment in faith and is a step beyond reason (Hobson 2009). Our whistleblower can be certain about not one of the many wagers her possible whistleblowing is calling for from her. It is several high-wire acts in what seems to be a single action. There is little if any security in any of the necessary wagers. It is hardly surprising if our would-be whistleblower is paralyzed into inaction. From where might come the resources so to make and commit to so many wagers. It is said all too easily that one has to be a strong person but this is question-begging. It places the burdens (plural) on the individual, whereas what is required is a professional culture that provides one with a collective strength and support to go on. To a significant degree, a supportive professional culture can diminish the risks (plural), and to that can be added the support of mentors, family, and other groups who hold significance in a life. But, in the end, the whistleblower has to go it alone, for it is she who has to make the decision and bear the risks that must ensue. Reputation, career, one’s own self-esteem, and even – in some jurisdictions – life itself may all be at stake.

The End of Learning We must now leave our whistleblower behind and draw some general implications from this depiction, but as we do so, we may just glance back, and notice that the dilemmas that our whistleblower is facing are real; that is to say they sit in the realm

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of the Real, having an ontological robustness. They are not just in the mind of our whistleblower but are also independent of her. Moreover, they possess both qualities of complexity and of supercomplexity: they are constituted by, for example, the complexities of health systems and they are constituted by the supercomplexity of discourses of professionalism, including professional ethics. Moreover, these systems and discourses are in motion, stretched over multiple ecosystems of money, social institutions, knowledge, and so on. At the center of all of this is a precarious self, trying to retain some stability of identity and self-regard. This essay is entitled “the end of learning.” It may have been noticed that learning as such has not made much of an appearance hitherto. This is not because there is no learning involved in our whistleblower attempting to resolve her dilemmas. Doubtless, in working her way through the situation confronting her, she will be learning many things, about the law, her legal rights, the panoply of health-related and professional institutions involved in decision-making in such situations, pertinent audit systems (or their lack), the empirical story – revealed through “freedom of information” inquiries – and any formal statements that there might be of professional ethics. The whistleblower will also learn about herself, her capacities to grapple with conflicting principles – of concern for patients, for professional colleagues, for the profession itself, for the public interest – and her preparedness to act in situations of grave but indeterminate risk. And the whistleblower may also learn about her resourcefulness in coping with competing discourses and narratives attendant on the situation. Moreover, whatever the actions taken and whatever the outcomes, the whistleblower may sense that she will have “grown” through the experience. She will have become “a different person.” Finding herself in a similar situation in the future, she would act differently. She would have more courage to act, more understanding of which networks to draw on, more knowledge of her rights, a sense of how to communicate with different parties to maximum effect, and a heightened recognition of the likely consequences of any course of action. There are here substantial domains in which learning is taking place, cognitive, ethical, communicative, and discursive. So learning as a concept is far from redundant. To the contrary, learning is taking place in a multitude of ways, in different domains and is enabling human growth in many directions. But yet, as intimated, the concept of learning is in difficulty here. To begin with, the forms of learning just identified are to a significant degree post facto. They are after the event; and made only possible by the event. It may be countered that surely, in principle, at least, it would be possible to set up simulations in adult learning or professional development workshops, say, such that much of the learning depicted could be acquired outside of, and prior to, such threatening or destabilizing situations occurring. Disaster scenarios take much of this form (in the training of airline pilots, for example). But it is crucial to note that, in essence, the forms of learning in sight here cannot be accomplished in such a neutral learning situation.

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One might try to save the situation by saying that “one learns to live with instability” or “one’s being accommodates to instability” as if “learning” and “being” were more or less synonymous. But this temptation must be resisted. Our whistleblower survives, “comes through,” the ordeal – if she does – not at all because she has learnt anything but because she has come into that state of being in which she is able to be amid total uncertainty. She has learnt not to learn for sometimes one learns all too quickly. It is probable that never in the history of humanity has such a set of demands been placed on being as the present age requires. Certainly, many situations have given rise to cataclysmic instability: coming to mind are the recognitions that the Earth was a small planet in orbit around the Sun (and not vice versa) or that human beings had a lineage stretching back through the hominids or even, now, that the human-Earth combination is facing ecological disaster. Yet none of these transformations of understanding of the human condition possess the sweep of unsettlements that our whistleblower is being asked to accommodate for, there, in what has been termed supercomplexity, the fundamental categories of life, professionalism, values, and self are all put into question. Being able to withstand this situation of total destabilization is not a matter of learning per se but is a matter of being. But we should note that that says very little, for what is required is for us to say something about the nature of the state of being that is being called for. Earlier, we observed Heidegger’s two forms of being, being in relation to that that is ready-to-hand, immediately present, within a form of life that constitutes the lifeworld that is lived organically and in community; and being in relation to that that is present-at-hand, in which matters become objects of close inspection and analysis, the scrutinizing mode of being characteristic of university life. But this being – in sight here – is a different kind of being. A temptation might be to say – and we noted the temptation earlier – that it is a becoming; a form of being that is always unfolding. But that is not what is before us here either. Or one might be tempted to say that this is a form of being that is in motion in a world that is itself in motion. Again, while true, it is still not a sufficient way of doing justice to the form of being in question.

The Value of Stillness What is called for is this: a form of being that is able to provide stability in a person who is in motion in a world that itself is in motion. To begin to get a proper grasp on what this entails would require a familiarity with Eastern philosophies, especially that of Buddhism, a competence that I do not pretend to have. But perhaps we might venture into those waters. Living in a life of motion calls for the capacity not to be unduly subject to the buffeting that the world places on one. The forces of the world – institutionally,

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ethically, discursively – impose themselves almost daily, but yet one can find some calm, some stillness. This is a curious mode of being: not just attached to the world but cognizant of it, and aware of one’s embeddedness in the world, but yet able to see it from a distance. This is a Buddhist “mindfulness,” “a state of being” (RobinsonMorris 2019: 63), in the world and yet transcendent of it. In this mode of being, the internal life and the external life are brought into a balance, neither dominating the other. So understood, this mindfulness is “the practice of discernment and a means of protecting oneself from ingesting [malevolent thoughts and experiences]” (ibid., 59). To speak of this mindfulness is not to suggest that the self is simply folded into the world and, in a way, losing oneself to the world, for the possibility opens here of gaining new powers. In the later evolution of his thinking, Roy Bhaskar encountered Eastern philosophies and assimilated them within his philosophy of Critical Realism, and suggested that “the soul . . . can be analysed . . . as a disposition or power, both embodied and disembodied” (Bhaskar 2010: 132). It is the formation of being as a self, enfolded in the world, but yet with the possibility of agency, that is the possibility in sight here. In offering a summary statement, Bhaskar says of his philosophy of Meta-Reality (the later stage of Critical Realism) that it “sees transcendence and non-duality as underpinning all human being and activity; and indeed implicitly all life. Whatever we are and do, we must . . . achieve transcendental identification in consciousness with others and perform non-dual transcendentally agentive . . . acts” (Bhaskar 2002: 258). Does not all this hold for our whistleblower? The whistleblower comes into a state of being in which she is aware of her entanglement with the world – her mind and body; herself and the world are in a state of non-duality – and so her actions will be non-dual for they and she are entangled in the world. All this comes into consciousness and hence the hesitancy: the repercussions – practically, professionally, ethically, and to self – are impossible to discern in advance; and her very being is implicated in this manifold of uncertainties.

Conclusions: Lifelong Learning in a World in Motion The totality of the world is both in motion and is interconnected; and human beings with it. This dual motion and interconnectedness – not to mention hierarchies and differential forces that occur naturally – produces global turbulence. Human beings are particularly subject to turbulence because they have instabilities both of the natural world and of the human world to endure; and these latter in turn are institutional, personal, epistemological, discursive, and ethical. This bewildering assemblage of instabilities makes their presence especially evident from time to time – as with the fortunes of the whistleblower that we have been following – but they are present continually. Increasingly this instability, and the ensuing difficulties in living with it, is being recognized by individuals, institutions, corporations, and states. (And it can be plausibly suggested that this situation has in part been responsible for the rise of populism, as peoples seek the shelter of stability in an insecure world.)

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It follows that the concept of learning is in profound difficulty. It is not merely that tomorrow will not be like today and so anything that is learnt today may be redundant tomorrow. It is rather that the world, in its motion-driven complexity, presents all the time with situations that human beings do not have the resources even to comprehend. One explanation for the inadequacy of the resources available to human beings in fathoming the world is that the modes of understanding that the “developed world” has evolved over the past 500 years or so have produced discrete forms of knowledge (sciences, ethics, self-understanding, bodily knowledge, understandings of the human world), the fragmentation of which is nonaligned with the intricate interactions between the ecosystems of the world. So as not to dissolve when confronted by this unfathomable complexity-that-isall-the-time-on-the-move, learning – ordinarily understood – will not and cannot provide individuals with the resources that they need. It implies that, in principle, one could gain a position in which one was able to perceive the world in a stable position but this is no longer possible. In a way, what is required is an un-learning; a shedding of the detritus of formal education. Large frameworks of understanding can help but ultimately put to the side; to be drawn upon when helpful and held in reserve but not taken up as dogmas. Individuals have to acquire a stillness in the face of otherwise bewildering forces and challenges, so as to be able to discern how and where and in what mixes those frameworks might be wielded; but also to feel that oneself is part of the world and so no longer be seduced into a non-dual mode of being. We have reached the end of learning in a double sense. The concept of learning, ordinarily understood – as learning that x or how to perform y or even in taking on capability z – has to be discarded as severely limited in coping with a world that presents situations of bewildering (systems) complexity and (discursive) supercomplexity. We may say that what is required is a lifelong journey of perpetual becoming, but that too has now to be seen as unduly limited for it runs the danger of separating individuals from the world, when just that separation has led to some of the difficulties of being that have been sketched here. What IS required is a sense of the entanglement of self in the world, and a will to search for possibilities amid that entanglement upon which one is prepared to wager, and yet a stillness in that milieu. This is to take on an imagino-realist perspective: imagining feasible futures, futures that might just be realized, even if there is much risk attached, but not being seduced by those futures. This is an imagination for life without hubris but with a realist sense of oneself in the world and as partly constituted by the world. Sometimes – perhaps many times – the hoped-for imaginings will not be realized but one keeps going. One keeps making wagers on oneself-in-the-world. Those wagers will be full of risk – of ontological and epistemological risk but, too, of ethical risk and risk to oneself. Energy levels will often flag and so resources are required, literally to maintain one’s spirit. It is an energy-sapping world – the doctor takes early retirement rather than pursue her whistleblowing claim. It is an understandable decision. Learning has a new end: that of sustaining life.

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Cross-References ▶ Imagining the Future of Lifelong Learning ▶ Lifelong Learning: Researching a Contested Concept in the Twenty-First Century ▶ New Impulses for a Lifelong Learning University: Critical Thinking, Learning Time, and Space ▶ On Learning, Responsibility, and Play in Lifelong Learning ▶ Risk Society and Its Implications for Rethinking Lifelong Learning ▶ Steps to an Ecology of Lifelong-Lifewide Learning for Sustainable, Regenerative Futures

References Barad, K. (2007). Meeting the universe Halfway: Quantum physics and the entanglement of matter and meaning. Durham, NC: Duke University. Barnett, R. (2000). Realizing the university in an age of supercomplexity. Buckingham, UK/Philadelphia, PA: Open University Press/Society for Research into Higher Education. Barnett, R. (2007). A will to learn: Being a student in an age of uncertainty. Maidenhead, UK: McGraw-Hill/Society for Research into Higher Education. Barnett, R. (2022). The philosophy of higher education: A critical introduction. London, England/New York, NY: Routledge. Barnett, R., Bengtsen, S., & Norgard, R. (2022). Culture and the university: Education, ecology, design. London, England/New York, NY: Bloomsbury. Bauman, Z. (2000). Liquid modernity. Cambridge, UK/Malden, MA: Polity. Bhaskar, R. (2002). Reflections on meta-reality: Transcendence, emancipation and everyday life. New Delhi, India/Thousand Oaks, CA/London, England: Sage. Bhaskar, R. (2008). A realist theory of science. London, England: Verso. Bhaskar, R. (2010). From east to west: Odyssey of a soul. London, England/New York, NY: Routledge. Biesta, G. J. J. (2016). The beautiful risk of education. London, England/New York, NY: Routledge. DeLanda, M. (2013). Assemblage theory and social complexity. London, England/New York, NY: Bloomsbury. Descartes, R. (1966/1637), ‘Discourse on method’ in essential works of Descartes. New York, NY: Bantam. Gellner, E. (1969). Thought and change. London, England: Weidenfeld and Nicolson. Gellner, E. (1970). Concepts and society. In B. R. Wilson (Ed.), Rationality (pp. 18–49). Oxford, UK: Blackwell. Goodlad, S. (1976). Conflict and consensus in higher education. London, England: Hodder and Stoughton. Heidegger, M. (1998/1926). Being and time. Oxford, UK: Blackwell. Herbrachter, S. (2013). Posthumanism: A critical analysis. London, England/New York, NY: Bloomsbury. Hobson, T. (2009). Faith. Durham, UK: Acumen. Jarvis, P. (1992). Paradoxes of learning: On becoming an individual in society. San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass. Kahn, C. H. (1987). The art and thought of Heraclitus: An edition of the fragments with translation and commentary. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University. Latour, B. (1993). We have never been modern. Cambridge, MA: Harvard. Morton, T. (2013). Hyperobjects: Philosophy and ecology after the end of the world. Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota.

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Nail, T. (2019). Being and motion. Oxford, UK: Oxford University. Pascal, B. (1910/1660). Pensées, Reading for philosophical inquiry. https://philosophy.lander.edu/ intro/articles/pascal-a.pdf Popper, S. K. (1975). Objective knowledge: An evolutionary approach. Oxford, UK: Clarendon Press. Robinson-Morris, D. W. (2019). Ubuntu and Buddism in higher education: An ontological (re) thinking. New York, NY/London, England: Routledge. Ulin, R. (2001). Understanding cultures: Perspectives in anthropology and social theory. Malden, MA/Oxford, UK: Blackwell.

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Risk Society and Its Implications for Rethinking Lifelong Learning Fazal Rizvi

Contents Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Risk Society . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Lifelong Learning . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Individualization of Risks . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Rationality and the Management of Risks . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Reimagining the Idea of Lifelong Learning . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Cross-References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Abstract

Discourses of risk are a permanent feature of human societies. However, the ways in which risks are interpreted and negotiated are not static. As conditions change, so does the understanding of risks, as well as the approaches to manage them. In recent years, perceptions of global risks relate to environmental crises, technological transformations and geopolitical tensions. To address the emerging challenges of risk society, this chapter suggests the concept of lifelong learning is useful but needs to be redefined, beyond its hegemonic neoliberal framing, within the context of the global rise of populist politics. Keywords

Risk Management · Reflexivity · Reason and Emotions · Rational Actor Theories · Globalization · Individualization · Neoliberal Social Imaginary · Cosmopolitan Learning

F. Rizvi (*) The University of Melbourne, Melbourne, Vic, Australia e-mail: [email protected] © Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 K. Evans et al. (eds.), Third International Handbook of Lifelong Learning, Springer International Handbooks of Education, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-19592-1_3

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Introduction The disruptions caused by Covid-19 around the world have highlighted the need to revisit the concept of “risk society,” first coined by the German sociologist, Ulrich Beck (1992) to describe the growing consciousness about the ubiquity of threats to our individual and collective well-being. Beck’s view of risk society was based on the premise that the world had become more unsettled, more volatile, with threats coming from many new directions. These threats were environmental and technological, as well as economic, social, and political. Some three decades later, Covid19 has made explicit the nature of many of these threats, intensifying our perceptions of uncertainties about the future in ways that Beck’s account of ‘risk society” did not fully capture. Considering more recent developments, a new understanding of the contemporary nature of risks is therefore needed, along with the imperative to reexamine the adequacy of our existing systems of knowledge and learning for managing risks, including the idea of lifelong learning. Lifelong learning is of course not a new concept and can be found in most of the world’s cultural traditions, put forward everywhere as a pedagogic response to rapidly changing social and economic conditions (Rizvi 2007). In the nineteenth century Europe, for example, the notion of lifelong learning emerged as part of the profound intellectual shifts surrounding the ideas of enlightenment and modernity. These ideas highlighted the importance of reason and science in driving the processes of industrialization and urbanization, along with attempts to free individuals from the social bonds of feudalism. The liberal idea of social progress became tied to these assumptions and was central to Thomas Jefferson’s notion of “lifelong selfeducation” underpinned by his belief that new knowledge and skills were essential for building a republican society, and for the pursuit of general happiness. Similarly, John Dewey viewed lifelong learning and adult education as essential for the growth of individuals and society. Most of the recent articulations of the concept of lifelong learning are built on many of these liberal precepts, though its dominant form is tied to a neoliberal social imaginary (Rizvi and Lingard 2010), premised on a fundamental belief in the rationality of markets. It stresses the importance of individual enterprise and learning to become entrepreneurial in a globalizing knowledge economy. This view of lifelong learning has been strongly advocated by international organizations such as the OECD and the European Union, as well as corporations, both national and transnational. Over the past three decades, it has also been embraced by many systems of education. In this paper, I want to interrogate the analytical capacity of this seemingly hegemonic view of lifelong learning to address the emerging challenges of “risk society.” I begin with a discussion of the concept of “risk society,” with a particular reference to the works of Anthony Giddens and Ulrich Beck, indicating the need for its renewal. I argue that the view of lifelong learning based on the neoliberal social imaginary is inadequate for addressing and managing the more contemporary challenges of risk society associated with the more recent economic, political, and cultural developments, including the global rise of populism based partly on the loss

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of faith in the legitimacy of various knowledge systems and educational institutions (Muller 2017). What is needed now, I suggest, is a concept of lifelong learning that recognizes the limits of the logic of the markets, along with the technocratic rationality that has been developed to engage with them. Instead, I suggest that the management of the emerging risks, which are increasingly transnational, demand collective responses couched in the principles of cosmopolitan learning (Rizvi 2009) and global solidarity.

Risk Society While risks have always been a significant aspect of the human condition, the ways in which they have been imagined and understood have never been static. At the individual level, what constitutes a risk is often indeterminate. Our collective understanding of risks is also constantly changing, in line with the shifting conditions. Before industrialization, for example, risks were largely interpreted in relation to natural hazards, such as floods, fires, and famines. The spatial range of our understanding of risks was limited and was often linked to the assumption that hazards were caused by supernational forces. In industrial societies, the understanding of the origins and consequences of risks shifted, as it became evident that material risks were also caused by human interventions (Tierney 2014). For example, it was recognized that the dangers of machinery, workplace accidents, and pollution were invariably produced by human actions or inactions. This led to a new politics of risks, with debates centered on where the responsibility for hazards lay and what could be done to prevent them. The focus of attention however remained localized, with attempts made to create knowledge systems and social institutions to manage them. An insurance industry emerged for the management of risks, as they were “commodified,” becoming subject to commercial exchange (Rotman-Zeilzer 2017). In the contemporary era, risks are no longer spatially bound. They are now globalized, with the potential to annihilate whole regions and indeed the planet itself through unimaginable industrial and nuclear accidents and environmental catastrophes. The major difference in approaches to risk between industrial and contemporary societies is that the current calculations of devastation need to consider factors that are transnationally extended, without any necessary connection to a particular jurisdiction. At the same time, the origins of accidents are now often untraceable and are therefore subject to intense debates. This is clear in the case of Covid-19, for example, with accusations laid at the feet of China, which has denied culpability. After more than 2 years of investigations, the World Health Organization has not been able to resolve disputes about its origins. Moreover, the social visibility of many contemporary risks is not self-evident but must be brought to the consciousness of the public so that appropriate interventions can be justified. Of course, insurance companies have seen this as a commercial opportunity, while activists have attempted to persuade the community of the risks that lie ahead, such as, for

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example, climate change. Debates surrounding the nature of risks and attempts to mitigate them have thus become a defining feature of contemporary politics. Several social scientists have attempted to understand the complexities associated with this politics. A highly influential account by Mary Douglas (1992), for example, begins with the premise that risks do not simply exist, rather what we choose to focus upon and define as risky is socially constructed and politically generated. She argues that while risks may be subject to probabilistic calculations, the categories underlying these calculations are inherently political, as indeed are the solutions inferred from them. So, for example, an understanding of the emergent risks around the availability of food, water, energy, and so on is not self-evident but is construed. And while we may employ various technologies to manage risks, these technologies themselves often become a major source of another risk. Judgments about risks thus involve complicated analytical and moral considerations about the visions of a good society, which are invariably shaped by various social and political cleavages within a particular community. Anthony Giddens (1991) argues that recent social changes have altered the way individuals and institutions understand risks and manage them to forge their life trajectories. Risks and the social relations within which they are embedded, he suggests, are not only a product of modernity but are creating new social formations within society. They are dissolving the industrial society and are driving us toward “another modernity” constituted by a risk culture. The concept of risk has thus become an organizing concept in defining sociality itself, for experts and citizens alike. People have become more reflexive about risks and use multiple sources of knowledge to interpret and manage them. An elaborate industry in the management of risks has emerged, as we have had to learn to trust various abstract systems. In this way, Giddens (1990, p. 25) argues new technologies increasingly affect the core of our lives: “we increasingly live on a high technological frontier which absolutely no one completely understands.” In a “risk society,” he insists, we need to consider “a diversity of possible futures” (p. 26). The idea of a “risk society” was first introduced by the German sociologist, Ulrich Beck (1992), and to a large extent mirrors Giddens’ emphasis on “reflexive modernization.” For Beck, modern society has changed fundamentally from a society characterized primarily by inequalities of wealth and income to a broader set of global concerns. The risk society denotes a special stage in human history in which our perceptions of hazards have been transformed. These hazards no longer have specific temporal and spatial limits and are so profoundly different from previous eras that they are creating new forms of inequalities, as well as crises of credibility and trust. Our understanding of risks is now forged out of cultural technologies, politics, and mass media. But, says Beck: “we no longer choose to take risks, we have them thrust upon us,” they are embedded within modern society’s preoccupation with risk management (Beck 1992, p. 12). Beck acknowledges that industrialization has created vast opportunities for human beings to enjoy a secure and rewarding existence. However, he maintains, it has also generated unwelcome side effects, such as pollution, climate change, vaccine-resistant diseases, and a range of social ills such as employment uncertainties, the lack of care in old age, and the loss of support provided by extended

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families. These unintended effects have eroded trust in the framework of ideas and institutions that were once fundamental to modernity. We have entered a new historical stage when political contests increasingly center on avoiding insecurities and reducing risks. Most of our problems are moreover transnational and affect social groups indiscriminately and unequally. There has thus emerged a “world risk society” the control of which is increasingly beyond the risk management institutions of nation-states. In this sense, globalization has not only made the experiences of risks more intense it has also expanded the range of contingent events that have the potential to affect a very large number of people on the planet, creating “institutionalized risk environments that affect the life-chances of millions” (Beck 1992, p. 14). Beck’s analysis of risk society is primarily concerned with changes in social organization, and their impact on employment, the welfare state, and political institutions. In contrast, Giddens’ analysis pays more attention to the impact of these changes on individuals. The key historical shift in recent decades, Giddens suggests, has been toward what he calls “reflexivity.” Most individuals are now conscious of risks and the role they themselves must play in their management. At the same time, however, their confidence in experts has declined as they have become more aware of the shortcomings of those in positions of authority, of disagreements among scientists, and of the various problem-solving techniques. The weakening of an established traditional order that was once coordinated through institutions has led to greater “individualization,” along with increased uncertainty and anxiety. Individualized citizens are therefore increasingly conscious of their own responsibility to manage the risks they face. In this sense, they are required to “selfcreate their own biographies” (Giddens 1991, p. 7). Within the context of this requirement, lifelong learning would appear to be an apt concept for thinking about the ways in which people might learn to “self-create their own biographies,” managing their sense of uncertainty, unease, and apprehension. And if the concept of lifelong learning underlines the importance of individuals acquiring new knowledge and skills to adapt themselves to the rapidly changing social conditions then Giddens’ emphasis on reflexivity would appear to be embedded within its broader analytical meaning. This focus on the individual selfresponsibility would appear to be consistent with the neoliberal social imaginary (Rizvi and Lingard 2010). In what follows, I want to examine the extent to which the idea of lifelong learning, framed within the neoliberal social imaginary, has the capacity to meet the challenges of risk society, transformed since the 1990s with the emergence of several new threats associated with technological development, environmental crises, and, of course, the pandemic, as well as the global rise of populism that have ostensibly fractured the civic spaces of learning.

Lifelong Learning While the idea of lifelong learning has a much longer history, and has, in recent decades, been theorized in several different ways (see Aspin 2007), its currently hegemonic conceptualization emerged in the late 1980s promoted most vigorously

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by international organizations such as the OECD and the European Union. Within the context of the accelerating dynamics of globalization, these organizations continue to view lifelong learning as essential for economic growth and development, with a highly normative language of “learning society” that suggests that education should no longer be confined to the young for the purpose of their socialization but needs to take place across all stages of human life in both formal and informal settings. Lifelong learning, it is argued, is needed not only in relation to the development of skills required for effective participation in an information-based economy but also with respect to personal and social development. In a highly influential report published in the 1990s, the OECD (1996, p. 15) suggested, for example, that “a new focus for education and training policies is needed now, to develop capacities to realize the potential of the ‘global information economy’ and to contribute to employment, culture, democracy and, above all, social cohesion.” While the nature of this framing of lifelong learning appears sweeping, some of its key features stand out. At its core, it suggests the need for everyone to acquire and update their stock of knowledge and skills throughout their life. It stresses the benefits of informal recurrent education, such as intergenerational learning, and the development of skills in settings as diverse as work and leisure. Learning, it contends, should be promoted through a system-wide network of “learning pathways” from early childhood to adulthood. It should benefit not only individuals but also the economy and society more generally. Also promoted is the notion that citizens need to learn to adapt to the shifting requirements of a knowledge-based society, enabling them to participate in all spheres of social and economic life. Thus proposed is a most comprehensive view of learning, which takes place not only in schools but also in the workplace. However, while employers are encouraged to provide professional training, ultimately it is the individuals who are held ultimately responsible for their own learning. Over the past three decades, this broad understanding of lifelong learning has become globally hegemonic. Its appeal appears to lie in its symbolic character, its lack of specificity, and its potential to capture a whole variety of policy preferences that include economic, social, and political objectives. However, its key focus remains on the development of human resources for economic productivity, the skilling, and re-skilling of society. This is evident in the fact that the global corporations and international organizations have worked in consort to promote this policy agenda, articulating a common vision. The European Union (2006, p. 2), for example, has argued that “the scale of current economic and social change, the rapid transition to a knowledge-based society and demographic pressures resulting from an ageing population in Europe are all challenges, which demand a new approach to education and training, within the framework of lifelong learning.” The World Bank (2005, p, 3) has similarly insisted that “the global knowledge economy is transforming the demands of the labour market in economies worldwide. It is placing new demands on citizens and that lifelong learning is crucial in transition and developing economies as it is in the developed world.” Transnational corporations also continue to highlight the importance of regular updating of competencies

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to meet the changing requirements of transnationally distributed work, modes of production, and supply chains. This policy advocacy is clearly informed by a particular understanding of the processes of economic globalization, and the ways in which it has transformed the nature of sociality. As I have noted, Rizvi and Lingard (2010) refer to this understanding as a “neo-liberal social imaginary,” which underlines the importance of extending market relationships into most aspects of society. It is associated with a preference for the notion of “the minimalist state,” along with the instrumental values of competition, economic efficiency, and choice. As Peck and Tickle (2002, p. 394) explain, this view endorses an economic “growth-first approach” to policy, rendering concerns of social welfare and equality secondary. It upholds an ideology of choice, promoting “lean” government, advocating competitive regimes of resource allocation. It preaches the principle of global “free trade,” applying it to both goods and services, even to services such as health and education that had traditionally been articulated in terms of their national character. It views individuals primarily as economic actors who should be allowed to participate freely in deregulated markets. This neoliberal social imaginary thus implies the need to rethink the role of education in social formations. While it does not suggest abandoning the traditional purposes of education, it subjugates them to the requirements of the economy. It regards the core purpose of education to be tied to the shifting demands of the knowledge economy, producing citizens who are also able to take advantage of its opportunities and manage its uncertainties. Accordingly, a great deal of importance is attached to the discourses of enterprise and entrepreneurialism. Education is no longer something that is provided by the state for the public good. Instead the purpose of learning is to become entrepreneurial, a more productive economic actor, with the responsibility for lifelong learning shifting to the individuals themselves. Consistent with the key tenets of the “new human capital theory” (Becker 1993), this line of thinking encourages individuals to regard any expenditure on training and education as an economic investment from which they can expect substantial returns. The key assumption upon which the new human capital theory is based is that all human behavior rests on self-interest. It regards economic growth and competitive advantage to be a direct outcome of the levels of investment in developing human capital. In a globalizing knowledge economy, it suggests that economic performance is increasingly linked to people’s knowledge stock, skills level, learning capabilities, and cultural adaptability. Preferred therefore are policies that favor the principles of labor flexibility, realizable through the deregulation of the market – and notably also through lifelong learning. It is suggested moreover that if the advances in information and communication technologies have so transformed the processes of knowledge production and utilization then education now needs to produce a different kind of subjectivities who are able to work creatively with knowledge, are flexible, adaptable and mobile, and are globally minded and interculturally confident. In short, they are lifelong learners.

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Individualization of Risks The neoliberal view of lifelong learning has of course been widely criticized (see, for example, Wain 2009). A major line of criticism has suggested that this view of lifelong learning is far too narrow and largely instrumentalist, overlooking the role education must also play in producing democratic citizens (Waghid 2007), developing ethical sensibility (Thompson 2007), and becoming “empowered members of communities” (Jackson 2011). The hegemonic view of lifelong learning in contrast does not prize learning for its own sake but is linked to the purposes of human capital development and economic self-maximization. Education’s ethical and cultural concerns are not ignored entirely but are increasingly located within an overriding focus on its economic ends. Education is viewed as a commodity that differentiates people in terms of the economic value of their stock of knowledge and skills, sidelining their ethical dispositions. This individualization of learning arguably encourages risks to be perceived in personal terms. Overlooked is the relational character of risks, which cannot be adequately understood and addressed outside the social networks within which they acquire their significance. Furthermore, the neoliberal social imaginary assumes society to be a sum of individual economic actors, diminishing the prospects of lifelong learning in promoting a collective sense of society. Such a view implies that social progress is best achieved through policies geared toward preparing individuals to meet the needs of the market. Educational systems that do not explicitly work toward this goal are assumed to be inefficient and ineffective. Accordingly, the idea of lifelong learning is framed in terms of its value in preparing people for the new “realities” of the knowledge society, in producing citizens who are self-directed, self-capitalizing, and self-sufficient. However, when the focus of policy shifts to such matters of market efficiency, attention is inevitably diverted away from other purposes of education, relating, for example, to the concerns of community building or social harmony, which are arguably equally if not more important in managing risks. While this focus on market efficiency does not entirely displace the concerns of democracy, equality, and social mobility, such concerns are invariably incorporated within the broader market discourses consistent with the cultural demands of “new capitalism” (Sennett 1999). The OECD (1997, p. 4) insists, for example, that effective social policies are still necessary “to support the transition to learning societies” in which “equal opportunities are available to all, access is open, and all individuals are encouraged and motivated to learn, informal education as well as throughout life.” However, this framing implies that the potential of social mobility is limited only to those who can participate effectively in the global labor market. The global knowledge economy, it is assumed, operates best under social conditions that are relatively free of risks. The principles of equality of access and social cohesion are thus considered not as intrinsically worthwhile but necessary for capital accumulation and economic growth. Ultimately, however, the values of the market are treated as “meta values,” subsuming within their scope the aspirations of social mobility, social equity, and social cohesion.

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The neoliberal imaginary implies social and economic objectives to be inextricably connected, with social values becoming a functional outcome of market efficiency. The meaning of such ideas as equality and justice are thus rearticulated in economic terms. This rearticulation assumes economic success to depend on a high degree of social cohesion, stability, and trust. Economic marginalization and social exclusion in contrast are represented as risks to a well-functioning economic order. Within the broader market logic, social cohesion is treated as a condition necessary for capital accumulation, invariably threatened by social conflict and uncertainties. In this way, social values are effectively “residualized,” no longer treated as public goods but essential for economic productivity.

Rationality and the Management of Risks Within the neoliberal logic, lifelong learning may be viewed as a strategic tool for the management of risks, designed to enable people to participate effectively in economic exchange. In a risk society, one of the key purposes of lifelong learning could be seen as the acquisition of skills of strategic rationality that enable people to recognize, cope with, and respond to emerging risks in order to maximize their potential to achieve their own economic objectives, but, in the process, contribute also to the realization of the broader social goals. To manage risks, it is assumed, people need to become good decision-makers with an understanding of the logic of the market. Lifelong learning can, it is assumed, help people to acquire this understanding, developing capabilities associated with making better judgments within the contexts of risks inherent in a market society. Consistent with this view, in recent decades, a range of theories has been proposed as a productive way of thinking about and learning to manage risks. Variously referred to as “rational choice” or “rational actor” theories, they rest on the core assumption that human beings are purposive agents. They are goal-oriented and can select options they consider most appropriate to reach their objectives, economic or otherwise. In other words, they can act in a strategic fashion by linking decisions to outcomes. Beyond this ontological view of human beings, these theories make several additional claims, most of which reduce human actions to individual choices and decisions. They suggest that individuals are motivated to pursue selfchosen goals and can distinguish means from the ends they wish to achieve. Rational human actors, it is assumed, invariably select a course of action that promises to maximize goal satisfaction. Moreover, rational actor theories suggest that people can learn to make better judgments about the likelihood and potential consequences of their choices, based on their values and expected benefits, linked through a calculus of predictions. They can maximize utility by choosing from different options, the one that promises maximum payoff. Based on various assumptions about rationality, these theories suggest moreover that individual behavior can be extrapolated to situations of collective decision-making or collective impacts of individual decisions. The

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rational behavior of individuals leads to a social and economic equilibrium within a web of rational actions, especially when they have access to resources and information and are allowed to compete in an unrestrained space of free markets. Rational actor theories thus provide both a descriptive account of how people select options and justify their actions, but also a normative model of how people ought to make decisions. The neoliberal view of lifelong learning can thus be viewed as a normative approach to learning in the management of risks in market-oriented societies. In recent decades, a great deal of empirical research in behavioral economics has been done to test the various claims of rational actor theories. This research has generated competing evidence. Renn and his colleagues (2000, p. 4) have, for example, pointed out that the account of rational action in theory is much more compelling than the evidence found in everyday life where our actions often do not merely involve deliberative rational choices but also choices emanating from our ethical and emotional sensibilities. The principle of maximization or optimization of utility as the overriding basis for action is thus exaggerated. Nor, in practice, is the distinction between ends, which are not subject to rationality, and the means, which are, is as clear-cut as these theories assume. Conceptually, one of the main problems with rational actor theories is their ‘methodological individualism” (Heath 2020), which regards social collective actions as a complex aggregate of individual actions. These theories moreover treat organizations or social groups as “virtual” individuals. When organizations act like individuals, it is assumed, they select the most efficient means to reach predetermined goals. The collective preference structures, such as the markets, consist in the sum of individual preferences that are aggregated into collective decisions. This view is in line with the neoliberal assumptions regarding the so-called “invisible hand of markets” (Smith 1976), which presupposes a structural link between individual utility maximization and social welfare. Individual actors are expected to gather a reasonable amount of information about the effects of social inferences, and how the actions of others might interfere with their own. This is of course rarely the case. Furthermore, the rational actor theories fail to acknowledge how values are seldom preexistent or exogenous but often evolve within the decision-making processes. This cognitivist focus on rationality involves an inordinate amount of faith in the availability and reliability of relevant knowledge. It also fails to acknowledge how the associations between perceptions of risk and behavior are often inconsistent and, in most cases, weak (Zinn 2008). The perception people have of risks varies greatly, as for example is the case with the current debates about climate change. The factors that are considered in making judgments about environmental risks are often diverse, at times irrelevant to those that we would normally expect to be significant if their perceptions were dictated by purely rational considerations. Highly partisan ideological beliefs lead some people to deny the very existence of the facts of climate change, let alone the risks associated with it, which in any case are weighed against a whole range of other factors, such as short-term economic interests. According to the rational choice theories, a successful risk learner is someone who can assemble appropriate feedback from the environment on when to pursue or not to pursue a

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course of action, and who is able to modify behavior accordingly. However, even when appropriate feedback is available there is no guarantee that people would regard it as relevant, especially when contrary interests are at play. This analysis shows that the cognitivist learning perspective, implicit in the rational actor theories, provides an inadequate account of how people understand risk and make risky choices since emotional and affective factors are often more significant than rationality. A great deal of experimental research in behavioral economics indicates that in many contexts individuals use emotionally based judgments to overrule rational judgment in assessing situations or making choices, particularly under circumstances of time pressure or uncertainty (Taylor-Gooby and Zinn 2006). At times an inverse relationship exists between judgments of risk and judgments of benefits. A strong strand in psychology acknowledges that people are endowed with rationality and learning capacity developed through evolution. However, it also challenges the assumption of the “always correctable humanity.” This research suggests that affective factors play a more important role in relation to risks than is assumed by the rational actor theories (Zinn 2008). With the global rise of populism (Moffit 2017), it has become increasingly clear that the relationship between rationality and affect is more complex. It is increasingly proving impossible to use rationally determined knowledge to dislodge popular prejudices. This is so because emotions play an important role in defining how people interpret any claims to knowledge, relying more on those claims that are aligned to their ideological beliefs. With respect to risks associated with Covid-19, for example, almost one third of Americans refuse to accept the veracity of science, even when the benefits of vaccination appear self-evident. In so far as rational actor theories are based on the assumptions of technocratic expertise, the claims to expertise seem to have lost their appeal and persuasive power in recent years. As Nichols (2017) has pointed out, people now have access to more information than ever before, provided by new technologies and an increasing amount of education, but this information is invariably filtered through a politics of emotions. The global rise of populism has led to a surge in narcissistic sentiments and a form of relativism that has crippled informed debates on any number of issues. Populist leaders and parties around the world have been able to persuade their followers that only their assertions matter, while all others are “fake news” (Applebaum 2020).

Reimagining the Idea of Lifelong Learning What the discussion above shows is that as it is associated with the assumptions underlying rational actor theories, the neoliberal view of lifelong learning, was incapable of dealing with the challenges of risk society that were identified by scholars such as Beck and Giddens. Over the past three decades, however, these challenges have multiplied, with a range of new threats to our individual and collective well-being. The emergent mobile technologies have, for example, enabled the collection of vast amounts of data that might help us to manage risks but equally, they have created new risks. The processes of “datafication” and developments in

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artificial intelligence have reconstituted social and economic life around what Zuboff (2019) refers to as “surveillance capitalism,” leading to various new perceptions of threats to our human rights. The rising geopolitical tensions between China and the United States and their allies have made the possibility of a major global conflict entirely possible, if not likely (Allison 2019), as indeed has the potential of conflict between Europe and Russia. At the same time, the global rise of populism (Moffit 2017) has destabilized the prospects of social cohesion in many countries, with the rising tides of ethnonationalism and anti-immigrant sentiments. The new social media have enabled falsehoods and conspiracies to be circulated with greater ease than ever before, undermining the authority of the state, as well as the claims to expertise. The legitimacy of social institutions such as education has been questioned. Even more serious are the threats posed by climate change and other environmental crises. It has been shown that these risks cannot be managed at the individual or even national levels but requires collective action at the global level. Nor can they be managed by reliance on the ever-increasing amount of data, based on the assumption that the more empirical information we have the better our decision-making processes will be. We need therefore to reimagine the educational politics of risk management, beyond the neoliberal social imaginary, and the technocratic logic of rational actor theories. Lifelong learning should not only be concerned with the cultivation of individuals but also with building socially cohesive and inclusive communities, both within and across nation-states. Attempts should be made to align lifelong learning to the challenges of epistemic, environmental and social justice. Issues of sustainability should be at the forefront of attempts to forge ethically informed sensibilities, beyond the exclusive reliance of rationality, but recognizing the importance of the cultivation of the more desirable affects. We need to acknowledge that forms of rationality have perhaps always been tied to the politics of emotions, as Aristotle (2019) had observed, but recent cultures of politics have shown how it has become impossible even to pretend that an absolute binary between reason and affect can somehow be sustained. It is no longer possible to support a theory of decision-making or a perspective on lifelong learning that does not foreground the role that affects play in naming and managing risks. Since contemporary societies are characterized by instances of difference, complexity, contingency, and uncertainty, Amoureux (2016, p. 2) argues, ethics of reflexivity might be necessary for people to learn to “narrate themselves in this world as they confront specific problems.” As the nature of risks becomes more perplexing, and as we have multiple sources of knowledge and an array of options to represent them, we can no longer rely on predetermined rules but need to develop the capacity to make judgments, which includes an ability to be reflexive about the role that the politics of emotions plays in bringing thoughts and actions together. While this focus on reflexivity is broadly consistent with Beck and Giddens’ conceptualization of risks and its implications for rethinking the demands of lifelong learning, a major problem with their analysis is that it is focused on individualized action, overlooking the importance of collective forms of solidarity in the workplace

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and in society more generally. As Mythen (2008, p. 8) points out, Beck overlooks the complex interaction between risk, individualization, and enduring social stratification, which demands a more textured depiction of reflexive modernity. Elliott (2002, p. 304) has suggested the possibility that the processes of individualization “may directly contribute to, and advance the proliferation of, class inequalities and economic exclusions,” particularly through the uneven distribution of various forms of capital. At the same time, Beck’s understanding of risk society appears to universalize its various conditions, failing to consider the different ways in which diverse cultural communities may interpret the nature and significance of risks. While Beck’s analysis of risks is largely sociological, Giddens deploys his sociological insights to make a normative case of developing an ethical practice of reflexivity. In this way, it speaks more directly to the possibility of reframing lifelong learning as an ethical practice. Indeed, Giddens’ notion of reflexivity has been widely employed in the field of lifelong learning, especially his claim that in the context of de-traditionalization and de-industrialization, “reflexivity and learning become inherent to all forms of social interaction” (Hake 1998, p. 35). Through reflexivity, Giddens (1991, p. 30) explains, “thought and action are constantly refracted back upon one other” and that “social practices, are constantly examined and reformed in the light of incoming information about those very practices, thus constitutively altering their character.” He views reflexivity as a dialogic practice in that it is responsive to both contingency and difference. In this way, lifelong learning can be viewed as an elaboration of the capacities of reflexivity on information, which is socially and politically inflected but is also entangled with corporeal habits, feelings, and dispositions. As compelling as Giddens’ analysis is for rethinking lifelong learning beyond the technocratic assumptions of rational actor theories; it is also limited in several important respects. Zhao and Biesta (2011) have argued that Giddens’ “reflexive project of the self” remains highly individualistic, in that “the self does not operate with reference to external criteria but that the reflexive construction of the self is exclusive.” The individual is guided by what Giddens refers to as an internally referential system, “a set of internal criteria the self uses for its development and fulfillment based on the individual’s own life planning” (Zhao and Biesta 2011, p. 5). While Giddens represents modernity as constantly breaking with traditions in forging “the new,” it is the active agency of the individual that is seen as the major driver of self-actualization and self-innovation. Zhao and Biesta are critical of this line of thinking in relation to what they refer to as “the moral deficit.” They point to Giddens’ assumption that the conditions of late modernity are incompatible with traditional systems of morality; and that since there now exists a confusing plurality of moral frameworks, individuals can ultimately only trust themselves. Beyond the critical comments of Zhao and Biesta, Giddens’ analysis of the role of affect in the constitution of knowledge and the process of reflexivity remains inadequate for developing a more compelling account of lifelong learning in several other ways. Giddens acknowledges that decision-making does not merely consist in a rational evaluation as if we were tallying up the costs and benefits of alternative

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courses of action, but he does not show how the politics of emotions might enter any case of deliberation, how passion and emotions are not simply personal expressions but are also mobilized politically, increasingly so with the global rise of populism. In recent years, the deployment of excessive passions has been deployed in ways that have undermined productive conversations across political and cultural differences. If emotions are not just a supplement to ethical judgment but are necessary for it, then the question arises as to how we might learn to decide which emotions are appropriate to a particular situation and which are unsafe and harmful. There is also a danger in thinking that affect is a function of the individualized agency. It is more important to see ourselves as historically constituted and disciplined subjects, as Foucault (1908) has pointed out, enmeshed in complicated dynamics of power of knowledge. These observations reaffirm the importance of reflexivity as an ethical practice the contours of which can be developed through lifelong learning. However, they also point to its limitations, especially when it is conceptualized in individualistic terms. It should be possible however to imagine reflexivity as a collective act, performed through dialogue across epistemic and cultural differences. In these dialogues emotions inevitably feature and should be encouraged for the productive role they can play in the politics of learning, but they should also be contained for their excesses and harmful effects. This demands the creation of civic spaces in which the prospects of collective and critical reflexivity can be harnessed. It needs to be recognized that approaches to learning and risk management are always based on limited human understanding mediated through appearances and emotion, as well as experiences and reason. And if this is so then, in a world of ubiquitous difference, complexity, contingency, and uncertainty, inclusive civic spaces need to be cultivated in which ethical reflexivity can become a core component of lifelong learning, focused not only on individuals but also on communities. To address the contemporary challenges of risk society, furthermore, it is also important to create inclusive civic spaces for learning that are transnationally dispersed. As I have noted, many of the risks we currently confront are global and therefore require globally coordinated action. So, for example, environmental problems cannot be tackled within the confines of the nation-states and local communities but require the creation of political communities that are transnationally stretched. Nor can the risks associated with health and security be addressed without global cooperation. There is no turning back from the facts of global interconnectivity and interdependence. And if this is so then learning communities are needed to animate and inspire dialogues across cultural, political, and epistemic divides (Appiah 2006). Learning needs to be become “cosmopolitanized” (Rizvi 2007), beyond the demands of the markets, focusing instead on the conditions necessary for global collaboration and solidarity. Without cosmopolitan learning, we might not find it easy to adequately address the emerging challenges of the risk society.

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Cross-References ▶ Changing Concepts and Tools for Realizing Lifelong Learning Strategies ▶ Learning Potential of the Lifeworld: A Comprehensive Theory of Lifelong Learning ▶ Lifelong Learning: Researching a Contested Concept in the Twenty-First Century ▶ On Learning, Responsibility, and Play in Lifelong Learning

References Allison, G. (2019). Destined for war: Can America and China escape Thucydides’ trap? New York, NY: Scribe Press. Amoureux, J. (2016). A practice of ethics for global politics: Ethical reflexivity. Abingdon, UK: Routledge. Applebaum, A. (2020). Twilight of democracy: The seductive lure of authoritarianism. New York, NY: Random House. Appiah, K. (2006). Cosmopolitanism: Ethics in a world of strangers. New York, NY: W. W. Norton. Aristotle. (2019). Nicomachean ethics (3rd ed.) (T. Irwin, Trans.). London, England: Hackett Publishing Company. Aspin, D. (Ed.). (2007). Philosophical perspectives on lifelong learning. Dordrecht, The Netherlands: Springer. Beck, U. (1992). Risk society: Towards a new modernity. London, England: SAGE. Becker, G. (1993). Human capital: A theoretical and empirical analysis with special reference to education (3rd ed.). Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press. Douglas, M. (1992). Risk and blame: Essays in cultural theory. London, England: Routledge. Elliott, A. (2002). Beck’s sociology of risk: A critical assessment. Sociology, 36(2), 293–315. European Union. (2006). What are the Commission and other organizations doing to support lifelong learning. Retrieved from http://europa.eu.int/comm/education/policies/lll/life/ supportlll_en.html#11 Foucault, M. (1908). Power/knowledge: Selected interviews and other writings, 1972–1977. London, England: Vintage. Giddens, A. (1990). The consequences of modernity. Cambridge, UK: Polity Press. Giddens, A. (1991). Modernity and self-identity: Self and society in the late-modern age. Cambridge, UK: Polity Press. Hake, B. (1998). Lifelong learning and European Union: A critique from a “risk society” perspective. In J. Holford, P. Jarvis, & C. Griffin (Eds.), International perspectives on lifelong learning (pp. 32–43). London, England: Routledge. Heath, J. (2020). Methodological individualism. In The Stanford encyclopedia of philosophy. Retrieved from https://plato.stanford.edu/entries/methodological-individualism/ Jackson, S. (Ed.). (2011). Lifelong learning and social justice: Communities, work and identities in a globalized world. Leicester, UK: National Institute of Adult Continuing Education. Moffit, B. (2017). The global rise of populism. Standford University Press. Mythen, G. (2008). Sociology and the art of risk. Sociology Compass, 2(1), 299–316. Muller, J.-W. (2017). What is populism? London, England: Penguin. Nichols, T. (2017). The death of expertise: The campaign against established knowledge and why it matters. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press. OECD. (1996). Life-long learning for all. Paris, France: OECD. OECD. (1997). Societal cohesion and the Globalising economy: What does the future hold? Paris, France: OECD. Peck, J., & Tickle, A. (2002). Neoliberalizing space. Antipode, 34(3), 380–404.

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Renn, O., Jaeger, C., Rosa, E., & Webler, T. (2000). The rational actor paradigm in risk theories: Analysis and critique. In M. J. Cohen (Ed.), Risk in the modern age. London, England: Macmillan. Rizvi, F. (2007). Globalization and the constructions of lifelong learning. In D. Aspin (Ed.), Philosophical perspectives on life long learning. Dordrecht, The Netherlands: Springer. Rizvi, F. (2009). Towards cosmopolitan learning. Discourse: Studies in the Cultural Politics of Education, 30(3), 253–268. Rizvi, F., & Lingard, B. (2010). Globalizing education policy. London, England: Routledge. Rotman-Zeilzer. (2017). Morals and markets: The development of life insurance in the United States. New York, NY: Columbia University Press. Sennett, R. (1999). The corrosion of character: The personal consequences of work in the new capitalism. New York, NY: W. W. Norton. Smith, A. (1976). The theory of moral sentiments (Vol. 1). In: The Glasgow Edition of the works and correspondence of Adam Smith (7 Vol.). Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press. Taylor-Gooby, P., & Zinn, J. (2006). Current directions in risk research: New developments in psychology and sociology. Risk Analysis, 26(2), 397–411. Tierney, K. (2014). The social roots of risk: Producing disasters, promoting resilience. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press. Thompson, J. (2007). Changing ideas and beliefs in lifelong learning. In D. Aspin (Ed.), Philosophical perspectives on lifelong learning (pp. 293–310). Dordrecht, The Netherlands: Springer. Waghid, Y. (2007). Lifelong learning and democratic citizenship education in South Africa. In D. Aspin (Ed.), Philosophical perspectives on lifelong learning (pp. 158–170). Dordrecht, The Netherlands: Springer. Wain, K. (2009). Lifelong learning and the learning society: Critical reflections of policy. In M. O. Simons & M. A. Peters (Eds.), Re-reading education policies: A handbook (pp. 337–354). Amsterdam, The Netherlands: Sense Publishers. World Bank. (2005). Lifelong learning in the global knowledge economy. Retrieved from https:// elibrary.worldbank.org/doi/abs/10.1596/978-0-8213-5475-9 Zinn, J. (2008). Risk society and reflexive modernisation. In L. J. Zinn (Ed.), Social theories of risk and uncertainty. Oxford, UK: Blackwell. Zhao, K., & Biesta, G. (2011). The moral dimension of lifelong learning: Giddens, Taylor, and the “Reflexive project of the self”. Adult Education Quarterly, 62(4), 1–19. Zuboff, S. (2019). The age of surveillance capitalism: Fight for a human future at the new frontier of power. New York, NY: Public Affairs.

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On Learning, Responsibility, and Play in Lifelong Learning Yusef Waghid

Contents Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . On What Constitutes Learning . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Responsibility and Learning . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . On Lifelong Learning and Play . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . On Profanation and Dissonance: In Defense of Discomfort, Practical Criticism, and Skepticism in University Education . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Learning with Play As an Act of Ubuntu . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Cross-References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Abstract

Lifelong learning implies that learning is continuous without finality. With such an understanding of learning in mind, lifelong learning is argued to be a pedagogical act of responsibility and play, integral to an Ubuntu-inspired philosophy of higher education. Firstly, I analyze philosophically what learning entails especially why learning and continuity are inseparable concepts; secondly, I show how learning is underscored by the act of human responsibility; and thirdly, I argue why learning ought to connect with play, especially in relation to university education on the African continent (and perhaps university education in general too). My contention is that learning with play is constituted by pedagogical acts of discomfort, criticism, and skepticism on the basis of which learning remains lifelong and profane, in the sense that is returned to the common use of mankind. An understanding of learning that is constituted by discomfort,

Y. Waghid (*) Stellenbosch University, Stellenbosch, South Africa e-mail: [email protected] © Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 K. Evans et al. (eds.), Third International Handbook of Lifelong Learning, Springer International Handbooks of Education, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-19592-1_7

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criticism, and skepticism finds resonance in the African ethic of Ubuntu, which implies that humans engage dignifiedly and collaboratively in the pursuit of action that is continuous and that challenges participants to engage responsibly and playfully. Keywords

Learning · Responsibility · Play · Scepticism · Practical criticism · Ubuntu

Introduction Lifelong learning implies that learning is continuous without finality. In other words, there is no end to learning and any attempt at portraying learning as conclusive would undermine what learning stands for. Of course, coupling learning to human longevity in itself affirms the argument that there can be no end to learning. With such an understanding of lifelong learning in mind, I shall respond in three ways to the argument of this chapter, namely, that lifelong learning is a pedagogical act of responsibility and play. Firstly, I analyze philosophically what learning entails especially why learning and continuity are inseparable concepts; secondly, I show how learning is underscored by the act of human responsibility so that learning is not just some fortuitous exercise as if there is nothing to learn and act upon; and thirdly, I argue why learning ought to connect with play, especially in relation to university education on the African continent (and perhaps university education in general too), thus making an argument for learning with play. My contention is that learning with play is constituted by pedagogical acts of discomfort, criticism, and skepticism on the basis of which learning remains lifelong and profane. For purposes of this contribution, I rely on Agamben’s explanation of the term “profane,” which involves looking at things differently and finding a new use for its ensuing actions. For instance, to look at an idea differently means to give consideration to other possibilities that make up how the idea unfolds in practice. And, finding a new use for an idea, entails looking at other possibilities that arise because of the ways in which the idea alters practices. The term is not meant to explain matters in a negative or quasireligious sense of desecration, but rather is an action concept that instills in people an awareness that things can behave differently than what might be anticipated. An understanding of learning that is constituted by discomfort, criticism, and skepticism finds resonance in the African ethic of Ubuntu, which implies that humans engage dignifiedly and collaboratively in the pursuit of ruptured action – that is, action that is continuous and that challenges participants to engage responsibly and playfully (Waghid et al. 2018). More specifically, to rupture something means that one remains open to other possibilities according to which human action unfolds. This openness to other possibilities implies that things will appear differently if troubled or problematized by individuals and or others. The dictum “I am because we are [and therefore we become]” opens the possibility for humans to engage autonomously, deliberatively, and imaginatively – that is, with the foresight to look at pedagogical matters anew (Waghid et al. 2018). It is such a notion of Ubuntu that guides the

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practice of higher education I develop throughout this contribution and which I shall examine in more detail in the latter part.

On What Constitutes Learning When one learns, one endeavors to get to know something or about it on the grounds that one might not have known it before. In this way, learning seems to be connected to knowing. And when one learns or have learnt it can be that one now knows something one might not have known previously – that is, one has learned on the basis of having acted upon what one has been surprised with. Learning thus implies becoming knowledgeable of this or that. In order for one to have learnt, something must have happened to confirm that learning transpired. In other words, learning is connected to the human activity of coming to know. Of course, one might have the potential to know but prior to learning one might not have done anything about one’s potentiality. So, it is safe to say that learning involves doing something about an individual’s potentiality. This doing act is linked to evoking or arousing a person’s potentiality. In this case, learning involves evoking the potentialities of humans. And, when one has learnt, one’s potentiality has been aroused to come to know. Moreover, if learning is about evoking one’s potentiality, then the possibility is always there that one might come to understanding on the grounds that gaining understanding is intrinsically connected to becoming knowledgeable. It is not that one already knows, rather that one’s potential to know is aroused on the basis of which one gets to know and, by implication, learns. Hence, learning is constituted by knowing and understanding. Without having knowledge of something there is no possibility that one understands that something as understanding is innately connected to acquiring knowledge. What follows from the above is that learning involves evoking the potentialities of humans to come to know about which the possibility exists for them to come to understanding. Evoking the potentialities of humans draws them to knowledge and understanding – a matter of learning. In turn, if such a form of learning is continuous, we can actually refer to learning that is lifelong. The point about lifelong learning is that such a form of learning remains inconclusive and one might never be able to reach complete understanding of this or that matter. The latter in itself, that is, gaining complete understanding is a matter of undermining the possibility that there is still more to know and learn. To claim that one completely knows implies that learning is conclusive, which itself is an impossibility. Therefore, the very notion of lifelong learning seems to be clichéd because learning in itself remains inconclusive and temporal. To talk about learning is implicitly to refer to a lifelong human experience. Earlier I have alluded to the possibility that learning remains in potentiality. If not, there is really no point about making an argument for lifelong learning. The notion that learning is lifelong rests on a premise that such learning is incomplete, and that the possibility exists for one to come to know more about particular educational matters. Giorgio Agamben (1999: 179) offers an account of potentiality that elucidates learning. For Agamben (1999), someone has the potential to know or has a

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capability. This capability or potential to know causes a person to suffer an alteration or a “becoming other” (Agamben 1999: 179). Following Agamben, learning constitutes a capability to know this or that on the basis of which the one who learns suffers an alteration. One cannot be said to have learnt if one has not been altered. Such a capability to know is also connected with a capacity to “can” (Agamben 1999: 177). So, for someone to show her capacity to draw or write poems implies that she can do so, which implies that she has learnt to do so. The point I am making is that learning is to exercise one’s capacity to do this or that on the basis that one’s potentiality has been evoked to do so. One would not be a credible journalist without having shown that one has the capacity to report on, say, human suffering. In other words, one’s professionalism shown as a journalist is a vindication of one’s capacity to do authentic reporting on the grounds that one’s potentiality has been evoked – that is, one has learned. A professional journalist’s learning becomes a lifelong experience when, throughout her temporal life her potentiality for reporting and writing has been evoked – a matter of having learnt. Human potentiality thus refers to human capability on the grounds of which people learn and undergo an alteration. Alternatively, humans have a potential also not to exercise their capabilities and not to undergo an alteration. In other words, following Agamben (1999: 179), “the architect is potential insofar as he has the potential to not-build, the poet the potential to not-write poems.” So, potentiality is not simply the capability to do this or that thing but potential to “not-do, potential not to pass into actuality” (Agamben 1999: 180). However, when humans do not exercise their potential or their capability to acquire knowledge about things, they would not suffer an alteration and would not have learnt. Learning only takes place when humans’ capability is exercised in the pursuit of undergoing and alteration. University students might be capable of understanding educational matters on the basis that they have the potential to do so. But when they do not undergo an alteration the prospect that they might have learnt is rather bleak. Their learning or capability to know is demonstrated only when they have undergone some alteration. Students failing to see that intimidation and violence would not move the political views of people have not exercised their capability to persuade others. That is, they have not learnt to exercise their potential or capability to convince others to act more humanely and dignifiedly. As aptly stated by Agamben (1999: 245) “all potential to be or to do something is always also potential not to be or not to do . . . [yet] the potentiality of thought . . . allows for the act of intelligence to take place.” What seems to be implied here is that learning only takes place when the potentiality exists for thought to be moved. Next, I examine how the how learning as the potentiality to be altered seems to connect with the notion of human responsibility.

Responsibility and Learning Drawing on the seminal thoughts of Jacques Derrida (2004: 15), university education ought to prepare students “. . . to transform the modes of writing, the pedagogic scene, the procedures of academic exchange, the relation to languages, to other disciplines, to the institution in general, to its inside and its outside.” When students

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assume within the university “the imperative of professional rigor and competence” (Derrida 2004: 150) they can be said to have learned. But, learning “professional rigor and competence” are not only important to their learning, Derrida (2004: 152) posits that their learning also ought to be about being called to enact a new responsibility – the responsibility of producing thoughts that are risky. So, to act responsibly students have to develop the capacity to play one risk off against another (Derrida 2004: 150). In this sense assuming responsibility is to respond to that which causes “. . . humanity’s self-destruction, from phenomena of totalitarianism, of physical and psychological torture, from the withdrawal of certain philosophicoideological securities, from techno-scientific powers (in particular over life – organ transplants, genetic manipulation, etc.) . . .” (Derrida 2004: 198–199). The very act of taking responsibility through university education is twofold: to play off risks against one another in a thoughtful manner; and to try and prevent humanity’s destruction. If one’s learning cannot be about assuming responsibility and risking for the future, then learning would be unauthentic. Authentic learning unfolds when university education guides educators and students to take risks toward preventing humanity’s self-destruction. Nowadays on the African continent and the world in general I imagine how university education can inspire students to become more concerned with the rights of humans especially considering the rampant and alarming rise in human trafficking and child labor on the continent. Similarly, the increase of illnesses and other health-related problems especially HIV and AIDS and now Covid-19, coupled with the increasing political demise of democracies and the incessant increase in economic instability on the continent and several other countries in the world, raise intellectual demands for university education to become more responsive to the public domains of societal life. But then, responding to accelerated problems requires of university educators and students to make their learning count: that is, to take more risks as they endeavor to combat socio-economic and politico-health-environmental concerns. In this way, university learning cannot be thought of as merely a luxury that needs to be pursued but rather, a responsibility that students and educators need to undertake in playing off one risk against the other as they attempt to solve the world’s problems. Their learning should genuinely arouse in them a responsiveness toward the problems that are beginning to beset the world and for which they have to undergo an alteration as they endeavor to combat such problems. Here, I am specifically thinking of how political democracies are constantly being challenged to uphold the franchise of their societies as oppositional groups have become more inclined to contest legitimate elections. A poignant example is the elections in the United States that were recently undermined by oppositional politics despite such people having had recourse to the highest court that dismissed their unfounded allegations of fraud.

On Lifelong Learning and Play Learning as the evocation of humans’ potentialities and the enactment of responsibility on the basis of playing one risk off against another, is far from just the acquisition of facts and the mere attenuation to outcomes specified in advance.

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Consequently, it is possible for learning to remain continuous and by implication lifelong. Yet, there is more to learning also than just evoking human potentialities toward enacting responsibilities. In this section, I draw upon the thoughts of Giorgio Agamben (2007) again, in particular his notion of play to elucidate learning. But before this, it was Ludwig Wittgenstein (1953) who first made us aware that the concept of language games is synonymous with play in the sense that language is interwoven with particular actions that ensue. That is, meanings of a language game or play are in the actions themselves. As an extension of Wittgensteinian thought, Agamben (2007: 86) posits that the activity of play opens the possibility to find a “new use” for any game or human action. This implies that meaning is not just in action but also in the new use of actions. Put differently, whereas the meanings of language games are constituted in their actions, meanings of play are connected to the “new use[s]” that manifest because of play. For instance, Agamben explains that the game with the story line of a mouse being prey and the predatory activity being necessarily directed toward the capture and death of the mouse, need not remain a state of play. It could be that the game be seen differently, and the mouse be considered as doing the actual hunting. When the old activity is rendered inoperative through deactivation and a “new use” is created for the activity and the mouse, one would have profaned (looked at) a new use for the mouse in the game. If one were merely to look for meanings in action, then the possibility that one might see things differently or in a new way might be constrained. In his words, “to profane means not simply to abolish and erase separations but to learn to put them to a new use, to play with them” (Agamben 2007: 87). Thus, to profane or play implies that one learns to deactivate a previous use of something “. . . in order to make a new use possible, in order to transform them into pure means” (Agamben 2007: 87). Such a view of play has profound consequences for an understanding of lifelong learning which I shall now examine in some detail. Thus, to analyze meanings implies that one has to look beyond the actions one observes toward understandings new previously thought of – a matter of looking for a different use of such concepts. Firstly, when connecting learning with play, a student does not abolish and erase “apparatuses” but rather considers making “a new use possible, in order to transform them [apparatuses] into pure means” (Agamben 2007: 87). Here, I specifically think of using theoretical ideas of major thinkers about democratic education in a new way. Democratic education has been conceived as human actions that draw on deliberative engagement and collective autonomy of persons. Finding a new use for the idea of democratic education would involve rupturing human relations to such an extent that individuals deem it more important to express their autonomy than reaching an agreement among themselves. It is not that agreement is unimportant and should be discarded but rather that the focus should be more on the expressions of freedoms of individuals than a rush toward collective agreement. In this way, a theory of democratic education would have found a different use – a matter of rupturing human relations by encouraging individuals to express their autonomous freedoms. Similarly, the African ethic of Ubuntu also gets a new use if such human action is no longer confined to communal action. Instead, individual

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autonomy is also procured within a sense of community. The point about profanation and play is that a new use was found for democratic educational theory in and through university learning. Being dissatisfied with a particular understanding of democratic educational theory could be that such a theory would no longer be considered prudently by some people. Jacques Rancière’s (2006: 5) supposed “hatred for democracy” derives from his account of criminalizing democracy especially when democratic politics seems to be coerced on a populace by the force of arms as has happened recently in Myanmar. When the military seized control of the country and detained the country’s leader, Aung San Suu Kyi, and members of her party, democracy was not only under threat but the actual sociopolitical freedoms of members of Myanmar society. The Myanmar military used a particular understanding of democracy such as that elections should be free and fair to paradoxically impose its rule on the citizens of the country. Unless such a form of “criminal democracy” in the Rancièrean sense is vehemently opposed, democratic political life in the country would hardly be sustained as citizens of Myanmar would be denied both their individual rights and constitutional forms of collective expression – that is, “free elections, and the freedom of expression and association” (Rancière 2006: 11). Secondly, to couple learning with play invariably involves detaching oneself from that which inhibits one’s gaze (Agamben 2007: 91). To learn through detachment a university student is immediately provoked to open herself up to the promise of a new understanding. Here, I am thinking of a student who is prepared to part ways with archaic understandings, say of democratic educational theory, and finds it necessary and challenging to subvert her own existing views on the matter. When such a student detaches herself from previous understandings of concepts there is always the possibility that she would see things anew as she has found a new possible use for the concept. In this way, learning through play can possibly open up her thoughts to new imaginings not previously grasped and which challenge her to divert her thoughts toward new ways of possibility. Thirdly, learning as play, following Agamben (2007: 91) has a liberatory intent. In other words, when one learns playfully the possibility exists that one would be freed from being captured by constraining circumstances that might hinder one’s push toward that which surprises or that which arouses one’s imagination (Agamben 2007: 91). When playful learning offers one an opportunity for liberation then the possibility exists to see things in ways one might not have thought about on the basis that one has learnt to put one’s pedagogical “toys” to a new use. Agamben (2007: 87) has the following to say about play: [It] . . . has an episodic character, after which normal life must once again continue on its course (and the cat must continue its hunt). No one knows better than children how terrible and disquieting a toy can be once the game it forms a part of is over. The instrument of liberation turns into an awkward piece of wood; the doll on which the little girl has showered her love becomes a cold, shameful wax puppet that an evil magician can capture and bewitch and use against us.

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In a similar way Agamben (2007) depicts a new use for “toys” so I think of how philosophy of higher education as a pedagogical discourse can be used in African and non-African universities in a new way without being constrained by its AngloSaxon and Stoic-Greek enunciations. In my view philosophy of higher education should become a liberatory means according to which “its possible profanatory potential” (Agamben 2007: 88) can be realized. Instead of conceiving philosophy of higher education as merely constitutive of virtues that has only a relevance to its spaces of origin, so the “apparatus” of such a philosophy of education can be used to identify major problems on the continent on the basis of which the consequences of such problems can be analyzed for university education. Here, I am specifically thinking of the lifelong pedagogical implications of such a form of renewed learning. For instance, it could be that one identifies political authoritarianism as a major problem for human life on the African continent and elsewhere. Then, examining how such authoritarianism would potentially undermine human relations in particular, how such a form of political maneuvering can subvert autonomous and deliberative actions on the part of university educators and students, one would invariably conceive of philosophy of higher education differently. That is, one would have found a possible new use for such a pedagogical action. In such a way, the political “apparatus” of coercion and subjugation – that is, authoritarianism – would have been examined to show how democratic action and its tenets of human freedom and justice in educational encounters would be subverted. The new use of philosophy of higher education in African and non-African universities would have assumed a more “liberatory intent.” Equally so, philosophy of higher education especially in the global north (Anglo-Saxon, Arab, and Asian traditions) should also undergo changes toward recognizing other forms of knowledge that are (re) constructed elsewhere, in particular in the marginalized indigenous traditions of the global south. As David T. Hansen (2011: 113) so cogently reminds us, (higher) educational theory and practice should prioritize (lifelong) learning as “[a] coming into the world: becoming an inhabitant, becoming at home, cultivating roots in, and consciousness of, the stream of human meaning-making across space and time . . . that fuels . . . [a] reflective openness to the new and reflective loyalty to the known.” In other words, higher education in the world should avoid the imposition of dominant discourses at the expense of less dominant and often marginalized ones. What such a theory of lifelong learning envisages is not merely substituting values in marginalized communities with more hegemonic ones. But rather that, in this instance, the higher education institutions in the global north look more reflectively at their own discourses with the purpose to amend in light of their openness to other discourses that might be less hegemonic and in-becoming. In this way, philosophy of higher education would be guided toward a new way of living where final truths cannot be trumpeted to others but rather, respect for multiple truths and realities will be dealt with more educationally (Hansen 2011: 117). Of course, my potential critic might assert that such forms of knowledge in higher education are merely declarative or factual. On the contrary, forms of knowledge that invoke the self-understandings of humans, for instance, marginalized communities in the global south, rely

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overwhelmingly on metaphysical value-judgments and reflective interpretations that can hardly be referred as factual knowledge. In sum, learning with play brings to light three aspects of human action: finding a new use for things; detaching oneself from what is known with the intent to come up with something more promising; and to liberate oneself from that which constrains human action. In my view, learning with play seems to advance the profanation of dissonance according to which autonomy, deliberation, and dissent can begin to guide university education differently. It is to such a discussion that I now turn to.

On Profanation and Dissonance: In Defense of Discomfort, Practical Criticism, and Skepticism in University Education Thus far, I have shown how (lifelong) learning with play can arouse educators and students to rupture their pedagogical relations toward a new possible use – a matter of thinking differently. But then again, rupturing within pedagogical encounters – higher teaching and learning – invariably enhances deliberative, responsible, and risk-oriented action. Put differently, when pedagogical encounters are ruptured or look at differently, teachers and students seem to become more engaging and responsible to the extent that they are willing to take risks as they pursue new “assemblages of learning” (Waghid et al. 2018: 73). In this section, I show how the notions of discomfort, practical criticism, and skepticism can be reconceptualized in relation to such a dissonant notion of learning with play. Michael Foucault’s (1983) defense of dissonance is articulated as a rupturing of universalist understandings of reason whereby the self should present itself as a creative rather than an authentic being. In my view using Foucault’s idea of dissonance as a rupturing of the self seems to fit well with the pedagogical action of learning with play on the grounds that dissonance and learning with play both have the potential to cultivate discomfort, practical criticism, and skepticism. Firstly, when students learn with play, they look at educational matters from all angles such as to induce “. . . shifts, slides, cracks, moving points, increasing and decreasing distances, roads that stretch out, bend sharply, and suddenly turn back” (Foucault 1994: 444). In other words they learn with discomfort where they aspire to open up possibilities to look at things differently with the aim to develop alternative human experiences such as to playfully conjure up new “truths” or “vicissitudes” instead of looking at things as completely fixed entities (Foucault 1994: 448). When university educators and students engage in pedagogical action they are not entirely convinced of what constitutes good teaching and learning but in a playful way they pursue actions that are nearby and all around themselves – that is, they are never entirely comfortable with their own presuppositions of good teaching and learning (Foucault 1994: 448). When students learn with play they do so with “sudden upheavals” and strangeness – that is with discomfort without already knowing what good learning entails (Foucault 1983). Elsewhere (Waghid and Davids 2017: 103) learning with play as a form of discomfort is depicted as uncertain and disruptive pedagogical action:

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Secondly, learning with play is a matter of students making up their own minds; identifying pedagogical problems, and reacting to them freely (autonomously) in order to engender what Foucault (1988: 154) refers to as “work of deep transformation” – that is, a matter of exercising practical criticism. In his words, Criticism is a matter of flushing out that thought and trying to change it: to show that things are not as self-evident as one believed, to see that what is accepted as self-evident will no longer be accepted as such. Practising criticism is a matter of making facile gestures difficult. In these circumstances criticism (and radical criticism) is absolutely indispensable for any transformation (Foucault 1988: 155).

What Foucault accentuates is that practical criticism is both an act of dissonance and, by implication, one of learning with play. Students who embark on the dissonant act of practical criticism “. . . would no longer think things as one formerly thought them” (Foucault 1988: 155). What enhances the notion of learning with play is the idea that practical criticism is connected to autonomous action – that is, the freedom to reflect on one’s self and potentially change aspects of the self without being disconnected from change, and the freedom to act critically and oppose domination (Oksala 2005: 81). If students learn with play they act critically and by implication dissonantly on the basis that they invite criticism about themselves. Thirdly, learning with play summons students to become skeptical toward human thought and practice so that they (students) are urged to look again at something differently – a matter of detaching oneself from an old thought that no longer surprises one (Foucault 1994: 446). Students act dissonantly, that is, skeptically on the grounds that they are not overwhelmingly attached to human thought and practice but can also part ways with that which no longer intrigues them. It is a matter of questioning what one is confronted with and taking into controversy that which one no longer finds persuasive. Foucault (1994: 447) posits that skepticism as an act of dissonance allows one to see something without having completely abandoned one’s thoughts on the matter – that is, to look at things with a kind of detachment in order to be surprised again by something new that might emerge. By implication, learning with play allows students and educators to pursue pedagogical action that draws them to discomfort, criticism, and skepticism. These are all moments within pedagogical encounters that permit educators and students to act with dissonance as they are never really satisfied with the thought and practices that confront them. If pedagogical action were to be guided by an ethic of discomfort, criticism, and skepticism, educators and students would act with dissonance, on the basis that, teaching and learning would remain subjected to a ruptured human experience.

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By way of example as to how learning with play manifests in university classrooms, one can think of students co-learning with other students. It could be that students had to complete a piece of writing in African, Muslim, or Chinese philosophy of education. They could be provoked by one another to assess their written contributions by looking at how their work theoretically advance the scholarship of African, Muslim, or Chinese teaching and learning. During the assessments of one another’s work, they advocate their autonomy, and deliberate about their interpretations of African, Muslim, or Chinese thought and practice. On the basis of co-learning, students not only talk together and question one another, but also become suspicious of one another’s contributions. In reference again to Agamben’s notion of play (Agamben 2007: 75), students become prepared to deactivate their thoughts from previous understandings and to become open to new ways of seeing things. They profanate their writing by looking again and again to what they have said and how their work can be articulated with a theoretical difference. They internalize the freedom to play with concepts and to improve on their writing – that is, their learning. In other words, through profanation, students co-learn on the basis that they make themselves vulnerable to one another’s critical scrutiny of their work. As stated elsewhere (Waghid and Davids 2017: 113), “[s]ubjecting one’s work to scrutiny – whether in the form of a proposal defense or for the review of a journal article – invariably holds the potential for something else to unfold” – a matter of doing pedagogical work with “an authentically profanatory intention” (Agamben 2007: 92). In the final section of this chapter I show how learning with play can contribute toward an African philosophy of higher education attaining its Ubuntu (dignity and human interdependence) intent.

Learning with Play As an Act of Ubuntu Previously I have alluded to the notion of an Ubuntu-inspired pedagogy of higher teaching and learning. My attraction to such a philosophy of (higher) education is grounded in the understanding that responsibility, play, and learning will invariably be more democratic if enacted along the lines of an Ubuntu pedagogical framework. An Ubuntu-inspired philosophy of higher education seem to constitute a notion of lifelong learning in the sense that such a philosophy of higher education advances iterative, deliberative, and autonomous pedagogical encounters as corroborated by Assie-Lumumba et al. (2016). Although Assie-Lumumbaet al. (2016) specifically invoke the idea of Ubuntu in relation to communal action, my own position expands such an idea into the realm of both individual and communal action. My position is that Ubuntu as a philosophy of higher education in Africa is informed by three positions: Firstly, Ubuntu is a practice that encourages Africans to act with autonomy and sharing as they endeavor to cultivate humanity; secondly, Ubuntu endears Africans to co-belong as a community of humans on the basis of their differences and otherness; and thirdly, Ubuntu is a human activity constituted by “openness [and requires that a person], acknowledges others, and engages with them without being impeded by others’ competences” (Waghid 2020: 301–302). Now learning with play

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cannot happen without humans engaging with other humans and the recognition that they (humans) have a social responsibility on the grounds of which they need to acknowledge one another in deliberation, agreement, and dissonance. In this way, there seems to be a conceptual connection between learning with play and the enactment of Ubuntu. Consequently, it would not be implausible to claim that learning with play is an act of Ubuntu. And, when learning with play becomes an act of Ubuntu, pedagogical encounters will not only be disruptive and uncertain but also humane and dignified where the equal opportunities exist for educators and students to speak unconstrainedly. Likewise, learning with play guided by Ubuntu encourages students to act as autonomous co-learners where domination and control would be undermined. Finally, learning with play in a spirit of Ubuntu invariably enhances “more openness, freedom, autonomy, criticality, deliberation, and imaginativeness that Ubuntu as a practice advocates” (Waghid 2020: 307). It is the above notion of learning with play in the spirit of Ubuntu that can contribute toward an enhancement of lifelong learning all over the world today. Firstly, students as university learners would be regarded as actively autonomous beings. They would be learners who can initiate learning instead of always being told by university teachers what to do. They are not merely reactive to situations but rather are initiators of pedagogical actions that can change events in the world. Secondly, learning with play framed by Ubuntu invariably opens students to orientations that are strange and familiar, together with immersing themselves in the world as persons concomitantly with allowing the world into their persons – a matter of becoming enculturated through themselves and by others in the world (Hansen 2011). Thirdly, learning with play constituted by Ubuntu will bring students into iterative conversations with “intellectual, moral, aesthetic, and cultural diversity” (Hansen 2011: 76). This is so because being playful through learning is a matter of opening up to all cultures and groups in all parts of the world without dismissiveness and resentfulness toward others in their otherness.

Summary In this chapter, I have proffered an argument for lifelong learning as an act of responsible play. One’s learning would be responsible when its liberatory intent were to become manifest in pedagogical actions. Likewise learning with play not only undermines the notion that learning could ever be detached from continuity, but also foregrounds the notion that to play means to profanate. And, when educators and students do so they would have been aroused by discomfort, criticism, and skepticism in and through university pedagogical encounters. It is not just that teaching and learning on the African continent and elsewhere ought to become more liberatory but also that ensuring liberation within pedagogical encounters at African and non-African universities requires of educators and students to act with dissonance – that is, to learn, play, and act with sudden upheavals of human thought and practice. In this way, lifelong learning would not only be secured but also

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extended into the realms of the unexpected, the surprise where play and imagination as acts of Ubuntu invariably prevail.

Cross-References ▶ Adult Education for “Resilience”: Educating in Precarious Times ▶ Indigenous Knowledges as a Catalyst for Change for Lifelong Learning in the 21st Century ▶ Simulation as a Transformative Pedagogy: Challenging Normativity and Embracing Emergence ▶ The End of Learning: Living a Life in a World in Motion

References Agamben, G. (1999). Potentialities: Collected essays in philosophy (D. Heller-Roazen, Ed. & Trans.). Stanford: Stanford University Press. Agamben, G. (2007). Profanations (J. Fort, Trans.). New York: Zone Books. Assie-Lumumba, N. T., Brock-Utne, B., & Osa Oviawe, J. (2016). Rediscovering the Ubuntu paradigm in education. International Review of Education, 62(1), 1–12. Derrida, J. (2004). Eyes of the university: right to philosophy 2 (J. Plug & others, Trans.). Stanford: Stanford University Press. Foucault, M. (1983). In H. Dreyfus, & P. Rabinow (Eds.), M. Foucault: Beyond structuralism and hermeneutics (2nd ed.). Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Foucault, M. (1988). In L. D. Kritzman (Ed.), Politics, philosophy, culture: Interviews and other writings 1977–1984. London: Routledge. Foucault, M. (1994). In J. D. Faubion (Ed.), Power: The essential works 3. London: Penguin Press. Hansen, D. T. (2011). The teacher and the world: A study of cosmopolitanism as education. New York: Routledge. Oksala, J. (2005). Foucault on freedom. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Rancière, J. (2006). Hatred of democracy (S. Cochran, Trans.). London/New York: Verso. Waghid, Y. (2020). Towards an Ubuntu philosophy of higher education. Studies in Philosophy and Education, 39(1), 299–308. Waghid, Y., & Davids, N. (2017). Education, assessment, and the desire for dissonance. New York: Peter Lang. Waghid, Y., Waghid, F., & Waghid, Z. (2018). Rupturing African philosophy on teaching and learning: Ubuntu justice and education. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. Wittgenstein, L. (1953). Philosophical investigations. Oxford: Blackwell.

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Learning Potential of the Lifeworld: A Comprehensive Theory of Lifelong Learning Kapil Dev Regmi

Contents Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Learning Potential of the Lifeworld: Decolonizing Rationality . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Key Components of the Comprehensive Theory of Lifelong Learning . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Rational Learning . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Communicative Learning . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Intersubjective Learning . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Action Learning . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Application of the Comprehensive Theory of Lifelong Learning . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Crisis in Learning From System Perspective . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Communicative Rationality for Deliberative Democracy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Cross-References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Abstract

A comprehensive theory of lifelong learning needs a comprehensive understanding of learning itself. The understanding of learning discussed in the current body of literature has at least two epistemic limitations: (a) learning limited to the psychological foundations and the neglect of the social foundations of learning; and (b) learning limited to the system perspective and the neglect of lifeworld perspective of learning. Drawing on the key contributions made by Jürgen Habermas this chapter develops a comprehensive theory of lifelong learning for addressing those limitations. The key components of the comprehensive theory

K. D. Regmi (*) Department of Educational Studies, University of British Columbia, Vancouver, BC, Canada e-mail: [email protected] © Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 K. Evans et al. (eds.), Third International Handbook of Lifelong Learning, Springer International Handbooks of Education, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-19592-1_9

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are elaborated; and an illustrative case is presented to demonstrate how the theory may be applied to understand the importance of communicative rationality for establishing a functioning deliberative democracy. Keywords

Jürgen Habermas · Theory of learning · Lifeworld · Rationality · Communicative actions · Intersubjective learning · Lifelong learning · Crisis in learning

It is my conjecture that the fundamental mechanism for social evolution in general is to be learning found in an automatic inability not to learn. Not learning, but not-learning is the phenomenon that calls for explanation at the socio-cultural stage of development. Therein lies, if you will, the rationality of man [sic]. Only against this background does the overpowering irrationality of the history of the species become visible. (Habermas 1976, p. 15).

Introduction The history of human civilization is the history of learning. The cognitive revolution that made humans different from other species started with “thinking and communicating” in herds and communities about 50,000 years ago (Harari 2014, p. 21). In the history of human evolution learning was not started by a single individual therefore learning is fundamentally interactive and social. However, in the current body of literature in the field of lifelong learning the psychological understanding of learning is promoted whereas the social foundations of learning that made the human evolution possible is mostly neglected (see Regmi 2020). Skinner’s operant conditioning theory of learning (Skinner 1950), Piaget’s cognitive stages of learning (Piaget 1953), Kohlberg’s moral stages of learning (Kohlberg 1977), and Bandura’s social cognition theory of learning (Bandura 2001) have informed the field of learning psychology but they have not paid adequate attention to the social foundations of learning. Psychological theories of learning have their own merits, but they cannot explain social learning because there is a fundamental difference between individual evolution and social evolution. Even if individuals mature and die human evolution continues because of their capacity for reproduction. This principle does not apply to social evolution because it has its own rule of change and continuity. Some cyclical explanations of social change were proposed by pre-modernist and pre-evolutionist thinkers, who claimed that a society has the cycle of birth, maturity, and death (see Huntington 1971). But such explanations are now discarded because, unlike humans, societies are not born, do not mature, or die. The theories propounded by psychologists on how individuals learn are inadequate for defining how the production of knowledge and learning continues along with the evolution of society. Another epistemic limitation in our current understanding of learning stems from Marxist interpretation of learning. Marxian perspective of system analysis helps to

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explore political and economic crises in the liberal-capitalist societies, but it is inadequate for theorizing the process of learning. Those who are guided by Marxian perspective see commodification, instrumentalization, fetishization, false consciousness, and alienation as crisis in education. Discussions on international standardized assessments, over emphasis on learning outcomes, competitiveness, human capital formation, and education as investment stem from the system perspective of identifying crisis. This perspective, however, lacks the process of learning itself. By employing a number of ideas developed by Habermas such as rationality (i.e., the ability to use reasons), communicative action (i.e., the act of speaking or writing sentences), intersubjective learning (i.e., knowledge obtained through interaction between more than two individuals), and the structure of the lifeworld (culture, society, and personality) this chapter theorizes that the social foundation of learning is rooted in the learning potential of the lifeworld. Therefore, for developing a comprehensive theory of lifelong learning we need to explore how learning is defined when we take the lifeworld perspective for studying society. The lifeworld perspective used by Habermas to study society helps to relate learning with social integration, deliberative democracy, moral consciousness, discourse ethics, and citizenship. This chapter has three major sections. For exploring the learning potential of the lifeworld, the first section theorizes rationality as the capacity of ordinary human beings to use reasons in their everyday communication, which is foundational for producing intuitive and practical knowledge. The second section expands the learning potential of the lifeworld under four key themes: rational learning, communicative learning, intersubjective learning, and action learning. I argue that these themes are the key components of the comprehensive theory of lifelong learning. The final section applies the comprehensive theory to illustrate how the learning potential of the lifeworld could enable ordinary people to be active citizens for creating a wellfunctioning democracy. A theoretical critique that runs across major sections of this chapter is the epistemic limitation of the current understanding of learning rooted in the system perspective.

Learning Potential of the Lifeworld: Decolonizing Rationality Before the seventeenth century, people’s faith on religion or God was not questioned because it would go against the Churches and state authorities; therefore, the use of reasons was very much limited to everyday communication. People living in local communities used reasons and logic in their day-to-day communication, but they were not allowed to use reasons against religion or the authorities who ruled in the name of God. Here I am taking the case of European countries, but similar practices might have existed in the countries that followed world’s other major religions such as Islam, Judaism, Hinduism, and Buddhism. On 1 November 1755 the city of Lisbon was destroyed by a powerful earthquake. Philosophers such as John Locke and Voltaire critiqued their predecessors such as Leibniz and Descartes, whose philosophy of metaphysics was rooted in Christianity,

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by using reasons to scrutinize the potency and fallacy of the God and the so-called ultimate force to control individuals and societies (Brightman 1919). Similar tragedies such as Spanish flu in 1918 and the World Wars provided further insights to raise a fundamental question about God. If everything happens to humans are caused by the will of the God, then why there are pandemics and wars. Why should people believe in God if God has the will toward destruction? They argued that the tendency of believing that the destructions were the will of the God was an act of irrationality because such actions needed no reason or rational discourse. Rationality as a field of theory and practice emerged in the eighteenth century but reasons used by ordinary humans in their day-to-day communication were not recognized or included in philosophical discourses. Furthermore, even though rationality questioned the ontological belief in God and religion rationality created its own ontology: logic and reason will lead to continuous progress allowing modern practices to replace traditional ones (Weber 1904). This new philosophical turn came to be known as modernism, which brought a shift not only from the age of God to the age of reason but also a progressive path for prosperity through the growth of knowledge, known as enlightenment. Scholars believed that modernist rationality is “the core of a process of enlightenment that would finally emancipate humankind from the claims of ignorance, superstition, and prejudice . . . the vehicle of an ever-increasing mastery over nature and society and thus of growing human happiness” (McCarthy 2009, p. 143). Habermas argued that those scholars who connected rationality with modernity focused on purposive or instrumental rationality and the type of knowledge they introduced was cognitiveinstrumental knowledge (Habermas 1984). Nonetheless, the advancement in rationality or modernization did not lead to freedom, happiness, and prosperity to everyone. Enlightenment rationality was critiqued by several scholars. Marx shifted the post-Hegelian philosophy of history on to the terrain of political economy. Marxian scholars “shared the view that what drives history is not the unfolding of reason itself but changes in the mode of production, political struggles, and a variety of other such natural factors” (McCarthy 2009, p. 139). Frankfurt School, known as the breeding ground for critical thought, critiqued rationality for its ignorance to the destructions brought by capitalist modernization (Adorno et al. 1976), which was guided basically by the concept of “iron cage” developed by Max Weber (1904). Rationality lost its momentum in scholarly debates without even investigating how ordinary individuals used reasons in their day-to-day communication. Habermas, who was also the product of Frankfurt School, critiqued the critics of rationality and argued that Weber failed to make a distinction between rationality and capitalist modernization, which led him to conclude that reason itself was an iron cage (Habermas 1984; Regmi 2017a). Through his theorization of society in several books (Habermas 1971, 1976, 1979, 1984, 1987, 1990, 2003) Habermas has contributed toward the decolonization of rationality. Rationality, the ability accorded to philosophers of metaphysics to critique God, is also the ability of ordinary people to participate in day-to-day communication. He not only separated rationality from capitalist modernization but also divided it into communicative rationality (i.e., people’s ability to use reasons

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and logic in communication) and instrumental rationality (i.e., strategic use of reasons to suppress or dominate alternative views or arguments). Communicative rationality used by common people in everyday communication provides them with intuitive knowledge for learning, which is the foundation for moral consciousness, discourse ethics, deliberative democracy, vibrant public sphere, and functioning civil society. However, a point to note here is that while Habermasian revitalization of reason has broken the Weberian iron cage Habermas is not free from criticism. Feminist scholars such as Nancy Fraser have argued that even if Habermasian approach to rationality may have revitalized the power of rational humans, emancipation of marginalized people cannot happen because it really depends on who has the capacity to exercise that power (Fraser 1990). A close reading of Habermas shows that his approach to restore the power of reason is guided by a different epistemology than the one followed by some of his critiques. His epistemological path is guided by how objective knowledge (a body of knowledge shared by the members of the lifeworld) is embedded in the permanent repository of culture rather than how rationality has been abused by dominant group of people. To be more specific, Habermas’ focus is on revitalizing the value of reason rather than analyzing who have abused it. For example, in the Theory of communicative action Habermas argues that if an individual tries to create a body of knowledge (which is subjective hence other people may not have contributed to produce it) on the basis of his/her “physical strength and attractiveness, cognitive-instrumental skills, and disposition over property” (Habermas 1987, p. 181) such knowledge will not get permanent space in the culture hence such knowledge is discarded by the new members of the society. On the other hand, if a body of knowledge is created in the lifeworld on the basis of reasons or rationally motivated actions, such knowledge gets embedded in culture, which passes onto the new members of the society through socialization. Habermasian theory may not provide a complete solution to multifarious challenges brought by capitalism; however, the learning potential of the lifeworld that Habermas has helped to theorize can provide strong foundations for the development of a comprehensive theory of lifelong learning. The following section presents the key components of the comprehensive theory.

Key Components of the Comprehensive Theory of Lifelong Learning Habermas makes a case that Karl Marx, Max Weber, and Talcott Parsons tried to analyze change and continuity in society from a system perspective only. In addition, those who used lifeworld perspective such as Mead (1934) and Schutz (1967) also failed to understand how the communicative actions performed by the members of the lifeworld continue to provide foundation for the system. Drawing on both system and lifeworld theorists Habermas purposes that “we conceive of society simultaneously as a system and a lifeworld” (Habermas 1987, p. 120). The complexity in

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understanding the dynamics between the system and lifeworld is related to other debates such as holism vs. individualism or structure vs. agency. Bunge (2000) drew a helpful distinction between holism and individualism in which the former assumes that individuals are the product of the system whereas the latter assumes that the system is a set of individuals. System theorists argue that individualism takes a weak position to specify the connection between individuals (agency) and society (structure) therefore its approach to study society is incomplete. However, individualism, especially its epistemic path to explore human subjectivity (e.g., Foucauldian poststructuralism), has gained an influential position in sociology because of the post-structural critique of the system approach. Marx was guided by the system perspective, so he used labor as the means of economic production to investigate the relationship between capitalist system and the labor power of individuals. Post-structural theory opposes Marxism; however, for exploring the learning potential of the lifeworld, it is important to assess the extent to which Marxism helped to define human learning. For poststructuralists objective knowledge is a generic form of knowledge that falsely assumes that it is applicable to all and represents all. They argue that every piece of knowledge is produced from somewhere therefore they are situated or specific to the context where they were produced or used. Since objective knowledge cannot represent everyone there is a crisis of representation (Petersen 2015). Poststructuralists contend that the problem lies not only in Marxism but more so in Habermasian attempt to find universal pragmatics and his advocacy for objective knowledge. A close reading of the Habermasian scholarship reveals that a holistic view of learning values objective knowledge, which is not tied to an individual; rather, such knowledge is common to everyone in a society because objective knowledge is held by culture. For Habermas, structure and agency reinforce each other through learning. For understanding this it is important to explore his conceptualization of culture, society, and personality as the three structural components of the lifeworld (see Regmi 2020 for details). These structures are related to the objective world, the social world, and the subjective world, respectively, (Habermas 1987). Culture is not only the root of traditional knowledge possessed by actors used for reaching an understanding but also an authentic site for knowledge production. Since the culture of a society is not dominated by a single individual it can produce common but contextually useful objective knowledge. Society is a context for achieving solidarity and regulating membership. Since the solidarity and membership are achieved through norms as a binding force it can establish a legitimate order or a reliable solidarity among members. Personality is the sum of competencies that give an identity to an individual as a member of the society and an actor/agent of the culture. The central element that makes the coordination among the objective, social, and subjective worlds possible is communicative rationality. Moreover, poststructural critique to Habermas stems from the way Habermas relates the subjective world with the objective and social worlds. Personality (as conceptualized by Habermas) and subjectivity (theorized by poststructural theorists as an autonomous and independent entity) are different concepts. For Habermas,

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Fig. 1 Comprehensive theory of lifelong learning. (Source: Author)

personality relates to the social construction of the self and such construction happens in relation to other two components of the lifeworld: culture and society (see Regmi 2020). I will revisit how subjective world of an individual is constructed out of objective and social worlds later, but it is sufficient to allude here that poststructural theorists have embraced the psychological foundations of learning. Since psychological theories of learning have no resonance with collectivism poststructuralists have fallen into the trap of individualism and solipsism. In light of the background discussion presented above, the following subsections introduce four key themes – rational learning, communicative learning, intersubjective learning, and action learning – as the key components of a comprehensive theory of lifelong learning (see Fig. 1). The following section of this chapter uses this theory to explain how communicative rationality may help to balance the powers of the state and the market for deliberative democracy. The “Conclusion” section stresses the main arguments of the chapter and explains how those arguments relate to the comprehensive theory.

Rational Learning According to Habermas (1987), social evolution happens not only because of the increasing complexity in the system but also because of the increasing rationalization of the lifeworld (i.e., the tendency of using reasons and logics to define social phenomenon). The complexity in the system increases because the steering media of money (associated with economic system, which is led by the market) and power

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(associated with political system, which is exercised by the state authorities) take over the communicative rationality of lifeworld members. Similarly, when capitalist systems exert pressure on the lifeworld, its functions to construct objective knowledge, social integration, and socialization are disturbed, which results into the rationalization of the lifeworld. A system perspective of studying society allows to analyze crises on political and economic systems, but for explaining the learning process we should use lifeworld perspective. There has been an increasing surge for decolonizing education and learning in different countries such as Canada and Australia but there is also a danger that identity politics may undermine the very purpose of decolonization. Therefore, analysis of learning crisis from a lifeworld perspective would be helpful for exploring the learning potential of marginalized individuals and their communities. But a question that resonates with this discussion is who the marginalized communities are. Does the rationality or ability of humans to use reasons in communication depend on the degree of marginality? Habermas believes that communicative rationality is the in-built ability of all humans (unless they are born with severe pathological conditions); individuals are not able to use it fully because of the capitalist system that promotes only instrumental rationality. Habermas (1976) divides the evolution of societies into three major social formations: primitive social formation, traditional social formation, and liberalcapitalist social formation and discusses the nature of crises in each of them (Habermas also added post-capitalist formation as the fourth one but does not discuss fully, therefore I regard the three social formations as major ones). The primitive-traditional social formations are still the characteristics of many societies of developed countries such as the First Nations of Canada as well as the Torres Strait Islander and Aboriginal communities of Australia. In developing countries such as Nepal there are several communities whose social formations can be regarded as primitive and traditional. While the people living in those communities may not have formal education at the same level as their non-marginalized counterparts have, it does not necessarily justify that the former are irrational. Conceptualization of a society as the lifeworld is useful not only for studying primitive-traditional social formations but also for studying urban multicultural setting or liberal-capitalist formation. One of the features of the lifeworld is that it emerges when a group of people, unknown to each other, start communicating and exchanging the role of speaker and hearer and take each other’s position (Habermas 1987). While the primitive-traditional social formation provides a more stable settings less disturbed by economic and administrative media, the liberal-capitalist formation undergoes additional crises in learning because of the colonization of the lifeworld (see the subsection “Intersubjective Learning” below or Regmi (2017a) for further elaboration on the colonization thesis). Habermas believes that rationality of humans is constrained by the excessive power exercised by the market and state authorities. In liberal-capitalist formation, the learning potential of the lifeworld is eroded because the communicative rationality of individuals – that is the confidence and

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capability to use reasons to judge whether something is right or wrong – is made redundant. The state not only takes away authority of family in the socialization of children and economic means of production but also develops legal and administrative systems to maintain the social order (Habermas 1976, 2003). As Coleman (1986) notes, “society has become more individualistic, with individuals pursuing paths disconnected from family and community” (p. 1319). As the role of family and community dwindles legitimation of authority is often sought out through religion and market mechanism. For example, in some societies monarchs or religious figures are interpreted as descendants or reincarnation of the God as much as the notion of the invisible hand of the market (Smith 1776) is valorized in capitalist societies. These authorities try to achieve power and legitimacy by following strategic and utilitarian orientations. Communicative rationality as a means of knowledge production becomes redundant as the workers in the liberal-capitalist formation are expected to learn only technical skills. An uncolonized lifeworld achieves its solidarity through social integration in which individuals are socially related to each other through language, norms, values, family, and marriage relations. But in the lifeworld colonized by the system, which is the case in liberal-capitalist formation, attempts are made to achieve solidarity through system integration in which acting subjects are related through steering media. Since both media money (the steering media of the market) and power (the steering media of the state) are beyond the control of ordinary people their communicative rationality is very much limited. As they do not use reasons to understand or even judge the applicability and relevance of the rules imposed by the market and the state, their potential for learning is lost. In the absence of communicative rationality performed by lifeworld members the function of the culture to produce objective knowledge, the function of the society to achieve social integration, and the function of personality to achieve socialization become weaker (see Regmi 2020). To reverse this shift and revitalize the reproduction function of the lifeworld we should focus on the type of learning that fosters the rational capacity of lifeworld members, or rational learning in short, which I regard as one of the key components of the comprehensive theory of lifelong learning.

Communicative Learning Human interests for learning cannot be separated from the society they live in because their “automatic inability not to learn” is built-in within the evolution of humankind (Habermas 1976, p. 15). In Knowledge and human interest, Habermas (1971) drew on Marxism and argued that humans have three kinds of interests: empirical interests for solving technical problems; hermeneutic interests for involving in practical communication; and emancipatory interests for critically assessing the elements of oppression they face in a society. It is the third one that has appealed to the scholars in the field of adult/lifelong learning (Mezirow 1981; Welton 1995; Brookfield and Holst 2011; Honneth 2017). A comprehensive theory of lifelong

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learning would be the one that not only defines how ordinary people learn in their daily lives but also explains how their communicative rationality fosters political participation, civic engagement, and active citizenship. Marx believed that proletariats rise against bourgeoises when their emancipatory interest is triggered. Some of the key theoretical ideas informed by Marxism such as interpellation (Althusser 1971), subjectification (Foucault 1982), hegemony (Gramsci 1971), and habitus (Bourdieu 1984) can be connected with the idea of emancipatory learning. A common theme that runs across those ideas is that when a dominant class emerges in a society, they create an environment in which dominated individuals learn to live in the system of domination and oppression. Marxist scholars theorized that the emancipatory learning interests need to be triggered for breaking the system of domination. For example, Freire believed that critical education could lead to the state of awakening or conscientization (Freire 1970) and Mezirow (1981) believed that certain events in human life may lead to perspective transformation. A Marxian perspective of learning posits that individuals use not only physical power but also cognitive ability to increase the means of production, which Habermas theorizes as instrumental learning. Individuals learn to be productive through interaction with other individuals. They also learn by observing the works performed by more skilled and experienced individuals. Since his focus is on learning happening through interaction Habermas does not stress observation as a technique for learning. Observation required for material production is more limited than the interaction required for linguistic communication. I will return to this discussion later when I compare Habermasian theory of action with the theory of practice used by Lave and Wenger (1991). Habermasian theory of learning can be introduced as communicative learning, which is extensively developed in Theory of communicative action (Habermas 1984, 1987). Drawing basically on Alfred Schutz on lifeworld (Schutz 1967), George Herbert Mead on mind and society (Mead 1934), and John Searle on speech acts (Searle 1969), Habermas argued that the development of linguistic ability through communication requires more intensive and engaged interaction than the interaction required for material production. Habermas retained his Marxian theorization to conceptualize instrumental learning, but he argued that communicative actions performed by the members lead to the type of learning required for morality, social integration, and democratic citizenship. As reflected in the following quote, Habermas found a more comprehensive account of human learning, which was not developed in Marxism. Whereas Marx localized the learning processes important for evolution in the dimension of objectivating thought – of technical and organizational knowledge, of instrumental and strategic action, in short, of productive forces – there are good reasons meanwhile for assuming that learning processes also take place in the dimension of moral insight, practical knowledge, communicative action, and the consensual regulation of action conflictslearning processes that are deposited in more mature forms of social integration, in new productive relations, and that in turn first make possible the introduction of new productive forces. (Habermas 1979, pp. 97–98)

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Interactions among individuals that happen through linguistic means of communication lead to the construction of intuitive knowledge. All rationally motivated interactions contribute to an institutionalized body of knowledge, which Habermas introduces as culture or the objective world (Habermas 1987). As noted above, there is a difference between evolution of individual as biological organism and the evolution of societies. Habermas understands the biological theory of evolution as “strong naturalism” and the social evolution or the phylogenetic process of learning as a “weak naturalism.” “Our learning processes, that are possible within the framework of sociocultural forms of life, are in a sense simply continuation of prior evolutional learning processes that in turn gave rise to our forms of life” (Habermas 2003, p. 27). Therefore, the idea of learning “must not be simply reinterpreted in Neo-Darwinist terms, or else weak naturalism loses its point” (Habermas 2003, p. 29). Learning of an individual tied to biological evolution starts at birth and stops after his/her death. In this respect, I argue that the current understanding of lifelong learning is shaped by the psychological foundation of learning. Guided by strong naturalism or the biological growth of humans this understanding of lifelong learning is tied to stages of individual growth (Piaget 1953; Kohlberg 1977) and even compared with the learning techniques of pigeons and rats (Skinner 1950). Even though the psychological foundations of learning have their own merits and applications they cannot define the social aspects of learning. Unlike physical growth of individual the pace of social evolution is maintained by the reproduction of cultural world, social world, and subjective world. These reproductions are made possible by communicative actions performed by the members of the lifeworld (both in the past and at present). In this sense, it is communicative learning – which Habermas relates with several ideas such as moral consciousness, practical knowledge, truth and justification, and discourse ethics, which leads to the evolution of society. Learning is also important for biological evolution of an individual but the type of learning that results from communication, or communicative learning in short, is something that leads to the expansion of cultural knowledge, integration of society, and the socialization of the new members in the lifeworld (Regmi 2020). When the lifeworld is colonized by the system, disturbances occur in cultural reproduction, social integration, and socialization, which results into loss of meaning, anomie, and psychopathologies, respectively.

Intersubjective Learning Learning that results from communicative actions becomes intersubjective because (a) speaker and hearer have access to a shared language and knowledge; (b) communicative actions are performed for reaching an understanding between hearer and speaker; and (c) performing communicative actions or participating in interaction is an act of getting socialized in the lifeworld. Below I elaborate these features of intersubjective learning in detail.

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“A language is never the private property of an individual speaker, but generates an intersubjectively shared web of meaning, embodied in cultural expressions and social practices” (Habermas 2003, p. 54). To make an assertation a speaker draws ideas from the stock of knowledge embedded in the culture of the lifeworld. The culture that holds the stock or the repository of knowledge is constructed by all members of the lifeworld hence the objective world is common to both hearer and speaker. The knowledge that hearer and speaker share through communication is accumulated and stored by their ancestors over the history of their civilization. Such generational knowledge is transmitted, revised, reproduced, and expanded through communication. “There is an interplay between the objectivity of the rules governing a language, and the subjectivity speakers manifest in their performance” (Habermas 2003, p. 55). Therefore, even if an assertation made by the speaker appears to have come from his/her subjective domain it is always intersubjective. Since the process of learning in the objective world is transmitted from one generation to the next the knowledge it holds is as old as the human civilization and will continue to expand and get reformed along with the future evolution of the society. According to Habermas, learning that results from interaction is intersubjective because “the participants coordinate their plans of actions consensually, with the agreement reached at any point being evaluated in terms of the intersubjective recognition of validity claims” (Habermas 1990, p. 58). It is also important to highlight that if an assertation is made purposively or strategically then such act of making assertions cannot be regarded as communicative actions; rather, they are strategic actions guided by instrumental rationality. Habermas argues that “in strategic action one actor seeks to influence the behavior of another by means of threat of actions or the prospects of gratification in order to cause the interaction to continue as the first actor desires” but while performing communicative actions actors are rationally motivated to continue the conversation (Habermas 1990, p. 58). Communicative actions performed for reaching an intersubjective consensus qualify for three types of claims: claims to truth, claims to rightness, and claims to truthfulness. These three claims are related to the objective world, the social world, and the subjective world, respectively. In the objective world the claims should be validated to be true “as the totality of existing states of affairs,” (Habermas 1990, p. 58) which is the total body of knowledge embedded in the culture that is what Habermas theorized as objective knowledge. In the social world the claims should be validated to be right “as the totality of the legitimately regulated interpersonal relationships of the social group” (Habermas 1990, p. 58) so that the claims will not violate social integration. Finally, in the subjective world the claims should be validated to be true “as the totality of experiences to which” the actors making claims have a “privileged access” (Habermas 1990, p. 58). However, a question remains to be answered. If a culture maintained through the communicative actions performed by its members is a key for learning, then how learning happens when two speakers from totally different linguistic communities communicate? Is there any interlinguistic function of the language? This question

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relates to the hypothesis posed by Noam Chomsky about the possibility of identifying universal grammar. Even though Habermas also talks about universal pragmatics, his theorization has not provided adequate answer to this question. In Truth and Justification, Habermas (2003) alludes to this complexity as follows: Reality – the totality of objects of possible descriptions – is always already absorbed into a specific horizon of meanings and, in Humboldt’s words, assimilated to one’s own language. But from the pragmatic point of view of the living use of speech, a countertendency to semantic particularism becomes apparent. In dialogue, which can be seen as the focal point of language, interlocutors want to understand each other and, at the same time, to reach a mutual understanding about something, that is, to come to an agreement. And this also holds of communication across boundaries of different linguistic communities. (Habermas 2003, p. 56)

The world is getting diverse through the intermingling of the people from different communities; therefore an ideal lifeworld environment with a shared language and a distinctive body of knowledge may not exist. But from Habermasian perspective, it is plausible to argue that intercultural and interlinguistic socialization can happen even through the interactions between the speakers and hearers of different linguistic and cultural backgrounds. As long as their interactions are geared toward reaching an understanding, they share learning process and knowledge intersubjectively. As reflected in the following quotes, Habermas believes that the ability of humans to learn through interaction is uninterrupted regardless of their linguistic differences. Socialization processes shape the members of the system into subjects capable of speaking and acting. The embryo enters this formative process, and the individual is not released from it until his death if we disregard pathological cases of desocialization. (Habermas 1976, p. 9). Linguistic expressions can be explicated through paraphrase in the same language or through translation into expressions of another language; in both cases, competent speakers draw on intuitively known meaning relations that obtain within the lexicon of one language or between those of two languages. (Habermas 1979, pp. 11–12) Subjects capable of speech and action learn the practices that maintain their lifeworld and acquire the corresponding knowledge of rules in the course of their socialization (Habermas 2003, p. 18).

Another point worth mentioning here about the importance of intersubjective learning as a key component of the comprehensive theory of learning relates to selfdirectedness of learning. The notion of self-directed learning or self-reflective learning (Zimmerman 2002) can be understood as subjective learning, which cannot capture the process of learning because “the world that is disclosed to us by the structures of our mind could be a selective and distorted segment of the world” (Habermas 2003, p. 18). A theory of learning that valorizes “self” as an independent and autonomous entity could not define how human learning happens. The self of an individual is constructed out of the objective and the social worlds (Regmi 2020); therefore if we define knowledge as an intuition of an individual alone there will be a

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danger of valorizing introspection and subjective judgment over communicative rationality. If an individual is elevated to a position in deciding what is knowledge she/he does not need to provide reasons or defend the validity of such knowledge in the public discourse.

Action Learning Habermas draws on action theorists such as Talcott Parsons to tackle with structureagency problematic by introducing the concept of action-system, according to which the system is not the combination of individuals, but the combination of actions performed by several individuals. Actions are more interconnected than independent individuals. In this conceptualization, “actors disappear as acting subjects; they are abstracted into units to which the decisions and thus the effects of action are attributed” (Habermas 1987, p. 235). In Marxian analysis the instrumental actions performed by workers connect individuals with (capitalist) system but in the theory of communicative action it is the language through which individuals are connected in seamless web of networks. One can see individuals but cannot see how they are linguistically connected hence it is worthwhile to consider actions of individuals rather than their bodily presence. However, a point to note here is that Habermas tends to assume that learning happens only through interaction because he relies on language as a means of interaction or something that makes communicative actions possible. A question remains. Does learning occur only through linguistic means of communication? An individual can also learn through observation. Learning that happens, for example, in a family context when a daughter learns basic household skills from her mother, may not involve verbal interactions. This position comes from several learning theorists and the one that could complement to Habermasian theory comes from Lave and Wenger (1991) on legitimate peripheral participation. Whether all types of learning involve linguistic interaction as indicated by Habermas is not solved by Lave and Wenger, but they have expanded our understanding of learning by highlighting the importance of observation in fostering learning. Something that brings Lave and Wenger closer to Habermas is their emphasis on practice for learning. As I noted above, action theorists have tackled with structure-agency debate on learning by emphasizing on action rather than the individuals who perform those actions (Coleman 1986). Actions of individuals may be purposive, but a society may not have a definitive purpose hence system actions are not always purposive. Coleman summarizes the complexity as follows: “The central theoretical problems then come to be two: how the purposive actions of the actors combine to bring about system-level behavior, and how those purposive actions are in turn shaped by constraints that result from the behavior of the system” (Coleman 1986, p. 1312). Coleman does not relate the structure-agency dynamics with learning; therefore it is important to go even deeper into the philosophical debate on whether observation or interaction is the primary medium of learning.

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The philosophical orientation taken by Lave and Wenger (1991) differs from the one taken by Habermas. Habermasian theory of learning stems from the epistemological debate on whether empirical sciences (positivism) or hermeneutics (constructivism) or the mix of both (mixed methods) are important for studying the nature of reality related to social phenomena. Those who believed that for studying social phenomena researchers should use empirical sciences argued that observation should be a primary methodological approach because only through the collection of observable facts researchers can explain the nature of reality. On the other hand, those who believed in hermeneutics, also called interpretivists, argued that for studying social phenomena the methodological approach taken by empirical sciences is inadequate. If researchers only observe what humans do then they will have an incomplete understanding of social reality; rather, for really understanding social phenomena they need to interact with those humans. Therefore, the importance of interaction became a primary medium of learning for Habermas but in the philosophical orientation adopted by Lave and Wenger this epistemological debate on observation vs. interaction was ignored. Habermas (1979) argued that “by using a sentence that reports an observation, I can describe the observed aspect of reality. By using a sentence that renders an interpretation of the meaning of a symbolic formation, I can explicate the meaning of such an utterance” (p. 10). In this sense, “reality accessible to observation” is limited whereas “a reality accessible to understanding” contains “the deep structures of a reality” (p. 10). Since Habermas does not regard observation as a primary medium of obtaining social reality, in his theorization of learning, he excludes all implicit or tacit forms of actions and focuses on “explicit speech actions” (Habermas 1979, p. 1). In Universal Pragmatics Habermas (1979) clarified that he would “ignore nonverbalized actions and bodily expressions” (p. 1) because human learning happens primarily through linguistic means of communication; therefore, for developing a theory of learning it is reasonable to focus on communicative actions. There is a resemblance between what Lave and Wenger call as practice and what Habermas calls as action. Habermas takes “action” as the basis for learning whereas the former take “practice” as the basis of learning. A difference, though, would be that practice involves nonlinguistic embodied actions whereas for Habermas actions related to learning primarily mean communicative actions. Another difference between the two can be found in their focus of analysis. Lave and Wenger focus on teaching, so talk about formal and informal learning but for Habermas it is the context of the lifeworld that enables learning. While the former uses a system perspective, i.e., the education system or the pedagogical aspect of learning, Habermas uses lifeworld as the foundation of human learning. For Lave and Wenger language is peripheral in learning but for Habermas language and learning form a seamless bond as individuals perform communicative actions. The idea of situatedness introduced by Lave and Wenger has appealed learning theorists because it connects with social practice. They claim that in the process of developing their theory of learning “the concept of situated learning” became “an integral and inseparable aspect of social practice” (Lave and Wenger 1991, p. 31).

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Even though the notion of situatedness brought them closer to the lifeworld perspective they repeatedly fall into the trap of system thinking (see Wenger 2000), which prevented them from seeing learning through the perspective of the lifeworld. They addressed this problem by interpreting language as a social practice: “The importance of language should not, however, be overlooked. Language is part of practice, and it is in practice that people learn” (Lave and Wenger 1991, p. 85). A key message of this discussion on the debate between practice and action is that much of the human learning happens through communicative actions, which I define as action learning.

Application of the Comprehensive Theory of Lifelong Learning The four themes developed as the foundations of the comprehensive theory of lifelong learning may be applied to analyze different issues such as increasing inequality, disintegration of society because of individualism, commodification of knowledge, measurement of learning through standardized testing systems, and their impact on indigenous and non-Western knowledge systems. This section explores (a) the potential of the theory to identify limitations of the system perspective; and (b) how communicative rationality can balance the forces of the market and the state for developing a well-functioning democracy.

Crisis in Learning From System Perspective “Marx developed a social-scientific concept of system crisis; it is against this background that we speak today of social and economic crises” (Habermas 1976, p. 2). Marxian analysis uses a system perspective for analyzing the crises in lifelong learning with a special focus on political economy (see Rubenson 2004). The theory of lifelong learning informed by political economy perspective, basically the dynamic role of the state and the market (Rubenson 2004), helps to investigate educational crises intensified by capitalism, but it does not help to explore the learning potential of the lifeworld. A comprehensive theory of lifelong learning should help not only in identifying crises but also in minimizing capitalist distortions. I start this discussion by reviewing the interpretation of learning crises made in selected publications. The International Conference on the World Crisis in Education 1967 noted that the shortage of technical human resources, lack of access to higher education, and the emigration of qualified individuals to cities and developed countries were the major educational crises faced by developing countries (Coombs 1968). An interdisciplinary study undertaken by the UNESCO Institute for Education in 1975 on the foundations of lifelong education noted that “the direction imposed on education by modern conditions, and the potential of individuals for guiding their own education” were major crises in lifelong learning (Cropley 1980, p. xv).

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For the World Bank, which has come to join the discussion on lifelong learning very recently with its own understanding (see Regmi 2017b), learning crisis means the failure of school children in achieving competitive scores in numeracy and literacy in standardized tests such as Trends in International Mathematics and Science Study (TIMSS) and the Progress in International Reading Literacy Study (PIRLS). It argues that “increasing inputs” has only “small effects on learning outcomes” therefore educational resources should be invested in measuring outcomes (World Bank 2018, p. 10). This assumption stems from the idea that when the measurement of learning outcomes becomes a focused policy agenda schools and teachers will be under the pressure for delivering better results. The World Bank aims to distribute educational resources in the form of loans and grants to developing countries based on learning outcomes or results. Taking the case of the USA, Lipman (2013) explored the crises in education created by what he calls the coercive state. The crisis in education such as the lack of funding for public schools in rural areas, where people of color such as African American and Latino study, is justified by constructing a new discourse of economic crisis. The austerity discourse used by the federal and provincial governments for increasing educational privatization is an educational crisis in the USA. Similarly, exploring the case of Tanzania, Languille (2014) argued that quantification of cognitive skills and standardization of testing as the tools for measuring the quality of education has been a major crisis in Tanzanian context. For Duarte (2015), who draws on Martha Nussbaum’s works on democracy and citizenship, the tendency of overrating “education for profit” over “education for citizenship” has brought current crisis in education. There are several publications with their own interpretations of learning crisis, which is not possible to review here but a point to note is that the system perspective helps only to identify learning crisis. For taking a transformative approach we should explore the learning potential of individuals as the members of a learning society, which becomes possible if we take lifeworld perspective.

Communicative Rationality for Deliberative Democracy In the capitalist system, national governments assume that one of their major responsibilities is to create a favorable environment for market freedom. Governments often do not trust state apparatuses as much as they trust the freedom of the market. While the freedom of the market has done well for a few people majority of the people around the world are suffering from poverty, lack of healthcare services, conflict, and the lack of democratic practices (Piketty 2020). Even in democratic countries governments have continuously failed to address the basic needs of the general mass of people. Mass protests and social movements have challenged political regimes that support market freedom, but democratic practices are under threat because governments are increasingly controlled by a few elites of multinational corporations. All the forces, mainly political parties, which bring political changes, appear to be

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Fig. 2 Communicative rationality for balancing the state and the market. (Source: Author)

popular until they govern the country but when they are in power, they fail to deliver and are gradually disconnected from the people. The challenges faced by the people do not become the policy agenda of the government; even if they are included in their policy documents they are not adequately implemented. Interestingly, while the system and the lifeworld are increasingly disconnected (see Regmi 2021) the governments are well connected with the capitalist class hence their agenda become a priority of the former. The understanding of learning informed by some of the ideas included in the comprehensive theory of lifelong learning such as communicative rationality and intersubjectivity (Habermas 1984, 1987) can provide theoretical insights helpful for keeping the connection between the government and the people alive. Unlike what the theory of political economy suggests, the solution lies not on increasing the power of the government or restricting the freedom of the market but on fostering the communicative ability of citizens to keep both forces in a balance (see Fig. 2). The collective ability of citizens reflected as the force of civil society or the public sphere to use communicative rationality can open new dialogue for the development of democratic practices. When civil societies can justify their assertions using reasons, they can challenge the coercive powers of the state and the market. Communicative rationality empowers people but not the government, neither the market. When both the government and the market are controlled by the people, then only we can imagine a society governed by a deliberative democracy. As argued by Fraser (1990), rationality may also be misused by speakers when they are motivated toward winning or becoming stronger competitor. All rationally motivated communicative actions follow the principle of discourse ethics in which “only those norms can claim to be valid that meet (or could meet) with the approval of all affected in their capacity as participants” (Müller-Doohm 2014). The reality of a statement cannot be validated by another statement; rather, validity can be tested through rationale discourse. The conditions for testing validity include (a) public debate in which everyone who is affected by the statement is included, (b) everyone has equal freedom and right to communicate, (c) a nonviolent context in which only the unforced force of the better argument holds sway, and (d) the sincerity of how all those affected express themselves. In addition to those four conditions, for the application of discourse ethics, there should be “an unavoidable epistemological

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connection between truth and justification” (Habermas 2003, p. 37) so that discourse ethics can become the principles of deliberative democracy. According to Habermas (2003, p. 40), “discourses remain embedded in the context of lifeworld practices because it is their function to re-establish a partially disrupted background understanding.” A society cannot achieve discourse ethics through its system mechanisms alone because legislative, bureaucratic, and monetary systems promote only instrumental rationality, which motivates people to take strategic actions but demotivates them from understanding each other. Communicative rationality is fostered when individuals use reasons to justify their assertions whereas instrumental rationality is fostered when individuals are motivated to maximize their material gain. If the relationships between speakers and hearers are affected by power and wealth – which could have been inherited inappropriately from the market or the state or both – the communication between them cannot be ethical. Therefore, for a functioning deliberative democracy communicative rationality must be mobilized as the opposite pole to the power formations within the market and the state.

Conclusion In this chapter, building on my earlier contributions in using Habermasian theory of communicative actions to theorize lifelong learning (Regmi 2017a, 2020), I set out to develop a comprehensive theory of lifelong learning. I started this theorization with a claim that the current understanding of lifelong learning is limited not only to the theories of learning developed in the field of psychology but also to the system perspective to study society. The psychological theories of learning helped to understand how an individual learns but it did not help much to understand how an individual learns in relation to his/her society. Similarly, the system perspective to study society helped to understand how education system is affected by economic and political systems but it did not help to understand the process of learning in a society. The main argument of the chapter is that a comprehensive theory of lifelong learning should take an approach not limited to the psychological understanding of learning, neither the one limited to system perspective to study society; rather, such a theory of lifelong learning should embrace the social foundations of learning and the lifeworld perspective to study society. For doing this, I used Habermasian theory because Habermas has not only identified the limitations of studying society by using either the lifeworld perspective or the system perspective alone but also provided a strong theoretical ground on which different dimensions of learning could be built. By closely reading some major Habermasian publications I identified four such dimensions and introduced them as the key components of the comprehensive theory of lifelong learning: rational learning, communicative learning, intersubjective learning, and action learning. These components should not be interpreted as standalone themes; neither should they be put into order. The Fig. 1 I created for illustrating their connections has circles but their borders are not rigid,

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which I have done to show the fluidity, interconnectivity, and intersectionality among those components. By introducing rational learning as a component of this theory I intend to stress that humans cannot stop learning, which is an innate capacity they bring by birth. By nature, learning involves reasoning, which means humans are capable of providing reasons for every statement they make or for every bit of reality they believe in. If they are not able to provide reasons because of the lack of knowledge (for which they may not have access) then this becomes a cause for learning (i.e., accessing a source or a set of sources where the body of knowledge is located). Therefore, for fostering lifelong learning, a society, a nation, or a supranational organization like the UN needs to remove barriers (institutional, legal, economic, religious, etc.) that prevent their members to use reasons and provide access to the sources of knowledge. By introducing communicative learning as another component of the comprehensive theory I wanted to stress that instrumental learning theory rooted in Marxism is not adequate for understanding the learning process. Marxism has been helpful to critique how capitalism has commodified education systems around the world as a machine for producing human resources to fulfill the demand of neoliberal market. While this critique is totally valid, understanding of learning limited to Marxism has a limitation, i.e., it cannot explain the process of human learning. I argued that it is through communication that a real learning happens and through this process of learning the lifeworld is able to produce intuitive as well as practical knowledge. I also argued that since communication is intergenerational the body of knowledge produced in the past (throughout the evolution of human society) is continuously transferred to the new members of the lifeworld. I further elaborated communicative learning while discussing the intersubjective learning. For understanding the importance of intersubjective learning as a component of the comprehensive theory it is helpful to draw a distinction between objective knowledge and subjective knowledge. The body of knowledge that goes into intergenerational transformation is not produced by an individual; rather, it is produced through interaction among the members of a lifeworld and embedded in their culture. On the other hand, subjective knowledge refers to the body of knowledge either produced by a single individual or retained in his/her mind as a memorized form of knowledge. Since the body of subjective knowledge gets transformed when the bearer of such knowledge involves in communication it becomes intersubjective. Drawing on structure-agency debate, I argued that understanding the relationship between an individual and his/her society is important for fostering the intersubjective dimension of learning. I introduced action learning as another component of the comprehensive theory of lifelong learning to stress the importance of language as a primary means of human learning. By comparing the theory developed by Lave and Wenger (1991) on legitimate peripheral participation with that of Habermasian theory of communicative actions I argued that it is through (inter)actions that much of the human learning happens. While nonlinguistic or nonverbal actions performed by an individual, which can be observed by others, may result into some forms of learning such actions provide limited opportunities for learning and the production of knowledge.

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Finally, to illustrate how the comprehensive theory of lifelong learning may be applied to explore social phenomena I presented a case. I demonstrated that for establishing a functioning democracy the role of communicative rationality – that is the ability of the members of a society to put the forces of the state and the market in balance – is vital. By fostering rational, communicative, intersubjective, and action learnings, a society can address unequal power-relationships, hierarchies, and status quos and decolonize the lifeworld from the pressure exerted by the capitalist system. Future research studies may be directed toward the expansion of the comprehensive theory of lifelong learning, its constructive critiques, and its applications to explore multiple social phenomena.

Cross-References ▶ Human Strivings and Social Change: Scenarios for Renewal in Lifelong Learning ▶ Lifelong Learning Research: The Themes of the Territory ▶ Lifelong Learning Systems ▶ Lifelong Learning: Researching a Contested Concept in the Twenty-First Century

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Regmi, K. D. (2021). Nepali lifeworld and its higher education system: A critical assessment of the dis/connection. In B. Hall & R. Tandon (Eds.), Socially responsible higher education (pp. 42–54). Brill. https://doi.org/10.1163/9789004459076_004. Rubenson, K. (2004). Lifelong learning: A critical assessment of the political project. In P. Alheit, R. Becker-Schmidt, T. G. Johansen, L. Ploug, H. S. Oleson, & K. Rubenson (Eds.), Shaping an emerging reality: Researching lifelong learning (pp. 28–48). Roskilde, Denmark: Roskilde University Press. Schutz, A. (1967). Phenomenology of the social world. Evanston, Illinois: Northwestern University Press. Searle, J. R. (1969). Speech acts: An essay in the philosophy of language. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9781139173438. Skinner, B. F. (1950). Are theories of learning necessary? Psychological Review, 36, 193–216. Smith, A. (1776). An inquiry into the nature and causes of the wealth of nations. Edinburgh Research Archive. https://era.ed.ac.uk/handle/1842/1455 Weber, M. (1904). The Protestant ethic and the spirit of capitalism (T. Parsons, Trans., 2005 ed.). Taylor & Francis. https://doi.org/10.4324/9780203995808. Welton, M. R. (1995). In defense of the lifeworld: Critical perspectives on adult learning. Albany, NY: State University of New York Press. Wenger, E. (2000). Communities of practice and social learning systems. Organization, 7, 225–246. https://doi.org/10.1177/135050840072002. World Bank. (2018). World Development Report: Learning to realize education’s promise. World Bank Group. http://www.worldbank.org/en/publication/wdr2018 Zimmerman, B. J. (2002). Becoming a self-regulated learner: An overview. Theory Into Practice, 41(2), 64–70. https://doi.org/10.1207/s15430421tip4102_2.

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Intersectionality: Implications for Research in the Field of Adult Education and Lifelong Learning Maria Slowey

Contents Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Definition(s) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . “Travelling” of the Concept . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Intersectionality, Adult Education, and Lifelong Learning . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Conclusion: Social Justice, Interdisciplinarity, Adult Education, and Lifelong Learning . . . . . Cross-References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Abstract

The concept of intersectionality has featured prominently for several decades across a number of disciplines. Most notably, it has provided a key – possibly the key – analytic framework underlying much feminist scholarship. While there are many different definitions and interpretations of intersectionality, the common dimension involves an exploration of the structural interactions of important socially constructed factors, most notably: gender, race, and class. These factors also feature prominently in a good deal of contemporary research on adult education and lifelong learning – particularly that derived from feminist, radical, and social purpose traditions in adult education and lifelong learning. However, the concept of “intersectionality” has tended to remain implicit rather than explicit. With the greater part of the literature on intersectionality deriving from the USA, the “travelling” of the concept across disciplines and global regions, specifically from the USA to Europe, is discussed in this chapter. In Europe, exploration of inequalities and discrimination associated with gender and race is frequently located in the wider context of social class and factors such as minority M. Slowey (*) Higher Education Research Centre, Dublin City University, Dublin, Ireland e-mail: [email protected] © Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 K. Evans et al. (eds.), Third International Handbook of Lifelong Learning, Springer International Handbooks of Education, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-19592-1_5

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ethnic status (for example, Roma, travelers and Gypsies), and, particularly prominent in recent years, migration status (such as refugee, asylum seeker, first or second generation immigrant). Intersectionality can be considered both as a conceptual framework and a methodological approach. This chapter considers the potential contribution, which both interpretations might offer to research in the field of adult and lifelong learning, reflecting on some common roots located in critical theory, a commitment to praxis and social justice. Reciprocally, a number of ways in which a focus on age and lifecourse stages might contribute to the further development of intersectionality are also discussed as important structural factors which are often neglected in the literature. Keywords

Intersectionality · Feminism · Gender · Race · Black feminism · Social class · Lifecourse · Inequality · Adult education · Lifelong learning · Praxis

Introduction This chapter explores the concept of intersectionality from a particular perspective, namely, that of its potential relevance to research in the field of adult education and lifelong learning. (In this discussion the formulation “adult education and lifelong learning” is used to encompass all aspects of education – formal and nonformal – for people of all ages, beyond formal schooling.) The development of the concept of intersectionality has informed theory and empirical research across a wide range of disciplines including, for example: law, sociology, psychology, political science, education, medicine and, most particularly, feminist, Black, anti-racist and cultural studies. As the concept “travelled” and the body of literature expanded, inevitably debates also emerged both within and between different disciplines. This chapter reviews some of the major themes underlying different interpretations of intersectionality. Rather than looking inward – to what can sometimes appear rather arcane academic discussions – it seeks to look outward to the possible value that a potentially influential concept might offer to the arena of adult education and lifelong learning: and, reciprocally, what research paradigms from the latter might offer to the former. However, at the outset, a fundamental question has to be posed: to what extent might intersectionality be regarded as a significantly new conceptual development? Or, in some respects, might it not perhaps be rather a case of “repackaging” wellknown interactions of different dimensions of inequality? In social sciences generally, and in the field of adult education and lifelong learning specifically, there is a strong tradition of research focusing on inequality and empowerment. As will be discussed below, literature on intersectionality emerged in the USA in the 1980s/ 1990s. In European research in adult education and lifelong learning, around that time, there was a growing body of work influenced by feminist thought and the

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interconnections of class and gender – influential examples published in English include: Jane Thompson (1980, 1983), Judith Butler (1990), Veronica McGivney (1993), Miriam Zukas (1997), Roseanne Benn and colleagues (1998), and Jean Barr (1999). (One of my own early studies (Slowey 1987) reflected the focus on gender and class – investigating the contrasting motivations, opportunities and outcomes for working-class and middle-class women in adult education.) Although, as Zukas (1997), pointed out, the story of the impact of feminism and analysis of gender inequalities in adult education and lifelong learning is one which had to be repeatedly “retold,” other dimensions of inequality and marginalized status also gained in prominence over the 1980s and 1990s, notably: race, minority ethnic groups (for example, travelers, Roma, Gypsies) and migration status (Amos and Parmar 1984; Brah 1996, 2004). The specific socioeconomic and cultural conditions clearly work out very differ ently across diverse societies at different historical periods. So, it is not surprising that in the USA the primary focus was on race, and the intersections of race with gender, which underpinned the development of the concept of intersectionality (hooks 1984). The originality and, as will be argued in this chapter, the potential power of the concept for research in adult education and lifelong learning, lies in its explicit bringing together the complex structural interactions involved. The literature commonly attributes the explicit use of the term “intersectionality,” in its contemporary academic formulation to Kimberlé W. Crenshaw, a pioneering scholar and writer on civil rights, critical race theory, Black feminist legal theory, and race, racism, and the law (Crenshaw 1989, 1991, 2001, 2011). (In this chapter, the use of capitals – for example, “Black” or “White” – reflects usage in the literature from which references are drawn.) In her 1989 article, Demarginalizing the Intersections of Race and Sex, she was concerned to highlight critical legal studies as a site of contestation, pointing out that, at that specific juncture in the USA, the parallel projects of race and gender anti-discrimination laws were undergoing critical theorization. In a subsequent article in the Stanford Law Review (1991), she developed her ideas on intersectionality further, into what subsequently became a landmark publication on the topic. Since that time, the concept has “travelled” both to other disciplines and other parts of the world. Inevitable development and reinterpretation in this process has led to critiques that it has been “imported” into the global north from the global south, hence losing some of its original meaning from Black feminist thought and writing. Thus, intersectionality reflects the confluence of many strands of thought and interrogation from a variety of disciplinary perspectives. As will be discussed in this chapter, while intersectionality – in its explicit formulation – arguably arrived rather late in the day to the field of adult education and lifelong learning, the underlying ideas and principles were implicit in much of the research in Europe, where matters of sex and race tended to be viewed through the lens of social class. Historically, a prominent strand of adult education and lifelong learning has been located in the context of social movements and a series of interlocking social forces. The approach and philosophy of Paolo Freire (2005, 30th Edition) and the notion of praxis, involving a dynamic interrelationship between theory and practice in support

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of the empowerment of disadvantaged groups, has been particularly influential. As Paolo Freire puts it Attempting to liberate the oppressed without their reflective participation in the act of liberation is to treat them as objects that must be saved from a burning building. (63)

In a not dissimilar way, intersectionality can also be considered as a conceptual framework, a methodological approach, and an arena of praxis. This chapter explores the potential contribution, which intersectionality might offer to research in the field of adult education and lifelong learning. Reciprocally, it also considers a number of ways in which research in adult education and lifelong learning might contribute to the further development of intersectionality. Specifically, this concerns a focus on age and lifecourse stages – important structural factors, which are rarely addressed in the literature on intersectionality. This chapter is structured in three parts. The first part considers definitions of intersectionality. The second part traces the evolution and “travelling” of the concept – with associated (lively) academic debates, and the third illustrates the potential relevance of the concept to the field of adult education and lifelong learning, and, also reciprocally, what the latter might contribute to the former. I conclude the chapter by highlighting three important commonalities of values and theoretical underpinnings shared between intersectionality and the field of adult education and lifelong learning, opening what seem to be fruitful areas for new conceptual developments and praxis.

Definition(s) As noted, literature on intersectionality usually attributes the first use of the term to Kimberlé W. Crenshaw who, in her 1991 publication “Mapping the Margins” (Stanford Law Review), offered a powerful critique of a “single-axis,” legal approach to the issue of sexual violence inflicted on Black women, and “women of color.” In this, she drew attention to the importance of understanding the complex interlocking systems of oppression, which these women experienced. Crenshaw delineated three dimensions of intersectionality: structural, political, and, representational. These are paraphrased below. Structural Intersectionality Structural intersectionality emphasizes multiple, often hidden, forms of structural oppression (in particular, racism, classism, and sexism) as situating and shaping the lives of Black women. Their lives are structurally distinct from those of White women and Black men, but are usually viewed through lenses that privilege the experiences of the latter two groups as the “normalized default.” This failure to account for Black women’s unique experiences because they share the same race as

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Black men and the same gender as White women, reveals how, as Cho, Crenshaw, and McCall (2013) subsequently put it, “power works in diffuse and differentiated ways through the creation and deployment of overlapping identity categories (797).” Political Intersectionality Crenshaw further argued that, given their race and gender, Black women operate within two “minoritized” identities, ensuring they remain disempowered and voiceless in ways not experienced by White women or Black men. Political agendas for racial justice typically centered on Black men, while political agendas for gender justice often center on White women. Thus, she suggests neither agenda was sufficient for grappling with the needs of Black women: racial justice agendas rarely considered issues of gender, while gender justice agendas rarely consider issues of race. Representational Intersectionality Representational intersectionality refers to the ways in which Black women’s lives were situated in public discourses, often reinforcing racial and sexual stereotypes. On this latter point, writing some two decades later, Haynes et al. (2020), in their comprehensive review of the literature, which has implications for higher education, illustrate ways in which “representational intersectionality exposes how controlling images such as Sapphire, Mammy, Jezebel, and Superwoman reinforce racist and sexist stereotypes of Black women as loud, angry, violent, hypersexual, and superhuman” (757). They go on to discuss how such images and historical depictions can materialize with real-life consequences for Black women. As the concept of intersectionality was more widely adopted it was, of course, subject to development, contestation and varying interpretations. Some, for example, argued that intersectionality’s “newfound popularity” came at the expense of Black women, whose voices and knowledge rooted in lived experience had been erased (Jordan-Zachery 2007; Nash 2008). Others argued that interpretations by continental European scholars “replaced” the emphasis on race by an emphasis on social class (Carbado et al. 2013) leading to what some regarded as the concept being “Whitewashed” (Bilge 2013). Patricia Hill Collins, a sociologist and one of the leading contemporary scholars in the field in one of her recent books (2019), locates intersectionality within the context of critical social theory. Notably, for purposes of this chapter, she draws on work which has also been highly influential in the field of adult education and lifelong learning. This includes, for example, Stuart Hall (1996; Morley and Chen 1996; Steele 1997; Taylor 2021), the Frankfurt School (Calhoun 1995; Habermas 1989, 1992), and the work of Pierre Bourdieu and Passeron (1977). Rather than “whitewashing,” this work suggests it is rather a question of emphasis, recognizing the different socioeconomic and demographic structures of different societies. Collins, contrasting research between the USA and the UK, makes the case that both investigate “power relations of race, class, gender, sexuality, nation, and ethnicity” (Collins 2019, 69).

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The different emphases that they place on varying intersections, those of race and nation or of class and gender, for example, reflects the specific social contexts of the U.S. and the U.K.. British cultural studies reflects intersectionality’s core concepts of relationality, power, social inequality, social context, complexity, and social justice, often refracted through different terminology and particular circumstances. (Collins 2019, 69–70)

In their overview, Collins and Bilge (2016) refer to intersectionality’s “core constructs,” which operate as both topics of investigation and as methodological premises that shape research. These core constructs are further developed in Collins (2019). The core constructs comprise six themes: relationality; power; social inequality; social context; complexity; and, social justice. Drawing on Collins, the main aspects of these six dimensions are summarized below. Relationality: Shifts the focus away from the essential qualities that seemingly lie in the center of categories, and toward the relational processes that connect them. Power: Intersecting power relations produce social divisions of race, gender, class, sexuality, ability, age, country of origin, and citizenship status that are unlikely to be adequately understood in isolation from one another. Social inequality: Prevailing frameworks tend to explain social inequalities as separate entities. Treating social inequality as a result of other, seemingly more fundamental social processes, suggested that social inequality was inevitable because it was “hardwired” into the social world, into individual nature, or both. Intersectionality rejects these notions that normalize inequality by depicting it as somehow “natural” and, hence, inevitable. Instead, intersectionality points to the workings of power relations in producing social inequality and the social problems they engender. Social context: This theme is especially important for understanding how interpretive communities, both academic and activist, organize knowledge. This premise applies to the internal dynamics of a given interpretative community, for example: how sociologists or women’s studies scholars go about their work; the relationships among interpretive communities, such as how sociology and Africana studies within academia develop different interpretations of race and racism; and, how communities of inquiry are hierarchically arranged and valued such as the way in which universities tend to rank the sciences over the humanities. Complexity: Intersectional knowledge projects achieve greater levels of complexity because they are iterative and interactional, always examining the connections among seemingly distinctive categories of analysis. Complexity is dynamic – intersectionality’s categories of race, class, gender, and sexuality, among others, are a useful starting point for inquiry. Bringing multiple lenses to intersectional inquiry facilitates more complex, comprehensive analyses. Social justice: This construct raises questions about the ethics of intersectional scholarship and practice. The point is made that while historically these issues were so core as to be taken for granted, within the contemporary academic environment the significance of social justice as a core theme within intersectionality is

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increasingly challenged by norms that place social justice, freedom, equality, and similar ethical issues as secondary concerns within acceptable scholarship. This latter point, concerning how different forms of knowledge and associated academic work are valued in contemporary higher education, is one to which I return in the Conclusion. The theoretical connections between these six core constructs and their underlying guiding premises are elaborated by Collins in the context of three critical thinking “tools” – metaphoric, heuristic, and paradigmatic – in what she refers to as intersectionality’s “cognitive architecture.” These are illustrated in Fig. 1. Achieving relationality is not easy, either conceptually or methodologically. This point about the difference between a relatively straightforward “additive” approach and that of a more complex relational approach is illustrated in the title of an article by Bowleg (2008): When Black + Lesbian + Woman 6¼ Black Lesbian Woman: The Methodological Challenges of Qualitative and Quantitative Intersectionality Research. In this, Bowleg makes the case that a key dilemma for intersectionality researchers is that the additive (in this example, Black + Lesbian + Woman) versus the intersectional (Black Lesbian Woman) assumption inherent in measurement and qualitative and quantitative data analyses, “contradicts the central tenet of intersectionality: social identities and inequality are interdependent for groups such as Black lesbians, not mutually exclusive” (312). In the light of this, she proposes that interpretation is key as one of the most substantial tools in the “intersectionality researcher’s methodological toolbox.”

Fig. 1 Intersectionality’s cognitive architecture. (Source: P. H. Collins (2019). Intersectionality as Critical Social Theory. Durham and London: Duke University Press. Figure 1.1, 49. Reproduced by kind permission)

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“Travelling” of the Concept As pointed out in the Introduction, the notion that factors such as gender, race, and class are interdependent is certainly not new in the field of adult education and lifelong learning. However, what is relatively novel for researchers in the field is an explicit use of the term intersectionality. So, how has this concept, the origins of which are traced to researchers (and activists) in the USA, traveled not only across the Atlantic to the UK and other parts of Europe, but also from disciplines such as law to the arena of adult education and lifelong learning? Salem (2016), drawing on Foucault, points out that claims about “beginnings” are claims to power. She critiques the widespread use of “coining” in discussions of the origins of the term intersectionality- as it appears a form of “branding” – and also suggests that the expansive application within gender studies has in effect meant that intersectionality has been ‘whitened’ and claimed for the academy, erasing intersectionality’s beginnings in Black feminist histories and Third World Liberation movements, that is, erasing its articulations outside of the academy. (4)

In further exploring the evolution of the concept, Salem uses Said’s (1983, 2001) notion of a “traveling theory,” making the case that tracing the ways intersectionality has traveled can “shed light on the critiques now being made against it.” What has happened to intersectionality as it has crossed time and space, and first moved from Black and Third World feminism to feminism as a whole, and then from feminism in the Global South to feminism in the Global North. . .. It is crucial to note that intersectionality’s travels point to the power of the concept itself. . . While it could be argued that the spread of intersectionality into the ‘mainstream’ is a demonstration of its success and power, it is always important to trace the ways in which concepts change when they travel – it is rarely a seamless translation but often involves mutations that may render the concept devoid of its original meanings. (Salem 2016, 2,3)

One analysis of the development and “traveling” of the concept of intersectionality – across disciplines, geography, and over time – suggests that two processes may be at work (Cho et al. 2013). First, a centrifugal process in which ideas travel and adapt to different disciplines; and second, a centripetal process when scholars at the margins of their respective disciplines draw on literatures from other fields. The centrifugal process is driven by institutional forces that mould intersectional thinking to the methodological standards, practices, and discourses of specific disciplines. (807)

Examples of centrifugal works provided by the authors include: Hancock (2007) in political science; Cole (2009) and Purdie-Vaughns and Eibach (2008) in psychology; Choo and Ferree (2010) in sociology; and Walby (2007) in philosophy. (807) Cho and colleagues further point to the relative privilege or marginality of intersectionality scholars, making the case that “mainstream” disciplinary work

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tends to be more highly valued within the academy than critical interdisciplinary work – a matter to which I return in the Conclusion below. A recent comprehensive study investigates this notion of traveling through empirical investigation of publications and citations. In Intersectionality on the go: The diffusion of Black feminist knowledge across disciplinary and geographical borders, Anna Keuchenius and Liza Mügge (2021) map how intersectionality has “broken out from its original moorings in feminist, legal, and critical race scholarship to cross countries and continents, disciplines, and subfields” (361). They found almost 6000 references to intersectionality, identifying over 100 distinct research areas. Along its journey, “intersectionality” has been interpreted and reinterpreted to speak to its new disciplinary, geographical, sociocultural, and political surroundings. (Keuchenius and Mügge 2021, 361)

Based on their review of the literature, the authors proposed five working hypotheses: first, that the “trail” of intersectionality’s spread would appear as “clusters of disciplinary communities loosely connected by scholars working at their margins”; second, that communities would be tied together geographically; third, that interpretations of intersectionality would correspond to scholars’ disciplinary and geographical locations; fourth, that Crenshaw (1989) would be referenced by nearly all researchers and would be the most central scholar in the network; and, fifth, that each community would have “local” central scholars like “scientific stars” (Merton 1968) or leaders of invisible colleges (Crane 1972) would be likely to be established scholars within their disciplines. The diffusion of intersectionality is a complex process of micro-interactions between scholars referencing and building on each other’s work. (363)

To reveal regularities and also exceptions in this process, Keuchenius and Mügge constructed a network representing the “diffusion of intersectionality in terms of citations.” They then analyzed the macroscopic structures of this network, how these relate to geography and disciplines, investigating how intersectionality is used and adapted by individual scholars and different communities in the network. The resulting data set contained some 3807 articles and books, authored by over 6000 scholars. Conscious that their own positions as “White female researchers employed by a wealthy institution in a western democracy” may influence their readings (Labelle 2020), to reduce the danger of bias they also picked a random sample of publications to explore how authors use intersectionality and refer to key publications and scholars in their “community.” Two key findings from this extensive study on the evolution and “travelling” of the concept concerned, patterns of diffusion and speed/timing of growth. These are briefly considered below. Diffusion. Intersectionality did not “spread like an oil stain,” evenly and outward from a single center. Instead, the trail shows multiple centers and local webs within

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the 6098 scholars in the data set, much like the loosely connected arenas theorized in the literature (Carbado et al. 2013). The network could be categorized into types of research “communities,” with the three largest “communities” comprising 42% of all scholars. Speed and timing of growth. While all communities grew exponentially over the period in question (1983–2018), the speed and timing of growth varied. For example, the first “community” to grow centered on pioneering work in the USA by Crenshaw and Collins – creating hubs centered around scientific opinion leaders. In contrast, other communities developed later: for example, work centered around Psychology, only really “takes off” after 2005. Given their central location and timing, these hubs were viewed by the authors as scientific opinion leaders – innovative ideas first spread to a small number of opinion leaders who in turn diffuse it to followers. Figure 2 shows the diffusion network and its clear community structure, as Keuchenius and Mügge trace intersectionality over quarter of a century of publications. In this Figure the “nodes” are scholars who have published on the topic. What they term “directed edges” are drawn from scholars publishing for the first time (“edge source”) to the established authors whom they cite (“edge target”). Furthermore, the nodes are colored by different areas of interest – communities identified by the authors. This Figure shows 12 main “communities” of scholars and highlights that a small number (around 10%) of influential researchers accounted for the overwhelming majority of citations. These included: Kimberlé Crenshaw, Patricia Hill Collins, Leslie McCall, Elizabeth Cole, Lisa Bowleg, Kathy Davis, Nira Yuval-Davis, Ange-Marie Hancock, and Olena Hankivsky. Further analysis explored the role of geography in diffusion. The majority of the ten scholarly communities identified were based in the USA, with two other groups based in Continental Europe and the UK, respectively. However, the conclusion was that “while geography has influenced the diffusion of intersectionality, it is far from the only compass. The data do not present neatly demarcated geographical communities” (Keuchenius and Mügge 2021, 366–367). In a similar vein, an examination of the role of disciplines seemed less clear cut than might have been anticipated (368–369). Social Sciences were by far the largest group (including gender studies, sociology, law, and education); with arts and humanities the second largest, and a third cluster around psychology; small numbers of references were also found in: medicine, business management and accounting, computer science, economics, econometrics, finance, and nursing. A key conclusion of this analysis was that while both disciplinary forces and geography have indeed shaped the spread of intersectionality, they could not fully account for the observed patterns. To better understand how “diffusion communities” emerged, the authors sought to explore how researchers interpreted and “narrated” intersectionality. This involved investigating the content of the publications where the authors found a wide range of topics ranging, for example, from migration to domestic violence and stigmatization.

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Fig. 2 The diffusion network of intersectionality (1983–2018). (Source: A. Keuchenius, and L. Mügge (2021). Intersectionality on the go: The diffusion of Black feminist knowledge across disciplinary and geographical borders. British Journal of Sociology, 72, 360–378. Figure 1. p. 365. Reproduced with kind permission)

From this more qualitative analysis three large communities were identified, respectively, termed: the “Black Feminist Core”; “Categorically Extended Intersectionality”; and, the “Intersectional Psychologists.” Each community has a distinct understanding of intersectionality. For the predominantly US-based scholars of the “Black Feminist Core,” improving the lives of Black women is central to the intersectional project. Scholars within the “Categorically Extended Intersectionality” community – largely based in continental Europe and the United Kingdom – focus on interdisciplinary women’s studies and treat intersectionality as an analytical framework and work-in-progress. They bring in more categories than race and gender and tend to focus on ethnicity and migration background rather than race. Finally, “The

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Intersectional Psychologists” focus on the methodological questions of intersectional research in individual psychology. (Keuchenius and Mügge 2021, 370)

In summary, the citation analysis revealed research communities in which a small number of researchers effectively acted as “hubs,” which were crucial in introducing the concept to their peers. While these communities were orientated around disciplines, and to some extent geography, the analysis suggests that they mostly formed around specific narratives of intersectionality. This diffusion pattern reflected broader findings from the sociology of knowledge, concerning how researchers’ social relations inform the knowledge they produce (Collins and Chepp 2013). Academics self-organize into social circles, (Crane 1972), epistemic communities, (Knorr Cetina 1981), and what Beecher and Trowler (2001) have termed “academic tribes,” which work in explicit and implicit ways to uphold particular stories and knowledge claims. All of this, of course, leads to the vigorous debate and contestation, which are the life blood of the academic endeavor and central to the core values of academic freedom (Scott 2021; Williams 2016). However, might there be something different about the intensity of sentiments elicited by competing interpretations of this particular concept? Keuchenius and Mügge seem to think there may be, commenting that: What is unique to intersectionality, is the—often heated and political—contestation that accompanied the transformations of the concept. (375)

Intersectionality, Adult Education, and Lifelong Learning As the above discussion has indicated, intersectionality can be understood in a variety of ways – as a theory, a research paradigm, and/or a strategy to transform power relations (Hancock 2016). As theoretical debates abound, there is a case to be made for taking a pragmatic perspective on what the concept has to offer. Perhaps it provides tools to help shape challenging modes of thinking and research? Illustrating this view, Cho, Crenshaw, and McCall (2013) argue that intersectionality of the analysis is not necessarily achieved through the use of the term or being “situated in a familiar genealogy.” Rather, what makes an analysis intersectional “is its adoption of an intersectional way of thinking about the problem of sameness and difference and its relation to power.” (795, emphasis added). This point is important when considering longstanding traditions of research in adult education and lifelong learning, which place issues of equality center stage. Yes, gender, class, and race feature strongly, but so also do other factors such as age, migration status, minority ethnic groups, geography, social capital, and disability. Influences from radical traditions – notably, the Frankfurt School, Paolo Freire, feminism, community-based activism, socialism, and the like – have been highly influential in placing the concept of empowerment at the core of much theoretical and practical work in the field.

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Having said that, in the UK and other parts of Europe, there is some evidence that the concept of intersectionality, in an explicit formulation, is starting to emerge. In 2018, for example, a Special Issue of the Journal for Research on the Education and Learning of Adults, was devoted to the topic of intersectionality and adult education. This thematic issue included papers that drew on different aspects of intersectionality in analyzing adult education and lifelong learning, covering themes such as community-based adult education to empower women; the learning experiences of older adults (50 years and over), lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and intersex (LGBTI) adults; “inclusive recruitment” as a proactive strategy aimed at overcoming occupational stereotyping; the exclusion of women and minority groups; and issues of disability and adult learning (Merrill and Fejes 2018). In the same issue, for example, a paper by Keskitalo-Foley and Naskali (2018) investigated how common the notion of “intersectionality perspectives” was in papers published in the Finnish Journal of Adult Education 2010–2016. Out of 91 articles, 20 were, on first analysis, selected for further scrutiny. As the authors subscribe to social constructivism as an epistemological approach in studying cultural artifacts such as scientific journals, the focus was on the use of language and construction of meanings, not the thinking or purposes of the authors. While this resulted in the identification of only four articles that drew specifically on intersectionality perspectives, 16 others implicitly drew on intersectionality: exploring “categories of difference” such as gender, age, social class, and education. One year later, Endepohls-Ulpe and Ostrouch-Kamińska (2019) published an edited volume on gender and diversity, with the subtitle Intersectionality (New) Perspectives in Adult Education. The main thrust of many of the contributions was framed within a feminist perspective, broadened to consider gender in the context of other structural factors. Thus, for example, a case study by Bencivenga (2019) reported on an investigation in Italy of the gender dimension in assessing migrant women’s nonformal and informal learning and skills. Here, the aim was to achieve a greater understanding about the training background and personal beliefs, which influenced the approach of volunteers in assessing migrant women’s nonformal and informal learning and skills and the extent to which biases were evident in their approach. The author concluded that the initial assessment of migrant women’s nonformal and informal learning and skills was indeed influenced by gendered biases and stereotypes, and that the process was also subject to the constraints imposed by migration and education policies. Such polices paid no attention to gender, not only in terms of power relations at a local level, but also in migrants’ networks. In both of these examples, the focus is on educational matters relating to adults – usually with a lower definition of 18 or 21 years. . .but, with no upper age limit. So, central conceptual aspects, which underpin research in adult education and lifelong learning are associated with age, not in a linear way, but considering life chances and lifecourse stages (Blossfeld et al. 2014; Evans et al. 2012; Slowey 2018; Slowey et al. 2020). Dimensions which, as previously mentioned, are important in shaping life chances are mainly absent in the literature on intersectionality – with a few notable exceptions such as Sangaramoorthy et al. (2017). Patricia Hill Collins (2019)

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is one of the few to draw attention to this gap in intersectionality research. In discussing the work of Simone de Beauvoir, she points out that Because age as a category of analysis is underemphasized within intersectionality, it is interesting to see how prominently it features in Beauvoir’s analysis of women’s oppression (196)

This is perhaps an important dimension that adult and lifelong learning can bring to the intersectional studies “table.” For example, it is often older women – particularly in the global south – who suffer disproportionately from inequality and discrimination, exacerbated by the effects of war and climate change. “Ecofeminist adult education” has thus emerged as a recent example of an approach that seeks to offer an organizing and rallying point in the fight against such injustices, emphasizing “the significance of gender, class and race, linking feminist concerns with human oppressions within patriarchy and the destruction of nature” (Walters 2021).

Conclusion: Social Justice, Interdisciplinarity, Adult Education, and Lifelong Learning I don’t believe that we can change moral institutions except as educators – that is, not as theoreticians and not as writers. (Habermas 1992, 202)

In the main, intersectionality operates as a conceptual framework, while adult education and lifelong learning, in the main, operates as a field of practice comprising educators and researchers working with individuals and communities suffering from multiple forms of disadvantage and discrimination. The discussion in this chapter has led to the identification of three important commonalities between intersectionality and adult and lifelong learning, which are considered below: a shared value base emphasizing social justice and inclusion; an interdisciplinary perspective; and, a shared emphasis on praxis. First, intersectionality and adult education and lifelong learning share a common value base derived from principles of social justice and inclusion for those experiencing multiple disadvantages. This is evident, for example, through connections with critical theory. Jürgen Habermas (1989, 1992) has been depicted, in an account of the lives of the Frankfurt School, rather like the “Frankfurt School’s Pollyanna” (Jeffries 2017, 357), which might partly account for the reason he has been particularly influential in fields with positive social motivations: . . .the impulse to avoid relativism- whereby there is no truth but many truths. No correct moral judgement but only a competing clamour of different value claims- has been an important part of what has kept Habermas spinning his web of words for more than half a century. Habermas’s fight against the relativism of postmodern thought is central to understanding his work. (359)

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While certainly not renowned for the transparency of his language, it may be the rather optimistic possibilities opened by engagement and dialogue that has led to his enduring legacy in adult education and lifelong learning literature. With his concern in developing in learners and citizens the critical reasoning necessary for democracy, his ideas have been particularly influential in dialogic traditions and practices central to the field (Brookfield 2005). As discussed in this chapter, critical theory also played an influential role in the development of intersectionality. Reflecting some 20 years after her initial publication on the topic, Kimberlé Crenshaw, in a detailed conversation (reported in Guidroz and Berger 2009) with two other “founding scholars” of intersectionality, Nira Yuval-Davis (2006) and Michelle Fine (2018), outlined the reasons why, as a scholar at Harvard Law School, she saw the need to “reach for a concept,” which encapsulated the complexities of multiple forms of oppression. I came to this work in part out of an attempt to resolve conflict by being active in antiracist movements both in college and in law school that were deeply sexist and patriarchal in their orientation and, at the same time, trying to be involved with women’s studies and feminist issues where race reared its head in a somewhat parallel way. My own thinking about it really didn’t even start as an academic enterprise; it was actually from trying to make sense of why it was the case that certain issues in each of these movements tended to always just disappear. (63)

The second area of congruence between intersectionality and adult education and lifelong learning is the fact that the roots of both lie in interdisciplinarity. While, as outlined in this chapter, the emergence of the concept of intersectionality was located in law, much of the subsequent work involved colleagues working together across a number of disciplines. Typical examples include: a 2013 special issue of Du Bois Review edited by scholars from law (Devon Carbado and Kimberlé Crenshaw), psychology (Vickie Mays), and literature (Barbara Tomlinson); a 2013 special issue of Signs edited by colleagues from law (Cho and Crenshaw) and sociology (Leslie McCall); and the recent (2021) analysis of publications and citations discussed above was undertaken jointly by colleagues from sociology (Anne Keuchenius) and political science (Liza Mügge). In a similar way, adult education and lifelong learning is a field that gains its strength by drawing on a wide range of disciplines (Field et al. 2016; Slowey 2016; Zukas and Crowther 2020) also with, of course, its own “invisible colleges” (Larsson 2010). Scholars working in this arena are drawn from: sociology, psychology, education, philosophy, history, and political science: plus feminist, cultural, antiracist, anti-colonial, and policy studies. Today, there seems to be a consensus concerning the epistemological status of adult education, since scholars construe this “field” as inherently interdisciplinary, borrowing theories and methodologies from a range of disciplines... Openness to the inclusion of scholars from diverse disciplines with different methodological and theoretical inclinations is thus arguably an important part of the self-image of scholars active in the field. (Fejes and Nylander 2015, 104)

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The third area of commonality relates to a shared emphasis on praxis. Intersectionality, adult education, and lifelong learning all place an emphasis on academic work, which is (ideally) strongly grounded in engagement and practice, with foundational principles aimed – directly and/or indirectly – at enhancing the lives of those experiencing multiple disadvantage. However, as also discussed above, within much of the literature there is also a reflection on ways in which knowledge is valued and is closely associated with differential power structures (Bourdieu and Passeron 1977). Consequently, a focus on praxis can present challenges for academics in the contemporary academic environment, associated with the differential power of disciplines and compounded by pressures for performativity. The dramatic expansion of higher education in recent decades has come at a price, as universities are asked to contribute to a variety of national policy objectives and the conflicting interests of different stakeholders. Included within such priorities, the achievement of research “excellence” is often to the fore, and often rather too narrowly defined by the criteria used in international league tables (Hazelkorn 2011). One of many consequences of these pressures on academics can be to reinforce a tendency to focus on topics that are currently perceived as being “relevant,” thus potentially posing a challenge to value-based concepts such as intersectionality and fields of study such as adult education and lifelong learning. In this context, to what extent does this support the observation by Collins that, the more intersectionality has become integrated within the academy, the more its foundations in social justice has become “the elephant in the room?” (2019, 280) The above reflections lead me to pose three questions, which I see as important for shaping future research in the field of adult education and lifelong learning. First, the discussion in this chapter suggests there is much to be gained by drawing on the concept of intersectionality to enhance research in the field of adult education and lifelong learning. Furthermore, research assessment/excellence exercises in many countries have recently expanded beyond simple citation and publication records to include reference to factors such as relevance and/or societal impact. However, this necessitates an approach that integrates theory and practice. To what extent can the focus on praxis – which is inherent in strong traditions within both intersectionality and adult education and lifelong learning – not only survive, but thrive, within the constraints under which contemporary universities in many countries operate? Second, there has been a long running debate in the field of adult education and lifelong learning as to whether it is intrinsically an “area study” informed by several social science, arts, and humanities disciplines – as opposed to it constituting a discipline in its own right. As a contribution to the sociology of knowledge, perhaps further detailed investigation of the “travelling” of the concept of intersectionality into the field of adult education and lifelong learning could contribute to this discussion, exploring the extent to which patterns of centrifugal processes

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(in which ideas travel and adapt to different disciplines) and centripetal processes (when scholars on the periphery of their respective disciplines draw on literatures from other fields) are in operation? Third, writing almost four decades ago, one of the pioneers of women’s literacy and post-colonial approaches to adult education, Lalage Bown, defined its main purpose as being: to enable people to move on from participation in learning to participation in decisionmaking, but persons classified as members of disadvantaged target groups are always likely to be seen as objects rather than subjects (Bown 1985, 9)

This raises the point as to whether future development of the concept of intersectionality may to a considerable extent depend on its ability to expand beyond the global north’s academic theories and priorities, to embrace broader, more inclusive perspectives from the global south? Addressing these three questions will help to elucidate the validity or otherwise of my concluding argument in this chapter: that it is in a shared, reinvigorated commitment to social justice that the concept of intersectionality has indeed the potential to make its most valuable contribution to theory and praxis in the field of adult education and lifelong learning. This conclusion reflects aspects of a recent evaluation of the impact of the work of Paolo Freire (Giroux 2021). Giroux suggests that “intersectionality became an increasingly important aspect of Freire’s critically engaged pedagogical politics”; and that, while he “never wavered from his commitment to class politics” he did so without “eclipsing or giving short shrift to gender and racial politics” (297). As Giroux puts it, Freire’s vision was for an education for critical consciousness at the basis of the intersection of people’s everyday lives, their histories and the social structures which they help create and transform, rather than simply reproduce, through their agency. (297, emphasis added)

Cross-References ▶ Empowerment Through Lifelong Learning ▶ Higher Education and Lifelong Learning ▶ Human Strivings and Social Change: Scenarios for Renewal in Lifelong Learning ▶ Lifelong Learning Research: The Themes of the Territory Acknowledgments I am most grateful to Patricia Hill Collins, Distinguished University Professor Emerita of Sociology at the University of Maryland, Anna Keuchenius, Professor of Sociology, University of Amsterdam, and Lisa Mügge, Professor of Political Science, University of Amsterdam and reviewer(s) of this chapter for their valuable insights.

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Lifelong Learning Research: The Themes of the Territory Erik Nylander and Andreas Fejes

Contents Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Previous Research . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Research Design . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Analytical Strategy and Material . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Findings . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Themes of the Territory . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Southwestern Region: Critical Research on Adult Education and Learning . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Northwestern Region: Learning at Work and in Organizations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Eastern Region: Measuring Learning Through Quantitative Methods . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Southeastern Region: Vocational Experiences Among Adult Learners . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . A Panorama of Multiple Points-of-View . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Changing Themes of the Territory . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Conversations on the Decline . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Conversations on the Rise . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Cross-References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Abstract

In this chapter, we explore what kinds of research themes on lifelong learning have been salient in a selection of peer-review journals written in the English language throughout the last half-century. We draw on large-scale text mining techniques to identify 15 latent topics that have been the most prevalent within academic journals and trace how the semantic composition has changed in character over time. Based on this topic model analysis of metadata from 4561 articles, we show how the research field of lifelong learning hinge on broad E. Nylander (*) · A. Fejes Linköping University, Linköping, Sweden e-mail: [email protected]; [email protected] © Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 K. Evans et al. (eds.), Third International Handbook of Lifelong Learning, Springer International Handbooks of Education, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-19592-1_2

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distinctions between education and work, quantitative and qualitative research paradigms, as well as encompassing more fine-grained research clusters within this broader frame. We conclude by arguing that research on lifelong learning has undergone substantial changes since the 1980s, especially with regard to adult education that has lost its former role as the center of gravity with increased attention being directed toward learning within higher education as well as in relation to workplaces. Keywords

Lifelong learning · Bibliometrics · Content analysis · Adult education · Workplace learning · Sociology of science

Introduction The world of lifelong learning is so wide reaching and multifaceted that it is hard, if not impossible, to grasp it in its totality. Even with the collective efforts made by the grand number of leading scholars in the field gathered throughout this handbook, there might be areas missing, problems hidden from view or geographies that are absent. Although most research fields have rather porous boundaries (Abbott 1995; Gieryn 1983; Lagemann 2002; Krause 2021), the research on lifelong learning seems particularly elusive and ambiguous as it can denote virtually all learning that takes place throughout the lifespan, both inside and outside formalized and institutionalized learning environments. In this chapter, we are going to deploy a bibliometric method to understand the changing thematic structure of the research field of lifelong learning over time. The primary focus of the chapter is to identify what type of research has gained traction and popularity. By using a large corpus of textual metadata (abstracts, keywords, titles) from 4561 peer-reviewed articles, we identify the rise and the decline of the major themes, and we end the chapter with a critical reflection on what might explain the changing contours of the research territory. After having substantiated and showcased the outcomes of this large-scale bibliometric inquiry, we will also critically discuss these thematic changes. The findings show how 15 “latent topics” in lifelong learning have gained prominence and how these research topics are relationally structured and semantically composed. Our results also illustrate how the research field on lifelong learning has undergone substantial thematic changes since the 1980s, especially concerning the privileged research objects of inquiry. Research focus has gradually expanded from being centered on adult education in an institutional environment toward increasingly encompassing a broader array of learning environments, especially with regard to workplaces and other facets of higher education. The formation of the knowledge is shown to convey two main structural oppositions, firstly, between scholarship focusing on objects pertaining to either work-life or education and,

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secondly, between scholarship using diverging approaches, mainly related to a divide between qualitative or quantitative research methods. In what follows, we will briefly outline some previous research that has used bibliometric methods to outline a map of the scholarly composition and content of lifelong learning research in recent years. After this brief recap, we outline the research design and specify what strategy we have adopted to provide a comprehensive account of the thematic changes of lifelong learning research. In mapping out the research territory, we portray the relational and semantic composition of 15 dominant topics, after which we highlight which topics have declined and increased over time. The conclusion offers a summary of our main findings.

Previous Research We have previously contributed to the discussion on how the research field of lifelong learning and adult education takes shape using a bibliometric approach (cf. Fejes and Nylander 2019; Nylander et al. 2022). A reoccurring theme within this research has been who partakes and receives scholarly recognition, for example, in relation to demographic, geopolitical, or institutional factors (cf. Fejes and Nylander 2019). Within the academic environments where knowledge on lifelong learning is produced, the importance of peer-reviewed English articles has increased over time, and similarly to other research fields, the lifelong learning scholars around the world have had to adjust to new frameworks stipulating what counts as worthy and good from a perspective of governance (cf. Altbach 2009; Gingras 2016; Krause 2021; Nylander et al. 2013). As for the research territory of lifelong learning, numerous studies have pointed out how a series of extra-academic factors such as geography, editorial power, and gender seem to skew the dynamics of scholarly recognition which might indicate that it is a rather “weak scientific field” (cf. Rubenson and Elfert 2019; Larsson et al. 2019). Previous bibliometric research on academic leading journals has found, among other things, that research in this field is dominated by authors from Anglophone countries and that the contributions cite primarily male authors and draw rather eclectically from other research traditions such as sociology, psychology, philosophy, and political science (Fejes and Nylander 2019). In terms of methodological approaches, the field has been characterized as surprisingly uniform as there has been a clear dominance of qualitative studies and data derived from interviews and observations (Fejes and Nylander 2015; Boeren 2019). Theoretically, three perspectives have been found to gain prominence or traction over time: sociocultural perspectives, critical pedagogy, and poststructuralism (Fejes and Nylander 2015). Although previous bibliometric studies have been illuminating for understanding the institutional, social, and geographic power relations that underpin research practices, they have still not provided much in-depth knowledge on the question of scholarly content (Nylander et al. 2022). This lack of knowledge for the content of

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the English-speaking journals is surprising given that the databases that index peerreviewed journals contain much relevant information on content through abstracts, keywords, and titles. The possibilities of generating more in-depth metanalysis of the scholarly content are clearly within reach as has recently been illustrated in neighboring research fields such as higher education (Daenekindt and Huisman 2020), management and innovation studies (Lee and Kang 2018), or sociology (Giordan et al. 2018). In a recent contribution to International Journal of Lifelong Education, we have tried out a similar datadriven approach to content analysis based on topic modelling (Nylander et al. 2022). As we shall see in the following section, this chapter aims to extend the frame of analyzing lifelong learning further by expanding the analysis to more journals and a longer timeframe. For this reason, we look closer at six of the leading journals in the field, published in English, and seek to map out its semantic content over time.

Research Design In 1982, Rubenson (1982) published an article entitled “Adult Education Research: in Quest of a Map of the Territory.” Rubenson’s quest was directed to the questions of what governs the knowledge production of adult education research and how this knowledge might be objectified into “a territory.” The concept of knowledge territories was used among contemporary philosophers of science at the time who, in the light of Kuhn’s work on paradigms, were looking for new ways to understand research practices and different forms of scientific knowledge-formations (Törnebohm 1975). Building on the conceptualization of research as conducted in a contested and relationally structured space, this study seeks to update and extend the panorama of the research territory of lifelong learning addressing two research questions: 1. What kind of research on lifelong learning has been taking place in this knowledge territory when taking into consideration the words used in articles published in six leading journals? 2. What kinds of thematic changes have characterized the formation of knowledge and what research objects and epistemological perspectives have come to dominate the knowledge territory over time? The first question relates to the content of knowledge production published in leading journals in terms of what topics and themes have been formulated and thus been seen as legitimate among its authors, reviewers, editors, and readers. The second question relates to the scholarly traditions, the empirical objects and methods of inquiry that the formation of knowledge production hinge upon. Since what is going on in the knowledge territory of lifelong learning is seen as contingent on wider changes taking place in the world of labor and the gradual expansion of institutions that provide educational provision, it is important to be attentive to

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how the privileging of certain research practices and empirical objects are related to wider societal transformations. The construction of our research object was made possible by multiple Englishspeaking journals that have put an honor in publishing work dealing with various aspects of lifelong learning. Drawing on large-scale text-mining approaches we produce a map of the research territory that highlights and specifies what kind of research themes that has been formative in building knowledge on lifelong learning over time. Our large-scale bibliometric examination will allow us to generate a metapragmatic view of the knowledge produced based on what has been going on in the academic community as represented by multiple English-speaking journals. We hope that our analysis will be useful as the basis for reflection and scholarly reflexivity regardless of where in the research territory the reader feels most “at home” theoretically or methodologically.

Analytical Strategy and Material Recent developments in data processing and text mining have opened new possibilities for mapping out large-scale textual content through the classification of latent topics (cf. DiMaggio et al. 2013; Nylander et al. 2022). The text mining method we have deployed here is called topic modeling and it is a probabilistic text analysis meant to identify latent patterns through co-occurrences of words. This approach is particularly effective for revealing the “hidden thematic structure in large collections of documents” (DiMaggio et al. 2013, p. 577). If the classical accounts of content analysis relied on manual classification, deep reading, coding, and categorization, these new text mining techniques provide a more data-driven approach to derive latent patterns of meaning within a given text corpus. To help infer these “hidden thematic structures” the topic model use probability measurements to derive “topics” inductively based on the co-occurrences of words in use, which is sometimes referred to as a “bag-of-words model” (Blei et al. 2003; DiMaggio et al. 2013). The method is inductive and explorative in that the results are generated independently of us as researchers and that we cannot shape the semantic maps, other than indirectly by determining the number of topics or selecting relevant text. In our case, a crucial step of the analysis concerned the selection of journals from which the articles representing the changing discourses of “lifelong learning” were to be derived. As we wanted these journals to have long track-records, representing various branches of lifelong learning and different geographies, we settled on six journals that we thought jointly could account for the pluralism and variation of scholarship in the field (Fejes and Nylander 2015, 2019; Nylander et al. 2022) (Table 1). The study was conducted by downloading all available texts from the relevant journals, primarily the textual data from abstracts, titles, and keywords up until the year 2020. The fact that all selected journals have acquired an indexation status in Scopus, meant that most of the underlying data sources are well-curated and organized. However, some of these journals have been around for more than half a

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Table 1 List of the six journals included in the database, by year of establishment and number of articles in the Database Name of the journal Adult Education Quarterly International Journal of Lifelong Education Journal of Workplace Learning Studies in Continuing Education Vocations and Learning European Journal for Research on the Education and Learning of Adults (RELA) In total

Inaugural year 195019821989197820082010-

Retrieved from year 195019821997197820082010-

N-articles 1489 1276 892 576 226 102 4561

century (Adult Education Quarterly), others have been around 40 years (Studies in continuing education (1978); International journal of lifelong education (1982); Journal of Workplace Learning (1989) while two of the journals have been recently established (Vocations and Learning (2008), RELA (2010). For this reason, the number of articles that we could use in our analysis differed depending on the age of the journals. Our synthetic analysis of the formation of knowledge thus ends up building more on the journals that had the highest number of articles to date, i.e., Adult Education Quarterly, International Journal of Lifelong Education, and Journal of Workplace Learning. There were some missing abstracts from this underlying database. Most notably, AEQ had few abstracts for the early period 1950–1967 so for this period we relied instead on the semantic content of text originating from the first pages of these articles. After having controlled, complemented, and cleaned up the underlying database we integrated it into the software Python, within which we deployed the instruments necessary to conduct a large-scale topic analysis. For the topic model analysis to be at its best, the text corpora had to undergo continuous procedures to reduce the variation in phrases used and to bring out the distinguishing words, i.e., tokenization. All in all, the underlying database consisted of 4561 articles from which we derived all textual metadata we could find while excluding editorials, book reviews, and other commentaries. The missing data compose a potential problem for the period before the 1980s, but for the more recent decades (1980–2020) we have a very robust dataset. For this reason, the findings presented in part two of this section “Changing Themes of the Territory” – will be built on the data from the period after 1982.

Findings The Themes of the Territory The findings will now be presented based on the overarching map of dominating topics that emerge from the words used within the large text corpora and the relationships between latent topics. Based on the text mining approach each of

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these topics is formed based on the salience of words and the way they differ from one another, which is the basis for forming distinct topics. As these topics are visualized based on relational correlations of semantic content, topics that differ from one another greatly are going to be placed far away from one another, whereas topics placed in proximity to one another share some family resemblances in terms of the words used. If we look at Fig. 1. we see a map of interrelated topics represented as circles along two axes. As illustrated by Fig. 1 the global map of topics for the entire period 1950–2020 is derived from 15 different topics that spread out across four broader regions ranging from North to South and West to East. This visual positioning is in a

Fig. 1 Intertopic map based on marginal distributions to 15 dominating topics in research on lifelong learning

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two-dimensional space and we will now describe the content of each of these topics through a close reading of the words that distinguish them and their position in the map of the research territory. Each topic will also be exemplified using articles that match the words that characterize them in terms of content. After having described each of these dominating semantic clusters by topics in thematic regions of the territory, we will zoom out and examine the changing thematic structure over time, particularly focusing on the 1980s and onward.

Southwestern Region: Critical Research on Adult Education and Learning The largest topic in the southwestern part of the map is topic 1, which makes up 10% of all tokenized words in the sample. The topic represents a cluster centered on adult education, often studied from critical approaches. The most frequent tokenized words are: educational, adult education, adult, article, critical, social, and political. A central word in this topic is “adult education,” which is mainly occurring within this topic, and a common research focus is power and its relationship to adult educational institutions, the adult learner, and society-at-large. One example of a well-cited article within this topic is Merriam (1987) Adult learning and theory building. In this article, the author offers a review on theories on adult learning, which is seen to include those based on adult learner characteristics, those emphasizing the adult’s life situation, and those focusing upon changes in consciousness. Looking at the broader trends for topic 1 reveals that it was the most dominant topic going back to the 1950s, 1960s, and well into the 1970s, a period in which our database mostly contains data from the AEQ. However, since the turn of the century (2000-), the prevalence of topic 1 has steadily been falling back in salience. Although it still makes up a big theme in the global map of semantic content, these critical and politically oriented approaches to adult education and lifelong learning have gradually faded out of traction. Close to topic 1 is topic 4. Rather than a focus on adult education as such, we here find more policy-oriented research on lifelong learning as well as research on doctoral education. The most frequent words within the topic are: policy, lifelong learning, doctoral, lifelong learner, and supervision. Other common words are employment, market, economic, and European. One example of such policyoriented research is Nicoll and Edwards (2000) and their article Reading policy texts: Lifelong learning as metaphor. In this text, the authors argue for the need for policy analyses of lifelong learning using a discursive approach, something that is exemplified through a critical examination of a green paper on learning formulated by the UK government around the turn of the century. Not far away from topic 4 in the southwest, we find topic 7, which collects almost 5% of all tokenized words. Here, the focus is also on higher education. The most frequent words in this topic are: research, academic, higher education, university, article, journal, and migrant. The scholarly attention is, in part, directed to academic work, research, universities, as well as issues on access and mobility to higher

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education. As an example of research on research, we find an article entitled Adult education research between field and rhizome – A bibliometrical analysis of conference programs of ESREA by Käpplinger (2015) in which the author conducts a bibliometric analysis of conference proceedings from conferences organized by a European society on adult education research. Moving to the far west in the map, we find topic 2 comprising 4,4% of all tokenized words in the sample. The most common words here are: online, knowledge, network, professional, discourse, social, analysis, and language. Contexts represented in this topic are, among other settings, youth clubs, online learning, learning cities, as well as museums. For example, in his article Online learning for union activists? Findings from a Canadian study Sawchuk (2003) seeks to understand the informal dimensions of online learning within the labor movement. Findings are based on analysis of interview and survey data as well as content and interaction analysis of online postings. The author concludes that online learning can be a valuable addition to the education capacity of the labor movement. A final topic located on the border between south and north in the western region of the map is topic 13, collecting 5,7% of all tokenized words. Rather than focusing on education, the focus is now directed at work, workplace learning, and identity. The most common words are: work, workplace, worker, identity, and individual. Among the articles representing this topic, we find those that focus on pathways to work and identity formation among different types of workers. For example, Billett (2010), in his article Lifelong learning and self: Work, subjectivity and learning, identify factors that shape how learning proceeds in workplaces. The analytical focus is on how workplaces afford learning opportunities and how individuals engage in various work activities.

Northwestern Region: Learning at Work and in Organizations The Northwestern region assembles almost half of the tokenized words generated by the scholarly contributions. The largest topic in the northwest, with more than 10% of all the tokenized words, is number 11. This topic was very marginal in the early period 1950–80 and picked up in popularity only after the 1990s. The most relevant words for this topic in terms of overall frequency are: practice, work, learning, research, theory, paper, and concept. It is a topic with resemblances to the content in topic 2 and 13 but is marked out by more practice-oriented and interpretative approaches. The prevalence of words such as negotiation, concept, everyday, complexity, story, ethical, conversation, and understanding show that this line of research is mainly being built on qualitative and ethnographically oriented studies. One article that fits the characterization of topic 11 is Solomon et al. (2006) The in-between: Exposing everyday learning at work published in IJLE. In this research, the authors mobilize interview and observational data from worksites to explore everyday learning at work. In particular, the authors identify spaces where “social” and “work” overlap and argue that it is necessary to abandon simplistic dualities between work, social, and learning spaces. Topic 11 grew in conjunction with the

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introduction of new journals and a simultaneous change of scholarly focus from lifelong education to lifelong learning (Nylander et al. 2022). Next to this topic in the northwest is topic 9, in which learning processes, innovation, and organizational change are common to explore. In terms of overall frequency, it assembles 8,7% of all tokenized words including the words: learning, process, change, innovation, and action. Like the previous thematic orientation focusing on learning at work, this line of research has gained traction over time, as more and more attention is being focused on learning outside of schools and formal educational institutions. What distinguishes topic 9 is that much of the work on innovation, partnership, mentorship, and sustainability ends up here. An archetypal paper that is picked up as a representative for the content of this topic is Watkins and Marsick’s (1992) Building the learning organisation: A new role for human resource developers published in SCE in 2006. In this paper, the authors propose a model of how organizations learn, particularly concerning learning processes and changes over time. As evident by the title of the paper, this research has developed in tandem with human resource development, particularly shedding light on learning challenges that are taking place on an organizational level. Further toward the center of the map is topic 3, representing 9,4% of the overall semantic contributions. Organizational development and leadership issues are frequently addressed here. Among the most relevant terms, we find: management, training, development, organization, and manager. If the previous research cluster seemed to have benefited from the alliances to HRD and organizational development, this line of research is instead more an expression of how lifelong learning is also connected to management, companies, and businesses (cf. Lee and Kang 2018). Almost all research from our sample that approaches industry, firms, or companies congregates in topic 3 and much of the problems are formulated from the point of view of management. Examples of questions we find popular in this topic are performance evaluations, strategies, and organizational efficacy. One example of an article that scores high on matching the content of topic 3 is Acevedo and Yancey’s Assessing new employee orientation programs published in Journal of Workplace Learning 2011. This paper examines new employee orientation programs, the quality of these programs, and how they in return can be improved. The article is typical for the larger research topic in so far that it takes on issues of strategy from the viewpoint of leadership and tackles the key role learning plays in contemporary organizations and corporations. A smaller topic assembling 6% of all tokenized words appears close to the center of the map is number 14. It is characterized by terms such as: teacher, professional, learning, student, and practice. On the one hand, this is a topic that deals with an occupational group and their work practices, thereby connecting it to the interest in work and vocational practices mainly residing in the north. On the other hand, it is also largely an educational topic about teachers’ pedagogical practices, thereby linking itself up to topics and themes in the south. Aside from professional development of teachers and teaching, it also comprises research on vocational education, in-field training, tutoring, and simulation. A pertinent example is Hämäläinen and Cattaneo (2015) from Vocations and Learning entitled New TEL Environments for

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Vocational Education – Teacher’s Instructional Perspective. In this text, the authors discuss how vocational education is increasingly taking place in conjunction with new technology-enhanced learning and how these activities can help develop professional tools for teachers and better enable learning. In the extreme north of the map, there are two final topics – 10 and 15 – that partly overlap, and which together gather some 10% of all the tokenized words. The most distinguishing terms for topic 10 are: training, model, apprentice, transfer, and RPL; whereas topic 15 features words like: team, health, nurse, worker, intervention, and care. As evidenced by the many health-related terms, topic 15 is colored by the vocabulary of health and care-work, within which collaboration and teamwork are paramount. As for topic 10, it mainly conveys research on other training and apprenticeship processes, for example, studies where the recognition of prior learning forms an integral part. One example of a text strongly associated with the health-related research in topic 15 is Learning to promote health at an emergency care department: identifying expansive and restrictive conditions from Gustavsson and Ekberg (2015). This paper seeks to identify various ways of interprofessional collaboration and learning taking place in an emergency unit. The learning situations and challenges that are manifested in interprofessional practice are examined to promote learning and shared understanding among all occupational groups. An article that has been singled out to match the linguistic content of topic 10 is Bergsteiner et al. (2010) study Kolb’s experiential learning model: Critique from a modelling perspective. This text evaluates Kolb’s experiential learning hypothesis and seeks to revise some of the shortcomings associated with his canonical model.

Eastern Region: Measuring Learning Through Quantitative Methods The fact that the western region aggregates most topics and semantic content seems related to the dominance of qualitative and interpretive research methods within the field (cf. Taylor 2001; Fejes and Nylander 2015; Boeren 2019). In the more sparsely populated regions in the East, we find two topics that depart from these overarching methodological orientations by privileging quantitative methods. Topic 12 and topic 6 both aggregate around 7,5% of all tokenized words, which means that the knowledge represented by these research clusters constitutes relatively small topics in the overall map of the territory. The fact that this side of the map is framed within a quantitative paradigm is indicated by words like: instrument, test, variable, measure (Topic 6) or effect, factor, and behavior (Topic 12). Topic 6 is oriented to skills and the testing of competencies, whereas topic 12 has a stronger focus on surveying motivation and attitudes, especially among employees and within various organizations. A few of the articles that score high in matching the semantic content of topic 6 are published in the AEQ and deal with self-directed learning, for example, Oddi (1986) Development and validation of an instrument to identify self-directed

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continuing learners. Notable is that topic 6 gathers many older texts when it seemed more common to use quantitative methods to understand the emergence of adult education activities in North America. As for topic 12, one article that can be taken to represent this line of research is Boomaars, York, Shetty’s more recent text (2018) Employee learning motives, perceived learning opportunities and employability activities. In this article, originating from Journal of Workplace learning, the authors use hierarchical multiple regression analysis to outline employees’ learning motives through survey responses from three different for-profit organizations. Both topics that end up at the eastern part of the map (6 and 12) are singled out as differing from the content of the rest of the topics. Besides being formed by a quantitative paradigm methodologically and conveying an interest in behaviors, skills, and cognition, we also see more practical, and instrumental motivations for doing research taking precedence here. Testing outcomes and developing instruments of practical use is a trademark of this line of research and the findings have the added benefit of being constructed in a mode that is potentially replicable in other environments or social contexts. Rather than critiquing the applied state-of-affairs, the extra-academic aim is to improve practices more gradually, for example, by finding effective and reliable solutions to a concrete and clearly defined problem.

Southeastern Region: Vocational Experiences Among Adult Learners In the Southeastern region, we find two topics, 5 and 8 that both seek to address issues of adult students vocational experience in different ways. Within the larger of the two topics, number 5, which makes up 6,8% of all tokenized words in the full sample, the focus is directed at adults-as-students. The most frequent words are: adult, student, group, literacy, experience, age, women, life, and learner. The context of the research ranges from adult education, literacy projects to various kinds of higher educational settings. For example, in an article entitled Writing retreats as a milestone in the development of PhD students’ sense of self as academic writers by Papen and Theriault (2018), the focus is on writing retreats and how they help Ph.D. students learn writing and develop a sense of self as an academic writer. The research aims to contribute to the search for appropriate pedagogies to support writing at the postgraduate level. Moving to topic 8, there is a shift in emphasis toward issues about transitions between different educational settings, as well as transitions within work life. The most frequent words are student, school, vocational, transition, experience, university, education, work, and career. One example of research is the article A winding road - Professional trajectories from higher education to working life: by Nyström et al. (2008) in which the authors explore the professional trajectory from higher education to working life among graduates of political science and psychology. The examination shows how groups of university graduates construe their professional trajectories, first as an envisaged future work as senior students, and after that at a later stage in their careers, in which their career trajectories had been built on

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experiences as early-careers professionals. The article is typifying an interest in vocational transitions among students entering work life, connecting an interest in higher education to what is happening among professional groups as they traverse into the labor market.

A Panorama of Multiple Points-of-View If we try and summarize the semantic territory on an aggregated level, we can see how topics in the Northern region are more oriented towards organization, management, and learning at work. In the Southern regions, by contrast, we find topics focused on education, students, and the adult learner (Fig. 1). To the West, we find topics in which qualitative and interpretive research are most common, while to the East we find more quantitative research. The main structural oppositions in the formation of the knowledge seem to be drawn between material research objects pertaining to work-life or education, organizational level, or pedagogical level, as well as between different epistemologically oriented approaches mostly related to qualitative or quantitative methods In a way, these findings are hardly surprising when taking into account previous bibliometric research (Fejes and Nylander 2019). For example, the domination by the qualitative research paradigm that helps to give rise to the heavy congregation of topics in the western part of the map is well-established in previous research based on analyzing the content produced in leading English-speaking journals related to adult learning (Boeren 2019; Fejes and Nylander 2015; Taylor 2001). However, zooming out to the decades after the Second World War helps illustrate that the pendulum of methodological preference has swung in the past, and might well do so again. What was published in the AEQ journal entries of the 1950s and the 1960s was in part surveys and statistical reports of a different format than what we today see as conventional articles, but it was often based on methodological approaches and a language that we would associate with quantitative research. Rubenson (1982, p. 62) notes that branches of American psychology and methodological empiricism heavily influenced the field of adult education before the 1980s and argues that this largely was due to the dominating idea at that time that instruction could be derived “linearly from research.” Closer to our own time, some of these ideas seem to have resurrected in a movement emphasizing “evidence-based” lifelong learning practice. In fact, there are several currents that seem to point in this direction of rejuvenation of quantitative methods. Through the ongoing digitalization process, the availability of computerbased tools for processing and visualizing data, more and diverse learning contexts can be surveyed through quantitative approaches. Add to that, the policy technologies of governing by instruments and the increased accessibility of international comparative datasets on adult education (e.g., PIAAC) might point toward a resurgence of numeric and computational research. As we shall see in the next part of our analysis the opposition between research objects taking place in workplaces, organizations, and teams, and those that play out

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in educational contexts has undergone a clear change over time, in favor of research on workplaces and learning at work. It can be objected that the main reason why topics of adult education have decreased is the selection of the underlying dataset, where the emergence of new journals with a specific focus on vocational topics and contexts has been included in the later period of this inquiry. However, the emergence of journals is itself a clear indication of the changing knowledge terrain as the focus on the learning in workplaces has gradually become large enough as a theme to have specific journals devoted to it.

The Changing Themes of the Territory The map of topic distributions based on scholarly content might prove helpful for illustrating the main themes that have helped co-create the English-speaking knowledge territory on lifelong learning in the last half a century. However, these observations have not allowed us to distinguish the more fine-grained changes where some scholarly conversations have been emerging and others have been fading out during this period. In this second part of our analysis, we will therefore direct our focus toward the salience of each of these topics presented above. Given the great variety of scholarly traditions and research problems that have been unraveled by the latent topic analysis, which of these themes have gained prominence over time? Contrariwise, what themes and topics have faded out in popularity over time, going from a major source of lifelong learning debates to a more modest interest and declining number of scholarly contributions? To answer this, we are going to zoom in on the topics that have been changing their share of contributions to the scholarly conversations happening after 1982, a period when our data sample consists of a multitude of different journals. As our attention is directed toward the metapragmatic level there are of course exceptions to the broad patterns or megatrends that we are about to discuss. As the use of various research objects and the formulation of problems and epistemic perspectives are related to transformations happening both inside and outside of academia, we seek to ground these discussions in changes and circumstances occurring in the world of work as well as within higher education and policy.

Conversations on the Decline As illustrated in Fig. 2 we can see how several of the topics presented in the first part have been declining in overall contribution over time. Looking at the content of these topics we see that they concern adult education (Topic 1), as well as research on transitions and the experiences among adult learners (Topic 5). However, we also see a gradual decline of interest in issues on management, training, development from an organizational perspective (Topic 3), as well as more factor-based analysis measuring or testing issues about skills and jobs (Topic 6).

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Fig. 2 Research topic on the decline based on marginal distribution of content of six journals related to lifelong learning: 1982–2020

One of the strongest tendencies we can identify from these longitudinal trends (Fig. 2) is a decline of the topics on adult education written from various critical vantage points. In the early years of the 1980s, the lifelong learning discourse was still very much centered on what was going on within formalized schooling. The research that was conducted did not only explore what was going on in these institutional environments, but it was often a way to advocate for extending the opportunities for adults to learn and contained critiques on “the state-of-affairs.” Both the changing nature of work from the 1980s and onward, and the gradual policy changes on labor and education have, since then, expanded the realm of what and whom are the targets for lifelong learning. With more and more contexts over the years becoming subjected to the learning imperative, research has followed (Nylander et al. 2022). The structural transformation in the world of work and labor relations should probably be seen as the main driver in this development. With the enormous expansion of higher education new vocational groups underwent a process of academization within which knowledge on lifelong learning became paramount. Learning has gradually gotten a more pronounced role in these changes, which is also evident in the management literature of the 1990s where notions of flexibility, self-directed motivation, and performance evaluation gained attraction (Boltanski and Chiapello 2005). From the point of view of researchers who began studying adult education and participation based on critical social theory, this shift might appear as a product of “neoliberalism,” gradually disarming the humanistic, democratic, or civic ethos, which they see as core to the research endeavor. However, there are also patterns of decline among research topics that do not fit as neatly within such metanarrative

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from gemeinschaft to gesellschaft, collectivism to individualism, or from humanism to neoliberalism. For example, the topic model also identifies a decline in issues about management, skills, and development. In other words, the journals that were included in the database have, in relative terms, published less research on managers, management, and organizational development happening in companies (Topic 3), as well as quantitative studies on skill and jobs (Topic 6). After a culmination of management-related research in the mid-1990s, these themes have been on a general decline. Again, one might object that this trend can be explained with the introduction of other journals with special emphasis on organizations, HRD, and management studies – knowledge areas that seem to constitute a field of its own, and which have also undergone processes of specialization and differentiation with a range of other suitable journals (Boltanski and Chiapello 2005; Lee and Kang 2018). However, another interpretation could be that this shift has to do with the decentralization of responsibility for learning. As we will discuss further in the next section, the focus of scholarly attention seems gradual to have geared toward the individual and her or his responsibility for learning.

Conversations on the Rise Several topics increase their relative contributions over the years which, conversely, can be interpreted as an indication of heightened interest through a proliferation of scholarly conversations. These increases are not as drastic as the decrease we witnessed in some of the most common topics during the early period of our study, i.e. decline of adult educational research. Yet overall, we can see the emergence of a series of topics related to work and employees. This is manifested through more research being related to practice, work and learning (topic 11), learning processes, action and innovation (topic 9), teamwork, collaboration, health and care-work, (topic 15) as well as quantitative studies on employees, participation, motivation, and informal learning (topic 12) (Fig. 3). The increase in topics related to work, practice, innovation, motivation, and collaboration might be seen as a reflection of the changes that have happened in the educational systems and labor markets from the 1980s and onward. Several intertwining societal processes seem to have importance in explaining this heightened scholarly interest. The expansion of higher education happened in tandem with higher demands on the qualifications and competencies of the workforce. Increased volumes of vocational groups underwent professional training. On the one hand, that created a need for second- and third-cycle education as these professionalization strategies were built on the establishment of “scientific” knowledge (Collins 1979). On the other hand, “the premium” exerted within the labor market for having higher education diplomas was also gradually eroding as more and more people underwent tertiary education (cf. Teichler 1998; Brown et al. 2020). With a higher educational level among the workforce and higher demands on entertaining these qualifications,

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Fig. 3 Research topic on the rise based on marginal distribution of content of six journals related to lifelong learning: 1982–2020

there were also more heightened demands for continuous competence development at work. In the wake of such developments, more research interest has geared toward these topics and more knowledge formation has taken the role of learning in collaborations, self-motivation, and job satisfaction as the object, to mention just a few of the “hot topics” that have made clear inroads since the 1980s. Beyond this megatrend of workplace learning, employees, and teamwork, we also see the emergence of a conversation center for research on lifelong learning policy and the lifelong learner (topic 4). The increase of this topic is not surprising considering all the policy changes and the policy language regarding lifelong learners emerging in the 1990s. Not least, the EU launched several policy measures in the 1990s addressed as measures on lifelong learning (cf. ▶ Chap. 25, “The European Union and Lifelong Learning Policy”; Nylander et al. 2022). Thus, lifelong learning became a topic of interest to policy researchers as well as researchers interested in the learning of adults across different settings. One such setting, which is also an important part of this particular topic, is doctoral education and the supervision of doctoral students. The rise of scholarly interest in this theme can thus both be seen as the product of ongoing professionalization and academization of third-cycle education, as well as part of the greater trend in which higher education itself becomes the material object of research within the lifelong learning research field.

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Conclusion We started this chapter by highlighting how the world of lifelong learning is so widereaching and multifaceted that it is impossible to grasp it in its totality. However, what kind of research objects and epistemic perspectives dominate the knowledge formation on lifelong learning are questions that can be explored empirically and critically discussed to increase scholarly reflexivity. As we have shown in this presentation, the academic territory of English peerreviewed articles on lifelong learning has undergone substantial thematic changes throughout the last half a century. In the first part of our analysis, we performed a topic model based on an analysis of semantic content from 4561 articles published in six leading journals. The results gave a broad panoramic view of the plurality of research topics of lifelong learning that has been the focus of scholarly attention. The main structural opposition in the formation of the knowledge was drawn between scholarship focusing on material objects pertaining to either work-life or education as well as between diverging approaches, mainly related to a divide between qualitative or quantitative research methods. Outlining the most pertinent changes happening after the 1980s, illustrated that adult education has gradually lost its role as the center of gravity in the formation of knowledge in the research territory. Since the day of Rubenson’s (1982) quest for a map, adult education seems to have become increasingly squeezed from two opposing fronts, on the one hand, the expanding segment of higher education research and, on the other hand, the proliferation of research on issues related to workplace learning. Although these paradigmatic shifts have certainly opened the field to denote and define more learning practices and processes as worthy of inquiry, these changes can also be problematized based on what kind of societal transformations it has been propelled by, and the declining role of social and political critique that seems to have accompanied it.

Cross-References ▶ Advancing Research and Collecting Evidence on Lifelong Learning Globally ▶ Lifelong Learning: Researching a Contested Concept in the Twenty-First Century

References Abbott, A. (1995). Things of boundaries. Social Research: An International Quarterly, 62, 857–882. Acevedo, J. M., & Yancey, G. B. (2011). Assessing new employee orientation programs. Journal of Workplace Learning, 23(5), 349–354. Altbach, P. G. (2009). Peripheries and centers: Research universities in developing countries. Asia Pacific Education Review, 10(1), 15–27. Bergsteiner, H., Avery, G. C., & Neumann, R. (2010). Kolb’s experiential learning model: Critique from a modelling perspective. Studies in Continuing Education, 32(1), 29–46.

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Empowerment Through Lifelong Learning A Social Justice Perspective Pepka Boyadjieva and Petya Ilieva-Trichkova

Contents Introduction: Empowerment as a Universal Need in the Face of Universal Vulnerability . . . . Empowerment Reexamined: Bridging the Capability Approach and the Status Model of Recognition . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Multifaceted Character of Empowerment . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Subjective Side of Empowerment . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Objective Side of Empowerment . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . A Social Justice Perspective Toward the Relationship Between Empowerment and Lifelong Education and Learning . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Empowerment Through Lifelong Education and Learning and Its Social Embeddedness: Empirical Evidence . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Analytical Approach . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Results . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Discussion and Concluding Remarks: Empowerment of Learners with Them, Not for Them . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Technical Notes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Note on the Sample Size . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Notes on the Multilevel Modeling Technique . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Cross-References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Abstract

Our contemporary world is characterized by highly dynamic, growing inequalities between and within societies, as well as increased insecurity and vulnerability. Under such conditions, there are no ready, easily applied, and transferable answers about how individuals and societies can cope with these emerging challenges. Facing such new challenges, all individuals and societies become susceptible and vulnerable to various extents; so, against this background, the present chapter argues: (1) that there is a need to reimagine the essence and role of P. Boyadjieva (*) · P. Ilieva-Trichkova Institute of Philosophy and Sociology, Bulgarian Academy of Sciences, Sofia, Bulgaria © Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 K. Evans et al. (eds.), Third International Handbook of Lifelong Learning, Springer International Handbooks of Education, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-19592-1_8

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lifelong learning and (2) that the empowerment role of lifelong education and learning is crucial, penetrating all its other roles, and applies to all individuals and societies. Theoretically, the chapter builds on a combination of insights from the capability approach (Sen) and Nancy Fraser’s theory of social justice. We regard the empowerment role of lifelong learning as having two sides: a subjective one, referring to an individual’s capability to gain control over the environment with the aim of improving their own well-being and that of society, and an objective one, reflecting the available opportunity structures. Empirically, the chapter relies on data from the European Social Survey, carried out in 2012 and explores the link between lifelong learning and individuals’ empowerment via descriptive statistics and multilevel regression analyses. Our findings provide suggestive evidence of a positive relationship between lifelong learning and individuals’ capacity to cope with the challenges in their lives and to work for the well-being of others. The analysis also shows that these links with lifelong learning are embedded in the available opportunity structures. Keywords

Empowerment · Lifelong education and learning · Social justice · Objective side of empowerment · European Social Survey · Well-being · Opportunity structures

Introduction: Empowerment as a Universal Need in the Face of Universal Vulnerability Our contemporary world is characterized by highly dynamic and constant changes, growing inequalities between and within societies, the rapid development of information and communication technologies and that of artificial intelligence, and increased insecurity and vulnerability. The societies of late modernity are societies in which change has transformed from a sporadic occurrence into a permanent feature of their existence and the lives of individuals. But the greatest difficulty, which people must deal with, is “meta-change,” the change in the way the situation changes (Bauman 1997, p. 24). Global society is global not in the sense of being a world society but as one of “unlimited space” in which social ties must be created, not inherited from the past (Beck et al. 1994, p. 107). Thus, globalization is not an “out there” phenomenon but an “in here” matter that influences – or rather is dialectically connected with – even the most intimate aspects of our lives (ibid., p. 95). We have experienced all these characteristics of our contemporary world at both individual and societal levels very clearly during the recent pandemic crisis caused by Covid-19. It has become a truism that, since the outbreak of the coronavirus pandemic, we have been living in a different world. The crisis has not only “shaken” our individual ways of life and the institutional order of our societies, but it has challenged the essence of our status as human beings.

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In 2008, American political philosopher and legal theorist Martha Fineman published an article titled “The Vulnerable Subject: Anchoring Equality in the Human Condition.” Her main argument is that: vulnerability is – and should be understood to be – universal and constant, inherent in the human condition. . . the “vulnerable subject” must replace the autonomous and independent subject asserted in the liberal tradition. Far more representative of actual lived experience and the human condition, the vulnerable subject should be at the center of our political and theoretical endeavors. (Fineman 2008, p. 1, emphasis added)

In contrast to the widespread view, which associates vulnerability “with victimhood, deprivation, dependency, or pathology,” Fineman claims that the term “vulnerable” describes “a universal, inevitable, enduring aspect of the human condition that must be at the heart of our concept of social and state responsibility” (ibid., p. 8). The universal character of vulnerability reflects individuals’ and societies’ exposure to unfortunate events beyond human control as well as to harmful experiences caused by inadequate or ineffective institutional policies and measures. Most of the challenges faced by contemporary societies have been enacted by different forces, some unpredictable and others stemming from insufficient societal capacities to manage crises that may emerge. However, it is important to emphasize that “[u] ndeniably universal, human vulnerability is also particular: it is experienced uniquely by each of us and this experience is greatly influenced by the quality and quantity of resources we possess or can command” (ibid., p. 10). The recent Covid19 crisis has clearly demonstrated how universal human vulnerability is and how it can be shaped, experienced, and managed in different social environments. Such an understanding of vulnerability puts stress on both individual and institutional responsibilities for dealing with the fragility of human reality. It is beyond doubt that there are no ready, easily applied, and transferable answers about how individuals and societies can be empowered to cope with these emerging challenges. That is why there is a need to reimagine the essence of empowerment and the role of the different social institutions and factors influencing it. Against this background, the present chapter focuses on the importance of lifelong education and learning (we use the term “lifelong education and learning” in order to grasp both institutionalized and uninstitutionalized forms of learning) for individual empowerment. Until now, the empowerment role of lifelong education and learning has been discussed only in relation to some social groups who have been defined as disadvantaged. Acknowledging that all contemporary individuals and societies can be susceptible and vulnerable, albeit to different extents, we argue that the empowerment role of lifelong education and learning becomes crucial in contemporary societies, penetrating all its other roles, and applies to all individuals and societies. The chapter proceeds as follows. First, we discuss relevant studies and present our theoretical assumptions in relation to the main concept, i.e., empowerment and its relation to education and lifelong learning. Theoretically, the chapter builds on combined insights from the capability approach (Sen 1999, 2009) and Nancy

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Fraser’s (2009) theory of social justice. We claim that understanding the empowerment role of lifelong education and learning requires taking into account its subjective (related to individuals) and objective (reflecting the opportunity structures) sides. We also argue that, since the empowerment role of lifelong education and learning relates to all individuals and is purposeful, this raises the importance of the issue of social justice. The chapter proceeds with a description of the research methodology. It relies on data from the European Social Survey, wave 2012, and explores the link between lifelong education and learning and individuals’ empowerment via descriptive statistics and multilevel regression analyses. Next, we present our findings with regard to the association between lifelong education and learning with individuals’ capacity to deal with important problems they face as well as their striving to enhance other people’s well-being. The final section of the chapter offers a discussion of the results and some concluding remarks.

Empowerment Reexamined: Bridging the Capability Approach and the Status Model of Recognition The Multifaceted Character of Empowerment Although the use of the word “empowerment” has a long history, which goes back to the mid-seventeenth century, the notion of empowerment remains inherently complex, open to many interpretations, under-theorized, and contested (Samman and Santos 2009; Monkman 2011; Pruijt and Yerkes 2014; Unterhalter 2019). The development of the concept of empowerment was a major achievement of radical social movements, especially women’s movements, and feminist theorists from the 1970s onward. Empowerment was associated with personal and collective actions for justice and the processes of participatory social change, which challenge existing power hierarchies and related patterns of inequality and exclusion (Batliwala 1994, 2010; Unterhalter 2019). According to some authors, however, the concept of empowerment has become “a trendy and widely used buzzword” over the last 30 years, and the dominance of neoliberal ideology has led to “the transition of empowerment out of the realm of societal and systemic change into the individual domain – from a noun signifying shifts in social power to a verb signalling individual power, achievement, status” (Batliwala 2010, pp. 113, 119). Unterhalter (2019, p. 86) outlines “that empowerment as a concept can be deployed in multiple ways.” In a comprehensive review of works on empowerment, Ibrahim and Alkire (2007) systematize 29 understandings of the concept of empowerment used in the period 1991–2006. The definitions of empowerment differ in terms of the theoretical frameworks within which they are elaborated, the levels they refer to (individual and/or collective), and their scope (processes, activities, and outcomes). It should be emphasized that “although different kinds of empowerment may be interconnected, empowerment is domain specific” (Ibrahim and Alkire 2007, p. 383). This means that in order to be thoroughly understood, empowerment should be analyzed in respect to different domains of life, acknowledging their specificity.

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Thus, for example, empowerment in education is not only related to empowerment at work or in the public sphere, but it may differ from them; revealing this difference is a sine qua non for grasping its meaning and way of accomplishment. In front of the universal character of human vulnerability in the contemporary world is the need to more deeply analyze empowerment and its relationship with education, both theoretically and empirically. Synthesizing insights from the capability approach (Sen 1999, 2009) and Nancy Fraser’s (2009) theory of social justice, we will propose a social justice perspective toward empowerment and its role in lifelong education and learning in order to grasp the emergence of two phenomena: empowerment as a universal need in the face of universal vulnerability; and education as a lifelong and life-wide process in contemporary societies. More concretely, we will argue that empowerment and the empowering role of lifelong learning have two sides: a subjective one, referring to an individual’s capability not simply to act but to gain control over the environment with the purpose of increasing her/his and society’s well-being; and an objective one, reflecting the available opportunity structures, which enable or constrain one’s empowerment through lifelong education and learning.

The Subjective Side of Empowerment To conceptualize this side, we will rely on the capability approach. The latter is a social justice normative theoretical framework for conceptualizing and evaluating phenomena such as well-being, human development, and inequalities. Within the capability approach, it is not so much the achieved outcomes (functionings) that matter, but the real opportunities (capabilities) that one has for achieving those outcomes. Sen (1992) argues that a person’s capability to achieve functionings that s/he has reason to value provides a general approach to the evaluation of social (including educational) arrangements. For Sen, capabilities are freedoms conceived as real opportunities (Sen 1985, 2002). They refer to the presence of valuable options, in the sense of opportunities that do not exist only formally or legally but are also effectively available to the agent (Robeyns 2013). Unterhalter (2019, p. 80) argues that “the capability approach provides some important additional conceptual connections that help link empowerment more closely to ideas about social justice” and proposes three analytical moves in this regard, each of which refers to education and participation. More concretely, [t]he first move emphasizes the link between empowerment, capabilities and context, and processes of education in mediating this. The second move develops the association between empowerment and agency, showing how education is an intrinsic part of this process. The third move illuminates a connection between empowerment and participatory processes of evaluation. (ibid., p. 88)

Discussing women’s well-being, Sen (1999) claims that it could be improved “when their agency is respected and empowered” (ibid., p. 195; Sen 2015, p. 112,

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emphasis added). This brings to the fore the question of the relationship between agency and empowerment. There is disagreement within the capability approach literature about whether these concepts overlap or differ. Thus, for example, Patrón (2019, p. 63) underlines that “[a]gency both is and means empowerment at the same time and in different forms.” According to Alsop et al. (2006), empowerment has two components. Whereas the first one might be thought of as an expansion of agency – the ability to act on behalf of what you value and have reason to value, the second component focuses on the institutional environment, which offers people the opportunity to exert agency fruitfully. Drydyk (2013) argues against the understanding of empowerment as being assimilated with expanded agency and claims that the capability approach allows for relational conceptions of agency and empowerment. In his view, the concept of empowerment contextualizes agency in two ways: as connected with the well-being of freedom and in the relational contexts of power. Thus, empowerment has three distinct but related dimensions: agency, well-being freedom, and power. Sen distinguishes two aspects of agency: freedom and achievement. Whereas “agency freedom” is related to the “freedom to bring about the achievements one values and which one attempts to produce” (Sen 1992, p. 57), the achievement of a person’s agency “refers to the realization of goals and values she has reason to pursue, whether or not they are connected with her own well-being” (ibid., p. 56). Similarly, we can talk of two aspects of empowerment – freedom and achievement. Unterhalter (2019, p. 91) emphasizes that, “for Sen, agency (and by implication empowerment) is not mere self-interest, but an expression of a sense of fairness for oneself and due process for oneself and others.” Thus, the concept of agency takes into account the possibility that people can help to improve their individual wellbeing along with that of others. Building on the above discussion, we define the subjective side of empowerment from a capability approach perspective as an expansion of both agency (process freedom) and capabilities (opportunity freedom). Empowerment is closely related but not identical to agency enhancement. It is not only an expanded agency but an empowered agency, i.e., an agency which has a clear goal – gaining control over one’s environment with the aim to improve individuals’ and societies’ well-being.

The Objective Side of Empowerment If empowerment is a universal need, this raises the importance of the issue of equality of opportunities and social justice, which calls for understanding the social embeddedness of empowerment in different environments as well as the main social opportunity structures which determine its accomplishment. Although the capability approach is “people-centred,” Sen himself acknowledges the “deep complementarity between individual agency and social arrangements” and that “it is important to give simultaneous recognition to the centrality of individual freedom and to the force of social influences on the extent and reach of individual freedom” (Sen 1999, p. xii; original emphasis). Furthermore, Sen views individuals

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as socially embedded agents who interact with their societies and flourish fully only by participating in political and social affairs (Sen 2002, pp. 79–80). That is why: [e]mpowerment from a capabilities approach is more than the individual girl aspiring to be or becoming an educated woman; critically important are the societal structures and conditions for educated women that address broader equity concerns for achieving well-being. (DeJaeghere and Lee 2011, p. 39)

More concretely, [c]onditions of a safe, supportive, and quality educational environment foster possibilities for empowerment and well-being, and conversely, a lack of these conditions can marginalize children from achieving well-being through education. (ibid., p. 27)

In conceptualizing the relationship between empowerment and context, we draw on the heuristic potential of Sen’s conversion factors concept and the crucial significance of context for agency within the capability approach (Sen 1985, 1999; Nussbaum 2000). Conversion factors are defined as a range of factors that influence how a person can convert the characteristics of her/his available resources (initial conditions) into freedom or achievement. By developing the concept of conversion factors, the capability approach allows for the consideration of, on the one hand, individual characteristics in evaluating the relationship between a good and the achievement of certain beings and doings, and also the institutional and macrolevel features of contexts, on the other. The variety of conversion factors operating on micro-, meso-, or macro-levels (see Dingeldey et al. 2015) shows that it is not sufficient to know how many goods a person owns or can use in order to be able to assess the well-being that she/he can achieve; rather, we need to know much more about the person and her/his circumstances. In this regard, Unterhalter (2019, p. 91) argues that the capability approach allows us to present a “contextualized portrayal of empowerment” and emphasizes that: [t]he importance of assessing context, capability expansion, and the question of empowerment is an essential evaluative task, which requires dialogue, participation, and assessments of power relations. In all of these processes, education, understood in terms of the deployment of knowledge and understanding through learning, teaching, critical questioning, and reflexivity, plays an important role. (ibid., p. 89)

In order to understand the objective side of empowerment in a more structured way in terms of the available opportunity structures, we draw on Nancy Fraser’s three-dimensional model of social justice – redistribution, recognition, and representation. At first, she develops a two-dimensional conceptualization of justice – with redistribution and recognition as mutually irreducible dimensions of justice (Fraser 2000; Fraser and Honneth 2003). Fraser (2003, p. 48) argues that “[m] aldistribution and misrecognition are often practically entwined with each other” but insists that “yet they remain mutually irreducible” and “justice today requires both redistribution and recognition” (Fraser 1995, p. 69, emphasis in the original).

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In her later works, Fraser adds a third dimension of justice which she terms “political”; therefore, the scale of justice becomes three-dimensional: redistribution, recognition, and representation (Fraser 2009). The achievement of the third dimension of justice means that people have equal voices in the decision-making processes on issues that directly affect their lives (ibid.). The conceptualization of empowerment as a matter of justice – similar to Fraser’s conceptualization of recognition as a matter of justice – adds new content to the struggle for empowerment. Now it would mean “dismantling institutionalized obstacles that prevent some people from participating on a par with others, as full partners in social interaction” (Fraser 2005, p. 74, emphasis added). Taking into account Fraser’s three-dimensional model of social justice, we can differentiate between three types of opportunity structures, respectively, three types of obstacles that impede people’s empowerment – economic structures that deny people “the resources they need in order to interact with others as peers,” “institutionalized hierarchies of cultural value that deny them the requisite standing” (ibid.) and thus “constitute some actors as inferior, excluded, wholly other, or simply invisible” (Fraser 2003, p. 29), and the institutional rules and practices that hamper people’s participation in decision-making processes.

A Social Justice Perspective Toward the Relationship Between Empowerment and Lifelong Education and Learning The research on the relationship between empowerment and education is based on different theoretical approaches and different models of empowerment (i.e., Stromquist 1995; Rowlands 1995; Rocha 1997). Thus, for example, some authors (Baily 2011; Shah 2011) use Stromquist’s model of empowerment, which consists of four necessary components: cognitive, psychological, political, and economic. Other scholars (Holmarsdottir et al. 2011; Molyneaux 2011) try to reveal the three dimensions on which, according to Rowlands, empowerment operates – personal, where empowerment is about developing a sense of self and individual confidence and capacity; close relationships, where empowerment is about developing the ability to negotiate and influence the nature of the relationship and decisions made within it; and collective, where individuals work together to achieve a more extensive impact than each could have had alone. Тhe capability approach is also widely used as a theoretical framework for studying the links between education and empowerment, especially in underdeveloped countries (Sen 1999; Nussbaum 2000). The capability approach has also been applied into outlining a theoretical framework for conceptualizing the role of adult education in individual empowerment (Boyadjieva and Ilieva-Trichkova forthcoming). Based on the discussion in the previous section, we will propose a social justice perspective toward the empowerment role of lifelong education and learning. In his writings, especially Development as Freedom (1999) and The Country of First Boys (2015), Sen favors a strong relationship between education, empowerment, agency, and well-being. He provides evidence of the impact of education,

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especially among women, on reducing fertility rates and claims that increasing school education and literacy is a way to empower women to act toward lowering fertility rates and thus enhancing their own well-being. Flores-Crespo (2007) argues that there is a close resemblance between Sen’s and Nussbaum’s ideas, on the one hand, and Paolo Freire’s ideas, on the other, because they all “support and depart from the assumption that as people are succumbing to poverty, inequality, exploitation, and ignominy, something needs to be done to reverse this situation”; furthermore, they: do not seem to be trying to “save” the poor as they conceive human beings as responsible agents who can alter their “destiny”, but “rely” upon the human agency of individuals to transform their realities. (ibid., pp. 55–56, emphasis added)

In his critical pedagogy, Freire strongly criticizes and rejects the “the banking concept of education,” which turns education into “an act of depositing” and students into “containers,” into “receptacles” to be “filled” by the teacher” (Freire 2005 [1970], p. 72). He asserts, “banking education begins with a false understanding of men and women as objects,” and that it is based on “the assumption of a dichotomy between human beings and the world: a person is merely in the world, not with the world or with others; the individual is spectator, not re-creator” (ibid., pp. 77, 75, emphasis in the original). Freire argues for the transformative role of education, for “education as the practice of freedom – as opposed to education as the practice of domination” (ibid., p. 81, emphasis added). “Education as the practice of freedom” is a dialogical practice because “only through communication can human life hold meaning” (ibid., pp. 67, 77). For Freire, dialogue is “an act of creation” in which people “achieve significance as human beings” (ibid., pp. 88–89, emphasis added). Although we sympathize very much with these humanistic views on the role of education, we agree with Unterhalter (2019, p. 75), who acknowledges that “the relationship between empowerment and education is neither simple nor clear.” We also support some critical points regarding the relationship between empowerment and education about which there is widespread agreement, for example: “education does not automatically or simplistically result in empowerment”; empowerment is context dependent and “is not a linear process, direct or automatic”; and “it is important to consider education beyond formal schooling: informal interactional processes and multi-layered policy are also implicated” (Monkman 2011, p. 10). It is well-argued in the literature that, just as mass-scale school education is a response to the needs of early modern societies, so the concepts and policies of lifelong education and learning reflect essential changes in the systemic-structural characteristics of the societies of late modernity and in the role of the individual in them, as well as in the status of scientific cognition and institutions of knowledge (Boyadjieva and Ilieva-Trichkova 2021). In the context of permanent changes, mutual interpenetration between different social spheres, the unfolding process of individualization, and the remarkable diversification of educational institutions, education becomes lifelong and life-wide.

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According to Alsop et al. (2006, p. 19), there are three domains, divided into different subdomains, in which empowerment can take place – the state (justice, politics, and public service delivery), the market (labor, goods, and private services), and society (intra-household and intra-community). We argue that lifelong education and learning can be defined as a specific complex domain/sphere of empowerment which functions at the intersection of all three domains: the state, the market, and society. Empowerment and lifelong education and learning have a common characteristic – both are lifelong processes. In the contemporary world in which all individuals and societies become susceptible and vulnerable, empowerment is not only a universal need; it is a need that is present at all stages of an individual’s life. The empowering role of lifelong education and learning depends on and is realized through the very way it is established and organized in a given society. That is why, in order to reveal and evaluate the empowerment role of lifelong education and learning, there is a need for “understanding the contexts of learning, teaching, and education governance, considering whether the content of education encourages an individualistic or an inclusive and solidaristic sense of agency,” as well as looking “both at organisations and the norms that govern them” (Unterhalter 2019, p. 93). At first glance, it seems that the role of lifelong education and learning (viewed as a sphere and an outcome) for individuals’ subjectivity and agency is less pronounced when students are adults than when they are teenagers. However, this statement does not take into account either the essential changes in the systemic-structural characteristics of contemporary societies or in the role of the individual in them. The societies of late modernity are societies in which change transforms from a sporadic occurrence into a permanent feature of their existence and of the lives of individuals (Bauman 1997). Changes in the main characteristics of late modern societies inevitably generate significant changes in the individual’s relation to her/his own life, as well as in her/his models of personal realization and life plans. The biography of the individual thus turns into a “reflexive biography” (Giddens 1991), which means that the individual him/herself chooses it from among various models offered by society. Long-term life plans and goals become increasingly hard to pursue, and the life of an individual in many cases does not follow a single project but is increasingly a matter of self-building, wherein the goals at one stage of a person’s development do not necessarily accrete upon the goals of the preceding stages and might in fact take a very different turn (see also: Bauman 2002, pp. 433–434). Thus, people are confronted with the need to (re)build their identity and subjectivity throughout their lives. A social justice perspective towards the empowerment role of lifelong education and learning requires taking into account both the subjective and objective sides of empowerment. The subjective side of empowerment through lifelong education and learning is related to its role in further developing the individual’s capability set and, thus, in increasing her/his potential to make high-quality choices and her/his freedom to act. As already outlined, empowerment is not identical to agency enhancement, i.e., to

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the expansion of agency for any purpose and for the development of any capabilities – it is about developing capabilities, which can ensure gaining control over one’s environment with the aim to improve individual and societal well-being. The objective side of empowerment through lifelong education and learning reflects the available institutional structures and socioeconomic, political, and cultural context. It refers to the institutional structures and hierarchies (economic, political, and cultural) that influence and constitute the social sphere of lifelong education and learning, thus enabling or constraining empowerment through lifelong education and learning. Previous research suggests that the gender differences in the sense of control achieved through job-related training might be related to the structural, cultural, and economic barriers that people face within the labor market in Russia (Karmaeva and Zakharov 2020). However, we are not aware of studies, which pay attention to the embeddedness of empowerment in different contexts. Taking into account the above theoretical discussion, we think that there is a need for further research on the link between lifelong education and learning and empowerment, which applies a more sophisticated understanding of empowerment and pays attention to its embeddedness in different socioeconomic, political, and cultural contexts. More concretely, we will try to answer the following research questions: (1) To what extent is participation in lifelong education and learning associated with individuals’ empowerment? (2) Does the relationship between individuals’ participation in lifelong education and learning and their empowerment differ across different socioeconomic, political, and cultural contexts?

Empowerment Through Lifelong Education and Learning and Its Social Embeddedness: Empirical Evidence Analytical Approach Data The empirical basis for our analysis is from the European Social Survey (ESS). We have used data from the ESS Round 6 (ESS Round 6: European Social Survey Round 6 Data 2012) because it has a rotating module on personal and societal wellbeing, which includes questions that we have used as a proxy for empowerment. The ESS is a biannual cross-national survey that is representative for the population aged 15 and over. This survey involves strict random probability sampling and a minimum target response rate of 70%. It is carried out via face-to-face interviews in more than 30 countries. We have used individual-level data from the ESS and combined them with macro-level data from the official statistics to explore, on the one hand, whether or not there are differences in the levels of empowerment between those who have participated in work-related training in the previous 12 months and those who have not and, on the other, if different social contexts moderate the associations between

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participation in work-related training and empowerment. The data are restricted to adults aged 25–64 years. Our sample consists of 24 countries for which there are data available on all country-level variables of interest. The database includes the following number of cases from different countries: Belgium (n ¼ 1142), Bulgaria (n ¼ 1402), Cyprus (n ¼ 735); Czech Republic (n ¼ 1192); Denmark (n ¼ 990); Estonia (n ¼ 1366); Finland (n ¼ 1386); France (n ¼ 1200); Germany (n ¼ 1755); Great Britain (n ¼ 1156); Hungary (n ¼ 1298); Iceland (n ¼ 461); Ireland (n ¼ 1700); Italy (n ¼ 567); Lithuania (n ¼ 1189); Netherlands (n ¼ 1169); Norway (n ¼ 1075); Poland (n ¼ 1149); Portugal (n ¼ 1267); Slovakia (n ¼ 1265); Slovenia (n ¼ 807); Spain (n ¼ 1258); Sweden (n ¼ 1038); and Switzerland (n ¼ 938) (see technical note on the sample size). The data at country level were extracted from the Eurostat website, from the ESS, and from a report by The Economist Intelligence Unit (2012). These data are current for 2012. Classifications related to education follow the International Standard Classification of Education (ISCED), 2011 revision.

Variables In line with our theoretical understanding of empowerment, we have measured empowerment with two dependent variables, which provide proxy information about its essence – gaining control over one’s environment with the aim to improve individuals’ and societies’ well-being. The first dependent variable refers to question D30: “How difficult or easy do you find it to deal with important problems that come up in your life?”. The respondents were given an 11-point Likert answer scale ranging from 0, extremely difficult, to 10, extremely easy. This variable was dichotomized into two categories: 1 ¼ easily deals with important problems that come up, which includes scores 7–10, and 0 ¼ otherwise. The second dependent variable refers to statement D1: “In the past 12 months, how often did you get involved in work for voluntary or charitable organizations”. The respondents were offered six options to answer: 1 ¼ “At least once a week,” 2 ¼ “At least once a month,” 3 ¼ “At least once every three months,” 4 ¼ “At least once every six months,” 5 ¼ “Less often,” 6 ¼ “Never.” Their answers were entered into the analysis as a dummy variable: 1 ¼ getting involved in work for voluntary or charitable organizations, covering options 1, 2, and 3, and 0 ¼ otherwise. The main independent variable included at the individual level was the dummy variable of participation in work-related training over the previous 12 months (1 ¼ yes; 0 ¼ no). It measures participation in lifelong education and learning. The main independent variables at the country level capture the available opportunity structures. To measure the socioeconomic context, we used information for GDP per capita in PPS (Volume indices of real expenditure per capita [in PPS_EU27_2020 ¼ 100, Eurostat, Data code TEC00114, extracted on 08.04.2021]). The highest GDP is in Norway at 188, and the lowest is in Bulgaria at 47. To measure the political context, we relied on information from the Democracy index. The report from The Economist Intelligence Unit (2012) develops a democracy index that ranges from 0 to 10 and is composed of 60 indicators grouped into

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five categories: electoral process and pluralism, civil liberties, functioning of government, political participation, and political culture. The index values are used to place countries within four types of regimes: 8–10 means full democracy, 6–7.9 means flawed democracy, 4–5.9 means hybrid democracy, and 1000

2200

TCM Co.

Integrated Oil Co.

No. of Employees 551

Marine Co.

Company Aquaculture Co.

Industry Ornamental fish farming, import and export, manufacturing of accessories for ornamental fish, aquaculture for edible fish Supply chain management, design and manufacturing solutions, engineering solutions and surveillance and cybersecurity solutions to the marine and offshore, oil and gas, industrial, petrochemical, and commercial industries Manufactures, processes, distributes, retails, and sells traditional Chinese and other medicines Integrated agribusiness focused on edible oils and fats 3rd

4th

3rd

Generation 3rd

Table 1 Profile of Singapore Chinese family firms in case study research

Chairman, CEO

Chairman, ex-Chief Scientific Officer

Chairman and CEO, HR Dir, Marketing and Business Dev Dir

Interviewees Chairman and CEO, Dy MD, GM

3/8

1/5

2/5

No. of family members out of total board members 3/8

3/7

3/13

5/9

No. of family members out of total management team 2/8

85%

23.8%

60%

Estimated % share holdings by family 44%

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of knowledge on innovation governance and the dynamics of family firms. The expert interviews were conducted to uncover the roles that boards should play in the corporate governance of innovation, the scope that should be included, and the drivers behind the proactiveness of boards in governing innovation. All interviews were recorded, transcribed (see below), and analyzed using grounded-theory methodology. Data collected during phase 1 was analyzed, and the outcomes were considered for the design of phase 2 with its emphasis on case study research. When selecting cases, Eisenhardt (1989) posits that qualitative samples should be purposive rather than random. Cases should be selected so that they are likely to replicate or extend the theory. Following this principle, we chose our four family firms for the case study research (see Table 1) based on the following criteria: • Ownership majority held by members belonging to the founder’s family of Chinese heritage • Involvement of the owner or at least one of the owner’s family members as a key management executive in the business operations • External recognition as an innovative firm (e.g., on the basis of industry awards) Using the qualitative data analysis program Nvivo (QSR International, Version 12.1.0), we coded and iteratively analyzed the qualitative data by alternating between the data and an emerging structure of theoretical arguments that corresponded to the research questions that we are focusing on. We used the three key steps described by Locke (2001): creating first-order codes, integrating firstorder codes into second-order themes, and delimiting the theory by aggregating theoretical dimensions. Figure 1 shows the first-order codes, second-order categories, and aggregate theoretical dimensions for phase 1 and phase 2 data collected, respectively. Key parameters of the four case companies are presented in Table 1. The research design relied on multiple sources of information comprising semi-structured interviews with C-suite-level company executives, annual reports, company websites, and media releases, as well as interviews. The interviews lasted between 45 min and 1 h, and all were conducted face-to-face following the informed consent of the participant. The author voice-recorded all interviews and took notes. The audio recording was then transcribed verbatim.

Results From the expert interview data in phase 1, a model of corporate governance of innovation (CGOI) at the board level emerged, as shown in Fig. 2. Based on our phase 1 data analysis, we postulate three key antecedents to proactiveness of the board in driving the corporate governance of innovation:

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• Board Agenda on Innovation Regulation and compliance requirements influence the board to be risk adverse and thus prioritize the board agenda toward risk avoidance over preemption of future risk of disruption or displacement. There is a need to ensure that innovation represents a key agenda in the board meeting. Board processes must be incorporated to ensure that board-level discussions occur concerning risk management of current projects as First-Order Codes Interviewees sharing board being risk focused & executing more conformance task.

Interviewees citing absence of board members with experience & expertise in innovation management.

Second-Order Themes

Board agenda on innovation

Innovation expertise

Interviewees citing shareholder’s expectation of board to represent their interest and measure of short-term outcome.

Shareholders’ expectations

Interviewees citing board’s role in approving “Why, What, Where, When, Who, How” of innovation strategy.

Review & appore innovation strategy

Interviewees sharing views on expectation of board in allocating resource and managing portfolio of innovation investment.

Control of resource

Interviewees expressing views on board’s roles in monitoring performance of execution of innovation strategy by C-levels.

Aggregate Theoretical Dimensions

Antecedents to board’s proactive governance of innovation

Board’s roles & responsibilities for corporate governance of innovation

Monitor of outcome & performance of innovation investment

Interviewees articulating roles of C-levels in innovation strategy execution & management.

C-level roles in innovation management

Interviewees sharing views on how family involvement at board level affect the process and outcome of innovation strategy due to unique family influence factors such as SEW.

Family involvement at board level

Fig. 1 Overview of data construct from phase 1 expert interviews

Innovation management

Family involvement

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Antecedents to Active Governance of Innovation by the Board

Board Agenda on Innovation Need for a balance of board agenda between risk avoidance vs pre-emption of future risk of disruption or displacement

The Board's Roles & Responsibilities for Corporate Governance of Innovation (CGOI)

Innovation Expertise Presence of innovation experts on the board who can effectively drive the innovation governance agenda.

P2

Shareholders' Expectations Need for Shareholders to exert pressure on the board to drive innovation.

Family Involvement

P1

P3

Innovation Management by C-suite Executives

• Review and approve innovation strategy: Why, What, Where, When, Who, How

• Propose & excute innovation strategy

• Control of resources

• Drive innovation culture

• Monitoring of innovation outcome and performance of C-suite executives

Fig. 2 Corporate governance of innovation at board level

well as innovation investment for preemption of future risk of disruption. We posit that: Proposition 1 The more pronounced the innovation agenda enacted, the higher the motivation level of the board and management to make innovation work. • Innovation Expertise From the interview data collected, we observed that the nomination criteria of board members center on traditional professional expertise, which leads to a lack of innovation experts on the board who can effectively drive the innovation governance agenda. This hinders the level of corporate governance of innovation that occurs at the board level. Hence, we posit that: Proposition 2 The greater the domain expertise and experience in innovation management at the board level, the more pronounced the firm’s corporate governance of innovation. There is a need to be mindful in the selection of board members in order to incorporate diversity of expertise in innovation management beyond professional expertise in functional areas such as finance, legal, and industry domains. Incorporating board members with innovation management expertise will help to ensure a

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balanced board agenda with appropriate focus on the risks of disruption and displacement. • Shareholders’ Expectations Shareholders should expect the appointed board representatives to not only protect their interests in short-term decisions but to also employ a long-term strategy to ensure business sustainability and profitability, preempting disruption and displacement of business. Proposition 3 The greater the expectation of shareholders vis-à-vis organizational innovation outcomes, the higher the motivation level of the board in driving the corporate governance of innovation. Shareholders should clearly articulate their expectations of the board in driving the innovation agenda. This will impact the board’s level of focus on the corporate governance of innovation at the organizational level. The data collected from phase 1 expert interviews regarding the board’s roles and responsibilities in the corporate governance of innovation are aligned with Deschamps and Nelson’s (2014) proposed role of the board in governing innovation. The roles and responsibilities of the board in governing innovation are related to three areas: • Review and approval of the innovation strategy: why, what, where, when, who, and how • Control of resources • Monitoring of innovation outcomes and performance of the C-suite in the execution of innovation strategies These are distinct from the roles and responsibilities of the top management team in the organization who drive the innovation strategy’s execution as well as the appropriate culture to achieve desired results. Family involvement is observed to be a mediating factor that impacts the effectiveness of driving the corporate governance of innovation from the board level to innovation management at the executive level. The ways in which family involvement impacts the corporate governance of innovation was further studied in phase 2, where we utilized case study research on four Chinese family firms in Singapore to develop a model that can help academics and practitioners to better understand how Singapore Chinese family firms make innovation work. The model proposed in Fig. 2 provides clarity concerning the roles and responsibilities of the board in driving the corporate governance of innovation as well as the key antecedents to ensure their focus. The findings from phase 1 were incorporated into the CGOI checklist (Table 2).

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Table 2 Corporate governance of innovation (CGOI)

Building blocks of CGOI Innovation leadership

Elements Why innovate?

Indicators Innovation vision

BoD & top management alignment

Family influence factors – Cohesiveness & continuity

Who is responsible?

Board Roles & Responsibilities

Review items We have an innovation vision that clearly articulates the purpose and direction of innovation Our leaders communicate the innovation vision clearly and frequently to the organization The innovation vision is endorsed by our board of directors The top management team is committed to the innovation vision There is cohesiveness among family members involved in the management and operation of the company There is a strong motivation shown by family members in ensuring continuity of the family business over multigenerations The roles and responsibilities of the board in governing innovation are clearly defined and include:

Indicator score (1 ¼ Not at all; 2 ¼ To a small extent; 3 ¼ To a moderate extent; 4 ¼ To a great extent; 5 ¼ To a very great extent.)

(continued)

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Table 2 (continued)

Building blocks of CGOI

Elements

Indicators

C-suite innovation structure

Review items Review and approval of the innovation strategy; Control of resources; Monitoring of outcome and performance of the C-suite in innovation execution Board meeting agenda includes innovation strategy and review on a regular basis There are board members with innovation experience who champion innovation governance agenda The nomination committee has clear criteria for innovation attributes when appointing C-suite executives There is clarity in terms of innovation drivers and their area of responsibilities The decision authority and empowerment limit for innovation investment is clearly structured

Indicator score (1 ¼ Not at all; 2 ¼ To a small extent; 3 ¼ To a moderate extent; 4 ¼ To a great extent; 5 ¼ To a very great extent.)

(continued)

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Table 2 (continued)

Building blocks of CGOI

Innovation strategy

Elements

Indicators Family influence factors – control

What & where to innovate?

Scope of innovation

Depth of innovation

With whom to innovate?

Internal vs external

Review items There is a family leader with a controlling stake in the organization who can make decisions Innovation priorities are defined and shared across the organization, e.g. business model innovation, new product innovation, process innovation, supply chain innovation etc. There is guidance on innovation focus aligned to business strategy with clarity on “what we will not do,” including industry boundaries, product scope, value chain etc. There is clear alignment of expectations in terms of areas where we will drive incremental innovation (exploit) and where we will invest in disruptive (explore) innovation We have established a shared understanding of areas of innovation where we will seek external partnerships

Indicator score (1 ¼ Not at all; 2 ¼ To a small extent; 3 ¼ To a moderate extent; 4 ¼ To a great extent; 5 ¼ To a very great extent.)

(continued)

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Table 2 (continued)

Building blocks of CGOI

Elements

Indicators

Types of partnership

How much to innovate?

Quantum

Portfolio

Review items

Indicator score (1 ¼ Not at all; 2 ¼ To a small extent; 3 ¼ To a moderate extent; 4 ¼ To a great extent; 5 ¼ To a very great extent.)

and those that we will develop internally We are clear in terms of the types of partnerships we will establish for effective innovation outcomes, e.g. joint venture, outsourced partners for research and development, co-creation with industry partners etc. We have a shared understanding of our investment appetite in various areas of innovation in the organization. It may not be a defined investment budget but a broad guideline of what is palatable to the organization in terms of investment size and expected returns from innovation investments We have a dashboard of innovation investments (portfolio) across the organization. The board and C-suite regularly review the portfolio to ensure it meets the organization’s growth strategy (continued)

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Table 2 (continued)

Building blocks of CGOI

Innovation capabilities

Elements How long is the innovation horizon?

Indicators Time horizon

Innovation process

Discovering opportunities

Decision making

Review items There is an understanding of the time horizon that the organization would be comfortable with for reaping benefits derived from innovation investments & initiatives We have alignment of our innovation investment priorities for short term, mid term and long term There is an established process in generating ideas, detecting emerging weak signals from the market and uncovering innovation opportunities The decision process to invest in innovation resources for new ideas generated is well managed and agile A process is in place to make decisions on aborting or accelerating the investment into a project depending on the initial results of innovation incubation

Indicator score (1 ¼ Not at all; 2 ¼ To a small extent; 3 ¼ To a moderate extent; 4 ¼ To a great extent; 5 ¼ To a very great extent.)

(continued)

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Table 2 (continued)

Building blocks of CGOI

Elements Culture

Indicators Innovation mindset

Human resource

Domain expertise

Soft skills

Continuous upskilling

Review items There is a strong innovation culture in the organization where people proactively experiment with new ideas and continuously seek improvement in the current work process Top management shows commitment to innovation and communicates regularly on innovation outcomes and learnings We have strong domain expertise in our organization to innovate and deliver increased value to stakeholders Our staff possess the necessary soft skills to drive innovation, including customer sensing, ideas and concept evaluation, team management and venture management We continuously seek ways to upskill our people, including training, on-the-job experiential learning, exposure etc.

Indicator score (1 ¼ Not at all; 2 ¼ To a small extent; 3 ¼ To a moderate extent; 4 ¼ To a great extent; 5 ¼ To a very great extent.)

(continued)

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Table 2 (continued)

Building blocks of CGOI

Elements

Indicators

Innovation outcome

Performance measurement

Board performance

Top management performance

Measure of success

Parameter of success

Review items While the family business values employees as their expanded family, non-performers are not tolerated. Injection of new talent is done to ensure strong human capital in the organization Shareholders have clear expectations and set performance indicators on innovation governance for the board The board has clear expectations and set performance indicators with regard to innovation execution and outcomes for the C-suite executives There is clarity in measuring the success of innovation outcomes, and such measures are shared at every level of the organization, e.g. percentage of revenue generated from new products launched during the past 3 years, number of patents filed etc.

Indicator score (1 ¼ Not at all; 2 ¼ To a small extent; 3 ¼ To a moderate extent; 4 ¼ To a great extent; 5 ¼ To a very great extent.)

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Phase 2 Case Study Research Four main findings emerged from the phase 2 case study research. Firstly, “family influence” factors, namely, commitment to ensure the continuity of the family business, cohesiveness among family owners, and clear controlling party of family firm, represent antecedents to establishing the corporate governance of innovation in Singapore Chinese family firms. Secondly, innovation leadership exhibited by key family leaders is a critical success factor to the governance of innovation in Chinese family firms. Family members who evangelize innovation initiatives drive clarity regarding the scope of innovation investment and the process of innovation management. Innovation leaders in family firms can make decisions faster than nonfamily firms due to the control they possess as owners. The role of the board of directors in Chinese family firms seems to be confined to providing connections to external collaborators in specific industry sectors. Thirdly, the corporate governance of innovation in Singapore Chinese family firms is broadly aligned at a high level without a codified process. Because innovation leadership involves top management and the board level, the clarity concerning the corporate governance of innovation in terms of “who to innovate, where and how much to innovate, as well as with whom do we innovate” is dictated by family leaders who often assume the role of chairman of the board and/or the CEO of the organization. However, there is a clear gap in the formal process of formulating innovation strategy as well as ambiguity in the structuring of innovation investment portfolios. Lastly, Singapore Chinese family firms face challenges in cultivating innovative human resources and an innovative culture, in part because employees are treated as extended family. Terminating poor performers is not an accepted practice, which slows the pace of change required for driving innovation and represents an area of risk that family firms need to mitigate. Three key antecedents to establishing the corporate governance of innovation in Chinese family businesses emerged from our phase 2 data analysis. We posit that: Proposition 4 The antecedents to strong corporate governance of innovation in Singapore Chinese family businesses are: • Cohesiveness among family members involved in the business management • Commitment to ensure multigeneration continuity of their family business • A decision-maker that has controlling power over the business The family influence factor of a strong desire to ensure continuity of the family business in order to “pass on the name and wealth” across multigenerations instills a strong commitment in family leaders to innovate. The family influence factor of “continuity” that drives the governance of innovation is aligned with the proposition proposed by Gómez-Mejía et al. (2007), which is that in family firms, socioemotional wealth (SEW) represents a key variable that affects decisions. Our

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research reaffirms the importance of SEW in Chinese family businesses as a key factor behind innovation investment decisions. We posit that the desire to “pass down the name of the family across multigenerations” is strong in Chinese families due to the influence of Confucius values. As Kao (1993) found through his research on Chinese entrepreneurs, “Confucian tradition is remarkably persistent” and “enterprise is still a means of exerting control -and for achieving security in a disordered world” (p. 25). Filial piety is a key Confucius value, and for Chinese family firms continuity of their business and carrying the name of their founding father are considered a family duty. Our research affirms the importance of “continuity” in Chinese family firms and discovered that it is a key motivator for Chinese family businesses to focus on innovation. Cohesiveness among family members involved in the management of the organization enables a strong, consistent answer to the question of “why innovate.” There is a certain distinctiveness in Chinese family businesses in contrast to other ethnic groups regarding their focus on family ties even at the expense of other social relationships (Tan and Fock 2001; Kao 1993). This is often described as “familism” and is rooted in Confucianism which has profoundly influenced Chinese ethnic groups for more than 2000 years. In our research, the “cohesiveness” of family members holding management positions in the organization represents a critical factor to driving the corporate governance of innovation. This can be viewed as part of “familiness,” referring to resources unique to family businesseshoff. We use the term “cohesiveness” to refer to the binding force among family leaders as a critical factor that will drive a consistent message regarding their corporate innovation direction and strategy. The control of family leaders with majority shares of the business provides the leader with power to drive long-term investments as well as the ability to make decisions deemed beneficial to the business in the long term. The family influence factors of cohesiveness, continuity, and control provide the foundation for family businesses to holistically establish a clear CGOI. Proposition 5 The clarity of corporate governance of innovation increases with the level of innovation leadership exhibited by family leaders of Chinese family firms. Our research shows that the innovation agenda in Chinese family businesses is driven by its leader who holds a clear vision and commitment to innovation investment. The leader and his or her C-suites provide clarity regarding “why innovate,” “what to invest,” “where to innovate,” and “with whom to innovate,” and the decisions are made by key family members in both formal and social settings. The corporate governance of innovation is strong when the key family leader exhibits strong innovation leadership. Proposition 6 An increased emphasis on the corporate governance of innovation in the board agenda increases the effectiveness of innovation investment portfolio management.

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Based on our research, we argue that there is currently a CGOI gap in Singapore Chinese family firms with regard to innovation investment portfolio management. Decisions concerning innovation investments in terms of quantum and time horizon lie with the controlling family leaders. There is often no clear strategy for ensuring a balanced innovation portfolio of both incremental innovation and disruptive innovation projects. Many Singapore Chinese family business leaders adopt an opportunistic approach and make decisions based on “gut feel.” Independent board members are not proactively involved in the corporate governance of innovation. The role of independent board members is limited to connecting with external collaborators for innovation initiatives. Based on our phase 1 research as shown in Fig. 2, the board of directors plays a key role in the CGOI in terms of reviewing and approving the innovation strategy (why, what, where, when, who, how), control of resources, and the monitoring of performance and outcomes. Our CGOI model at board level (Fig. 2) highlights the need for innovation expertise in the board in order to drive the effective corporate governance of innovation. By having a structured approach and developing an optimal portfolio of innovation investments, Singapore Chinese family business can avoid becoming blindsided by the current “intuitive” approach toward strategizing innovation in view of the increasingly overwhelming pace of change. Proposition 7 The stronger the family culture of tolerating long-term employees who are nonperformers, the weaker the innovation culture and greater resistance to change. Innovation culture is a critical success factor that enables an organization to be effective in its innovation management. By conducting this research, we uncovered the linkage between family values and company culture: the deep-rooted family values passed down from the founders become the company’s core beliefs that drive the culture. Family business leaders regard long-serving employees as their expanded family. Firing long-serving staff when their performance lags is not an accepted practice in Chinese family firms. This creates a hindrance to building innovation culture in the organization, and thus Chinese family firms must investigate ways to manage this soft aspect of innovation governance. Without a clear strategy for ensuring the establishment of a robust innovation culture and upskilling the current workforce to be competent in innovation management, the innovation strategy’s pace of execution will become hindered. This represents a risk area that must be considered under the corporate governance of innovation.

Implications CGOI Checklist Considering today’s ambiguity regarding the CGOI, from its definition to the details of scope and execution, it is challenging for organizations to manage the risk of future displacement. Hence, we propose a checklist to facilitate the board of directors

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and C-level of family firms’ efforts in reviewing their organization’s CGOI state (see Table 2). The checklist incorporates the key constructs of the CGOI model of Chinese family businesses, the roles of the board that emerged from our research, as well as elements from Deschamps and Nelson’s (2014) innovation governance model. It provides a survey tool to examine the four key building blocks of CGOI as depicted in Fig. 3, namely, innovation leadership, innovation strategy, innovation capabilities, and innovation outcome. In each building block, we present the key elements of the CGOI with reference to Singapore Chinese family businesses as well as indicators for auditing when the organization has gaps in any of these elements. The checklist can be used by practitioners to perform periodic self-assessments of the organization’s CGOI state. Figure 4 presents a dashboard view of the 4 key building blocks and the 11 elements in form of a spiderweb chart, a visual representation of the organization’s current CGOI state. Key indicators are used to ascertain the current state of the organization in each of the 11 elements. The checklist’s five-point Likert scale enables users to assess the strength of each of the CGOI indicators. • Innovation Leadership Innovation leadership represents a key building block of the CGOI that emerged from our case study research of four Singapore Chinese family businesses. Using the CGOI model, we captured two key elements that drive innovation leadership: – Why innovate? To understand the purpose of innovation is a key element under innovation leadership. Based on the CGOI constructs in Singapore Chinese family businesses that emerged from our research, there are three indicators that drive clarity behind the element of “why innovate.”

Corporate Governance of Innovation (CGOI) in Chinese Family Business Innovation Leadership Innovation Strategy Who

Antecedents to CGOI “Family Influence” Factors

Control P4 Continuity

Innovation Ledership at Board /Clevel

P5

BOD as expert panel

P6

Why

What

Where

How Much

With Whom

When

Innovation Capabilities Innovation Process

Cohesiveness

Innovation Vision

Innovation Culture

P7 & Human resources

Fig. 3 Corporate governance of innovation in Chinese family firms (CGOI model)

Innovation Outcome

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Fig. 4 Dashboard view of CGOI checklist

Firstly, the organization must have a well-defined innovation vision that is communicated by top management extensively throughout the organization. Secondly, there must be alignment between the board of directors and top management team regarding the innovation vision, which must be thoroughly considered and discussed at the board level to ensure that the vision is not merely marketing fluff from the CEO. The innovation vision drives the behavior and decisions of the board and top management in terms of innovation investment. For the innovation vision to cascade down throughout the organization, the top management team needs to be committed to the vision. This cannot be solely the CEO’s job but must also be supported by the CEO’s management team in order to achieve traction and success. In our research, we uncovered family factors that influence the effectiveness of the CGOI in Singapore Chinese family businesses. Cohesiveness among family members involved in business operations and commitment to drive continuity of the family business represent two key family influence factors that impact the strength of innovation leadership. – Who is responsible for innovation? It is critical to ensure the clarity of roles and responsibilities of the board, top management, and the working team that drives innovation. Figure 2 depicts the key roles, responsibilities, and antecedents to the board’s effectiveness in executing their duties in governing innovation. In the checklist, we incorporated related findings under the indicator of “Board Roles and Responsibilities.” The checklist enables organizations to assess whether the board is clearly aware of its role in innovation governance. An audit of the board’s meeting agenda to assess whether a regular review of innovation strategy occurs can provide an indication of the board’s execution of governing

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innovation. Our research has highlighted the criticality of incorporating board members with innovation experience and expertise to ensure the effective governance of innovation. This has thus been incorporated into our checklist as a lead indicator. The board’s role also includes recruiting a C-suite that is capable of driving business growth. Hence, the nomination committee should also consider and incorporate such innovation criteria when recruiting C-suite executives. The second key indicator under the element of “who is responsible for innovation” concerns the C-suite innovation structure, which is an important construct in the CGOI for achieving clarity regarding innovation drivers. Aside from organizational structure clarity, it is critical to include clear performance indicators when measuring the innovation drivers’ performance. Our research has revealed the need for a clear controlling party in family businesses who can make decisions, including developing the innovation charter. Hence, we added this as an indicator in the checklist (“Family Influence Factors – Control”). • Innovation Strategy Our study suggests that many Singapore Chinese family leaders tend to rely on their intuition to make judgment calls concerning innovation investment. The quantum of innovation investment and the time horizon that the organization can tolerate for the return on investment in innovation are not clearly defined. Incorporating these items into the checklist enables members of the board and the top management team to discuss and determine the framework they wish to enforce in the organization to guide innovation efforts. The checklist highlights areas where increased clarity may help achieve better alignment between the board and top management teams regarding the strategic focus. The checklist provides family leaders with clarity concerning potential weaknesses pertaining their respective innovation strategy so that they can take measures to mitigate such risks. However, this does not restrict the agility and flexibility of the leader in making decisions when opportunities arise. The key elements in the building block “innovation strategy” comprise the following elements: – What and where to innovate? For this element, indicators are required that clarify the scope and depth of the innovation focus. The scope includes outlining the areas of innovation focus, whether in product innovation, process innovation, business model innovation, supply chain innovation, etc. The scope also defines what is considered unreachable for the organization, which includes “what will we not do” in terms of business expansion, new product development, etc. Clarity in scope guides the investment of resources that support the organization’s strategic growth focus. The depth of innovation regards areas to drive incremental innovation and further exploit current competitive advantages as well as areas for investment to seek disruptive innovation to explore new possibilities. – With whom to innovate?

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In our case study research, we observed that Chinese family businesses drive innovation through internal incremental innovation efforts and disruptive innovation through joint research with trustworthy partners such as institutes of higher learning. In the CGOI, we have incorporated indicators for defining the areas of innovation that the organization will drive internally as well as areas where they will seek external partnerships. This guideline gives employees who are driving innovation clarity and provides alignment with management. The indicator for “type of partnership” encourages organizations to also consider the extent of a partnership with which they are comfortable. – How much to innovate? With regard to this CGOI element, we posit that the organization should provide a guideline for their innovation investment appetite in terms of quantum. The organization should also maintain a dashboard view of their innovation investment portfolio (Mcgrath and Macmillan 2000). Frequent reviews of the dashboard allow management and the board to become aligned regarding the desired investment balance of incremental versus disruptive innovation. – How long is the innovation horizon? This element is related to the innovation portfolio as discussed in the element of “how much to invest?”. The (short-, mid-, and long-term) time horizon of innovation investments must be defined to ensure that the organization is capable to maintain its competitiveness while also investing in areas that open up new opportunities and capabilities. Family businesses are found to have “patient capital” (Dreux IV 1990; de Massis et al. 2015) since they are committed to investing for the long term. This long-termism represents a strength of family businesses. Hence, we have developed an indicator for the clarity regarding organizational expectations of innovation investment. • Innovation Capabilities The third building block of the CGOI, innovation capabilities, comprises the three key elements: innovation process, culture, and human resources. – Innovation Process The board and management must ensure that the organization has an innovation process in place from ideation and experimentation to implementation. A proper innovation process helps to determine whether the organization will increase the investment amount or resources for specific innovations to accelerate their success or to abort initiatives. The process of managing the lifecycle of innovation projects is critical. It is the role of the board and top management to ensure that the process is enacted and its effectiveness continuously improved. – Culture As we learned during our case study research, family values do influence the corporate culture of Chinese family businesses. Deep-rooted family values passed down from the founders become the company’s core beliefs and drive the culture. Innovation culture represents a key element of “innovation

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capabilities.” Hence, we have included indicators for understanding the state of the CGOI with regard to innovation culture in the checklist. – Human Resources Without the appropriate human resources in place, innovation will not flourish. In this area, we examine indicators including the presence of domain expertise, soft skills in driving innovation initiatives, as well as the organization’s practice of continuously upskilling and retooling the organization’s human resources. Our research data show that family business leaders view long-serving employees as their expanded family. Terminating long-serving staff when their performance lags is not an accepted practice in Chinese family firms. This represents a hindrance to building innovation culture in the organization. Including such indicators in the CGOI checklist ensures that underlying threats will come to the attention of the board and top management in the context of regular reviews and follow-up actions to address related issues. • Innovation Outcome Companies need to know how well they are performing in terms of innovation governance and whether innovation efforts have produced the expected results. Our checklist entails two key elements that need to be considered: performance measurement and measure of success. – Performance Measurement The board has the duty to monitor the outcome of innovation initiatives as well as how well the top management team is executing innovation strategies. Key performance indicators (KPIs) of C-suite executives should include a measure of their effectiveness in driving innovation culture, executing the approved innovation strategy, and their management of resources with regard to short-term, mid-term, and long-term innovation investments. The board’s performance of the CGOI must be measured as well, a concern that emerged from our expert interviews. Shareholders’ expectations of the board in governing innovation and clear measurement of the board’s performance are antecedents to the proactiveness of the board in governing innovation. A metric that can be used to measure the CGOI effectiveness of the board is the board’s frequency of reviewing innovation strategy and outcome. – Measures of Success In CGOI, it is important to establish relevant measures of success such as the percentage of revenues generated from new products created in the past 3 years, number of patents filed, number of new business launched, etc. Clearly defined measures of success will indicate whether the innovation strategy and execution are on track.

Conclusions Many of the lifelong learning initiatives focus on learning design, and recently with the advent of technological and digital disruption, there are increased attempts to emphasize the significance of learning innovation in lifelong learning. However,

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very little attention has been given to the significance of planning and governance. This chapter offers a governance framework and a checklist for boards, corporate stakeholders, and also lifelong learning providers, especially in the area of innovation, as a reference for evaluating their plans and programs from an innovation governance perspective. The checklist under the Human Resource category is particularly relevant for the lifelong learning agenda. The purpose of our research study was to analyze and explain the specifics of corporate governance of innovation (CGOI) in Singapore Chinese family firms based on case study materials. Our research findings underscore the importance of family influence as antecedents of establishing CGOI in Singapore Chinese family firms such as commitment to ensure the continuity of the family business, cohesiveness among family owners, and clear control of the family firm. We uncovered and conceptualized three antecedents to the proactiveness of boards in driving CGOI (innovation agenda, innovation expertise, and shareholders’ expectations) and three antecedents to establishing CGOI in Chinese family businesses (cohesiveness, continuity, and control). Our results suggest that there is an urgent need for boards of local family-based enterprises to appreciate how to govern innovation effectively. One skill gap refers to the process of formulating a winning innovation strategy. An increased emphasis on CGOI during board meetings will not only increase the effectiveness of innovation investment portfolio management and innovation processes but also minimize the risk of becoming a victim of disruptive innovation. Without the ongoing pursuit of knowledge in the tradition of lifelong learning, boards, management teams, and employees will be unable to cope with disruptive change. We developed a new CGOI model plus checklist that can help analysts to better understand the uniqueness of innovation management in local SMEs and help family business leaders to make innovation work more effectively in their organizations. To strike a balance between governing innovation at the corporate level and the need for agility and flexibility in driving innovation execution, we developed a dashboard that boards and management teams can use to assess their existing CGOI state and to take corrective action if necessary. The checklist functions like a risk management tool (“risk register”) that business leaders can deploy to ensure awareness of risk areas and that plans are in place to mitigate risks. This also relates to future risks of disruption and displacement or, in the words of a phase 1 interviewee, the “risk of omission versus risk of commission.” The checklist provides a level of detail needed by boards and top management teams to identify urgent issues aimed at further strengthening the four CGOI building blocks. By expanding the four blocks into 11 elements and incorporating indicators for self-assessment, we have provided practitioners with a useful tool to increase their execution finesse. The dashboard view of our CGOI model (in form of a spiderweb) provides a visual aid for board members and the management team to communicate effectively across the organization on how (in)effective the organization is with regard to innovation leadership, innovation strategy, innovation capabilities, and innovation outcome. While our research has contributed to a better understanding of innovation governance in Singapore Chinese family businesses, there are also some limitations.

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Due to the small number of our case studies, our findings cannot be generalized with the same degree of certainty that quantitative analyses can. Our research findings are not statistically representative, and the cause-effect connections between the constructs as posited in our CGOI model have yet to be ascertained by quantitative research.

Cross-References ▶ Competence Development for the Unemployed: Interplay Between the Individual and Organization ▶ Employee-Driven Innovation in Medium-Sized Enterprises: The Singapore Insights ▶ Innovation Initiatives in Enterprises: Advancing Learning at Work

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Part V Re-imagining Lifelong Learning for Future Challenges Miriam Zukas

Lifelong Learning and Life-Wide Challenges: Toward the Uncertainty of Sustainable Futures

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Contents Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Through the Human-Nonhuman Relationship Prism: Views of the Future(s) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Lifelong, Life-Wide, and Life-Deep Learning: Toward a more Sustainable Future . . . . . . . . . . Where Lifelong Learning Meets Sustainable Development . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Concluding Reflections . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Cross-References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Scenarios for the future of humanity move along a continuum between dystopian and utopian forecasts. Moderately optimistic predictions on this continuum call for the power of learning and education, human creativity, and technological innovation. Regardless of the differences between predictions, their common characteristic is a call for a paradigm shift and a return to core values. The UN global development strategy translated into the 2030 Agenda focuses on lifelong learning (LLL) and shared responsibility for applying the principles and postulates of the “sustainable worldview.” The paradigm shift should happen with the support of LLL which, however, itself reflects old patterns of (non) solving problems at the global level: fragmentary policies, different treatments of youth and adult education, as well as insufficient financial support – to name but a few examples. Upon consideration of some of the current projections for the future, this chapter highlights lessons that are relevant to the application of the concept of lifelong, life-wide, and life-deep learning and to acting in accordance with the principles of sustainability. Common points in LLL and a sustainable worldview V. Orlovic Lovren (*) Faculty of Philosophy, University of Belgrade, Belgrade, Serbia e-mail: [email protected] © Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 K. Evans et al. (eds.), Third International Handbook of Lifelong Learning, Springer International Handbooks of Education, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-19592-1_57

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are analyzed, as a potential compass not only for living with crisis and uncertainty but to strengthen resilience and the willingness to reconsider both our habits and our perspectives on crises, uncertainty, and the future. Keywords

Lifelong and life-wide learning · Sustainable development · Futures · Resilience

Introduction The first decades of the twenty-first century have been dominated by the narrative of the ecological crisis and the anticipation of further acceleration of the processes that encourage it. Natural disasters and human-induced catastrophes, radical changes, and their consequences, whose control is not always in the hands of “the most powerful among species” (people), call into question this basic anthropocentric premise but also the approach to development as a linear process. The beginning of the millennium was marked by a new concept, created as a result of research by Nobel laureate Paul J. Crutzen, whose thesis on the entry into a new geological period, the Anthropocene, quickly won the attention of researchers in various fields, “as a new scientific meta-narrative” (Chernilo 2016). There have been numerous discussions of this concept in the literature, driven primarily by the idea that humans have become the dominant force, radically affecting the rest of nature, so that the new age is referred to as the “human age” or “post-nature era” (Corlett 2014). Despite the fact that the Anthropocene as a new geological age has not yet been formally confirmed, this concept initiates a broad interdisciplinary debate. One of the undoubtedly valuable effects of the discussions is seen in their contribution to “new systems thinking that incorporates human activities and human histories into planetary functioning” (Malhi 2017: 97). The system approach focuses strongly on resilience, which makes the system able not only to survive but also to recover (Meadows 2008; Blewitt and Tilbury 2013); systems are dynamic and complex components that are able to learn. Only through constant learning and renewal can sustainability be achieved. Humans are not separated from the ecosystem, and only this holistic approach enables the development of resilience and successful coping with radical change. Complex changes have required global responses and common goals for the future. At the beginning of the twenty-first century, eight Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) (https://www.un.org/millenniumgoals/) were globally adopted. The analysis of their application identifies significant obstacles to development and the need to overcome them. It is becoming clear that due to the acceleration of technology-driven processes and unbalanced economic growth, the new age leads to a possible scenario in which “the world’s systems may lose their ability to adapt to the people’s well-being which also significantly affects the environment” (Leal Filho et al. 2020:1).

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The model of sustainable development (SD) that integrates the ecological, social, and economic dimension has expanded in the second decade of the twenty-first century to include the domain of culture, as the “fourth pillar of sustainable development” (Sabatini 2019). UNESCO encourages the integration of such a model into policies at the national level, emphasizing that “culture should not be considered as a policy domain in isolation, but rather as a cross-cutting dimension that may foster a paradigm shift to renew policy making towards an inclusive, people-centered and context relevant approach” (https://en.unesco.org/culture-development). This approach emphasizes the importance of intercultural dialogue and indigenous local cultures, which “meet new creativity every day in cities around the world, contributing to the preservation of identity and diversity” (UCLG 2011: 162). The new set of 17 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) was adopted by UN members in 2015, following a broad public campaign called “The world we want” (UN 2015). Unlike MDGs, which focused mainly on developing countries, SDGs are formulated on the principle of shared responsibility between countries and regions, rich and poor, and for the well-being of present and future generations (Sachs 2012). Reports on monitoring the implementation of the targets, however, show that it is difficult to expect even the most developed countries to reach the planned targets by 2030 (Leal Filho et al. 2020). The rapid changes caused by the Covid-19 pandemic could further compromise this process. The global SDG Index score for 2020 shows, for the first time since the adoption of SDGs, a decline from the previous year (Sachs et al. 2021). This includes targets for SDG4, which seek to ensure inclusive and equitable quality education and promote LLL opportunities for all (UN 2015). Despite the target’s much broader focus on education in comparison with the MDGs’ accent on “universal primary education,” the SDG’s plan to be implemented in the world is still far away from the desired “paradigm shift.” As noted, “the majority of the factors and reasons that influenced the implementation of MDGs and EFA (Education for All) are not just still present, but they have actually worsened” (Orlović Lovren and Popović 2018: 4). As recent analysis has shown, the disruption of the functioning of educational institutions and the insufficient availability of digital infrastructure have been experienced particularly in poorer parts of the world and among deprived groups, while the wealth of the rich increased by 27.5% from April to July 2020 (Sachs et al. 2021: 19). Despite the huge efforts undertaken between 1990 and 2015, which resulted in a decline in the number of those living in extreme poverty by 50% (MDG Monitor 2017, cited in Leal Filho et al. 2021: 98), poverty still remains one of the top challenges of modern society. The first goal of the SDGs (“End poverty in all its forms everywhere”), 15 years after the first goal of the MDGs (“Eradicate extreme poverty and hunger”) was formulated, is again dedicated to this global priority. While humanity still deals with the old enemies – famine, plague, and war – as Harari claims, in the third millennia, they have been transformed “from incomprehensible and uncontrollable forces of nature into manageable challenges” (Harari 2015:10).

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Yet, the global Covid-19 pandemic at the end of the second decade of the twentyfirst century has caused us to rethink our image of “Homo Deus” (Harari 2015). Affecting the whole world and all segments of life, the pandemic became yet another serious threat to humanity and an obstacle to the implementation of SDGs. On the one hand, a crisis of this magnitude is seen as evidence of the uncertainty of the future and of human vulnerability, despite technological and other powers. As stated, “the pandemic has only served to prove our fragility and our interconnectedness” (UNESCO 2021: III). Judging by the trends above, the pandemic’s effects are further widening the gap between rich and poor, calling into question the achievement of sustainability goals in a society in which “business as usual” continues. On the other hand, we are witnessing a huge investment in scientific research and the acceleration of the testing and production of vaccines and drugs against the SARS-2 coronavirus, followed by wide discussion about ethical and medical questions and other issues related to the benefits and risks of using social media, at least where those needed skills and technology are available. In addition to previously recognized risks contributing to the vulnerability of natural and human systems to climate change, such as unsustainable use of resources or demographic trends, the latest projections show that new risks result even from human responses to climate change impacts, if those responses are poorly conducted (IPCC 2022). In reducing risks, mitigation and adaptation measures are organized around resilience, understood not just as “the ability to maintain essential function, identity and structure, but also the capacity for transformation” (IPCC 2022: 4–5). Understanding the complex nature of human-induced climate change processes and risks and undertaking adequate and transformative responses require not only scientific but also indigenous and local knowledge, as recognized in the last global report of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC 2022). Considering the possible scenarios for the future, with so many contradictions and challenges existing in the present, their authors mostly agree that precise and exact projections are impossible; rather, they are an “educated guess,” as Randers claims, offering his forecast of the future until 2052 (Randers 2012). There is no single projection of the world, human nature, or education that can be taken as a unique basis of a script for a sustainable future. If there are multiple projections of the future, we need multiple and contextualized visions of the future of education. The UNESCO Futures of Education initiative (UNESCO 2021) was guided by this assumption, opening a significant space for a dynamic analysis of the development of education, having in mind the real context and changes in all segments of life. Starting from the trends mentioned above, this chapter provides a brief overview of visions of the future, incorporating specific views on the human-nonhuman relationship as a context for further analyses of the lifelong and life-wide component of learning and education and its role in achieving sustainability. That overview is followed by recognizing the challenges and possible directions of lifelong and lifewide learning for the future which is uncertain but whose sustainability should naturally be a concern for all of us.

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Through the Human-Nonhuman Relationship Prism: Views of the Future(s) Because of the need to seek a solution to unbalanced development in different domains, an interest in dealing with projections and scenarios for a sustainable future has grown. The very concept of sustainability is inevitably future-oriented, as emphasized by the authors of one of the first and most widely used definitions of SD, prepared by the Brundtland Commission, which stresses that “sustainable development is a process of change with the future in mind” (cited in Velarde et al. 2007: 5). Projections of the future differ in terms of whether they are science-based forecasts or scenarios (Randers 2012), the epistemological positions on which authors build them, and, consequently, what role is given to both global politics and education in solving major challenges. Kopnina (2014) recognizes three scenarios, depending on the position authors take on the continuum of ecocentrism to anthropocentrism: the Limits to Growth, ecological modernization, and the Anthropocene park. The Limits to Growth (1972) scenario, based on computer simulation of five parameters (population, agricultural production, natural resources, industrial production, and pollution) for the period 1970–2100, predicts that “sustainability of life on the finite planet may not be an option” (Kopnina 2014: 221). The authors of the Limits to Growth reports, published in 1972 and then 20 and 30 years later, point out that resources are not infinite, and nor is growth; depending on the scenario and strategy chosen by society, “the end of growth may take many forms: it can occur as a collapse: an uncontrolled decline in both population and human welfare” or “as a smooth adaptation of the human footprint to the carrying capacity of the Globe” (Meadows et al. 2004: XI). Despite the scientific consensus on the seriousness of these warnings, as well as the growing awareness of the interconnection between environmental and economic issues, to date, society has not undertaken radical paradigm shifts that would systematically change dominant economic and exploitative discourse. Reflecting on the trends analyzed in different scenarios 40 years after the first report, one of the authors of Limits to Growth, Jorgen Randers, estimates that the “sustainability revolution has started, but is still in its infancy” (Randers 2012: 13). An attempt at an optimistic view of the prospects in achieving sustainability is built into the eco-modernist scenario, according to which “enlightened self-interest, economy, and ecology can be favorably combined and that productive use of natural resources can be a source of future growth and development” (Mol & Sonnenfeld, cited in Kopnina 2014: 221). A group of international researchers, authors of the Ecomodernist Manifesto (2015), also advocate a similar optimistic approach: As scholars, scientists, campaigners, and citizens, we write with the conviction that knowledge and technology, applied with wisdom, might allow for a good, or even great, Anthropocene. A good Anthropocene demands that humans use their growing social, economic, and technological powers to make life better for people, stabilize the climate, and protect the natural world. In this, we affirm one long-standing environmental ideal, that

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humanity must shrink its impacts on the environment to make more room for nature, while we reject another, that human societies must harmonize with nature to avoid economic and ecological collapse. (www.ecomodernism.org)

Belief in human abilities and wisdom in the use of social, economic, and technological capacities are obviously the result of the authors’ efforts to overcome catastrophic views of the future and of the human species as destructive. In challenging these catastrophizing and destructive views, some of the authors aligned with the manifesto previously defined such views as “environmentalism, as an issue category that concerns itself with representing nature’s interests and defending them from human intrusion” (Nordhaus and Schellenberger 2007: 39). The third type of scenario described by Kopnina represents an extremely anthropocentric view in which, despite the importance of biodiversity for ecosystems and the environment, humans will not experience drastic negative consequences if such biodiversity is reduced (Kareiva, Lalasz, and Marvier, according to Kopnina 2014: 223), so that people could decide to preserve only those species that are necessary for their survival (Thompson, in Kopnina 2014). Each of these scenarios reflects a specific perspective on human nature and the character of the human/nonhuman relationship. Authors who come from ecocentric positions criticize anthropocentrism as a view that values humans above all the other species, therefore contributing to ecological destruction (Sitka-Sage et al. 2017: 3) and to a possible “soft apocalypse” (Zizek, cited in Kopnina 2014) scenario for the future. In this path from ecocentric to anthropocentric scenarios, the dimension from which the future is projected can be depicted as a process of separating humans from nature, i.e., the human species from other species and elements of the environment. This trajectory does not arise by chance, nor are its roots found only in epistemological starting points. The strengthening of capitalism, and especially the implications of its neoliberal forms, is said to be contributing to a change in people’s relationship with nature, which is becoming “other” to them: “On one hand, this ‘otherness’ has allowed humans to exploit Nature’s resources and on the other hand, it has replaced human relationships with commodities leading to promoting consumer culture and unsustainable development” (Kalsoom and Hasan 2022). Recently, there are increasing tendencies in the literature to look at the “humanEarth” relationship as two sides of one whole, calling for the responsibility of humans not only toward one another but also “towards the rest of the nature and the planet itself” (Clover et al. 2010: 34). Criticizing the tendency of scientists, including environmentalists, to define nature as opposite to human, Fletcher points out that, in consequence, “the very invocation of the concept paradoxically reinforces the sense of opposition it intends to challenge” (Fletcher 2017: 229). The holistic view of these relationships tends to be more obvious in global documents, as well. UNESCO’s “Futures of Education” initiative clearly promotes ideas of reciprocal human/nature relationship, where “non-human beings are understood as teachers” (UNESCO 2021: 115), recognizing the value of the recent trends of “rewilding education,” as well as of traditional indigenous and local knowledge.

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According to David Attenborough, the problem is not only whether humanity will survive but whether the stability of the ecosystem can be maintained and what such a world will look like; in order to avoid a catastrophic scenario, it is necessary, he believes, to “return the wilderness to the world” (Attenborough 2020:118). In her book Doughnut Economics, Kate Raworth (2017) offers a two-ring model, the outer one marking the ecological boundaries below which it is necessary to stay if we want a secure future for the planet and the inner one representing the basic human needs to be met (Raworth, in Attenborough 2020). According to Attenborough, such a “compass for a journey into a sustainable future” sets us a simple task: to improve the lives of all people and reduce the impact on the environment (Attenborough 2020: 120). Although he starts from the thesis that the loss of biodiversity is the greatest tragedy of our time, the author does not incorporate a polarized vision of humans in his perspective of the future but instead appeals to an understanding of the intertwining of all species. Without caring for the even distribution of this wealth, there is no sustainable society (Attenborough 2020). Analyzing demographic trends and the consequences of development on the environment from the 1930s to the present, Attenborough (2020) offers concrete strategies for a sustainable future, providing examples of good practice from around the globe. In confronting the effects of the long-term narrative of ecological catastrophe that contributes to maintaining the “status quo,” authors tend to adopt the principle of hope, drawing on best practice and sharing it in order to improve critical thinking, problem solutions, and capacities to define personal goals guiding us toward action (Kelsey 2020; Grund and Brock 2019). Considering the implications of these approaches for education, the authors believe that it is necessary to reconcile dualism in looking at the relationship between nature and humans. We should not be forced to choose between ecology and economics, nature and people – who together make up the environment and life, as a web of their interactions (Scott and Gough 2003). A series of research studies on the attitudes of students and environmental activists toward the environment shows that ecocentric and anthropocentric attitudes are not always mutually exclusive and that, in addition to knowledge, the emotional and cultural dimensions of this relationship are very important (Amerigo et al. 2017; Marušić Jablanović and Stanišić 2020; Orlovic Lovren 2021). As stated, it is necessary today to return “to education for something that we value, as a counterbalance to the amorphous ‘pluralism’ supported in a wave of publications” (Kopnina 2014: 223). Some find that the value categories are particularly embedded in target 4.7 of the SDGs, comprising “education for sustainable development and sustainable lifestyles, human rights, gender equality, promotion of a culture of peace and non-violence, global citizenship and appreciation of cultural diversity and of culture’s contribution to sustainable development” (Hinzen and Schmitt 2016). The need to understand those interconnected and complex issues reinforces the value of lifelong and life-wide education and learning that can also be seen as a “renewable human resource” (Blessinger et al. 2019).

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Lifelong, Life-Wide, and Life-Deep Learning: Toward a more Sustainable Future With LLL positioned as the “main driver of development and in achieving the other proposed SDGs” (UNESCO 2015: 7), under the framework of Agenda 2030, another wave of discussions about this concept and its operationalization is needed. The conceptual dichotomies in viewing the relationship between human and nonhuman, ecological and economic, and individual and collective that exist in the approaches to SD are multiplied by those related to the very vision of lifelong learning and its role in achieving sustainability. The separation of learning and education within different approaches or definitions of this concept, as well as in the formulation of the SDG4 (“Lifelong learning and quality education”), reflects trends in LLL’s historical development. While its origin is tightly connected to adult education in the early twentieth century, the real expansion of its programs and activities beyond educational institutions took place during the 1970s and 1980s, and by the 1990s, “lifelong learning was beginning to be used in place of lifelong education rather than being interchangeable with it” (Jarvis 2008: XV). Besides the positive trends seen in the growth of activities (of both participants and providers) within the nonformal sector and the wider opportunities created for people of different ages and interests to join, this separation further affected both the application and conceptualization of LLL. As is visible today, the role of educational institutions, including their responsibility for the state of LLL, has been weakened and slowly shifted to the individual, with the priorities of global policy given to children and youth, rather than being evenly distributed to people of all ages, as promised (Orlović Lovren and Popović 2018). The roots of such trends can obviously be found in neoliberal assumptions about individual responsibility for the development of one’s own “capital,” which neglects the difficulties of the less developed and less educated to invest strategically in their further development and competitiveness in the market. LLL is still largely perceived as “something that complements and supplements formal schooling” (Popovic 2019: 16). Due to the prevailing economic discourse, the motivation of learners could be defined as “learning for a living,” rather than “learning for living” (Martin, cited in Sutherland and Crowther 2008: 4). Although the influence of social factors, in addition to economic discourse, in the orientation of LLL is being identified (Boucouvalas 2021), globally LLL continues to be seen as “key if individuals are to succeed in labor markets and societies” (OECD, Lllplatform.eu). At the same time, within the European Skills Agenda, the European Commission promotes individual learning accounts which will “help adults successfully manage labor market transitions” (ec.europa.eu). While financial support for traditionally underfunded LLL activities and strategies is certainly welcome, these proposals are still guided by keywords such as “skills,” “employability,” and “labor market.” Looking at this variety of views, it seems that the perspective taken by Boucouvalas on LLL as a movement and a philosophy, and lifelong education as

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“an organizing principle (as well as a master concept) to rethink the meaning of education that continues throughout life” (Boucouvalas 2021: 48), summarizes the many attempts to define the concept, highlighting its reflective capacity as well as its potential for application. In addition to different views on the relation between learning and education, another significant point of discussion is related to its two inner dimensions: the vertical, LLL, based on the need and the right of people to learn throughout a lifetime (Pejatovic and Orlovic Lovren 2018), and the horizontal – life-wide learning, which is “spatial in nature and cuts across a spectrum of learning agents, spheres and formats - formal, non-formal and informal” (Boucouvalas 2021: 53). The tendency to approach all learning settings and forms evenly in the reality of many countries and policies has been challenged by “undue emphasis on formally accredited skills and competences, seldom including non-formal, informal and experiential learning” (UIL 2010: 12). However, the life-wide component of LLL should expand learning forms and settings. Starting from its originally conceived holistic nature, it should also embrace the “depth dimension” of LLL, described by Kidd as its “integrative function, recognizing a continuum of needs from simple to sublime” (Kidd, cited in Boucouvalas 2021: 53). Neglecting certain age groups as well as fields of learning further limits the opportunities to meet the diverse needs arising from different life contexts, not just the educational context. If learning is not deeply rooted in living, in terms of its entire cycle and diversity of fields, as well as the experiences and cultural characteristics of learners coming from different backgrounds, it might lose its essential purpose and value for all and for adults in particular, bearing in mind their complex roles and orientation toward “real life” in the learning process.

Where Lifelong Learning Meets Sustainable Development As is obvious today, SD is high on the agenda in all areas of science, policy, and practice, including within LLL. The adoption of SDGs in 2015 reconfirms the global orientation toward the synergy of two conceptions, emphasizing the mutual connections between quality education and LLL and all the other goals. A number of common points between LLL and SD were already to be found in the global policy context at the start of the twenty-first century. For example, both quality education and LLL are embedded in the goals and instruments of global policies, morphing into declarative slogans that are not fundamentally understood and therefore difficult to apply and operationalize (Scott and Gough 2003). Characterizing the concept of SD as “holistic, attractive, and elastic,” its definitions (starting from the most famous one made by the Brundtland Commission) are criticized as often vague and imprecise: “In implying everything, sustainable development arguably ends up meaning nothing” (Adams 2006: 3). In parallel, the definitions of the concept of LLL are highly diverse, understood by some as a paradigm, organizing principle, or a holistic philosophy, while by others as the activity or process of learning (Pejatovic and Orlovic Lovren 2018). This concept has also been criticized

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Table 1 Comparing selected dimensions of two concepts: lifelong learning and sustainable development Dimensions Holistic view

Intergenerational approach Individual-social orientation Responsibility Life cycle perspective

Lifelong learning (LLL) Formal, nonformal, and informal learning; all spheres of life Children, youth, adults

Sustainable development (SD) Integration of social, environmental, economic, and cultural development

From individual learner toward learning society Individual responsibility for own development and career From cradle to grave

From community toward sustainable society Responsibility toward environment and society, including future generations From cradle to cradle

Present and future generations

for its “convenient flexibility” which enables “using, adapting, and twisting it depending on the context and purpose” (Orlović Lovren and Popović 2018: 7). Such “amorphous pluralism” (Kopnina 2014), existing in conceptualizing LLL and SD, is seen today as one of the barriers to its implementation, often creating confusion rather than stimulating democratic, critical, and creative thinking. However, no matter how broad and general, the two concepts may benefit through “learning” from each other. One way to do so is to look at the specific meanings and interpretations of the same core values embedded in their dimensions, in order to find space for mutual conceptual improvement and, consequently, for their operationalization. Some of those dimensions are selected in Table 1, to illustrate this opportunity. Since all the dimensions of both concepts are general, a closer look at their interpretation and specific focus within LLL and SD dimensions may be mutually beneficial for improvements in their conceptualization or implementation. For example, while the holistic approach of LLL is usually “translated” as covering all learning settings and ideally all spheres of life, the mutual integration of social, economic, environmental, and cultural development required within the SD framework may provide an even stronger platform for implementing the life-wide and lifedeep dimension of LLL. In doing so, the systems thinking approach should be applied to embrace the complexity and dynamic between all the fields rather than focusing on one segment or separating formal from nonformal learning, economic from environmental development, etc. Similarly, the SD orientation toward future generations may enhance a visionary and creative approach to people in different life stages in creating and performing LLL plans and activities. Looking at development from the perspective of the natural cycle – from cradle to cradle, which creates a foundation of a more and more popular circular economy – could also be beneficial for LLL not only in terms of incorporating new topics but also in understanding relations between humans and the rest of nature. From a LLL perspective, many useful lessons to help strengthen the conceptual dimension and implement the potential of SD could be drawn from findings about

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the multidimensional role of education in fighting poverty and discrimination, including the perspectives of indigenous and “nonwestern” cultures. LLL efforts in tailoring content and the approach to individual needs and differences – of those struggling with literacy as well as those who are highly educated – could probably be of help in turning the Agenda 2030 “pledge that no one will be left behind” into action (Kharas et al. 2019). Another possible domain of mutual learning under the individual-social dimension relates to the principle and process of localization. Within the SD concept and especially in relation to the implementation of SDGs, this is seen as a process that allows local governments to “effectively tailor sustainable development strategies” (El Massah and Mohieldin 2020). From the point of view of adult education and LLL, this refers to the principle that the best place to start is “with where people were at” (Clover et al. 2010: 35), both in terms of their knowledge and experience and their local environment. That “resonance” with the “lifeworld of the learner” and the community becomes indeed “essential if learning is to become a key constitutive element of any transformative process leading to a more sustainable future” (Blewitt 2006: 10). The adoption of SDGs reinforces the need and action to localize strategies of both LLL and SD. Building more sustainable learning cities (UIL 2015) has been recognized as a powerful strategy in achieving the 2030 Agenda and in particular the targets of SDG4 (previously cited) and SDG 11 (“Making cities and human settlements inclusive, safe, resilient and sustainable”) (UIL 2017: 5). LLL is considered as the “guiding principle” in building sustainable or resilient cities (UIL 2017), supporting activities in all areas of living and learning in the community. Influenced also by the SD concept, a learning city comprises all its dimensions: environmental (green and healthy), social (equitable and inclusive), economic, and cultural (employment and entrepreneurship, cultural expression and heritage, diversity) (UIL 2017: 6). Experience gained and continuously exchanged between learning cities through their global network may serve as an inspiration to others, with the chance to contextualize LLL and SD locally and avoid many conceptual weaknesses and practical barriers, some of which were discussed above. As recognized by Boucouvalas (2021), the learning cities model may be seen as the “operationalization of the learning society, a key concept of the contemporary lifelong learning movement since inception” (Boucouvalas 2021: 56). Both global and local efforts to integrate sustainability into living and learning have been followed by reevaluating the concept of education. Education for sustainable development (ESD) received the growing attention of science and policy as an umbrella for different approaches and models. The continuous call for a reorientation of the entire education system and the perspectives of its actors can be found in a series of documents and actions at the global policy level, led by UNESCO. They include the world Decade of Education for Sustainable Development (DESD 2005–2014) and the Global Action Program (GAP) on ESD as well as those following the adoption of the SDGs such as Education 2030: Incheon Declaration (UNESCO 2015). At the end of the last decade, Education for Sustainable Development: Towards Achieving the SDGs (ESD for 2030) was launched as the global framework for implementing ESD from 2020 to 2030 (UNESCO 2020).

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Education for Sustainable Development (ESD) empowers learners with knowledge, skills, values and attitudes to take informed decisions and make responsible actions for environmental integrity, economic viability and a just society. Education for Sustainable Development is a lifelong learning process and an integral part of quality education. It enhances the cognitive, social and emotional and behavioral dimensions of learning. It is holistic and transformational, and encompasses learning content and outcomes, pedagogy and the learning environment itself. (UNESCO 2020)

Therefore, ESD may be seen as both the process and the approach, based on active, collaborative, and interdisciplinary perspectives and practice, with a strong potential to contribute to life-wide and LLL for sustainability. As seen from the definition above, the ESD is considered as a “lifelong learning process and an integral part of quality education” (UNESCO 2020), following the formulation of the SDG4. However, insight into the operationalization of this statement proves that old ambiguities remain, despite the efforts to promote a holistic approach to individual and social learning. Promoting “lifelong learning opportunities for all, in all settings and at all levels of education,” it still prioritizes “equitable and increased access to quality technical and vocational education and training and higher education and research” (UNESCO 2015: 21). As noticed, this creates confusion “in defining, measuring, and improving quality of education and learning” (Popovic 2019: 16) as well as in implementing a holistic and integrated approach to LLL. In addition to that, despite the stronger position given to adult education as part of LLL within the SDGs in comparison with the MDGs, an analysis of its conceptualization in the Education 2030 policy shows that it is still “narrowly conceived” (Webb et al. 2019) and reduced to the foundational skills – literacy, numeracy, and computer skills (Orlović Lovren and Popović 2018). Neglecting adult education in policy has strong implications for its practice, compromising the idea and the implementation potential of both lifelong and life-wide learning and therefore its contribution to the transformation for a sustainable future. Despite challenges in the conceptualization and application of LLL and SD, their mutual integration in policy and practice seems to grow with the acceptance of SDGs as the strategic framework for the future. It inspires rethinking of the future of education including the question of which curricula, within the “new social contract,” should “grow out of the wealth of common knowledge and embrace ecological, intercultural and interdisciplinary learning” (UNESCO 2021: 71).

Concluding Reflections Facing the Covid-19 pandemic adds a new dimension to the global discourse of crisis. It adds additional pressure to existing warnings that the unprecedented effects of “old” risks, primarily human-induced climate changes, require radical changes in our attitudes and actions. Fear of apocalyptic scenarios triggers different responses ranging from isolation to increased engagement in citizen protests or decision-

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making processes. It is therefore not surprising that there is a growing interest in forecasts for the future. They arise from different premises about the relationship between people and nature, leading to general or very specific strategies for dealing with change and risk. The latest report of the International Panel on Climate Change (2022) provides serious warnings but also a number of concrete steps we can take. However, as is widely acknowledged nowadays, it requires reexamination of our knowledge and values and behavior. For deep changes with sustainability in mind, however, it is necessary to reconsider and change the way we come to know, establish values, and direct behavior. Offering a new “social contract for education,” UNESCO (2021) also depicts a future that is turbulent and dynamic; although oriented toward the greening of all areas of life, it could potentially lead to changes that we might perceive as further threats. More explicitly than before, it brings the strong message of our interconnectedness, not only between people but also with the “nonhuman” world, from which we have a lot to learn. In accordance with the system approach, even positive changes made through those interactions could have negative consequences for other parts of the system. As we have seen, examples show that our responses to climate change may also have negative effects if they are not enacted effectively and with the whole system in mind. The crisis therefore contributes to even deeper insights into the overall connection between LLL and SD and the need for learning how to increase our chances for a sustainable future. Understanding complex systems and the role of all their parts cannot be achieved without learning that transcends the boundaries of one area or period of life. Strong affirmation of the role of learning and education in achieving SDGs contributes to renewed reflections about the concepts of LLL and SD. As argued in this chapter, careful insights into the specific interpretation of their common dimensions and applications may be beneficial for conceptual and implementation improvements and the mutual integration of both concepts. In the sea of definitions which sometimes enrich and often hinder their implementation, it is useful to recall that their value is not only instrumental. Both education and LLL are values in themselves, as is the idea of SD. Likewise, natural resources and the nonhuman world are not there to support our consumerism serving exclusively as instruments of our economic development, but they have their own intrinsic value. Both historically and in the present, there are numerous lessons that we can learn from different civilizations and communities which could not sustain themselves because the rest of the environment was continuously used in such an instrumental manner. The transformation of everyday habits and development patterns requires building and nurturing the resilience of the individual, the community, and the system. As seen from both studies and experience, resilience is not only about providing responses to risks but also about reflecting on them in order to prevent their harmful consequences in the future, thus contributing to the personal as well as to the vitality of all systems. Such an ambitious goal, however, can hardly be achieved by a

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“minimalist” approach to LLL (Cropley, in Boucouvalas 2021), reducing it only to programs or adult education, nor by neglecting one segment on the vertical or horizontal dimension of this concept. Adopting the SDGs can be seen as a chance to further evaluate these concepts and open even wider opportunities for their application. Summarizing various approaches, LLL can be seen as a philosophy and education as an organizational principle for its application and reexamination, as has been proposed (Boucouvalas 2021). Analogously, SD may be seen as a worldview, a general strategy with SDGs as an operational framework for SD’s application. Of course, frameworks are there to be critically reexamined and changed, as long as we agree on their common basis and the goals we want to achieve. In the midst of numerous disagreements – about the economy and ecology, territory and national identity, natural and cultural, traditional and modern, northern and southern, individual and collective – perhaps we should respect more every platform we do agree on and, by looking for models appropriate to local, cultural, and all other needs, test their real contribution to a better future. The model of learning cities certainly illustrates one of the possibilities for integrating SD and LLL in practice and for achieving varieties that suit each community or region, with the significant support of global organizations and the cities networks. While a diversity of views and creative solutions is always welcome, remaining at the end points of the continuum – anthropocentric or ecocentric, catastrophic or extremely optimistic – as well as focusing on one area of development or learning, as we saw, contributes to the status quo rather than to transformation. As research reveals, mutual exclusion of those perspectives is neither characteristic of human beings nor of nature in general. As never before, humanity is faced with the clear message that neither human nor other systems can survive and especially transform without learning. We need a system approach to learning and a stronger integration of transformative pedagogy into a set of competencies for SD. Deeper mutual integration and synergy of LLL and SD as perspectives that guide us on the road to the future would certainly contribute to this. The future is calling. We may not be able to predict it with certainty, but we can learn how to turn the fear of risks into our common resilience.

Cross-References ▶ Imagining the Future of Lifelong Learning ▶ Indigenous Knowledges as a Catalyst for Change for Lifelong Learning in the 21st Century ▶ Learning for Climate Justice ▶ Steps to an Ecology of Lifelong-Lifewide Learning for Sustainable, Regenerative Futures

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Contents Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Changing Practice Courses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Conceptual Coordinates . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Climate Crisis and Lifelong Learning . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Climate Justice . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Ecofeminism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Learning Through Activism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Case Story: A Mountain of Disposable Nappies (Sibiya et al. 2018) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Background to the Itumaleng Youth Project’s (IYP) Case . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . An Ecofeminist Analysis of this Learning . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Learning for Climate Justice . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . LLL for Climate Justice: Being Lifelong Learners Ourselves . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . LLL for Climate Justice Works for Radical Social Change . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . LLL for Climate Justice: Strengthened through Ecofeminist Praxis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . LLL for Climate Justice: Cognitive Justice and Indigenous Knowledge Systems . . . . . . . . Learning Through Activism an Essential Part of LLL for Climate Justice . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Cross-References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Abstract

A “mountain of disposable nappies” in a river in the northern part of South Africa provides a real-life case study to explore “climate justice” and “learning” within civil society. Climate justice is attained by foregrounding the needs and interests S. Walters (*) Institute for Post-School Studies, University of the Western Cape, Cape Town, South Africa e-mail: [email protected] J. Burt Realife learning, Bristol, UK e-mail: [email protected] © Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 K. Evans et al. (eds.), Third International Handbook of Lifelong Learning, Springer International Handbooks of Education, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-19592-1_47

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of the people who have contributed least to climate catastrophes and are most affected by them. The climate and ecological crises have particular impacts on the majority of women. Women carry primary responsibility due to unequal patriarchal divisions of labor, for putting food on the table, and taking care of ecosystems, families, and communities. Applying an ecofeminist analysis to the case study, entanglements of ecological breakdown, capitalism, racism, and patriarchy are identified. These undergird the environmental catastrophe that is unfolding. The transformation that is required is unlikely to be led by those who have created the problem. Movements from below, including climate justice and related social movements, are key vehicles to build pressure and create systemic alternatives. Learning through activism is an essential part of lifelong learning for climate justice. It is situated in broader social change processes that are grounded in environmental issues or landscapes, the people, and all life forms, including the rivers. It embraces relationality as an emerging (and ancient) paradigm, ecofeminist praxis, cognitive justice, and indigenous knowledge systems. Learning through activism has profound implications for education and learning across all life stages. This is where educators become learners and where educational processes are designed to support deep transformation. Keywords

Climate justice · Transformative lifelong learning · Ecofeminism · Cognitive justice · Learning through activism

Introduction A “mountain of disposable nappies” in a river in the northern part of South Africa will provide a window into an exploration of “climate justice” and “learning” within civil society. Instead of presenting a list of approaches to climate justice learning, we have chosen to develop this chapter as a case of climate justice learning in action. We use an ecofeminist analysis to identify the entanglements of ecological breakdown, capitalism, racism, and patriarchy which undergird the environmental catastrophe that is unfolding and which lead to rivers becoming contaminated and, in this instance, clogged with disposable nappies. If climate justice learning does not work within the radical traditions of adult education and lifelong learning, a river clogged with nappies could be incorrectly labeled as a littering problem. This could lead to educational responses that are simplistic and do not address the systemic reasons for river pollution, and, in the worst-case scenario, blame those who are least responsible for pollution. We are both activist-scholars from South Africa, which scientists have declared a “climate change hotspot.” This means that we will experience much more severe impacts with more frequent droughts, less regular rainfall, less certain food supplies, more frequent cyclones, and flooding. Average annual temperatures across southern Africa may increase by up to 3
by the 2060s and 5
by the 2090s – a temperature

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that would render human life nearly impossible (WFP 2021). Our contribution is unavoidably shaped by our being female, cisgender, middle-class, white, adult educators who are wanting to undo systems of oppression that enable our privilege over others. We take Steve Biko’s call to heart that “we do not conflate the goal of non-racialism with the means of getting there, and in the process absent the lived experience of black people and our own white privilege” (Burt 2020, p. 114). We see our labor as showing up the entanglements of race, gender, and class in the climate justice struggle and in the educational responses we advocate. This is why we attest to Hill’s (2012) assertion that prerequisites for learning about climate justice are activism and engagement with real-world climate crises within particular contexts. As called for by the Climate Justice Charter (SAFSC 2020), we understand the act of writing as a contribution to the construction of a narrative around climate justice and transformative just transition. We extend this to include constructing a narrative around what learning through activism for climate justice could be. We turn now to introduce the Changing Practice course as it provides the context for the story of the “mountain of disposable nappies.”

Changing Practice Courses Jane was one of four facilitators on Changing Practice courses where she worked with community-based environmental activists who, though unemployed, work tirelessly to address the ongoing ecocide happening to the landscapes in which their communities reside. The Changing Practice courses aimed to work in solidarity with community-based activists, through an educational process, to generate evidence-based cases of environmental injustice which could be taken up into broader campaigns by social movements. The case study we draw on comes from this work. The Changing Practice courses are not generic training modules. The “curriculum” is developed with those who will be part of the course, educational scholars, representatives of the participating social movement, which in this case was the South African Water Caucus and the Limpopo Catchment Civil Society Organisation Network, that are interested in developing cases of environmental injustice and supporting not-for-profits. Three or four issues are identified by this caucus to be explored through the course. The social movement then consults its members and puts forward names of community organizations that are part of the movement to join the Changing Practice course. Funds raised by academic institutions, or the not-for-profits, cover the costs of the course. The length of the course is also decided jointly but most often it runs over a year. The core structure of the Changing Practice courses is a reflexive “work together/ work away” model. Participants, facilitators, and mentors “work together” for four to five course sessions lasting 3 to 4 days at a time. Participants then apply and practice what they have learnt between course sessions for periods typically from 2 to 3 months. The “work away” sessions include mentoring meetings which are either led by a more experienced activist or one or two of the Changing Practice facilitators.

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Each “work together” session is reworked depending on what has happened during the “work away” sessions so that the course continually responds to and supports what is coming out of the participants’ work in their communities. During “work away” sessions, participants report back to the movement to which they belong. This approach invariably leads to changes in participants’, social movements’, and facilitators’ thinking (cognitive change) and in all strategies for social action, including how we apply educational interventions as a support for social action (Burt 2020). As the courses progress, participants become facilitators or mentors. We will now provide conceptual coordinates that are useful for adult educators and lifelong learning practitioners looking to and engaging in the struggle for climate justice. These include discussions on climate crises and lifelong learning; climate justice; ecofeminism; and learning through activism. We will then present the case study, as an illustrative, real-life story, and work with these conceptual coordinates to frame and analyze the case study. Finally, we will explore insights towards understanding “learning for climate justice” based on this real-life example of ecofeminist educator-activism in practice.

Conceptual Coordinates Conceptual coordinates can be viewed like coordinates on a map. They are theoretical positions that we can use to plot our way to where we would like to go. In the case of this chapter, we are plotting an argument for why an approach of lifelong learning (LLL) and climate justice should be “learning as activism.” To do this we draw on bodies of thought and theory that have already done some of the plotting and can help us avoid conceptual pitfalls, such as seeing the environmental issue of nappies in rivers as a simple problem of littering or, in terms of LLL, perpetuating the invalid barrier between knowledge (the specialist) and ignorance (the non-specialist). We start by setting the scene for why LLL is needed in the context of the climate crisis. We then clarify what “climate justice” means. This is important as many proposed climate solutions have the potential to lead to further injustice for marginalized people and for marginalized environments. We introduce ecofeminism as an intellectual movement that gives us the analytical tools to understand systemic barriers to change such as patriarchy, capitalism, class systems, and racism. Ecofeminism clearly argues how these systems enable and perpetuate a violence towards the earth. Finally, we present our case for learning through activism as the approach LLL should embrace if the intention is to ensure climate justice.

Climate Crisis and Lifelong Learning Fifteen thousand world scientists warn of a climate emergency. They summarize: On the basis of recent trends in planetary vital signs, we reaffirm the climate emergency declaration and again call for transformative change, which is needed now more than ever to

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protect life on Earth and remain within as many planetary boundaries as possible. The speed of change is essential, and new climate policies should be part of COVID-19 recovery plans. We must now join together as a global community with a shared sense of urgency, cooperation, and equity. (Ripple et al. 2021, n.p.)

Fossil fuels linked with forms of production, including food production, are heating the planet at paces and scales never before experienced. Extreme weather patterns, rising sea levels, and accelerating feedback loops are commonplace features. The climate crisis is a capitalist crisis intimately connected to modern conditions of capitalism which are also colonial conditions (Satgar 2018, p. 2). Unsurprisingly, climate crises affect poor and marginalized people disproportionately, particularly women. The majority of people are poor and already experience environmental injustices that directly impact their livelihoods which Rob Nixon (2013) labels “slow violence.” The climate crises will exacerbate these and other justice issues such as food security and sovereignty, water and air pollution, and land rights violations. Climate crises are justice issues. Governments and international platforms like the United Nations Paris Climate Agreement deliver too little, too late, with the focus being on net zero carbon emissions. The danger of technological and market drive solutions to reaching net zero is that this could actually hasten the destruction of the natural world (Dyke et al. 2021) and actually perpetuate injustices in the Global South. Some governments deny the realities of accelerated climate change. Most states continue on carbonintensive energy paths, with devastating results. Growing numbers of scholars, on available evidence, are predicting possibilities of human extinction within this century (e.g., Bendell 2018; Selby and Kagawa 2018). The Deep Adaptation professional network believes it is already too late to mitigate climate change and that our only option for survival is to adapt. Environmental activist-scholars are warning that political, economic, and community leadership are failing to provide systemic solutions to climate crises. The scaling up of efforts to challenge worldviews across all aspects of life will only be attained through political alliances of movements and people across the world. LLL and education are essential ingredients for building climate literate alliances. As Karp (2021, n.p.) argues: Everyday citizens must have a means of learning about the limits to growth, how a society’s energy sources shape its structure, the principles of ecological economics, political economy, and so much more. These are not specialist domains belonging to academics but pillars of a new society’s common sense.

LLL orientations and approaches are fundamental to respond to the deep adaptations which climate crises demand. In using the terminology of LLL, we include environmental education, education for sustainability, and other sub names. Rather than being concerned with the names, we insist on a radical turn away from neo-liberally and anthropocentrically biased education, as noted by Lotz-Sisitka et al. (2020, p. 15). LLL, as opposed to some of the other subcategories of education and training, includes people of all ages, from birth to death. For example, from birth

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we need to learn respectful relations to water and all natural resources; to respect diversity of fauna and flora and all living things, as crucial to our collective survival. Vandana Shiva (2021) argues that the way we understand the world is the way we relate to it – so if we see ourselves as disconnected from other life forms and do not understand planetary limits, we will violate and destroy Nature for our own ends. If we have deep recognition of our interconnectedness, we will act to conserve and preserve Nature. As she says, oneness and connectedness are the politics of our time. This requires a clearer focus on the question “which way of knowing and what kind of knowledge is most helpful in a time that cries out for affirmation of life?” (Salleh 2017, p. 283). These are central questions for transformative LLL. Capitalism thrives on rampant consumerism and waste, whereas what is needed is an attitude of conservation, preservation, and appreciation of the finiteness of the planet. If we accept Naomi Klein’s (2017) argument, that the climate crisis is a confrontation between capitalism and the planet, then virtually everything as we know it has to be rethought and relearnt. It calls for new and imaginative thinking, with a LLL sensibility, across all spheres of economic, social, environmental, and cultural life, including education.

Climate Justice “Climate justice” is a term and, more than that, a movement that acknowledges inequities and addresses them directly through long-term mitigation and adaptation strategies. Climate change is framed as an ethical and political issue, rather than purely environmental or physical in nature. This is done by relating the causes and effects of climate change to concepts of justice, including environmental justice and social justice. The term “climate justice” began to gain traction in the late 1990s following a wide range of activities by social and environmental justice movements that emerged in response to the operations of the fossil fuel industry and, later, to what their members saw as the failed global climate governance model at COP15 in Copenhagen. The term continues to gain momentum in discussions about sustainable development, climate change, mitigation, and adaptation (Holifield et al. 2017; Tokar 2019). Climate justice, as elaborated in the Climate Justice Charter (SAFSC 2020), is concerned with food sovereignty, health, economic activity, gender equity, housing, transportation, and more. It demands fundamental change in the political and economic order towards socio-economic, gender, and racial justice. It is about foregrounding those people who have contributed least to “crises” and are most affected by them both in terms of ensuring that they can adapt as well as acknowledging that they may have the knowledge and practices that the global system needs to embrace. Climate justice activists call for “systems change not climate change.” They also call to be recognized as knowledge creators in their own right and not just consumers of knowledge (Visvanathan 2005).

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Ecofeminism Ecofeminists argue the inseparable connection among capitalism, patriarchy, racism, and ecological breakdown. Important analyses of the relevance (and neglect) of ecofeminism in environmental education are made, for example, by Gough and Whitehouse (2019, 2020) and Piersol and Timmerman (2017). Salleh (IGD 2020, p. 3) states that compartmentalizing issues as “single issues,” for example, drought, health, or gender-based violence, inadvertently “disguises existing, often, intersectional power relations because it stops people ‘joining the dots’.” The most useful theoretical framework which refuses to separate entangled dimensions of life is ecofeminism. Mies and Shiva (2014, p. 47) trace the historical roots of the connection between capitalism, patriarchy, and ecological breakdown. Put succinctly, an ecofeminist perspective posits that current dominant development processes and decisions are shaped by the view that Nature is at the service of humans (Randriamaro and Hargreaves 2019). This view reduces Nature and “natural resources” to inanimate “things” to be exploited for human consumption and profit. Additionally, dominant divisions of labor assign women primary responsibility for production, processing and preparation of food, provisioning of water and fuel, and caring for family. Because of these roles, women – working-class, Indigenous, and peasant women in particular – rely on “natural resources” and healthy environments. Even though provision of sustenance is vital, a masculinist economy treats it as non-work. Ecofeminism holds that patriarchy, where men’s perspectives and interests are at the apex of hierarchical systems, dehumanizes women, excludes women from decision-making, and brings women’s labor into exploitative service of the economy and men’s interests in households and communities. It is why ecofeminists argue that poor women must be central in strivings for “climate justice.” An ecofeminist framework holds promise for understanding and attainment of “climate justice.” Ecofeminist orientations challenge one of the core reasons for advancement of climate emergencies – the invalid barrier between knowledge (the specialist) and ignorance (the non-specialist). This has led to knowledge of Nature being articulated either as raw material to be used in human production or as fragmented pieces separated from human systems and human lives. Similarly, non-specialist knowledge is viewed as raw material to be interpreted and formulated by “the specialist” leading to local knowledge and practices being distorted or reformulated within a capitalist frame. An example of what knowledge is seen as valuable is how formal education curricula are geared for the production of economic actors and not for caring ecologically. David Orr (2004) argues how western educational systems and practices equip people to become more effective vandals of the Earth.

Learning Through Activism Popular education historically is rooted in the radical tradition of adult education and grounded in the philosophy of Paulo Freire, is overtly political, concerned with

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people’s experiences, and orientated towards action (von Kotze et al. 2016). Its purpose is the collective production of “really useful knowledge” which is tested when translated into action. Learning and teaching within social movements are theorized through popular education scholarship. More recently, definitions of popular education range widely from employing participatory methods for personal development, to skills development in poor communities, to participating in political, anti-capitalist projects (von Kotze et al. 2016) The radical tradition is most relevant to social movement learning (SML) and is also referred to as “learning through activism” (Choudry 2015). The radical tradition continues to develop. Feminists and ecofeminists have emphasized patriarchy and environmental degradation as key to popular education praxis (Walters and von Kotze 2021). Regardless of these ongoing refinements, the radical tradition is rooted in interests, aspirations, and struggles of the majority of people. It is political and critical of the status quo. Praxis of popular education provides the detailed inner workings of pedagogy within social movements (Mohanty 2012, p. x). Feminist and ecofeminist popular educators, like Manicom and Walters (2012), Esqueta and Butterwick (2012), and Michelson (2015), see knowledge as of the body and the mind; theory not separated from practice; and self and environment as mutually constituted through situated activity, with knowledge contained within experience itself. This implies that learning by individuals or collectives is infused with history, race, class, sex-gender, age, and relations of time and place. Nothing is neutral; nothing is universally the same for everyone. Learning processes are complex, hybrid, and indeterminate. An actor network (ANT) sensibility understands knowledge to be generated through relational strategies, through networks and performed through inanimate and animate beings in precarious arrangements (Fenwick and Edwards 2013, p. 56). Learning is assumed to be a materializing assemblage, and not a cognitive achievement or way of interacting. Teaching/ learning are not about relationships between humans, but about networks of humans and “things” through which teaching and learning are translated and enacted (Fenwick and Edwards 2013, p. 54). SML, for example, in times of drought, is shaped by the “thing” of water. The absence, presence, politics, and history of water help activists generate new understandings and imaginings of their relationships to water and the meanings of “drought” to different people. At that moment, water is “the teacher” (Walters 2018). Cooper (2020, p. 71) extends discussion of the recognition of different knowledges by analyzing knowledge practices of trade unionists. She describes the braiding together of contextual, experiential, and conceptual knowledges in trade union education which challenge dominant knowledge hierarchies which favor rational cognitive thought as epistemologically superior to embodied, experiential knowledge. Keeping the conceptual coordinates in mind, we will tell the illustrative story of “a mountain of disposable nappies” in a South African river and community members’ responses to this reality. In using “case study as story” (Rule and John 2011, p. 118), it is not possible or desirable to include everything. Our telling is

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influenced by our purpose of probing “learning climate justice” through application to concrete situations in local communities. We use the conceptual coordinates to orientate and analyze the case study. In the chapter’s final section, we draw out critical insights which exploration of the case provides for probing the praxis of “learning for climate justice.”

Case Story: A Mountain of Disposable Nappies (Sibiya et al. 2018) A “Mountain of Disposable Nappies” is the publication that was produced by the Itumaleng Youth Project through the Changing Practice course that happened between 2016 and 2018. The final product of the Changing Practice courses is a published piece of work by the activists which is what we reference above in the title to this section. This is an example of how a learning process designed as “activism through learning” can lead to critical engagement with climate justice concerns and potential solutions and, how environmental issues are interconnected with issues of race, gender, and marginalization. We hope that this also shows how activism through learning can break down the invalid barrier between knowledge (the specialist) and ignorance (the non-specialist). We draw particular attention to how we are not using an “activist’s story” as data for academic writing rather the Changing Practice courses were designed to enable activists to share their intellectual labor as published texts. This was part of the learning process, to consider how knowledge is shared through collaborative learning in ways that are just and respect the value of those who work at the coalface of environmental violence.

Background to the Itumaleng Youth Project’s (IYP) Case In 2017, members of the Itumaleng Youth Project (IYP) participated in the Changing Practice course (Sibiya et al. 2018) because they wanted to understand how the river became so polluted that 26 people in their village died. A summary of IYP’s case: A mountain of nappies. Tshepo, Kedibone, and Christina, as identified in their report (Sibiya et al. 2018), had two theories as to what was causing the water to be polluted. One was that the mine upstream was responsible. The other was that the domestic and business waste from their community was polluting the river as they could see many nappies, bottles, and other rubbish being dumped in the river on a daily basis. They decided to explore the second theory through the Changing Practice course. The Changing Practice course guided them through a process of learning how to ask: what is happening, how has this come to be, and how can this transform? What is happening? By taking photographs of the waste that had been dumped at the side of the roads, behind buildings, and in dongas (a dry gully formed by eroding action of water). They visited many households and asked people what the greatest waste risk in the community was for them. It was immediately clear that disposable nappies posed the greatest risk and also caused conflict between neighbors.

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How has this come to be? The team then traced the history of the disposable nappy in their community. They interviewed elders to build a picture of how disposable nappies became a problem. They also read articles about the “disposable nappy” online and spoke to a local NGO that was documenting water pollution problems in the area. This is a summary of this history (Sibiya et al. 2018): In 1973 the Mampuru clan was forcibly removed from Magagamatala (Brakfontein) to Steelpoort (Boschkloof). The community was small and domestic waste was not a problem. They followed traditional customs around producing and managing waste, not Western habits which created more waste. Women used cloth nappies and washed them. Disposable nappies were available but they were unaffordable for the community that lived mostly off subsistence farming. In 1990 mining started in the area. The population increased and people got jobs at the mine. People were able to afford disposable nappies but you would never see nappies in the street as people believed in witchcraft and disposed of the nappies by throwing them in long drop toilets. At this time people were not aware that the disposable nappies do not decay. In the early 2000’s disposable nappies decreased in price in comparison to what people were earning. People also realised that nappies do not decay and parents started throwing the nappies far away from the settlement. In 2006 the Lion Smelter started. The population again increased and the community waste became unmanageable. This is when people started using the river as a dumping site as the water transported the waste elsewhere.

This historical account linked the use of nappies (and the increase of waste) to the arrival of mines, population increase, and a loss of traditional customs. How can we transform? Based on this knowledge, the IYP started an awareness campaign and survey. They visited households and found out that people knew that they should not dump the nappies and often tried to cover up that they did so. Most mothers did not know what to do about the nappies although some had attempted to burn them. Mothers agreed it would be better to use cloth nappies but with no potable water, the time it took to fetch water from the river (which was highly polluted) and wash the nappies was arduous. Men did not help with these domestic tasks. In most households it was the women who had paying jobs. Women undertook household chores that were done in the early morning and late at night. This included fetching water. Most households agreed that they would dispose of the nappies safely if the municipality would collect the waste. IYP visited the municipality. It took days to finally meet the municipal officer responsible for waste. She blamed the disposable nappy companies for the problem but agreed to collect the waste if IYP organized a clean-up. IYP mobilized a mass clean-up. Piles of garbage bags filled with nappies were collected by the community, but the municipality did not come to collect the rubbish. IYP returned to the municipality and were then informed that there was no budget for collecting waste in rural areas. When IYP pressed the municipal officer for a solution she answered, “I don’t care because I’m not staying around here, I am from Polokwane and I have waste collection where I stay.” IYP realized they were on their own. They decided on three strategies which they continue to work on. They shared with the community how mothers were trying to dispose of nappies safely; they encouraged men to help women with domestic tasks; and they raised awareness about the nappy problem with the broader social movement and other NGOs with whom they were linked.

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An Ecofeminist Analysis of this Learning The story of “the mountain of nappies” is an example of the entanglement of patriarchy, capitalism, racism, and environmental degradation. It is a valuable piece of research generated by local community activists. It tells us so much about the crises we face. Below we show the further value of community-led research when applying an ecofeminist analysis. This analysis reveals how systemic injustice leads to 26 people dying within 48 h in a South African village. We have separated the analysis out into four sections: patriarchy, capitalism, apartheid, and environmental degradation for ease of reading. In reality, the manifestations of these elements of “slow violence” are inseparable. Patriarchy: In this case study women are responsible for household chores. It is women’s responsibility to ensure clean water for the household. When there is no potable water due to a lack of service delivery or the breakdown of existing infrastructure, women need to walk long distances to get water. Disposable nappies are sold as a way of reducing women’s work as there is no need to wash the nappies. This is particularly useful for women whose job it is to get the water to wash the nappies. Women are also primarily responsible for those who are sick from the polluted river and streets. It is generally accepted in the community that these are all women’s responsibility. The case study shows how women are implicated in the pollution of water when they dispose of the used nappies in the river even though there is no other viable form of disposing of the nappies besides burning them which causes air pollution. Cloth nappies are not a viable option as it would be expected that women would need to collect the water from the river to wash the nappies. In addition to the physical burden, women also carry the emotional burden of worrying about their contributions to environmental degradation and potential ill health of their families. Capitalism: The development of disposable nappies is an example of how capitalists develop products to supposedly “reduce women’s labor” while ensuring that women become consumers of the products. The concern is to maximize profit regardless of the potential impact on the environment or how it may reinforce unequal gender relations. Disposable nappies directly impact women’s labor which is a form of care work. As Ghosh (2017) elaborates, care work is essential to the functioning of the capitalist system. In the case study, the authors (Sibiya et al. 2018) link women’s use of disposable nappies to the arrival of the mines, which contributed to population increase and a loss of traditional customs. The market economy was in the ascendancy. The arrival of mining in the area also led to the dispossession of land that would have been used for subsistence farming. It increased cash income in the area while reducing people’s historic self-reliance. Mining activities were sold as a needed economic investment in the area that would result in a better life, but the result was rather an influx of people, increased poverty, and local services buckling under the pressure to support citizens, while ensuring stability of mining operations.

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The inability of the community to get support from the local municipality in the disposal of the nappies points to a lack of care and concern for both the citizens and the environment. They live in an area where the municipal waterworks service the mines but not the citizens; there is no waste management. Apartheid: During apartheid (systemic racism) Sibiya et al.’s (2018) ancestors were moved from their land and placed in homelands to keep blacks separate from whites. The fertile land where people had been living was appropriated by white farmers while black people were crowded into homelands where the limited and poor quality land was overburdened and eroded. As Durning (1990) writes: From the very beginning, blacks were given land where top- soil is thin, rainfall scarce and unpredictable, and the ground sloping and rocky. Borders were carefully drawn, and sometimes redrawn, to exclude anything of value: industrial sites, transport lines, mineral resources, and fertile land. (p. 11)

A further appropriation of land occurred when platinum mines expanded due to deals with the white economic elite and the new political leadership (Levy et al. 2021). Communities were removed from their villages, with limited compensation. Anglo Platinum claimed that their right to the land was given through agreements with community associations that represented the community, whereas these associations had been established by the mining company itself (Curtis 2008). Black communities were treated as unskilled and often surplus labor for the mines being paid just over the minimum wage to do dangerous work. Little has changed for black people in this area since the end of apartheid with scholars arguing that a race apartheid has simply been replaced by a class apartheid (Bond 2004) with most of the wealth still in the hands of white capital in collaboration with the political elite (Levy et al. 2021). Environmental degradation. In 2017 the South African Mail and Guardian (Kings 2017) published an article entitled, “A river of shit.” This article referred to the state of one of the most important catchments in South Africa, the Olifants Catchment where Tshepo, Christina, and Kedibone live (Sibiya et al. 2018). This is in a country where the National Water Law recognizes the right of a river to be healthy and provides the tools to ensure this through what is called the “ecological reserve.” This is the amount and quality of water that must remain in the river in order for it to be considered healthy. There are three reasons why the Olifants River’s voice is ignored. The river flows through the largest coal fields in South Africa and the platinum belt with scores of legal and illegal mines scattered across the landscape. Although the South African government has adopted “the polluter pays” principle (Khan 2015), this is rarely enforced with corporations finding creative loopholes or corrupt ways of side-stepping their responsibilities. This is also very fertile land and large-scale farms stand side by side with mines and refineries. The agricultural chemical runoff flows into the river and gets caught in silted dams and weirs waiting for the big rains to flush these heavy pollutants downstream. South Africa’s government is itself one of the biggest polluters of the Olifants

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river. More than half of South Africa’s wastewater treatment plants in South Africa are dysfunctional or failing (Kretzmann et al. 2021). Mines lead to environmental degradation of soil and water. Infrastructure and resources are aimed at supporting the mines rather than local communities. Local communities need to rely on polluted water and end up further polluting the water through using the river for waste disposal. This includes the disposal of nappies. Women know this is wrong but struggle to bear the responsibility of correcting their behavior. As this case shows, patriarchy, capitalism, apartheid (racism), and environmental degradation are entangled. An ecofeminist analysis therefore helps identify major systemic issues that require attention. This in turn can help shape a climate justice curriculum. Before considering further how this relates to learning for climate justice, we will briefly look at the ways the community-based activists learnt to generate evidence of environmental injustice created by the “mountain of nappies.” Community-based activists’ learning. Mandated by their community-based organization that was part of the broader Olifants Catchment civil society organization network, Tshepo, Kedibone, and Christina participated in the Changing Practice course. The structure of the course meant that the participants were in constant contact with the social movement. As mentioned earlier, Tshepo, Kedibone, and Christina interviewed people, researched the origins of the “disposable nappy,” and consulted with other organizations. Learning took many forms and occurred in various places – in the classroom, in the streets, and in conversations. It was intergenerational. They learnt through direct action, through reading, and through experiencing. Through their unsuccessful attempt to engage the municipality, they learnt that they were on their own – they could not rely on local government. They decided on three strategies which they continue to work on. They shared with the community how mothers were trying to dispose of nappies safely; they would encourage men to help women with domestic tasks; and they would use the data gathered to raise awareness of the nappy problem with the broader social movement in the area and other NGOs. How they would achieve these strategies is not clear. What is clear is that they realized that the issues were complex and systemic: collective action by their social movement together with allies was critical to making progress. They caught a glimpse through engagement with real-world environmental issues of what climate injustice means and how challenging attainment of climate justice would be (Hill’s 2012; Walters 2021).

Learning for Climate Justice Climate justice requires radical systems change. This radical change is unlikely to be led by those who have both created the catastrophe that is unfolding and are most invested in the status quo but through people’s action. People, engaging in real-life

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struggles, learn what climate justice means and how it may be achieved. Climate justice is about foregrounding those people who have contributed least to climate catastrophes and are most affected by them. This is why we have chosen to tell the story of activism by young black women and men, who live in rural South Africa, who are having to respond to the mess of a mining corporation and complicit government who offer them little support. What can we learn from this small, generative case? While formal education at all levels is a critical source for raising awareness about ecological crises, through various forms of research and education for sustainable development (Lotz-Sisitka et al. 2015, 2020), the focus in this chapter is on the importance of learning through activism within civil society (e.g. McGregor and Christie 2021). The different learning sites are of course porous and one can affect the other, as Wildemeersch et al. (2021) point out. We offer five important considerations concerning Learning for Climate Justice.

LLL for Climate Justice: Being Lifelong Learners Ourselves As adult educators and activists, our own ongoing learning is of critical importance. This includes learning from the work of those affected the most by climate injustice. As Guerrero states, solving the climate crisis affects all aspects of society – the economy, technology, trade, equity, ethics, security, as well as relations within and between countries – it is a vast and complex landscape. She emphasizes the need to: ...take responsibility for educating oneself and being a conscious political subject, organising, mobilising, forging unities and exposing the false solutions peddled by those who created them in the first place. The work of questioning reality and concepts, asking who wins and who loses in various processes and who gains from injustices, is a key component of building alternatives. It is a complex and challenging task, and not one that can be comfortably executed. (Guerrero 2018, p. 43).

As ecofeminists, we identify with Salleh’s (2017) call for us to be “streetfighters and philosophers” who need both to deepen conceptual understandings and to act collectively. This engaged, scholar-activist stance provides a critical clue for understanding learning for climate justice. It includes working with the discomforts of shifting our own practices and pedagogies. It is reflected within the philosophy and approach of the Changing Practice course.

LLL for Climate Justice Works for Radical Social Change Learning for climate justice is implicated throughout society as a form of public pedagogy (Biesta 2014) as everyone, across social classes, needs to learn, unlearn, and relearn how to live under different conditions. A key fault line within LLL is the

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ideological tension between those supporting the neo-liberal assumption of the primacy of the individual who is responsible for her/his economic success or failure, including education, and those who argue for collective action and responsibility to address serious socio-economic-environmental crises and fallout. As English and Mayo (2021, p. 2) explain, LLL is positioned for the common good, but it can also be “the serpent beneath the innocent flower at the service of neo-liberal capitalism.” Learning about and for climate justice counters the strong push towards decontextualized, market-driven, individualized learning and teaching propelled even more in the aftermath of the Covid-19 pandemic. LLL about and for climate justice is situated in broader social change processes that are grounded in environmental issues or landscapes, the people and all life forms, including the river. Lange et al. (2021) support the view that we need to move from the “separation paradigm” which carries the techno-industrial values of Western Eurocentric culture towards the “relationality paradigm” that can take us beyond entrenched ways of thinking and being. They are careful to argue that they do not see one paradigm replacing the other but the need for education “to be stretched toward deeper approaches that transform our very patterns of our thinking/ being/doing” (2021, p. 25). In the Changing Practice courses, relationality was foregrounded as a pedagogy of care (Burt 2020), and each stage of the course was an opportunity to deepen our connections to each other and to the planet: from designing the course together, to responding to the landscapes that we were working for, to the “work away” and “work together” sessions. The course shifted and changed to respond to the emerging issues both from activists and broader social movements. Relationality as an emerging (and ancient) paradigm is central to the praxis of transformative lifelong learning. This relational shift has profound implications for education and learning across all life stages. Climate justice requires challenging the perception of Nature as a “thing,” at the service of humans to be exploited for consumption and profit, rather than as a complex interrelated ecosystem. Given that Nature as a “thing” is so deeply imprinted into hegemonic world views, how to do this is a major challenge for educators. This is where educators become the learners and where educational processes are designed to enable this. In the Changing Practice courses, activists engaged with spiritual healers on the problem of the polluted Vaal River and what this meant to them. Activists learnt from spiritual healers to see water as more than a resource (which is how it is described on the South African Water Act) but as an entity that is the home of the ancestors and thus a living history of people. When submerged in the water, we are reconnecting with something greater than ourselves (ibid). Educators learnt from the activists how English words, like water resource, can solidify our separation from the natural world and turn something that is vital for all life on earth into a thing to be used and managed for the benefit of the human species. Under capitalism, this benefit only extends to a few humans in the short term, as water is used to perpetuate an economy addicted to fossil fuels. As a spiritual healer on the Changing Practice course said,

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“The ancestors have left many of our rivers because of what we have done to them but I still go to the rivers to do the rituals to remember the connection we once had” (Patricia Mluli, personal communication, April 3, 2016). This act points to Shiva’s view that oneness and connectedness are the politics of our time (Shiva 2021). As with the above example, Walters and von Kotze (2021) suggest using as entry points problems which relate to participants’ lives in immediate ways, like food security and water, or disposable nappies, as illustrated in the case study. It is beyond the scope of this paper to elaborate theories of social change, suffice to say that deep transformation will not be led by those who have created the problem. Movements from below, including climate justice and related social movements, are key vehicles to build pressure and create systemic alternatives. As the case study suggests, the policy frameworks are not always the problem; it is the political will to implement them in the interests of the majority that is lacking. Transformative politics requires working from below, ground up to bring pressure and accountability. As Satgar (2021) suggests, it requires a nuanced approach working with, against, and beyond the state.

LLL for Climate Justice: Strengthened through Ecofeminist Praxis We know that ecofeminist praxis has much to offer learning for climate justice. As Gough and Whitehouse (2020) discuss, there is an apparent amnesia with regard to insights manifest in ecofeminist thought in contemporary environmental education research and curriculum practice, and these need to be reinstated. Ecofeminism helps to shape the contours of a curriculum, ensuring the understanding and interconnectedness of capitalism, patriarchy, racism, and ecological degradation. Gender justice, including racial justice, and ecological justice are at the heart of the ecofeminist project. The feminism of ecofeminism is about collective empowerment, rather than individual advancement. Ecofeminism is about solidarity, standing together, fighting against domination in all its forms. In the case study, the community activists identified unequal gender relations as a key problem. They acknowledged that some mothers were trying to dispose of nappies safely and they brought this to community members’ attention – they were playing the role of public educators (Wildermeersch et al. 2021). They resolved that gender roles would have to change with men needing to help with domestic tasks. They learnt that social and ecological issues are intertwined. They also recognized that the “disposable nappy” problem had much wider reach, that other organizations and movements had also identified it, and they would have to tackle it together. They learnt that they could not rely on the government or corporations to solve the problem. Without necessarily naming it, their insights resonate with an ecofeminist sensibility. This is interesting as WoMin African Alliance finds that ecofeminist perspectives resonate powerfully with women in peasant and poor urban communities across Africa (Randriamaro and Hargreaves 2019). They find that environmental crises are crises of social reproduction.

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LLL for Climate Justice: Cognitive Justice and Indigenous Knowledge Systems Lange (2018) describes Indigenous knowledge systems as profoundly relational. An African worldview and philosophy, known as ubuntu in southern Africa, is an African-wide ethical paradigm. As an ethics of interrelationships, situated in the communitarian social fabric of caring and sharing, Terreblanche (2018, p. 169) states that ubuntu may equal and even exceed socialist notions of a “radical egalitarianism.” Historically ubuntu has been misappropriated and co-opted for opportunistic ventures; however, there are contemporary moves to tease out those tenets of ubuntu that could catalyze a project of radical transformation to a more ecologically just future. Ubuntu reflects the interrelationships among people and also among people and Mother Earth. There is complementarity between ubuntu and Latin America’s buen vivir. Both reject modernity’s nature-society duality and regard restorative justice as the principal mechanism to achieve harmony with the cosmos (Terreblanche 2018, p.169). The example of how ubuntu has been misappropriated and co-opted points to why paying attention to climate justice means paying attention to cognitive justice (Visvanathan 2005). When it comes to knowledge as with resources, the global South is used to source the raw materials to be mined and appropriated rather than there being recognition of local knowledge which has developed through complex relationships with the landscape. In the Changing Practice courses, aspiring for cognitive justice became a core principle to which both educators and activists related. This required careful consideration as to how we perpetuate knowledge being seen as a commodity, with one group producing the knowledge and another consuming it. Jane together with other facilitators and the social movement tried to challenge this assumption in every aspect of the course from how it was designed, facilitated, and how the knowledge generated from the process was shared. Jane and the course participants came up with their shared understanding of cognitive justice as a recognition that knowing and knowledges are linked to people and landscapes and, just like land and water, these knowings cannot just be unconsciously consumed, used, removed, or appropriated into the language and meaning of other knowledge systems without causing damage (Burt 2020). Furthermore, it is only by recognizing, creating, and using knowledge in context that beneficial change is possible. In pursuit of cognitive justice feminist popular educators highlight that learning occurs through creativity, including play, in interplay with intellectual conceptually based knowledge. The concept of “the aesthetic” helps render visible the catastrophe of climate change through new images and stories. Through visual arts, drama, photography, theatre, and storytelling, understanding of Nature as something separate from human life can be disrupted – arts-based activities can help people to speak up and out. There are many examples of how the aesthetic and the creative imagination help people connect with what they have lost, but also to imagine a different

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kind of future. Arts pedagogies, as a practice, can weave together a new story of Nature as interconnected with the lives of the human species. The more-than-human is present (Spring and Clover 2021). Wildermeesch et al. (2021) demonstrate how Youth for Sustainability movements explore and experiment with new “attachments to the Earth” through aesthetic processes. Ecofeminists argue for the centrality of working class, poor, peasant, and Indigenous women’s knowledge and understanding. The class bias in many crises is palpable. For example, during the severe drought in Cape Town in 2018, the messaging around water conservation was directed mainly at middle class citizens – there was little focus on the needs and interests of the majority of black workingclass people. Similarly, during Covid-19, health protocols were imagined from middle class perspectives – they were an impossibility for the majority who have no running water, who live five in one room. If lived realities of the majority had been in mind, what protocols would have developed? What communications relating to the drought would have dominated? Just responses demand foregrounding lived experiences of poor and working-class people. On the Changing Practice course and in the processes facilitated by the community activists, dominant knowledge hierarchies which favor rational cognitive thought as epistemologically superior to embodied, experiential knowledge, are challenged. Contextual, experiential, and conceptual knowledge are intertwined (Cooper 2020, p. 71).

Learning Through Activism an Essential Part of LLL for Climate Justice For climate justice activists learning occurs in action. This includes learning to be both a “philosopher and a streetfighter” by acquiring relevant conceptual, contextual, and experiential knowledge. It includes addressing the skills needed to support as well as build social movements. For example, the Changing Practice course included sessions on how to plan your time, how to plan a workshop, how to create a budget and report on that budget, how to communicate with different stakeholder groups such as a government official, a lawyer, an academic, how to build a knowledge network, how to read an article critically, how to work with conflict, how to express feelings of discouragement without getting overwhelmed, how to quieten our minds when stressed, how to celebrate small successes, how to work with inequalities in the group such as gender inequality, how to build alliances, and how to develop relationships and protect relationships that do exist (Burt 2020). The knowledge and skills identified can be understood as a form of climate justice literacy. Hanemann (2015) views literacy as less a place-in-time skill and more as one that is affected by learning through life within various contexts. Having offered these five important considerations in Learning for Climate Justice arising through the analysis of a case of climate justice learning in action, we move towards closure.

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Conclusion In concluding this chapter, our main motive is essentially political, not theoretical – it is about imagining “another world” and “being prepared to fight for it.” Radical adult educators and lifelong learning practitioners have a long history of working creatively and insistently with power, politics, and pedagogy to organize and challenge injustices of various kinds. Attaining climate justice will mean being part of broader processes of changing public consciousness, recognizing that we have interdependent relationships with our environment, and we have to use various instruments, political, diplomatic, legal, scientific, financial, and educational, towards that end. As Oksala (2018, p. 231) states, “the reason for calling capitalism into question today is no longer merely our exploitative social and economic relationships to other human beings but the immeasurable devastation we are causing to the non-human world.” The climate crisis is a clarion call to humanity to change how we live. In the calls for “civilisational transformation” (Satgar 2018, p. 2), adult educators have important contributions to make, working together with other scholars, activists, and organizers. As Salleh (personal communication, March 3, 2021) exclaims, “adult education and ecofeminism are made for each other!” The climate and ecological crises have particular impacts on the majority of women. They are the ones who carry primary responsibility due to unequal patriarchal divisions of labor, for putting food on the table, and taking care of ecosystems, families, and communities. Learning for climate justice includes living an ecofeminist politics – one which understands Maria Mies’ (2014, p. xxx) injunction, “The world is our household! Let’s take care of it.”

Cross-References ▶ Adult Education for “Resilience”: Educating in Precarious Times ▶ Decolonizing Arts-Based Public Pedagogies in the Indigenous, Environmental and Climate Justice Movements ▶ Indigenous Knowledges as a Catalyst for Change for Lifelong Learning in the 21st Century

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Indigenous Knowledges as a Catalyst for Change for Lifelong Learning in the 21st Century

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Contents Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Indigenous Values of Lifelong Learning . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Global Context: Indigenous Peoples and Lifelong Learning . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Rethinking Education . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Valuing Indigenous Knowledge . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Rethinking Education and the Need to Look Outside the Normal Western Perspectives . . . The Importance of Environmental Literacy for the Region . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Community Resilience Strategies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Analysis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Cross-References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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This chapter affirms the value of Indigenous knowledges in the twenty-first century for lifelong learning. It seeks to demonstrate the transformative power of Indigenous knowledges and learning systems in the South Pacific and in New Zealand to meet contemporary and challenging future circumstances. We, as Indigenous peoples (which we use to include Pacific peoples), can inspire and initiate change in lifelong learning approaches through recasting and reenergizing our systems to meet contemporary circumstances while boosting our resilience to the challenges of the twenty-first century. We also draw on talanoa (Talanoa is a personal encounter where people story their issues, their realities and aspirations S. L. Morrison (*) Faculty of Māori and Indigenous Studies, University of Waikato, Hamilton, New Zealand e-mail: [email protected] T. Vaioleti Hamilton, New Zealand © Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 K. Evans et al. (eds.), Third International Handbook of Lifelong Learning, Springer International Handbooks of Education, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-19592-1_54

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(Vaioleti, Waikato Journal of Education, 12, 21–34, 2006, p. 1)) from the Pacific Heads of Education consultations to debate the trends in Adult Learning and Education in the context of Lifelong Learning for the Pacific sub-region, a consultative opportunity, and a preparatory meeting for CONFINTEA VII which looks forward to 2030. Building on the recommendations made, we argue that Indigenous knowledge systems must be futuristic and traditional, they must be local and global, they must be intuitive, imaginative, creative, and radical and embrace holistic approaches; they must be vital, active, and respond to the needs of today and tomorrow. Primarily they must have the capacity and agility to contribute to a just and sustainable future. Keywords

Indigenous knowledges · Indigenous and lifelong learning · Indigenous education · Indigenous learning · Pacific education conceptualizations

Introduction There is a well-known Māori proverb which says “Tiro whakamuri kia anga whakamua.” This proverb is loosely translated to mean looking backwards enables us to move forward. We look backwards not so much in linear time, rather we must look back to acknowledge the land as being witness to numerous significant events which are remembered in stories, landmarks, and places. We must look back with an insightful lens on where our ancestors lived by the seasons in sync with the natural world, and aware of the challenges they would face if they did not heed the lessons that the natural world revealed. Lifelong learning for Indigenous peoples grew out of this nexus of temporal and spatial order with its cyclical activities and processes. Some of the Pacific nations have been settled for thousands of years; Papua New Guinea, as an example, has been settled for around 50,000 years and the depth and breadth of Indigenous knowledge would be difficult to measure. This chapter discusses the value that Indigenous knowledges offer to lifelong learning processes. Referencing examples in the South Pacific and in New Zealand, we advocate that Indigenous knowledges bring a strong sense of reaffirming communal relationships and purpose to lifelong learning approaches by valuing place and land, belonging, and balance with the natural world. We examine effective adult learning and education policies for Indigenous peoples within the framework of the United Nation’s Sustainable Development Goals (UN SDGs) and other global instruments. We advocate for recasting and reenergizing our Indigenous knowledge systems while boosting our resilience to the challenges of the twenty-first century to meet contemporary and challenging future circumstances. We, as Indigenous peoples (which we use here to include Pacific peoples), can inspire and initiate change as we have time-proven and enduring Indigenous learnings to contribute to a more equitable, more caring, and more ordered co-existence global community. We take

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the approach of rethinking education and lifelong learning through a set of recommendations for CONFINTEA VII to guide us into the future.

Indigenous Values of Lifelong Learning Australian Indigenous peoples recognize ancestral learning that stretched thousands of years as “deep time.” Deep time asks us to rethink our narrow conceptions of time by looking back far into Earth’s history, and looking forward far into the future. The land contains proof of a spoken narrative with its inscriptions revealing deep histories (McGrath 2020). For Indigenous peoples, the land is our place, providing us with our sense of identity; it is our wellspring; it nourishes the unborn, the living, and receives us when it is our time to depart this world; it connects the physical world with the spiritual world. The land will outlast us. Toitū te whenua, whatungarongaro te tangata: People leave, the land remains. Indigenous peoples think of themselves as both the past and future; we live in the present of our history knowing that we will also live in our children and grandchildren in the future. The land itself is that archival memory bank of our rememberings. The land epitomizes lifelong learning, life-wide learning, and lifedeep learning. Our survival as peoples depended on it and on our living in harmony with the environment, physically and spiritually. To live responsibly with the environment has required hundreds if not thousands of years of observation and practice, experiential learning, engaging with Indigenous formal and informal learning and education processes, including knowledge passed down through the ages. Learning for Indigenous peoples was and will continue to be a lifelong process. It has no endings, rather each generation expanded the community’s knowledge base, which was multi-layered, localized, and relevant to tasks at hand, thus building Indigenous knowledge systems. The foundations of Indigenous knowledge systems are based on each Indigenous group holding their unique world view, creativity, and artistic technologies and pedagogies according to their environment and territories. The overriding purpose of lifelong learning is for personal well-being and also to be useful for the community or kainga to which one belongs. There are critical underpinning principles that in turn create the cultural milieu in which learning occurs, which are explained as follows: (a) Learning is holistic. It stresses the interdependencies of all life forms in which respectful relationships create balance and harmony. In Pacific and Indigenous cultures, our names for Mother Earth and Sky Father are personified as deities who are honored and acknowledged. This shows integral connectedness. From them flow the reason and the essence of life, and to them we have responsibilities to cherish the land and to uphold an obligation to be responsible to others. Learning then goes beyond the often-heard dictum “from the cradle to the grave.” It honors the learnings inherited from ancestors and the learnings to be passed on and adapted by those yet to come. It honors reciprocal learnings – engaging and developing all aspects of the individual (emotional, physical,

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spiritual, and intellectual) and of the community, be it in the spheres of politics, leadership, governance, arts and heritage, or the environment. (b) Learning is problem based. It promotes lifelong learning by encouraging participants to assume responsibility for what they need to know and clarifying their own goals to gain that knowledge. We learned to be good guardians or kaitiaki of our lands and our treasures and sacred places and to preserve and treat our resources sustainably. We were not masters of our environment rather we worked within its limits (Mikaere, 2013). Along the way, we made mistakes but we replenished ourselves by adapting new skills and practices to complement our traditional practices. (c) Learning is a communal process – a process in which parents, family, elders, and community all have roles and responsibilities. It is more important than the individual pursuit of education. Our roles guided appropriate behavior. Through community we committed to growth and cooperation and working side by side in seasonal activities, recognizing that we will need each other in times of hardship to problem-solve as well as to share the joy in times of celebration. (d) Learning is based on our unique worldview and our language of communication; our place in time; and our place in history, drawing on ancient learnings to propel us into the future. The way that we think about who we are as a people, our relationships with nature and with each other, learning and our languages is about our cultural ways and our commitment to their continuity. (e) Learning is lifelong and part of our intergenerational transmission of knowledge. Progressing through the stages of life requires different skills and knowledge – before birth, birth, adulthood, old age; the insights required to discover more of ourselves, our capabilities, and our potential to add to the communal skills held by the group. Our learning must be self-motivated and active and nurture our human spirit. There are skills and knowledge that stretch over centuries, that recognize and commit to “intergenerational solidarity,” and through which we learn to become “good ancestors.” (f) Learning is experiential and reflects our lived realities. It is about our ceremonies, our rituals, and our value systems; our storytelling; our prophecies; and our lessons. Storytelling has always been the primary learning process for Indigenous peoples and sets the standards for codes of behavior and moral responsibility. Storytelling brings community cohesion by deepening a shared value system. (g) Learning is critical and political and raises our levels of awareness. We can choose the types of education we wish to pursue. Learning requires us to learn from our own systems. Non-Indigenous styles of learning often do not create environments conducive to good learning and we must create learning systems that resonate with our epistemologies and ontologies. Helu-Thaman (2019) stated that the content of our Indigenous education was sourced from life itself. This reflects the Indigenous values outlined above in that they too are sourced from life itself and life experience. Further, she says that

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learning the values of her culture was important because they were crucial for maintaining peace and harmony among extended family members as well as the wider community This is a recurring thread in the values she outlines. Education and learning she says are important because we learn about our origins, history, customs, traditions, and languages, all of which are underpinned by shared values derived from our cultures. In Tonga, for example, these values include ‘ofa, (compassion), faka’apa’apa, (respect), relationships (vaa), humility (loto to), mamahi’ me’a, (loyalty), and spirituality (fakalaumalie). Thaman (1988) along with Vaioleti (2011) identified three basic educational ideas relevant to lifelong learning, namely, ako (learning, teaching/co-learning), ‘ilo (knowledge), and poto (wisdom). These Pacific concepts are explained as follows: ako acknowledges that we are all learners and we are all teachers in a symbiotic relationship. Ako is a lifelong, continuous process and incorporates the learning of behaviors, life skills, or other knowledge in a society where people are expected to behave in accordance with their various roles and status. This is important for autonomy, the maximization of production, and to maintain social cohesion. In ako, there are no artificial boundaries between formal, non-formal, and informal education or lifelong learning. Ako has a sociotransformational spirit which is about knowing what to do and how to do it well for the benefits of the collective (Vaioleti 2011). Related to ako are the principles of ‘ilo and poto. ‘Ilo can mean to be intuitive or insightful or to have godly knowledge (Thaman 1988; Vaioleti 2011). ‘Ilo as knowledge comes in many forms and Tongans often distinguish between different types of knowing and knowledge in order to identify, classify, multiply, restrict, or whatever may be necessary to maintain the wellness of a collective or kainga (kinfolk, community or village). Poto, on the other hand, is the act of using ‘ilo to guide service and work for the benefit of one’s family and community. Today most people in Tonga consider poto to be the beneficial use of ‘ilo or knowledge (Thaman 1988). To be poto is to be able to use ‘ilo in ways that are beneficial to one’s extended family as well as the larger group with which one identifies (Vaioleti 2011). Underpinning ako, ‘ilo and poto is ‘ofa (aroha, love) which motivates learners to seek knowledge and skills (‘ilo). ‘Ofa is the carrying out of one’s duty to the collective and is the sinew that binds the kainga (kinfolk, community, or village). ‘Ofa is also about compassion, kindness, sympathy, empathy, and generosity and is central to the thinking and motivation and behavior of Tongan people. With all the above qualities there is, however, a vital prerequisite: knowing what to do (‘ilo), having the ability and knowledge to do it and to do it well (poto) in order to activate ‘ofa. These Indigenous learning notions are foundations that can guide goals and behavior that can lead to peace, harmony, and development. In all societies, there are cornerstones of learning which become focused actions for educators to adopt into their own contexts. As an example, the Delors Report (1996) proposed an integrated vision of education based on two key concepts, “learning throughout life” and the four pillars of learning, to know, to do, to be, and to live together (UNESCO 2015). The Report considered that an essential part of

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education was to build a whole person through the pillars. Learning to know called for a broad general knowledge with the opportunity to work in-depth on a small number of subjects; learning to do had a focus to acquire not only occupational skills but also the competence to deal with many situations and to work in teams. Learning to be aimed to develop one’s personality and to be able to act with growing autonomy, judgment, and personal responsibility. Learning to live together advocated for an understanding of other people and an appreciation of interdependence. These four pillars of learning are considered to remain relevant to an integrated approach to education, although the pillars themselves might need fresh interpretation, given the current context and growing concern for sustainability (UNESCO 2015). Helu-Thaman (2019, p. 5) observes, “One can say that Indigenous education occurred in an eco-cultural environment where learning was facilitated by those who themselves had already learned to know, to do, to live together and to be.” For many Indigenous peoples, colonization usurped traditional systems and transgressed their value systems. Many Indigenous peoples found themselves in structured learning systems dominated by western belief systems and formal learning processes which focused on material needs rather than encouraging relationality (Vaioleti 2011). Impacts of these systems, which had little regard for Indigenous knowledge systems, have been well traversed by Indigenous educators, who speak to the multiplicity of consequences on morale, identity, culture, and language (Smith 1997, 1999). As a consequence, Indigenous peoples did not fare well in western-based education systems, with low levels of achievement and success. In Aotearoa/New Zealand, this has given rise to Māori passionately asserting the place of their own knowledge systems and creating alternative education initiatives such as kohanga reo (language nests), kaupapa Māori initiatives (education based on Māori philosophy), and wānanga (higher education places), as well as pushing for the validation of Mātauranga Māori or Māori knowledge systems. Helu-Thaman (2009) and Vaioleti (2011) stated that the biggest challenge for us as educators is how best to prepare people to live in an increasingly changing and globalized world while simultaneously developing systems that will ensure the continuity and sustainability of their futures and cultures. Lifelong learning for Indigenous peoples is rooted in place with historical, spiritual, and ancestral connections to lands and waters. We have discussed underpinning values critical to lifelong learning for Indigenous peoples and we have spoken specifically on three basic educational ideas for Tongan communities. The principles and ideas identified are all based on relationships, relationality being the absolute foundation on which Indigenous knowledges are founded. We posit that it is time to return to and to elevate this very simple yet complex principle. Our society needs to be reminded to commit to an ethic of care toward one another or what Moana Jackson (2020, p. 154) calls an “ethic of restoration” which is concerned with the balance of relationships rather than a will to limit what they might be. We shall elaborate on this discussion further in this chapter.

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Global Context: Indigenous Peoples and Lifelong Learning UNESCO and its subsidiary bodies hold a global mandate for promoting global dialogue and debate on lifelong learning. It promotes and supports lifelong learning as an overall guiding paradigm with a focus on adult learning, continuing education, literacy, and nonformal basic education. It is also a unique forum for bringing together the interests of Indigenous peoples across the world and offering support in addressing the multiple challenges they face, while acknowledging their significant role in sustaining the diversity of the world’s cultural and biological landscape. The needs of indigenous peoples are among UNESCO’s priority areas for response (UNESCO n.d.). A UNESCO 2018 publication states: UNESCO promotes the equitable access of Indigenous peoples to quality lifelong learning opportunities through improving infrastructure and learning environments so as to fit with cultural practice; promoting both conventional and innovative modes of delivery in formal, non-formal and informal settings, including the use of information and communication technologies (ICT) in education. (UNESCO 2018, p. 13)

Numerous debates have been held to ensure that education, be it formal, nonformal, adult education, or lifelong, is responsive to societal needs (Delors 1996; Jarvis, 2008). The Institute for Lifelong Learning (UIL) has launched several policy dialogues through International Conferences on Adult Education (CONFINTEA), the Global Report on Adult Learning and Education (GRALE) reports, national and regional reports, all with a view to engaging countries in dialogue and encouraging them to learn from each other and to improve adult learning and education (ALE) policies and practice. The participation of Indigenous peoples within these dialogues is minimal and highly reliant on governments engaging Indigenous representation in which they have been unforthcoming (Stavenhagen 1998). An exception to this is an international seminar on New Perspectives on Adult Education for Indigenous peoples which took place in Oaxaca, Mexico, in January 1997. The Declaration of Huaxyacac, which was adopted by participants, had a challenging agenda that included that adult education must strengthen Indigenous peoples and their communities and be made available in their own languages and reflect their own cultures and world views. Other civil society adult education actors have also determinedly pursued the Indigenous peoples’ agenda. For example. Asia South Pacific Association for Basic and Adult Education (ASPBAE) brought in an Indigenous adult education program and created a set of high-quality education benchmarks for Indigenous education which was subsequently validated through a national and regional consultation process (Morrison and Vaioleti 2011). Indigenous peoples’ loss of rights and access has been further exacerbated by the inability of states to address inclusive governance structures which provide decisionmaking powers to Indigenous communities. A one-size-fits-all approach to challenging issues severely devalues Indigenous wisdoms and the power of Indigenous leadership structures. While UNESCO promotes the equitable access of Indigenous

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peoples to genuine lifelong learning opportunities, equitable access and equity as a policy require governments to commit to ensuring that equitable outcomes are achieved, including appropriate representation in decision making. Reid (2021) talks about equity as a barometer for how well or badly governments are doing; and, for many governments throughout the world, it is a struggle. Equity is a prompt to monitor a government’s values and its commitment to social justice, to making things better. Equity is not the end goal. Perhaps greater leverage in achieving equity can be found in the United Nations Declaration for the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, issued in 2007. It established a universal framework of minimum standards for the survival, dignity, and well-being of the Indigenous peoples of the world. Its reference to education and lifelong learning is contained in Article 14, which states: 1. Indigenous peoples have the right to establish and control their educational systems and institutions providing education in their own languages, in a manner appropriate to their cultural methods of teaching and learning. 2. Indigenous individuals, particularly children, have the right to all levels and forms of education of the State without discrimination. 3. States shall, in conjunction with Indigenous peoples, take effective measures, in order for Indigenous individuals, particularly children, including those living outside their communities, to have access, when possible, to an education in their own culture and provided in their own language. (Article 14 Declaration for the Rights of Indigenous People)

Anaya (1997) states that contemporary treatment of Indigenous peoples in the various UN systems is the result of activity over the last few decades which has been substantially driven by Indigenous peoples themselves. Indigenous peoples have ceased to be mere objects of the discussion of their rights and have become real participants in an extensive multilateral dialogue that has also engaged states, NGOs, and independent experts. These global instruments are important in ensuring that the global community upholds the rights of Indigenous peoples and that States shall guarantee a safe and enabling environment so that Indigenous peoples are able to act free from threat, restriction, and insecurity. However, despite the good intent that such instruments demonstrate, there is still much work to be done to uphold these rights, the preservation of Indigenous peoples’ lands, cultures, and languages, and to reduce the inequities that they face in education and other social and economic spheres. In 2015 the international community committed to an ambitious 15-year global development agenda through the Agenda for Sustainable Development, codified in the 17 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). Indigenous peoples had engagement in these processes both through the United Nations Permanent forum on Indigenous Issues and through international and government bodies, including civil society groups. Heeding the vehement call from Indigenous peoples of “nothing for us, without us” the Agenda has several direct references and associated targets relevant for Indigenous peoples with an overall focus of the Agenda on reducing inequalities.

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Educationalists argue that education is integral to achieving all 17 SDGs (ICAE 2020). In addition to the SDG4 determination to “ensure equitable, inclusive, quality education and lifelong opportunities for all by 2030,” the indicator for target 4.5 specifically addresses the need to eliminate gender disparities in education and to ensure equal access to all levels of education and vocational training for the vulnerable, including persons with disabilities, Indigenous peoples, and children in vulnerable situations. Education must therefore reach and be accessible to Indigenous communities to fulfill the global commitment that “no one is left behind.” There is a lot to be done to meet this commitment. While the SDG Report of 2020 had mixed results, the COVID pandemic caused immense disruption to SDG progress, with the world’s poorest and most vulnerable (which included Indigenous peoples) affected the most (United Nations 2020). School closures kept millions of children out of school, and this was exacerbated by lack of access to computers and internet. With climate change occurring much more quickly than anticipated, crises compound and families fall further into extreme poverty and face real risks of being exploited. In the report “State of the World’s Indigenous peoples: Education,” Smith (2017), with reference to the Pacific region inclusive of New Zealand and Australia, found that disparities in the educational outcomes for Indigenous peoples living in broadly heterogeneous contexts can be considered a legacy of decades of inadequate educational provision. She emphasized that the recognition of Indigenous knowledge which needs to be negotiated within the framework of a twenty-first century interepistemic dialogue encompasses four important dimensions: (a) recognition that Indigenous knowledge existed prior to Indigenous peoples’ contact with Europeans; (b) recognition that Indigenous knowledge was subjected to the ravages of colonization; (c) recognition that the substance of Indigenous knowledge is very different from that of mainstream science; and (d) recognition that Indigenous knowledge may be transformed and may develop in unexpected ways. On Pacific nation states specifically, she wrote: “For centuries, Indigenous knowledge systems and cultures have been resilient when confronted with Western influences in the Pacific but developed countries do not appear to be supporting the preservation of the biological, linguistic and cultural diversity of the Pacific” (Smith 2017, p. 169). Since 2015 when commitments to the global agenda were made, the world has certainly witnessed reversals in the gains made toward global solidarity, multilateralism, and partnerships. Change is constant in all aspects of our lives, our society, our economy, and our planet. The world has been confronted by an existential threat to our planetary well-being and there are health and human crises of vast proportions. Natural disasters have impacted significantly on the lives and livelihoods of many and in some cases have forced displacement; no corner of the earth has been able to escape the global pandemic which in some countries is an additional burden to the multiplicity of crises already being experienced. There have also been race, ethnic, and religious divisions stoked by a visible and strident expanding far right, heightened conflict, sectarian violence, and escalated attacks on human rights. The rise of authoritarian governance has meant that democratic spaces have been shrinking and therefore the spaces to advocate for the right of lifelong learning have also been

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shrinking. Political will to commit to lifelong learning and education remains elusive for some governments. Yet for Indigenous peoples, the big C’s are still a constant threat – colonialism, capitalism, consumerism, all systems that run antithetical to Indigenous worldviews and Indigenous consciousness and which continue to exist and operate. They have not gone away (Reid 2021). To add in the more recent C’s of climate and COVID, it is Indigenous peoples who experience the worst impacts of climate change and, for that matter, COVID, through historical and current policies of marginalization which deny access to health, access to information, and access to choice. Given these circumstances, the question must surely be posed, how can Indigenous knowledges through lifelong learning transform such a dismal picture? As Indigenous communities, we are not immune to the events of the global world that confront us and it is important to understand the international context in which Indigenous learnings occur, even if it is only to add our alternative view. Thankfully, many Indigenous societies remain vital and active and are invigorating their education and learning systems according to their own knowledge systems and drawing on the past to prepare for the future, countering western systems of education which have not served them well. We highlighted earlier Linda Smith’s (2017) recognition of Indigenous knowledge, which she says needs to be negotiated within the framework of a twenty-first century inter-epistemic dialogue with its four important dimensions. The fourth dimension recognizes that Indigenous knowledge may be transformed and may develop in unexpected ways, pertinent at this time as the world debates what education will be relevant and appropriate to support a sustainable future (see ▶ Chaps. 8, “Empowerment Through Lifelong Learning,” and ▶ 49, Learning for Climate Justice).

Rethinking Education Educationalists as well as educational organizations are asking what education is needed for the twenty-first century (UNESCO 2015) while acknowledging and building on past lessons and legacies. The world is changing – education must also change. Societies everywhere are undergoing deep transformation, and this calls for new forms of education to foster the competencies that societies and economies need, today and tomorrow. This means moving beyond literacy and numeracy, to focus on learning environments and on new approaches to learning for greater justice, social equity, and global solidarity. Education must be about learning to live on a planet under pressure. It must be about cultural literacy, on the basis of respect and equal dignity helping to weave together the social, economic, and environmental dimensions of sustainable development (UNESCO 2015, p. 3). In the article, “Because the future cannot wait,” the International Council for Adult Education (ICAE) praises the transforming agenda of ALE to support and enable people to understand change, to cope with change, to respond to change, and

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to transform ourselves and our world. ALE orientates learners to navigate across our complex world, enables learners to make informed decisions, and motivates learners to act together to contribute to an alternative and feasible vision for the future (ICAE 2020). While this is commendable and important to note, change has been and continues to be a constant for Indigenous communities. The battle to maintain culture, language, knowledge systems, land, and waters is never-ending and has been occurring for many generations. One may win one battle, then another battle looms, be it in the Courts, through protests and arrests and in some cases even with the ultimate price of death. Surprisingly, Indigenous knowledge systems still exist and seem to be enjoying a new-found popularity heightened by the need of humanity to solve problems associated with the planet being in absolute crisis. Indigenous knowledge systems have been elevated. They are now of sufficient importance for elders, with their years of observation and learning, to be sought out and invited to work alongside scientists to find solutions to pressing problems. Indigenous knowledges and values are now at the forefront of critical issues, informing policy and transforming new ways of thinking and behaving (Rauika Māngai 2020). They are guiding new pedagogies, new methodologies, and new ways of undertaking research, all with a view to making systemic change to processes that in the past sought to destroy and diminish the value of being Indigenous. But how do these issues move beyond good intentions and become practical recommendations? One opportunity to work this out lay with the preparations for UNESCO’s 2022 CONFINTEA VII, a global conference intended to examine effective adult learning and education policies within a lifelong learning perspective and within the framework of the UN SDGs. The 24th Consultation meeting of the Pacific Heads of Education systems (PHES), held in 2021, provided a platform for debating the trends in Adult Learning and Education in the context of Lifelong Learning (LLL) for the Pacific sub-region, a consultative opportunity, and a preparatory meeting for the CONFINTEA VII. This conference was hosted by the Government of Papua New Guinea (PNG) and UNESCO (Apia). It was acknowledged that significant progress had been made by Pacific countries in their education systems over the years. However, there was a need to accelerate Pacific nations’ efforts toward achieving SDG4 and inclusive education and lifelong learning for all. Outcomes emerging from this consultation follow. We draw heavily on those discussions and the recommendations as a way of looking to the future of Indigenous people’s lifelong learning in the twenty-first century, having had the chance in New Zealand and the South Pacific to have deep discussions on the issues and challenges that the sub-region of the Pacific are facing. In those discussions, as outlined by Vaioleti and Morrison (2021) a number of themes emerged that reaffirm and re-state some of the underpinning principles of lifelong learning articulated at the beginning of this chapter while adding in emerging themes. These are as follows.

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Valuing Indigenous Knowledge Indigenous knowledges must be central to adult learning and education and lifelong learning in the Pacific. Pacific nations were clear that education systems were not to diminish their own knowledges and value systems. Countries such as Niue and Tokelau expressed a strong desire to have Indigenous knowledges such as weaving and boat-building incorporated into education systems. This was an example of high-quality education as intended by SDG4, in rebuilding their cultural knowledge while replacing plastic or fiberglass with renewable materials. It was recommended that measures are taken to encourage and inspire all adults and youth to participate actively in learning pursuits according to their interests, passion, and life purposes to encourage self-motivation for professional or personal purposes (UNESCO 2021). To save local languages and cultures from extinction, inclusion of mother tongue and local culture in adult learning and education is paramount for maintenance of identity and diversity. While literacy and numeracy are significant issues for Papua New Guinea, Solomon Islands, and Vanuatu still, especially for women, maintaining literacy in mother tongue must be paramount. The recognition of traditional knowledge and intergenerational learning to integrate into Technical Vocation and Training (TVET) and community learning programs is important. Women and artisans have much knowledge to offer, such as in weaving, crafts, canoe building, and the construction of disaster-resilient houses. Embracing Pacific cultures and values in inclusive education could contribute toward eliminating disparities in education and ensure equal access to all levels of education and training for all.

Rethinking Education and the Need to Look Outside the Normal Western Perspectives It is time to go back and re-value the knowledge system that our ancestors have valued as there is an urgent need to design education strategies that are culture and context-specific. Informed decision-making should be part of the lifelong learning process. Learning is, therefore, a process of confronting, challenging, transforming, connecting, being critical and intersecting and owning and taking control of the education that fits with our context, our culture, and our aspirations (see ▶ Chap. 8, “Empowerment Through Lifelong Learning”).

The Importance of Environmental Literacy for the Region With climate change and its attendant natural disasters, a number of the Pacific communities (such as those in Tarawa in the Kiribati) have lost fishing grounds to acidification and land for food production to sea intrusion. The attention-seizing headlines of sinking islands, king tides, and other weather disasters often trump the destruction to Indigenous knowledge and local adult learning and education used to

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construct and preserve them. Loss of lands due to climate change will result in loss of all physical, emotional, and spiritual homes, food sources, self-esteem, and meaning. Both land and local sea areas are sources of economic and spiritual identity. Without our land, our identity, our stories, and our humanity lessen.

Community Resilience Strategies We should recognize the centrality of communities in the provision of lifelong learning and support during the pandemic and beyond. Communities should take the lead. Governments need to strengthen these initiatives and the agency of the communities to strengthen education in the twenty-first century. Their roles in supporting continuity of education in remote locations such as outer islands and atolls which do not have internet or multimedia were recognized as vital for raising the level of formal education and the wellness of these isolated Indigenous communities. It was important to mitigate the impact of COVID-19 in the Pacific for health as well as ensuring resilient education systems. Lockdowns exacerbated the inequalities in education, especially when some nations switched to distance assistedlearning. Lack of access to the appropriate technologies as well as internet was an impediment to accessing learning. Some villages experienced multiple disadvantages given their isolation and with parents who had low levels of educational attainment and could not offer appropriate support to their children.

Analysis These themes resonate not only with the principles forefronted at the beginning of this chapter (see p. 5 and Pacific concepts) but with what Moana Jackson (2020, p. 149) calls an ethic of restoration in which he brings together six interrelated parts. These are: the value of place – the need to promote good relationships with and ensure the protection of Papatūānuku or Earth Mother; the value of tikanga – the core ideals that describe the “ought to be” of living in Aotearoa and the particular place of Māori within that tikanga (cultural practices); the value of community – the need to facilitate good relationships between all peoples; the value of belonging – the need for everyone to have a sense of belonging; the value of balance – the need to maintain harmony in all relationships; the value of conciliation – the need to guarantee a conciliatory and consensual democracy. (Jackson 2020, p. 152)

The use of an ethic of restoration allows for balanced relationships to be restored amongst communities, collectives, and nonhuman entities. This restoration would draw from the lessons in the stories in the land, the “deep time” and the culturally centered way of ordering society that was envisaged in Te Tiriti (Reference to Te

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Tiriti means the Treaty of Waitangi signed by chiefs and the representative of the Crown in 1840 to allow settlement in Aotearoa New Zealand). It will require a change of the mind and the heart as well as a change of structures. Furthering Jackson’s call for a change of the heart and mind and as an offering for the future, we propose that Indigenous knowledges offer values and philosophical learning concepts such as ako, ‘ilo, poto, ‘ofa, fatongia as appropriate for twentyfirst-century education and which will in time contribute to a more responsible, caring, and equitable existence (see Thaman, 1988; Vaioleti, 2006, 2011). In the age where the growth of predatory behavior, selfishness, and fake news spread by technology and mass media seem acceptable, development of critical skills for many Indigenous populations who have a natural disposition for respect and harmonious relationships must be an essential part of ALE. The ability of ako (see p. 5) and ALE to empower the community to challenge power in institutions for social justice is essential, particularly in the developing Pacific democracies. After all, it is Indigenous peoples and the small island states such as the Pacific states that carry a disproportionate cost of the developed nations’ wealth generation. They deserve to be treated better; it is matter of moral obligation as well as their human right. Ako was decided by the needs of the group and there was almost always shared understanding and vision (Thaman 1988; Vaioleti 2011). Ako in a futures context is therefore adapted to bring about action to transform the situation and improve wellbeing. Its transformative agency is important in bringing increased well-being to families, community, and kāinga. Knowing what to do (‘ilo) and having the ability and knowledge to do it and to do it well (poto) in order to activate ‘ofa are foundations that can guide goals and behavior that can lead to peace, harmony, and responsible behavior and development for all peoples, not just Indigenous. Fatongia is the role within the collective in which the rendering of service to others is significant or, as was explained, the purpose of Indigenous education is to be useful and to support the well-being of the collective. As previously discussed, ako is underpinned by ‘ofa, aroha, alofa which can be compassion or love (see p. 5), all of which came to the fore within the Pacific communities because of COVID with resources and knowledge being shared in the communities. Traditional knowledges within families were revived and retold or retaught using ALE methods which had relationships and care for each other at their heart. The focus of education appears to be shifting from an insular perspective as it was in the 1800s to encouraging competitive attitudes in the 1900s, to training a significant number of young people for work and jobs that do not yet exist. Yet the twenty-first century is far more interconnected, a position that Indigenous peoples have always recognized and have developed values to preserve harmony with each other and the environment: The second decade of the twenty-first century marks a new historical juncture bringing with it different challenges and fresh opportunities for human learning and development. We are entering a new historical phase characterised by the interconnectedness and interdependency

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of societies and by new levels of complexity, uncertainty and tensions. (UNESCO 2015, p. 15)

What is clear from these discussions of the PHES consultations is the determination of Indigenous peoples to place their knowledge at the center, whether it be in lifelong learning or formal or informal learning situations, and to find strategies to balance cultural integrity with overwhelming outside threats and influences. Smith (2011) points out that there is limited scope for the socioeconomic redevelopment of Indigenous populations without a prior or simultaneous educational revolution. But, as these recommendations show, Indigenous peoples are quietly revolutionizing their education systems, including ALE and lifelong learning. No longer are they willing to accept western-based education systems which have dispossessed them of treasures and failed to show respect for their humanity. Those systems may have limited application in an unpredictable future, especially as lifelong learning and education opportunities must ready society to face uncertainties and prepare them for work that does not currently exist.

Conclusion Indigenous cultures, languages, and knowledges have long been marginalized despite the persistence of Indigenous peoples in advocating for at minimum their inclusion and at best for active and meaningful participation by Indigenous peoples in decision-making processes on lifelong learning and ALE. Education including lifelong learning has been a tool of assimilation and colonization and such learning never has and never will be appropriate for Indigenous peoples. Despite attempts to elevate the regard for Indigenous knowledge systems, it also has been at times silently dismissed, or rudely admonished. As already stated earlier in this chapter, for Indigenous peoples, our knowledge systems are constantly mediated by spirituality, as are our Indigenous lives. This has enabled us to live in harmony and in balance with Earth Mother and Sky Father. In these precarious times, these relationships of respect and reciprocity with the natural environment constitute an absolute existential necessity. For Indigenous peoples, learning occurs within a layering and convergence of traditional, multicultural, and global contexts and must be responsive to these contexts (Dreise 2010). Indigenous peoples are also citizens of the world and are therefore exposed to a range of bicultural and multicultural realities; and there is also diversity within Indigenous peoples themselves. Global exposure presents both challenges and opportunities and these all impact on lifelong learning approaches. However, no one knowledge system can suffice. Indigenous knowledge systems because of the experience of being in continual adaptation know how to be both futuristic and traditional, they know how to be both local and global, and they embrace holistic approaches while also embracing emerging contemporary science. They are vital, active, and relevant, replenishing the way they manage activities to

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respond to the needs of today and tomorrow; they are both intuitive and imaginative, creative and radical. Primarily they invest in creating hope, faith, and trust drawing on the enduring values of the past while looking to the future with courage and with hope.

Cross-References ▶ Empowerment Through Lifelong Learning ▶ Learning for Climate Justice

References Anaya, J. (1997). Indigenous peoples in international law. In Cultural Survival Quarterly Magazine. Retrieved from https://www.culturalsurvival.org/publications/cultural-survival-quarterly/indige nous-peoples-international-law Delors, J. (1996). Learning: The treasure within. Paris: UNESCO Publishing. Dreise, T. (2010, November 21). Presentation on benchmarking on quality Indigenous education. [PowerPoint slides]. Jakarta: Asia Pacific Association for Basic and Adult Education Conference. Helu-Thaman, K. (2009, August 22–24). Making the good things last: A vision for peace and sustainable development in the Asia Pacific region. [Paper presentation.] Asia-Pacific Forum for ESD Educators and Facilitators. Helu-Thaman, K. (2019). Learning to think in the language of strangers: Indigenous education in a colonized and globalized Pacific. International Journal of Human Rights Education, 3(1). Retrieved from https://repository.usfca.edu/ijhre/vol3/iss1/8. International Council for Adult Education (ICAE). (2020). Adult Learning and Education (ALE) – Because the future cannot wait. International Council for Adult Education. https://en.unesco. org/futuresofeducation/sites/default/files/2020-10/ICAE%20-%20Futures%20of%20ALE% 20FINAL.pdf Jackson, M. (2020). Where to next? Decolonization and the stories in the land. In B. Elkington, M. Jackson, R. Kiddle, O. R. Mercier, M. Ross, J. Smeaton, & A. Thomas (Eds.), Imagining decolonization (pp. 133–155). Bridget Williams Books. Jarvis, P. (Ed.). (2008). The Routledge international handbook of lifelong learning (1st ed.). Routledge. https://doi-org.ezproxy.waikato.ac.nz/10.4324/9780203870549 McGrath, A. (2020, August 19). ‘All things will outlast us’: How the Indigenous concept of deep time helps us understand environmental destruction. https://theconversation.com/all-thingswill-outlast-us-how-the-indigenous-concept-of-deep-time-helps-us-understand-environmentaldestruction-132201 Mikaere, A. (2013). Tackling the sore spots in our thinking: Fulfilling our obligations as kaitiaki of the mātauranga continuum. In L. Pihama, H. Skipper, & J. Tipene (Eds.), He Manawa Whenua. E kore e mimiti (pp. 74–82). Morrison, S., & Vaioleti, T. (2011). Quality adult education benchmarks for Indigenous education. Discussion paper prepared for Asia Pacific Association for Basic and Adult Education Conference. Rauika Māngai. (2020). A guide to Vision Mātauranga: Lessons from Māori voices in the New Zealand science sector. Wellington: Rauika Māngai. Reid, P. (2021). 2021 Narrm Oration: Navigating Indigenous futures. https://www.youtube.com/ watch?v¼qr3ZoFcZpUg

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Smith, G. H. (1997). The development of kaupapa Māori: Theory and praxis. Auckland: Department of Education, University of Auckland. Smith, L. T. (1999). Decolonising methodologies: Research and indigenous peoples. London: Zed. Smith, G. H. (2011). Transforming education: Maori struggle for higher education. [Powerpoint slides]. Wellington: Manu Ao presentation Smith, L. (2017). Indigenous peoples and education in the Pacific region. In U. Nations (Ed.), State of the world’s Indigenous peoples: Education (Vol. 111, pp. 165–182). New York: United Nations. Stavenhagen, R. (1998). Indigenous people and adult education: A growing challenge. In L. King (Ed.), Reflecting visions: New perspectives on adult education for indigenous peoples (pp. 1–3). Lanham: UNESCO Institute for Education. Thaman, K. H. (1988). Ako and faiako: Cultural values, educational ideas and teachers’ role perceptions in Tonga. Unpublished doctoral thesis. Suva: University of the South Pacific. UNESCO. (2015). Rethinking education. Towards a global common good? France: UNESCO. UNESCO. (2018). UNESCO policy and engaging with Indigenous people. Retrieved https://en. unesco.org/indigenous-peoples/policy UNESCO. (2021). Asia-Pacific Regional Preparatory Conference for the CONFINTEA VII: Outcome document. UNESCO. (n.d.). Indigenous people. Retrieved https://en.unesco.org/node/276563/node/indige nous-peoples/policy United Nations. (2007). Declaration on the rights of Indigenous peoples. https://www.un.org/ development/desa/indigenouspeoples/declaration-on-the-rights-of-indigenous-peoples.html. Accessed 9 April 2022 United Nations. (2020). The sustainable development goals report 2020. United Nations. Vaioleti, T. M. (2006). Talanoa research methodology: A developing position on Pacific research. Waikato Journal of Education, 12, 21–34. https://doi.org/10.15663/wje.v12i1.296. Vaioleti, T. M. (2011). Talanoa, Manulua and founga ako: Framework for using enduring Tongan educational ideas for education in Aotearoa/New Zealand. Unpublished doctoral thesis, University of Waikato. Vaioleti, T. M., & Morrison, S. L. (2021, July 27–30). Overview on adult learning and education in the Pacific – Progress and status [Paper presentation]. Sessions 10 and 11 of the Pacific Heads of Education Systems conference, Samoa. Commissioned report for UNESCO.

Adult Education for “Resilience”: Educating in Precarious Times

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Contents Introduction: Disruptions Are the New (and Old) Normal . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . What (Is) Resilience? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Resilience to What? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Resilience for Whom? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Educating for Resilience: Pedagogies of Contingency . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Educating for Resilience: The Way Forward? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Cross-References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Abstract

Disruption and uncertainty are the new normal. Living under the precarious conditions of a long-term global pandemic with predictions of persistent climate shocks has brought this challenge closer. Given the long-term histories of multiple injustices and inequality, increasing food and water insecurity, ongoing environmental degradation, and patriarchy, we ask: What might be useful knowledge and skills for a precarious world? The chapter builds on previous work with a “pedagogy of contingency” (von Kotze, A pedagogy of contingency for precarious work. In: Langer K (ed) Technical and vocational skills development in the informal sector. International perspectives in adult education IPE 68. DVV Internat, Bonn, pp 87–99, 2013) in precarious times. It explores a wide-ranging literature on resilience, developing a differentiated understanding of the concept. It tells the story of community action networks that illustrate how food sovereignty is one aspect of climate justice. The inseparable connection between capitalism, patriarchy, and ecological breakdown requires not just individual or community-based strategies, but structural transformative action. Popular A. von Kotze (*) University of the Western Cape, Cape Town, South Africa © Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 K. Evans et al. (eds.), Third International Handbook of Lifelong Learning, Springer International Handbooks of Education, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-19592-1_55

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education is a holistic approach that can play an important role to support education and building solidarity for collective responses. The chapter concludes that building resilience must mean building equality. Keywords

Transformative resilience · Equality · Ecofeminism · Pedagogy of contingency · Connectedness

Introduction: Disruptions Are the New (and Old) Normal By 2020, adult education had found a new niche: training for resilience! “Globally we are experiencing a pandemic of workplace burnout. Just because physical disease is absent does not mean that mental wellbeing is present. Building Resilience, Improving Stress Management, and Coping with Adversity is an online masterclass to complete at your own time and pace . . .” read an advertisement in the Daily Maverick (20.7.21). Recovering from a week of violent rioting that left 200 people dead in South Africa, a reader complained of being “sick and tired of our National character having to be resilient.” Journalist Davis (Daily Maverick 18.7.2021) agreed; “As South Africans, we don’t get to be playful, or grumpy, or stingy, or sexy, or any one of a hundred other options for national stereotypes. We get to be RESILIENT. A nation of resilient little battlers, constantly picking ourselves up and dusting ourselves off after national tragedy or government scandal.” Resilience has become a buzzword “touted as a protective talisman against the effects of trauma, which individuals, communities and whole economies are told to cultivate” (Saner, 2020). As a repertoire of skills for managing a crisis and responding to dangers, resilience took on the quality of moral virtue with “resourcefulness” reframed as praise for one’s ability to continually adapt (Ames & Greer, 2021). UNESCO (2014) recommended that since we need to move “towards a learning culture of safety and resilience,” disaster risk reduction should be part of school curricula. The WHO (2017) demanded that “transformative resilience capacity had to become a fundamental characteristic of policy-making.” Resilience is a key factor in the Social Development Goals (UNDP, 2015, 2021). Human Resource Development experts Masten, Best, and Garmezy (1990) advocated training in adaptation, recovery, and resilience leadership in the face of threatening circumstances. The psychological orientation where individuals interpret difficult experiences as meaningful challenges can be measured by means of a “Resilience Questionnaire” (n.d.) followed by resilience coaching. An editorial in a recent special issue of Studies in the Education of Adults on the Covid-19 pandemic noted that the papers revealed that, despite the global challenge of Covid-19, “the adult learning sector, while facing particularly difficult financial conditions, continues to demonstrate its resilience by going above and beyond to

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provide flexible, learner-centred solutions to keep adults in education and reach the most vulnerable groups” (James & Thériault, 2020, p. 131). The notion of resilience has appeared more and more frequently in a whole range of disciplines and fields, including ecology, engineering, development, psychology, and disaster mitigation, and a quick search on Google illustrated that there was no consensus on meaning. Why this obsession with “resilience”? The growing experience of insecurity and uncertainty in the face of the escalating pandemic and the threat of the climate crisis combined with the realization that the promises of (Western) development, the growth paradigm of bigger and more is better, homo economicus, have not delivered justice and security but ever-increasing destruction of delicate ecosystems and climate disaster. Within this mess, South Africa is one of the most unequal countries in the world, where the top 10% of the population control 86% of all wealth (Stent, 2020). On an everyday basis this translates into devastating food insecurity, hunger, and despair. With the spread of Covid-19 and recurrent strict lockdown periods, hopes for another future have become even more brittle. These are precarious times, indeed. We struggle to take control of our fears. If we are middle-class and educated with access to the internet, we Google answers that will soothe our anxieties. But a new doubt in science has crept in because we have gained a far more realistic understanding of how scientific results are generated, despite claims of objectivity. So, not only is technological “progress” degrading Nature and generating massive and dangerous blowback, but at the moment when we need it most to orient ourselves, science and Governments’ decisions based on it seem unreliable. We cannot trust. And as the full extent of this shock sinks in, it unleashes more destabilization: We begin to wonder about the broader narratives of progress and history and the role of education, knowledge, and skills needed to survive. This chapter asks: if adult education is to continue being relevant for survival or even a better life for all, should it re-orientate itself towards education and learning for resilience? And if so, what might such education look like and aim at, more precisely? And whose resilience? The chapter begins with an overview of the various interpretations and uses of “resilience”: absorptive, adaptive, restorative, transformative, and anticipatory. This leads to a set of questions about “Resilience to what?” and “Resilience for whom?” Accepting multiple interpretations that may be at odds with one another, the chapter suggests that a more nuanced and contextual understanding of risk has to inculcate different perceptions and perspectives grown out of radically different contexts of living and working. We cannot assume that perceptions of risk are the same across class, culture, race, and gender. Hence, any notion of a general global curriculum to address the need for resilience would be absurd. This leads to some conclusions about “pedagogies of contingency” (von Kotze, 2013) which arise out of a radically transformed understanding of ecology, patriarchy, and capitalism and are holistic, bottom-up, intergenerational, and infused with the need to move from emergency response to longer-term relations and relationships requiring a different economy and living in/with Nature.

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The Food Growers Initiative, a collective of groups that sprouted from the Cape Town Together and its Community Action Networks in March 2020, serves as an illustration of what transformative resilience might look like. Here is a notion of popular education in which action is a substantial part of learning, and an example of “pedagogies of contingency” that emerge as specific needs for learning and education arise. The chapter draws on a wide-ranging literature on “resilience.” I also draw on my previous work in disaster mitigation and community development, writing on livelihoods and women’s work, and praxis in popular education. In May 2021, an international webinar (PIMA webinar, 2021) with a range of experts and adult education practitioners in dialogue about “resilience” helped to clarify and articulate the many understandings of the concept. Informal conversations with colleagues and comrades further deepened insight into the link between resilience and adult education. Ecofeminist and eco-socialist feminist writings (Chiponda, 2021; Mies & Shiva, 2014; Salleh, 2017; Terreblanche, 2018) provided a framework of useful questions to ask and informed the principles proposed for future adult education aimed at transformational resilience. Ecofeminism is based on the idea that a system which oppresses people because of their gender, race, class, sexuality, and physical ability is the same one which oppresses nature. Ecofeminist politics is a feminism in as much as it offers an uncompromising critique of capitalist patriarchal culture from a womanist perspective; it is a socialism because it honours the wretched of the earth; it is an ecology because it reintegrates humanity with nature; it is a postcolonial discourse because it focuses on deconstructing Eurocentric domination. (Salleh, 2017, pp. 282–283)

The embodied knowledge and skills of women, peasants, and other indigenous groups, in particular, has continuously been undermined and deleted by patriarchy, colonialism, and capitalism (Mies, 1986; Shiva, 2017). Ecofeminism calls for an end to all forms of oppression as there can be no liberation of women or other oppressed groups without the liberation of nature. We will get back to this, later.

What (Is) Resilience? A differentiated understanding and explanation of “resilience” must precede a use of the concept. Generally, in everyday language, resilience is seen as the ability to withstand and/or adapt to changing conditions and recover positively from shocks and stresses. This applies to (physical) structures as much as to human beings and the natural environment. The capacity to “bounce back” is understood positively as being bent but not breaking, adapting despite adversity. In ecology, it was first described as the potential for stability or equilibrium (Walker & Cooper, 2011); in education, it refers to a repertoire of skills for managing and responding to risks in an

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uncertain world, the development of which is understood to be the responsibility of individuals as a practice of self-enterprise (Ames & Greer, 2021). Selomane (PIMA webinar, 2021) differentiates between resilience as an outcome, a property, a process, or a capacity. In engineering, the term frequently denotes an outcome, a desired state, or functionality, as in “a resilient structure.” In development practices, resilience is often a property that describes the capacity to cope and recover; in psychology, the ability to deal with stress and adversity. Resilience is perceived as a process when it describes the capacity to harness resources in order to sustain well-being, actions, and interventions, as in the case of socio-economic planning. In health, building resilience is seen as a key capacity to protect and promote health within supportive environments (ZRBF, 2020). The word “resilience” is often coupled with adjectives that demonstrate the contested meanings and political intentions. Absorptive resilience is often described as the proverbial “thick skin” that allows individuals or systems to continue, despite setbacks. Community kitchens that cook and serve meals to an ever-growing number of needy hungry people absorb the growing demand by stretching available resources. Similarly, restorative resilience is the attempt to return to the pre-crisis state of normality. It views dangers as exceptional events that can be overcome with “resilience” – rather than a normality defined by continuous, recurrent threats, as perceived by people living under precarious conditions. Adaptive resilience includes the many small acts people undertake to respond to changed circumstances. Introducing the notion of justice, Ensor et al. (2019, p. 1) defined “equitable resilience” as “a form of human-environmental resilience that takes into account issues of social vulnerability and differentiated access to power, knowledge and resources.” Informed by a strong ethos of justice, equitable resilience demands measures that go beyond individual actions towards changes in human and environmental structures and systems, opening possibilities for larger transformations. This requires a thorough analysis of how power is held and reproduced, thereby creating and exacerbating injustices and divisions. Working in the area of gender justice, Chiponda (PIMA Webinar, 2021) pointed out how resilience cannot be divorced from structural issues. Poor people tend to live in disaster-prone areas, unable to secure safe spaces, and hence they are most affected. Accelerated climate change is a violence created by people, and though they may claim that disasters are “inevitable,” responses to crises are often militarized and demonstrate the violence within the systems. From a social learning and education perspective, Scandrett (PIMA webinar, 2021) expanded the concept of transformative resilience to include “resistant resilience.” His example are Palestinian farmers who survive “despite”: For Palestinian farmers in the West Bank who are threatened by the Israeli settler colonisation of their lands, resilience is a form of resistance. They plant olive trees, harvest them, plant crops, herd goats, maintain their way of life in defiance of the occupation and the attempts of Israeli colonisers to evict them. Every time the settlers destroy their olive trees, they plant more. They use an Arabic word “sumoud,” which is usually translated as “steadfastness.”

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Clearly, resistant resilience works in opposition to a threat and asserts itself and its values and beliefs, despite the threat. The notion of solidarity as a basic principle underpins this – as will be argued later.

Resilience to What? The 2017 WHO “Resilience report” (2017, p. 7) explains that in order to be meaningful in operational terms, resilience should always be specified in terms of the causes of the vulnerabilities to be addressed by resilience measures, the context in which these measures are to be implemented, and the type of measures and processes advocated for. What are the roots of vulnerability, and who is to blame for increasing risks? Three main arguments are colonization and western thinking and values; capitalism; and patriarchy. For Ghosh (2019), the current predicament says more about the continuities with colonial history than it does about some ruptured future as the West continues to uphold its way of life as the standard of living to be aspired to by everybody. One way of being, knowing, and producing has dominated all others: “Entire libraries of knowledge, embedded in thousands of languages and worldviews and ways of knowing around the world, have been wiped out or are in the process of being erased due to epistemological colonisation” (Kothari, 2020, p. 5). Local knowledges were deliberately deleted and omitted as one way to undermine communities’ historic ways of being and cultures and to entrench colonizers’ powers. This has added hugely to women’s vulnerabilities. Capitalism and colonization are both underpinned by patriarchy: “The historical and conceptual association between women and nature is understood to be politically significant because it has formed an important justification for patriarchal domination: the feminization of nature and the naturalization of women are two aspects of a single historical process that has functioned as an ideological requisite for women’s and nature’s ensuing subordination” (Oksala, 2018, p. 4). At the root of misery is inequality: We are not all equally affected by crises; we are not “in the same boat.” Callinicos (2021) reminds us that old plagues and famines already demonstrated clearly how, in class society, the poor are far more vulnerable to crises because they lack the resources to buy their way out of danger: It’s an overstatement to say that the system is breaking down. It’s more accurate to suggest that it is generating destructive consequences that it finds increasingly hard to manage. Through the decades since 1945 catastrophe loomed as a growing shadow on the horizon. It became clear a long time ago that, short of the ultimate catastrophe of nuclear war that hung over the Cold War era (1946–1991), the main threat came from the way the blind process of capital accumulation destroys the natural world of which humans are but a dependent part.

According to Oksala (2018, p. 18), “primitive accumulation” is an inherently violent process of expropriation, that is, extracting resources and appropriating them for free or without adequate compensation. Oksala (2018, p. 6) gives the examples of the

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enclosure of the commons, forced migration, and the slave trade, as well as the domination of nature and the extraction of natural resources: “naturally produced use-values are plundered for productive consumption as raw materials and treated as commodities in the capitalist circuits of valorisation.” Landless people, women, and indigenous groups bear the brunt of this relentless accumulation, stripping them of access to and use of locally available resources and capacities. Walsh-Dilley, Wolford, and McCarthy (2016) critique the resilience framework for failing, as Watts (pp. 87–88) wrote, “to adequately account for relations of power or the contradictory dynamics of capitalist accumulation.” Taking a holistic view allows us to highlight and interconnect divisions and dichotomies in order to show how social, economic, ecological, and political vulnerabilities constitute each other, while an apolitical deployment of resilience leaves unexamined those structures and processes that generate vulnerability in the first place and could be used as a justification to blame those who are most vulnerable and least able to marshal the resources necessary for developing resilient trajectories. The ongoing suggestion that the Covid-19 pandemic, as much as the disasters caused by the escalating climate crisis, is “natural,” as in “natural disaster,” is a case in point. Disasters occur due to societal failures, not nature. Those with power and resources force others into vulnerable locations, difficult living conditions and inadequate livelihoods, with few choices to change their situations. (. . .) We knew everything we needed to know to reduce the chances of a deadly new microbe emerging and – once it did appear – to avoid it engulfing the world. But international organisations, governments and people with choices did not apply this knowledge. (Kelman, 2021)

The continuous encroaching of humans on ecosystems and wildlife is part of the exploitation and destruction of Nature by capitalist imperatives. Ames and Greer (2021) critique that “Resilience has developed since the 2000s as a concept that has served to rationalise and naturalise the redistribution of responsibility for social and systemic problems from the state to communities and individuals.” Approaches that frame resilience as a personal attribute of individuals are problematic because they put the onus of a deficit of resilience on the victim and fail to recognize clearly how environmental factors influence the capacities of people to adapt, respond, and transform. Further, resilience may be used to perpetuate state ideologies that abdicate responsibility to the least powerful and excluded. Worse, “resilience” may justify ongoing systemic injustices by inviting citizens to contend with unfair conditions and abusive relations “in the interests of all.”

Resilience for Whom? Resilience for the 1% is a very different matter than for the 99%. Thus, if we ask “resilience for whom and to what?”, we need to be more specific. For many agrarian people, farmers, fishermen, and indigenous people, whose lives are intertwined with

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Nature, the catastrophe has already happened, and they have found ways to survive. They have also developed deep understandings from which others could learn. This would require respect for ways of knowing and knowledge that are not found in textbooks but in stories that emerge through careful listening (Ghosh, 2019; Kothari, 2020). Building resilience capacity is a complex process that needs to address multiple factors, as socio-economic vulnerability, environmental factors, as well as age, gender, and often race are closely related. Physical, emotional, and spiritual factors are as important as the material conditions that support or undermine the ability to deal with and respond to threats. Research into the effects of Covid-19 on poorer communities has shown, again and again, how the most marginalized and excluded people are most at-risk. The complex material conditions under which different people live and work influence their perception of risk. Poor women living under extreme hardships in informal settlements in cities have very few resources on which they can draw in order to cope. Unemployment, poverty, highly polluted and degraded neighborhoods, gangs that threaten the safety of their children, gender-based violence, and insecure tenure of even the poorest structure to call home are just some of the challenges. As Skosana and Cock (2020, p. 3) report: Black, working-class women are the most vulnerable to the shocks of the climate crisis in the form of increasing extreme weather events. The shock absorbers of the pandemic/lockdown are the women who lack access to the means of protecting themselves and their families such as access to clean water, protective masks, sanitisers, relevant information about the pandemic and nutritious food. They live in zones of exclusion.

Because they are poor, they are often seen and portrayed as deficient, resourceless, and uneducated. By rendering victims “helpless,” disaster responses threaten to further undermine local capacities and abilities. Building on the agency and imagination of marginalized women rather than perceived deficits, generates local, enabling responses. Imaginative strategies (often labeled negatively as “hustling”) involve a myriad of activities like bartering, exchanging, collecting what is on offer, and converting one thing into another. Diversifying activities reduces the risk of running short when one source fails to provide. Women who live precariously from hand to mouth are often experts at varying the jobs done for material or cash returns. They compare and weigh up the multiple risks associated with short-term actions to satisfy particular needs. For example, the longer-term danger of contracting a deadly virus such as AIDS through sex work may be perceived as less hazardous than the immediate threat of a sick child getting worse because it is not taken to the clinic. In times of extreme insecurity and uncertainty, this ability to switch perspectives and imagine other sources for food, water, and essentials is crucial. In all this, systems of support and mutual aid are mainstays. As the state assumes less and less responsibility for social security, people have to make their own arrangements for social protection. In the world of the rich and comfortable, this

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translates into insurance policies and the like; in the majority world, it translates into all those actions that people undertake in order to expand their capacities to cope and create safety nets rather than simply wait for the delivery of commodities and services. A participatory risk analysis would analyze underlying vulnerabilities in relation to capacities. Local knowledge of conditions is generally more accurate, and perceptions of risk reflect limited choices available, rather than a lack of knowledge about the precarity of a place. Resilience, here, must take into account how one danger or threat is played off and weighed up against another. Even if the causes of an emergency are generated elsewhere, the burden is generally borne by persons at the local level. To illustrate how environmental, social, economic but also racialized and gendered vulnerabilities contribute, let us take the example of a domestic worker travelling to work in Cape Town on a public “taxi” during the Covid-19 pandemic. From the outset, the risk of infection from the corona virus was greater for Black working class people using taxis to get to their place of work. The necessity of using this form of transport resides in the spatial and geographic inequality of Cape Town, a deliberately engineered condition engraved on the landscape through centuries of racist inherited ideology. Colonial and Apartheid spatial planning determined who lives far from the city (or in the city, who has no access to facilities and services (and who is close to them), who has no other option but to use public transport and is therefore vulnerable when going to work, and who can use a private vehicle although living close to all amenities. The risk of infection for the domestic worker depends on her exposure in terms of proximity to the infected person in the taxi, and the time of exposure: the closer and longer she sits next to a coughing person emitting aerosols, the greater the risk of infection. However, if she has no comorbidities but a healthy immune system due to a healthy lifestyle, this reduces her vulnerability, as does wearing a well-fitting mask and sitting near open windows, both capacities building resistance to infection. Boosting resilience for passengers, here, might comprise information-giving about the nature of the virus, distributing protective masks and sanitizer and opening the windows. However, the onus of risk reduction/resilience, here, falls on the individual’s agency, even if she has limited choices to enact safety. To make matters worse, she might be blamed for being “reckless” and putting others in danger. Yet, the cause of the risk and the status quo of unacceptable inequality will be maintained irrespective of her personal precautionary actions. Resilience capacity, in this example, would require a fundamental transformation of residential area planning and transport systems – not to mention environmental infrastructures and social and economic inequalities. Resilience as adapting to dangers and shocks by making adjustments is desirable but inadequate, especially if such adaptive measures are demanded of one class and/or population sector, but not others. The very structures that gave rise to and maintain the unequal, variable conditions of risk have to be transformed. Therefore, a holistic approach to developing resilience capacity must aim at individual,

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community, and systems levels and address a particular threat in the context of multiple other threats.

Educating for Resilience: Pedagogies of Contingency What kinds of resilience capacities do different individuals, groups, and communities need to build so that injustices of the status quo are eradicated rather than reproduced? What forms might adult education for resilience take? Let us re-establish the context: while recurrent outbreaks of the pandemic Covid19 still haunt the world, the climate crisis and climate justice has moved somewhat into the background. Hunger features as the main ongoing concern and greatest vulnerability. Women have always been the buffers of crises and food insecurity consumes most of their energy and time. Food issues are more real than climate change (Cock, 2015, 2018) and more threatening even than the fear of infection with the corona virus. Food issues are a useful starting point for campaigns towards “resilience” – a resilience based on a new food system, one controlled by small-scale farmers, communities, and consumers that is deeply ecological, culturally appropriate, and nutritious. An example from Cape Town, South Africa, shall serve as an illustration. In March 2020, the Cape Town Together (CTT) initiative began to advocate for the formation of Community Action Networks (CANs) to respond to the Covid-19 crisis and the level 5 lockdown. “The key principle of CANs is self-organising, being empowered to work together within your neighbourhood to find solutions and help each other where possible. If you wait for someone else to fix the problem, you will miss out on the innovation and ideas that could come from your own group working together.” CANs worked against centralized planning, decision-making, and management but allowed each network to emerge around the particular needs of a constituency, coordinated by local volunteer administrators. CANs prioritize relationships over bureaucracy; the principle of “calling in” rather than “calling out” is inclusive and the work happens “at the speed of trust.” Within months, membership of CANs under the umbrella of CTT was around 17,000. Where public health and formal social systems failed, CANs provided support through health guidance, sanitizers, food parcels, mask making and distribution, medicine deliveries and the like. Over time, food distribution became more organized through work with local community kitchens and then community gardens. With food insecurity and hunger becoming ever more urgent, more and more vegetable growing initiatives started – and these finally formed their own network, the Food Growers Initiative (FGI). The group was created from the collective desire to see communities self-organizing and becoming food secure by growing their own food. The work centers on supporting existing gardens, establishing new ones, and encouraging household and gorilla food gardening. Members have a vision of city-wide food forests and community gardens. Within a few months, the Food Growers Initiative grew to a membership of 1788 (FGI Facebook, 26.2.21). Participants view food sovereignty as a “cornerstone to

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stepping out of poverty.” “The community is open source and of the commons.” It works through a free sharing of knowledge and resources. While interpersonal communication and organizing during lockdown conditions functioned largely through WhatsApp groups and Facebook, the gardens expanded relationships as people worked side by side. From the outset, learning and teaching was a deliberate part of the process through weekly online “co-learning sessions.” Sessions were a mix of information giving and experience sharing, critical questioning, and reflection, the topics having been decided on collectively. Participation in co-learning sessions ranged from approximately 25 to over 70 people; sessions lasted an hour and whoever could not afford to buy the data they needed in order to participate in a zoom applied for a financial subsidy. Occasionally, “experts” would comment on Facebook in response to specific questions, or were invited to co-learning sessions as resource people, teaching on worm farming, composting, seed harvesting and preserving, permaculture, as well as policy issues such as the Food Sovereignty Campaign. As gardens became more established and productive, groups began to visit one another for inspiration, to share experiences, knowledge, and skills, swap seeds and crops, build structures using locally available materials, and forge relationships. CAN and FGI members see farming not just as a job, but as a way of life. In common with the resilience framework, food sovereignty takes seriously the interdependence between social and ecological systems and builds on local knowledge, skills, and capacities as well as natural resources (Walsh-Dilley et al., 2016). Rotating administrators post regular updates on lessons learned and activities planned, and achievements are celebrated collectively. There are frequent vibrant conversations on WhatsApp as members rehearse their new knowledge. In this way, the groups sustain their enthusiasm and cohesion. Resilience here is a process of forging solidarity, rather than an outcome. Preston et al. (2015, p. 752) have submitted that “adult educators have a central role, not only working with communities to navigate transitions or help organise resources, but also in consciousness raising and reframing disasters in their political context.” But who are the adult educators? In the FGIs everyone can be an educator – and much of the knowledge exchanged comes from intergenerational experience as gardeners, caring for the earth, and not taking more than necessary – principles articulated by Mollison (1970), the “father” of permaculture. The communities I have worked with are very able to conduct power analyses and frame disasters in their political context. What they lack are material resources, much more than conscientization. Pedagogies of contingencies are similar to what Smythe et al. (2021, p. 17) have called “pedagogies in the wild” – sometimes unplanned, usually organic, and often surprising. They are an education and learning approach that responds to uncertainty, chance, and conditionality; they reflect the dynamics and dynamism of microdifferentials within the forces of macro-power environments (von Kotze, 2013). The pedagogies of contingencies ask “which way of knowing and what kind of knowledge is most helpful in a time that cries out for affirmation of life?” (Salleh,

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2017, p. 283) They are built on a livelihoods perspective that recognizes the close connection between work, and food/life. They are contextualized within a community’s life cycles, including the hopes and aspirations of the members. They build an understanding of members’ lives from their perspective as they are the authors of their own story. Planning time and place, mode of communication, and focus happens collectively through direct participation in democratic decisionmaking through consensus. The approaches to learning aim to help people build capacities that increase physical, but also emotional, creative, spiritual, and convivial resilience. Respectful listening and dialogue are central, and the processes are something of a high-wire balancing act that requires giving up the power of expertise and acquiring some of the humility of co-learner. Pedagogies of contingency acknowledge that we have much to learn from some of the wisdom and practices of indigenous/local people. Participants facilitate each other, experiencing reciprocity and respect in relationships of “ubuntu,” a common humanity, where each one defines her/himself through the other: “umuntu ngumuntu ngabantu” – a person is a person through other people, or “my humanity is contingent upon yours” (Lefa, 2015; Legrange, 2019; Terreblanche, 2018). There is a lot of noise about how crises may offer opportunities for change – if only we became more resilient, we could change the course of the climate change catastrophe. But this is not automatic. Unless people learning together ask the right questions – and those are often the difficult, contentious ones – they will not generate the knowledge and insights they need to move forward. Unless they seek multiple perspectives, including voices from those who are most excluded, they will not be able to construct a fuller picture and understanding. Research undertaken by Smythe et al. (2021, p. 27) has shown how: The pandemic required community-based adult educators to use sets of skills different from those traditionally valued in literacy and language programmes: for example, collaboration and mutuality over individual progress; multilingual and plurilingual competencies rather than a culture of monolingualism; and a shift from print literacy towards inclusive uses of digital technologies and digital literacies. How might we foster more inclusive, imaginative and generative literacies moving forward?

In some ways, the FGI/CAN learning sessions are an illustration of the experience-based, action-oriented, participatory, and democratic decision-making competencies required. They demonstrate eco-democracy in their shift to real economies based on actual products, processes of production and services, real relationships between people and their environment, and ecological resources that are part of the commons and belong to all, with all taking on democratic custodianship. Based on a popular education approach they focus on and towards collectives; they are rooted in the experiences of working-class people (the precariat) and aim at action for changing conditions of exploitation and oppression. Mobilizing and organizing are central to process and focus: an important resilience capacity! Tangible outcomes that demonstrate real change and generate positive experiences help participants to practice learning how to set achievable goals and be strategic in one’s approach to

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changing existing relations of power, and how to move from crisis to ongoing solidarity and transformative change.

Educating for Resilience: The Way Forward? What might be the foundation for any resilience “curriculum”? James and Thériault (2020) suggest the resources of hope identified by Tett (2020, pp. 253–257) to disrupt neoliberalism in education are “relevant with regard to the health crisis that we are currently experiencing.” In particular, Tett and Hamilton propose creating “dialogic and emancipatory spaces,” “prioritizing learner perspective,” “harnessing community technologies,” “fostering creativity,” “collaborating with new groups,” and “using educational research itself as a resource for hope.” In other words, they advocate committing to strong participation and direct democracy that will open doors for including other voices and knowledge and work against hierarchical relations and dichotomies. But this is not enough. Without a clear notion of alternatives that can inspire hope, participation runs the risk of ever-repeating the same old ideas. Anticipatory resilience suggests looking forward with optimism and resolve even if a look towards the future suggests that there is much worse to come. Satgar (2018, p. 9) is positive: “systemic alternatives are coming to the fore such as food sovereignty, climate jobs, public transport, socially owned renewable energy, basic income grants, rights of nature, ‘living well’, ubuntu, communing (of water, land, cyberspace), zero waste, solidarity economies and many more systemic alternatives.” He proposes a move to democratic eco-socialism informed by the climate justice movement, captured in the slogan of “system change, not climate change.” What gives him (and others) hope is that the climate crisis is not only driven by capitalist political economy, but also a new resistance, as in the struggle preventing extraction of fossil fuels. Collectives of people, in particular social movements, demonstrate what is possible when people stand together, with common cause and common purpose, for the common good. The Climate Justice Charter (2019) is one “tool” developed in a slow process of working together for such a collective struggle and it would make a useful basis for raising public consciousness about the necessity for and hope in climate justice. The strategy of building alliances for food sovereignty – one aspect of climate justice – is another and would demonstrate the possibilities of learning from/with poor people. Education needs to question the “normal” and make it clear that what appears as a disruption to some, may just be a continuation of the same-old, for others. There is no norm for people living in different contexts, at different times, and the old western idea of a desirable normality into which “developing” countries must be tossed has never been good enough. There can be no resilience of all without equality and justice. Adult education work must make the inextricable links between Nature, patriarchy, and capitalism, a centerpiece of curricula, implicitly or explicitly (Walters & von Kotze, 2021). For the 1% and many aspiring to join them, this will require

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unlearning attitudes and habits that compete and exploit rather than cooperate and connect. Subjects are “made in and through relationships” (Gaztambide-Fernandez, 2012, p. 52) and so we must unlearn linear, analytic, and controlling relations in favor of reciprocity, holistic thinking, and contingency as values that describe the emerging nature, the dynamism of such relationships. In uncertain times we need to bear vulnerability, ambiguity, and insecurity in the process of forging relationships “at the speed of trust.” Our well-being is intertwined and reciprocal with that of others, human and non-human. The process of creating relations of solidarity with both people and Nature requires a constantly re-negotiated process of support and love (von Kotze & Walters, 2017). Solidarity is created through joining the dots by joining hands. Resilience, then, is the process of building relationships and connections that strengthen each other rather than undermining and weakening all. Such resilience can be transformative. An example of this are groups such as the West African NSS (Nous Sommes la Solution) who have organized themselves into an ecofeminist movement that promotes agroecology and food sovereignty. They promote sustainable farming practices, often rooted in traditional practices held by women. As their leader, Mariama Soko, says: “It’s the indigenous knowledge and the practices that have always supported food sovereignty and this knowhow is in the hands of the women . . . Ecofeminism for me is the respect for all that we have around us” (Shryock, 2021). Smythe et al. (2021, p. 22) describe how “Working alongside instead of for community members opened up new possibilities for better, more responsive programmes. Respondents also emphasised that resilience was built through collective action rather than the usual focus on fostering autonomy and self-sufficiency.” Learning the skills to organize is important and often working-class people have the experience required to teach how to spark interest and passion for common causes by drawing on and building common ground and to translate this spark into concerted efforts and collective action. They know that only sustained pressure and imaginative campaigns will eventually succeed, whether the project is a kitchen garden or a march to the city council, a mural to be painted, or an education campaign to be run.

Conclusion Rather than performing expert roles, educators require humility and empathy – this must be learned by working, struggling, and learning alongside each other. Stories are a powerful medium for learning – and while not all of us are great storytellers yet, we all have stories to tell. The story of the kitchen garden, from clearing the sidewalk and planting the seed, to harvesting and preparing the meal, is a wonderful story of hope and nourishment (in so many ways). Stories that are inspired by the challenge of “anticipatory resilience” and that can sketch the details of a better world to be constructed are energizing and hopeful. Given the seriously unequal distribution of resources, land, and power, and the devastations due to patriarchy, capitalism, and neo-colonialist exploitations, we

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require major transformation in all areas and systems. Fakir (2021) warns that transitions can effect change, but often they change the substance without the form: They may well preserve and deepen the crisis of structural inequality and give the elites something new to spend on. Or they may well deepen the social crisis so much that the form cannot survive in its old structure. In many countries, climate transitions, post-Covid-19, are at the fork in the road – between tinkering on the edges or shifting the entire base of the form.

If adult education has the purpose to improve people’s lives and well-being without further endangering the planet, and to enable full participation in decision-making towards reducing the effects of anticipated adverse events, it must therefore be charged with “building resilience” by building equality. Equality, here, also includes the move from an anthropocentric attitude to an eco-centric one so that we can anticipate resilience as sharing the planet with love and abundance.

Cross-References ▶ Decolonizing Arts-Based Public Pedagogies in the Indigenous, Environmental and Climate Justice Movements ▶ Indigenous Knowledges as a Catalyst for Change for Lifelong Learning in the 21st Century ▶ Learning for Climate Justice ▶ Lifelong Learning and Life-Wide Challenges: Toward the Uncertainty of Sustainable Futures ▶ Politico-economic Transformation, Globalization, and Lifelong Learning: The Example of the Russian Federation ▶ Risk Society and Its Implications for Rethinking Lifelong Learning

References Ames, M., & Greer, S. (2021). Renegotiating resilience, redefining resourcefulness. Research in Drama Education: The Journal of Applied Theatre and Performance, 26(1), 1–8. Retrieved from https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/13569783.2020.1863143 Callinicos, A. (2021). Capitalism and catastrophe. Socialist Review, Callinicos: Socialist Worker 464, 29.12.2020. Cape Town Together. https://capetowntogether.net/ and https://www.facebook.com/groups/ CapeTownTogether Chiponda, M. (2021). Ecofeminist popular education. PIMA Bulletin, 39, 12–16. Climate Justice Charter. (2019). https://www.safsc.org.za/climate-justice-charter Cock, J. (2015). Address to WoMin’s regional meeting. https://www.youtube.com/watch? v¼480xsbUj3-g Cock, J. (2018). The climate crisis and a ‘just transition’ in South Africa: An eco-feminist socialist perspective. In V. Satgar (Ed.), The climate crisis (pp. 210–231). Johannesburg, South Africa: Wits University Press. Community Action Networks. https://www.dailymaverick.co.za/article/2020-08-26-cape-towntogether-a-neighbourhood-based-network-of-170-organisations/

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Simulation as a Transformative Pedagogy: Challenging Normativity and Embracing Emergence

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Madeleine Abrandt Dahlgren and Nick Hopwood

Contents Introduction: Simulation and Lifelong Learning . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . A Practice Theoretical Approach . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Learners in Simulation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Bodies in Simulation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Learning Through Observing Simulation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Reimagining Simulation Pedagogies Through Emergence and Transformation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Cross-References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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This chapter reimagines the field of simulation pedagogy, focusing on healthcare education to explore how simulation might transform learning and professional practices. Simulation plays a distinctive role in initial professional formation and ongoing professional and interprofessional education. We argue that the focus of much existing research on fidelity and an evaluative “what works” approach has led to a normative and prescriptive focus that perpetuates a conservative notion of simulation pedagogy. Our reimagination approaches simulation from a practice-based perspective. This foregrounds emergence, with learning characterized by temporal change, never fully decidable in advance, where context transforms learning and vice versa. Unpacking what such a stance might mean for the field of simulation M. Abrandt Dahlgren (*) Department of Health, Medicine and Caring Sciences, Linköping University, Linköping, Sweden e-mail: [email protected] N. Hopwood University of Technology Sydney, Sydney, NSW, Australia e-mail: [email protected] © Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 K. Evans et al. (eds.), Third International Handbook of Lifelong Learning, Springer International Handbooks of Education, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-19592-1_51

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pedagogy, we focus on (1) the learners doing the simulation and how knowledges, individual actions, and collaborative practices emerge; (2) bodies, challenging straightforward notions of the simulated body and drawing attention to the bodies of those enacting (and observing) the simulation; and (3) observers of simulation – who deserve as much pedagogic attention as the scenario being simulated. Through these the notion of emergence troubles the quest for control and certainty in simulation. Reimagining practices based on what cannot be prespecified in advance points to important but overlooked features of the pedagogic craft and demands of simulation. We conclude by framing prospects for the field based on a transformative agenda – replacing “as if” for “what if,” embracing the value of breaks from fidelity, and pushing toward practices that are less normative and more transformative for learners, educators, and professional practices themselves. Keywords

Simulation pedagogy · Practice theory · Practice · Emergence · Embodiment · Learners · Bodies · Observers

Introduction: Simulation and Lifelong Learning Simulation has grown as an approach to learning across initial professional education, workplace learning, and continuing education in many professions. It is seen as a way to bring the “real world” of work into the classroom. Simulation has a long history and is influenced by military simulation and procedures for safety in aviation. In healthcare, physical models have long been used to imitate human anatomy or disease to help students learn various discrete skills, with contemporary simulation owing much to aviation in the use of technologically complex (and costly) simulators (Norman 2014). Systematic reviews suggest simulation can provide a safe learning space, bridging the classroom and clinical practice (Cook et al. 2013), and it is now common in undergraduate programs as well as in continuing professional education. Simulation is valued for not only the achievement of discrete skills but also addressing problems of patient safety, growing cohort sizes, lack of clinical placements, and replacement of clinical hours (Norman 2014; Park et al. 2020). Simulation pedagogies have been co-opted into neoliberal ways of organizing higher and professional education, particularly the need for control over learning outcomes and standardization of assessments, that contrast to the changing nature of work and the discourses of preparedness for work. To some, simulation offers a means to guarantee things unfold in a particular way, something that is not possible in the real world: “These truly dramatic gains can only be achieved if we gain control of the sequence of events, so that each student has the opportunity to practice optimally” (Norman 2014, p. 145). Much of the literature on simulation pedagogy in healthcare seeks practical guidelines and models for how to design and conduct simulation (e.g., Arthur

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et al. 2013; Cook et al. 2013). This typically recommends three phases (briefing, simulation, and debriefing) and how they should be carried out (e.g., Boet et al. 2014; Dufrene and Young 2014; Lyons et al. 2015). Despite a sustained critique of the notion that higher fidelity is a prerequisite for better learning (Salas et al. 1998; Norman 2014), the need for realism and suspension of disbelief are often foregrounded, valuing fidelity and authenticity of simulators, other equipment, and scenarios (Issenberg et al. 2005). Simulation pedagogy has also been critiqued for being too reductive and normative in its attempts to standardize (Berragan 2011). At the same time, simulation pedagogy has been critiqued for lacking a robust theoretical base (Cook et al. 2013; Fenwick and Dahlgren 2015). The theory of experiential learning (Kolb 1984) is highly influential in this field (e.g., Paige and Daley 2009) but has been critiqued for focusing on individual mental processes and thereby black-boxing the process of learning in practice (Rystedt et al. 2019). Mezirow’s (1997) ideas of transformative learning have been considered relevant to simulation, too. For example, Briese et al. (2020) suggest that the learning processes involved in different phases of simulation (prebriefing, scenario, and debriefing) closely mirror ten phases of Mezirow’s theory. We share an interest in how critical reflection can lead to changed frames of reference, assumptions, and ways of acting. However, our conceptualization of transformation differs from Mezirow’s in some important ways. The latter focuses on individual reflection and capacities of the self, in rational and analytical ways. Our interest extends beyond how learning through simulation might transform individual meaning schemes and capacities, to include collective accomplishments where joint reflection transforms how interprofessional practices are understood and enacted, highlighting embodied, affective, and interpersonal aspects. Furthermore, we explore simulation as a potential basis to transform practices, making a case that simulation pedagogies need to break away from a preoccupation with normative rules, protocols, and a search for fidelity and control (Rystedt et al. 2019) and instead unleash a not-yet-fully-realized transformative potential. The next section outlines the practice theoretical approach that is taken up in the chapter. This provides a basis for subsequent analysis focused on learners, bodies, and observers of simulation. The notion of emergence is then considered in relation to these themes and in connection with a reimagining of simulation pedagogies based on a transformative agenda.

A Practice Theoretical Approach We take practice as a point of departure. This aligns with Park et al.’s (2020) argument to understand healthcare simulation as an evolving practice. Their point is that simulation is no longer merely an ancillary tool but a substantial professional pedagogic activity, informed by specific forms of expertise, techniques, professional judgments, wider communities, and increasingly credentialing and accreditation. Such an approach requires a distinctive theoretical foundation. Taking up practice

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theory (Schatzki 2012), we unpack how simulation is accomplished to facilitate learning, leading us to focus on embodied action and the materialities of simulation. The latter brings simulators (specifically, manikins that replace real bodies in healthcare simulation) into focus, as artifacts that become intelligible and meaningful in particular ways through the practices with which they are bundled. Learners’ and educators’ actions are performed amid, with, and (more or less) attuned to materialities such as manikins, which may be the direct focus of those actions and may make demands of those involved who must negotiate their physical properties. A practice theoretical approach further helps us reimagine simulation pedagogies through a metaphor of emergence (Fenwick and Dahlgren 2015; O’Brien et al. 2017; Schatzki 2012). Viewing practices as emergent imbues them with inherent movement and ever-present possibility of change. How a practice unfolds may be prefigured – in some cases quite strongly – so that routines, patterns, and norms become evident, and relatively stable ways of doing things prevail. However, practices are not determined until the moment of their occurrence: a particular unfolding might be more or less likely, ordinary, habitual, straightforward, and suggested (by rules, shared understandings, affective commitments), but this does not fix beforehand what will happen (Reich and Hager 2014). As Schatzki (2012) explains, stability and change are not exclusive opposites in practices but co-occur. What does this mean for how we might understand simulation-based education? First, this perspective grounds us in practices: in the concrete and material realm of bodily doings and sayings, the way people and actions relate to one another and the physical objects around them (Kemmis 2021; Schatzki 2012). Learning through simulation is framed as a practical endeavor, foregrounding bodies, actions, and objects (Hopwood et al. 2016). Affective and moral dimensions of teaching and learning become anchored in practice. Second, the notion of emergence reminds us to recognize that what happens in simulation cannot be fully fixed in advance, however much control one might seek. A practice theory view infuses all features of a practice with emergent qualities, even things that might otherwise be regarded as stable. So, it is not only the particular sayings, doings, and relatings of an enacted simulation that emerge as they unfold but also features such as the simulated patient, whether a manikin or virtual patient (Ahn et al. 2015; Ahn and Edelbring 2020). The manikin as patient emerges through the practices that happen amid, toward, with, and because of it; it is not simply “there” as a fixed feature of simulation. A practice approach changes the view of simulation, from a focus on simulators to the process of simulating. It also changes the way we understand learning through simulation: not so much about the performance of prespecified competences but as an emergent process of becoming that applies to both the learner and the practice. Following Kemmis’ (2021) view of learning as a process of coming to practice differently, we note that here there is a becoming for both the learner and the practice. Something changes both for the person and for the practice. This dual sense of change, of mutual becoming, is amplified in the discussion that follows. Focusing on learners, bodies, and those observing simulation from a perspective that foregrounds practice and emergence, we develop a basis for reimagining simulation as a more radical and transformative endeavor.

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Learners in Simulation One way to invigorate simulation pedagogies is to think differently, disruptively, and transformatively about learners. Research helps us understand simulation from learners’ perspectives, embedded as they are in particular professions, systems of initial professional education, and approaches to career-long learning. Focusing explicitly on learners can help to address shortcomings of approaches that pull toward simulation technologies, opening up transformational possibilities. We explore what is demanded of learners as they engage in simulation and what might result from such engagement. When we ask learners to engage in simulation, we ask them to join in the “act” of simulation. We also ask them to learn and to position themselves in a process of professional becoming, of coming to know and practice differently (Kemmis 2021). These are complex demands. Consider what it takes to uphold the simulation. The scenario does not come to life through technology and facilitator prompts alone: much of this burden falls on learners, who need to invoke a version of reality by acting as if the reality around them was something else. This involves actions with and understandings of technology, each other, their own body, others’ bodies, the facilitators, and the scenario (Hopwood et al. 2016; Hopwood 2017). Learners render simulators and other equipment practically intelligible – meaningful in the creation and upholding of the “as if” world. In doing so they have to engage in a “fiction contract” (Dieckmann et al. 2019), amplifying realistic features while ignoring those where there remain gaps between the real and the simulated, as when students touch a manikin and report feeling features that are not really there. Simulation demands a performance in an uncertain, open-ended space. For students in initial professional education, this demands performing as something they are not yet, to enact the doings, sayings, and relatings of the professional they are becoming (Hopwood et al. 2016). Learners may also be asked to play roles of patients, relatives, or professionals from other disciplines that they themselves are never going to “really” be (as when a student nurse plays the role of a doctor). Students need to create and navigate simulated spaces as complexes of locations where the relevant knowings shift – for example, by the bedside or observing from a distance (Ahn et al. 2015). For existing practitioners, the performance unfolds under particular scrutiny and the gaze of others, with added expectations of already being competent. This brings us to questions of difficulty. Simulating is itself demanding. Fold into this the pedagogical demands that must be there to make simulation valuable for learners, and we can see simulation really does involve asking learners to do something extraordinary. We must consider how learning through simulation is difficult and how difficult it should be in order to be the most valuable – even transformative (Abrandt Dahlgren et al. 2016). Additional layers of complexity come in when diversity among learners is fed into the mix. Diversity also manifests in interprofessional simulation, which often seeks to enhance teamwork in healthcare. Particularly in initial professional education, this creates further demands, as students need to act in synchrony with others, as well as

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attending to the patient, performing as a team, and later reflecting on the simulation from their perspective while accounting for others (Hopwood et al. 2019; Husebø et al. 2019; Nyström et al. 2017a). Synchrony involves anticipating the actions of others and fluid relations with material objects, the difficulty of which is evident when we see less experienced learners colliding, moving equipment out of reach, and acting in ways that disrupt an often-unstated expected sequence (Nyström et al. 2016). So demanding is interprofessional work that this remains a focus of simulation for professionals throughout their careers (Hopwood et al. 2019), where nuances of working together, including fluid role-taking and blurred boundaries between professions, can be a focus (Hopwood et al. 2020). In simulation we ask learners to step into the unknown, the unknowable, and the not yet, a scenario for which they are never fully prepared – just like in “real” practice. Success in this relies on learners’ noticing. Noticing is central to widely used frameworks of clinical judgment, as a precursor to interpreting, responding, and reflecting (Tanner 2006). What we do not notice, we cannot act upon. In simulation, this noticing has to happen across an array of real human bodies, technologies, and materialities, some of which must be noticed as something they are not, like the manikin, which stands in for something else. Learners need to notice the simulated practice as it unfolds, the judgments they make in relation to that unfolding, as well as what might be opportunities for learning (Rooney et al. 2015). This requires drawing on specialist knowledge, noticing why an action might matter or why a routine action may not work, and noticing learning itself (Rooney and Boud 2019). As well as making demands in action, simulation also involves learners reflecting. One of the most emphasized features of simulation critical for learning is the debriefing phase, often referred to as “the heart and soul of simulation” (Fanning and Gaba 2007, p. 124). In the debriefing phase, learners reflect on the performance they have been taking part in (or observed, see below). The importance of reflection builds on Schön’s (2003) ideas, which are widely taken up in simulation pedagogy and research. However, the reflective paradigm has been critiqued for being more directed toward the individual than practice. Studies are beginning to document noncanonical approaches to debriefing that can address this shortcoming, including close analyses of debriefing practices that foregrounded collective action and joint reflection, rather than individual commentaries on individual acts (Hopwood et al. 2020). Reflection has also been subject to critique on the basis that it assumes “theoretical and practical reasoning are separate and different from one another and are best related through some reflective process” (Guile 2011, p. 133). Rooney and Boud’s (2019) account of noticing points to a commingling of theoretical ideas and practice as learners reason as they act, suggesting an empirically traceable blurring of the line between the enacted scenario and analysis of that action that is typically assumed to happen “afterward.” Guile (2011) argues that in the practice field, situated judgments and decisions are carried out from a “profession-based space of reason” and that this is what learners need to reflect on. In an interprofessional practice, a profession-based space of reasons is necessary but insufficient as the team negotiates and decides what actions to take. In reflecting on past actions, the team must consider how a shared space of

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reasons was reached in practice and how each member contributed to what was accomplished. Video-assisted debriefing, where the simulation is video recorded and selected sequences of the performance are played back to the participants after the simulation, provides one way of creating such a shared space. Johansson et al. (2017) showed that the video enabled the participants to talk about their conduct, including their collaboration with their peers, from a third person perspective. The video recording together with the facilitator’s questions helped the participants to reconceptualize their performance together with others. By focusing explicitly on learners, we have pointed to just how much is demanded of them in simulation. These demands can be intensified and amplified through cohort diversity, interprofessional composition of simulation groups, and the ever-present need to navigate the real and unreal (Hopwood 2017). The actions, interactions, and ways of noticing depend on knowledge but are not purely cerebral: they are embodied. In the next section, we take up a focus on bodies – the bodies of learners and others – to further delve into the practices of simulation.

Bodies in Simulation In this section we consider bodies in simulation. Taking up Mol’s (2002) idea of the body multiple, we explore how students’ bodies and that of the manikin are enacted into multiple beings, when they encounter each other in the complex unfolding of the scenario. While so much attention has been paid as to how to replicate the patient body in the simulation, our premise for reimagination here is to abandon the notion of ontologically discrete bodies (Dieckmann et al. 2019). By changing the way we think about bodies in simulation, we can open up productive new ways to transform simulation pedagogies and the learning they foster. First, we pick up where the last section concluded and consider the embodied demands simulation places on learners. Learners enacting a simulated scenario are asked to “be” multiple bodies at once. They are embodying the body of the professional: doing, saying, and relating as a professional would, more or less competently, fluidly (Hopwood et al. 2016). For those becoming qualified professionals, simulation typically involves embodying future selves, selves which may feel uncertain, unfamiliar, fragile, and daunting. Their bodies can shake and sweat (Hopwood et al. 2019). Learners in simulation also embody themselves as peers: they notice one another’s “acting,” and they acknowledge the gaze of their observing peers (Rooney et al. 2015). Their bodies “play” at being bodies of professionals, while also remaining the bodies that belong in a classroom. Following Mol’s (2002) ideas, this is not a matter of learners moving from one embodiment to another but their enacting bodies multiple, simultaneously. Simulation also involves learners encountering one other as different kinds of bodies. Layered onto existing encounters of gender, race, age, and dis/ability comes practices where they encounter each other as a (simulated) team leader, a patient, and a patient’s relative. This requires cognitively demanding work as learners notice things in their peers’ embodiments as peers, actors, professionals, and others

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(Rooney and Boud 2019). We are not dealing here with a Cartesian mind/body split. Forms of embodiment that are always “full” of mind and aspects that may seem cognitive are also visceral. Different ways of embodying “learner” and different levels of prior experience in practice can manifest (Kelly et al. 2016; Abrandt Dahlgren et al. 2016). Learners become embodied among others as actors – some more awkward than others in the act of make-believe. A peer who appears knowledgeable in the traditional classroom may be nervous and unsure in their embodied roles as an actor and in their conduct in the scenario. There is a particularly performative aspect to this meeting of bodies, where feeling the need to show that you know what you’re doing is strong (Hopwood 2017), and learners present themselves to each other and facilitators in ways that hide their nerves. This outward demonstration of competence is something that can rehearse embodied performances in “real” practice, as this facilitator commented in a debrief: “We have to be really conscious of our body language, and our facial expressions as nurses. Even if we don’t feel 100% confident yet, we don’t want the patient to know that” (Hopwood 2017, p. 76). Simulation brings learners into copresence as multiple bodies, shifting what it means to be a peer (in a classroom or in practice), into relationships where learners are “faking it” in the acting required to bring the simulation to life and levels of confidence that they do not feel. In healthcare simulation there is often a manikin of some kind, representing a patient body or part of it. This does not come to life by itself, and its pedagogic value is not guaranteed by any technological components, however sophisticated and authentic. Frequently, the simulator comes to life through the intersection of three bodies: the simulated body, technicians and facilitators, and learners. Some simulators involve visual representations of patients, in which case learners often need to incorporate – in the sense bring into their own bodies – what is being simulated. For example, they might place their hands on relevant parts of their own body, while replicating movements to get a bodily understanding of what a strained or restricted movement might involve anatomically and feel like (Moller et al. 2021). A manikin is enacted into being as a patient through the embodied actions of those doing the simulation, including those in a control room voicing the patient, adjusting heart rates, blood pressure, etc. Part of the demand of simulation is therefore to enroll the simulator as a body (Dieckmann et al. 2019; Hopwood 2017). This has an uncanny aspect to it (Ireland 2020), as the simulator is always strange, unreal, and odd in some ways. We can see this when learners prod and touch the manikin, getting to know it as a device (Rooney et al. 2015). The manikin comes to life by sayings, doings, and relatings that enact it as if it were a real patient that needs treating. However, the uncanniness of the simulated body resurfaces when it is precisely its unreality that comes into play. Manikins can prioritize texture over appearance in order to better simulate a feeling when the feeling is what is more pedagogically relevant than how a body or part of it looks. Such infidelity can arise when learners ignore features of the body in ways that, if it were real, could be problematic (as when they kneel on a fake burn; Rooney et al. 2015). A lack of authenticity is crucial to simulation – a point often overlooked in the flawed quest for authenticity. The simulator adds features, beyond

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human, including in its capacity to be brought back to life. Dieckmann et al. (2019) conceptualize simulators as a human body, minus some things, plus others. These other features offer capabilities beyond those of a human being, such as coming back to life; they make the simulator more than real or hyperreal (Hopwood 2017). Dieckmann et al. (2019) argue simulation pedagogy has lost sight of the benefits of the (unrealistic) additives, while being overly occupied with fidelity. Arguably, the transformative potential of simulation lies in embracing the uncanny and more than real more fully. It is the enactments around a simulated body that are most important pedagogically, not particular technological affordances of equipment (Nyström et al. 2017a). The manikin is itself a body multiple, simultaneously: a technical body (perhaps a heartbeat that can be felt but fingers that do not squeeze when asked), a clinical body (when scenario details layer on names and medical histories and additional equipment endows it with blood pressure, saturation, etc.), and a human body (that responds when asked about pain and comfort, typically through vocalizations offered by facilitators or other students) (Hopwood et al. 2016). Scenarios are crucial to this, through which even simple skeletons can become “old ladies” (Moller et al. 2021). Simulators and the scenarios that enliven them are not neutral in the bodies they create: manikins are ambassadors for values and norms around body size, shape, skin color, and so on. The simulated body multiple is also a site where the politics of representation unfold, though these are frequently unnoticed, unproblematized, and unchallenged (Dieckmann et al. 2019). Simulation can also bring the embodied nature of teamwork to the fore, which in healthcare often involves interprofessional practice. From aspired qualities or communication protocols, working effectively with others becomes a question of bodily actions, interactions, anticipation, response, and coordination. Accounts of accomplished “real” professional practice highlight the synchrony between bodies, gestures, movements, and physical exchanges (Hindmarsh and Pilnick 2007). This is not merely a brute aspect of practice – the body on one side of a Cartesian split – these are “knowing bodies” at work (Hindmarsh and Pilnick 2007). Such actions include lifting a patient’s head so another person can remove a mask, retrieving a piece of equipment ready to pass onto a colleague, and jointly assembling composite materialities (as when tubes are connected to ventilators). They may happen with little or even no speech, as practitioners attune to one another and anticipate what comes next. Students in initial professional education can be learning what their colleagues from different professions might expect or need of them, as well as what their own specific roles might be in particular circumstances. Nyström et al. (2016), for example, found nursing students anticipating the need for a vomit bowl for the patient, being ready in advance with many of the things their medical student peers asked for, but found such anticipation was not reciprocated. Even the positioning of bodies cannot be taken for granted: where bodies are in relation to one another demands explicit attention in simulations where synchrony and asynchrony between bodies, other bodies, and the materialities of practice become evident (Nyström et al. 2016; Hopwood et al. 2019). For ongoing professionals, simulation can foreground complex embodied teamwork, for example, in emergencies where fluid roles need to

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be adopted, disrupting stable hierarchies and responsibilities and contributing to long-term transformations in practice (Hopwood et al. 2020). The “team” may be more directly confronted in simulation with more experienced professionals, while for those in training, concerns about individual performance, competence, and assessment might be more pressing (see Abrandt Dahlgren et al. 2016). However, it is clear that simulation must not only address the intimate bodily performance of each learner but that it must also help all involved – novice or experienced – to learn to enact the complex body work of professional practice. This is not a question of adding the body to cognitive or communicative dimensions, as if it were somehow separate from mind or spoken word. Embodiment in simulation, just as in practice, is a question of multiple, ontologically non-discrete, knowing and noticing bodies (Rooney and Boud 2019; Dieckmann et al. 2019). But what of those learners who for various reasons are not participating in the bodily action of the scenario but observing others doing so? This is where our attention now turns.

Learning Through Observing Simulation Simulation pedagogies frequently involve a group of learners whose bodies are physically removed from the action, as they observe rather than enact the practices of the scenario. This is particularly the case in initial professional education, where university students may be in observing roles for a significant part, if not the majority, of their simulation-based classes. These observers cannot be ignored. Indeed, they need to be taken into special account when designing simulation learning. However, much of the literature focuses on the “hot” action around the simulation technology – failing to reverse the gaze and consider the many learners who are watching (Hopwood et al. 2016). Observers are mentioned in the (highly normative) literature on debriefing, but typically in a way that relegates observers to a secondary role, invited to contribute only after those who were involved bodily have had their say (e.g., Fanning and Gaba 2007). The need for some learners to observe their peers in simulation has been driven by a shortage of clinical placements, combined with large cohorts, pressures of curriculum coverage, and demands on expensive simulation technologies (Kelly et al. 2016). Practice and research have yet to fully grasp how observing simulation might be a benefit, not a second best (O’Regan et al. 2016; Zottmann et al. 2018). We argue that the transformative potential of simulation pedagogies can be more fully realized if we understand observing simulation as an embodied practice in itself, not simply a matter of watching others. Observers of simulation are “doubly distanced” from practice. Learning by doing or on the job, through direct participation in real practices, might be thought of as zero or close-to-zero distance. In healthcare education this often takes the form of clinical placements. Learning at a distance can comprise observation of “real” practice, where a learner is present but less directly involved in the action. This can happen on clinical placements, in moments when it is not safe for students to participate, so they watch, close to practice, but removed. Simulation maintains the

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learner’s involvement in the action but removes the practices from their real contexts into an artificial one, where practice is echoed through scenarios, roles, equipment, and simulation technology. Observers of simulation are therefore doubly distanced: the action taking place is not that of “real” practice, and they are not directly involved in embodied enactments of the simulation. The “fiction contract” is therefore potentially weaker (Dieckmann et al. 2019). Given that observing simulation is often a matter of necessity rather than preferred pedagogic design, it is particularly important that observers are not an afterthought. Recent research has revealed different ways in which observers are folded into the pedagogies of simulation. Studies in a Swedish setting have described observing from a “stage behind a stage” (Nyström et al. 2017b; Hopwood et al. 2019). In this setup, observing students were in the control room, with the facilitator and other technicians. They were not part of the unfolding embodied action by the simulated bedside; they had no influence on what happened and when. However, they had access to different practices and scenes that their peers in the scenario did not. For example, they could hear what was discussed when the hospital switchboard was called and had a “panoptic” view of the bedside action unfolding as a whole, which those involved cannot see themselves, having to focus on particular things and so losing the more holistic perspective. What unfolded here was a “proximal” kind of observation: although students were physically distant from the manikin, they had access to monitors and screens showing the patient’s vital signs and also ways in which the manikin was operated (Boud et al. 2019). Observers in such settings may also have access to the facilitator’s comments on the unfolding action (Grierson et al. 2012). Facilitators might articulate professional judgments, explain symptoms, expand on ways a patient might react, highlight actions that have been missed such as overlooked changes in the patient’s vital signs, or draw attention to particular features of what is happening (Hopwood et al. 2019). This brings observers into a close relationship with the facilitator as instructor (Boud et al. 2019) and might breathe new meaning into the practices being observed. Many of these commentaries may remain in the “backstage,” if they are not taken up in the subsequent debrief. Contrast this with a setup where observers are in a third area, separated from both the simulation and the facilitator and others in the control room. This “distant observation” (Boud et al. 2019) might involve observing directly from within the same room, or it can involve observation via a live video relay in a separate room. In such cases it is not uncommon for observers to be given a task, including checklists of things to look for or open sheets to note down examples of what they judge to be good practice or things their peers might have done better (Kelly et al. 2016; Boud et al. 2019). One study focused on observers in such a setup. Some observers attended to the unfolding action, noticing the patient’s ectopic beats (writing this down, alerting their peers). However, others appeared highly disconnected, the double distance becoming a gaping hole between them and the scenario. Although the simulated patient was at high risk of death, some observers were tying their hair; others slumped motionless on their arms (Rooney et al. 2015). While observation might be less stressful than the simulated action itself, it can also be boring. For these learners, the features of the high-fidelity manikin, the authenticity and urgency of the

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scenario, and the relevance of the content to future practice were all insufficient to engender and sustain deep engagement, to connect them to the practices being simulated. The absence of the facilitator who could guide their observation and comment on what was happening was notable (Boud et al. 2019). Unsurprisingly, these passive, doubly distanced observers had little to contribute to the debrief discussion afterward. Pedagogies for observers of simulation lag behind those for the simulation itself. How might the observation of simulation be transformed into something more meaningful and transformative for the learners? We suggest a productive way forward is through pedagogies of noticing. These turn the double distance of observing simulation into an advantage, exploiting the unique opportunities and vantage points this offers. This is based on recognizing observing as an embodied practice in itself that can potentially create deep, rewarding connections to the practices being simulated. At its core, a pedagogy of noticing recognizes that while an important outcome for learners enacting the simulation might be an embodied performance of clinical practice, for those observing, an important outcome might be the development of a capacity to notice – a different kind of embodied performance. Noticing is, after all, recognized as crucial in models of clinical judgment (Tanner 2006). This takes up the potential of observation as a vicarious experience (Stegmann et al. 2012) but recognizes that it requires an approach that avoids a sense among observers that they are secondary and missing out on the key benefits of simulation. In setups that offer proximal observation (learners in the control room with the facilitator), the pedagogy of noticing behooves the facilitator to guide learners’ attention. Just because things are “in view” to learners does not mean that they will notice them. The facilitator can therefore play a crucial role in drawing attention to the patient and care being given, helping to sustain the fiction contract (Dieckmann et al. 2019). In more distant observation setups where the live facilitator support is not available, the key is to scaffold learners’ noticing in different ways. Observation scripts have been advocated (Zottmann et al. 2018; Stegmann et al. 2012) but remain in need of further development. Asking students to spot examples from a list of practices or comment on what went well or not appears insufficient to breach the double distance and leaves students with scope to disengage in the hope that others observing more attentively will contribute in the debrief (Rooney et al. 2015). This might be transformed by shifting from a logic of evaluation to one of noticing and elevating the noticing to a more demanding level that requires close embodied attention to practice, sophisticated forms of judgment, and exploits the fact that observing students might be in a position to notice things that their peers at the bedside do not. In large cohorts it is easy to feel, or choose to become, anonymous. Scaffolding observation as a shared task can enable learners to contribute even if time limits the volume of contributions from individuals in debrief (Kelly et al. 2016). Students might be charged with responsibility as groups to notice particular features of practice, including phenomena that are difficult to simply tick off a checklist, such as doctor-patient relationships (Rooney et al. 2019). In the proximal setup, dialogue

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between the facilitator and observers offers pedagogies that are not available at the bedside. In the distant setup, promoting interaction between students can create a peer-based scaffolding of noticing, for example, by forming groups comprising different disciplines and asking them to notice features of interprofessional practice (Boud et al. 2019), prompting the kinds of interactions between learners that are known to be essential in interprofessional education (Nyström et al. 2016). Many approaches to debriefing foreground the action and actors, adhering to relatively prescriptive protocols as to how debriefing should be conducted. For example, it is commonly argued that the emotional experiences of those acting in the scenario need to be addressed first in the debrief, in a “reactions phase” to help ensure psychological safety (e.g., Palaganas et al. 2016). However, this assumes observers are less emotionally engaged in and affected by what has happened. Observing charged with embodied noticing is not a purely cerebral affair, and appropriate pedagogies may bring observers deeply and affectively into the scenario. A less algorithmic approach to debriefing might be better suited to the entanglements of acting and noticing that can emerge when actors and observers contribute from asymmetrical but equally valued positions in relation to the simulated practice (Nyström et al. 2016). Alternatives can also include actors and observers watching video replays of a simulated scenario together, so that the actors themselves become observers (Johansson et al. 2017), gaining the distance and third person perspective that were not possible in the moment itself. This troubles the binary between actor and observer in productive ways: it is not always approached as a choice between one or the other. These and other possibilities reframe debriefing from a procedure that flows from particular acting roles to one that seeks to amplify the pedagogic value of noticing and privileges both the embodied experience of the actors and the unique opportunities to notice that are available to observers.

Reimagining Simulation Pedagogies Through Emergence and Transformation In reimagining simulation pedagogies, we have taken up a practice theoretical approach, key to which is the metaphor of emergence. This approach helps to escape a narrow logic of control and performance against predefined competences and embraces the inevitability of unpreparedness (Fenwick and Dahlgren 2015; Hopwood et al. 2016; O’Brien et al. 2017). Simulation can and should seek to support learners in becoming able to undertake particular practices. However, because the practices being learned and simulated are emergent, there can never be “full” preparedness. The emergent nature of practices means that moments arise where technical knowledge, secured competences, and procedures are not enough to determine what to do. Simulation pedagogies can go beyond what can be specified in protocols and competences (Hopwood et al. 2020). Simulation should not be limited to or constrained by a horizon of practice that is stable and imagined on false pretenses as being fully known and fully prespecifiable. Through the idea of emergence, we

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might reimagine simulation as a practice of preparing to be unprepared. This may require that some normative features typical of many present practices are rethought. Different approaches to scenario design, judgments as to relevant features of simulators, the degree of facilitator control over what unfolds in the scenario, and how debriefing is conducted may be needed. Embracing emergence should not simply displace or replace existing norms with a new set of prescriptions. Rather, we suggest it can provide a useful point of departure: reimagining practices in ways that foreground their emergent nature opens up new ways of thinking about what is being simulated and the function of simulation in professional learning. We might go beyond a notion of preparedness to one in which simulation is also a means to confront the “reality” that in practice, one frequently encounters situations for which one is not, and cannot be, fully prepared. If we understand simulation as a practice itself (Park et al. 2020), then we must recognize that emergence applies to teaching and learning through simulation, as well as to the professional practices that they simulate. Reimagining simulation practices as emergent can raise uncomfortable prospects of losing control (Norman 2014). What unfolds in a scenario (what happens, when, in what order, etc.) might be broadly planned but actually emerges, depending on what learners notice, attune to, and respond to. Facilitators might rightly be concerned with pitching the difficulty of simulation scenarios they present to learners, but difficulty emerges through the unfolding relationships between learners, facilitators, simulators, and other equipment (Abrandt Dahlgren et al. 2016). Even debriefing practices emerge, where pedagogically rich debriefing discussions are contingent on contributions from learners, again connected with what actors, observers, and facilitators have noticed. Considering the bodies involved in simulation, these emerge, too. The manikin emerges as a technical body, a clinical body, and/or a human body (Hopwood et al. 2016) as participants enact it as such, often in multiple forms at the same time. Learners themselves enact bodies in multiple ways – as learners, as future professional selves, and as peers acting. These performances matter crucially in the simulation but have an unruly character, as learners engage differently (in fluid, curious, awkward ways) with the uncanny simulator (Ireland 2020). What of those observing simulation is doubly removed from “real” practice? They are charged with engaging with and noticing features of an enacted scenario which itself emerges. But the pedagogical value of this observational activity is far from secured simply by asking learners to watch for particular things. Given the risks that more “distant” modes of observation might lead observers to disengage (Boud et al. 2019; Rooney et al. 2015), an important question is how to prefigure observing practices so that higher and more meaningful engagement emerge. What might it look like to reimagine simulation practices in ways that embrace emergence as a valuable part of pedagogy, not variation to be eliminated? Such an imagination would incorporate mess, disturbance, and unruly intrusions in meticulously planned scenarios (Abrandt Dahlgren et al. 2016; Fenwick and Dahlgren 2015; Hopwood et al. 2019). Large and diverse cohorts – often framed as a “problem” – might instead be viewed as a rich source of emergence, producing irregularities, indeterminacies, and opportunities that might not arise with smaller

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more homogenous groups of participants (Kelly et al. 2016). Each feature of a scenario that diverges away from what facilitators intend might not be a negative deviation but fertile grounds in which rich demands for noticing what is emerging and exercising professional judgment arise (Boud et al. 2019; Rooney and Boud 2019). An emergent reimagination disrupts discourses of fidelity and authenticity, which tie simulation to some kind of (always incomplete and partly false) representation or version of a practice (Fenwick and Dahlgren 2015). Fidelity remains fragile, no matter how sophisticated the simulator might be, and when there are ruptures in fidelity or breakdowns in suspension of disbelief, things go on anyway (Rooney et al. 2015). The value of simulators might be less constrained by questions of how well they replicate a “real” body but invigorated by questions of how they can transcend the real in ways that only the simulator makes possible – bringing a patient back to life, for example, being a key but often neglected way in which simulation might go beyond the real (Dieckmann et al. 2019; Hopwood 2017).

Conclusion To fully realize the contribution of simulation to professional learning, simulation pedagogies will need to be transformed, informed by quite different ways of thinking. Despite long-standing arguments to the contrary (Norman 2014; Salas et al. 1998), simulation is still often framed in replicative terms: occupied with discourses of fidelity and authenticity that seek to reproduce practices “out there” in the classroom. Simulation becomes a matter of creating an environment in which learners can act as if it were real. But, simulation must also ask the question: what if? What if simulation aimed to transcend the status quo and be ahead of practices? Simulation can go beyond what is real, exploiting precisely the infidelities that any simulators and scenarios bring with them (Hopwood 2017). While there will remain an important role for simulation in ensuring learners can perform key aspects of a particular practice safely, this more radical, transformative approach is far from being fully realized. However, there is evidence that simulation can indeed change practices and not just replicate them. One example, where significant change was accomplished over several years, addressed the fluid, relational skills and expertise needed to respond in emergent ways to unpredictable, dangerous instances which never unfold exactly the same way more than once (Hopwood et al. 2020). Transforming simulation pedagogies could help make simulation more transformative for learners and thereby transform practices. Pedagogies might be transformed by embracing “what if. . .?” and worrying less about fidelity (as if. . .). The worry that things might go wrong leads many facilitators to channel learners into particular, prescribed actions (e.g., making sure the patient doesn’t die). What if, instead, simulation scenarios were designed and allowed to emerge, such that they produce situations that prepare learners for being unprepared? This will doubtless be challenging for learners and require careful support but arguably address what will doubtless arise in practice, because, as practice theory holds, we can never be fully prepared for the demands and dilemmas of professional work. Being less occupied

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with fidelity opens up ways to pedagogically exploit rather than manage out ruptures in the as if pretense. A reimagined approach might be less concerned with conforming to norms, control, and establishing and maintaining an authentic, realistic experience. It might instead expend effort in moving between the real and fictional, authentic and unauthentic, and emphasize experimentation, unruliness, disturbance, and transformation (Fenwick and Dahlgren 2015). Such approaches would transform what simulation means for learners. Most importantly, this view changes the horizon toward which simulation takes us. Any attempt to reproduce practice places simulation behind practice, but it need not be this way. Simulation driven by technological affordances of (ever-more sophisticated and “realistic”) simulators can uphold a conservative approach that lags behind practice. Instead, a transformed and transformative simulation pedagogy can be ahead of practice, unfolding from commitments to a vision of what professional practices, and the society they serve, ought to be. Practices are shaped by the ends they serve (Schatzki 2012). We suggest that simulation pedagogies can and should be reimagined toward more radical ends: seeking not to faithfully reproduce but to change. It is in this transformative spirit that the contribution of simulation to learning might be more fully realized – transforming not just individual meaning making and capacities but also how people can work together and ultimately transforming practices themselves.

Cross-References ▶ Knowledge and Learning at the Workplace in Times of Digital Transformation ▶ On Learning, Responsibility, and Play in Lifelong Learning

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Rethinking Lifelong Learning in the “Fourth Industrial Revolution”

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David James, Sahara Sadik, and Phillip Brown

Contents Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Fourth Industrial Revolution: Rapid Technological Change, Economic Innovation, and Human Progress . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Lifelong Learning: Economic, Personal, and Democratic Participation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Fourth Industrial Revolution and Lifelong Learning . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Toward a Progressive Concept of Lifelong Learning . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Cross-References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Two key discourses of our time, lifelong learning and the fourth industrial revolution, have been inextricably linked to offer a compelling narrative of the coupling of education models and technological change to enable individual empowerment, social inclusion, and a shared prosperity. Taking a broadly interdisciplinary approach, we identify the development and key constituents of each concept and examine how they have been brought together. We identify fundamental flaws and difficulties with the concepts and their application, but also indicate how the fourth industrial revolution can provide an impetus for thinking about lifelong learning in new ways that transcend the individual employmentfocused conceptualizations that have dominated in recent times. Finally, we offer a discussion about the nature of a progressive conceptualization of lifelong D. James (*) · P. Brown School of Social Sciences, Cardiff University, Cardiff, UK e-mail: [email protected]; [email protected] S. Sadik Institute for Adult Learning, Singapore University of Social Sciences, Singapore, Singapore e-mail: [email protected] © Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 K. Evans et al. (eds.), Third International Handbook of Lifelong Learning, Springer International Handbooks of Education, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-19592-1_49

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learning which might respond in a more authentic and realistic way to contemporary changes in the nature of work, life, social, and economic activity and indeed to more fundamental issues for humanity. Keywords

Lifelong learning · Fourth industrial revolution · Digital transformation · Future of work

Introduction There is a long-established view that in a knowledge economy or knowledge society, lifelong learning (hereafter LLL) is “. . .a necessity rather than a possibility or a luxury to be considered” (Fischer 2000:265; and see London 2021). However, this view has gained new urgency in the context of the idea that humanity finds itself in the midst of a “fourth industrial revolution” (hereafter 4IR), where further acceleration in the pace of technological change in the economy and wider society makes it essential that people continue to learn throughout their lives. The two concepts come together in a narrative that speaks to aspirations of greater shared prosperity but also greater social inclusion: there are implicit or explicit promises of individual empowerment, more democratic participation, or reducing social inequality. This latter element views the egregious inequalities of the day as temporary, with parallel aberrations evident in earlier industrial revolutions (Haldane 2018). The narrative suggests inclusive objectives for social progress with concrete recommendations for policy action developed by powerful international bodies such as the World Economic Forum (WEF), International Labour Organisation (ILO), and the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD). In turn, these recommendations often provide political legitimacy for national policy, such as guiding the design of LLL systems. We can think of the 4IR and LLL as conceptual lenses shaping mental representations, interpretations, and simplifications of reality (Bruner 1996): they offer ways of making meaning and of making sense of the social world. At the same time, they are dynamic, shifting, and contested concepts with political significance, and at any one time, certain versions gain prominence. Prevailing ideas about LLL and the 4IR reflect much more than the current state of evidence: they also reflect powerful interests and are mediated by corporate, state, and international institutions, including the mass media, combinations of which may drive the direction of policy and/or enter accepted wisdom or “common sense” thinking. Importantly, the concepts of the 4IR and LLL did not develop in tandem. The first is recent, connected to the development and proliferation of artificial intelligence (AI) and related digital technologies (Brynjolfsson and McAfee 2014; Schwab 2017; Susskind and Susskind 2015). LLL has had a longer period of articulation, with roots that are often traced back to the early 1970s concepts of lifelong education “championed by both the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural

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Organisation (UNESCO) and the Council of Europe” (Hager 2021:14; see also Cropley 1979). However, with both 4IR and LLL, there are many other connections with earlier debates and developments. For example, in the UK, while the term “LLL” was rare in policy discourse before the 1980s, adult education had become well established throughout the twentieth century, owing to a mixture of local government responsibility and crucially, the support of “non-governmental organisations, such as the Worker’s Educational Association, trade unions, a number of influential universities. . .” (Hodgson 2000:6). A major report in 1919 (Ministry of Reconstruction 1919) championed citizenship education for adults alongside the study of such things as literature and science (Merricks 2001). Against this backdrop the rise of the concept of LLL from the late 1970s denotes “a move by successive national governments to mould all parts of the education and training system more closely into a framework. . .to promote economic growth and to combat economic recession, increasing international competition and fluctuating employment trends” (Hodgson 2000:6). That LLL is seen to play a key role in the 4IR is unsurprising, but how the concepts are brought together is a very important matter, for academic analysis, policy action, and evaluation, but also for anyone interested in what will shape the future relationship between education, work, and the quality of life. This chapter begins by outlining the concept of the 4IR, illustrating how its appeal as an idea depends on the presentation of three different elements as if they were automatically and inevitably linked. We also draw upon recent international work illustrating that governmental strategies which are connected to the 4IR have a narrow set of core concerns whilst tending to avoid giving serious attention to socioeconomic inequalities or matters like climate change. We then revisit the longer-standing concept of LLL. We discuss how the concepts of 4IR and lifelong learning interact, finally outlining promising avenues for developing a progressive conceptualization of LLL that might underpin policy, practice, and research.

The Fourth Industrial Revolution: Rapid Technological Change, Economic Innovation, and Human Progress The concept of a 4IR is a powerful one that demands attention as it generates both excitement and anxiety. It is a “techno-infused vision of the future” which has “come to dominate global discussions at both the government and corporate level, as evidenced by the multitude of think tank. . .national. . .and intergovernmental. . .strategies that in recent years have made increasing reference to this concept” (Trauth-Goik 2020:2). As is well-known, a key underpinning of the concept was the German “Industrie 4.0,” introduced at a major industrial technology trade show, the Hannover Messe Fair in 2011. A number of projects followed under the auspices and sponsorship of the World Economic Forum (WEF), culminating in the publication and promulgation of a wider ranging vision of a 4IR by WEF chair Klaus Schwab (Schwab 2017). The vision is often expressed in momentous terms, e.g.:

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Of the many diverse and fascinating challenges we face today, the most intense and important is how to understand and shape the new technology revolution, which entails nothing less than a transformation of humankind. . .In its scale, scope and complexity, what I consider to be the fourth industrial revolution is unlike anything humankind has experienced before. (Schwab 2017:1)

and The scale and breadth of the unfolding technological revolution will usher in economic, social and cultural changes of such phenomenal proportions that they are almost impossible to envisage. (Schwab 2017:28)

The power of the idea is, however, much more than rhetorical. In order to begin to understand its spread, traction, and significance we first need to appreciate how the idea of the 4IR usually combines different elements. We have identified three elements: • Element 1: The identification of rapid technological development, some of it in unprecedented forms. There is a wide-ranging acknowledgment of rapid shifts in various digital technologies and their inter-relationships in a world that is increasingly interconnected, demonstrating how these shifts are changing economic and social activity in fundamental ways, including the generation of new forms of value. • Element 2: The assertion of a developmental/historical narrative which confidently positions these rapid technological shifts in the historical development of human civilization, the more recent periods of which are presented as a sequence of industrial revolutions, with a strong implication of technological determinism and an inevitability in the direction of social progress. • Element 3: The statement of a set of values and propositions about appropriate responses, the clearest of which is the assertion that if it is allowed and enabled to innovate, (usually private) business and industry will provide solutions to major contemporary global problems and will make possible a world in which the lives and prospects of many will improve. This entails temporary adjustments of job destruction and polarisation in the labor market that society has to manage, seen as a necessary part of economic innovation. The first element is the least contentious, and there is no shortage of examples that can convincingly demonstrate it across many fields of activity. Indeed, although they vary in enthusiasm, most accounts of the 4IR include illustrations of recent, rapid or ongoing change in areas such as the internet of things, AI, machine learning, cyberphysical systems, robotics, big data, and genetic engineering. However, the danger here is that the compelling evidence of this first element is taken to support the other two, which are much more contentious. For example, with regard to the second and third, Avis argues that across a range of documents produced by consultants and business organizations about the 4IR, there is an oversimplification of industrial activity which ignores its current and past diversity

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as well as ignoring or downplaying the fact that some changes (such as the use of flexible working) have been in train a long time (Avis 2018). Avis also questions the lack of serious consideration of social relations in 4IR discourse, including the distribution of power. Schwab’s account occasionally speaks of the need for a collective response to the 4IR, but it is one that appears sociologically naïve. For example, he says: “The reality of disruption and the inevitability of the impact it will have on us does not mean we are powerless in the face of it. It is our responsibility to ensure that we establish a set of common values. . .” (Schwab 2017:13, emphases added). Given the radical and momentous nature of the changes discussed, it matters a great deal to whom the “us,” “our,” and “we” refers: who exactly has this “responsibility to establish a set of common values”? As we have already indicated, the third element of the 4IR concept suggests that it is the values of industrial and business innovation that must, inevitably, prevail. There is empirical evidence that supports this interpretation. Trauth-Goik (2020) offers a discourse analysis of six national and intergovernmental strategies, namely: Industrie 4.0 (Germany); the Japan Revitalisation Strategy; the EU’s Horizon 2020; Advanced Manufacturing Beyond the Production Line (Australia); Made in China 2025; and Accelerating US Advanced Manufacturing. All of these were published within five years of 2011, and all make reference to either Industrie 4.0 or the 4IR. While the strategies differ in terms of emphasis (for example, one from the USA has an emphasis on advanced manufacturing, while that from Japan has an emphasis on AI and robotics), they share a fundamental logic, having in common a: . . .narrow lens of innovation and competitiveness through which the prospect of technological convergence is appraised, thereby revealing the underlying assumptions and motives of leading classes located within the existing market economy. . .the fourth IR is presented as an opportunity to upgrade existing business ideologies and structures, rather than as an opportunity to address the inequalities these structures propagate. . .during a time of unprecedented technological advancement and convergence, the focus is on system maintenance rather than transcendence. (Trauth-Goik 2020:12, original emphasis)

It is of note that Schwab paid some attention to societal issues that the 4IR was likely to exacerbate, such as inequality, risks to large segments of the middle class, environmental impacts, and radical changes in the nature of work. Schwab concedes that “The fourth industrial revolution seems to be creating fewer jobs in new industries than previous revolutions” (Schwab 2017:39), but also observes that “It has always been the case that technological innovation destroys some jobs, which it replaces in turn with new ones in a different activity and possibly in another place” (:38). In other words, the (global) market will eventually sort things out. It is thus no surprise that matters of technological unemployment and underemployment have a very low profile in most of the six strategies examined by Trauth-Goik. In fact, the strategies demonstrate a clear and core hierarchy of terms, with “innovation” the most prominent cluster, followed by “industry,” then “business.” Collectively, the strategies did not make much use of terms falling into a “jobs/careers/employment” cluster, though this did differ between them, being a particular focus of the Japan

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Revitalisation Strategy. Trauth-Goik explains that earlier Japanese strategies have been human-centered and concerned with “balancing the needs of citizens versus capital” (2020:13–14). Trauth-Goik goes on to analyze the strategy documents using keyword clusters derived from a range of goals in the 2030 UN Agenda for Sustainable Development, concerning such matters as poverty eradication, healthy lives, education and LLL, productive employment and decent work, inequality, climate change, and access to justice. The outcome shows that none of these matters took precedence over what was mentioned above as the “clear and core hierarchy” of innovation, industry, and business. Some references were made to technological contributions toward problems of pollution and climate change, and to facilitating long-term education and LLL. However, reducing poverty and inequality only appeared in one of the six strategies, i.e. Horizon 2020. Such an analysis shows why we need to approach the 4IR discourse with great caution, remaining wary of the purported congruence between the three elements that we identified earlier. For Trauth-Goik, the 4IR is “exclusionary” and it fosters a “one-dimensional and business-oriented view of the future” (2020:17) in which the interests of humanity are seen as best served by business and industry. Arguably, what we have termed the third element of the 4IR reprises a familiar line of reasoning from neoliberal economics, placing private business and market competition above all other realms of life and insisting on the primacy of economic growth to solve all problems. Here, however, there is a further step: “In endeavouring to keep separate the interests of business and wider society. . .the 4IR discourse invites innovation and creativity which is demonstrably misaligned with the long-term interests of the species and planet (Martorana and Smith 2018)” (Trauth-Goik 2020:17). TrauthGoik goes on to provide some early pointers to an alternative, involving revisiting the origins of the word “technology.” There is an interesting parallel here with Mazzucato’s approach to mission-oriented research and innovation, wherein investment-led growth that tackles grand challenges (such as climate change) requires breaking with habitual assumptions about the nature of innovation and the roles and capacities of the state in relation to private capital. The primacy of public and social value in this analysis can be read as a challenge to the dominant 4IR narrative (see for example Mazzucato 2018). Thus, the 4IR discourse has been subject to critique, though perhaps not as much as might be expected. Peters questions the historical narrative (the second element of the 4IR discourse) which categorizes a whole raft of contemporary change as “industrial,” showing how the parallel with earlier rapid industrial change is overdrawn. He argues that the contemporary period does have a distinctive logic which is realizing a “single planetary technical system that enables access to global markets in instantaneous real time.” The system “becomes dynamic and transformative demonstrating the properties of chaotic and complex systems that also increase volatility, interconnectivity and unpredictability. This is in part the consequence of the digital logic that drives the single technical system of ‘algorithmic capitalism’” (Peters 2017:3).

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We suggest that the 4IR narrative is seductive precisely because it deliberately and rhetorically conflates the three elements. Rapid and radical developments in digital technology are coupled with the creation of an illusion of historical inevitability and a profound powerlessness in the face of technologically-driven change. Disaggregating these elements is therefore much more than a conceptual nicety because it can help policymakers and others to work out where to focus their energies and attention while also reminding them that – as with all aspects of technologically-related change through history – there are always choices to be made and questions of value at stake in how technological affordances play out.

Lifelong Learning: Economic, Personal, and Democratic Participation By the late 1990s, many western governments had made a concept of LLL central to their education and training policy, driven mainly by a human capital rationale and a focus on skills upgrading to remain competitive in the increasingly deregulated global market economy (Brown et al. 2020). LLL was typically portrayed as a vehicle for increasing opportunity and social mobility, or as a more general panacea for wider social problems. Transnational organizations including UNESCO, OECD, and EU, all pointed to the growing importance of LLL and the need for national strategies to be developed. UNESCO’s Learning to Be (Faure et al. 1972) and the European Commission’s Learning: The Treasure Within (Delors 1996) were both prominent. The latter outlined four “pillars” of learning to know, learning to do, learning to be, and learning to live together, a schema that continues to influence policy discussions of LLL. However, such all-encompassing concepts of LLL are inherently difficult to use as a guide to national public policy and institutional reform, for three reasons. Firstly, the policy objectives that follow: . . .often deal with “soft”, intangible and complex issues – notably learning rather than education, for example. . .[and]. . .they involve a broad and diverse range of actors, including large numbers of individual citizens and a variety of policy agencies rather than a single department. (Field 2000:249–50)

Secondly, LLL has sometimes been presented as a panacea. In the UK it was expected to “improve educational standards, national competitiveness, wealth creation, personal well-being, social cohesion, citizenship and the quality of life” (Robertson, quoted in Coffield 2000:32). Thirdly, and relatedly, LLL is an inherently composite concept, and an attempt to hold together divergent strands, interests, and agendas which are sometimes in tension with one another, even within a single national context (Coffield 2000). This complexity is difficult to keep in view, and there is a constant risk that LLL becomes an “empty signifier” (Laclau 1996). In the account that follows, we signal a three-way division of the common dimensions

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which appears to be particularly useful for grasping these tensions, but also for thinking about opportunities for development and change. Biesta’s work, based on a critical reading of supra-national policy documents from UNESCO, OECD, and the European Union is a particularly helpful starting point. While the policy recommendations from these bodies do not determine national policies, they do have a strong influence in agenda-setting, benchmarking, and international comparison. Examining key examples over time, Biesta identifies a fundamental shift at the level of the values that the organizations convey through LLL, and presents a convincing argument that this shift contributed to the rise of a “learning economy” discourse and a move away from “learning to be” toward “learning to be productive and employable”: Whereas in the past lifelong learning was seen as a personal good and as an inherent aspect of democratic life, today lifelong learning is increasingly understood in terms of the formation of human capital and as an investment in economic development. This transformation is not only visible at the level of policy; it also has had a strong impact on the learning opportunities made available to adults, partly through a redefinition of what counts as legitimate or “useful” learning and partly as a result of the reduction of funding for those forms of learning that are considered not to be of any economic value. (Biesta 2006:169)

Biesta identifies a key turning point, namely, the 2000 European Council’s Lisbon Strategy and its goal to make Europe “the most competitive and dynamic knowledge-based economy in the world” (Van der Pas 2001, cited in Biesta 2006:171). In addition to its demonstration of the malleability of LLL policy, Biesta’s analysis follows Aspin and Chapman (2000) in pointing to its composite nature. There are three dimensions that, while they vary greatly in importance and visibility, are generally persistent components, namely: (a) LLL for economic progress and development; (b) LLL for personal development; and (c) LLL for social inclusiveness and democratic understanding and activity. These “economic,” “personal,” and “democratic” dimensions offer a triangular model, and while all three feature in major supra-national declarations, the more recent of those give increasing primacy to the economic dimension: economic growth has become intrinsically valued in the way that earlier documents positioned the valuing of democracy (e.g., Faure et al. 1972) or social inclusion and social cohesion (e.g., OECD 1997). Accompanying this general shift in what is valued is an increasing individualization of responsibility in LLL and a “reversal of rights and duties.” Where once the state may have seen itself as having a duty to provide or orchestrate opportunities and resources, . . .it seems that lifelong learning has increasingly become a duty for which individuals need to take responsibility, while it has become the right of the state to demand of all its citizens that they continuously engage in learning so as to keep up with the demands of the global economy. Not to be engaged in some form of ‘useful’ learning no longer seems to be an option. . . (Biesta 2006:176)

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There is research that reveals the difficulties of maintaining a workable balance between the “economic,” “personal,” and “democratic” dimensions at national level, especially when LLL policy is introduced alongside institutions and cultures that are already “bedded in.” In the UK, for example, political enthusiasm for LLL put it at the very center of government economic policy in the late 1990s. The vision (e.g., DfEE 1998) encompassed a broad range of goals but with a primary focus on the economy. Extensive reform of the school sector was already driven by human capital thinking and the needs of what was characterized as a “knowledge” economy (Brown et al. 2011), in which education is primarily an investment in the productive capacity of individuals. Reforms included an aggressive promotion of school choice and diversity in the name of driving up standards and raising both achievement and productivity. Subsequent assessments of LLL policy point to a clash of purposes: Hargreaves (2004) argued that school-centered policies did not contribute effectively to key purposes of LLL, such as learning how to learn and the development of generic skills; Schuller and Watson’s more thoroughgoing assessment pointed to the failure of “a system which achieves its immediate objectives of raising young people’s qualifications, yet leaves them without an appetite to carry on learning.” Additionally, many were leaving school without basic skills or any qualifications, and were “therefore without the foundation for subsequent learning. . .Having these fundamental competences is arguably more important than achieving a minimum number of subject certificates” (Schuller and Watson 2009:49). It seems that the priority given to raising school examination outcomes in the name of economic productivity is a major reason that a vision of LLL did not persist and flourish in England. A second national example shows how the tensions remain visible even where a conceptually strong form of LLL pertains with ongoing and explicit political support. In Singapore, Tan (2017) suggests the well-established SkillsFuture policy program is underpinned by three “models” which are close to the “economic,” “personal,” and “democratic” dimensions discussed above. The “skills growth model” has a focus on enhancing skills for greater economic prosperity and draws upon human capital thinking. The “personal development model” includes “individual self-fulfilment in all spheres of life,” harking back to long-established theory and practice in adult learning. The “social learning model” “. . .underlines the role of institutions of trust and cooperation as the means to bring about not just economic progress but also social equity” (Tan 2017:280). Having identified these, Tan arrives at the view that a “triadic” concept of LLL seeks to integrate the diversity of aims in each of these models. Her view is that although the major investment in Singapore is “primarily driven by economic considerations” (:281), at the same time a broad vision of LLL is sustained. Tan’s major contribution is to outline challenges that frustrate the “successful promotion of lifelong learning through the SkillsFuture movement in Singapore” (:283). She identifies the sociocultural preference for academic rather than vocational education; a lack of a strong culture that underscores not just skills but also the habits of mind needed for LLL; and the dominant ideology of pragmatism. With the first of these, an important parallel with the UK experience is that aspects of an

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established schooling system work against the vision of LLL that is encapsulated in SkillsFuture. Widely held public perceptions about distinctions between academic and vocational qualifications, despite their oversimplifications, play into beliefs that university degrees provide the best basis for individual future security, driving much behavior in the secondary phase. As well as illustrating something of the tensions, these national examples show how – despite rhetoric to the contrary – that institutional systems and cultures of schooling can be in conflict with the goals of LLL. This is a point underlined by Gleason (2018) in her overview of Singapore’s higher education system and recent university reforms under SkillsFuture and the Smart Nation initiative. While SkillsFuture seeks to make LLL educational opportunities available to the broad Singaporean workforce, the Smart Nation initiative seeks to support the pervasive adoption of digital and smart technologies (Singapore Government 2021a, b). The Government’s earlier Report of the Committee on the Future Economy (Singapore Government 2017) explicitly addressed responses to the 4IR. As we would expect, these included system changes to support upskilling and more flexible provision (such as increased use of short “stackable” modular programs). More surprising is that the tension with established institutionalized schooling is acknowledged, and the report discusses trying to reduce the expectation upon students always “to seek the highest possible academic attainment as young as possible” and how they might be encouraged instead “to learn and acquire new skills throughout their lives” (Gleason 2018:154). Broad shifts in what is valued in declarations about LLL, along with shifts in what is promoted, incentivized, funded, and so forth, also give rise to new questions about motivations for learning. Biesta asks why individuals would want to engage in learning “if decisions about the content, purpose and direction of one’s learning are beyond one’s own control”? (Biesta 2006:176). While Biesta is right to suggest that grand economic visions (such as that in the Lisbon strategy, mentioned earlier) are not likely to motivate most individuals, we would add that there is no shortage of other motivations where people are afraid of losing their jobs in conditions of job scarcity (Brown et al. 2020). In the next section we turn to consider such interrelations between 4IR-inspired agendas and LLL.

The Fourth Industrial Revolution and Lifelong Learning Thus far, we have argued that the concept of a 4IR, at least in its original and influential formulations, contains three elements, and that the first, with its focus on advances in digital innovation, does not necessarily give credence to the second and third which are much more contentious. We have also argued that the concept of LLL is helpfully approached as a composite of three strands or dimensions which vary in relative strength and are in some tension with each other, and that the prominence given to each has changed over time. We now turn to consider the implications of the dominant policy narrative of the 4IR for existing accounts of LLL. Our core questions here are: (a) in what ways have there been attempts to bring the two

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concepts together?, and (b) in what further ways might the two concepts be brought together? Our primary interest is in exploring the possibilities and prospects for progressive LLL policy which facilitates positive societal responses to the changing nature of work, production, consumption, and social life that come with rapid economic, technological, and social developments. While Schwab (2017) did not refer directly to LLL when he outlined his grand narrative of the 4IR, he did include mention of education models to enable the development of human capabilities to support human-machine complementarity: In thinking about the automation and the phenomenon of substitution, we should resist the temptation to engage in polarized thinking about the impact of technology on employment and the future of work. As Frey and Osborne’s work shows, it is almost inevitable that the fourth industrial revolution will have a major impact on labour markets and workplaces around the world. But this does not mean that we face a man-versus-machine dilemma. . .leaders need to prepare workforces and develop education models to work with, and alongside, increasingly capable, connected and intelligent machines. (Schwab 2017:43, emphases added)

This view is a variant of a longer-standing portrayal of a race between education and technology (Goldin and Katz 2008) in which society must invest in an education system, including LLL, to enable workers to adjust to the disruption brought about by rapid technological change, in this instance preparing them with longer-term skills and traits that machines cannot replace (Levy and Murnane 2013). Clearly, this line of reasoning takes us beyond any simple idea of upskilling individuals for new and specific forms of work, focusing as well on mechanisms, capacities, and potential, i.e., more of a “system” perspective. A report from the World Economic Forum (2018) takes this further, calling for the creation of an “ecosystem” to support LLL, retraining, and upskilling. In this ecosystem, as well as governments and individuals, businesses have an important part to play if we are to avoid “technological change accompanied by talent shortages, mass unemployment and growing inequality” (:v). Specifically, and in contrast to what is often typical, businesses are exhorted to become more active in supporting existing workers to attend to reskilling and upskilling: Our analysis indicates that, to date, many employers’ retraining and upskilling efforts remain focused on a narrow set of current highly-skilled, highly-valued employees. However, in order to truly rise to the challenge of formulating a winning workforce strategy for the Fourth Industrial Revolution, businesses will need to recognize human capital investment as an asset rather than a liability. This is particularly imperative because there is a virtuous cycle between new technologies and upskilling. New technology adoption drives business growth, new job creation and augmentation of existing jobs, provided it can fully leverage the talents of a motivated and agile workforce who are equipped with futureproof skills to take advantage of new opportunities through continuous retraining and upskilling. (World Economic Forum 2018:v)

The OECD takes the “system” idea a step further through developing a “dashboard” comparing the future-readiness of countries’ adult learning systems, similarly

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pointing to the vision of rapid technological change that requires workers to be provided support in terms of how skills and careers are to be maintained: Globalisation, technological progress and demographic change are having a profound impact on the world of work. These mega-trends are affecting the number and quality of jobs that are available, how they are carried out and the skills that workers will need in the future to succeed in the labour market. . .Adult learning systems have a key role to play in enabling individuals to keep their skills continuously updated to stay employed and/or find new jobs. In most countries, failure to develop and maintain skills that are relevant to labour market needs has translated in recruitment difficulties for employers, coexisting with individuals struggling to find jobs matching their skills. Such imbalances are costly for the individual, employers and society as a whole. (OECD 2019:1)

Like WEF, the OECD highlights an important role for employers, pointing out that it is in the interest of businesses to enable their employees to keep updating their skills, as this will facilitate the introduction of new technologies or the making of organizational changes that keep them competitive. These declarations are an important and authoritative source for those concerned with formulating or updating LLL policy. However, a more critical perspective is required if we wish to understand their prospects for success. The recent work of Means (2019) considers dominant characterizations of the relationship between 4IR and LLL via what he terms “sociotechnical projections of urbanity and education” emerging in the last decade or so. Here technological development is assumed to offer infinite scope for solving a range of social, economic, and environmental problems. Focused mainly on the city and visions of how cities will develop, these projections are “popularised at TED Conferences and Ideas Festivals and undergirded by the Promethian ambitions of Silicon Valley” (205). Such visions of the future present the city as the site of intervention, and new technologies (especially the digital integration and optimization of human activity and the physical environment) as the vehicle for attaining a more sustainable future. Creativity, and especially the capacity to invent and innovate, is positioned as the key capability. Crucially, . . .learning is framed as the principal imperative of the here and now. A redesign of education alongside emerging technology is thought necessary to ensure development of the creative, aesthetic, technical, scientific, and innovative capacities required for achieving a vibrant future. (Means 2019:206. Original emphasis)

Means goes on to give an overview of these representations, constructing three ideal-types from the range of narratives in circulation. The first is “solutionism” wherein “urbanity and learning are conceived as a networked and customizable project aligned with creativity as a resource for solving twenty-first century problems” (:215). For the most part this takes the form of devising ever more complex algorithms. This approach is illustrated with the example of software corporation Cisco, for whom learning is the principal means of stimulating entrepreneurial innovators and therefore economic productivity. The second

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ideal type is “collaborationism,” wherein increased technological networking enables increased participation, collaboration, and sharing in solving a similarly wide range of current problems. These affordances and the new forms of value they bring are also seen to pave the way for fundamental economic transformation, where capitalism and bureaucratic states give way to a “collaborative commons” (e.g., Rifkin 2014). The third ideal type is “techno-realism,” as exemplified in the work of Cowan (2013). This dystopian account predicts that technological developments such as AI will rapidly and permanently exacerbate urban and regional inequalities and will consolidate a small elite and a large underclass, the latter facing either continual precarity or unemployment. In this scenario, a kind of extreme meritocracy has the individual’s fate dependent on their personal resilience and their investments in learning of a sort that opens up opportunities to invent, own, or add value to the technological means of production. These ideal types have quite different ontological reference points, and while the differences are important, our main concern here is with what the representations have in common. As Means puts it “each signal a prevailing sense that technological change exists as an inevitable, isolated, and objective variable” (:214) and that they each “reflect forms of ideological reasoning inherent to an education futurism as it positions digitalization as a force of change outside complexities of power and history” (:215). Means goes on to note that despite there being a whole range of “utopian and dystopian scenarios and alternative futures” available, nevertheless . . .the rationalities of solutionism, colloaborationism and techno-realism each share a common ideological orientation reflecting a paradox. . .Namely, within the realm of technology anything is thought possible, while at the level of political economy nothing is. . .

And more specifically, Within such boundaries, serious debates over our patterns of production, exchange, ownership, labor, consumption, and endless growth are largely made invisible. Simultaneously, we are inundated with fantastical narratives of technological change. . .alongside their projections of creativity and learning as resolution, transcendence, and resilience. (Means 2019:220)

This assessment encapsulates a fundamental problem and further illustrates the ideological nature of conventional 4IR discourses which, as Trauth-Goik argued, offer a one-dimensional view of what might best serve the needs of humanity. It strongly suggests that the question “what should we do about rapid digital technological change,” while important, is the wrong starting point if we are serious about refreshing the concept of LLL. A more realistic and productive starting point might be the questions “what kind of society do we want, how can it be realised sustainably, and what models of learning will serve us best”? Crucially, the “we” here must encompass a much wider cross section of people and interests than those represented in dominant portrayals of the 4IR.

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Toward a Progressive Concept of Lifelong Learning The tendency for the “economic” dimension to come to dominate LLL policy, noted earlier, could be understood as a triumph of neoliberalism, reflecting the influence of global corporate interests and a narrow view of skills and human capital, linked to the idea of a “knowledge economy” as the main route to national economic survival in a global market. However, and by contrast, rapid technological changes of the sort outlined in 4IR discourse question the relative certainties of a narrow view of skills and how these contribute to productivity: the very idea that it is possible to discern skills “gaps” and then fill them with a degree of efficiency in a deliberate policydriven process is undermined. There are abundant examples of how “digital disruptors” are in the process of changing established areas of economic activity and their associated labor markets. These are not confined to automation in manufacturing, distribution, retail, and banking but also apply to large swathes of professional and service work (Susskind and Susskind 2015) and to the exponential growth in the gig economy in fields like food delivery and taxi services. Jordan (2020) and others argue that the very distinction between producing and consuming is itself increasingly blurred by digital transformations, giving rise to a range of changes in jobs, workplaces, homes, infrastructures, social lives, domestic lives, and leisure. The key questions here center on what sort of learning might support ordinary citizens in this changing landscape, what might enhance their understanding of such social change, and what could assist them with surviving and thriving in a new context? (Bound et al. 2020). Thus, the first element of the 4IR highlights the need for a fresh conceptualization of LLL. As we have seen, in addition to its account of far-reaching technological change, the 4IR discourse also presents strong messages about inevitability, how this sits in the historical development of humankind, and how corporate interests have the capacity to provide solutions to new problems that are generated. This brings us to a further crucial point: regardless of their questionable basis in evidence or their validity, such messages give rise to new anxieties. Our view is that LLL can be an important counterweight to these anxieties, with the potential to provide individuals and communities with the tools to navigate – perhaps sometimes negotiate – their way. A progressive LLL policy and provision might enable individual empowerment but also contribute to social cohesion in times of rapid change. Where LLL has at times been narrowly conceived to offer ways to mitigate individual or national risks of economic marginalization, the 4IR discourse makes it easier to imagine and to advocate forms of LLL that attend to democratic and social participation, a view articulated by Painter and Shafique: Technological change and economic shifts are creating an ever more urgent need to ensure growth is inclusive and fairly shared. . .In response to these trends, we need a much greater focus on socially inclusive lifelong learning. This means equipping more people with the cognitive skills and knowledge that are developed through academic or vocational education, but it also means greater equity in the distribution of the non-cognitive (“soft”) skills, such as resilience and confidence, that are increasingly important to success at work and to life chances more generally. (Painter and Shafique 2020)

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Similarly, a universal entitlement to LLL is recommended by the International Labour Organisation’s Global Commission on the Future of Work, which notes the urgency of a new conception of LLL that is comprehensive, people-centered, and rights-based. This is a “key strategy to help workers adjust to change, prevent the high social costs and maximise the positive effects of the complex and disruptive changes that lie ahead” (International Labour Organisation 2019:3). Statements of this kind underline a pressing need to rediscover the often diminished “personal” and “democratic” dimensions of LLL that we introduced above. We agree with Means who says that there is a need “to generate new forms of critical analysis. . .as well as engaging with and offering counter perspectives that take a more creative and expansive sociohistorical view” (2019:220). Means suggests these might include the vision of digital technology as socially emancipatory (e.g., Srnicek and Williams 2016), or another based on appreciating how “info-capitalism has created a new agent of change in history, the educated and connected human being” so that there are “millions of networked people, financially exploited but with the whole of human intelligence one thumb-swipe away” (Mason 2015:27). We agree that these perspectives may be helpful, while noting that they still begin with technological change. A progressive concept of LLL needs to incorporate a more thoroughgoing account of learning and what it is for. There are longer-standing attempts to clarify these matters which instead come from more philosophically rooted insights on the nature of learning and its place in human societies. The “lifewide learning” concept developed by Jackson (2012) is one excellent example, itself grounded in the earlier work of educators such as Lindeman and Dewey. Another would be a learning theory that has always and explicitly put employment-facing needs equally alongside personal and societal needs, i.e., the capabilities approach (e.g., McGrath et al. 2020; Powell and McGrath 2019), grounded in the earlier work of Sen and Nussbaum. In both cases, there are rich ontological views of the person, of human flourishing, of learning, and indeed the significance of social location. We suggest that these approaches, augmented by insights in the psychological and adult education literature (Fleming 2021) are a profitable starting point for the process of arriving at a reconceptualization of LLL. A refreshed idea of LLL would also need to take into account the fact that the nature and meaning of work are changing, often quite fundamentally (Morgan 2019). While there is a “perpetuation of an ideology of work as a source of rights and income entitlement” (Peters 2020:485), there is constant de facto erosion of this, especially for those living on poverty wages (Judge and Slaughter 2020). Furthermore, while many governments are concerned with enabling industrial transformation for a better future of work, this is often more difficult to achieve than it may have seemed in the past. In conditions of labor scarcity, a challenge is to get enough people with the skills to take up new opportunities presented by technological innovation, in keeping with orthodox human capital assumptions (Autor 2015). Instead, in some societies there is an opposite structural problem of job scarcity, where the so-called race between education and technology is reversed, as workers (especially young workers, and especially the more qualified) struggle to find jobs that match their educational achievements. This shift has profound implications for

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these and other less-credentialed workers, and for the actual and perceived purposes of learning opportunities through the lives of most people, and some long-standing assumptions about the relationship between work and learning no longer apply (Brown et al. 2020; Brown 2021; Brown and James 2020).

Conclusion Our analysis of the dominant formulation of the 4IR acknowledges its characterization of the importance of technological change. However, we also point to how the narrative incorporates other, more ideological and values-based elements that reflect narrow “one-dimensional” interests and which claim that business innovation will take care of everything. Concepts of LLL are similarly composite, but for a different reason: they are an attempt to bring together interests and objectives that are in some tension. We would argue that a concept of LLL is qualitatively different to 4IR, and much more likely to facilitate policy formulation in any system of governance that concerns itself not only with productivity and profitability but also with such matters as the quality of life and well-being of citizens, democratic participation, and community cohesion, sustainability and the future of the planet. At the same time, we suggest that the dominant 4IR narrative is helpful – as a provocation, catalyst, or impetus – for refreshed thinking about LLL. Peters notes that many policy responses to technological change are conservative, seeking to preserve society as it is: Education is seen a social sponge and lifelong learning is seen as a ‘solution’ to the need for perpetual retraining in new skills. The emphasis seems to fall on mopping up the unemployed, creating work, rather than focusing on a sustainable future society that can protect its citizens. (Peters 2020:486)

Taking Peters’ latter point seriously, we conclude with some “principles of procedure,” based on the foregoing discussion, that we feel could usefully inform the development of a progressive concept of LLL. A progressive concept of LLL would: 1. Begin from, encapsulate, and promulgate a coherent view of the person/citizen and the person/citizen’s entitlement to learning opportunities, including their right to ethically sound learning opportunities and to privacy. 2. Maintain breadth in its view of the learning process and its view of the range of purposes and beneficiaries of learning activity. This would acknowledge that while many worthwhile learning activities are directly work- and job-oriented, many others do not have an obvious or immediate connection to the workplace, or are undertaken before such a connection can be seen. 3. Direct resources to provision that responds to known and emergent employer needs for upskilling while also engaging in constant horizon-scanning for emergent jobs and skills, and new forms of economic activity, responding early and

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experimentally to these including “bottom up” approaches to economic and social innovation. Direct resources to provision that responds to known and emergent societal, community, and environmental needs, such as areas of the green economy. Provide opportunities which support individual agility and transitions as a right in a time of inevitable rapid technological change, while recognizing that greater agility may itself reduce opportunities for some forms of workplace learning. Pay particular attention to building creative and other capacities of the sort that machines are not good at, thereby contributing to the maintenance of human dignity and self-worth amongst citizens. Foster the creation and promote the use of new tools for learning, which themselves often incorporate advanced AI, while maintaining ethical standards (e.g., preventing the unethical use of learning-related data in career progression). Ensure the wide and continuing availability of opportunities for citizens to engage in learning that builds critical understanding of recent and contemporary technological developments and their effects – positive and negative – on lives, livelihoods, prospects, and well-being. Have prominence as a fundamental and assessed part of the school curriculum, such that an understanding of and preparedness for LLL is a core, regular, and expected feature of schooling for all citizens.

Clearly, these “principles of procedure” are only a starting point and could be translated into many different structures and activities. They recognize that LLL must be a pluralistic concept (James 2020), attending to the three dimensions described earlier (economic participation, personal development, and democratic participation). While these are in some tension, perhaps the point is not to seek to resolve such tensions, but to recognize them for what they are, as fault-lines running through any society that seeks to find accommodations between capitalist relations of production, elements of democratic governance, concern for social cohesion, health, the quality of life and ecological sustainability. To adapt a phrase quoted earlier by Trauth-Goik (2020:17), our analysis leads us to propose an LLL discourse that supports learning, innovation, and creativity, which is demonstrably aligned with the long-term interests of the species and planet at least as much as it is to those of capital.

Cross-References ▶ Challenges of Digital Professional Learning: Digital Technology Systems Are No Substitute for Human Agency ▶ Changing Concepts and Tools for Realizing Lifelong Learning Strategies ▶ Empowerment Through Lifelong Learning ▶ Imagining the Future of Lifelong Learning ▶ Knowledge and Learning at the Workplace in Times of Digital Transformation

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▶ Lifelong Learning and Life-Wide Challenges: Toward the Uncertainty of Sustainable Futures ▶ Lifelong Learning: Researching a Contested Concept in the Twenty-First Century ▶ Steps to an Ecology of Lifelong-Lifewide Learning for Sustainable, Regenerative Futures Acknowledgments Our sincere thanks to Miriam Zukas and the anonymous referees for their very helpful comments on an earlier version of this chapter. We are also grateful to our fellow team members in a major comparative research program funded by the Singapore government: see https://digitalfuturesofwork.com/.

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Ministry of Reconstruction. (1919). Adult Education Committee. Final Report. London: HMSO. Morgan, J. (2019). Will we work in twenty-first century capitalism? A critique of the fourth industrial revolution literature. Economy and Society, 48(3), 371–398. OECD. (1997). Lifelong learning for all. Paris: Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development. OECD. (2019). Getting skills right: Creating responsive adult learning systems. Paris: Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development. Retrieved from https://www.oecd.org/els/gettingskills-right-future-ready-adult-learning-systems-9789264311756-en.htm. Painter, A., & Shafique, A. (2020). Cities of learning in the UK: Prospectus. London: Royal Society of Arts. Retrieved from https://www.thersa.org/reports/cities-of-learning-prospectus. Peters, M. A. (2017). Technological unemployment: Educating for the fourth industrial revolution. Education Philosophy and Theory, 49(1), 1–6. Peters, M. A. (2020). Beyond technological unemployment: The future of work. Education Philosophy and Theory, 52(5), 485–491. Powell, L., & McGrath, S. (2019). Skills for human development: Transforming vocational education and training. Milton Park: Routledge. Rifkin, J. (2014). The zero marginal cost society: The internet of things, the collaborative commons, and the eclipse of capitalism. New York: St Martin’s Press. Schuller, T., & Watson, D. (2009). Learning through life: Inquiry into the future of lifelong learning. Leicester: National Institute for Adult Continuing Education. Schwab, K. (2017). The fourth industrial revolution. London: Penguin Random House. Singapore Government. (2017). Report of the committee on the future economy. Singapore: Ministry of Communications and Information. Retrieved from https://www.gov.sg/~/media/ cfe/downloads/mtis_full%20report.pdf. Singapore Government. (2021a). About SkillsFuture. Singapore: Government of Singapore. Retrieved from https://www.skillsfuture.gov.sg/AboutSkillsFuture. Singapore Government. (2021b). Transforming Singapore through technology. Singapore: Government of Singapore. Retrieved from https://www.smartnation.gov.sg/about-smart-nation/ transforming-singapore. Srnicek, N., & Williams, A. (2016). Inventing the future: Postcapitalism and a world without work. New York: Verso. Susskind, R., & Susskind, D. (2015). The future of the professions. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Tan, C. (2017). Lifelong learning through the SkillsFuture movement in Singapore: Challenges and prospects. International Journal of Lifelong Education, 36(3), 278–291. Trauth-Goik, A. (2020). Repudiating the fourth industrial revolution discourse: A new episteme of technological progress. World Futures, 77(1). https://doi.org/10.1080/02604027.2020.1788357. World Economic Forum. (2018). The future of jobs report – 2018. Centre for New Economy and Society. Geneva: WEF. Retrieved from https://www.weforum.org/reports/the-future-of-jobsreport-2018

Surveys of Lifelong Learning as Contributors to Neoliberal Processes of “Southering”

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Contents Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Postcolonial Perspectives . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Speaking for the Subaltern? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Epistemic Violence . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Othering, South, and Southering . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ILSAs and the South: Southering by ILSAs? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Global Alliance to Monitor Learning . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Southering by International Large-Scale Assessments . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Movement Toward Sustainability Reinforces Processes of Southering . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Cross-References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Abstract

This chapter examines the emergence of international large-scale assessments (ILSAs) as a way of moving toward the United Nation’s 17 sustainable development goals, specifically the fourth goal which pertains to education and lifelong learning. We trace the ways in which ILSAs contribute to the portrayal of low-income countries as inferior and low-performing. Most of these surveys are conducted by influential international organizations like the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development. As a result, these organizations are in a position of power and thus exert considerable influence on the education policies of states, but they also significantly determine the discourse in the context of sustainable development. We refer to theoretical assumptions from postcolonial studies including epistemic violence and othering. In our analysis, we A. Grotlüschen (*) · K. Buddeberg Faculty for Education, Department for Adult Education and Lifelong Learning, Hamburg University, Hamburg, Germany e-mail: [email protected]; [email protected] © Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 K. Evans et al. (eds.), Third International Handbook of Lifelong Learning, Springer International Handbooks of Education, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-19592-1_53

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include visual representations such as tables and world maps displaying results of international large-scale assessments. Keywords

Literacy · Assessment · Global South · Southering · Othering · Epistemic violence · Sustainable Development Goals

Introduction Lifelong learning has been on the political agenda for some time, with one important step regarding adult basic skills being the UN Literacy Decade between 2003 and 2012 (Wagner, 2011, pp. 320–321). Lifelong learning thus became one of the sustainable development goals (SDGs), launched by the United Nations (UN) in 2015 (UNESCO, 2016). Critics observe that, first, the SDGs ignore that overconsumption by high-income countries and mass exploitation of middle- and low-income countries are characteristics of the past and current capitalist organization of the world, which contribute to the risks of the century, and, second, that the SDGs do not address these roots of overexploitation of resources (Walters & Kotze, 2019). One interesting linguistic shift is to label all countries as “developing” (Singh, 2020), but the direction of development is still seen as growing population income. This includes the understanding that high-income countries are more developed than low- and middle-income countries, so the latter seem to lag behind a one-directional way forward. We agree with Walters and Kotze (2019): “If the understanding of the SDGs is to sustain life and living, it requires a fundamental shift away from patriarchal hierarchies and development that is still seen as synonymous with ‘growth’. (..) This means questioning the very notion of ‘sustainable development’ in order to contest the dominant thinking” (p. 11). This criticism applies to all 17 SDGs, with education and lifelong learning constituting SDG 4 (Singh, 2020). A reporting system has been installed to ensure that improvements of countries are made visible until 2030. In order to do this, the Global Alliance to Monitor Learning (GAML), led by the UNESCO Institute for Statistics in Montreal, focuses on monitoring progress in all educational sectors, through, for example, international large-scale assessments (ILSAs). Monitoring progress is not only important for the UNESCO and the SDGs but also from the perspective of ensuring continuing economic support by international organizations such as the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), World Bank, or International Monetary Fund. Liu and Steiner-Khamsi (2020) even comment on the “hidden penalty for non-participation in ILSAs.” Vargas-Tamez (2019) further notes how the efforts within the discussion about SDGs of “bringing equity and inclusion back into education” are limited by a dominant neoliberal framework. Neoliberalism is characterized by shifting the infrastructure, health, education, and social services sectors from public responsibility to private companies (Schui &

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Blankenburg, 2002). Neoliberal governments downsized company taxes (Piketty, 2014) and opened markets to global trade with agreements negotiated by the World Trade Organization in the mid-1990s, e.g., the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade, the General Agreement on Trade in Services, etc. These agreements allow companies to move labor to countries with the lowest salaries, to send capital around the world within milliseconds without fees or taxes, and to ship industrial products just in time to factories while the company pays their tax in the country with the lowest taxation rate (Beck, 1986; Piketty 2014). This leads to competition between states and gives substantial power to global companies (Beck, 1986). This also affects education. According to Tett and Hamilton, “under neoliberalism, education systems have been mandated to develop efficient, creative and problem-solving learners and workers for a globally competitive economy, leading to neglect of its social and developmental responsibilities” (Tett & Hamilton, 2019, p. 2; also: Vargas-Tamez, 2019). With reference to Tett and Hamilton’s work, it can be argued that the primacy of economic logic is highly visible in relation to the SDG 4 and its monitoring with large-scale assessments and reports that ignore everything that is not formalized, especially the subcultural movements that resist neoliberalism and patriarchal dominance (Walters & Kotze, 2019). Generally, assessment pursues not only the objective to report an increase or decrease of skills within populations but also, following Wagner, the “specific purposes of assessment and evaluation at the program level include (. . .) comparison of program effectiveness over time; comparison of one type of program with others; effectiveness of teacher training” (Wagner, 2003, p. 300). Most of the activities are centered on school education, principally monitored by the results of the Program for the International Student Assessment (PISA). But even PISA does not cover all countries and so discussions arise as to how to set up surveys that will be able to inform the GAML monitoring board about the status quo and any progress. Time is pressured because progress can only be reported if measurement takes place twice: one initial measurement and a second measurement to compare whether participation rates and competences have improved. In earlier decades, data about basic skills, e.g., the literacy rate, was often drawn from the average years of schooling. Another way to select data was to ask interviewees in the national census if he or she was able to read and write (yes or no) (Wagner, 2011). These indirect measurements however did not appear to be too reliable. The International Adult Literacy Survey (IALS) in the 1990s (OECD & Statistics Canada, 2000) marked the initiation of large-scale programs of direct measurement. Nowadays, the most influential surveys are ILSAs like PISA at school level or the Programme for the International Assessment of Adult Competencies (PIAAC). These ILSAs not only measure skills in one country but also provide the basis for international comparisons. Martens refers to this as the “comparative turn” highlighting the emphasis put on the aspect of comparing and benchmarking (Martens, 2007). These big and influential surveys are generally carried out either by national authorities of high-income states, e.g., in England (BIS Department for Business Innovation and Skills, 2011), France (Jeantheau, 2013), and Germany (Grotlüschen

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et al., 2020a), or by OECD. Bearing this in mind, we note that, with few exceptions, wealthy OECD countries report the results of ILSAs. Low-income countries usually have to stick to the traditional ways of indirect measurement and some middleincome countries use “smaller, quicker, and cheaper” (Wagner, 2003, p. 27) versions of large-scale surveys. We conclude that two different worlds of reporting competence measurement and competence development have been developed at the international level. Wealthy states are able to afford to participate in ILSAs, while less wealthy states can, at best, deploy second-best solutions. Figure 1 shows those countries which participated in the three rounds of the first circle of the PIAAC survey, wherein large parts of the South American and Asian continents and the entire African continent are not covered by PIAAC. The central question of this chapter is: If one uses theoretical parameters of postcolonial studies, can we show that the assessment industry cements existing inequalities? This question is supported by Shajahan’s findings: “Colonial discourse is also evident among proponents of evidence-based education as diverse ways of knowing are not tolerated and a distortion of other ways of knowing is continued. Colonial discourse promoted a monoculture of the mind to maintain control over knowledge production” (Shahjahan, 2011, p. 189). We rely on some core terms of post-colonial studies such as “the subaltern,” “epistemic violence,” and “the other” and then further develop the idea of othering into a perspective of discriminating the South, which might be called southering. We discuss the relation between ILSAs and southering, framed by the movement of the SDGs and the initiative to monitor them (GAML). Ironically, we argue that both movements reproduce schemes of southering instead of overcoming them, as they were originally intended to do. We therefore ask how assessments contribute to processes of southering, which mark certain countries and regions as inferior,

Fig. 1 Participating countries in PIAAC cycle 1; own illustration based upon OECD, 2019

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deviating from the (OECD) norm. Are assessments in this sense to be understood as a form of epistemic violence?

Postcolonial Perspectives Postcolonial theories are some of the most challenging approaches in the global discourse on education (Andreotti et al., 2015; Heinemann, 2019; Huggan, 2013), yet far away from being acknowledged by a larger audience. Such theories aim at questioning Eurocentric narratives in order to transform hegemonic structures. Key concepts include “the subaltern,” “epistemic violence,” and “othering” (Dotson, 2011; Said, 1978; Spivak, 1994). From our perspective, postcolonial positions do not imply a notion of colonialism as a period which might be overcome. Following Tsang (2021), “the prefix ‘post’ in ‘post(-)colonialism’ is understood not as a temporal marker for a clear-cut transition after independence, but as a marker of relationship that registers the ongoing effect of colonialism on a former colony.” We refer to Hiraide’s suggestion that the sometimes conflicting concepts of postcolonialism and decolonizing approaches “can be understood and practiced in tandem rather than in competition with each other” (Hiraide, 2021).

Speaking for the Subaltern? The question about whether speakers from subaltern positions (Loomba, 2005, pp. 192–193) can be heard as speakers for their own issues substantially touches this article. We are researchers from the Global North, in this case Germany, and we implicitly speak for the interests of populations of the Global South, instead of letting them make their case themselves. As authors of this paper, we position ourselves as privileged, white academics in a democratic country that – from the viewpoint of high-income countries – seems to cope relatively well with the pandemic and climate change. At the same time, however, Germany, alongside others, contributes to climate change to a much larger extent than countries with low or middle income. High-income states also prevent access to patents for the production of vaccines and continually promote international trade agreements that increase exploitation of resources and labor forces in mid- and low-income countries. This privileged position enables us to publish in anglophone journals and to make our positions visible. Our position – seeing ILSAs as problematic, discriminating, recolonizing, and in one word southering – is not necessarily supported by speakers from the Global South, e.g., in meetings organized by the UNESCO Institute for Lifelong Learning which is involved in monitoring adult learning around the globe. This being said, we discuss monopolist scientific activities from a German position with our German history that provides good reasons for appreciating plurality in education and science. We see a tendency of ILSAs to gain monopolist power in the realm of educational sciences and policies. This can be understood as epistemic violence.

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Epistemic Violence Epistemic violence is violence occurring through dominant patterns of thinking and both spoken and written language (Spivak, 1994). In this way, the concept goes beyond the concept of structural violence in international relations according to Galtung (1969), which essentially refers to material aspects. Dominant theoretical and empirical approaches marginalize indigenous or local and vernacular ways of thinking and generating knowledge. One prominent example is the way a novel is understood: in her well-known TED talk, Chimamanda Adichie (2009) expresses how, in her childhood, she thought stories had to deal with families in areas where the characters are white and blue-eyed and the winters are cold and people are eating apples and talking about the lovely sun—because as a Nigerian girl, she only came across children’s books by authors from the colonizing countries. It was impossible to ask what was missing, what remained unseen, and what exactly was marginalized. These questions could be used as a deconstructive approach as, for example, Gayatri Spivak does in her prominent article “can the subaltern speak?” (1994). Addey (2018) employed Adichie’s idea of a “single story” to literacy research and criticized the way in which a single notion of literacy was being spread worldwide through the vehicle of ILSAs. The monitoring process for the sustainable development goal “Education” (SDG 4) in the framework of GAML (UNESCO Institute for Statistics [UIS], 2017) relies on ILSAs as well as national surveys and self-reports for the purpose of data collection. Here again, the trend is to spread internationally comparative largescale assessments as the gold standard in the member countries (Grek, 2020). Regarding GAML, we probably have to ask what kinds of competences remain unacknowledged, even though local assessments may monitor national progress with regard to locally relevant competences better than the comparative surveys (Wagner, 2011). In the context of migration, the non-acknowledgment of formerly acquired knowledge and skills of adults from low-income countries can be shown by many different examples. For instance, the numerical knowledge of adult learners in England who acquired mathematical skills in the school system in Zimbabwe – a school system heavily influenced by the British educational system – has not been acknowledged although the actual skills were far higher than those expected in adult math classes (Maphosa, 2022). Local examples show how difficult the adaptation of ILSAs is for some countries, e.g., when several vernacular languages exist. When test items are translated into these languages, it may be that some words only exist in the official, i.e., colonizer’s, language, because the issue itself did not exist before colonization started. This has been reported for the word “vaccination” which has no equivalent in some vernacular languages. Test items relating to vaccination cannot be translated properly. Similarly, the word “bicycle” does not exist for some subpopulations and could thus lead to confusion in test items. In reverse, local knowledges, for example, about relevant languages and expressions, remain unheard in the boards of supranational organizations where the official languages are either French or English. There might be differences between languages used in primary schooling and in adult nonformal

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education. With the example of Senegal, Wagner (2003, p. 297) shows that, despite the exclusive use of French as language for primary schooling, various local Senegalese languages are used in adult education. In a number of sub-Saharan countries, the official language may be English or French, while Arabic is usually excluded from literacy surveys. When literacy is tested through large-scale surveys in the official school language only, “it would be difficult to know, taking the case of Senegal again, how many ‘literate’ individuals are literate in French, Wolof, Arabic or other languages, and how this was broken down by age and gender” (Wagner, 2003, p. 297).

Othering, South, and Southering In the late 1970s, Edward Said published his work on orientalism and the constructs of the “east” and the “other” (1978). He used the term “othering” to clarify how the West imagines and discriminates the orient. Stuart Hall explicitly referred to Said’s work when reflecting about “the West and the rest” (Hall, 1995). The concept of othering has also been applied to discourses on migration (Castro Varela, 2015). As a geographer, Jansson identifies the ascription of the “South” as a “spatial other.” By using the term “internal orientalism,” he explicitly refers to Said’s concept. He related it to areas within nations carrying certain ascriptions. Jansson refers to “internal orientalism” within the USA (Jansson, 2003). With regard to the Northern and Southern states in the USA, he explains: “This discourse consists of a tradition of representing the American South as fundamentally different from the rest of the United States, and an important strand of this tradition involves construing ‘the South’ as a region where racism, violence, intolerance, poverty and a group of other negative characteristics reign. In contrast, ‘America’ is understood as standing for the opposite” (Jansson, 2005, p. 265). More recently, Jansson has used the term “southering.” He reflects on “the structure of the internal orientalist discourse about ‘the South’ (which I will call ‘southering’)” (Jansson, 2017, p. 131). In the term southering, then, Said’s notion of othering becomes clearly visible. But southering adds that South is not a neutral geographical term but a social construct with several discriminating ascriptions. Time and space are not neutral: the South is constructed as lagging behind on a linear timeframe of development and it is constructed as “down South” in a spatial notion that creates north as high, upward, and rational while South as low, down, and emotional. Both dimensions, time and space, are connected to several negative ascriptions. While the term “other” usually homogenizes, essentializes, and discriminates a group of people, the term “South” homogenizes, essentializes, and discriminates regions and countries. This is relevant for the deconstruction of monitoring strategies of UNESCO, because these strategies focus on country comparison, not on the comparison of groups or individuals. It is thus necessary to see how “South” became a relevant construct in international discourse. Hall (1995) claims that “West” might sound geographical but is a concept rather than a natural category. The “West” is a term from the cold war, while the term South

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was introduced to overcome this separation. A relevant step for the construction of South is the so-called Brandt line (Singh, 2020, p. 81). Until the early 1990s, the “first world” and the “second world” were understood to be the western and eastern side of the iron curtain. All other countries were labeled as the “third world.” Progressive parties saw this as discriminating and positioning countries as inferior. A commission led by the social democrat and former German chancellor Willy Brandt (1913–1992) tried to overcome the East-West controversy and to reach a less discriminating description of different parts of the world. The commission’s report suggested a line (the Brandt line) according to gross domestic product per capita, which mostly follows the latitude of the 30th degree North (Wionczek, 1981). Figure 2 displays the Brandt line, which indicates a North-South division. This division explicitly does not refer to Australia and New Zealand. Despite their geographical position, in discourse, the two countries as a whole always belonged to the “North” (Magallanes, 2015), although not necessarily including their indigenous populations. The Brandt line was intended to be less discriminating than the notion of a “third world” behind the first and second world. But the term “South” carries centuries of colonial thinking. According to Martinez the notion about the South relies on conventions: “By convention, the bottom half of a map is South” (Martinez, 2012). But maps have not always been oriented this way. The word “orientation” points to the Orient (Jerusalem), not the North. Famous maps between 800 and 1500 AC were round and flat and had Jerusalem in the center. The first compasses were invented in China. They pointed to the South (Needham, 1962, p. 229). Recent sociologists like Löw et al. also criticize how European world maps have changed their orientation from the Orient in precolonial times toward the Mercator Projection which overemphasizes Europe and the North while showing Africa, Latin America,

Fig. 2 The Brandt line (Royal Geographical Society, www.rgs.org)

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and the Pacific as relatively small. The Mercator projection uses the correct form of continents but displays an incorrect size (Löw et al., 2007, p. 69). This wellestablished projection leads to an optical reduction of Africa and South America and to an optical valorization of Europe, North America, and Asia (Hruby et al., 2016). In education, maps mainly play a role in geography. But a South African textbook on critical literacy deals with maps in the context of perception of social and global reality. A specific task is “re-drawing the world to challenge maps based on Europe as the center of the world” (Janks et al., 2014, p. 147). A pronounced position taking the South out of the context of physical geography is formulated in the journal Global South. Sparke states that “South is everywhere, but always somewhere” (2007). According to discourse analyses of “Global South,” North and South have different connotations, e.g., freedom, urbanity, and order for the North, the subaltern, rurality, and chaos for the South (Pagel et al., 2014). These connotations are not based on empirical data but on discourse, as argued by the artist and transgender activist Paul Beatriz Preciado who states that “the South is not an existing, given place, but a gendered, sexualized, and racialized myth” (Preciado, 2017, p. 1). Löw et al. also point to ethnocentric European perspectives from the perspective of time: differences between countries are described as resulting from different positions on a common timeline of development. England thus is discussed as progressive and developed, while Somalia is – on the same timeline – lagging behind; it has to catch up and over time become similar to today’s England in terms of development (Löw et al., 2007, p. 76). Some publications suggest that North-South discourse can be replaced by a global perspective on sustainability as it is used in the context of the SDGs. Singh (2020) shows this with the help of World Bank documents from the context of development cooperation. Notwithstanding this, we take the position that such conceptual change is not (yet) reflected in the educational policy practice of institutions, i.e., that the North-South dichotomy continues to be reflected in the practice of actors.

ILSAs and the South: Southering by ILSAs? UNESCO always had a global perspective on literacy which does not only look at high-income countries that are organized in the EU or OECD. But the recent development shows how especially OECD takes custody (Elfert, 2021) and how this impacts the application of “Northern” views onto the “South.” This is a backlash in terminology, because UNESCO earlier already had accepted a rich and pluralistic view of literacy. Taking the example of literacy in terms of reading and writing skills, Street, as author in the field of New Literacy Studies (Street, 1999), differentiated between an autonomous model of literacy – seeing literacy as a set of measurable skills – and the notion of an ideological model understanding literacy as a social practice which might differ from time to time, from region to region, and from one

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social context to another. Wagner (2011, p. 320) associates the latter with a way of understanding the world in the tradition of Freire. He also differentiates between emic and etic literacy skills, stating that “emic literacy skills are those which can only be adequately understood within a given society; etic skills are those that have developed out of the heuristic convenience of those who desire a common frame of reference or system of measurement” (Wagner, 2003, pp. 295–296). These different notions of literacy already imply that there is a tension between what can be measured by large-scale surveys on the one hand and what can be observed and described by qualitative approaches like the observations of Heath about treating written language in different social contexts (Heath, 1983) or – regarding the way we deal with daily life mathematics – the work of Lave about cognition in practice (Lave, 1988). But this differentiated view within UNESCO and especially UIL’s work seems to disappear now. In the recent move toward a comparative turn (Martens, 2007), large surveys represent the quantitative approach which nowadays is dominant for the formation of educational policies. The surveys have been developed in high-income countries and now apply their instruments and methods to mid- and low-income countries. ILSAs have become the core method for monitoring the SDGs. Recent findings also point to the problematic aspect of southering, i.e., reproducing stereotypes about Southern regions that they lag behind and need to catch up compared to an overall norm marked by the North (Grotlüschen & Buddeberg, 2020). Earlier, just after World War II, UNESCO had been the main player in educational affairs. Later national governments and most of all international organizations like OECD or the World Bank took the lead in this field – especially in the wealthier part of the world (Elfert, 2021). Ydesen and Grek (2019) explain that OECD, which is not an organization originally set up to deal with educational issues, struggled for its organizational survival in the 1960s, as the original task of shaping a post-war economic era had become less important. OECD increasingly entered the field of education while other players receded in importance. Ydesen and Grek cite an OECD representative who stated at a conference in 1961: “May I say that, in this context, the fight for education is too important to be left solely to the educators” (2020, p. 6). This means that OECD has led with an economic approach, not with educational aims. Moreover, this approach is now implemented not only in OECD countries but in all countries that want to show progress with regard to the SDGs.

Global Alliance to Monitor Learning The SDGs followed the Millennium Development Goals (MDG) as a framework to define the objectives of (educational) developmental efforts (Singh, 2020). With the establishment of GAML, measurement and monitoring activities have been added to the defined goals. The SDGs are thus generating a wave of monitoring on an unimagined scale. Grek suggests that the “SDGs are not a stand-alone performance measurement exercise, but are rather organized under the rubric of a much larger

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monitoring program with its own internal logic, structure and hierarchies” (2020, p. 139). Criticisms of the SDGs have been formulated, for example, to the effect that they intend to save the planet without, however, transforming fundamental economic, political, and exploitative structures. Thus, the SDGs serve the priorities and needs of wealthy and powerful states, which are then imposed on the states of the Global South, as it were, in the sense of a “common good” (Walters & Kotze, 2019). Given the dominance of international assessments carried out by international organizations, the overall model appears to be the following: start with a powerful and widely known OECD survey; add some solutions for low-income countries; define global benchmarks; and report in two waves. Thus, in the case of PISA, a specific tool named PISA for Development (PISA-D) has been developed and tested in a number of African, Latin American, and Asian countries (Auld et al., 2018). A similar discussion has been taking place with regard to lifelong learning, especially with regard to adults’ skills. School tests are oriented toward 15-year-olds, who are currently attending school. Surveys on adults’ skills such as the IALS (OECD & Statistics Canada, 2000), Adult Literacy and Lifeskills (ALL) survey (NCES National Center for Educational Statistics, 2005), or PIAAC (OECD, 2019) refer to populations, i.e., over all cohorts, languages, or migration backgrounds. The surveys involve skills tests instead of simply questioning the years of schooling someone has received or relying on self-reports about one’s own reading and writing skills or those of household members. Jonas (2021) shows that self-reports about being literate or illiterate might be valid for distinguishing complete illiteracy from other levels of literacy, but they do not allow for a differentiation within functional illiteracy and skills levels above functional illiteracy. Grotlüschen et al. (2020a, b) discuss ways of differentiating the levels of low literacy in large-sale surveys. The new generation of adult skill surveys actively tests the skills of the interviewees. This may be by using paper and pencil, laptops, or tablets. In most cases, the tests are carried out in a face to face setting, with an interviewer and an interviewee. Consequently, the costs for such studies are very high. Wagner notes that the OECD has surpassed UNESCO in providing reliable – i.e., measured – data (2011, p. 321). It is not only low-income countries that have budget problems; UNESCO also has considerable disadvantages compared to the OECD in terms of budget. PISA offers a less expensive version, PISA-D or “PISA for Development (P4D),” to non-OECD countries. PIAAC also provides less expensive solutions for countries which are obliged to measure educational outcomes but cannot afford large surveys. Because of the cost of the surveys, low-income countries seldom participate in ILSAs (especially the OECD surveys which are offered to high- and middle-income countries). Smaller versions available include the Skills Towards Employability and Productivity Program of the World Bank (STEP: World Bank, 2014) and the Literacy Assessment and Monitoring Programme of UNESCO (LAMP and mini LAMP: Jonas, 2021). In the title of his publication in 2003 in the context of the UN Literacy Decade, Wagner (2003) describes possible alternatives to expensive largescale surveys like the IALS as “smaller, quicker, cheaper.” The UNESCO Institute

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for Statistics (UIS) emphasizes the practical advantages of offering different types of surveys to different countries: “Given the varied social and economic development stages of countries, there is not one assessment tool that fits all situations and contexts. The UIS mini-LAMP is one alternative, besides the PIAAC assessment tool, to help countries produce relevant data for policy development and reporting on indicator 4.6.1” (UIS, 2018, p. 4). But, from the post-colonial perspectives discussed above, we should also point out to critical aspects of this practice (Singh, 2020). Time pressure for measurement is high via GAML due to the lack of expertise, time, and money (Jonas, 2021). Thus, a low-income country not only directly places countries into positions of being “less developed” but also indirectly forces them to apply instruments and techniques invented and administered by Northern players. Economically weaker countries are still forced to do some kind of measurement in order not to rely on self-reported information gathered from census data. Thus, they are forced either to buy highly expensive high-end instruments or take the secondbest options. The remaining “blank spots” on the assessment world map (Fig. 1) will either be filled using smaller, quicker, and cheaper instruments or remain unfilled. But the blank spots are not spots without any adult education or learning activities. The informal and perhaps radical activities are made invisible by these assessment instruments. By titling their contribution “If you can’t measure it, it doesn’t exist,” Walters and Kotze (2019) point to a critical aspect of competency measurement and reporting systems. What does not exist in the form of solid measured data is not perceived in the discourse. In terms of adult learning and education (ALE), for example, this means that learning is recognized and reported only in the form of formal or nonformal education, but not as informal learning.

Southering by International Large-Scale Assessments Elsewhere we have discussed several fields in which countries of the so-called Global South are positioned as inferior or incompetent within the ongoing measurement frameworks (Grotlüschen & Buddeberg, 2020). In this chapter we concentrate on the aspects of literacy definitions and benchmarks, languages, and how results of measurements are displayed and communicated. Literacy definitions and instruments: With regard to literacy definitions, it should be noted that the definitions of literacy used in setting up measurement benchmarks have exclusively been developed by organizations of the North. Most of the skills surveys were developed in Canada or the USA in the 1990s. The probabilistic test theory (Carlson & Davier, 2013) and the item development were piloted under the administration of Statistics Canada and Educational Testing Service (ETS). International comparison requires translations and pre-tests in all participating countries and a calibration of test items in order to control for a similar item difficulty. The assessment instruments are usually owned by a few influential international actors located in the Global North (Addey et al., 2017). Less wealthy countries are not in the position to develop their own assessment instruments due to high costs (facing a notorious lack of funding) and time pressure (Wagner, 2003, p. 305). It has,

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therefore, appeared to be plausible to apply existing models with some adjustments and then report as soon as possible. This is where the problem that we call “southering by assessments” begins (Grotlüschen & Buddeberg, 2020). The complete assessment and survey methodology are taken from high-income countries in the Global North. Doubts have been articulated as to whether Northern sampling procedures could be applied in highly diverse and changing countries (Gustafsson, 2020). By applying the assessments to low- and middle-income countries, these countries are inevitably compared with Northern countries as a benchmark so the Southern countries appear to be “inferior.” Adult skills are heterogeneous and not necessarily the effect of schooling. The problem that informal learning settings are only marginally addressed in relevant reports such as GRALE and therefore remain invisible in the discourse is discussed by Walters and Kotze (2019). In low-income countries, especially, the challenges of everyday business and the struggle of life may teach a person more than their rural school ever did, even in terms of literacy and numeracy. This aspect is reflected by the notion of literacy as a social practice (e.g., Street, 1999) or as a more recent discussion of numeracy as a social practice (Yasukawa et al., 2018) which differentiate between reading and writing as part of school curricula on the one hand and everyday challenges and practices on the other. However, international comparative studies which focus on basic skills such as reading and writing largely ignore everyday practices. Although the study of everyday practices is gradually finding its way into the relevant research (OECD, 2016; Grotlüschen et al., 2020a, b), they remain insignificant compared with skill measurement, in terms of perception. Languages used in assessments: We have already discussed elements of epistemic violence represented by the way official and vernacular languages are used in assessment surveys. How could a country like South Africa with its 11 official languages administer a survey like PIAAC? The most probable solution might be to issue the survey in English and isiZulu, as the majority of the population speak these languages. This approach would fundamentally overlook the differences between Zulu and Xhosa, and it would overlook the fact that for more than 90% of South Africans, English is not their first language, but a second one (Statistics South Africa, 2012). The approach would ignore 9 official languages and some 25 non-official languages spoken throughout the country. South Africa has not participated in any OECD competence test so far, but it participates in the Progress in International Reading Literacy Study (PIRLS) which is carried out by the International Association for the Evaluation of Educational Achievement (IEA) (Howie et al., 2017). The official PIRLS documents reveal that all countries chose their languages, but no information is given in most of the documents available on the official website as to which languages are represented in each country (https:// timssandpirls.bc.edu/isc/publications.html). Countries are treated as if they had just one or perhaps two official languages. It is also self-evident that countries do not assess their populations in any non-official language – neither in South Africa nor in the North where, for example, Turkish in Germany or Spanish in the USA would represent quite a lot of first language speakers.

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The documents on International Results (Mullis et al., 2020) as well as Methods and Procedures in TIMSS and PIRLS 2019 (Martin et al., 2020) or the 2012 Assessment Frameworks (Mullis & Martin, 2019) also ignore the issue. A Spivakian analysis shows that “language” or “translation” of questionnaires and test items is not reported at all, even though it is a nontrivial scientific issue (OECD, 2016) and well-researched over decades of comparative surveys (Howie et al., 2016). An official PIRLS 2016 country report on South Africa acknowledges the 11 official languages and their role in the curricula, before it reports PIRLS findings without mentioning the test languages that were available (Howie et al., 2017). Elsewhere the local PIRLS team in South Africa notes the very tight timeline for translation (Howie et al., 2016, p. 37), which probably did not allow for the involvement of more official languages for the assessment than the three languages taught in primary school. This report on South Africa also reveals that “a certified translation company was contracted to translate the instruments as well as to adapt the international English version to UK English. The translation processes were protracted due as the subtleties and nuances of the passages, the immense challenges of translating four PIRLS passages into 10 of the official languages after initially adapting the English version to the South African context, as well as the changes made as a result of the international meeting held in Finland in 2015” (Howie et al., 2017). This sounds as if every test item and every background question were translated. As far as the report reveals, the background questionnaires were administered in all 11 official languages, but the test instruments were only developed in “the languages that learners were exposed to for four years” (by school instruction) (Howie et al., 2017, p. 35) – Afrikaans (first language speakers; 13,5%), English (9.6%), and isiZulu (22.7%) (Statistics South Africa, 2012). Tests were not even offered in isiXhosa (first language speakers; 16,0%), but Afrikaans and English were apparently used without question, because they are legitimized by the school canon. If children are tested in their second language, is it fair to compare them with populations where the majority are tested in their home language? Further problems for test fairness are reported. “Vocabulary may not be available in some of the languages, especially the minority languages. The translation team endeavoured to translate content as accurately and fairly as possible but also acknowledged that languages are qualitatively different from one another in ways for which translation cannot account” (Howie et al., 2017, p. 37). The example of evaporating official languages (plus all non-official languages) from the assessment may serve here as an example of epistemic violence. The scientists and officials involved probably had the best and empowering motives for this way of dealing with a problem which makes ILSAs somehow nonapplicable for Southern African realities. But the solution is a re-colonizing way of dealing with that non-applicability. English test items were probably available from other countries and only needed to be localized but did not need translation and recalibration. However, translation, localization, and recalibration of English test items into Afrikaans and isiZulu was probably expensive and time-consuming. Further, the legitimization of these costs stems from the school system, not from the share of speakers in the population.

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While the English language can certainly be named as the language of the oppressors before and during apartheid, it is more differentiated in the case of Afrikaans. The origins of the language and its meaning are highly controversial. Willemse shows that, under the myth that Afrikaans is exclusively seen as the language of “Afrikaners,” “the place and relevance of black Afrikaans speakers have been denied” (Willemse, 2016, p. 9) and argues for a differentiated view of the language. Moreover, he acknowledges Hans den Bestens’ works on the roots of Afrikaans, stating that “He convincingly proved that Portuguese Creole, Malay varieties, and most significantly, Khoekoe, played a significant role in the formation of the language” (ibid., p.6). According to Bestens, the indigenous Khoekohoen and the slaves from other African states and especially from Asia had a large influence on the formation of Afrikaans. Willemse shows that these influences had been silenced and made invisible. At least during apartheid, Afrikaans became merely the language of the “white” Afrikaners and oppressors. Therefore, it seems to us that administering large-scale assessment items in English and Afrikaans is ambiguous as it reflects colonial dominance and perhaps also mirrors the rights of marginalized subpopulations who reclaim the history of the language as theirs. Legitimizing the choice of languages for an international comparison of skills still remains a highly contested area and needs careful deconstruction of the norms that it transports, or else it reproduces a colonial “single story” (Adichie, 2009). As ILSAs lead to the shaping of education programs toward measurable improvement, this may further eliminate parts of the curriculum (like vernacular languages) in order to focus on the elements that are tested. Fuhrmann and Beckmann-Dierke report on the “Finland tourism” of experts to the Scandinavian state in order to learn from this successful PISA participant. This procedure – teaching to the test – streamlines education systems toward the monopolistic ILSA frameworks. Shahjahan states: “In other words, like colonial schooling, education via neoliberal reform is working towards reproducing a labor force and objectification of the colonized” (Shahjahan, 2011, p. 196). Display of results: Assessments might contribute to a process of southering in a number of ways including how results of ILSAs are displayed (Grotlüschen & Buddeberg, 2020). Most prominent layouts are so-called league tables in which high-performing countries are at the top of the table while low-performing countries end up at the bottom (Fig. 3). Sociological discussions of space state that, not only from the perspective of space but also from the perspective of time, a dominant position of the global North is maintained (Löw et al., 2007, pp. 68–76). The timeline always sees the “developed” country as a more advanced version of the “developing” country, which has to catch up along the line – on a scale, a hierarchy or with competence points – that the developed country provides. The time of entering the PIAAC group of participating countries matters. The Northern highincome countries are early adopters – they started PIAAC, they developed the definitions and instruments, they defined the scale and levels, and they still are the majority of participating countries. Consequently, their proficiencies have a strong statistical impact on the averages. The early adopters form the benchmark. The newcomers interpret their results in relation to this benchmark.

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Fig. 3 Chart displaying the international comparison of literacy skills in PIAAC (OECD, 2019, p. 44)

The different rounds of PIAAC have shown that when countries like Chile, Peru, or Ecuador entered in the second or third round, they had to compare (or compete) with a global average of first-round participants and consequently ended at the lower part of the scale (OECD, 2019, p. 44). Middle-income countries are compared against the wealthy early adopters who set up the benchmark for the international comparison. They are likely to be interpreted as “incompetent” and “inferior” populations. Wagner states that it “was not long ago that newspapers and scholars assigned to whole societies a single referent such as ‘illiterate and uncivilized’; and, ‘illiterate’ is still a term which carries a negative connotation around the world” (Wagner, 2003, p. 295). The scale which originally should have served as a competence scale (OECD, 2016) transforms into a scale of country hierarchies with southern countries visibly

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Fig. 4 Map produced with the IDE, based on PIAAC data (focal jurisdiction: OECD average)

displayed as low performers. Another way to mark countries with low proficiency scores as inferior is to present them in the form of automatically generated world maps based on PIAAC results. This usually also involves a comparison with the OECD average, so that the countries located in the south on the classic world map are usually visually marked in color as having low performance. The International Data Explorer (https://nces.ed.gov/surveys/piaac/ideuspiaac/) is an easy-to-use tool for analyzing PIAAC results. With the tool, maps and charts are easy to produce. Figure 4 shows a map automatically generated using the online tool. The legend of the map shows that the focal jurisdiction in this case is the default jurisdiction, namely, the OECD average. This value serves as a benchmark. All other countries appear as significantly above (green) or below (orange) the benchmark. Countries in which the literacy performance does not differ significantly from the average are sketched out in yellow. The map shows that all countries new in round 2 (e.g., Chile, Greece, Israel, Turkey, Singapore) are colored orange (significantly below average), while most Anglo-American countries are colored green (significantly above average).

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Fig. 5 “Heat map” created by Washington Post to present PISA 2003 findings, presented by the blog “See the World Through Interactive Maps”

Earlier presentations of PISA results have even been called a “heat map,” e.g., by the Washington Post (Fig. 5). The map shows that the majority of participating countries are located in the Global North (as we had remarked earlier, this includes Australia and New Zealand). The map too uses colors to indicate levels of proficiency. The colors and the metaphor of the “heat map” proclaim that southern countries are hot, have alarmingly low performances, and mostly belong to an inferior South, while the North is blue, cool, in good shape, and well under control.

Movement Toward Sustainability Reinforces Processes of Southering For the future for lifelong learning, more attention needs to be drawn to the subtle and powerful processes of epistemic violence (da Souza Santos, 2016). The empirical material presented here shows how naïve the idea of (monitoring the) progress toward the SDGs is, in terms of monopolization of definitions and tools, regarding the choice of test languages, understanding the violence of the ideas of linear development and the geographical south, and clarifying the arrogance of seeing high-income countries as the solution and not the problem (because of overconsumption, accumulation of capital, and exploitation of others). Seeking the other side of what shines in modernity (Andreotti et al., 2015) seems to be a good approach for adult learning and education, especially in nongovernmental structures. Reflecting processes of othering and southering as well as owning one’s privileges, understanding one’s own social and historical position, deconstructing the normal, and questioning the dominant may be helpful. Within the current discussion about SDGs, initiated by the UN (Hanemann, 2019), aspects of southering can be found. The ambiguity of the SDGs has been

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discussed many times. Walters and Kotze (2019) emphasize the aspect that the SDGs propagate sustainability as a way to bring about global solutions for different areas of nature and societies but argue that the means to do so are conceived in the influential states of the high-income countries and prescribed to the states that are seen as South. From a decolonizing perspective, the focus on SDGs might be seen as an answer within the system of violent modernity (Andreotti et al., 2015). According to Andreotti et al., “modernity’s shine is articulated in ways [. . .] that the very existence of the shiny side requires the imposition of systematic violence on others” (2018, p. 23). Sustainability became a shining marketing term, applied to many educational activities, but still doing systematic violence to everyone who is made invisible by the single story in definitions and monitoring of literacy skills or ALE participation that is underway. Solutions that are “sustainable” in the true sense should be discussed within a framework that also addresses a departure from neoliberal capitalist socialization and an unconditional growth doctrine. (Walters & Kotze, 2019, p. 11). The shift from the North-South divide defined as the poverty curtain or Brandt line since 1980 (Singh, 2020, p. 81) toward the sustainability agenda had probably already started with the Club of Rome (Meadows, 1972) which claimed the “Limits to Growth” and thus paved the way for a development of Northern thinking about growth, wealth, and a desirable and sustainable way of living. The Brundtland report in 1987 reinforced this debate (Singh, 2020, p. 85). The World Bank, OECD, and later on (!) UN replaced the International Development Goals with the Millennium Development Goals. “In 2008, the WB/IMF used the financial crisis as an opportunity to introduce Sustainability as the core value for the policy on International Development” (Singh, 2020, p. 85). This also led the OECD to replace their NorthSouth framework with a sustainability framework, taken up by the UN in global negotiations: “The entire world became developing once development was redefined in terms of sustainability [. . .] The division between the North and the South was dropped and the only relevant categorization for countries remained their income” (Singh, 2020, p. 86). If this shift in 2008 and 2012 had become the dominant narrative, then both the axis of time (developing and developed) and the axis of space (North and South) would have lost their discriminating power to mute the subaltern, to other the populations of the global South (in space), and to discriminate them as undeveloped or underdeveloped, inferior, and lagging behind (in time). Still, the strong belief of a progress out of colonization toward equality that shines through Singh’s analysis is juxtaposed by recolonization in terms of epistemic violence, e.g., by curricula, by streamlining educational policies according to ILSA findings, and by monopolizing the testing industry in the hands of its inventors. The irony is that the most powerful movement that seems to equalize global relations – the sustainability framework – simultaneously opens all doors to test developers from high-income countries to cover the world with their assessment definitions and tools because of UNESCO’s Global Alliance to Monitor Learning.

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At this point, the described ambiguity of the SDGs in relation to our topic becomes particularly clear. The goal may be propagated as universal and global, but the rules of the game are made by a few influential players. Northern assessment managers and scientists are invited as experts, apply their solutions and assessment tools, and represent the one and only test standard that governments rely on (Grek, 2020). The formal shift away from the North-South spatial divide and the developing-developed timeline divide cannot be seen as today’s dominant paradigm, neither in the public discourse nor in the influential factors regarding educational policies. Discrimination against low- and middle-income countries, as aggregated under the term southering, is subtler than in the 1980s, regarding both space and time. But the more hidden it is, the faster it can spread, because critics cannot see the movement and cannot speak out against it. Nothing in educational sciences is as hidden as assessment instruments, which are sealed behind security firewalls and entrances in order to reuse and spread them in further rounds, cycles, and surveys. Since the 1960s, OECD has gained custody regarding educational policies in lowand middle-income countries (Elfert, 2021). The position of the UN is quite important given the relevance of sustainability: the UN and UNESCO installed a highly effective marketing system for the idea of sustainability (Singh, 2020). The ironic thing is that time pressure and comparative assessment are installed to reach SDG goals, which leads to a coverage of the globe with OECD’s assessment instruments. Vargas-Tamez (2019) argues that the intention of the SDG framework to support equity and inclusion in education is limited by the stronger constraints of a neoliberal worldwide economy. As early as 2003, Wagner took up the cudgel for smaller, national – i.e., not internationally comparative – studies. Cost was at the forefront of his argument. At the same time, he emphasized that smaller national studies could do much better justice to the respective regional conditions and could describe particularly marginalized groups better than the large international comparative studies (Wagner, 2003, p. 305) in order to give valuable insights into educational processes and to avoid another single story of literacy (Addey, 2018). Based on the arguments we have made in this chapter, we can add another: regional or national studies relieve those societies of the permanent pressure to compare themselves with nations and regions that generate the benchmarks according to which international rankings are constructed.

Cross-References ▶ Dialectical Perspectives for Researching Lifelong Learning ▶ Imagining the Future of Lifelong Learning ▶ Lifelong Learning Research: The Themes of the Territory ▶ Politico-economic Transformation, Globalization, and Lifelong Learning: The Example of the Russian Federation

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Contents Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Population Aging and Dementia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Fourth Age Learning . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Geragogy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Learning and People Living with Dementia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Policy Hesitations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Learning Initiatives for Persons Living with Dementia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Montessori Learning Programs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Cross-References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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This chapter focuses upon that interface between lifelong learning and older persons living with dementia (PLWD). Reviewing the area of fourth age learning – that is, learning initiatives for older persons living with physical and/or cognitive health challenges – it argues that late-life learning requires a distinctive geragogical perspective that is separate from pedagogical and andragogical principles for children and adults, respectively. This is especially warranted for PLWD who often cannot speak, not in control of their thoughts or body, and in different “irrational” relations to objects around them, and hence, necessitate a theoretical and methodological perspective that makes it possible for facilitators to validate and explore the significance of silence by focusing closely on space and visuals. While learning interventions for PLWD are marked by eclectic curricula – that range from information and communication technology, M. Formosa (*) Department of Gerontology and Dementia Studies, Faculty for Social Wellbeing, University of Malta, Msida, MSD, Malta e-mail: [email protected] © Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 K. Evans et al. (eds.), Third International Handbook of Lifelong Learning, Springer International Handbooks of Education, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-19592-1_50

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participatory arts, vocational skills to Montessori-based programming – most are limited by an excessive preoccupation with enabling the participants to restore their old “self” while overlooking how they can engage in creative activities introduced naturally through conversation and/or reminiscence. The posthumanist approach offers much potential for the planning, implementation, and interpreting of lifelong learning in dementia settings as it allows arts-based, visual, sensory, movement, and sonic practices to produce beneficial outcomes for post-verbal participants such as PLWD. Moreover, it acknowledges that successful learning initiatives in dementia care settings are premised on the facilitator’s capacity to skillfully connect with the participants and introduce activities at a pace that suited their abilities and interests. Keywords

Lifelong learning · Dementia · Geragogy · Older adult learning · Educational gerontology

Introduction The hegemony of the biomedical model in aging studies conceptualizes age-related changes as “illnesses” and “diseases” due to either organic or neurological malfunctions. This has triggered a strong association between “being older” and “requiring care” so that responses to dementia tend to focus on person-centered care and specialist training for the dementia care workforce at the expense of a multifaceted focus on how persons living with dementia (PLWD) are denied their dignity and human rights. This medicalized and ageist discourse has engendered a portrayal of PLWD as “passive and uninvolved interlocutors, incapable of initiating social action and exerting agency, and unable to uphold focus and engagement in activities (. . .) incapable of novel learning, [and] lacking the ability to acquire new knowledge or to learn new skills” (Ingebrand et al. 2021, p. 47). This chapter will rebut this treatise and focus on the possibilities and limitations of learning opportunities for PLWD. Despite a dementia diagnosis, PLWD still constitute agentic beings and are certainly able to experience significant moments of in-depth learning (Bourgeois et al. 2016). Rather than considering dementia as a “wasteland for learning” (Quinn and Blandon 2020), this chapter offers a perspective shift wherein learning holds much potential for better living and opens a window on the various learning possibilities for people who are at various stages of dementia, even those situated at very late phases. It thus challenges the mainstream policy agendas of lifelong learning which focus mainly on the reskilling and retraining of the adult and older adult workforce, cancelling out adult and older persons with cognitive disabilities, especially PLWD. Unfortunately, there appears to be no space for dementia in lifelong learning expositions, despite studies evidencing the great potential and tremendous benefits that learning has for the quality of life and wellbeing for PLWD (Withnall 2011). The

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potential of learning to add value to lives is, however, both lifelong and lifewide, irrespective of age and one’s physical and mental abilities, regardless of whether people can communicate in verbal or non-verbal ways, and notwithstanding their legal capacity or incapacity for being in control of their lives. Although this is not the same as saying that all PLWD can learn, the opposite assumption that PLWD cannot learn is equally fallacious. For persons who may be experiencing mild or severe cognitive impairments, or have been diagnosed with dementia, generally in addition to other physical or sensory impairments, learning will need to take different forms and require different approaches but it still can take place. This chapter contains six sections including this brief introduction. While the next section provides a synopsis of dementia and its related challenges, the third and fourth parts focus on fourth age learning and geragogy, respectively. The fifth section outlines the travails of learning initiatives for PLWD, followed by a final section on the future possible roadmap for learning engagements in dementia care settings.

Population Aging and Dementia As the worldwide percentage of persons aged 65-plus is projected to rise from one in eleven in 2019 to one in six by the year 2050, population aging is certainly one of the most significant phenomena driving global public policy (United Nations 2019). The impacts of population aging are affecting nations thousands of miles apart irrespective of their cultural norms and values, and the state of their economies. The causes are similar: a decrease of fertility rates, and changes in mortality rates as average life expectancies increase and people live longer. Although the exact aftermaths and challenges brought on by population aging differ greatly from country to country, one common denominator is the speed of demographic transitions. For instance, while India will see its population aged 60-plus rise from 8% to 20% in the 2010–2050 period, in China this same cohort is projected to increase from 14% to 33% (United Nations 2019). In Europe, the share of the population aged 65-plus is anticipated to increase from 20.4% to 30.3% in the 2019–2060 period (European Commission 2021). Population aging is certainly a triumph of civilization, as the positive outcome of public health policies, so that many persons now live beyond 100 years (United Nations 2019). This achievement, however, requires vital social and economic adjustments to long-standing trends in public policy, with particular reference to areas such as acute and long-term care, economic growth, employment and retirement, pensions, welfare services, and especially, dementia care. The diagnostic category, dementia, has been recognized for more than a century in medicinal faculties, but, due to increases in longevity, it was only in recent years that it garnered international attention. Recently, the World Health Organization (WHO) (2017) deemed dementia a global health crisis. Dementia is an overall term for a particular group of symptoms, with Alzheimer’s disease being the most common cause of dementia and accounting for an estimated 60–80% of worldwide cases (Alzheimer’s Association 2020). The characteristic symptoms of dementia are

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difficulties with memory, language, problem-solving, and other thinking skills that affect a person’s ability to perform everyday activities. Difficulty remembering recent conversations, names, or events is often an early clinical symptom, with later symptoms including impaired communication, disorientation, confusion, and poor judgment. In addition to age, the greatest risk factors for dementia are genetics and a family history of Alzheimer’s, although physical inactivity, smoking, hypertension, and diabetes also increase the risk of diagnosis. The global prevalence of dementia has been estimated at 50 million, with nearly 60% of this group living in low- and middle-income countries. Every year, there are no fewer than nearly 10 million new cases, and the estimated proportion of the general population aged 60-plus with dementia at a given time is between 5% and 8%. The total number of people with dementia is projected to reach 82 million in 2030 and 152 million in 2050 (Alzheimer’s Association 2020). Dementia remains an incurable disease and approved drugs only function to slow the damage of neurons that cause symptoms of dementia; they fail to stop the fatal progression of the disease. Caregiving thus takes center stage as family relatives and friends have to assist PLWD with assistance in activities of daily living such as bathing and dressing, as well as multiple instrumental activities such as shopping and transportation. Key motivations inspiring informal caregivers to deliver assistance include a wish to keep a family relative or friend at home, geographical proximity to the person with dementia, and perceived obligation to the PLWD (Alzheimer’s Association 2020). Caregiving comes at much personal cost since informal caregivers tend to experience increased emotional stress, depression, and depleted income due to disruptions in employment and paying for health care, and care transition strain: studies found that distress remains unchanged or increases for caregivers even after their relative is transferred to a residential long-term care facility. Informal caregivers of PLWD are overwhelmingly women who tend to express disappointment in the lack of support from other family members, resentment that men make the decisions but do not participate in the hands-on delivery of care, and frustration about their lack of knowledge of dementia and services available to caregivers (Alzheimer’s Association 2020). Dementia care centers are key in the quest of providing informal caregivers with much needed support and relief so that they impact positively on the relationship between them and PLWD. A recent development in research on dementia focused on the personal and lived experiences of PLWD, who generally experience “narrative dispossession,” as their lives are hijacked by informal and professional caregivers who assume not just their care but also restrict their opportunities to participate in interactions that allow them to construct their life history or let their voices be heard. A review of studies on the relationships between factors affecting persons’ responses to social participation and adaptation following a dementia diagnosis identified three themes (Górska et al. 2018). The first theme, “living with change,” highlighted how those who were more aware of their dementia-related symptoms were increasingly likely to acknowledge their difficulties and accept support from others, while others struggled to understand what was happening, and experienced shame, frustration, embarrassment, and unwillingness to accept external support. The second theme, “striving for

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continuity,” showed how, once PLWD become knowledgeable of their symptoms, they strove to maintain continuity in their lives by employing various coping strategies. These included seeking reassurance and guidance from caregivers to maintain the usual level of performance; maintaining or adapting routines to facilitate daily functions; avoiding or withdrawing from those areas of life which prove challenging; and adjusting social relationships. The final theme, “contextual factors,” documented how socio-cultural and physical environments impacted personal experiences of living with dementia. Interpersonal relationships were identified as crucial as family members were valued not only for their role in compensating for lost skills and providing care but also for offering motivation, closeness, intimacy, sense of belonging, sense of purpose, and companionship. The possibility to access and use outdoor spaces, especially gardens, was also associated with higher levels of wellbeing in dementia living.

Fourth Age Learning The post-Millennium years witnessed an unprecedented number of older persons enrolling in traditional universities and non-formal learning associations ranging from Osher Lifelong Learning Institutes and Men’s Sheds, to Universities of the Third Age (U3As) (Formosa 2019a). This is highly promising since in the not-sodistant past provisions for lifelong learning were exclusively appropriated for young and middle-aged adults to engage in continuing and adult education. However, most avenues of older adult learning remain located in cities, and hence, at the center of the daily lives of community-dwelling older persons who are generally mobile and cognitively healthy (Formosa and Galea 2020). As Withnall observed a decade ago: In spite of increasing recognition of the sheer diversity and potential of later life, what still seems to be missing from the debate is any real acknowledgement of what lifelong learning might mean in the lives of those older people who have some degree of physical disability or cognitive impairment, or both. . . (Withnall 2011, p. 160)

The situation has hardly changed in recent years. Late-life learning remains steadfastly hinged upon the “active” and “successful” aging paradigms which neglect to identify the “cumulative disadvantages, status divisions and life chances that marginalise and devalue the lives of older people” (Katz 2013, p. 61). Hence, people in the “fourth age” in lifelong learning are rendered personae non gratae (Formosa and Cassar 2019). The concept of the fourth age was, for a long time, applied to those persons where the combination of acute and chronic illnesses betoken a terminal phase in the life course, and makes direct reference to the growing segment of the older population aged over 85 who tend to be frail and thus experience limited lifeworlds (Katz 2013). Such conceptualizations of the final phase of old age share a common position in seeking some line of distinction between those who are physically and cognitively fit and living in the community, and others who are weak, have disabilities, and are

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either homebound or living in residential long-term care facilities. This chapter distances itself from such a chronologically aged standpoint and instead supports Gilleard and Higgs’ (2015; Higgs and Gilleard 2021) cultural turn towards the conceptualization of the fourth age. They deem it not simply as a distinct life stage, but as a collectively imagined final phase of being. If the third age is to be defined by the hallmarks of healthy and productive aging, the fourth age emerges as its opposite, as an “old” old age, characterized by dependency. Acting as a metaphorical “black hole,” the fourth age, similar to its astronomical equivalent, sucks in everything in its direct vicinity. For Higgs and Gilleard (2021), its key characteristics include a lack of social reflexivity, frailty (and processes of “othering”), and abjection. The conceptual dichotomy between the third and the fourth ages thus arises as a fraught social imaginary: The fourth age is defined less by what it actually is than by what it is not. Its imaginary is shaped through its antithetical projection of a dependent old age and not the youthful, vital, healthy and successful ageing that feature so much in the range of books and magazines promoting third age lifestyles. Rather than the body being a site of performance, the body in the fourth age is one conjuring up pathos. (Higgs and Gilleard 2021, p. 2)

Since nursing homes comprise the condensed image of this rejected fourth age, most initiatives in fourth age learning occur in residential long-term care facilities. Although presently the range of availability of learning opportunities remains limited, the type of prevailing sessions is diverse and ranges from computer learning to discussing current affairs to engaging in horticulture (Formosa 2019b). The goals are also varied and include both functional and empowering traits (Formosa 2021). At one end, while some learning programs endeavored to teach residents skills in information and communication technology to engage further with their areas of interest, and keep contact with significant others via social media and electronic communication, other initiatives strove to empower residents’ levels of personal awareness and assertiveness by emphasizing how difficulties and pains can be better withstood and sometimes even overcome when shared. One also finds learning programs seeking to serve as leisure and therapeutic opportunities for residents via classes in the participatory arts. Herein, learning sessions make use of a vast range of activities such as drama, wine/cheese social events, gardening, dancing, wheelchair biking, crafts, poetry, fashion, ambulation, photography, sewing, singing, pet, cooking, memory book, and reminiscing to enable residents to learn new skills, keep the body and mind active, acquire knowledge on global current affairs, and stimulate affective emotions through reminiscence. Learning opportunities in long-term care have been found to enhance the quality of life of residents by improving cognitive outcomes and reducing agitation, neuropsychiatric symptoms and depression, as well as providing them with a safe arena where they could express themselves with confidence (Formosa and Cassar 2019; Hafford-Letchfield and Lavender 2018). It is thus unsurprising that Buettner and Fitzsimmons (2003) reported that residents were more likely to participate in learning activities than in non-meaningful activities such as setting tables and

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folding napkins, and that agitation behaviors peaked during afternoons when hardly any learning activities was offered. Most particularly, fourth age learning enables “learning to know” by contributing significantly to satisfaction and independence, “learning to do” by learning new skills, “learning to live together” by building bridges between residents, staff, and relatives, and “learning to be” by improving residents’ levels of dialogue, self-efficacy, autonomy, and independence (HaffordLetchfield 2016). Of course, this is not the same as saying that this field is not beset by challenges (Formosa 2019b). Most crucially, curricula are only infrequently subjected to rigorous evaluation, and care staff delivering learning activities do not generally possess any training in late-life learning. Learning engagements tend to be the sole responsibility of activity coordinators rather than being shared with any of the staff, volunteers, or residents’ families. Moreover, while funding is the most commonly quoted issue in blocking provision for fourth age learning, negative attitudes and agism are more likely to be the reasons for limited availability of learning in the fourth age.

Geragogy The extent that teaching and learning in later life requires a distinctive geragogical theory of teaching and learning as separate from pedagogical and andragogical principles for children and adults, respectively, is in considerable contention. In a review of contrarian arguments, Tam (2014) concluded that “learning for and by older adults is not so distinctive as to warrant a separate theory of teaching and learning” (p. 818). However, Tam seems to contradict herself when subsequently asserting that this is not the same as saying that learning in older adulthood should take no heed of important age transitions in this particular stage of the lifecycle: What is needed is an integration of theory and practice, whereby older learners are not simply treated as men and women, but as older men and older women. . .Facilitators must be sensitive to the diverse and heterogeneous character of later life to plan and execute effective learning experiences for older learners. (Tam 2014, p. 817)

Invariably, conceptualizing learners in later life as older requires a special approach to the conceptualization, planning, and implementation of older adult learning, and especially, for PLWD. The extent that the geragogical approach is “distinct,” “separate,” or “unique” from pedagogy and andragogy seems a linguistic concern, depending on one’s subjective understandings of such terms, but the position taken here is that learning initiatives for PLWD require a divergent theoretical and methodological approach not only vis-à-vis younger and adult persons but also with respect to older persons in general. The comparative lack of interest in fourth age learning, especially where PLWD are concerned, means that there have been virtually no attempts to develop any kind of geragogical perspective on this aspect of older adult learning. Exceptions are,

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however, found in Maderer and Skiba’s (2006a, 2006b) concept of “integrative geragogy,” and more recently, Quinn and Blandon’s (2017, 2020) application of post-humanist theory to lifelong learning and dementia. Maderer and Skiba’s (2006a, 2006b) line of reasoning is that learning is not dependent on healthy cognitive processes. Irrespective of a person’s level of functioning, they still hold a combination of psychological and physical abilities, as well as a subjective biography linked with social relationships that are, in turn, influenced by emotional feelings, personal memories, and interpretations of historical events. The aim of integrative geragogy, consequently, is to ensure that older persons who are dependent on others for activities of daily living, often in institutional care and who tend to show evidence of cognitive disabilities can maximize their individual abilities in different areas of their lives and are enabled to live as independently as possible. However, despite the concept’s useful input to the developing field of fourth age, learning a praxeological link between theory and practice remains unclear and undefined. This is especially true with respect of PLWD and/or other intellectual disabilities. Quinn and Blandon’s (2017, 2020) approach takes a completely different theoretical route, not solely from Maderer and Skiba’s phenomenological position, but also from liberal, critical, and transcendental theories in older adult learning. These rationales are deemed intrinsically unsuitable for learning initiatives with PLWD due to being grounded on the humanist hallmarks of “speech” and “rationality.” For Quinn and Blandon (2020), “a humanist ontology does not have space for people with dementia, except as carriers of loss,” since “often they cannot speak and they are not in control of their thoughts or body (. . .), they put themselves in different ‘irrational’ relations to the objects around them, they are not sure where they are” (p. 25, 11–12). To this effect, they advocate an alternative post-humanist standpoint: Humanism has much invested in the notion of linear time leading to enlightenment. Education grounds its practice in the accumulation of learning over time, leading to the perfected educated person. In contrast, posthumanism sees past, present and future as always entangled and always alive and all forms of matter as always in a state of becoming. People with advanced dementia have run out of linear time, but they still live in the time of the now (as we all do) and in this time they can learn. (Quinn and Blandon 2020, p. 87)

Rather than focusing on the inviolate individual who possesses a “self” that allows them to communicate through words, learning initiatives for PLWD are thus advocated to move away from the articulate human to focus on acts and bodies, on materiality, and the agency of things (Quinn and Blandon 2020). This makes it possible for facilitators to validate and explore the significance of silence by focusing closely on space and visuals – hence, validating PLWD as learners by recognizing possible forms of living that are not about speech but are equally important. Therefore, Quinn and Blandon (2017, 2020) question the humanist binaries of body/mind, theory/practice, self/other, emotion/reason, human/nature, and human/ animal and challenge traditional convictions regarding identity and subjectivity, and language and representation to advocate new ways of finding out how learning can

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take place even when cognitive impairments, such as dementia, render people postverbal. This is beneficial in the attempt to bridge lifelong learning and dementia as it reduces the need to search for individual voices, and instead traces how participants speak without words via a new conception of time. Through music and singing activities, Quinn and Blandon showed that PLWD who may have a few words left can still communicate with their eyes and bodies to create deep emotional connections: We noticed definitely in the dementia care home people who struggled to communicate hugely have retained an ability to sing most of the songs. Yes, and sometimes with increasing stimulation with music will then be able to have some sort of conversation and might even communicate using a line of the song. Little music conversation where they are kind of engaging socially but not necessarily in a chit chat way, but they are singing to each other. (Quinn and Blandon 2017, p. 31)

Although Quinn and Blandon’s contribution is novel and unique, it is also theoretically dense, at times abstract, and assumes some knowledge of post-humanist theory. Nevertheless, they utilized their geragogical principles in empirical research by applying music- and drama-based learning events for PLWD (Blandon 2017; Quinn et al. 2017), studies which are reported upon in more detail in the subsequent section.

Learning and People Living with Dementia Policy Hesitations The realm of dementia is generally considered as an “education wasteland” (Quinn and Blandon 2020) as PLWD are positioned outside the realm of lifelong learning and active aging policies. The neoliberal construction of lifelong learning, especially as espoused by the European Commission (2006), is intrinsically employmentcentered, and even when aging is mentioned, the focus remains narrowly on human capital concerns as the two crucial objectives included: “[1] to ensure a longer working life, there is a need for up-skilling and increasing lifelong learning opportunities for older workers (. . .) [2] an expansion of learning provision for retired people is needed (including for instance increasing participation of mature students in higher education)” (p. 8–9). As Formosa argued, the European Union’s (EU): . . .policy on late-life learning overlooks how rising life expectancies warrants new learning needs and interests amongst the oldest and most frail sectors of the older population. It is assumed that only ‘healthy’ older adults are capable of engaging in learning initiatives, and no call is made for governments to reach those persons who due to various physical and/or cognitive challenges are precluded from participating in lifelong learning. Indeed, there seems to be no place for frail elders and carers in EU policy on lifelong learning. (Formosa 2012, p. 395)

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While older adult learning holds a central place in most global and national policies on active aging, again prominence is restricted to the responsibility of governments to meet and cater for the learning needs of successful agers via third age learning organizations, most notably the U3As. Such policy statements marginalize vulnerable sectors of the older population by harboring an inflated attention on “heroine-like” third agers at the expense of “villain-like” fourth agers that include PLWD. The notion of active aging is sometimes even perceived as being unsuited to PLWD since it should be older persons themselves, as active subjects, who are required to influence their lived experiences through self-responsibility and self-care. Such a line of thought is, however, deeply flawed as it wrongly assumes that “active aging” is a one-size-fits-all phenomenon irrespective of persons’ levels of physical capital. At the same time, despite the fact that global and national policies on dementia do advocate increased levels of empowerment of and user-support services for PLWD by involving them in policy development and service delivery, their right to lifelong learning remains unaccounted for (Quinn and Blandon 2020). Although this is clearly discriminatory to vulnerable older persons, one fails to note any public or academic outcry, and the absence of any discussion of that interface between active aging on one hand and the fourth age on the other is remarkable, as is the fact that frail older persons tend to undergo a “blame the victim” experience by being held responsible for failing to age actively.

Learning Initiatives for Persons Living with Dementia PLWD were latecomers to older adult learning with Ingebrand et al. (2021) noting that there are “to this date and to our knowledge, few, if any, studies exploring how people living with dementia assert themselves as active and engaged learners” (p. 48). For the most part, learning opportunities for PLWD have been occupied with containment, rather than expansion, and preoccupied with familiar and past abilities rather than enabling novel proficiencies (Quinn and Blandon 2017). Moreover, most initiatives were embedded in a “caring” agenda as facilitators experimented with the potential of learning to act as therapeutic undertakings that manage negative behavioral and psychological symptoms of dementia such as agitation, depression, and wandering. The Specialised Early Care for Alzheimer’s [SPECAL] learning method outlined by James (2008) was designed for use with people in the early stages of dementia, by recognizing that, in spite of memory loss, recollection of past events and feelings are still intact and can be used to replace recent information that has been lost. SPECAL makes use of the idea of a “photograph” from the past to create a present-day context in which PLWD are enabled to practice an activity or interest that they have always loved and which promotes their feelings of self-worth. Other similar approaches to the engagement of PLWD in learning activities ranged from intergenerational learning programs with pre-school children (Gigliotti et al. 2005), learning programs that encourage self-expression through participatory and visual arts (Kinney and Rentz 2005), a 13-week class for older adults with early-stage dementia on “Health

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promotion for the mind, body, and spirit” as part of the Osher Lifelong Learning Institute program of study (Richeson et al. 2007), to the use of creative activity such as understanding music, art, facial expressions, and touch to stimulate the brain and open pathways to better communication (Zeisel 2009). This increasing interest in the role of learning in dementia settings occurred in parallel with a rise in the engagement of PLWD in participatory arts programs. Reviews of such initiatives demonstrated positive affective and quality-of-life outcomes that included increased confidence, engagement, self-esteem, and social participation, intellectual stimulation and cognitive engagement, social inclusion, attention, and concentration (Cavalcanti Barroso et al. 2020). Moreover, studies revealed how embodied forms of the arts offered the potential for person-centered care by supporting self-expression, communication, creation, and creative occupational therapy (Barroso et al., 2020). Responding to the need for more robust qualitative methodologies for the evaluation of arts-based interventions, Robertson and McCall (2020) sought to understand further the engagement of PLWD in creative and arts-based activities by applying a relational model of citizenship and incorporating concepts of contextual and embodied learning from adult learning theory. Conducting a theoretically driven secondary analysis of observational and interview data focused on the engagement of staff, volunteers, and people with dementia during an arts-based intervention in a day center and care home, the authors found that the processes through which learning is co-constructed between the person with dementia, staff/volunteer facilitators, and peers in the group to co-produce a creative engaged experience resulted in increasing confidence for learning, facilitating social and physical connections, and affirming creative self-expression. Robertson and McCall (2020) concluded that while the role of facilitator is central to the process of creative engagement to reinforce a sense of agency among participants and recognize prior experiences of learning and engagement in creative activities, the “findings demonstrate that people with dementia can continue to learn and grow through engagement in arts-based activities to produce positive outcomes for the individual participants as well as for the care staff who observe and participate in this creativity” (p. 1171–1172). The last decade witnessed a shift in learning programs for PLWD from an excessive preoccupation with “care” to addressing the potential of learning to maintain and strengthen “personhood” – that is, the way that individuals relate to others without any degree of instrumentality. Ullan and colleagues (2013) conducted artistic learning workshops with Spanish PLWD to observe the extent of their commitment to such activities and learning new skills. Learners reported high levels of satisfaction with their creative abilities which reinforced their feelings of capacity and a self-positive image. The study concluded that not only was dementia not an obstacle to participation in learning workshops, but that learning programs provide PLWD with an opportunity for creativity, learning, enjoyment, and communication. In Denmark, people with early stage dementia are provided with the opportunity to attend classes in cognitive training, music, art, and woodcraft (Ward et al. 2020). At the time of the research, the school taking part in the study included 45 students with dementia who, on average, attended 1 day per week for 3–4 years. If the school and

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the individual felt that the school was no longer a suitable option, due to decline because of their dementia, students moved to attend other care programs. Ward et al. (2020) reported that PLWD are able to continue to develop and learn with the aim of maintaining their cognitive function, decision-making, and activities of daily living, particularly in areas of skills development, reasoning, and decision-making. Although the outcomes for short-term and working memory were inconclusive due to the limited sample size, findings nevertheless highlight the complex nature of the maintenance and enhancement of memory for PLWD. Albeit studies on the engagement of PLWD in novel learning situations are scarce, those that exist confirm that PLWD are still potentially interested in, and capable of, learning skills to solve problems that they might face in daily life. An application of the principles of “errorless learning” to teach PLWD a variety of meaningful day-to-day tasks found that participants were still able to “acquire meaningful skills and engage in worthwhile activities, which may potentially increase their autonomy and independence, and ultimately their quality of life” (de Werd et al. 2013, p. 1177). Another study examined the role of social interaction in learning how to communicate in a card placement game, and concluded that if PLWD were enabled to draw upon their existing semantic knowledge to describe the cards, this resulted in significant learning and accuracy in card placement (Duff et al. 2013). Researching the ways that PLWD make use of informal learning to prohibit, avoid, or solve problems in technology use, Rosenberg and Nygård (2017) verified that participants used their lived experiences to learn and maintain skills in technology even when dementia symptoms interrupted their lifelong flow of mental process. Recent studies by Ingebrand et al. (2020, 2021) on attempts to teach PLWD how to navigate tablet computers generated similar results. An initial case study of efforts of communicative partners to train a woman living with Alzheimer’s disease how to use an iPad found her to rely less on expertise and explicit instructions and more on the immediate feedback provided by the tablet (Ingebrand et al. 2020). An ensuing study with PLWD in care homes found them actively soliciting required information and assistance, verbalizing newfound understandings on how to manage the tablet computers, and expressing a capability to excel given enough time and practice (Ingebrand et al. 2021). Reviewing the impact of computer-based learning programs on the mental performance of PLWD, Klimova and Maresova (2017) reported that findings were relatively neutral with respect to their efficacy in improving basic cognitive functions. While such interventions were found to have the potential to generate some positive effects on PLWD, such as the improvement of learning and short-term memory, nevertheless these impacts were only short-term, limited by small sample sizes, and present in only half of the reviewed studies. On the basis that post-humanist research leans “towards data collection techniques that include arts-based, visual, sensory, movement, sonic and creative writing practices,” the longitudinal study Beyond words: A post-human study with postverbal people (Quinn et al. 2017) reported upon the coordination of a number of learning workshops with PLWD who were guided to use paints, pastels, clay, shadow play, and film in response to music. This study provided evidence that PLWD are highly capable of learning engagement. For example, as the rhythm of

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the music was lilting and rocking, creating the maternal sense of a lullaby, one PLWD in the study, Robert, weaved in and out of the melody and matched the pitch of the notes being played on a tablet. Enquiring whether Robert was really learning, the authors concluded as follows: Although there may always be scepticism amongst some, there was also broad recognition of the validity of this claim. Previously Robert did not know that a tablet existed or could make music. At that moment he did and he engaged with it. Doing so gave him pleasure which he communicated to others. The learning process, which Biesta (2015, p. 5) defines as a ‘new beginning’, had been ignited. (Quinn and Blandon 2017, p. 589)

Another learner in the study, Jane, did not seem to connect with what was happening, but at one point she turned and looked with some recognition at the musicians. She also fingered a sparkly scarf with interest and, when she was taken away by a carer, she put the scarf around her neck and wore it walking away. For Quinn and Blandon (2017), “for Jane to pay this much attention was remarkable and it taught us something about materiality. Words were gone but matter still mattered (. . .) Jane is learning something new, but rather that she is teaching us some important lessons about what we need to attend to and how” (p. 590). Making bridges with music (Blandon 2017) was a successive smaller study that was informed by the methodology and the findings of Beyond Words and consisted of a music and arts learning intervention that linked pre-school children with PLWD living in residential long-term care facilities. The study reaffirmed that the capacity for learning continues to be omnipresent even following a dementia diagnosis as there were numerous times when PLWD were curious about musical instruments they had not encountered before (e.g., rainmaker, xylophones, calabash shakers) and the songs the children were singing which were new to them. This demonstrated that learning occurs beyond memory and consciousness and, while family relatives and carers were generally more attached to ideas of identity, to restoring the old “self” of the PLWD, this research highlighted how learning may also infuse a positive power in vulnerable lifeworlds. Both Beyond words and Making bridges indicate clearly that “people with dementia can learn and can teach us something” and advocate fourth age learning to “move beyond dementia as a deficit category” (Quinn and Blandon 2020, p. 77). Both studies oblige those involved in fourth age learning to drop their fixation with seeking to restore PLWD to their former state and to the anchoring of present selves in past memories, and instead to validate their ways of being to reclaim back their identities.

Montessori Learning Programs Pioneered by Camp in the 1990s, Montessori-based programming (MBP) emerged as a popular approach for promoting learning for PLWD (Camp 2010). The “Montessori Method” was originally developed in the 1900s by Maria Montessori for the education of children, presuming them as naturally eager for knowledge and

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experiential activities, so as to enable them to contribute to society in positive and meaningful ways. The Montessori method is highly suited for PLWD as its principles are also present in the best practices of dementia care, such as emphasizing the use and improvement of remaining capabilities, enabling PLWD to be as independent as possible, and engaged in purposeful and meaningful activities. MBP involves identifying an activity of interest that is reflective of the skill levels of PLWD, making use of familiar materials and objects, breaking the activity down into small steps, and inviting them to complete the task themselves. Chosen activities are generally taken from the everyday environment, modifiable, and self-correcting, so that the activities themselves provide cues for self-assessment. MBP for PLWD includes both one-on-one activities such as sorting pictures into categories, or the use of fine motor skills such as folding, as well as group-based sessions such as memory bingo or “Question Asking Reading” which consists of a facilitated group discussion based on a short story. A systematic review of existing evidence of the benefits of Montessori-based activities with PLWD identified data concerning three main areas of functioning (Sheppard et al. 2016). While the evidence suggested that advanced cognitive skills, such as spatial reasoning, are unlikely to benefit, the opposite was the case for lower-level abilities such as memory and attention. Eating difficulties were found to lessen following Montessori training since sessions promoted selffeeding behaviors. Finally, MBP was found to improve constructive engagement, reduce passive engagement, and promote a more positive affect in PLWD. However, the same review concluded that since the characteristics of the Montessori interventions, such as duration, session frequency, and facilitation format varied highly across studies, more research is needed to standardize MBP and learn what minimum participation is required to provide clinically relevant outcomes. A scoping review of MBP in dementia care settings delineated the nature of such approaches, examined implementation barriers and challenges, and identified strategies for successful implementation (Hitzig and Sheppard 2017). Four approaches to MBP were identified – namely, staff assisted, intergenerational, resident assisted, and volunteer or family assisted. Noting that staff’s reactions to MBP were favorable, this review also found that staff training consisted of workshops focusing on dementia, the principles of the Montessori Method, and types of activities that could be offered, and at times, also included a standardized activity protocol for staff. In activities where preschool-aged children were paired with PLWD, the children found the overall experience to be positive, and the fostered relationship with PLWD cultivated both empathy and acceptance. Conversely, PLWD showed increased constructive engagement and heightened pleasure on one hand, and decreased passive engagement, self-engagement, and non-engagement on the other. Studies examining the use of resident-assisted MBP, where persons with mild dementia were trained to facilitate MBP with peers with more advanced dementia, recommended that the former were allowed to select their preferred learning activities. Procedures most challenging for the resident leaders consisted of leading open-ended discussions, and the characteristics most associated with successful outcomes included the ability to speak clearly and loudly, ability to read large font, ability to follow instructions, and interest in/enjoyment of activities.

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Literature on family- or volunteer-led programs suggested that family members experienced a sense of reduced burden once MBP was implemented, and indicated they would continue to use the activities after the study was completed. Volunteers also enjoyed running such activities but experienced disappointment and frustration when unsuccessful interactions occurred, which suggested the need for more training. Hitzig and Sheppard (2017) put forward two key practical and policy issues for an improved implementation of MBP: first, facilitators should be provided with formal and standardized training opportunities which are now easily available even via distance learning; second, although the cultural shift toward person-centered care appears to be well aligned with the practice of MBP, the policy landscape is lagging behind and greater efforts are needed to create mechanisms to better bridge the two so that innovative learning approaches to dementia care can be more readily implemented.

Conclusion This chapter has explored and presented the capacities for learning and teaching among PLWD on the basis of Quinn and Blandon’s (2020) argument that one “cannot afford to confine millions of people with dementia to waste, even the benign waste of the protective care home” (p. 91). Society has a moral obligation to ensure that PLWD are not denied their human rights, and this includes a right to learning. Admittedly, the provision of learning opportunities for PLWD is far from straightforward and requires finely-tuned, perhaps even novel, theoretical and geragogical approaches due to the fact that the fourth age is conspicuously absent from mainstream philosophies and policies of older adult learning. This is largely because of society’s and its institutions’ avoidance of the “darker side of aging,” as well as the hegemony of – to borrow a term from van Dyk (2014) – the “Happy Gerontology” perspective whereby policy makers and gerontologists continuously “promote positive views on old age by neglecting frailty, dementia and hardship, while stressing the continuities between midlife and independent/active later life at the same time” (p. 93). A rationale advocating learning opportunities for PLWD requires a contrarian paradigm that rejects the extension of “mid-lifestylism” and instead insists that older people are not similar to middle-aged persons but, in many aspects, rather different. In practice, this warrants an all-inclusive approach that embeds PLWD in lifelong and late-life learning agendas that are sensitive to their unique personal and social experiences in the biological, socio-economic, cultural, and psychological realms. Four in-parallel strategies are required for this endeavor to become possible. First, there is an urgent need to embed lifelong learning for PLWD in a human-rightsbased framework. Despite its popularity, the social model approach to dementia – which distinguishes between the impairment and the oppression or exclusion that PLWD experience – is inadequate to bring about improved levels of lifelong learning possibilities for PLWD. “Soft” policy mechanisms that put forward norms in abstract

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declarations and principles, which are simply aspirational rather than binding for governments, are certainly inadequate to mitigate the deep-rooted and systemic attitudinal and societal obstacles faced by PLWD. Second, rationales in favor of PLWD need to react to the fact that dementia politics is entrenched in unique contexts. While not all PLWD identify as persons with disability, the brief life span of PLWD and the fact that only those with mild to moderate impairment are able to advocate for themselves or their peers are distinctive hindrances that are not generally encountered in active aging and physical disability politics. However, there is much to learn from success of human rights advocacy groups working for improved levels of wellbeing for persons with cognitive impairments (Shakespeare et al. 2019). Third, the diversity of dementia diagnoses and different socio-economic backgrounds, personalities, and abilities of PLWD makes it impossible to advocate one definition of learning. While PLWD who are still active and experience sparse impairments can be facilitated to maintain existing skills and/or develop new ones in the company of others, peers with frailer health require different geragogical approaches whereby learning activities focus more on experiences rather than outputs. In the latter situation, the presence of dementia-friendly physical environments becomes increasingly paramount. Finally, the assumption that adults are independent and self-directing in their learning does not apply for PLWD who are likely to require particularly skilled facilitation (Robertson and McCall 2020). A common denominator in successful learning initiatives in dementia care settings includes the facilitator’s capacity to skillfully connect with the participants and introduce activities at a pace that suited their abilities and interests. Such skillful approaches enable PLWD to have more control of the process, particularly when creative activities are introduced naturally through conversation and/or reminiscence. Looking towards the future, although one expects improving levels of healthy literacy to result in a decline in dementia prevalence of 6.2 million individuals globally between 2019 and 2050, such a trend will be counterbalanced by an increase of 6.8 million cases due to smoking, high body mass index (BMI), and high fasting plasma glucose (Nickols and Vos 2020). Indeed, current projections document that dementia is set to triple from an estimated 57.4 million cases globally in 2019 to an estimated 152.8 million cases in 2050 largely attributable to population growth and aging (Nickols and Vos 2020). Leaving out these persons out in the cold as far as learning opportunities are concerned is certainly not an option, and one augurs that the sub-field of fourth age learning will continue developing so as to be able to cater and meet the learning needs and interests of PLWD.

Cross-References ▶ Lifelong Learning and Life-Wide Challenges: Toward the Uncertainty of Sustainable Futures ▶ Lifelong Learning: Researching a Contested Concept in the Twenty-First Century

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Contents Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Adult Education and Cultural Studies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Early Adapters and Influencers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Have We Done Enough? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Teaching Critical Media Literacy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Researching Media Messages and Their Effects on Consumers/Audiences . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Producing Media Content . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Cross-References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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This chapter explores the rapid changes in media and media cultures that are impacting the nearly eight billion people on the planet. In 2020, the COVID-19 pandemic, the public murder of George Floyd in Minneapolis, Minnesota, the pan-global climate disasters, the collapsing democracies, the burgeoning numbers of war and climate refugees, the emboldened White Nationalist movement, and the exploding wealth gap and increasing poverty should make the field of adult education rethink its priorities, its curriculum, and its medium. The January 6, 2021, violent attack on the US Capitol Building in Washington, D.C. put an exclamation point on the need for action for those of us in the USA. While social media can have positive effects and is a useful tool for organizing activists, it is also a central means for the rapid spread of populist antidemocratic rhetoric, White supremacy, hate, fabrications, wild conspiracy theories, and calls for violence. In this chapter I implore adult educators to integrate critical media R. R. Wright (*) Lifelong Learning and Adult Education, Pennsylvania State University, Middletown, PA, USA e-mail: [email protected] © Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 K. Evans et al. (eds.), Third International Handbook of Lifelong Learning, Springer International Handbooks of Education, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-19592-1_58

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literacy and citizen responsibility into our entire curriculum. I also outline why we need to create and utilize our own media products offering alternatives to the disinformation and manipulation inherent in the way corporate-controlled social media’s messaging is presently propagated. Keywords

Media · Neoliberalism · Politics · Adult learning · Conspiracy theories · Selfdirected learning · Democracy · Populism · Social media

Introduction To abandon facts is to abandon freedom. If nothing is true, then no one can criticize power, because there is no basis upon which to do so. If nothing is true, then all is spectacle. The biggest wallet pays for the most blinding lights. (Timothy Snyder, On Tyranny)

On August 9, 2021, a California surfing instructor took his two young children (ages 2 years and 10 months) into Mexico and shot them dead with a fishing spear-gun because the social media cult figure, QAnon, had convinced him that his wife “possessed serpent DNA and had passed it on to his children” (“California Man,” 2021). By May of 2020, there were close to 80 arson attacks on 5G cell towers in the UK “due to false coronavirus conspiracy theories that blame the spread of COVID-19 on 5G” (Reichert, 2020), and similar incidents had occurred in The Netherlands, where numerous mobile telecom masts were set on fire (Wassens, 2020). Novel coronavirus conspiracy theories also led people to “assault people of Asian heritage, deliberately violate public health directives, and ingest home remedies, all in reaction to the various rumours and conspiracy theories active in social media and the news” (Shahsavari, Holur, Wang, Tangherlini, & Roychowdhury, 2020, p. 36). Even Robert Kennedy, Jr. believed and pushed the erroneous idea that the COVID-19 vaccines would somehow benefit Bill Gates and Dr. Anthony Fauci, the world-renowned immunologist (Gerts et al., 2021). In Germany, where the QAnon and “Reichsbürger” movements have developed a mutual attraction, anti-Semitic narratives of an imagined ongoing “Jewish world conspiracy” are linked to absurd coronavirus vaccine propaganda while promoting weapons hoarding (Elder & Firsova, 2021). An 8-year-old French girl was kidnapped by a gang of five QAnon extremists and later found in a disused warehouse in Sweden. Her mother, a QAnon enthusiast who had lost custody of her daughter, had induced the men to take the girl because, she believed, “the French state has been infiltrated by Satanic paedophiles” (Girl, 8, 2021). A survivor of the Parkland, Florida, shooting at Stoneman Douglas High School laments that his father has been convinced by QAnon that the reports of the shooting were part of an elaborate hoax, and that his teenaged son was part of a “false-flag operation” (Karlas, 2021). QAnon and

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other antidemocracy conspiracy promoters fabricated stories and designed and disseminated Internet memes to discredit election results in several countries. On March 30, 2020, the Hungarian parliament allowed Prime Minister Viktor Orbán absolute rule by decree, giving him dictatorial powers. Orbán can now suspend existing laws or enact new ones – all with de facto parliamentary approval. The parliament also criminalized the spreading of “false” information that might interfere with public safety or alarm the public. This included any protest against Orbán’s complete authority. He created what Fabry (2020) calls an authoritarian–ethnicist neoliberalism, using media to promote an ethnic Hungarian identity, target vulnerable groups, and dismantle institutions that protected those groups (Bíró-Nagy, 2021). Moreover, Orbán utilized anti-immigrant, Islamophobic, and xenophobic rhetoric similar to that employed by the twice-impeached former president, Donald Trump, to foment hate and justify violence in the lead-up to the violent insurrectionist attack on the US Capitol on January 6, 2021. That violence resulted in the deaths of five, including a police officer, severe injuries to nearly 150 more officers, the subsequent suicide of 4 Capitol police officers, and the traumatization of the nation (Greenspan, 2021). Beyond QAnon, conspiracy theories about the COVID-19 pandemic raged. In Sindh, Pakistan, one popular theory involved a miracle infant who could talk. At birth, the male child said, “I will not survive. I am here to tell you something important about the current coronavirus – that the disease is deadly. I will die at noon and will bring the coronavirus with me.” He then told his family to drink five sips of green tea to prevent infection and promptly died (Ali, 2020). No less fantastical, many people across the globe are convinced that life-saving vaccines are actually bioweapons created by progressive politicians to “alter the genetic structure of our species” (Timberg & Dwoskin, 2021). These examples are a small sampling of the global chaos caused by disinformation campaigns and nefarious political propaganda proliferating across media platforms. Many subscribing to QAnon conspiracies believe Democrats in the USA, along with progressive political leaders and celebrities across the globe, are part of a pedophilic, Satan-worshipping cabal that traffics in children and represents a nefarious, controlling, global elite (Gerts et al., 2021; Shahsavari, et al., 2020). While these beliefs may seem laughable at first, the harm they are doing is shocking. The spread of disinformation by “Q” and others is purposeful, including the intent to undermine democracies and spread political doubt. The means, we must acknowledge, is primarily self-directed, informal adult learning in online spaces that is subtly – and not-so-subtly – supported by alt-right talk radio and cable television “news” channels like Fox News, Newsmax, and One America News (OAN) based in the USA. During the months of pandemic isolation, lost jobs, and working-from-home in 2020, casual conspiracy buffs of all sorts were overwhelmed with erroneous, false, damaging disinformation campaigns. Social media algorithms targeted the susceptible with increasingly titillating conspiracy stories (Cinque, 2021; Urbano & Agosti,

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2020). People changed, as Karlas (2021) reported, and not in a positive way. While some sort of mass deprogramming is needed, it is not likely to happen soon. Therefore, educators from across the wide spectrum of adult learning spaces must now take on the additional challenge of addressing these deep-seated, emotionally charged, firmly held, politically dangerous, often racist, and profoundly undemocratic beliefs. In higher education, military training, medical education, vocational school, basic literacy programs, and workplace development classes, educators are facing, and will continue to face, students gripped by unsound, even fantastical, worldviews. As the world fights to overcome a pandemic that has killed over 5.6 million human beings at the time of this writing, adult educators are challenged to address one of the most disorienting realizations about the current historical period, increasingly shared by journalists, politicians, academics and concerned citizens alike: we now live in a post-truth world, where emotions and beliefs trump evidence-based arguments, where the distinction between truth and lies has become increasingly blurred, and where the very notion of truth seems to have all but disappeared. (Consentino, 2020, pp. 2–3)

The question for the field of adult education is, “Are we up to the task?” In the USA, several extremist groups have coalesced around Trumpism, consolidating these various conspiratorial groups into a “monological belief system” where one conspiracy theory serves as evidence for other conspiracist ideations (Goertzel, 1994). Numerous studies show that the strongest predictor of belief in a particular conspiracy theory is holding other conspiracy beliefs (Brotherton et al., 2013; Goertzel, 1994; Swami, 2012). Luke (2021) addressed the dangers of the “big lie” conspiracy theory that Donald Trump actually won the 2020 election in the USA, despite Biden receiving over 7,000,000 more votes and winning soundly in the electoral college. He points to the insurmountable evidence that the 2020 election was more secure, with greater citizen participation, than any election in US history. Yet, despite the facts, this decisive day for electoral democracy, popular participation, and civic engagement for the republic was followed by weeks of disgraceful wrangling by President Trump and the Republican Party to overturn the results of this amazing electoral wave of civic participation and invalidate the vote of millions in their desperate effort to maintain control of the White House. (Luke, 2021, p. 5)

While Trump and his allies continue to push false election claims, educators have a crucial role in addressing political disinformation on all fronts because a functioning democracy depends on “honest civic education and engagement in a humane and caring politics steered by rational reflection and careful choice as well as civil conduct and ethical example” (Luke, 2021, p. 6). While I agree with Luke, I must ask myself, how can caring engagement and ethical example compete with the emotional thrill, tantalizing spectacle, and psychological grip of media-promoted conspiracy theories? Or has technology (and greed) out-paced human evolution and stymied it?

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Adult Education and Cultural Studies Anyone who has the power to make you believe absurdities has the power to make you commit injustices. If you do not use the intelligence with which God endowed your mind to resist believing impossibilities, you will not be able to use the sense of injustice which God planted in your heart to resist a command to do evil. (Voltaire, Questions on Miracles)

In the concluding chapter of Tom Steele’s (1997) foundational work tracing the origins of the field of culture studies to early adult education pioneers in the UK, he describes how adult educators in the mid-twentieth century saw popular culture as a way to engage working-class learners in a distinctly political dialogue centered on the hegemony of capitalism and its anti-working-class politics. Yet, with the emergence of mainstream cultural studies as a discipline, the focus shifted to a “dogmatic insistence on separating contemporary cultural studies from the political economy of culture” (p. 206). By the 1980s, cultural studies “lost the possibility of political engagement with social life. Instead, they comment upon social life from a distanced and increasingly ironic standpoint” (p. 206). According to Steele, this led cultural studies scholars to “adopt an aristocratic nihilism which utterly refuses to distinguish between social life and its simulations” (pp. 206–207). Given the events of 2020 and the clear impact of all forms of media on the health of the human species (and the health of democracies around the globe), there is a need for adult educators to refocus on the effects of popular culture and media on the belief systems and politics of our time. Steven Schmidt (2021), immediate past president of the Commission of Professors of Adult Education (CPAE), a special interest group of the American Association of Adult and Continuing Education (AAACE), recently called for adult educators to focus on “critical thinking and evaluation regarding media and information found on the internet and in other venues” as we move forward (p. 3). This is clearly a rallying cry. Recent events such as Brexit; the election of Donald Trump; Lukashenko’s take-over in Belarus; the January 6 terrorist attack on the US Capitol; COVID-19 deniers and antivaxxers; the Min Aung Hlaing-led military coup in Myanmar; China’s actions in Hong Kong and Taiwan; and Russia threatening Ukraine would not occur as they did without the largest propaganda machine ever invented – the Internet. Social media has surfaced as both a means to organize activists and the principal means of widespread propaganda dissemination for authoritarian, neo-Nazi, White nationalist, neoliberal, antigovernment, and antivaccine messages and movements (Brändle, Galpin, & Trenz, 2021; Hall, Tinati, & Jennings, 2018; Leader, Burke-Garcia, Massey, & Roark, 2021; Navumau, 2020; Tari & Emamzadeh, 2018). And when activists compete for bandwidth with the rich and powerful, then activists lose, as we saw when both Google and Apple, at Putin’s behest, removed the Smart Voting app developed by Russian opposition leader Alexei Navalny to aid citizens in finding polling places and voting information in 2021 (Litvinova & Chan, 2021). Navalny was subsequently imprisoned.

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We now see more frequent incidents of common civility and respect breaking down in democracies as when the People’s Party official threw rocks at Canadian Prime Minister, Justin Trudeau (PPC, 2021), Trump supporters accosted lawmakers for not backing efforts to overturn the 2020 election, and numerous threats were made to teachers, school board members, and public health officials over mask mandates and critical curriculum throughout the USA. The ability to communicate in virtual anonymity through the Internet has fostered increasing volumes of trolls, hate speech, and hateful actions. More adult education programs are needed, at least in the USA, Canada, and other countries where propagandists proliferate, that include cultural studies, politics, and critical media literacy (CML) as primary foci for adult education curricula because media now dominate our lives and social movements are struggling against far-right media messaging. I use CML to describe the process of teaching people to critically analyze old (TV, Film, and Print) and new (Digital, Social, Internet Platform) media. The study of adult learning and identity development through media, in addition to teaching CML, seems to be one of the few ways we might help students negotiate, navigate, and evaluate the whirlpool of disinformation, misinformation, and propaganda that private corporations and aspirational authoritarians have unleashed.

Early Adapters and Influencers A review of major adult education handbooks and compendiums over the last two decades reveals that some adult educators responded to Brookfield’s (1986) exhortation for the field to return to its mid-twentieth century focus on media (Guy, 2006, 2011; Jarvis, 2010; Jubas, Sandlin, Wright, & Burdick, 2020; Sandlin, 2011; Wright, 2017, 2018). Yet, the escalating production of nefarious media disinformation campaigns on both mainstream and dark web platforms, the increasing indicators of global unrest, and the accelerating rise of fascist-leaning politicians indicate a need to pivot further toward teaching, researching, and theorizing popular culture and media as a sight of informal learning for adults. Media theorist Douglas Kellner (2020) insists that since we live “from cradle to grave in a media culture and society, it is important to learn how to understand, interpret, and criticize its meanings and messages” (p. 2). Yet, he adds, “too many educational forums ignore or undervalue the significance of critical media literacy as a crucial dimension of knowledge” (p. 2). CML requires a critical habit of mind that takes time and effort to cultivate and attains greater utility when interwoven into most subjects we teach and the research we do. Critical educators are concerned primarily with issues of power, and, according to Kellner, “The media are intimately connected with power and open the study of culture to the vicissitudes of politics and the slaughterhouse of history” (p. 35). He further posits that we need a critical media pedagogy that can “serve as part of a process of social enlightenment, producing new roles for critical and public intellectuals” (p. 301). Beyond CML, critical media pedagogy and activism will “require new roles and functions for intellectuals” and a “democratic media politics” with “new cyberspaces to explore and map, and new terrains of political struggle and

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intervention” (p. 297) in which to work. We have our work cut out for us and seeking to add CML throughout the curriculum is the first step. In 2006, Guy called on adult educators to “incorporate media analysis into our research and our practice” or we will be “tacitly complicit” in media’s growing threat to democracy (p. 72). Recent events have proven him to be right. And in 2007, Tisdell and Thompson (2007) conducted a mixed methods study of US adult educators’ television use and found that “It is really in overtly discussing and analysing representation and portrayals of characters in an ongoing discussion, such as a classroom . . ., that one can develop critical media literacy skills” (p. 670). Two decades earlier, Brookfield (1986) insisted that media frames “the context within which we decide which issues and problems are significant in the political realm.” Moreover, adult educators have a responsibility to help students recognize media’s overwhelming influence on their “personal, occupational, and political worlds” and to encourage critical skepticism – what he calls “ideological detoxification” (p. 151). Ideological detoxification, for Brookfield, means helping adults recognize that their hermeneutics are “personally and collectively created rather than divinely ordained” by teaching them to “become critical decoders” of media images and stories (p. 168). Thirty-five years later, the all-encompassing nature of mediated messages from social media, YouTube, streaming services, Instagram and TikTok “influencers,” and podcasts add to the ideological manipulation of television, film, and radio. As we watch in horror at the divisiveness and death wrought by media disinformation campaigns on politics, public health, refugees, women’s rights, racial equity, and climate change, we must ask ourselves, “Have we done enough?” Do we need to reevaluate our overarching focus, our learning theories, our research projects, and our future directions to include considerably more emphasis on media’s influence and impact on adults’ epistemological development, in addition to incorporating CML into curriculum?

Have We Done Enough? In 2020, “there were 22 separate billion-dollar weather and climate disasters across the United States, shattering the previous annual record of 16 events” (https://www. climate.gov/disasters2020). For many adults, the only exposure to science past compulsory schooling is watching medical dramas, science fiction, and weather forecasts. The disastrous effects of climate change have been recognized, researched, and dreaded by climate scientists since the 1970s, yet there are political leaders who still refuse to accept the reality of man-made climate effects even now. Many on the political right continue to support massive fossil fuel consumption as the USA, Canada, Australia, Brazil, and Russia experience unprecedented wildfire destruction, and flooding in the USA, Bangladesh, China, Japan, and India is increasingly devastating to crops, lives, and property. Drought is causing famine in places as disparate as Ethiopia and Guatemala at the time of this writing in 2021. We see similar ignorance and rejection of scientific expertise during the novel coronavirus pandemic, with some people refusing free and plentiful vaccines in the

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USA and other Western nations. Meanwhile in the USA, state-level lawmakers are pushing back against the hard-won progress of women, racial minorities, and the LGBTQI communities by passing numerous voter suppression, antiabortion, antiimmigrant, and antitrans laws. Much of the impetus behind the pushback against progress is fomented and spread on social media. But television media must also to be examined. The USA has seen new cable networks like One America News (OAN) and Newsmax try to out “alt-right” Fox News, causing Fox to move further and further toward a blatant White Nationalist platform. While “alt-right” (alternative right) used to refer to the extremist fringe (Neo-Nazi groups, White supremacist militias, and Tea-Party candidates), with the Trump election in 2016, those groups have coalesced, expanded, and now dominate the US Republican party, as well as most of political talk radio and the aforementioned “news” channels (DiMaggio, 2022). Bjork-James (2020) posits that the White nationalist movement has used homophobia and antifeminism as recruitment pathways, expanding the movement and fomenting violence. She calls for “more anti-racist, feminist analysis of the spread of white nationalism online, particularly in relation to the expanding manosphere” (p. 181). Such a mix of toxic masculinity with racism, sexism, and homophobia is exemplified and normalized by, for example, Fox News’ most watched pundit, Tucker Carlson. Media’s normalizing of these extremist worldviews serves to promote them. Adult educators have a responsibility to encourage students to challenge those ideologies. To that end, clearly, we need a critical media literacy approach to adult education in all sectors of the field. There is an urgency caused by the virtually instantaneous spread of disinformation, bigotry, conspiracy theories, and hateful rhetoric through mediated spaces. The burgeoning of deliberate campaigns to undermine democracy, community, kindness, equity, scholarship, and reason parallels the explosion of global wealth inequality that has skyrocketed to almost inconceivable levels in the last decade. Corporate media consolidation, including technology companies, has led to what Bourdieu (2001) argues is a “vertical integration such that distribution governs production, imposing a veritable censorship by money” (p. 69) (emphasis in the original). The need for CML for developing a knowledgeable citizenry is obvious. Moreover, CML is crucial for basic skills education as well. Scams, phishing, and other cybercrime often target vulnerable adults. According to the US Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), there were more cybercrimes committed against older adults (60 years and older) than any other age group in 2020 (FBI, 2021). Cybercriminals stole nearly a billion dollars ($966,062,236) from that age group. But other adult groups were not far behind: 20–29 ($197,402,240); 30–39 ($492,176,845); 40–49 ($717,161,726); and 50–59 ($847,948,101). Adult basic numeracy education must include CML as a major component. Cryptocurrency is looming on the horizon as either a future necessity or a current lure for people trying to find ways to supplement or create income during the economic uncertainty inherent in postpandemic reorganization. As businesses cut corners to make up for losses during shutdowns, landlords require payment of back-rent, continuing antivaccination campaigns keep the prospect of controlling the spread of the virus just out of our grasp, and scammers will find no shortage of victims. Additional

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instruction is needed for learning about cyber security, as Internet access becomes an essential part of life and identity theft a growing threat to all of us. Lifelong learning programs risk irrelevancy if we continue to view adult learners’ needs through traditional, modernist lenses. Sandlin, Wright, and Clark (2013) call for adult educators to recognize the “importance of the nonmediated learning occurring in various sites of public pedagogy” (p. 18). They explain how modernist master narratives have shaped dominant adult education theories. The modernist ideas of individual autonomy and agency are essential to the concepts of andragogy, self-directed learning, and transformative learning. Yet these rational processes are derived from the application of reason. The underlying assumption that, “normative change is directed toward higher and better levels of development” (p. 7) contrasts with the reality we are experiencing. What we are seeing on a global scale, I argue, is the opposite. The public pedagogy of media clearly has the potential, and often the intent of (mis)educating adult consumers through manipulating powerful emotions. Pleasure, shock, outrage, fear, and spectacle are more impactful and immediate than reason and reflection. Our theories, practices, and curriculum should evolve with our cultural changes, political landscapes, and shifting needs. As Brookfield (2005) points out, the concept of selfdirected learning needs to be examined for its modernist notions of the free and autonomous learner seeking and finding enlightenment and making rational choices in isolation. On the contrary, most self-directed learning now includes online searching, where algorithms push spectacle over substance. Habermas (1991) argues that a healthy democracy must have a robust “public sphere” where people come together to discuss issues. It should be inclusive of all groups, disregard the social and economic status of participants, promote rationalcritical discourse, and address mutual concerns. The public sphere has gone digital. It is emotional rather than rational. It is tribal rather than inclusive. It is not local, but global. Not moderated by public-minded citizens but pushed by artificial intelligence (AI). It privileges status, celebrity, money, and anger rather than public good. And it creates fantastical divisive issues, stresses fear of the “other,” and deflects attention from mutual concerns. We have not yet done enough. The Media’s the Most Powerful Entity on Earth. (Malcolm X (Handler, 1992))

The classroom with all its limitations remains a location of possibility. In that field of possibility, we have the opportunity to labour for freedom, to demand of ourselves and our comrades an openness of mind and heart that allows us to face reality even as we collectively imagine ways to move beyond boundaries, to transgress. This is education as the practice of freedom. (bell hooks, 1994, p. 207)

While the outlook may be dire, many in our field are increasingly using social media to teach, organize, and encourage. They are talking about the effects of media in classrooms. They are researching the effects of learning from various media on adults. And they are analyzing media products for their cultural messaging. My

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contention here is that we need to do much more if we are to make a difference and slow the negative, counter-reality campaigns driven by those in power. Education is about power. In this historical moment, when racism, sexism, homophobia, and xenophobia are, indeed, going viral on the web; when the environmental, ecological, and meteorological threats of climate change are increasingly alarming; and when authoritarian oligarchs are using technology to promote fear, divide communities, and encourage violence – in this historical moment – I am certain of one thing: The field of adult education has a huge part to play in our global future. We work in multi- and inter-disciplinary populations in universities, colleges, NGOs, community organizations, medical schools, workplaces, literacy, second-language acquisition, professional development, think tanks, and as independent scholars and public intellectuals. I chose this field for those reasons. It still excites me when I think about the possibilities open to lifelong learning scholars. Those of us who embrace criticality, who consider ourselves to be radical educators in the vein of Myles Horton, the great champion of democracy, of workers’ unions, and of civil rights, and Paulo Freire, the Brazilian educator of the oppressed, realize the time has come to take more risks. Ideological detoxification should be paramount in whatever space we work. At the forefront of our efforts should be “teaching how the opportunity to construct access to communication and to define the parameters of acceptable debate are the prerogative of corporations controlling cyberspace and media” (Brookfield & Holst, 2011, p. 203). Billionaires and, in authoritarian countries, despots and demagogues control national, international, and global narratives that shape the way people think. Our job is to create curricula to help adults understand how people learn “racism, homophobia, patriarchy, and ableism, and how they incorporate these ideologies into the microdecisions of their daily actions” (p. 110). Brookfield and Holst further insist that adult educators should, (1) explore how the ideology of capitalism as coterminous with democracy is a misnomer since corporations now control political agendas; (2) internationalize the content of our courses to help break the hold of nationalist, imperialist rhetoric; and (3) teach for diversity, equity, and inclusion. The aim for such a curriculum is to “encourage students to envisage and then to practice ways of living strongly opposed to the supposedly “natural” ways they have learned” (p. 111) to privilege ideologies of White supremacy, patriarchy, homophobia, ableism, nationalism, and sexism. Teaching CML, researching media messages and effects, and producing media content are crucial to those goals.

Teaching Critical Media Literacy Considering the truly historic period we are experiencing as a global community, the need to teach adults to examine their beliefs, actions, learning, and environments through a critical lens is urgent. Emerging adults have never lived in a world without social media and hand-held Internet access. In the USA, people spent an average of 13 h and 21 min per day using or viewing media in 2020 (Schomer, 2021, May 27). That amount may sound shocking, and one might tend to blame the pandemic, but

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according to Nielsen Media Research, that is up only slightly from 12 hours and 20 minutes per day in 2019 (Nielsen, 2020). Kellner (2020) insists that media culture is a contested terrain across which key social groups and competing political ideologies struggle for dominance in ever-changing conflicts, and that individuals live through these struggles through the images, discourses, myths, and spectacles of media culture. Indeed, individuals construct their subjectivities, identities, and their place in the world in part through their engagement with media culture. (p. 3)

In his decades of media analysis and audience research, Kellner has found that the media “contribute to educating us how to behave and what to think, feel, believe, fear, and desire – and what not to do.” Educators, he concludes, must teach “how to read, criticize, and resist sociocultural manipulation” (p. 2). Considering people, at least in the USA, spend two-thirds of their waking hours consuming media, the consolidation of media ownership into the hands of an increasingly wealthy elite over the last few decades explains much of the emergence of authoritarianism and divisiveness around the globe. While basic global literacy has yet to be achieved, we have an even greater task that should take precedence – deconstructing media’s ideology manipulation and its often gross distortion of reality as personified in the election of a reality-TV personality with a long record of business failures, sexist behaviors, and racist actions to be president of the wealthiest country with the largest military presence in the world. Fortunately, the call for adult education to revamp curricula to meet these challenges is growing in popularity. MacNeill, Johnston, and Smyth (2020) point out how neoliberalism and populism, spread through media, have impoverished university adult education. Indeed, the doctoral program within which I have worked for the last decade was closed last year. They delineate how “the power of the internet and digital media such as Facebook and Twitter” is a “renewed public pedagogy” of neoliberalism pushing false narratives that promote national populism and undermine democracies. Narratives of national populism pose complex topics and policies in simplistic terms using xenophobic, racist, and sexist tropes, while promoting a violent uprising of the “common man” against cosmopolitanism, scholarship, inclusion, equity, progress, and even science. The phenomena of Brexit in the UK and Trumpism in America are two examples of massive adult education endeavors in civics channeled through social media venues and “promoting antiimmigration, racism, denigration of “experts” and justification of inequality” (p. 119). MacNeill et al. call for “a place in every curriculum to identify and critique examples of online political manipulation” (p. 119) and to enact a radical public pedagogy outside formal educational institutions in digital spaces to promote civic responsibility and fact-based political understandings. Marmol (2018) calls on educators to fuse “alternative media content with a critical media literacy framework in their classrooms” (25). Right-wing news sites like Fox and Breitbart have proliferated, but mainstream news has also shifted right over the last 30 years (Krzyzanowski, 2020; Martin, 2019; Rooduijn, 2014; Speakman & Funk, 2020). Too much of the news media has been consolidated

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into the hands of a few individuals who are invested in the status quo and stockholder profits. Alternative news sites that are scholarly and factual do exist but are difficult to find due to search engine algorithms (designed and controlled by corporations) that promote the sites most often visited – the ones that sell the most ads. Lists of alternative news sites can sometimes be found in academic library databases or from websites like http://fair.org/take-action-now/online-news-sources/. Marmol insists that using such sites in classrooms can be a “transformative and revolutionary pedagogical intervention” against “classist and racist frames that are reproduced by the corporate media” (p. 24). We also need to delve deeper into the nature of the learning that happens without educator facilitation and guidance.

Researching Media Messages and Their Effects on Consumers/ Audiences Adult educators have always tried to meet students where they are as the common phrase goes. In our media-saturated world, that means more than doing a needs assessment and being aware of students’ diverse backgrounds. Neoliberal national populism has infected self-directed learning in digital spaces and spread . . . well . . . like a pandemic. In fact, we saw in real time how anti-Asian sentiment swept through the US and other regions during 2020 based on COVID-19 disinformation and populist, racist, messaging from the White House, on social media, on right-wing talk radio, and on Fox News. We watched as the hope for positive change inspired by Black Lives Matter protests across the globe in the wake of the videoed murder of George Floyd was met with an explosion of White Nationalist populism culminating, in the USA, in the violent January 6 insurrection at the US Capitol building. Many of my colleagues were stunned by the venom, the racism, and the violence against police of those right-wing, militia-led, insurrectionists. Those of us who study media were less surprised. However, the events of the last few years have had at least one positive effect. Adult educators – like those in many other disciplines including medicine, sociology, psychology, education, meteorology, climate science, and public health – are also turning to media research in efforts to understand and combat the growing public disconnect between civil communication on real, pressing issues, and the concomitant violence and anger over manufactured ones. In this section, I will highlight some recent studies on informal adult learning via media spaces, beginning with those with a feminist framework. As a US citizen, I am most familiar with the current backlash against women’s progress happening here. Our now far-right majority Supreme Court seems to be on the brink of reversing the Roe versus Wade decision of legalized abortion for women who need that aspect of health care. Open demonization of progressive Democratic women in the US Congress escalated throughout the Trump presidency. Teachers and school board members, who are predominantly women, are being threatened and intimidated over masking and vaccination requirements, as are those in womendominated workforces such as retail and hospitality industries. Women holding state and local offices are enduring daily acts of misogyny, including intimidation and

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threats of violence. Pay equity seems like the vaporizing remnants of a sciencefiction dream. Moreover, in so many regions of the world, women and girls still live in severe patriarchal cultures where even basic education is forbidden to them. Media’s complicity in promoting draconian patriarchy has been extensively documented (Gauntlett, 2008; Milestone & Meyer, 2021). Fortunately, there are increasing numbers of scholars in adult education and related fields who study media-based resistance to both gender and race discrimination. Roumell and James-Gallaway (2021) show the evolution of Black women activists’ use of media to create “counterpublics” or alternative spaces to debate issues affecting marginalized groups. They showcase historical Black women activist leaders, like journalist Ida B. Wells Barnett who worked to counter dominant narratives of racial and gender inferiority during the abolition and suffrage movements, through women leaders of the Civil rights era, to three current social movements on social media: #MeToo, #BLM, and #SayHerName. They point out that “Black women dutifully serve as the backbone of US democracy,” but we must do more than “bear witness.” They further urge adult educators to “elevate the scholarship and social actions of Black women and those of other marginalized communities to educate the larger population” (p. 29). Given the plethora of amazing Black women activist leaders today, I hope we embrace that challenge. In a similar tribute, Shamburg (2021) interviewed 10 women of color podcasters who create content designed to educate underserved groups. He found that these women are “driven by a sense of mission” and have developed strong connections to their audiences. He further contends that, “This growing medium of continuing education could be considered a parallel and informal higher educational system” (p. 711). Podcasts certainly have the capacity to instruct. Sessoms (2017) also looked at intentionally educational media content by women of color. She analyzed Black natural hair care blogs (BNHCBs) developed as part of the “natural hair movement.” A critical discourse analysis of the blogs and related comments, and interviews with the most frequent contributors to the comments sections, revealed an online community in conversations going far beyond resisting chemical hair straightening. The posts contained conversations about a) the politics of Black women’s representation; b) a critical analysis of popular culture; c) blogging as a journalistic sociopolitical intervention; and d) a dialogic exchange of information that framed commenters as experts, initiating and maintaining participant conversations around issues related to the natural hair movement. Blogging, vlogging, and podcasting have increasingly become popular venues for activism addressing a wide range of issues and offering adult educators both an opportunity for facilitating learning beyond the classroom as well as being fascinating sites for research on informal adult learning. Sessoms went on to become an activist adult educator herself, starting Natural Inclination, LLC, a business designed to train employers, educators, and other activists how to facilitate courageous conversations on justice, equity, diversity, and inclusion (aninclination. com). As Tisdell and Thompson (2007) point out, film and television can be used by adult educators to facilitate cultural learning. With national populism gaining ground in countries around the globe, accompanied by xenophobic and bigoted rhetoric,

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adult educators who offer travel abroad may need to address cultural misperceptions to enable students to be open to what they are expected to learn. Nguyen (2015) surveyed adults who participated in a short-term, faculty-led study abroad program to understand how the media affected the preconceived beliefs and attitudes about the places they planned to visit. Television programs and film were the most cited media, but some participants checked social media and search engines. Nguyen found that “popular culture plays a powerful and recursive role in forming new ideas and understanding about cultures of the world” (p. 75). She concluded, however, with this caveat: “because of the volume of messages accessed, learners end up paying particular attention to the plots, characters and themes that are most directly related to their own personal interests” (p. 76) and may ignore other important cultural subplots. She urges faculty leading study abroad groups to facilitate students’ critical analysis of media portrayals of their destination before they travel as a means of promoting cultural competence. Educating about global health issues like COVID-19 is another area where adult educators are essential, according to Lopes and McKay (2021), because “any attempts to define a strategy to combat the pandemic must include a strong commitment to information dissemination and to the training of populations” (p. 123). This includes efforts to close the digital divide and educate older adults on digital literacy. I would argue that CML should also feature prominently, based on the amount of erroneous and, often absurd, messaging infecting education efforts on COVID-19. The New York City-based Asian American Feminist Collective (AAFC) worked to address disinformation and educate the public around issues related to COVID-19 by creating a digital zine, Asian American Feminist Antibodies: Care in the Time of Coronavirus and an accompanying Twitter campaign, #FeministAntibodies (Kuo, Zhang, Shaw, & Wang, 2020). As Trump spent 2020 denigrating Chinese people with slurs about the virus like Kung-flu, and attacks on Asian Americans escalated, the zine and hashtag served as both a place for facts about COVID-19, as well as a space to discuss topics like politics, environmental racism, and community organizing, including calls for intersectionality with other marginalized groups. Adult educators have also examined media’s effects in environmental justice education. Biney (2019) found that environmental activists against a process called “galamsey,” used by thieves to extract gold and minerals that poison local water supplies, created social media sites to educate citizens, organize protests, and “sustain the lifelong learning drive to save water bodies, arable lands, and forest vegetation cover in Ghana” (p. 463). Lander and Stever (2018) investigated the importance of utilizing social media’s ability to educate and organize community groups as one factor in achieving the United Nations’ sustainable development goals. And Larri and Whitehouse (2019) examined the Australian activist group, Knitting Nannas Against Gas and Greed (KNAGs). This group of grandmothers (Nannas) became social media savvy in order to promote their organization and enact “Nannagogy,” defined as “an act of radical adult education that has its antecedents in feminist collective learning strategies such as consciousness raising as well as the formal education strategies of action learning and communities of practice” (p. 27).

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Their distinctly political purpose is to fight fracking and to “peacefully and productively protest against the destruction of our land, air, and water by corporations and/or individuals who seek profit and personal gain from the short-sighted and greedy plunder of our natural resources” (p. 38). The group uses “Facebook and Twitter to educate others about coal seam gas, fracking, and environmental issues. . . and to connect with other KNAG members” (p. 45). As education about the effects of corporate environmental damage, climate change, deforestation, and overpopulation becomes increasingly urgent, it is encouraging to see adult educators create social media-based environmental activist groups to reach audiences outside classrooms. These studies and others in the same vein are crucial to our understanding the impact of media on societies, individual adults, policies, and politics. We need to be conducting more of them. As the title of this chapter indicates, the year 2020 brought into clearer focus both the benefits and dangers of media. Media coverage of the COVID-19 pandemic, extreme weather events caused by climate change, various environmental disasters, Brexit, the US presidential election, Trump’s first impeachment and disgraceful acquittal by the Senate, the protests in Belarus, China’s expanding aggression against Hong Kong and Taiwan, Derek Chauvin’s murder of George Floyd, and QAnon kept the world enthralled and, frankly, kept many of us stressed, anxious, and feeling helpless. Global and national inequalities, structural racism, economic and cultural sexism, neoliberal populism, residual colonialism, expanding neofascism, and White nationalism were made more visible. Democracies were and are being challenged and dismantled as global wealth became obscenely concentrated into the hands of billionaire technology and banking moguls. But we must face this paradox: While technology enabled us to see these dangers more clearly, it also played a big part in propagating them. Critical adult educators are realizing that we need not only to study media as sights of informal public pedagogy, but also to view them as places of practice. Authoritarian, Neo Nazi, White Nationalist, and other radicalizing far-right extremists have been using media to recruit, teach, train, and radicalize for years. Many adult educators are turning to the use of media to fight back.

Producing Media Content If something is a tool, it genuinely is just sitting there, waiting patiently. If something is not a tool, it’s demanding things from you. It’s seducing you; it’s manipulating you; it wants things from you. We’ve moved away from a tools-based technology environment to an addiction and manipulation technology environment. Social media isn’t a tool waiting to be used. It has its own goals, and it has its own means of pursuing them by using your psychology against you. (Tristan Harris, former design ethicist at Google – The Social Dilemma (2020))

One reason 2020 was such a pivotal year – for widespread social justice and climate change awareness, on the one hand, and increased radicalization and violence, on the other – is that the pandemic shutdowns, with more people working

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from home, meant more attention to media. According to Lindner and Barnard (2020), Brains can only do so many things each day. Most of us use our limited cognitive capacity to focus on our work, family and friends, errands—mundane stuff. Even if we care about social and political issues, we’re all too happy for shortcuts that help us understand the issues quickly. (p. 152)

With so much happening during a time of global health fears and economic shifts, people turned to media to stay informed. Also in 2020, the Netflix documentary film, The Social Dilemma (2020), provided a caveat that everyone should consider. The film brings together former Big Tech executives from Apple, Google, Mozilla, Facebook, and Twitter with scholars, doctors, activists, and computer scientists to discuss how the algorithms these companies use push content designed to privilege sites that spark unjustified outrage and amplify biases, rather than to inform. The goal is profit, not education. The aim is to keep consumers clicking. Film participants elaborate how Internet media’s surveillance-based advertising provides a platform for authoritarian politicians to sew discontent and fuel political divisions (thesocialdilemma.com). We should watch, teach, and share this award-winning documentary. Unfortunately, we cannot unplug from the machine. Despite knowledge about the negative impacts inherent in today’s media, helping adults cope with this mediasaturated world is part of our job description. I contend that creating resistant content will be integral to that task. Avoiding media simply leaves an uncontested platform for hate and disinformation. Understanding the way algorithms are used, something explained in the documentary, is the first step. A former operations manager at Facebook, Sandy Parakilas, warns viewers that, “as humans we’ve almost lost control over these systems. Because they’re controlling the information that we see; they’re controlling us more than we’re controlling them” (Social Dilemma, 2020). Withdrawing is not an option, however, because billions will not. Withdrawing will simply remove us from the equation. The success of #BlackLivesMatter, #BringBackOurGirls, and #MeToo at bringing attention to social and political issues offer some indication of why adult educators should consider social media for disseminating content, for building academic communities, and for offering factual countertexts to disinformation. Meeting students where they are now means meeting them in media spaces. Careless (2015) delineates the benefits of using social media to promote critical discourse with colleagues and students. She points out that, “education programs and policies often reflect the needs of this dominant capitalist system, where learners are seen as consumers of knowledge and credentials to be used in exchange for employment and wages in the workforce” (p. 15). She insists social media is a “tool for communication [and] it is important to encourage its use for critical, revolutionary purposes in education” (p. 23). Critical scholars recognize the exigency and gravity of this moment in human evolution. We have decisions to make about how to bring about positive change and should accept that an online presence

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is essential. At the same time, universities are increasingly focused on imposing neoliberal policies that require faculty to teach more, publish more, and bring in large external, often corporate, grants. Learning to create an online educative presence will be time-consuming, adding to our expanding workloads. We may have to begin small, but if each of us can schedule a little time to use our considerable skills as educators to practice public pedagogy in our virtual networks, it will be a start. Create private groups on platforms like Facebook, design personal websites with a purpose, develop podcasts, or write editorials for online newspapers. Dennis (2015) argues that blogging should be utilized to help adults discuss and analyze issues in an online community. They can also help educators to “learn how to survive global neoliberal educational policy that is unsympathetic towards the ideals they pre-figuratively embody” (p. 297) by giving us a voice to address those policy failures. Conversations outside formal education on topics essential to adult living, learning, and development are ubiquitous. We need to be an educative part of them.

Conclusion Modern humanity is distinguished by palaeolithic emotions and medieval institutions like banks and religions – and God-like technology. (Edward O. Wilson, “Father of Biodiversity” – Harvard University)

Adult educators have always worked to promote social justice. But 2020 showed us that the technology we use and consume has outpaced people’s understanding of it, like the plot of the movie, The Matrix (1999), where humans are simply biological processors for machines, while their minds exist in a CGI banal “reality” of contented, busy lives. Machines, programmed to titillate, provoke, and keep consumers clicking links, are deciding what information or disinformation each person sees, what “reality” gets promoted, based on marketing – selling the greatest number of ads by promoting the highest number of “hits.” Algorithms push us, not to facts or opposing views, but to validation of beliefs, no matter how erroneous. Civil discourse has virtually evaporated in many parts of the world. In the USA, daily news reports show violent, angry mobs at school board meetings, aboard commercial aircraft, at town halls, and even in hospitals. In recent days, right-wing mobs have begun burning books and banning important literary works dealing with racism or the Holocaust from schools. In Ottawa, Canada, Neo-Nazi groups march and truckers block traffic with 18-wheelers. As Andreeva (2020) put it: For the sake of democracy, it is always better for people to live in the same reality, reality which is chaotic and where there are big differences in beliefs and ideology, but where everyone actually participates in the same discussion, instead of having a lot of small bubbles in which people from that bubble agree with each other and tap their shoulders, completely unaware of the other bubbles that exist around them. (p. 52)

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We cannot stay in our academic bubbles. I hope 2020 will prove to have changed our profession as it changed the world. For those who have watched the 1999 film, The Matrix, the year 2020 should have been our red pill, the one that allowed our Paleolithic brains to finally see the tyranny of machines built to maximize profit for the billionaire class – machines holding no values, no ethics, no morals, and no concept of truth. We cannot exist in a bubble of textbooks and journal articles written by scholars for a handful of other scholars. That is not reality either. We know that we construct knowledge intellectually, culturally, socially, experientially, physically, and emotionally. And now we must add virtually. In 2020, our world developed an entirely new connotation of the term “virtual reality.” The Center for Humane Technology developed a “Ledger of Harms” caused by the explosion of social media that can be found at: https://ledger.humanetech.com/. It is a very long list of well-researched phenomena. Everyone we seek to educate is affected by those harms, just as are we. Kellner (2020) posits that, “Critical media pedagogy can thus serve as part of a process of social enlightenment producing new roles for critical and public intellectuals” (p. 301). When I submitted a proposal for this chapter in September of 2020, I was hopeful that the world was waking up. Joe Biden was ahead in every poll; Black Lives Matter, MeToo, and other justice and equity campaigns were finally producing dialogue about change. Effective COVID19 vaccines were just over the horizon, according to scientists, and news outlets were at least beginning to talk seriously about climate change. Then the hopefulness ignited by Biden’s victory and Democratic control of both houses in the US Congress began to nose-dive as the alt-right hate groups crept out from the shadows. Private militias began preparing for the January 6 “rally” in order to “protest” a conclusive election outcome by citing conspiracies with no basis in fact or reality. My worst fears about media’s negative effects barreled into the spotlight with the incidents described in the first paragraph. American right-wing extremists, antivaccine proponents, and Christian evangelicals were lured by social media algorithms into darker and darker fantasies. The owners of capital thrived. The richest men in the world got obscenely richer as hundreds of thousands of others lost everything. In a 2019 speech to the Anti-Defamation League’s summit on antisemitism and hate, comedian and actor Sasha Baron Cohen criticized Facebook for allowing Holocaust deniers to post propaganda observing, “We have millions of pieces of evidence for the Holocaust – it is an historical fact. And denying it is not some random opinion. Those who deny the Holocaust aim to encourage another one.” He went on to point out: As one headline put it, just think what Goebbels could have done with Facebook. . . And they’ll even help you micro-target those lies to their users for maximum effect. Under this twisted logic, if Facebook were around in the 1930s, it would have allowed Hitler to post 30-second ads on his ‘solution’ to the ‘Jewish problem. (Pulver, 2019)

Baron Cohen is right. Our Paleolithic brains have not kept up with the machines programmed to feed us what titillates. As I close this chapter, I implore adult educators in any capacity to recognize the power of media’s public pedagogy, and

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to consider ways to use that power for facilitating CML. We need to facilitate critical consciousness-raising, promote activism and political engagement, and champion justice, equity, diversity, and inclusion. It is time to use our voices to lobby for sensible regulation for the common good and to fight extremist hate with radical love, but first we have to steel ourselves to climb into the arena.

Cross-References ▶ Confronting Nationalist Tendencies: The Role of Citizenship Education, Media Literacy and Lifelong Learning in Supporting Democracy ▶ Imagining the Future of Lifelong Learning ▶ Intersectionality: Implications for Research in the Field of Adult Education and Lifelong Learning ▶ Learning for Climate Justice ▶ Politico-economic Transformation, Globalization, and Lifelong Learning: The Example of the Russian Federation ▶ Unbundling and Aggregation: Adapting Higher Education for Lifelong Learning to the New Skills Agenda and to Digital Transformation

References (2020, April 20). The Nielsen Total Audience Report: April 2020. Retrieved from: https://www. nielsen.com/us/en/insights/report/2020/the-nielsen-total-audience-report-april-2020/ (2021, August 9). California man allegedly confesses to killing his children, refers to QAnon and Illuminati conspiracy theories. CNN. https://www.cnn.com/2021/08/12/us/father-kills-childrenqanon-california-mexico/index.html Ali, I. (2020). Impacts of rumors and conspiracy theories surrounding COVID-19 on preparedness programs. Disaster Medicine and Public Health Preparedness, 1–6. https://doi.org/10.1017/ dmp.2020.325. Andreeva, M. (2020). (Re)shaping political culture and participation through social networks. Journal of Liberty and International Affairs (Bitola), 5(2), 43–54. Retrieved from https:// ezaccess.libraries.psu.edu/login?url¼https://www.proquest.com/scholarly-journals/re-shapingpolitical-culture-participation/docview/2441570835/se-2 Biney, I. K. (2019). Exploring the power of the media in promoting lifelong learning and popular mobilisation drive against ‘galamsey’ in Ghana. Australian Journal of Adult Learning, 59(3), 435–467. Bíró-Nagy, A. (2021). Orbán’s political jackpot: Migration and the Hungarian electorate. Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print), 1–20. https://doi.org/10.1080/ 1369183X.2020.1853905. Bjork-James, S. (2020). Racializing misogyny: Sexuality and gender in the new online white nationalism. Feminist Anthropology, 1, 176–183. https://doi.org/10.1002/fea2.12011. Bourdieu, P. (2001). Firing back against the tyranny of the market 2. New York, NY: The New Press. Brändle, V. K., Galpin, C., & Trenz, H. (2021). Brexit as ‘politics of division’: Social media campaigning after the referendum. Social Movement Studies, ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print), 1–20. https://doi.org/10.1080/14742837.2021.1928484.

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Confronting Nationalist Tendencies: The Role of Citizenship Education, Media Literacy and Lifelong Learning in Supporting Democracy

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Edith Hammer, Christiana Nikolitsa-Winter, and Ashley Stepanek Lockhart

Contents Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Rising Nationalist Tendencies and Populism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Changing Media Landscapes and Communication Patterns in Light of Digitalization . . . . . . . The Digital Transformation of the Media Sector and New Forms of Journalism . . . . . . . . . Interrelations of Media Communication and Rising Populist and Nationalist Tendencies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Strengthening MIL and Citizenship Education as Key Components of Lifelong Learning . . . Fostering Peaceful and Inclusive Societies Through Citizenship Education . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Promoting Media and Information Literacy Within the Lifelong Learning Agenda . . . . . . Promoting MIL and Citizenship Education at the Local Level . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Cross-References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Against the backdrop of rising nationalist and populist tendencies, the chapter discusses the role of lifelong learning in reinforcing active citizenship and the democratic spirit. Considering that spaces for public debate are increasingly being shifted to online platforms and social media channels, the authors approach the issue from a communications perspective, focusing on how changing patterns of media communication have supported the increase of nationalist politics. They explore different conceptualizations of citizenship, focusing on the role of citizenship education and required key competences in this field, including media and information literacy. They consider how these concepts have been defined in the academic literature and by UNESCO and operationalized at national and local E. Hammer (*) · C. Nikolitsa-Winter · A. Stepanek Lockhart UNESCO Institute for Lifelong Learning, Hamburg, Germany e-mail: [email protected]; [email protected] © Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 K. Evans et al. (eds.), Third International Handbook of Lifelong Learning, Springer International Handbooks of Education, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-19592-1_59

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levels to counteract rising nationalist tendencies and promote a culture of democracy and peace. The authors argue that citizenship education needs to be framed within a lifelong learning perspective, as called for in Sustainable Development Goal 4. The scope of programmatic actions needs to extend from formal education to nonformal and informal learning and to address children and youth as well as adults. Furthermore, the authors argue that both media and information literacy and citizenship education need to receive increased attention as a content area of lifelong learning to counteract nationalistic tendencies and to raise more awareness of democratic values and social responsibility. Keywords

Exclusionary nationalism · Populism · Citizenship education · Media and information literacy · Lifelong learning

Maintaining independent, fact-based reporting is an essential global public good, critical to building a safer, healthier, and greener future. Without urgent action by the international community, we could be left with irrevocable damage to all societies and irreparable threats to the Sustainable Development Goals. UN Secretary General António Guterres (UN, 2021)

Introduction Democracy is a dynamic concept that, by definition, should reflect the will of the people (Council of Europe, n.d.), and as such requires continuous adaptation to ongoing challenges and emerging kinds of social, economic, and environmental change. The functioning of democratic systems relies on well-informed and educated citizens, who are able to make sense of ongoing developments, form opinions, and assume their civic rights. Institutions such as the media as well as formal and nonformal education providers are crucial for this. Over the last two decades, nationalist movements have gained traction in different countries around the world, motivated by exclusionary tendencies that run counter to the core values of democracy by privileging some people over others. In some instances, as the chapter explains, these movements create confusion and controversy in the media and use social media platforms to sow division, chaos, and even violence (Council of Europe, n.d.). While recognizing the variety of major issues which demand urgent action, such as the climate emergency, current and future pandemics, poverty and migration, this chapter discusses how lifelong learning – particularly the content areas of citizenship education and media and information literacy (MIL) – can help to counteract exclusionary nationalist and populist tendencies. Essentially, this is also about how lifelong learning can help us to live together by developing an understanding of others, recognizing the benefits of social collaboration, being able to manage conflict and respecting the values of pluralism.

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In light of rising exclusionary nationalism, the aspect of “learning to live together,” which the Delors-Report described as one of the four key pillars underlying education and life (alongside learning to know, learning to be and learning to do) (Delors et al., 1996), today seems more relevant than ever. Considering the major global challenges faced by humanity, there is a need for “strengthened cooperation and solidarity to address shared concerns that neither know nor respect political borders” (International Commission on the Futures of Education, 2021, p. 9). Building a strong sense of community requires spaces for public debate that allow citizens to inform themselves, to learn collectively, and to express concerns. As the spaces for public debate have largely shifted to online platforms, the authors discuss tendencies of exclusionary nationalism in relation to the digital revolution and new forms of information and communication technology (ICT), with particular focus on the use of social and alternative media, used to create and circulate mis/disinformation. The chapter focuses on changing patterns of media communication and the growing importance of MIL to support learners in critically selecting, digesting, and acting on information, also producing their own content, according to core principles of citizenship education (such as peace and justice, tolerance, and inclusion, among others (UIL, 2019a)). The shift from mass media to more fragmented media landscapes, increasingly shaped by social and alternative media, has made it more complicated to distinguish fact from fiction. Given these developments in the media sector and the rising threat of nationalism to democracy and social cohesion, the authors argue that MIL and citizenship education must receive more attention in lifelong learning policy and practice. Both MIL and citizenship education seek to equip people with skills, values, and attitudes needed to contribute to the development of peaceful and just societies. As such, they need to go beyond schooling to take a lifelong learning approach. That means relevant interdisciplinary programmatic actions must broaden in scope to include nonformal and informal learning opportunities to be more inclusive, flexible, and effective in keeping pace with the learning needs of children, youth, and adults over time and in different spheres of life. This broader approach is called for in the UN Sustainable Development Goal 4 (SDG 4) promoting inclusive and quality education and lifelong learning for all (UN General Assembly, 2015) – and is indeed fundamental for supporting global citizenship and sustainable development.

Rising Nationalist Tendencies and Populism During the last decade, a rise in nationalist perspectives has been observed in countries across the world, evident in an increased emphasis on “economic protectionism in some countries, as well as a rise in exclusionary, xenophobic and sometimes racist discourses, and acts of violence in the public arena” (UNESCO, 2018a, p. 2). This tendency is reflected in a higher visibility and acceptance of nationalistic politics and manifests itself in increased (electoral) success of nationalist parties and in shifting positions of established parties. Several interrelated root causes have been identified to explain the rise in nationalist politics (ibid., p. 5 f.):

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(a) Real and perceived economic inequality and loss in living standards: Starting with the global economic crisis in 2008, there has been a rise in economic inequality. Many people fear a loss of socio-economic privileges for themselves and their children. (b) Economic globalization and the changing world of work: The perceived or real decline in living standards is often blamed on globalization and the outsourcing of jobs to low-wage countries. In addition, many traditional professions are at risk of automation. (c) Cultural anxiety: Against the backdrop of changing global economies and increased migration, social environments appear to become overwhelmingly complex. This may lead to feelings of disintegration within traditional communities and being threatened by people who are different or occupy a minority status. (d) Mistrust in politics and political institutions and a general sense of powerlessness: Considering the increasing power shift toward supranational bodies, people have been questioning the legitimacy of political institutions and processes. This can lead to sentiments that people’s interests are not being adequately represented by politicians. (e) Digital revolution as facilitating factor: Digital developments have magnified the above-listed root causes. New forms of ICT have had a major impact on how public and private communication takes place. Today, large amounts of information are freely available and accessible to all. The boundaries between what is public and private and who produces and who receives news are blurring as an increasing number of people engage in the creation and dissemination of content on social media. These conditions have boosted sensationalism, the public expression of extreme opinions, as well as conspiracy theories. While social media platforms bear a vast potential to strengthen the voices of marginalized, vulnerable groups, they may likewise promote extreme and exclusionary discourses, with the risk of rising prejudice and racism within society. To understand the rise of populist and nationalist politics, it is important to consider that populist arguments resonate particularly well among people with respective preexisting political views and attitudes (Corbu & Negrea-Busuioc, 2020). They are easily captured by politically biased, manipulated, or false content, also referred to as fake news. The complex interlinkages between nationalist tendencies and (new forms of) media communication will be discussed in more detail in the following section. Before moving to it, it seems relevant to explore the commonalities and differences between two concepts, which are key to this chapter, namely, exclusionary forms of nationalism and populist politics. While nationalism can be defined as a discourse structured around the concept of the nation, populism is seen as a discourse centered around the concepts of the people and the elite (de Cleen, 2017). Crucial to the definition of “the nation” is that it is constructed as a sovereign “imagined community” (Anderson, 2006) with a shared history, territory, languages, and customs, which distinguish it from other groups and nations. In some contexts, nationalism may be considered an

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emancipatory force for nation-building and democratization processes, for example, during decolonization. In other contexts, nationalism can be an ideology that “emphasizes the exclusion of certain groups considered as ‘non-native’ and it can have strong associations with authoritarianism” (UNESCO, 2018a, p. 2). As a social phenomenon, nationalism can be used by different political ideologies, capitalizing on the insecurities of people (e.g., fear of job loss, xenophobia). In contrast, the populist discourse constructs “the people” and “the elite” through an up-down antagonism, contrasting a large powerless group (which populists claim to represent) and a small and illegitimately powerful group. As de Cleen (2017, p. 345) notes, “populism is not necessarily opposed to the existence of an elite per se, but against a current and illegitimate elite that they want to replace as power holders that do represent the people.” Within such discourse, “the elite” is commonly defined as political figures, artists, intellectuals, journalists, and academics, among others, who are accused of betraying “the people” because of their liberal positions on immigration and multicultural society. In their communication strategies, both nationalists and populists heavily draw on emotions, use simplistic language, and blame “out-groups” instead of deconstructing problems and coming up with policy solutions. By appealing to feelings such as fear and anger, they address the vulnerabilities of many. Nurturing such sentiments can have dangerous impacts on social cohesion and peace and even “mobilize followers to aggressivity and riots” (UNESCO, 2018a, p. 2) (Table 1). The features and differences between nationalism and populism can be summarized as follows: While contrasting these features of nationalism and populism is useful for understanding the two concepts, in practice they partially overlap and often co-occur within a particular political context. When populist exclusionary nationalists claim to speak for the ordinary people, they usually apply a narrow definition of the “ordinary people” or “people-as-underdog,” which only refers to the “members of the nation” (the defined in-group). Migrants and their descendants on the other hand are usually not considered as part of this group, even if they may be national citizens and have lived in these countries for generations. Indigenous peoples and minorities are also not included more generally. Even more, “ordinary people” are seen as the prime victims of a multicultural society, pitting migrants against those living in poor urban areas with high immigration rates (de Cleen, 2017). Such exclusionary forms of nationalism run counter to the ideals of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UN, 1948). They risk generating violence, hatred, and

Table 1 Main features of nationalism and populism, created by the authors based on de Cleen, 2017 Nationalism

Key concept “The nation”

Populism

“The people”

Relationship/discursive structure Horizontal: in/ out relation Members and nonmembers of the nation Vertical: up and down People-as-underdog (powerless) and elites (powerful)

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discrimination and therewith pose serious threats to human dignity and peace (UNESCO, 2018a). Following Mazzoleni’s advice (2003, p. 2) that “a full understanding of the populist phenomenon cannot be achieved without studying mass communication perspectives and media-related dynamics,” the next section will discuss the transformations taking place in the media and communication sector in light of digitalization, particularly focusing on the effects these changes have on citizenship, nationalistic, and populist tendencies and democracy.

Changing Media Landscapes and Communication Patterns in Light of Digitalization More than 20 years ago, when exploring the “reality of the mass media,” Niklas Luhmann wrote that “whatever we know about our society, or indeed about the world in which we live, we know through the mass media” (2000, p. 1). This statement may exaggerate the relevance of mass media, considering them as the only source of knowledge construction (Reichertz, 2009). But it is certainly an interesting starting point to reflect on how and to what extent media communication – nowadays referring to an increasingly diversified media landscape, including mass and social media channels – shapes people’s understanding of political and social realities. On the one hand, the emergence of online media at the turn of the millennium boosted the amount, speed, and variety of freely accessible information with the great potential of leading to well-informed citizens. On the other hand, this “flood of information” is accompanied by an increasing amount of mis/disinformation, making it difficult to identify what is significant and reliable information (UNESCO, 2020a, p. 45). This concern is highly relevant in the context of nationalist and populist politics, but has gained an even life-threatening dimension during the COVID-19 pandemic and the spread of conspiracy theories and fake news. To enable individuals to evaluate the accuracy of information and to counteract fake news, an increasing number of fact-checking platforms and tools have been developed in recent years. For example, the European InVID project (InVID, 2022) was created to help journalists verify content on social media networks and be more efficient in their approach to fact-checking and debunking myths. The project provides an online platform, which offers services to detect, authenticate, and check the accuracy of newsworthy images and videos disseminated via social media. The platform also ensures that verified and rights-cleared video content is readily available for integration into breaking and developing news reports. Other examples of such initiatives include the US-based platform factcheck.org (Annenberg Public Policy Center of the University of Pennsylvania, 2021) and the German platform correctiv.org (Correctiv, 2021). Within the context of rising nationalistic tendencies and populist forms of communication, the quality and reliability of media contents is of critical importance for the functioning of democracy. Considering media as environments that structure human interaction (Mason, Krutka, & Stoddard, 2018), the following subsections

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pay particular attention to how media communication may influence individuals’ actions, social and political dynamics, and societal change. It further considers the role played by the media as a “supply-side factor for the success of populism” (Manucci, 2017, p. 467).

The Digital Transformation of the Media Sector and New Forms of Journalism The role of the media has traditionally been referred to as the “fourth pillar of democracy” (or “the fourth estate”), indicating their important function of serving as a public watchdog. The media reports on and questions political decisions when merited and raises social issues based on delivering, analyzing, and making sense of facts, therewith supporting informed citizenry and critical debate. By investigating, analyzing, and raising awareness about public affairs, political decisions, and community issues, journalists hold politicians and officials to account and fulfill a core function of checks and balances in democratic societies (Schauseil, Zúñiga, & Jackson, 2019). Independent media are crucial for citizens to understand how they are governed, to make decisions and to actively engage in democratic processes, especially when there are legitimate concerns. This is particularly relevant in times of elections, which are crucial moments for citizens’ active participation in politics. During the months leading up to elections, traditional and online media communication plays a major role in helping citizens to form their opinions and therewith has an impact on voting results (Frau-Meigs, 2018). Digital communication, in particular the emergence of social media platforms, has had a major impact on journalistic practices, leading to an increasingly complex media environment. A main aspect of this complexity is a shift towards a more decentralized model of news communication. Traditional journalism has been based on professional and ethical standards, as well as systems of fact-checking and content verification to ensure (or at least enhance) accurate and balanced information (Ireton, 2018). However, such standards are not necessarily understood or respected in semi-public and private media spaces. A diversity of communicators operate in these spaces, sharing increasing amounts of news based on a variety of knowledge points and agendas. Although ethical standards form the foundation of traditional journalism, it must also be remembered that traditional media institutions have not always adhered to journalistic principles and that people have not always felt that the news was presented in an ethical, reliable, and independent way. This skepticism has contributed to the emergence of citizen journalism and has also enabled nationalists and populists to use the media more for their purposes. As an effect of the increasing popularity of social media platforms, the boundaries between senders and recipients of information are blurring, which can lead to “a never-ending process of going back and forth with populist arguments, either agreeing or disagreeing with an initial populist statement” (Corbu & Negrea-Busuioc, 2020, p. 183). As a consequence, populist discourses are widely disseminated and receive increasing attention.

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In addition, the role of social media platforms and the way they understand themselves is problematic in view of journalistic principles and ethical standards. Media and information providers (including social media platforms) are more than disseminators of information. They shape values, norms, and people’s behavior and as such “constitute powerful agents of change across the world” (UNESCO, 2013b, p. 27). Yet, while social media platforms have “appropriated most of the characteristics of mass media, becoming editors, curators and agenda-setters” (Frau-Meigs, 2018, p. 20), they insist on not being as news publishers but as simple intermediaries. They therewith sidestep “the normative obligations to which journalists and publishers are held accountable” (Ireton, 2018, p. 36). The internet and social media were expected to multiply people’s opportunities to follow and actively engage in political discussions, therewith promoting democratic pluralism. From the beginning, they were considered “as an emancipatory infrastructure to establish counter-publics and include more people in political discourse” (Haller, 2020, p. 170; see also Müller & März, 2008). Social media has fulfilled an important democratic function by providing exchange and networking opportunities for grassroots movements, enabling them to raise awareness of social issues and to organize (e.g., #BlackLivesMatter, #FridaysForFuture, #MeToo, #TimesUp). It bears great potential “to engage society with journalism and to promote debate, civic values, and democratic participation in an environment that strengthens human rights, cultural diversity, science, knowledge and rational decision-making” (Ireton, 2018, p. 37). However, social media can also serve the interests of groups aiming to undermine these efforts through misinformation and distraction (Mason et al., 2018; Tufekci, 2017). In addition, research suggests that online communication has not brought people with varying political positions closer to each other, fostering democratic debates and controversy between different sides of the political spectrum. Instead, it has made “it easier for people to share a common social media bubble with people holding similar attitudes” (Corbu & Negrea-Busuioc, 2020, p. 184), leading to increasingly fragmented and homogeneous communication spaces, in which like-minded people share information and echo each other’s opinions. Instead of challenging political positions and opinions on social issues through confrontation with opposing and critical views, “echo-chambers” prevent dissonance and instead promote reaffirmation and consolidation of preexisting opinions. Hence, today online platforms and services are confronted with an increasing polarization of political views and extremism. This is particularly relevant, as social media platforms are becoming the key infrastructure for public and political discourse. As they tap into the network of users’ family and friends, social media can unfortunately provide structure and legitimacy to disinformation and misinformation if not otherwise managed. Considering that people tend to trust information from familiar sources, overvalue information confirming their prior views and beliefs, and undervalue facts that contradict them, social media platforms can undermine democratic and pluralistic societies (Corbu & Negrea-Busuioc, 2020). Jarvis (2008) points to the need for public debate to create a strong sense of community and describes lifelong learning as an essential tool for citizens to

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articulate their interests and concerns in this way. He further notes that “community needs its different individuals, who are committed to the common good, to debate with other active citizens in the spirit of public reason — this is a democratic learning society” (ibid., p. 224). The trend of social media becoming dominant platforms for news consumption and public communication also means that spaces for public debate are increasingly being controlled by private corporations, who own these platforms. This is a problem because they are pursuing market interests rather than democratic values (Mason et al., 2018).

Interrelations of Media Communication and Rising Populist and Nationalist Tendencies Populists and nationalists tend to share hostile attitudes towards established journalism and media institutions (considered as part of “the elite”) and strategically use online and social media for their purposes. As the tone of populist messages resonates particularly well with online media’s preference for sensationalism and emotionality – though examples of this are also found in print, radio and television – a somehow problematic interrelation between populists and social media platforms has developed. Both enforce the “quick dissemination and amplification of attractive content,” including counterfactual information (Corbu & Negrea-Busuioc, 2020, p. 183). Hence, rather than representing opposing logics, their relationship can be described as an “integrated system for the production of user-friendly political news,” without necessarily adhering to journalistic principles (Manucci, 2017, p. 468). Online platforms provide extended opportunities to directly distribute emotionally charged and overstated content to a large audience (e.g., through memes or videos that merge political messaging with entertainment). Contrary to predigital communication, populists can now more effectively bypass established media institutions and reach out to their followers directly. In some cases, they even establish alternative online media structures to target their sympathizers. Alternative media may certainly contribute to polarization, division, and hostility and therewith to the success of populism. Yet, the assumption that “people are somehow misled on a large scale by false information and propaganda, that they become misguided in their political preferences and as a result start supporting rightwing populists” (Holt, 2020, p. 209), overstates the power of online media. Rather, it seems that people’s preexisting political attitudes determine which media platforms they choose and engage with for accessing and sharing information. While this selective self-exposure to (mis)information presumably reinforces existing political preferences and drives people towards more extreme (populist) positions, alternative online media are not the root causes but rather amplifiers of such attitudes (Holt, 2020). Against this background, it becomes relevant to rethink what kind of learning is needed across the life course to counteract exclusionary nationalistic and populist tendencies. An integrated approach linking media and information literacy (MIL) with core values of citizenship education (such as raising intercultural awareness;

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promoting a culture of peace, tolerance, and solidarity; fostering critical thinking and open dialogue) seems a powerful way to address and prevent the growth of extremist attitudes and to strengthen democratic principles and practices at the individual level.

Strengthening MIL and Citizenship Education as Key Components of Lifelong Learning In response to the major socio-political, environmental, and technological challenges faced by humanity, a future-oriented conception of lifelong learning must cover a broad range of learning needs, going beyond work-related skills development (UIL 2020). The so-called “triadic nature” of lifelong learning refers to its three central purposes, namely, economic progress and development, personal growth and the increase of autonomy, and social inclusion and democratic empowerment (Chapman & Aspin, 1997; Aspin & Chapman, 2012). These three purposes of lifelong learning have been widely reflected in the work of international agencies as well as in national policies for lifelong learning. Field and Schemmann (2017) analyzed the ways in which international organizations (European Commission, United Nations/UNESCO, OECD and World Bank) have conceptualized citizenship within the context of lifelong learning. They found that while active citizenship is widely presented as a desirable goal for lifelong learning in public policy discourse, the terms “citizens” and “citizenship” are often referred to in rather generic terms (sometimes used as a synonym for adult), with few specific references to “active citizens.” They conclude that in many policy documents, “the language of active citizenship plays a rather secondary, supporting role” (ibid., p. 174), which supports Jarvis’ (2008) argument that in light of globalization, active citizenship has lost priority to economic competitiveness and employability. As for UNESCO, global citizenship education (GCED) has emerged as a programmatic priority in recent years, expressed in target 4.7 of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. The goal is to ensure that “all learners acquire knowledge and skills needed to promote sustainable development, including, among others, through education for sustainable development and sustainable lifestyles, human rights, gender equality, promotion of a culture of peace and non-violence, global citizenship and appreciation of cultural diversity and of culture’s contribution to sustainable development” (UN General Assembly, 2015, p. 17). Yet, the indicators for monitoring progress on SDG target 4.7 show that GCED is limited to the classroom and the integration of GCED content in school curricula and teacher training (see also UNESCO, 2015). The field of adult education and respectively the training of adult educators is not considered, which clearly marks a gap in promoting citizenship education as a core element of lifelong learning in the widest sense for more people. In the following, the authors will explore conceptual definitions and objectives of citizenship education and media and information literacy, emphasizing UNESCO’s contribution to policy development, advocacy, and programmatic action.

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Fostering Peaceful and Inclusive Societies Through Citizenship Education As pointed out earlier, functioning democracies and social cohesion rely on independent and strong media, quality education, and lifelong learning institutions as well as informed people who are able to fully exercise their rights and responsibilities in national contexts. Therefore, citizenship education must play a key role in formal and nonformal education throughout life. Within the international research and policy environment, different terms have been used to discuss citizenship education, including “democratic citizenship,” “active citizenship,” “global citizenship,” and “digital citizenship” among others (e.g., civics education, popular education). While these terms express different approaches to citizenship based on respective focuses, they all build on the common idea of people acquiring the knowledge, skills, values, and attitudes they need for achieving more just, peaceful, tolerant, inclusive, secure, and sustainable societies (UIL, 2019a). As citizenship education is “very much determined by the nature of national political systems, power constellations, and public policy decision-making processes” (Tawil, 2013, p. 3), it has a strong political and national dimension. Yet, many of the challenges citizens face are not only local issues but also globally relevant. Hence, citizenship education is considered an endeavor, which aims to empower learners of all ages to take on active roles at both global and local levels in overcoming challenges and threats to society. Emphasizing the global dimension of citizenship, the concept of Global Citizenship Education (GCED) has become an increasingly relevant part of UNESCO’s work in the education sector. Among the seven aims of GCED, defined by UNESCO (2015, p. 16), it aspires learners to “develop and apply critical skills for civic literacy, e.g., critical inquiry, information technology, media literacy, critical thinking, decision-making, problem-solving, negotiation, peace-building, and personal and social responsibility.” As such, these competences should help to hinder and overcome fears created by nationalist tendencies by enabling individuals of all ages to foster and preserve a culture of justice, peace, and tolerance. In addition, UNESCO (2018a) proposes a renewed emphasis on critical inquiry and skills for digital citizenship. In a world marked by an abundance of information coming from vastly different sources, critical inquiry has become a key competence for learners to handle new levels of complexity. Moreover, skills for digital citizenship need to be integrated as core competences of GCED. MIL as well as digital citizenship can enable learners to “scrutinize information and media content, critically evaluate information sources that feed into conspiracy theories, as well as engage responsibly with media and information systems” (ibid, p. 9). These competencies reinforce an appropriate and ethical use of media contents and promote political agency based on human rights and democratic values. They support individuals not only to select and carefully analyze the information they are exposed to, but also resist manipulation by nationalist and populist interests.

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To achieve these impacts and contribute to cohesive, peaceful, and sustainable societies, citizenship education requires cross-sectorial knowledge to consider ongoing social and political developments and new challenges and directions for change. Hence, a curriculum is never organized with “completed knowledge,” but rather with knowledge that is always under review and being updated. As learning for democracy, peace and justice concerns people of all ages, backgrounds, and different perspectives, which can shift over time, citizenship education must become part of their lifelong learning journeys. Citizenship education is also experience-based learning, strengthened by practice, beyond the walls of a classroom. In this context, grassroots movements such as #BlackLivesMatter, #FridaysForFuture, #MeToo, and #TimesUp fulfill an important role to encourage citizens to become informed and engage in matters that concern them. By raising awareness of pressing social issues, for example, systemic racism and police violence, the climate emergency, sexual assault, and gender-discrimination in the workplace, they promote public debate and can change the public’s perception of these issues, potentially followed by action. According to Jarvis (2007), learning occurs when the “taken-for-granted is interrupted and disjuncture occurs: we are no longer in harmonious relationship with our world (. . .) we experience dissonance (. . .). We can no longer take our lifeworld for granted (. . .) we have to think about it: we have to learn about it” (p. 10). Through their campaigns, grassroots movements can create such ruptures in perceptions of the world and trigger collective learning processes in the sense of “learning to live together.” Such experience-based learning about active citizenship importantly complements learning in the classroom. It can moreover strengthen a sense of community among learners and empower them to make their voices heard. Both form part of the democratic function of lifelong learning, which involves “learning with others and from otherness and difference – which are linked to empowerment, collective action and social change and to the translation of our private troubles into collective and shared concerns” (Biesta, 2006, p. 170). In this scenario, the role of adult learning and education (ALE) for empowering individuals to build just and sustainable societies needs to be properly acknowledged. The publication “Addressing global citizenship education in adult learning and education: summary report” (UIL, 2019a) highlights the critical importance of various entry and access points for ALE, such as community centers, cultural centers, and libraries, which help to strengthen global citizenship by offering respective learning opportunities for adults. It also emphasizes the value of flexible and context-specific provision, particularly in working with vulnerable and marginalized groups. Youth and adults are most active and involved in citizenship-related discussions and activities and, through their decisions and, they are the ones modeling the world for the next generation. As voters, they can press for social change in strategic ways. However, disappointingly, the findings of UNESCO’s fourth Global Report on Adult Learning and Education (GRALE 4), published in 2019, recorded very low participation of adults in citizenship education: Some 36% out of 132 countries reported no participation in citizenship education (UIL, 2019b). This area will be further investigated in GRALE 5 due out in 2022.

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Promoting Media and Information Literacy Within the Lifelong Learning Agenda Several novel media and information-oriented literacy concepts have evolved during the last decades as a response to major technological and digital transformations. Examples of these are cyber literacy, digital literacy, e-literacy, information literacy, media literacy, news literacy, technology or ICT literacy, and many others. While these distinct types of literacy respond to different aspects of the social transformations mentioned, they are all intended to contribute to the emergence of knowledgebased societies (UNESCO, 2013, p. 27) and to uphold notions of inclusion, equity, and diversity. MIL expresses a composite concept, combining the competences of media literacy and information literacy, which are both seen as crucial for life and work today. According to UNESCO, MIL addresses all forms of media and other information providers irrespective of technologies used (UNESCO, 2017). According to media and communication theory, MIL boosts a learner’s competence to become more structure-critical (referring to the media system) and to develop a self-critical attitude (referring to individual media use) (Bauer, 2014). This competence enables a person to purposefully navigate a flood of information by actively inquiring and critically thinking about the messages they receive and to use and create media content in ethical and effective ways. MIL competencies also include the ability to engage with media and information providers for self-expression, lifelong learning, democratic participation, and good governance (UNESCO, 2021a; NAMLE, 2007; Jolls and Johnsen 2018). Considering the growing importance of media communication in society, Livingstone et al. (2005, pp. 7 f.) list three key areas in society that MIL contributes to: (a) Democracy, participation, and active citizenship – ensuring individuals are able to gain and express an informed opinion on relevant matters, contributing to a sophisticated, critical, and inclusive public sphere. (b) The knowledge economy, competitiveness, and choice – in a knowledge-based society, media literate individuals will be able to achieve a higher level of qualification, contributing to more innovative and competitive economies. (c) Lifelong learning, cultural expression, and personal fulfillment – a heavily mediated symbolic environment informs and frames individuals’ choices, values and knowledge that give significance to everyday life; within such an environment, MIL supports the development of an informed, creative, and ethical society. Ultimately, MIL aims to “empower people to exercise their universal rights and fundamental freedoms, such as freedom of opinion and expression, as well as to seek, impart and receive information” (UNESCO, 2013a, p. 31). As a lack of MIL could lead to citizens being ill-informed and passive (UNESCO, 2013b), it is considered essential to achieve the goals and principles of citizenship education and therefore needs to become part of individuals’ lifelong learning processes.

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Alongside self-regulation (increased fact-checking by mass and social media) and external regulation practices (ensuring transparency in the public media sector), Frau-Meigs (2018) emphasizes education as the primary response to combat mis/disinformation. MIL can help learners to detect cognitive biases in themselves and others and help them understand the “utility of journalism and the benefits of a healthy democracy with its attendant online freedoms” (Frau-Meigs, 2018, p. 30). Yet, several constraints hinder the effectiveness of MIL to counteract mis/disinformation: the lack of teacher training in initial or continuing stages; the lack of integration of the topic in curricula; the absence of collaboration between university sectors that could associate research and practice, civil society activists, and academic experts; the lack of co-regulatory mechanisms to coordinate the work of operators, educators, and researchers; and the lack of funding and evaluation of MIL (Frau-Meigs, Velez, & Flores Michel, 2017 and Frau-Meigs, 2018). In addition, strengthening democratic values through MIL requires an environment that supports humanistic principles such as freedom of expression and access to information and knowledge, an independent press and free Internet (UNESCO, 2021a). The importance of these principles is also enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UN, 1948). MIL has the potential to be a powerful enabler to ensure that people in countries around the world assume their fundamental human rights and participate in meaningful dialogue and debate. It can further help to raise people’s awareness of their own responsibilities in the context of these freedoms, including the ethical use of information and technology. While UNESCO has been involved in MIL work since the 1980s, the integration of MIL into formal education and lifelong learning programs has not progressed as rapidly as it should (UNESCO, 2019, p. 3). Against the background of major transformations that have taken place in the media and communication sector since the new millennium, UNESCO established the “Global Alliance for Partnerships on Media and Information Literacy” (GAPMIL) in 2013, which was relaunched in 2020 under the name “UNESCO Media and Information Literacy Alliance” (MIL Alliance). It underlines UNESCO’s determination to strengthen actions in the field of MIL (UNESCO, 2021b) and emphasizes the urgent need for citizens of all ages to acquire respective competencies. The UNESCO MIL Policy and Strategy Guidelines (UNESCO, 2013b) define some conditions for quality MIL education, including that citizens should be placed at the center of MIL policies and that media and other information providers, such as libraries and community centers, are crucial institutions to support informed, empowered, and engaged citizens. The guidelines further point out that “lifelong learning and the process of good governance can be compromised where citizens are not well informed, do not have access to information or are not empowered to process and use it” (ibid., pp. 59 f.) Advancing MIL and integrating it into formal, nonformal, and informal learning – including building bridges between different learning modalities and environments – can substantially support the global development agenda. MIL should be promoted in a variety of learning spaces accessible to people of all ages and background over time, because media literacy “rests on a continuum of knowledge, where ‘mastery’ is an everlasting quest” (Stix & Jolls, 2020, p. 20). Based on comparative research of

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different media literacy models in the USA, UK, and Germany (focusing on preconditions for promoting MIL and comparing levels of formalization), Stix and Jolls recommend that media literacy be promoted as cross-disciplinary learning by all professions in the social support system, including social workers, teachers, librarians, community workers, among others. As the deep social, political, and cultural impact of digital technology on creating, receiving and using media contents continues, requiring people to adapt to an increasingly mediatized society (Krotz, 2007 and 2015), MIL cannot be confined within the boundaries of the formal school system. Rather, it needs to be considered an essential part of lifelong learning to enable individuals “to use media responsibly, in a considered, reflective and purposeful way suitable for one’s own needs and with regard of other’s needs” (Stix & Jolls, 2020, p. 21). As has been shown, citizenship education and MIL are two interlinked concepts, which both contribute to counteracting exclusionary nationalism. Increasing participation in these learning areas among all groups of society requires national policies as well as coordinated action at the local level. There is a variety of measures and initiatives that help to strengthen combined competencies of citizenship and MIL within local communities, which will be elaborated in the next section.

Promoting MIL and Citizenship Education at the Local Level To stimulate creative learning about MIL at the local level and to further engage nontraditional actors in promoting it, in 2019, UNESCO together with several partners started an initiative on “Media and Information Literate Cities” (MIL Cities) (UNESCO, 2018b). As stated in the Global MIL Cities Framework, MIL Cities aim to empower citizens by enhancing MIL competencies. By taking a place-based approach, MIL Cities support creative ways of promoting MIL education beyond core MIL institutions such as schools, libraries, and traditional media sources and include a larger variety of local stakeholders. These include “networks of mayors, film councils, museums, environmental conservation and waste management actors, research institutions and NGOs, among many others” (UNESCO, 2019, p. 3). Linking its efforts to the concept of “smart cities” (cities which strategically use digital solutions to increase inhabitants’ quality of life and promote sustainable development in urban areas), the MIL Cities initiative lays out an integrated approach. It proposes MIL programs in and by cities while at the same time supporting the development of new infrastructures and interfaces in the streets. MIL Cities considers UNESCO’s multidisciplinary approach and is linked to other city initiatives, such as the UNESCO Creative Cities Network (UNESCO, 2020b) and the UNESCO Global Network of Learning Cities (GNLC) (UNESCO, 2019). Within the UNESCO GNLC Cluster on citizenship education (UIL et al. 2021), an example of how media and information literacy can be strategically promoted in formal and nonformal learning environments is provided by the French Learning City Evry-Courcouronnes. The city’s projects are developed and carried out by a strong and diverse network of stakeholders. For example, the city’s Youth Council

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(involving 40 young people aged 16 to 25) organizes so-called Citizen Cafés on the topic “Information, disinformation: what do the media do?” The format involves videos, images, and press articles and raises questions on the dangers of the internet, the spread of false information, ethics in journalism, criteria for reliable information, among others. The strength of Citizen Cafés is that they provide a free space for discussion among young people, actively develop their critical thinking skills, and involve them directly in issues that concern them. Another good practice is “Radically not!” a critical thinking competition which awards antiradicalization projects. The competition aims to strengthen democratic values among young people and to combat violent extremism by supporting their civic education and promoting critical debate. Many other initiatives to bridge MIL and citizenship education exist in cities and countries around the world. For example, in Nigeria, the National Open University of Nigeria (NOUN), in collaboration with UNESCO, is offering a six-week massive open online course (MOOC) on Media and Information Literacy. One of the aims is to equip learners with the knowledge and skills they need to identify fake news, misinformation, disinformation, information overload, and propaganda. During the COVID-19 pandemic, this tool has supported learners to make critical use of digital information (NOUN, 2021). Another example is the organization Abhivyakti in India, which has been facilitating media and communication towards sustainable development since 1987. Its mission is to strengthen citizenship, local governance, and social justice by enhancing the media and communication resources of NGOs and grassroots communities. The organization has been working with “Shodhinis” (young women community researchers) from ten villages for the past 4 years. They use posters and videos to spread reliable information to the public and increase awareness on various subjects, such as the COVID-19 pandemic (Abhivyakti, 2021). All of these bottom-up initiatives promote active citizenship and are part of lifelong learning. They promote learning as a collective endeavor and therewith fulfill an important function for vibrant communities. In addition to the work of international organizations and governments to promote citizenship education and MIL, such local projects are key elements to reinforce the democratic function of lifelong learning.

Conclusion As this chapter illustrates, populist and nationalistic politics run counter to the core values of democracy by privileging some people over others, often targeting minority groups, immigrants, and elites by disseminating mis/disinformation through social media channels. Learning objectives of MIL and citizenship education should go beyond schooling and formal education and continue lifelong to address this problem. MIL must become more visible and be linked with citizenship education to facilitate desired learning outcomes and impacts. So much of this process, whether related to addressing social, political, economic, and environmental issues, as well as

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health and well-being, relies on the ability to select, digest, and act on information in an intelligent and fair way. Lifelong learning’s holistic and open-ended approach is rooted in humanism and inclusive and equitable social development and is therefore championed by SDG 4. As such, it is fundamentally premised on increasing the participation of more and diverse learners in society by offering flexible learning opportunities in addition to more traditional forms of education. This explicit emphasis on providing a variety of learning modalities (e.g., part-time, at a distance, through self-teaching) that are receptive to different learners is key for enabling populations to gain citizenship and MIL competences and to address the major issue of nationalistic tendencies among others. Lifelong learning’s characteristic flexibility also addresses larger concerns of educational relevance and quality, both major issues in schooling in many countries. How so? To appeal to a greater variety of learners, this approach demands dynamic, responsive, and connected teaching and learning methodologies to successfully fill learning gaps and keep pace with the challenges they experience; it also demands new opportunities and emerging kinds of social, economic, and environmental change. Therefore, lifelong learning is predicated on a design function that invites profound engagement on the part of the learner. By being more open, explorative, and collaborative – both in terms of structure and how content is treated – this approach can be less hierarchical and static and more accommodating of different, even contrasting perspectives and pioneering ways of thinking and doing things (as a metric of quality). As such, it may help to bridge the learning process and outcomes with contextual reality and the learner’s prior knowledge and experience. The importance of this feature cannot be overstated, as it can make the difference between whether a learner absorbs and decisively acts on knowledge and skills gained through lifelong learning activities or not, in ways that matter personally and collectively. Lifelong learning may also lead to other benefits. For example, its relevance and quality may make learning outcomes more easily transferrable from parent to child, peer to peer, or younger to older generation, which, coming back to nationalistic tendencies, can help to inform, activate, and empower households, communities, and societies on this issue. As the chapter argues, this approach can facilitate important dialogue and debate and provide a way forward for creating counter-narratives that highlight the value of media integrity and democracy (Frau-Meigs, 2018), and underlying notions of peace and justice, tolerance and inclusion, among others championed in citizenship education (UIL 2019a). Of course, this is important for reaching SDG 4, target 4.7 by 2030, but also has implications for the rest of the global goal on education, let alone the SDG framework, given the foundational importance of using information to achieve most commitments. But to support lifelong learning in this area, more needs to happen. The chapter highlights several constraints on countering misinformation through MIL (FrauMeigs et al., 2017 and Frau-Meigs, 2018), including a lack of inputs to the learning process, such as teacher training, and a lack of infrastructure, also funding. There is

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also a gap on monitoring and evaluation (ibid.), which means we do not really know the level of performance of existing interventions for MIL and citizenship education. Nor do we know if they are reaching people in ways that are inclusive, equitable, and diverse – all areas for further research and, depending on findings, potential innovation that may need to connect more with national policy environments. If we expect to successfully address the major issue of exclusionary nationalism and populist movements and their influence on many people through social media, which we see as contributing to an unclear and unstable political environment that threatens democracy, we must first prioritize these inputs into the learning process and seek a baseline of how things are working so far. The cross-curricular nature of citizenship education leads to other questions related to MIL, especially since the chapter points to the need for a stronger relationship between the two. For example, how can MIL learning objectives be linked up across the many content areas of citizenship education (e.g., environmental education, health and well-being, social justice and community empowerment, gender equality, peace education, human rights), and vice versa? What are opportunities for embedding this kind of learning and what types of things may get in the way? A limitation to this chapter is that populist and nationalistic tendencies and their influence on the media have been treated as an isolated issue in countries that have democratic systems, spurred on by complex factors of inequality, migration, labor market changes, and automation, among others. Yet many of these factors suggest that this is not a domestic issue. For example, the interdependence of markets (indicated in the 2008 global economic crisis, economic globalization and the world of work changing based on shared innovations – see the first part of the chapter) affects poverty and migration patterns regionally and globally. Further, the climate emergency and the pandemic are not contained by country borders; neither are the Internet and online communication (with few exceptions). A next step could be to examine the international dimension of populist and nationalist movements and their relationship to directly or inadvertently perpetuating major issues across borders based on shared drivers, ideologies, and using digital technology. This inquiry could help us better understand how MIL, citizenship education, and lifelong learning can specifically contribute on this front.

Cross-References ▶ Empowerment Through Lifelong Learning ▶ How Adult Learning from Media Cultures Changed the World in 2020 ▶ Lifelong Learning and Life-Wide Challenges: Toward the Uncertainty of Sustainable Futures ▶ Lifelong Learning, Migration, and Conditions for Inclusion ▶ Politico-economic Transformation, Globalization, and Lifelong Learning: The Example of the Russian Federation

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Challenges of Digital Professional Learning: Digital Technology Systems Are No Substitute for Human Agency

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Contents Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Digital Technologies: The Evolving Relationships of Humans, Work, and Learning . . . . . . . . The Agency Needed to Learn Online . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Agency of Learning Through Reflection . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Agency of Personalized, Multisensory Learning . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Agency of Dialog and Learning . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Case Examples of Professional Learning at Work . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Case 1: Learning in Uncertainty . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Case 2: Learning from Incidents . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Case 3: Learning as Work Evolves . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Cross-References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Digital technology is changing how people work and learn, as technology systems accelerate the growth of work roles and practices. These changes open up opportunities for professionals to learn in new ways while working. Research provides evidence of the ways professionals learn in work, emphasizing the importance of different forms of agency. However, those who design digital learning systems have yet to develop an understanding of how professionals learn, particularly with respect to the personal and relational agency needed to learn through work. This chapter aims to bridge this gap by reviewing examples of digital professional learning systems and then, drawing on a set of case studies, setting out a model to support future developments. A set of three case examples are used to derive a model that takes into account forms of agency: the Workplace A. Littlejohn (*) UCL Knowledge Lab, University College London, London, UK e-mail: [email protected] © Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 K. Evans et al. (eds.), Third International Handbook of Lifelong Learning, Springer International Handbooks of Education, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-19592-1_56

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Learning Agency Model. The purpose of this model is to aid computer scientists and systems architects in building use cases that better inform the design of future digital systems that support professional learning. Keywords

Professional learning · Personal agency · Relational agency · Use case · Workplace Learning Agency Model

Introduction Digital technology is transforming how people work and learn. The World Economic Forum Future of Jobs Report (WEF 2020) forecasts that technology will displace 85 million jobs globally by 2025 but will also create 97 million new roles during the same time period. Over the past decades, businesses have been moving to cloud computing and e-commerce, shifting work online. This pivot to online working was accelerated in 2020/2021 by the COVID-19 global pandemic, when millions of workers had to work online from home to isolate themselves from infection (EU 2021). By 2021 61% of business workload had been moved to the cloud globally, and this trend shows no sign of slowing (Bulao 2022). As job roles and work practices evolve, professionals have to be able to learn to adapt to, work with, and learn using digital technology systems (McKinsey 2017). Examples of humans and technology systems working together include car assembly plant operators working alongside and supervising robots, clinicians assisted by AI pattern recognition systems that detect signs of cancer more rapidly and with more accuracy than humans, and health scientists who use artificial intelligence to identify promising future medicines for development (Daugherty and Wilson 2018). The co-working relationships of humans and machines open up new opportunities for the ways professionals learn while they work. Learning while working is an important way to empower professionals to adapt as work roles and practices evolve. According to Billett (2004), learning is shaped by the affordances of the work environment in which it takes place. Theories of workplace learning emphasize this mutual relationship between working and learning. Workplace learning includes “activities at work people engage in to stimulate their thinking and professional knowledge, to improve work performance and to ensure that practice is informed and up-to-date” (Littlejohn and Margaryan 2014). When questioned about their learning, professionals tend to think about formal education, such as workshops, courses, or training. However, there is extra effort involved in applying knowledge learned in the classroom to a work setting. The learner has to be able to abstract new knowledge and apply this within new situations, practices, and artifacts (Markauskaite and Goodyear 2017, p. 153). Transferring knowledge from one situation to another requires extra effort, and the learner has to be aware of and relate to the environment in which knowledge transfer takes place (Eraut 2012). There is ample evidence that, rather than transferring knowledge

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learned in the classroom to the workplace, a significant proportion of professional learning is stimulated through engaging in everyday work (Eraut 2004; Eraut and Hirsh 2010; Fuller and Unwin 2003). Opportunities for professionals to learn through everyday work takes many forms, from structured training to observing or talking with a more experienced colleague, to learning through performing a new task (Tynjälä 2008). To take advantage of these workplace learning opportunities, each professional has to be motived to take up opportunities for learning, translating these openings into learning activities by setting their own learning goals aligned with their work tasks (Fuller and Unwin 2003; Eraut and Hirsh 2010; Eraut 2004). This means that each professional has to use personal agency to empower them to engage in learning (Enos et al. 2003; Sitzmann and Ely 2011). Agency refers to the human capability to influence their own functioning and the course of events by their actions (Bandura 2006). The need for personal agency while learning through work is distinctly different from the agency needed to engage in formal education – courses and training – where goals have been predetermined through course design and learning is scaffolded by a teacher, rather than only by the learner (Littlejohn et al. 2016a). Personal agency requires each learner to harbor interest in expanding knowledge, to be willing to invest effort in learning, and to be able to adapt their learning orientation as they engage in learning (van den Boom et al. 2004). Personal agency is influenced by a combination of psychological (cognitive and affective), behavioral, and environmental factors that form the foundation of self-regulated learning (Zimmerman 2000; Pintrich 2000; Bandura 1986). Behavioural constructs such as the ability to set goals and to adapt approaches to learning are characteristics of the learner that can be improved through practice. Cognitive and affective constructs, such as interest, motivation, self-evaluation, and self-satisfaction, are influenced by how the learner feels about their learning (Winne 1995; Zimmerman 2000). These may be more complex for individuals to self-regulate. Nevertheless, with the right support, learners can foster the affective, behavioral, and cognitive characteristics that help them foster personal agency. Each individual’s ability to engage in learning activities in the workplace is also mediated through form of interagency (Collin 2008; Fuller and Unwin 2011). Work environments are complex sites representing divergent interests that are accommodated through processes of negotiation and accommodation (Engestrom 2004). Thus, as professionals engage in work and learning, they interact with (physical and digital) resources, people, and knowledge immediately available to them to support their learning (Argyris and Schon 1974). As they do so, professionals develop relational agency, which can be defined as the “capacity to work relationally with others on complex problems” (Edwards 2010, p. 8). This section has examined the relationships of work, learning, and the work environment, highlighting the ways digitization of the work environment influences how people work and learn. The growth of digital technology systems in the workplace is influencing the ways work evolves. As job roles change, professionals have to expand their knowledge and adapt their practice. The integration of digital technology in the workplace creates opportunities for learning through work. To take

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advantage of these opportunities, professionals have to foster personal and relational agency. Without these forms of agency, professionals are not able to take advantage of the learning opportunities afforded by digital technology systems at work. Personal agency helps professionals to be motivated to learn, to take action, and to adapt their learning as needed. Relational agency empowers professionals to negotiate in ways that bring together people and resources in ways that support how they learn and how they adapt their work. The next section provides examples of professional learning systems and explores in more detail the need for personal and relational agency with respect to what is understood about professional learning.

Digital Technologies: The Evolving Relationships of Humans, Work, and Learning This section examines the changing relationships of humans, work, and learning. Digital technology systems are now an integral part of work and for learning for many people, opening up new opportunities to situate learning within work. Taking up these opportunities to learn while working is very different from engaging in formal education, such as training courses, where learning is scaffolded by a teacher or expert. Learning at work and in the absence of a teacher requires the learners themselves to guide and support their own learning, using forms of personal and relational agency. Ideally technology systems would support professionals to foster these forms of agency as they learn through work. The following four examples illustrate different technology systems that have been developed to support professional learning. Each example considers forms of agency needed for workplace learning, questioning whether and how learning technology systems support learner agency.

The Agency Needed to Learn Online Massive open online courses (MOOCs) are online courses that accommodate hundreds or thousands of learners (Littlejohn and Hood 2017). Over the past decade, MOOC digital platform providers, such as Coursera (www.coursera.org) and FutureLearn (www.futurelearn.com), have expanded their business by focusing on the lucrative professional learning market, by partnering with companies. Professionals register for courses on MOOC platforms and then follow a learning pathway, usually by reading texts or watching learning resources and then carrying out online learning activities. Some organizations have heralded MOOCs as an innovative form of professional learning (Egloffstein and Ifenthaler 2017). However, education researchers have argued that MOOC course designs tend to reproduce conventional forms of pedagogy used in physical educational settings rather than exploiting the affordances of the digital platform (De Freitas et al. 2015). Campus-based lectures are digitized as video lectures, and physical books are made available as online resources.

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This means that, although hundreds or thousands of learners are participating in the course at the same time, learning activities often are carried out by lone learners who have limited interaction with other learners or with a teacher (Margaryan et al. 2015). Consequently, learning in MOOCs requires good personal agency that empowers the learner to plan what and how they learn as they participate in the course (Littlejohn et al. 2016b). Knowledge learned in the online course has to be translated to the work setting, and, although there are course designs that support this form of knowledge transfer (see, e.g., Dalsgaard et al. 2019), the reapplication of knowledge in a novel context requires additional effort and relational agency on the part of the learner. This example illustrates that although we know a lot about professionals’ learning in work, those designing digital learning systems have yet to develop such an understanding. One of the ways to reduce the quantity of extra effort needed to transfer knowledge by supporting learning on digital platforms that are already integrated in the workplace is explained in the next example.

The Agency of Learning Through Reflection Upwork is a gig economy business that brings professionals from the creative industries together with clients who pay them to do short-term creative tasks, such as design or illustration, for a fee. Professionals act as “freelancers” and are paid per job. Rather than employing a recruiting manager to sift, screen, hire, and monitor freelancers, Upwork uses an AI platform to recruit freelancers and monitor their progress (Popiel 2017). The platform asks potential freelancers to create a profile promoting their skills and clients to submit a task assignment. The system screens each task assignment and matches each job to a set of freelancer profiles. The Upwork system then closely monitors each worker’s progress by automatically taking a screenshot of the freelancer’s computer screen every 10 min until the task is complete. These data are combined with client reviews to extend each freelancer’s profile (Popiel 2017). The Upwork system provides workers opportunities to reflect on their progress by transferring the regular screenshots it takes to a Work Diary, creating snapshot summaries about how each individual works (Popiel 2017). In the previous example, the online courses are detached from work. By contrast, the Upwork system is integrated with work, removing the need for professionals to learn new knowledge in a digital platform and then apply this knowledge in their work. By situating opportunities for learning within work, the platform empowers freelancers to gain a competitive advantage through learning from their work, incentivizing them to learn. However, to be able to take up opportunities to learn from the Work Diary, freelancers have to be able to draw upon forms of personal agency to reflect, learn, and proactively improve how they work. Without these forms of personal agency, professionals are not able to benefit from the learning opportunities afforded by the system. Those who already are able to draw on personal agency have an advantage over those who are not able to do this.

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Businesses and systems architects contend that gig economy work levels up inequalities by providing remote workers with flexibility around where and how they work. Social science researchers are concerned that the digital tracking and surveillance associated with these types of gig economy platforms exploits workers through reduced workers’ rights, loss of privacy, and monetization of personal data (Berendt et al. 2020; Eynon and Malmberg 2021). However, this example illustrates another serious equity issue associated with the integration of digital platforms with work. Being able to take up opportunities to learn through work is valuable for freelancers who are competing against others for work. But gig economy platforms (perhaps inadvertently) are designed in ways that do not level the competition by supporting professionals to develop the forms of personal agency they need to take up opportunities to learn and improve their work.

The Agency of Personalized, Multisensory Learning Humans learn by interacting with their environment using different senses – sight, hearing, smell, and touch – to build an understanding of their environment. Multisensory systems are being used to help simulate professional learning in ways that exploit sensory learning. Examples include bomb disposal or the use of dangerous chemicals (Akella et al. 1999); spot welding or manufacturing on automotive assembly lines (ibid); and patient simulations for nursing, surgery, or dentistry. For example, a dentist can learn by sensing the “feel” of the drill while working on a simulated tooth before carrying out the procedure on a human (Tse et al. 2010). Technology systems are able to harvest data through various sensors: visualization, audio recording, touch, geo-location, and so on. These data are combined and analyzed to provide personalized feedback to the learner. These types of systems can use artificial intelligence to analyze the learner’s response and give feedback as they interact with the system. In this way, the relational agency between the human and the digital system is analyzed and exploited in ways that support learning. However, each professional has to develop good relational agency that enables them to be able to exploit the feedback from the digital system. Most multisensory systems do not take human agency into consideration, though there are promising examples that analyze dialog and give feedback in ways that potentially could help professionals develop forms of agency.

The Agency of Dialog and Learning Professionals learn from colleagues as they work together as part of a project team (Eraut 2007). Over the past decades, teams have tended to be geographically distributed and connected by digital platforms and communication systems. When people work remotely, they tend to communicate using different forms of media, including email, videoconferencing, and social media. These forms of media produce digital texts in various forms that can be analyzed. Linguistic cues are important

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signifiers of social identity and expertise development within professional communities (Lesser and Prusak 2013). Therefore, digital natural language processing (NLP) techniques are being used to support workplace learning by comparing how novices and experts express concepts and ideas over time. Yan, Naik, and Rose (2019) used NLP to analyze how teams of workers were communicating through Reddit – a social media platform used to aggregate narratives within online communities. They identified schematic structures that characterize “community norms” within Reddit subcommunities. These techniques detect and make visible when teams work coherently, or where there are structural problems, exposing patterns of relational agency, as people negotiate with others as they work on complex problems. By using artificial intelligence, the system “learns” and compares the language experts and novices use, making visible the direct and indirect interactions of the workers. This provides a foundation to support novices to reduce the time it takes them to develop as experts, by providing them with feedback and clues as to how they can develop and draw on their relational agency. However, there are problems associated with this approach. Assumptions associated with language and behaviors at work are built into the system. These become foundational “norms” that are difficult to change; the more the system “learns,” the more these conventions become assimilated. Future NLP methods have to find ways for systems to become more intelligent through being able to “learn” and “unlearn,” to avoid perpetuating stereotype biases. One way to avoid this problem is to find ways to analyze the patterns of relational agency of the professionals as they evolve and to constantly adapt, rather than to “normalize,” ways of working. However, computer scientists and systems architects need to develop a good understanding of relational agency in order to build these types of systems. A central notion in theories of workplace learning is the intrinsic and mutual relationship between working and learning. Workplace learning is defined as changes in work practices that are mediated through individual learning and organizational problem-solving processes (Ellström 2001). Each of these examples illustrates the ways digital learning systems and the pedagogies that underpin them rely on professionals to be agentic. Professionals need to draw on personal agency to fit their learning around their work and foster relational agency to support processes of negotiation and accommodation in the workplace. Ideally future technology systems will be designed in ways that take this into consideration. This means that those designing digital learning systems need to take into account personal and relational agency in ways that inform the design of future systems. The next section explores how the design of future technology systems could allow for forms of agency.

Case Examples of Professional Learning at Work The previous section highlighted the importance of personal and relational agency as professionals learn through their work. Digital systems and platforms rely on data analysis to provide feedback to the learner. This is different to formal education

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settings where teachers scaffold learning by observing and adapting to each learner’s needs, instinctively processing complex and sometimes tacit knowledge about each learner. Future technology systems in theory could provide this support in ways that encourage and scaffold learners to nurture agency, but this has to be designed into the system. Computer scientists and systems architects usually develop use cases to inform the design of technology systems. These use cases are structured narratives that describe the context of use of the system in ways that inform design. To support use case development, this section outlines the development of the Digital Professional Learning Model that can be used to guide future systems design. The Model has been derived using data from three case examples.

Case 1: Learning in Uncertainty Financial services is an area of work that has been subject to significant uncertainty. The impact of the global economic crisis of 2008, the separation of the UK from the European Union in 2020, and the COVID-19 pandemic led to unprecedented financial uncertainty. A study led by Milligan (2017) explored how finance professionals worked under conditions of uncertainty and how such conditions encouraged professionals to adopt personal agency through self-regulated learning. The first phase of the study examined professionals’ self-perception of their personal agency and how they learn through work during periods of uncertainty (Milligan et al. 2015). A self-regulated learning survey instrument (Fontana et al. 2015) was distributed to finance professionals in the UK who were members of the Chartered Institute of Securities and Investments (CISI), a professional organization for investment professionals based in London. Self-regulated learning has been defined as “learners’ beliefs about their capability to engage in appropriate actions, thoughts, feelings, and behaviors in order to pursue valuable academic goals, while self- monitoring and self-reflecting on their progress toward goal-completion” (Zimmerman 2000, p. 13). Setting goals, strategic planning, self-efficacy, task interest, task strategy, elaboration, critical thinking, self-evaluation, and selfsatisfaction are all constructs that mediate self-regulation (Zimmerman 2000; Pintrich 2000). Survey respondents were asked to reflect on a period of uncertainty at work and to consider how they learned. Responses were received from 170 respondents, and these data were used to examine the relationship between these constructs, and workplace learning activity was investigated through linear regression analysis. There was a positive relationship between the respondent’s perception of being a self-regulated learner and their engagement in workplace learning, with higher selfregulation predicting greater engagement in learning activities. Three constructs had a significant positive effect on this relationship: first the interest a professional has in a task and the value they place in it; second the different approaches and strategies for learning that could be applied; and, third, the ability to self-evaluate progress in

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Task interest Learning Opportunities

Learning Strategy

Learning Activities

Self-evaluation

Fig. 1 Model of Self-Regulated Learning in the Workplace (Milligan et al. 2015)

learning. These findings were presented as a Model of Self-Regulated Learning in the Workplace (Milligan et al. 2015), illustrated in Fig. 1. To understand the significance of these three constructs, interviews were carried out with 30 professionals who had responded to the survey. Those who reported (self-perceived) good self-regulation described how they developed an interest in learning tasks, used alternative approaches to learning when their learning strategies were not effective, and self-evaluated their learning by comparing themselves to people outside their immediate team (Littlejohn et al. 2016a). Most people who reported positive self-regulation said they were interested in learning which would promote self-enhancement and have long-term value for their work and career. This outcome validates Zimmerman’s (2000) concept of good selfregulation through task interest and value. Self-enhancement helps people to be motivated and maintains self-esteem. Here the professional proactively aligns their learning with work in ways that mean that learning is determined by and integrated with work, in agreement with the observations by Billett (2004) and Tynjälä (2008). By contrast, the majority of professionals who reported poor self-regulation tended to focus on the immediate benefits of learning, focusing on immediate work, rather than potential long-term learning gains (Littlejohn et al. 2016a). Professionals who were most positive about their learning described how they agentically capitalized on the opportunities afforded by the work environment. Personal agency is influenced by the work environment which constrains the type of strategies that can be used for learning (Milligan et al. 2015). For example, an employee working at a supermarket checkout may have fewer opportunities to learn than a consultant who has more autonomy around how they work. Personal agency is vital for good self-regulation: for example, being able to agentically vary approaches to learning is an important strategy when learning different types of knowledge. The

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choice of learning approach professionals adopt is often influenced by the resources available within the workplace, emphasizing Billett’s (2004) view of professional learning as reciprocally influenced by the affordances of the workplace and each individual’s motivation to engage. Self-regulated professionals actively seek help by drawing on their professional and personal networks, rather than limiting their search for expertise within their immediate team (Littlejohn et al. 2016a). This strategy for self-improvement reflects Engeström’s (2004) idea of developing knowledge through negotiation within and across groups, teams and collectives. By contrast, professionals who report low selfregulated learning ability tend to rely on their managers to help them learn and are less proactive in sourcing knowledge and information from outside their immediate team. Professionals’ self-evaluation draws upon a range of signals and measures. Professionals who reported poor self-evaluation tended to focus on evaluation methods associated with formal, organizational performance review processes (Littlejohn et al. 2016a). However, others take a more agentic approach. Most of those who reported good self-evaluation described agentic forms of self-evaluation, such as comparing their performance with an expert outside their immediate team. The next case study examines strategies used in the energy sector to encourage learner agency to improve health and safety.

Case 2: Learning from Incidents Learning from incidents (LFI) is important for safe working, because it allows knowledge about an incident to be applied and embedded in work environments in ways that can prevent future episodes (Cooke and Rohleder 2006). LFI relies on the relational agency of professionals as they learn and change how they work. Industries, such as the energy sector, invest in LFI to improve work safety. LFI requires people to agentically engage with information and change their work practice (Lukic et al. 2010). This requires each professional to develop good personal and relational agency (Lukic et al. 2013). Energy organizations tend to design LFI activities that rely on employees receiving and reading incident information, rather than engaging with incident knowledge. This pedagogy relies on learner agency to read, reflect upon, and change work practice (Phimister et al. 2003). To learn from incident information, professionals need to draw on personal agency to read and reflect on incident information, relating it to their own practice. They then need to use relational agency to negotiate and adapt work practice. This is difficult for “frontline” professionals – such as “plant operators” – who are involved in day-to-day operations (Edwards and Kinti 2013). In the workplace, learning often is guided by a team leader, manager, or supervisor who can support professionals to engage in a relational process of mutual inquiry (Margaryan et al. 2018). To encourage the development of forms of personal and relational agency needed to support LFI in workplaces, a “Learning from Incidents Toolkit” was developed

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(Margaryan et al. 2018). The toolkit aimed to support team leaders and managers to improve LFI processes and practices by encouraging professionals to reflect on incident information in relation to their job role. This approach emphasized professionals actively engaging in a process of a mutual inquiry with colleagues and managers, rather than relying on the “delivery” of information. This idea of active engagement and reflecting on work tasks and restructuring the work environment aligns with Fuller and Unwin’s (2003) observation that both organizational and pedagogical features of professional learning characterize the nature and quality of the learning experience. The LFI Toolkit is comprised of a set of four tools: The “Learning from Incidents Questionnaire” (LFIQ) is a 46-item diagnostic instrument to help organizations identify each individual’s perceptions and experiences of LFIs within an organization (Littlejohn et al. 2019). The data from this tool provides a foundation for organizations to map out the resources in the organization that are helpful to support LFI and the attitudes of employees toward agentically using these to learn. The “LFI Process Model” (Lukic et al. 2012) helps organizations map out and analyze the interrelationships of existing LFI activities across an industrial site. The Process Model was designed empirically using data from a number of energy industry sites. The model maps out six different stages of learning from incidents: 1 reporting an incident, 2 investigating an incident, 3 developing incident alerts (the stage where learning content is created), 4 disseminating incident information around an organizational site, 5 reflecting on the incident information, and 6 improving processes and practices. Organizations tend to focus on stages 1 to 4 and assume that, when information about an incident has been disseminated, their employees have learned from the incident. The model supports organizations in thinking about ways to encourage professionals to draw on personal agency to learn from incident information. The “LFI Framework” is used by health and safety teams to develop LFI activities, moving away from the idea of “delivering information” toward agentic engagement. The framework synthesizes concepts from the literature on workplace and organizational learning (Lukic et al. 2012). It takes into consideration important concepts such as the context of learning, who is learning, the type of incident, and types of knowledge and approaches to learning, all of which influence the learner’s ability to actively engage in personal and relational agency. The “LFI Engagement Exercises” (Margaryan et al. 2017) are four participatory codesign workshop activities that can be used by team leads to encourage teams to reflect on incident information and to adapt their professional practice. The first exercise (Improving LFI at your site) encourages teams to use data from the LFIQ survey to improve local LFI processes. The second exercise (Developing incident alerts) encourages professionals to connect incident information with practice. The third exercise (Engaging with dissemination) supports professionals in reflecting on how information is disseminated and used. The fourth exercise (Engaging with lessons learned) encourages teams to make sense of the incidents

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Personal Agency

Task interest In

Learning Opportunities

Learning Strategy

Learning Activities

In

Self-evaluation

Relational Agency

Fig. 2 Workplace Learning Agency Model

that have previously taken place. All four exercises scaffold personal and relational agency within teams. This example expands the Workplace Learning Model to create a Workplace Learning Agency Model that takes into consideration forms of personal and relational agency that professionals need to capitalize on learning opportunities at work. The expanded model is illustrated in Fig. 2. This model can be helpful for the designers of digital learning technology systems to move the focus of design away from structure, content, and feedback to encourage and scaffold agency in ways that empower the learner. It emphasizes the need for learners to draw on personal agency to contextualize opportunities for learning within their own professional practice. It highlights the need for learners to use relational agency to negotiate how to adapt their work practice and reorganize the workplace as required. The model and these issues of personal and relational agency relate to workplace professional learning in general. However, the case study illustrates how the affordances of digital technologies and online learning can be developed in ways that help to tackle issues of personal and relational agency in workplaces. The next case study interrogates further the relationships of learning opportunities and learning activities while learning in the workplace.

Case 3: Learning as Work Evolves One of the biggest public health challenges of our time is antimicrobial resistance (AMR). Antibiotics are a fundamental element of healthcare, and many of the advances in modern medicine, such as transplants and cancer care, rely on antibiotics

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reducing infections. However, microorganisms can mutate and become resistant to these drugs. Antimicrobial resistance is the ability of a microorganism (bacteria, viruses, parasites) to stop an antimicrobial drug (an antibiotic, antiviral, or antimalarial) from working against it (WHO 2019). A consequence of AMR is that standard antibiotic treatments are becoming ineffective and infections are persisting and spreading across populations. In 2019 over 700,000 people died due to drugresistant diseases, mainly in low resource countries, and the World Health Organization predicts this number of extra deaths will rise to over 10 million per year if no action is taken (WHO 2019). Reducing the threat of AMR is a public health priority that requires collaborative global health approaches such as the adoption of a Global Action Plan on Antimicrobial Resistance at the World Health Assembly in 2015. In 2018 the UK Government set up a major UK Aid initiative, the Fleming Fund, to improve the use of antibiotics and global surveillance of antimicrobial (AMR), specifically in low resource countries. The Fleming Fund commissioned a global curriculum comprising 25 open, online courses with tailored pathways for professionals with specific job roles. An initial scoping study concluded that providing online learning was, in itself, insufficient to support change (Charitonos et al. 2018). Professionals were not able to apply the knowledge they learned in the online classroom to their work. To change the ways they work, the professionals needed to adapt the resources, processes, and practices that make up the workplace itself, as hypothesized by Fuller and Unwin (2003). However, this requires personal agency to learn new knowledge through online courses (as illustrated in case 1) and then using relational agency to adapt the workplace in ways that allow new knowledge to be applied within work (Charitonos et al. 2018). To help overcome this problem, an AMR Surveillance Toolkit was developed to help team leads and laboratory managers to support their teams to reflect on how the work of each individual relates to the work of others across the AMR system. The toolkit is available here: https://www.open.edu/openlearncreate/course/view.php? id¼7828. The toolkit is comprised of a set of structured activities that support dialog and relational agency. These activities encourage professionals to consider how they apply new knowledge about AMR to their work. This sort of dialog is important in areas that are changing rapidly, such as AMR where microbes are fast becoming resistant to antibiotics normally used to treat them. Professionals can consider what sorts of assays they need to carry out, how their work relates to other professions (e.g., clinicians, laboratory professionals, pharmacists) and in what ways they need to reconfigure their workplace to generate positive outcomes. The toolkit can be used either in face-to-face group discussions or remotely via a digital platform. The first set of activities encourage each professional to consider their position in the overall system and then ask them to plan how they can interrelate better, drawing on relational agency. In the second set of activities, professionals are asked to consider ingrained practices – forms of practice that make it difficult for people to incorporate new ways of working into everyday work. In low resource countries, new AMR practices are being introduced alongside digitalization, which means that work is sometimes performed as a distributed activity and the ways people interrelate (at a distance)

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changes. Different groups with diverse job roles within the system sometimes work in silos, and organizations have to develop systematic ways to work and learn collaboratively as they generate, share, and analyze digitalized data. A third set of activities guide team leaders to support professionals in dealing with data. This tool encourages professionals to draw on relational agency to adapt their practice and to change organizational processes and ways of working as their practice evolves. Each of these tools guides team managers to facilitate supported conversations in ways that first encourage professionals to use personal agency to reflect on their own work and then second to scaffold relational agency to negotiate new ways of working and to reconsider the work environment. This work further authenticates the Workplace Learning Agency Model shown in Fig. 2. Although much is known about professional learning in work, the people who design digital learning systems have yet to develop a deep understanding of this, particularly the requisite for professionals to foster personal and relational agency. The Workplace Learning Agency Model can be used as a tool for systems designers to consider forms of agency that are important for professional: learning to support future systems design.

Conclusion The previous section summarized the Workplace Learning Agency Model and explained how this model was derived. This model can be used by computer scientists and systems architects to structure use cases to inform the design of future digital learning systems. The examples in section “Digital Technologies: The Evolving Relationships of Humans, Work, and Learning” of this chapter provide evidence of the ways digital professional learning systems tend to disregard the need for agency. Professionals should be scaffolded to develop personal agency that helps them to be motivated to learn, to take up opportunities for learning at work, and to apply the learning to their work. They should also be supported in developing relational agency to enable them to negotiate and to adapt their work. To allow for these forms of agency, future digital professional learning systems should be designed to scaffold learners in a number of ways: First, professionals should be encouraged to agentically self-regulate their learning at work by focusing on three important constructs of self-regulation: • Learning activities should be designed in ways that encourage each professional to relate the activity to their work, to intensify their interest in the task. Task interest shifts the emphasis of learning away from focusing only on immediate tasks toward considering whether and how new knowledge may be useful in future work contexts. • Professionals should be stimulated to think about how they learn and to change their approach to learning when needed. They should be encouraged to develop a

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wide repertoire of learning strategies and to avoid limiting themselves to a narrow set of learning approaches. The ability to apply a range of different approaches to learning and to change these as needed helps the learner to adapt to new work and learning situations as work changes. • Strategies for self-evaluation should also be broad, and professionals should be scaffolded in developing affective responses that help them to persist in their learning, even when they do not reach their learning goals. Second, professionals should be supported in ways that help them develop the personal agency needed to apply the knowledge they learn to their job role. Third, forms of structured dialog should be designed into professional learning to help professionals foster relational agency, as they reflect on and restructure their work as needed. To support the design of future digital professional learning systems, a Workplace Learning Agency Model has been developed. The model can be used by systems architects and designers to structure use cases in ways that guide the design of future technology systems. The model highlights the need to move beyond current forms of learning technology to recognize the importance of and to support professionals in developing forms of personal agency and relational agency. Supporting professionals who have not yet developed these forms of agency helps level up the opportunities available for everyone at work. Thus, by taking into account these important forms of agency, future technology systems can be designed in ways that lead to more equitable workplaces.

Cross-References ▶ Employee-Driven Innovation in Medium-Sized Enterprises: The Singapore Insights ▶ Unbundling and Aggregation: Adapting Higher Education for Lifelong Learning to the New Skills Agenda and to Digital Transformation ▶ Worklife Learning: Personal, Educational, and Community Contributions

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Lifelong Learning: Researching a Contested Concept in the Twenty-First Century

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Contents Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Evolving Understandings of Lifelong Learning . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Review of Research on Lifelong Learning . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Research for Policy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Research for Policy during the First Generation of Lifelong Learning . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Research for Policy during the Second and Third Generations of Lifelong Learning . . . . Research of Policy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Contemporary Characteristics of and a Future Agenda for Lifelong Learning Research . . . . The “Skills” Agenda . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . A Focus on Measurable Outcomes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Democratic Deficit . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . A Future Lifelong Learning Research Agenda Focused on Democracy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Cross-References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Abstract

This chapter critically reflects on research on lifelong learning in the twenty-first century in three sections. The first section provides a brief overview of the history of lifelong learning, from its emergence in the 1960s to the present day, which we have categorized into three generations. In the “first generation” of lifelong learning, situated in the 1960s and 1970s, the concept was rooted in a progressive policy agenda invoking a broader learning perspective, although much of the research focused on the formal educational system. In the 1980s, in what has been M. Elfert (*) King’s College London, London, UK e-mail: [email protected] K. Rubenson University of British Columbia, Vancouver, Canada © Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 K. Evans et al. (eds.), Third International Handbook of Lifelong Learning, Springer International Handbooks of Education, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-19592-1_48

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labelled “the second generation,” driven by a neoliberal political economy, the discourse shifted towards investment in human capital and employability. The period of the “third generation” balanced the humanistic and instrumental approaches of the two previous generations while still prioritizing the employability aspect. The second section reviews previous research on lifelong learning, focusing on research for lifelong learning policy and research of lifelong learning policy. The third section discusses contemporary trends in research on lifelong learning and uses the UN Sustainability agenda to outline a research program that will consider long-standing social and economic challenges, made even more acute in the Covid-19 world. Against the background of the insights gathered from 70 years of research on lifelong learning and the dramatic inequalities that challenge the future of our societies, there is a need to go beyond the current focus on measurable outcomes and the utilitarian skills agenda in favor of greater attention to the democratic, nonformal, and pedagogical dimensions of lifelong learning. Keywords

Lifelong learning · Research · Policy · Evidence-based policy-making · Skills · Sustainable Development Goal 4 · Democracy

Introduction Lifelong learning has been defined as “the ‘most recent descendant’ of a family of concepts, models or reform ideas, which conceptualise education across the lifespan” (Centeno, 2011, p. 134). Since its emergence in the 1960s, lifelong learning as a policy concept has undergone several shifts, which have been reflected in the research on the concept, driven to a large extent by international organizations such as UNESCO, the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), and the European Union. Most recently, the United Nations’ 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development and its 17 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) has profound implications for research on lifelong learning, in particular Goal 4 (SDG 4), which is devoted to education. SDG 4 features lifelong learning as the guiding principle of a new education agenda, and it also has a crucial role to play in supporting the achievement of a range of other goals, including those on climate change, poverty, health and well-being, gender equality, decent work and economic growth, and sustainable cities and communities (UIL, 2019). This chapter will critically reflect on research on lifelong learning in the twentyfirst century in three sections. The first section will provide a brief overview of the history of lifelong learning as a guiding principle of education and learning, from its emergence in the 1960s to the present day. The second section will review previous research on lifelong learning, focusing on research for lifelong learning policy and research of lifelong learning policy. The third section will discuss contemporary trends in research on lifelong learning and use the UN Sustainability agenda to

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outline a research program on lifelong learning that will consider long-standing social and economic challenges, made even more acute in the Covid-19 world.

Evolving Understandings of Lifelong Learning Lifelong learning is a highly contested concept that has been interpreted and co-opted by different actors and agendas. Between the 1960s and the present time, three generations of interpretation have been identified (Rubenson, 2002). It could be argued that the inclusion of lifelong learning in SDG 4 signals the beginning of a fourth generation. The emergence of the first generation of lifelong learning in the 1960s – in various iterations – as a guiding principle for the reform of education systems should be seen as a response to the disappointing social and economic outcomes of the post-World War II unprecedented expansion in enrolment in secondary and higher education across the industrialized world. At first, economic growth data seemed to confirm the human capital theses and justify the rapid expansion of the educational system (Papadopoulos, 1994, p. 65). However, toward the end of the 1960s, there were strong signals that economic growth had begun to stall and that the labor market had increasing difficulties in absorbing the explosive growth of graduates. Another major setback that came to affect the discussions was that, despite vastly increased public spending on education, not much had been achieved in the struggle against economic, social, and, more specifically, educational inequalities (Husén, 1979; Karabel & Halsey, 1977). This compelled the OECD to further explore the relationship between education and economic development, and the inability of the system of educational planning to link manpower forecasts and the output of educational graduates came to the fore. Similarly, the emergent crisis of education and the dampening of the uncritical optimism for what it could deliver in terms of individual, economic, and societal benefits also concerned UNESCO at the end of the 1960s. The organization was troubled by the 1968 student revolts, and there was a growing awareness within UNESCO that the export of educational models from First World to Third World countries did not meet the needs of the latter (Faure et al., 1972). The first generation saw two distinct models of lifelong learning, one promoted by UNESCO and the other by the OECD. In UNESCO, the concept of lifelong education was articulated for the first time as an educational program in the report of the third session of the International Committee for the Advancement of Adult Education held in 1965 (Wain, 1987). Lifelong education emerged as a countervision to the “banking model” of education. As argued by Elfert (2018), the concept was strongly influenced by existentialist philosophy and closely tied to the vision of a new society built on democracy and active citizenship. The OECD’s concept of recurrent education, which the organization started to endorse around 1970, was less idealistic than UNESCO’s lifelong education but equally consequential as a strategy for the long-term planning of educational provision. In the words of a former deputy director for education at the OECD, “it represents the nearest OECD ever came to advocating an explicit strategy of its own for the long-term development of

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educational systems in advanced industrial societies” (Papadopoulos, 1994, p. 112). It was recognized that the principle had implications for the organization of work and leisure and required a close coordination between education, social, cultural, and economic policies as well as the various sectors of educational provision – formal and informal, vocational, and nonvocational – than had been the case previously. These bold ideas of recurrent education were never implemented or even given serious consideration in national or international policy debates, and the interest in developing the educational system in accordance with the principle of recurrent education quickly disappeared. While there was little support among OECD countries to fully explore the principle of recurrent education, considerable attention was given to financial mechanisms to promote expanded training of the workforce, such as drawing rights or different models of entitlement schemes as well as paid educational leave schemes (Field, 2001). In the second generation, in the context of economic recession and under the influence of neoliberalism, the meaning of lifelong learning shifted towards investment in human capital and economic growth and employability. In the 1980s, the discourse of lifelong learning became more economistic and geared towards “economic restructuring and greater international competitiveness through increased productivity” (Rubenson, 2002, p. 243). The state shifted from being the main driver of social reforms to a facilitator and partner, and education became a service to be efficiently provided by market forces (Schuetze, 2006). As described by Rubenson (2002), “The first generation of lifelong learning as expressed in the UNESCO tradition saw a strong role for civil society while the second generation privileged the market and downplayed the role of the state and almost totally neglected civil society” (p. 244). The third generation balanced the two approaches, while still prioritizing the employability aspect. In the 1990s, which saw a revival of interest in human rights after the fall of the Berlin Wall, international and supranational organizations such as the European Union (EU) put forward a more balanced perspective between market and state, in which lifelong learning was promoted not only for employability but also for social purposes. This was in line with the “Third Way” politics of the 1990s, which spoke “the language of self-dependency, [but] without abandoning its traditional politics of social justice” (Wain, 2004, p. 205). In contrast to the OECD’s 1996 report Lifelong Learning for All, which was still situated in the second generation and informed by a more economistic approach, UNESCO’s report Learning: The Treasure Within (the Delors report) (Delors et al., 1996) reclaimed UNESCO’s humanistic tradition of lifelong learning as a necessary counterweight to the context of neoliberalism and economic globalization (Elfert, 2018). It is important to note that these categories are blurred; some characteristics of the third generation can be observed until the financial crisis of 2008, and there are many instances of the second generation still prevailing in the 1990s and the first two decades of the twenty-first century. The period from 2015 could signal a fourth generation of lifelong learning as the prominence of the concept in SDG 4 and the aligned Education 2030 agenda has established lifelong learning as a policy concept for development. As noted by Benavot (2018), “never before has the notion of

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‘lifelong learning opportunities for all’ been articulated as an international development priority” (p. 5). Education 2030: Incheon Declaration and Framework for Action is the latest key policy promoting lifelong learning at the global level in terms of a broad understanding of the contribution of lifelong learning to all dimensions of individual and social development, including environmental, social, cultural, and economic aspects. However, it is unclear how to interpret the inclusion of lifelong learning in SDG 4. It could have been expected that it would bring greater attention to adult and nonformal education and to a more humanistic approach to education, but so far, indications are mounting that lifelong learning will be increasingly shifting towards an agenda of permanent training, upskilling, and reskilling, as a “new governing rationality” (Deuel, 2021, p. 9; see also OECD, 2019a, 2019b). The Covid-19 crisis is likely to focus educational investments and attention to schooling, to the detriment of a lifelong learning perspective (Elfert, 2019). Although presented under different guises, one can discern three fundamental attributes of lifelong learning (see, e.g., Rubenson, 2010): • It is lifelong and therefore concerns learning from cradle to grave. • It is lifewide recognizing that learning occurs in many different settings. • It focuses on learning rather than limit itself to education (p. 4). These different dimensions have also been distinguished as the temporal and spatial or vertical and horizontal dimensions of learning (e.g., Jessup, 1969; Hof, 2009). The concept of lifelong learning represents a dissolution of boundaries as learning is not anymore restricted to certain time periods and institutional settings but stretches over the entire life span and encompasses all spheres of life (Hof, 2009). Lifelong learning entails the idea of “learning from our lives” (Field, 2012), recognizing that “life itself is the basis of learning and that this learning also occurs outside of the educational framework and in a wider socio-cultural framework and within geographical and historical contexts” (Jarvis, 2014, p. 54). The lifelong, vertical dimension encompasses different life cycles and periods. The lifewide, horizontal dimension captures the breadth of life experiences at home, in the family, at the workplace, and during leisure time and the range of human experiences that are not linear. The capacity to learn is an integral part of human identity and capacity to deal with change (Illeris, 2014). Because learning builds on experiences and previously acquired knowledge, it is always individual. On the other hand, learning takes place in different contexts and social relationships; it is a social, relational, and participatory process, which Lave and Wenger (1991) have captured in their concept of “situated learning.” These multiple, individual, and societal dimensions of lifelong learning open up a range of research agendas, from studies on biographical life trajectories of learning (Jarvis, 2001) to research involving the analysis of data on participation, financing, and the organization of the education system, in order to assess social inequalities (e.g., Schuller & Watson, 2009; Desjardins, 2017; UIL, 2019). It is important to note that the field of lifelong learning is difficult to delineate. While lifelong learning used to be associated with adult education, in the official

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terminology of the EU, lifelong learning now refers to education at all ages (Milana et al., 2020, p. vii). Lifelong learning has expanded towards a range of related fields, such as human resources. As stated by Field et al. (2016, drawing on Edwards, 1997), “the shift from the ‘field’ of adult education to the ‘moorland’ of lifelong learning is clearly an obstacle to [a] tidy categorial approach” (p. 129). Consequently adult education has been losing much of the administrative capital it had gained over the previous decades. With lifelong learning understood in this broad context more or less, all research touching on some dimension on learning and education from macro to micro levels could be labeled as research on lifelong learning. However, in the review of previous research presented in the next section, we will focus on lifelong learning that has some aspect of adult learning and education (ALE) and restrict ourselves to research for lifelong learning policy and research of lifelong learning policy.

Review of Research on Lifelong Learning The distinction of research for and research of policy draws on Cox and Sinclair (1996), who divide policy research into two categories, problem-solving and critical approaches. Research for policy, which broadly relates to Cox and Sinclair’s first category, is most often rooted in the traditional research and development (R&D) concept, while research of policy, which is equivalent to the second category, is less utilitarian and aims to reveal the values and political underpinnings of public policy (Walker, 2009) and how policies relate to prevailing inequalities and forms of injustice (Ball, 1997).

Research for Policy This category includes research on the conceptualization, implementation, and evaluation of lifelong learning and is primarily carried out by supranational organizations (at times using external scholars to conduct the work), primarily UNESCO and the OECD, but also the World Bank and the EU as well as national governmentrelated agencies, who are all engaged in pursuing research for the purpose of evidence-based policy-making.

Research for Policy during the First Generation of Lifelong Learning A considerable amount of research during the first generation addressed the conceptualization of lifelong learning. Looking at UNESCO, the 1972 Faure Report constituted the starting point for a research program on lifelong education carried out by researchers associated with the UNESCO Institute for Education (UIE) in Hamburg. During the 1970s, UIE engaged in numerous research projects, organized seminars, and published a series of monographs and other publications with the aim

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of conceptualizing lifelong education from an interdisciplinary perspective. Some of the key publications that emerged from this work are Dave (1973, 1976) and Cropley (1979). Dave and his colleagues defined the concept broadly and developed “concept characteristics” of lifelong education, which covered, among other aspects, all stages of education; the formal, nonformal, and informal patterns of education; and the vertical and horizontal dimensions. However, we would suggest that there was a contradiction between the emphasis on nonformal and informal learning in the general discourse and the strong focus on the formal system in UIE’s research program which in addition to some vague discussions of the foundations gave particular attention to pedagogical and curriculum aspects of primary and secondary education. The publications that emerged from this research agenda represent a mixture of traditional adult education arguments and curriculum theory. Further, this body of work is also characterized by a strong criticism of the traditional school which is to be blamed for all ills. What is striking is the total absence of any reference to the vibrant work done within the new sociology of education showing that education and teaching processes should be understood from a political structural perspective. Moreover, the level and depth of the publications coming out of UIE and similar publications (see, e.g., Ingram, 1979) have been questioned. King (1979), reviewing two of the publications addressing school curriculum and lifelong learning, found the level of analysis disappointing and mostly consisting of cliches and platitudes. The high idealism of the research conducted by UIE was confirmed by one of the pioneers of the first-generation research on lifelong learning, Arthur Cropley, who in an interview stated his disappointment with what had been achieved: “I went in thinking that I was serving a noble cause, fighting for the good and helping the good to come about, I see now that my time was totally wasted” (cited in Elfert, 2018, p. 227). While the UNESCO-inspired research during the first generation focused on pedagogy and curricula, there was a different strand of research around the concept of recurrent education, which foregrounded the link between education and the labor market and stressed that educational policy needed to be closely coordinated with labor market policy. Tuijnman (1996, p 101) suggested that the concept constituted the hallmark of functionalist thinking relating to the effects of modernization on the relationship between labor markets and the educational system. Most of the research was carried out by labor economists internal or external to the OECD and focused on social and economic policies that would support a system of recurrent education. Rehn (1983) developed a model of drawing rights intended to influence the allocation of time for work and nonwork including education distributed over the total life span. In order to be able to come up with alternative distributions of public resources allocated to education, the OECD tried to estimate participation in, and cost of, all forms of education for adults in selected OECD countries (OECD, 1977). Similar national studies were carried out (Wagner, 1983; ACACE, 1982). Stoikov (1975), working for the International Labour Organization (ILO), estimated the costs and benefits of introducing a system of recurrent education, while Emmerij (1983) looked at the use of social security payments as a way to retrain the unemployed.

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Educational leave of absence was another area that received considerable attention (see CERI, 1976). According to one of its pioneers, recurrent education “died a quiet death in the OECD,” as it required “changing the system” (interview with Louis Emmerij, cited in Elfert, 2020, p. 53). Similarly, the Faure Report and UNESCO’s subsequent attempt to clarify lifelong education had little effect on national educational policy. Third World countries regarded lifelong education as a luxury of the developed world, and the latter took no notice of the idea (Torres, 2002). As a result, at the end of the 1970s, neither recurrent education nor lifelong education was visible on the educational policy scene, and it would take a new crisis – the end of the Cold War – to bring the underlying idea of lifelong learning back into the policy and research arenas.

Research for Policy during the Second and Third Generations of Lifelong Learning Two interrelated developments have driven the policy research agenda during the second and third generations of lifelong learning: the growing influence of economic theory on educational planning and the call for evidence-based policy-making. The OECD shifted its attention to the responsiveness of education to labor market needs and emphasized the contribution of education to economic development. Its report Education and the Economy in a Changing Society (OECD, 1989) drew heavily on microeconomic studies and “noted that national differences in economic performance could be attributed to educational effectiveness and a country’s learning capabilities” (Rubenson, 2015). The OECD’s Lifelong Learning for All (OECD, 1996), prepared for the 1996 Council of Ministers meeting, was very much in line with the 1989 report. A noticeable development following the report was that the OECD, after having neglected adult education during most of its history, paid greater attention to adult and nonformal education. For example, it launched, at the end of 1998, its Thematic Review of Adult Learning (OECD, 2003), which represented a reaction to the debates on low levels of adult literacy in the population of industrialized countries (Deuel, 2021). This meant greater attention to adult education and training as a pillar of an active labor market policy. In this context, research for policy was driven by a push for data on the skills of youth and adults with a view to their participation in the labor market. In the 1980s and 1990s, there was a notable interest in functional literacy, both in developing and industrialized countries. For example, UIE, which had been at the center of the first-generation lifelong learning research, started a research project on functional illiteracy and continuing education, with a focus on the integration of youth into the world of work (UNESCO, 1986). Several industrialized countries, such as Canada, started to conduct their own national surveys on literacy skills, from which, in the early 1990s, the International Adult Learning Survey (IALS) study derived (Elfert & Walker, 2020). These developments coincided with a push for comparative data on the functional skills

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of school children, which resulted in the launch of the Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA) in 2000. A decade later the OECD also introduced the Programme for the International Comparison of Adult Competencies (PIAAC), which is presented as providing a reliable and objective base for countries to develop evidence-based skills and lifelong learning policies. The UNESCO report Learning: The Treasure Within (otherwise known as the Delors Report) (Delors et al. 1996), with its guiding idea of the four pillars of education (learning to know, learning to do, learning to live together, and learning to be), sparked the development of indicators for lifelong learning that went far beyond the traditional indicators covered in PISA and PIAAC (Bertelsmann Stiftung, 2010; Canadian Council on Learning, 2010), reflections on educational reform (see, e.g., De Lisle, 1998 for Latin America; Dohmen, 1996, for Germany), and pilot projects such as lifelong learning model experiments (BLK, 2001). These ambitious attempts were short lived as it was almost impossible to grasp the broadness of the four pillars (Rubenson, 2019). However, UNESCO responded to countries’ needs for data by developing its own evidence-based data regime, the Global Report on Adult learning and Education (GRALE), which was launched in the context of the Sixth International Conference on Adult Education (CONFINTEAVI) (UIL, 2009). The GRALE, which is based on data collected on a triannual basis from UNESCO’s member states, involves a close monitoring of developments related to adult education and lifelong learning in different regions of the globe as well as broad policy recommendations (see, e.g., UIL, 2016, 2019). The drive for evidence-based policies induced countries to introduce changes to their educational R&D systems. For example, in England the government changed the balance between pure basic research and pure applied research through creating what was being labelled “use-inspired basic research” (OECD & CERI, 2002). The same ambition drove the EU’s Sixth and Seventh Framework Programme research agendas, as well as the most recent Eighth agenda, Horizon 2020. The European Union’s Renewed European Agenda for Adult Learning, outlining the EU’s vision for adult learning from 2015 to 2020, stated: “Evidence-based policy-making in the field of adult learning calls for comprehensive and comparable data on all key aspects of adult learning, for effective monitoring systems and cooperation between the different agencies, as well as for high-quality research activities” (Official Journal of the European Union, 2011, p. C 372/2). The EU’s report In-depth analysis of adult learning policies and their effectiveness in Europe called for “hard evidence” as “a key ingredient in policymaking. . . about what does and does not work to achieve specific policy goals” (European Commission, 2015, p. 157). The recent interest in the collection and classification of information on adult learning and education should be seen as part of the supranational organizations’ strategy to institutionalize an evidence-based policy regime. The strategic framework for European cooperation in education and training (Europe 2020) notes, “it is vital that better empirical evidence is available to underpin reforms” (European Commission, 2011, p. 3). However, the evidence-based approach seems to have serious limitations. Holford et al. (2022, forthcoming), reflecting on a major EU-funded

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project on lifelong learning policy-making in Europe, which the authors find to be increasingly based on “big data” and artificial intelligence, come to the sobering conclusion that “these panaceas [such as ‘evidence-based policy’, ‘implementation science’, ‘deliverology’] have not worked, and will not do so” (p. tbc). Unfortunately, this approach to data gathering on adult and lifelong learning, with its deep roots in the skills agenda, has created a “reality” of adult learning that eclipses the broad humanistic traditions of adult education. Consequently, it becomes impossible to question the wisdom of present strategies through an evidence-based policy strategy that is being driven by this reality. The role of the EU in research on lifelong learning is particularly interesting as it is not only a policy-driver but also a major funder of research. Research funds, as provided by the EU and increasingly also other funding bodies, are contingent on policy relevance. EU-funded research projects often involve governmental partners, such as ministries, that have an interest in policy and nongovernmental partners, such as universities, that are more interested in academic research (see,e.g., TRANSVAL-EU, 2021). As a consequence, the boundaries between research for policy and research of policy became blurred as the research community engaged with the supranational and national policy agenda. An interesting example is the “Learning Society” program, funded in the 1990s by the Economic and Social Research Council (ESRC) in the UK, which involved 14 national and cross-national projects on different aspects of lifelong learning, such as learning at work and informal learning (Coffield, 1999a, b). The research program was geared towards policy relevance but at the same time resulted in a staunch critique of the prevailing policy discourse of lifelong learning. The main conclusion of the study, that lifelong learning represents a form of social control (Coffield, 1999a, b), is clearly an affront to the official policy discourse. It is thus no surprise that a notable tension exists between the policy community and the academic research community in terms of what research is deemed relevant (Desjardins & Rubenson, 2009). Husén and Kogan (1984) have pointed to the “tensions between the two cultures” and the “academic versus bureaucratic” ethos that guides policy-makers and academic researchers.

Research of Policy Although the adult education research community has traditionally shown limited interest in scrutinizing public policy (Rubenson, 1982; Taylor, 2001; St Clair, 2011; Schemmann, 2017; Fejes & Nylander, 2014, 2019), it has produced a substantial body of policy research touching on lifelong learning. The first generation of lifelong learning did not garner much interest from the research community in terms of policy research. Critique of lifelong learning was more philosophically oriented and opposed lifelong learning as a challenge to “true adult education” with the argument that it did not aim at societal change but at controlling and coercing people. Critics were concerned that under a lifelong learning regime, adults would have to be enrolled in educational programs in order to be eligible for welfare (Niemi, 1974)

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or would be made to feel inadequate. Ivan Illich warned that lifelong learning would turn into a “trap of school for life” (cited by Vinokur, 1976, p. 288; see also Illich & Verne, 1976). Wain’s (1987, 2004) seminal studies on lifelong learning are also situated in the more philosophically oriented tradition, although they refer to policy. The economistic shift driving generations two and three resulted in something of a growth industry among scholars who critiqued the political project of lifelong learning and echoed some of the concerns of the first generation from policy, sociology, and critical theory perspectives. Many scholars rooted in the social movement tradition of adult education expressed strong resentment against what they saw as a colonization of adult and lifelong education and its humanistic and liberatory traditions by an “economistic” agenda, resulting in a drastic change of the conditions under which adult education operates (Bagnall, 2000; Gustavsson, 2002; Martin, 2003). Tracing the underlying shifts in the political economy, the present policy direction of lifelong learning was criticized for its reliance on a neoliberal value system (Biesta, 2006; Borg & Mayo, 2005; Field, 2001; Griffin, 1999; Gouthro, 2009). Much of the criticism stems from close readings of the OECD and/or European Union’s policy documents (Assinger, 2020, Hake, 1999, Griffin, 1999, Schuetze, 2006). In other instances, research focuses on a specific national policy like Richard Taylor’s Lifelong Learning and the Labour governments 1997–2004 (Taylor, 2005). This work as well as some of the previously mentioned is, broadly speaking, rooted in traditional mainstream policy studies (see Durnova & Weible, 2020). Others follow an interpretative tradition, often labelled critical policy studies in the educational literature (Walker, 2009; Regmi, 2019), in the examination of the discursive nature of policy. A strong message is that the shift in the lifelong learning discourse should be seen, in the language of Foucault, as a shift towards the “control society” (Watson, 2010; see also Coffield, 1999b, and Fejes & Nicoll, 2008). Analyzing the EU’s lifelong learning policy under the prism of neoliberalism, Mikelatou and Arvanitis (2018), drawing on critical discourse analysis, conclude that social inclusion and active citizenship, which are stressed in the policy documents, cannot be realized within the ideological, political, and economic framework under the prevailing neoliberal framework. Only employability and adaptability seem to fit the political economic framework. Feminist scholars working in this tradition have revealed how the new skills agenda accompanying the lifelong learning discourse is a new site of inequality affecting women particularly (English & Mayo, 2021; Appelby & Bathmaker, 2006; Hughes et al., 2006; Mojab, 2009). This is also the situation for immigrants (Guo, 2013; Shan, 2019; English & Mayo, 2021). A common theme in interpretative policy studies has been to unpack the impact of the discourse promoted by the supranational organizations on national policies on lifelong learning (see, e.g., Takayama, 2013; Milana, 2015; Milana, Klatt, & Varvetta, 2020). An underlying assumption in much of this research is that globalization is forcing a shift in comparative policy studies away from methodological nationalism towards transnational governance (Desjardins & Rubenson, 2009;

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Jakobi, 2009; Rubenson, 2008). As Regmi’s (2019) in-depth analysis of Nepal concludes, even the least developed countries, for whom the dominant lifelong learning ideas make little sense, feel coerced by the World Bank to adopt the prevailing discourse. In Africa lifelong learning is embraced as a strategy to position the continent better in the globalized economy (Oduaran, 2000) or to realize sustainable development (Maruatona, 2011). Less prevalent than interpretative policy analysis are studies anchored in critical theory that have contributed to the understanding of how work and the dominant political economy shape individuals’ and groups’ opportunity structures and their relationship to lifelong learning. This literature challenges the promises of human capital theory and the vision of the “post-industrial theorists” since the 1960s who claim that workers will have increasingly higher skills, autonomy, and earnings as well as more leisure time (Livingstone, 2002, 2012 see also Brown, Green, & Lauder, 2001; Green, 2006). Another body of literature situated in critical policy analysis is concerned with the role of universities as providers of lifelong learning focusing on the impact of neoliberalism on higher education and the consequences for adult learners, the disappearance of liberal adult education, and the dominance of a reductionist skills agenda (Bowl, 2001; Schuetze & Slowey, 2002; Holborow, 2012). There is a significant body of literature reflecting a general frustration among adult education scholars that large-scale assessment data, in particular PIAAC, are used in a narrow way that serves the interest of policy-makers rather than the interests of the learners or the advancement of knowledge in the field of adult education and lifelong learning (Grotlüschen & Heilmann, 2021; St. Clair, 2012). As stated by Fejes and Nylander (2019), “while these data sets are primarily produced for policy-oriented reasons by international organisations such as the European Commission and the OECD, they have. . .potential for academic research as well” (pp. 10–11). As part of this literature, some scholars address the need to contextualize PIAAC participation data (Boeren, 2017; Desjardins, 2014; Rubenson, 2018). In that regard, Boeren (2017) points to the need of more “multilevel” model research, as only research that integrates micro- (the individual perspective), meso(education and training providers), and macro- (education policy) perspectives will allow researchers to generate full insight into the complexity of lifelong learning participation. In this section we have reviewed important trends and characteristics of research for policy, driven by the demands of evidence-based policy-making, and research of policy, rooted in interpretative and critical theory approaches. Both categories are in tension with each other, and scholars conducting research of policy have criticized research for policy for its narrowness and unsubstantiated claims. The tension between research of and research for policy, particularly how they relate to theory, needs to be overcome in order to tackle the enormity of challenges addressed by the UN Sustainable Development Agenda, in particular SDG 4, that will require a consideration of lifelong learning in all its forms.

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Contemporary Characteristics of and a Future Agenda for Lifelong Learning Research This section has two parts: In the first part, we will comment on some notable characteristics of the contemporary lifelong learning debate that have consequences for research, such as the skills discourse that has superseded the emancipatory lifelong learning idea, and the dominance of measurable outcomes that entails a lack of attention to democracy. In the second part, we will outline a lifelong learning research agenda for the future. We will argue that future research on lifelong learning should be focused on democracy and equity, if the SDGs are to be realized.

The “Skills” Agenda As noted by the scholarly community, under the influence of neoliberalism, lifelong learning as a policy paradigm has been largely reduced to the acquisition of “skills” (Brown & Lauder, 2009; Lloyd & Payne, 2002). In this approach, the emancipatory idea of lifelong learning as understood by the first generation is obsolete (Edwards, 2010) as individuals only learn in order to perform certain functions or achieve job-readiness. The “skills” agenda has brought about a notable research focus on the role of higher education institutions as providers of lifelong learning (Volles, 2019; Preece, 2017; Yang et al., 2015). Higher education institutions are given a key role for “reskilling” and providing skills training with a view towards employability (Deuel, 2021; Botha & Potgieter, 2009; Universities UK, 2018). Also in the context of SDG 4, which has put lifelong learning back on the policy agenda, some commentators have pointed to a renewed focus on higher education (UNESCO-IIEP, 2017; Owens, 2017). In relation to the SDG 4 agenda, the discourse of lifelong learning is currently strongly emerging in debates on an expanding role of higher education for providing skills training as a consequence of technological changes and job loss (Martin & Godonoga, 2020; Yang et al., 2015). The World Bank’s version of lifelong learning emphasizes the responsibility of the individual to engage in ongoing training and skills development over the role of formal institutions and degrees. Deuel’s (2021) research on the shifting discourse employed by the OECD and the World Bank on the “knowledge economy,” lifelong learning, and the role of higher education has found that these organizations devalue higher education and view it as “merely one of many delivery mechanisms for developing skills necessary for maximising productivity and economic growth” (p. 9).

A Focus on Measurable Outcomes Another related trend in the context of SDG 4 and beyond is the focus on measurable outcomes, which is at odds with the inclusive and transformative discourse of the SDGs (Unterhalter, 2017; Fukuda-Parr & McNeill, 2019). As illustrated by the World Bank’s World Development Report Learning to Realize Education’s Promise,

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published in 2018, which presents the measuring of learning outcomes as the solution to the “learning crisis,” learning metrics constitute the overwhelming research agenda pursued by international organizations in the context of SDG 4 (Fontdevila, 2021; Grek, 2020). The focus on learning outcomes represents a challenge to lifelong learning, as informal and nonformal learning is difficult to measure, and there is a risk that forms of education for which statistics are available will be prioritized (Benavot & Stepanek Lockhart, 2016). The 2020 Global Report on Adult Learning and Education (GRALE) points out that, in particular, the category of “liberal, popular and community education” might be very difficult to capture. The report argues that “even in. . .countries with access to sophisticated household surveys like AES and/or PIAAC,” there are no data available to “properly provide information regarding liberal, popular, community education” (UIL, 2019, p. 15). Benavot (2018) highlights the contradictions in SDG 4: on the one hand a prominent featuring of lifelong learning, which “has opened up. . .a huge window of opportunity for ALE advocacy” (p. 5), and on the other hand “minimal attention” for adult education in the goals of SDG 4 and narrowly defined learning outcomes. He concludes that “the shift to ‘lifelong learning’ is doing little to mitigate the many challenges and impending marginalization facing adult education” (p. 8).

The Democratic Deficit The utilitarian skills agenda, the focus on measurable results, and the related marginalization of traditional popular, adult, and community education point to the erosion of democracy in educational agendas. The very idea of democracy that was so central to the vision of lifelong learning of the first generation has up to now been largely absent in the contemporary lifelong learning debates. Elfert (2019) has noted “the glaring absence of the word ‘democracy’ in the 17 SDGs” (p. 549). This trend has been exacerbated by the “turn to the inner” in lifelong learning scholarship over the last decades (Holford et al. 2021b), in terms of “the influence of ‘well-being’, psychoanalysis, psychotherapies, and awareness of spirituality” (p. 3), and in particular by the drive towards technology-enhanced learning. In the scholarly literature, increasing influence of the “new materialism” in education (e.g., McGregor, 2014) aligns with a growing body of literature on a “post-human society,” characterized by the shift from a competitive knowledge society to a performanceenhanced society (European Parliament, 2007; Coenen, 2008), which could signify a greater role for lifelong learning as a governing technology (Deuel, 2021) or, as Edwards (2010) suggests, result in the end of lifelong learning. Growing attention to technology-enhanced learning (Kalz, 2014; Lock et al., 2021) and neuroscience is underpinned by a view of an individualized, self-directed learner, taking the neoliberal individualized learner even further towards a “robotic view” (Vickers, 2022, p. 14). In the technology-enhanced perspective, the capacity of human beings to change their society for the better, which constitutes the “political” dimension of lifelong learning, which characterized the first generation of lifelong learning (Elfert, 2015, 2018), is reduced to a purely utilitarian function.

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A Future Lifelong Learning Research Agenda Focused on Democracy The 2019 and 2020 Human Development Reports (HDR) (UNDP, 2019, 2020) provide important context for a future research agenda on lifelong learning built around the 17 SDGs. As convincingly demonstrated in the 2019 HDR, inequalities in human development have been increasing, a trend that most likely will continue, not least because the Covid crisis has exacerbated existing inequalities. The report reminds us that economic growth should be seen as a means to achieve human development, not as an end in itself. What is being missed in the development discourse is how the fruits of economic growth can be more equitably shared (Stilwell, 2016, p. 30). The 2020 HDR, The Next Frontier: Human Development and the Anthropocene, is strongly dominated by sustainability in light of longstanding social, ecological, and economic challenges, made even more acute in the Covid-19 world. The focus on the Anthropocene reflects a decolonial and “post-humanist” trend that is notable in the scholarly literature in the field of education, illustrated also by the fact that the theme of the 2020 conference of the Comparative and International Education Society (CIES) was “Education beyond the human.” In the 2020 HDR, three conclusions stand out, with potentially far-reaching consequences for a research agenda on lifelong learning. First, planetary and social imbalances interact and reinforce each other and therefore need to be seen as a whole. Second, an agenda centered on equity is essential not only for addressing social justice but also for the stewardship of nature. The report points out that “inequalities in human development not only represent unfairness and social imbalances that can destabilize societies, affecting wellbeing and the dignity of people, but they also play a role in how people interact with nature, impacting planetary pressures” (UNDP, 2020, p. 72). Third, in accordance with the capability approach (Sen, 1999), learning and education should be seen in the context of the expansion of individuals’ agency, capabilities, and participation in democratic dialogue. Both HDRs suggest that the realization of a specific SDG is closely intertwined with the realization of the other SDGs and ultimately dependent on the success in addressing prevailing democratic deficits and inequities. The 2020 HDR postulates that human development requires “democratic deliberation” (UNDP, 2020, p. 113) and emphasizes the role of learning and education in empowering people and unleashing transformation: “The purpose of education is not an instrumentalist ‘skilling’ to produce biddable masses for current economic and political systems to exploit. Its purpose is transformative: to imbue everyone with broad human values and critical thinking abilities” (pp. 42/43, citing Sharachchandra Lele). The transformative perspective points to the importance of returning to the theme of pedagogy and curricula that was central during the first generation of lifelong learning. In contrast to the work during the first generation of lifelong learning, which focused primarily on the formal educational system, the 2020 HDR speaks to the importance of also paying close attention to adult learning and education (UNDP, 2020, pp. 139–141). To begin exploring this issue, there is a need for theoretical and empirical work that can provide insights into how, and under what conditions,

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learning and educational practices can contribute to the expansion of individuals’ agency, capabilities, and participation in democratic debate. Mojab and Carpenter (2011) draw attention to civil society as the “privileged domain of non-instrumental learning processes” (p. 551, citing Welton, 1998). Larsson (2001) has shed some empirical light on this in his comparison of courses in Sweden with identical curricula in the formal adult education system and in popular adult education, both leading to formal qualifications. He found that the formal adult education course followed what Tyack and Tobin (1994) labelled the common “grammar of schooling” which reflects an instrumental rationality of knowledge. In contrast, the course given in the popular adult education system in the form of a study circle reflected what Habermas (1991) calls communicative rationality. There exists a body of research on democratic education in Nordic countries, which unfortunately has not reached an international audience (Laginder, Nordvall, & Crowther, 2013). Returning to the pedagogical perspective of the first generation of lifelong learning, particularly in a comparative perspective, would be a valuable way of contributing to the realization of the SDGs. If the message from the 2020 Human Development Report is to be taken seriously, considerable attention has to be given to popular adult education in the future lifelong learning research agenda. As Stiglitz (2018) points out, the rampant inequalities in the USA are a result of the American political system that has allowed the wealthy to gain ample political influence that they have used to change laws to benefit themselves. This has resulted in reduced equality of opportunity as the less well-off increasingly find it difficult to access social services, including adult learning and education. We need a better understanding of the role lifelong learning, particularly popular adult education, can play in the struggle to change the political structures and people’s ability to command their own lives. There is a considerable body of historical research from different countries documenting the way collective learning, often organized by social movements, played in the political struggles during the end of the nineteenth century and beginning of the twentieth century in Western Europe and later in Latin America or Eastern Europe. In light of this tradition, what is needed is to look at the role adult learning and education can play in meeting the democratic deficits in today’s society. While the skills agenda is front and center in the lifelong learning discourse, the future research agenda would need to take a broader perspective and address the impact of work on exclusion from adult and lifelong learning. Work is both an enabler and barrier to learning (Roosman & Saar, 2012). In a time when work is forecasted to undergo rapid changes with further polarization, those ending up in low-skill jobs will face increased insecurity, while those in the high-skill area will be handsomely rewarded for their assumed ability to learn (OECD & ILO, 2018). In light of the potentially devastating consequences of a further polarization of society that this would entail, ILO’s Global Commission on the Future of Work (ILO, 2019) underscores the importance of learning in combatting increasing inequality and asks for a new social contract, the cornerstone of which would be the right to skills and

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lifelong learning. However, as noted in GRALE 4 (UIL, 2019, pp. 162–163), the ILO Commission did not engage with the crucial issue of economic democracy which lies at the heart of the struggle for decent work for all. In contrast, during the first generation of lifelong learning, economic democracy surfaced in the discussions on the role lifelong learning could play for an inclusive society (Dave, 1976). This perspective does not focus narrowly on skills to do the job better but also on the capabilities to engage with work conditions and employee participation in co-determination. The explorations of these issues are centrally located in the general nexus of adult and lifelong learning, democracy, and equality. The realization of an ambitious research agenda on lifelong learning of the nature outlined in this chapter would require the involvement not only of the adult education research community but also scholars from a wide variety of disciplines. When the European Society of Research on the Education of Adults (ESREA) was formed in 1991, the name was chosen to encourage scholars not traditionally involved in research on adult learning and education to feel included. Such a research agenda might also have the potential to bridge the divide between academic research, which is dominated by qualitative approaches (Boeren, 2018; Rubenson & Elfert, 2015), and research promoted by international organizations and governments that is deemed policy-relevant, which focuses on learning outcomes dominated by quantitative methods. The funding agencies would have an important role in enabling multidisciplinary, and ideally interdisciplinary, research on the lifelong learning agenda. To realize the ambitious agenda, a considerable part of government-funded research for policy would have to be aimed at the development of theory which can be used in understanding the role of lifelong learning in promoting equality and democracy. The research must have a critical function conveying a knowledge of everyday realities which opens up new perspectives and offers new vantage points. In this way research for policy could be both scientifically developmental and practically useful as a base for evidence-informed policy. As outlined above, democracy and equality need to be at the center of the efforts to realize the SDGs. Consequently, the key issue in a lifelong learning research program should revolve around how, and under what conditions, lifelong learning can contribute to democracy and equity. This direction calls for a strengthening of the theoretical base on which this research can rest. The much-promoted role of adult and lifelong learning for the economy rests on an economic foundation, primarily human capital theory, that has come to exert strong influence on public policy (OECD, 1996, 2019a, b; World Bank, 2011). Not only does there not exist a similar parsimonious framework driving equity-inspired policies on lifelong learning, but there are few attempts to cohesively explore the issue. While the OECD’s skills agenda and the background work on PIAAC draw heavily on the academic community, no similar serious attempts have been done by the OECD or any of the other supranational organizations to encourage social scientists to engage with lifelong learning in the context of democracy and equality, and UNESCO’s efforts in that regard were not taken up by policy-makers (Elfert, 2015, 2018).

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Conclusion In this chapter we have outlined the main characteristics of research on lifelong learning, which we have categorized into three generations. In the “first generation” of lifelong learning, situated in the 1960s and 1970s, the concept (initially “lifelong education”) was rooted in a progressive policy agenda. Despite a rhetoric invoking a broader learning perspective, much of the research focused on how to reform the formal educational system. In the 1980s, in what has been labelled “the second generation,” driven by a neoliberal political economy and a changing mode of production, the discourse shifted towards investment in human capital and employability. During the period of the “third generation,” which balanced the humanistic and instrumental approaches of the two previous generations, the concept was broadened and understood as learning and education. It could be argued that the UN Sustainability Agenda with its 17 development goals, and in particular the prominence of lifelong learning in SDG 4, is ushering in a fourth generation of lifelong learning that will require a dramatic reconceptualization of the concept, and we have outlined a research program that would have the potential to contribute to the realization of the SDGs. Against the background of the insights gathered from 70 years of research on lifelong learning and the dramatic inequalities that challenge the future of our societies, further exacerbated by the Covid crisis, there is a need to go beyond the current focus on measurable outcomes and the utilitarian skills perspective in favor of greater attention to the democratic, nonformal, and pedagogical dimensions of lifelong learning.

Cross-References ▶ Apprenance: Rethinking How and Why Adults Learn ▶ Dialectical Perspectives for Researching Lifelong Learning ▶ Learning Potential of the Lifeworld: A Comprehensive Theory of Lifelong Learning ▶ Lifelong Learning Research: The Themes of the Territory ▶ The End of Learning: Living a Life in a World in Motion

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Reimagining Refugee Lifelong Education: Towards a New Social Contract

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Eugenia Arvanitis and Shirley Wade McLoughlin

Contents Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Transforming Public Responses Towards Refugees . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Refugee Education Under Transnational Mandates . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Sedentarist Framing and Structural Barriers in Refugee Education . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Forming a New Social Contract for Refugee Lifelong Education . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Meeting the Promise of a Culturally Responsive Lifelong Educational Provision . . . . . . . Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Cross-References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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This chapter focuses on twenty-first-century refugee education within a lifelong educational context. Global mandates for refugee education have been transformed from the provision of primary education and separate elementary programs to facilitate repatriation to the countries of origin to a more lifelong oriented approach. Although this humanitarian and human rights approach remained the traditional framing for refugee education until the 2010s, lifelong education is now seen as a major contributor to a revived national/community building. With the vivid presence of refugees in modern societies, the creation of a new glocal citizenry that is responsive to and inclusive of diversity has become critical. This demands systemic reforms and a new social contract responsive to the needs and aspirations of all members of a society regardless of their civic E. Arvanitis (*) University of Patras, Patras, Greece e-mail: [email protected] S. W. McLoughlin Keene State College, Keene, NH, USA e-mail: [email protected] © Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 K. Evans et al. (eds.), Third International Handbook of Lifelong Learning, Springer International Handbooks of Education, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-19592-1_66

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status. Securing social citizenship rights for all remains a profound challenge for inclusive societies. Lifelong education systems should avoid sedentarist framing to encapsulate the divergence of lifeworlds experienced by refugees (and others). The design and implementation of flexible pathways for academic mobility for all citizens and non-citizens and the validation of academic and vocational qualifications are a crucial component to assure these systems are successful. Furthermore, it requires a pedagogy of productive diversity that is inclusive to ubiquitous learning and intercultural capital of all students. It also requires interactive curriculum design and delivery as well as collaborative class engagement and multimodal meaning-making by learners and educators across lifelong education. Finally, it projects educators’ intercultural mindfulness and normative professionalism. Keywords

Refugee education · A pedagogy of productive diversity · New social contract · Intercultural mindfulness · Social citizenship · Sedentarist framing · Divergence of lifeworlds · Normative professionalism

Introduction Cosmopolitanization (Beck 2009) or the vibrant cultural mixing of others has transformed modern globalized societies and lifelong education. National cultures are projected through a lived experience of divergence and capitalize on a wealth of cultural practices, lifestyles, and preferences (Cope and Kalantzis 1997). Notions of homogeneity based on uniformity and standardized symbols, actions, and products are not helpful as in the modern world “there is only aptness to situation” (Kalantzis and Cope 2009). Thus, people develop a more powerful sense of belonging when their differences are productively recognized and harnessed. When homogeneity of a society is enforced, those members of non-dominant groups feel ignored and marginalized, and it follows that they may be less productive. Therefore, grand narratives of nationhood provide a divisive ideology that hampers national building. Ethnocentric approaches, re-nationalization, and suppression of sociocultural diversity lead to assimilation, populism, and radicalization. On the other hand, modern plurality calls for a revamped legitimation to a new citizenship that includes exotic and familiar others (Arvanitis 2018). However, recent increased migration/refugee mobility in Europe had resulted in divisive policy discourses as to how to manage and integrate diversity and otherness. Humanitarian responses and/or advocacy of basic human rights created a complex public narrative and diverse national policies whereas the question of migrant/ refugee integration became the focus for securing the so-called European way of life. In the public domain, refugees were visualized by some as passive victims and people in need who had escaped war zones, while others viewed them as convenient

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scapegoats that threaten national cultural identity and social security (Arvanitis 2020). Their image was associated with victimhoodtrauma, compulsion, forceful relocation, absence of choice, and ambiguity (Malkki 2010; Wernesjö 2019). Refugees were portrayed as powerless victims facing ongoing restrictions with no control over their life circumstances, instead of strong individuals with tremendous fortitude who have surmounted significant obstacles in fleeing their countries (Kisiara 2015). This discourse of victimhood denied refugees their agency, namely, the fact that they are visionary and skillful people who have used all their available resources and networks to build a life in a new homeland. The assumed lack of refugee agency overlooks not only that their loss and trauma is “countermanded by actions” (Jackson 2013, p. 24), but also overlooks their active decision-making and calculative risk-taking. Refugee status remains marginal with no possible pathways to full civil, political, and social rights. Refugees are in fact non-citizens and to great extent unable to access formal and/or post-compulsory education, other resources, and labor markets. Their precarious, transient, and liminal status denies them legitimacy and a sense of belonging in the new homeland. For many refugees it is impossible to make use of their education to fully participate in society as they are both within and outside of nation states. This chapter focuses on refugee education and the challenges it brings in a lifelong educational context for the twenty-first century. I argue that lifelong education is a major contributor to revived national/community building (English and Mayo 2019). More than ever, educational sites need to form intermediate or third spaces (Soja 1996) where intercultural capital building, negotiation, reciprocal engagement, and openness may be facilitated. New multiple narratives of belonging can be accommodated in open and inclusive educational settings under the prism of civic pluralism (Kalantzis and Cope 2012). In this sense, education holds a transformative power as the interrelation and recognition of diverse cultural mindsets and differences operates as a valuable intercultural asset/capital in reconstructing an inclusive and coherent civility (Kalantzis and Cope 2009). Learning becomes more equitable, efficient, and productive when it embraces differences because sameness does not bring equality, social access, or cohesion. Thus, lifelong education needs to provide comparable opportunities to all learners to diminish prejudice and secure equality in employment and civic participation. A key premise of inclusive education is to facilitate collaboration and negotiation with others in multiple glocal registers and to enhance their competences and intercultural mindfulness. Ignoring or negating “lifeworld divergence” (individual material, corporeal and symbolic differences, as well as life experiences) is counterproductive for lifelong education (Kalantzis and Cope 2009). Overall, lifelong education is called to address the diverse intercultural capital (life narratives, relations, orientations, shared cultural learning, personae, affinities) accumulated by its learners in a productive way and to help construct a new glocal identity through reciprocal negotiation and collaboration. However, a new social contract for education is needed to include those who are disadvantaged and marginalized or non-citizens. The global risks faced by humanity show that learning to think and act together will secure a future democratic co-existence.

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Transforming Public Responses Towards Refugees The increased refugee/migrant presence in Europe after 2015 affected community responses and public policies. Widespread humanitarian feelings expressed during the first waves of refugee arrivals easily transformed into hostility and mistrust (Arvanitis 2020). Continuous flows cultivated public assumptions that refugees arrived in Europe to stay on a permanent basis which resulted in a well-established discourse of refugee crisis (Lems et al. 2019). Local communities had to deal with many issues arising from this long-term presence together with the realization that national identities and cultures had to be reconstructed considering the diversity brought by others. Instead of creating a common understanding and a consensus of how to include refugees, public discourses were full of negative reactions, stereotyping, inflammatory language against refugees, and a widespread culture of “fear” or “disbelief” for outgroups (Arvanitis 2020; Finch 2005). In addition, the lack of a fact-based public discourse on others led to revived nationalisms and a divisive distinction between us and illegal immigrants that could potentially mislead society about their humanitarian claims and flood social security systems. Moreover, the lack of an integrated asylum policy with shared language and a common asylum classification system brought more border controls, relocation quotas, and social restrictions (e.g., the Dublin III Regulation-604/2013 and Frontext). The European Union became phobic about the presence of refugees with no equal distribution of responsibility among member states. Thus, each country felt more comfortable to protect its national sovereignty by enforcing more exclusions (e.g., the “Visegrad Four”). Thus, increasing waves of xenophobia were supplemented with a culture of fear towards otherness, and citizens had no real skills to deal with intercultural interexchange and risks. Civil societies were unprepared to discuss and reform legislation or create social spaces of reflection and dialogue towards new nation building. The process of constructing other was formed by this culture of suspicion overlooking the fact that “the sense of self comes, in part, from otherness” and that there is no “‘one’ right way to be human” (Arvanitis 2021, p. 932). Conveniently the other was defined as inferior or “weaker” without agency and/or talents to contribute to society. They were just people in need and signifiers of crisis. However, the term “refugee” does not refer to a particular kind of person, or a category that maintains the same qualities and characteristics. This is a social construct that obscures the great diversity of people assigned to this term and their different rights, and their individuality. By following such constructed categories, public policies maintained a self-directed/ethnocentric understanding of the social world as they grossly divided people into those who were trustworthy and “deserving” being included and others who had to remain the excluded outsiders (Crawley and Skleparis 2018). However, this approach legitimizes a hierarchy and traditional power relations, creating binaries in forming groups or convenient scapegoats. Thus, a more inclusive and non-threatening redefinition of othering is needed so that grand national narratives of belonging do not silence diverse personal narratives of others. Diverse narratives enable a national building act of openness and social reflection and

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contribute to sustainable social reconnection and action. Thus, retaining social values and ways of life would be possible only through cultivating an awareness that refugeeness could reshape modern multicultural societies in a non-threatening way. Reciprocity and humanitarian feelings could supplement one another to build a common future and an inclusive understanding that modern nation states are enriched by the presence of others. To this end, receiving societies could recreate a sense of community and interconnectedness through reflexive dialogues and transform education to meet lifelong education for all. The binary of citizens and non-citizens and the current troubling refugee relationship to nation states (DrydenPeterson 2016) can be challenged via the strengthening of diversity consciousness (Bucher 2015) and the creation of a “thinking/acting together” culture seated as a critical purpose of lifelong education.

Refugee Education Under Transnational Mandates UNHCR has undertaken refugee education under its mandate making a global promise that it is the “inalienable right” of all children (UNHCR 1995, p. iv). However, the mechanisms of implementing global aspirations are closely monitored by host nation states and influenced by their hegemonic ideologies of sustaining the status quo and national identity (Dryden-Peterson 2016, p. 476). Thus, UN normative aspirations collide with national mechanisms and institutions of enforcement and “multiple registers” (Somers and Roberts 2008, p. 388). Refugee education is connected both internally and externally to the nation state as it is reterritorialized under transnational mandate and connected to extra-territorial populations. Research shows that national responsiveness to refugee education is restricted by ethnocentric mandates of national and cultural identity purity. Educating the other remains on the periphery of educational systems that superficially meet the ethical and humanitarian responsibility of the nation state to refugees. In this context, educational provision for refugees takes a humanitarian direction by UN agencies and non-governmental organizations. For instance, the Machel report (Machel 1996), adopted by UN, aligned education to humanitarian aid, together with food, health, and accommodation (Kagawa 2007). In addition, the initial focus of refugee provision as shown in the UN conventions and declaration on refugees and human rights (UN 1948, 1951, 1989) had been on primary/secondary education and less on other forms of lifelong education (DrydenPeterson 2011). This focus was explained by the assumption that refugee education needed to prepare for voluntary repatriation to the countries of origin (UNHCR 1995), so there was no need for lifelong education provision to enhance social integration in host countries. Therefore, initial refugee educational provisions were parallel to national systems “based on the curriculum of the country of origin” and on supplementary and mainly uncertified non-formal programs (Morrice 2021, p. 11). It was also subject to available funding by donors and relied on individual institutional decisions (UNHCR 1995). For example, nation states accommodated newcoming refugees in different types of classes in mainstream schools and ran classes in

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refugee camps. Refugees also received non-formal education through various programs in the camps. NGO volunteers and uncertified teachers run such activities, which were frequently repetitive and uncoordinated Arvanitis et al. (2019). Separate non-formal or formal programs in camps have proven impractical due to refugee dispersal and frequent relocations, fragmented and unaccredited learning, the lack of continuous commitment/availability by NGO trainers, and inconsistent funding by donors (Dryden-Peterson 2016). However, accredited and articulated non-formal education programs can match refugee learners’ existing learning to formal attainment levels appropriate to their age (Deane 2016). Securing access/pathways to formal public education and validating and accrediting learning for greater academic mobility could also facilitate refugee integration. In view of the slow response of mainstream systems, the scaling-up of successful non-formal learning activities and the coordination of program delivery and providers could enhance lifelong education prospects further. Moreover, transnational mandates indicated that entry to vocational training and tertiary level education remained open to limited number of students or vulnerable groups and only through specific scholarships to facilitate entry in undergraduate degrees. An “educational pyramid” (UNHCR 2017, p. 5) was an inevitable outcome “with a broad base (the lower years) and a narrow top (secondary education and beyond), with more boys than girls participating at every level” (Morrice 2021, p. 11). Even though their educational trajectories were interrupted, and they were unable to complete their secondary or tertiary education, young and adult refugees had no real access to these forms of education; nor there were systemic pathways to include them. However, the rapidly increasing numbers of refugees occurring in the 2000s and the protracted nature of refugeeness led to a considerable shift in educational provision (UNHCR 2019). UN agencies recognized the fact that refugees could remain outside their countries of origin for a prolonged period, with the implication that the scope of their education had to be shifted. This longer-term perspective visualized refugees as permanent contributors to local economies with a pressing need to integrate. As a result, mainstream education became a strategic priority and a “core component” of UNHCR policies (UNHCR 2012, p. 7) whereas lifelong education opportunities were recognized as a “critical part of the educational continuum” (UNHCR 2012, p. 22) that had to be secured to allow refugees participation in their host society. In this context, the UN 2030 sustainable agenda and the global compact on refugees (UN 2015, 2018) reaffirmed lifelong education as of critical importance for all refugees and set targets to improve basic skills for youth and adults including their vocational and tertiary education (UN 2018). Although not legally binding, these documents set new normative goals to strengthen equitable and shared responsibility as well as mutual support between refugees and local communities. They also raised the need for further funding by nationwide stakeholders to support national education systems so as to include refugee students in quality provision and create frameworks for recognition and validation of academic and professional qualifications (UN 2018). In addition, the UNHCR renewed its priorities by launching a new 2030 strategy for refugee education and inclusion to

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increase refugee enrolments in tertiary level from 3% to 15% by 2030 through lifting the barrier of low secondary participation (UNHCR 2019, p. 13). The agenda’s sustainable development goals (SDGs) prioritize accessibility in the national/mainstream education systems for all refugee children, youth, and adults, regardless of their different status, with the hope that education will provide refugees with more sustainable futures.

Sedentarist Framing and Structural Barriers in Refugee Education The UNHCR aspiration for refugee inclusion into mainstream systems encounters manifold structural deficiencies/barriers (e.g., credentials required, rigid pathways of attaining qualifications, cost of courses, language skills, poverty, etc.) that prevent many refugees from attaining the necessary qualifications at designated points. More specifically, the provision of alternative pathways, or lifelong education opportunities, remains a critical priority to enable refugee youth to become “college-eligible” and close the so-called SDG refugee gap (Grossman and Post 2019 in Morrice 2021, p. 13). The latter refers to the lack of consistent national monitoring and reporting on refugee actual attendance and learning outcomes in reaching SDG in lifelong education. The only consistent data available refers to primary education enrollments (Morrice 2021, p. 13). In addition, educational systems still conceptualize lifelong education under “normative assumptions” and “sedentarist” principles” (Malkki 1995 in Morrice 2021, p. 5). This assumes a sedentarist framing in which all students have a smooth transition throughout the whole spectrum of lifelong education (from primary to tertiary) achieving national certification goals at key points. However, in the case of refugees, this provision creates acute disparities due to their migrancy circumstances such as unplanned settlement to different countries, fragmented education trajectories, socio-economic and language barriers, and lack of recognition and validation of prior learning. In most cases, young refugees struggle to complete their compulsory education in time or before becoming “over-age” to follow other pathways in postcompulsory education (Bonet 2018; Morrice et al. 2019). Equitable access to education remains an important handicap as there is no shared competence framework across the EU for training young refugees. Moreover, research has shown lack of institutional structures, access, and provision of equitable educational opportunities for refugees occurs in national contexts. Often, research emphasizes that, because of their lack of academic and host language skills, refugees are themselves the problem in integrating into national formal systems. However, less emphasis is given to the structural barriers they face in terms of recognition and validation of prior learning and qualifications as well as the “systematic exclusions in national education systems” (Morrice 2021, p. 4) that marginalize further refugee students in both high income and low/middle income countries. In many cases, schools face issues such as increased dropout rates, achievement and opportunity gaps, and limited access to support or educational resources. Overall, despite UN normative aspirations and ethical humanitarian

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commitment, access to education remains a great challenge for refugees around the globe. Recent figures show that post-compulsory education is underattended by refugee youth and adults with only 3% of them attending university. Their presence in primary and secondary level is somewhat better with 63% and 24% being enrolled in respective levels (UNHCR 2019). In addition, global disparities occur as most refugees live in low/middle income countries where educational provision overall is under great strain (Morrice 2021). Furthermore, refugee children’s precarious status makes their access more difficult due to constant moving, asylum relocation, or resettlement procedures and their liminal state. Students are caught in various transitions somewhere “betwixt and between” (Arvanitis et al. 2019) in different spatial (e.g., frequent relocations in place and countries) and time dimensions. In addition, refugee students have often experienced disrupted schooling or had limited formal education because of protracted conflicts and prolonged dislocation. Students may take a longer time to reach learning standards expected for their age level. Deane has suggested that they constitute a “lost” generation due to their limited language and literacy skills (Deane 2016). In many cases, refugee students remain in host countries for a prolonged period (over their entire school-age years) experiencing similar marginalization to their migrant peers (Dryden-Peterson 2016). They are caught in liminal contexts such as camps and specific urban areas that hinder the possibilities of quality education and employment. Thus, pathways to citizenship are further restricted. The importance of establishing responsive educational programs and provisions addressing the specific needs of refugees is especially imperative for adolescent refugee girls. Garbern et al. (2020) identify them as a distinctively marginalized group due to a variety of circumstances. Cultural components impact on their unique needs, with many leaving their original home environments where any education, especially secondary or university level education of women, was not the norm. Additionally, with the changing roles within the family, and, for many, their mothers becoming the breadwinners, adolescent girls may be kept out of school in order to carry out domestic duties. Furthermore, a disturbing trend among adolescent refugee girls impacting their education is an upswing in the number of child marriages. El Arab and Sagbakken (2019) note that the rationale for child marriages among young female refugees in Jordan and Turkey included physical protection from unwanted sexual encounters and physical harassment. Indeed, with many male members of the family unit no longer with the women, whether from war casualties, death during transit, or splitting apart families during their journey as refugees, the rationale for child marriage is seen by some families to be a wise solution to provide young girls with protection from other males encountered in refugee camps and other locations. However, if female adolescent refugees were attending school, the incidence of child marriages was significantly lower. Each year of attending school decreases the adolescent’s chances of becoming a child bride, and with it, the accompanying negative impacts. These include early pregnancies, increased child mortality, generational poverty, and diminished gender equity (Elnakib et al. 2022; World Bank

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2017). The need to address and support the specific educational needs of adolescent girls clearly impacts not only their integration into society, but holds the potential to make an important impact on their future lives. Over the last decade, there is growing research on migrants’ learning trajectories towards settlement and integration particularly through their recorded experiences and struggles to attain formal qualifications and access (Guo 2015; Webb 2015a; Arvanitis 2020). Research also illuminates their presence in non-formal or informal learning programs that have a transformative impact on their lives (Morrice 2012; Webb 2015b). Thus, more emphasis is given to educational programs that help refugees to improve language skills, deal with their trauma, and obtain some skills to adapt in the new culture and labor market. For example, integration through employment remains a main orientation of Nordic and German-speaking countries. Here, there are processes to enable refugees to participate in labor markets through recognizing their existing qualifications and thus reducing welfare dependency. Elsewhere (e.g., the UK, Australia) there are only few mechanisms to support post-compulsory education and the adoption of qualifications that ensure labor market integration due to complex immigration and settlement systems. Access to lifelong education for refugees relies on individual educational institutions (Webb et al. 2016). Access to lifelong learning opportunities that address integration through employment can be particularly applicable for refugee women. Recognizing that two thirds of the world’s illiteracy rate occurs with women (Jurkova and Guo 2021), the option for lifelong education becomes not only crucial for these women’s integration, but also can be seen as an opportunity perhaps not attainable in their prior homelands. While requiring countries to rethink traditional educational approaches, this has the potential to provide fertile growth not only of the refugee women, but for the society as well. With refugee women assuming different gender roles due to absence of male heads of households, they require appropriate support and education to assure their successful integration into the workforce. Beyond basic literacy and second language education geared to adult learners, providing refugee women access to technical school education has had many positive outcomes, beyond important economic components. It has allowed refugee women to build community, gain peer support to one another, while simultaneously developing technical skills to assume solid careers in the labor markets in their new countries (Jabbar and Zaza 2016). Overall, securing immediate access to lifelong educational provision and dealing with the diversified needs of refugees in real educational contexts is critical. A new social contract is required so that modern societies harness human diversity, intercultural capital, and talents. Modern education needs to respond to the wealth human mobility brings and to be responsive to inevitable social transitions that enrich human conditions. However, dealing with others in an effective, developmental, and productive way demands a new collective wisdom of co-existence and inclusivity. Political, social, and educational stakeholders need to engage in new sites of inclusion and transformation and adopt an innovative approach to construct new social learning through collaboration and equitable participation.

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Forming a New Social Contract for Refugee Lifelong Education Access to equitable and quality education for all refugees has not yet been realized and remains an ambitious goal for global actors (Dryden-Peterson 2016). This lack of access has a negative impact on refugees’ autonomy, wellbeing, and employment prospects. It also affects their integration. Thus, educating the other remains a critical act of social cohesion and future sustainability, and it needs a broader scope. Instead of promoting ethnocentric grand narratives, educational organizations need to cultivate global identities (Ramirez and Meyer 2012) and provide for global learners, workers, and citizens. This goal would further be strengthened via inclusive societallevel values such as high cultural egalitarianism, low cultural embeddedness (autonomy), and harmony (Schwartz 2017). The belief in forming global citizens and global communities is not an idealistic one nor one referring to the elites. It is a socially embedded act that relies on the transcendence of selfless interests and people’s moral equality as well as it maintains a real concern about other people’s welfare. It also highlights human interconnectedness across the world and proposes that voluntary collaboration may better address global risks, needs, and concerns. In this context, global learning emerges as “the universal core value of humanity” that legitimizes belonging to multiple spheres of our global community. “Global learning means sharing knowledge, educating, and learning in multifaceted networks, beyond physical and mental boundaries” (Arvanitis et al. 2021, p. 9) thus raising diversity consciousness and collaborative intelligence (Kalantzis and Cope 2012). Globally oriented citizens may overcome differences in pluralistic societies in a productive way so to learn how to live/become together in harmony with our social and natural worlds. Another developmental (Burde 2005) and inclusive goal would be to truly address important challenges of national/global citizenship. This approach would deal with reflexive dialogues about various representations of otherness and their mixing with locals – in other words the effects of cosmopolitanization (Beck 2009) in modern living as well as the division between citizens and non-citizens. An integrated approach to national/global citizenship would deal with human mobility, cross-border living, and liminality and their effects on conditional belonging (Wernesjö 2019; Arvanitis 2020) or social citizenship (Marshall 2009). Social citizenship refers to socioeconomic and cultural integration and well-being for all members of a society through education and social welfare rights. It is important for lifelong education to capitalize on social rights as citizenship is no longer limited to nation states, and it has been challenged by the presence of migrants/refugees and non-citizens (Börner 2020). Therefore, the multilevel nature of social citizenship is de-territorialized and de-nationalized and associated with multiple membership categories. It could therefore act as a useful apparatus for social integration away from divisive citizen/non-citizen binaries. In other words, social citizenship recognizes the “interrelation between the civil, political, and social rights,” and includes both citizens and non-citizens regardless of their social status or economic (in) activity. It also “emphasises the enabling role of social rights at the individual level” (Börner 2020, p. 431). These socially embedded rights constitute a crucial

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guarantor of integration through the formation of national consciousness in a collaborative and inclusive way. Such citizenship would be renegotiated through the definition of new spaces of legitimacy, belonging, and equity. Thus, educating refugees provides a transformative mandate for formal systems to deal with human functioning in globally interconnected societies and to exercise transnational social rights and agency. It is apparent that the traditional focus of national systems on supporting national citizenship through compulsory schooling can no longer address global risks and challenges. Education must urgently reinvent itself to deal with a more prosperous, shared, and interconnected future of humanity through a new social contract that overcomes discrimination, marginalization, and exclusion (UNESCO 2021). This new social act of reimagining means a commitment to working/thinking together to produce knowledge and innovation needed to shape sustainable, peaceful, and equitable futures for all (UNESCO 2021). Education is “a society-wide commitment” that seeks to embrace all members of society in public discussions about how continuously transforming learning can renew our social futures. Thus, transforming the guiding principles of national educational provision requires a new social contract that draws from the collective wisdom of various stakeholders or “an implicit agreement among members of a society to cooperate for shared benefit” (UNESCO 2021, p. 7). The foundations of such a contract are “collective responsibility and interconnectedness,” and it is based on principles such as “inclusion and equity, cooperation, and solidarity” (UNESCO 2021, p. 7). This shared vision reflects the transformative role of lifelong education and points to revived foundational principles and structures. It also requires collective work to sustain and refine them. In other words, lifelong education is a societal endeavor and a shared common good that enable individuals and communities to flourish together. It further requires rigorous and sustainable reflexive dialogues and mediation processes that capitalize on the generated intercultural capital (Giaki and Arvanitis 2021) produced in multicultural societies. Developing a common understanding of the future directions of lifelong education can only be strengthened through the development of a collaborative intelligence and consensus on common action. Overall, both society and educational institutions would need to engage in a thinking-together culture (Isaacs 1999) to address this new social contract for learning in a globalized world and, thus, unveiling the versatile nature of lifelong education across all levels. This contract would demand a democratic conversation (Dempsey and Barge 2014) of both “insiders” and “outsiders” or a thought participation that collectively will form a wisdom/consensus (Bohm 1996) as to how to respond to pressing challenges of an equitable intercultural education for all. The presence of refugees requires relational reflexivity. Namely, all stakeholders and refugees could act as “co-inquirers” and adopt collaborative attributes that address real issues, future possibilities, and common action (Roddy and Dewar 2016, p. 4). Relational reflexivity could also productively engage various stakeholders from different social spheres (educators, community, refugees, etc.) and align their viewpoints on diversity and active

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citizenry. This productive and reflexive nature of public discussion would strengthen intercultural capital through intersectional discourses. Finally, reflexive dialogues with multiple stakeholders have proven their value in redefining refugee education (Arvanitis 2021). One example of such a practice is the Forum on Intercultural Dialogue and Learning that promotes respectful and meaningful exchanges among academics and non-academics to rethink refugee education from a glocal perspective. Other examples are building glocal networks and connecting educational, community, and civic society institutions at local/international levels to further develop a common understanding of educating others. Public narrative forums could also promote novel narratives of inclusion whereas dissemination of newly generated images of belonging may contribute to the so-called national building (Arvanitis 2020).

Meeting the Promise of a Culturally Responsive Lifelong Educational Provision The increased refugee presence in Europe brought to educational systems manifold dilemmas. On the one hand, systems had to meet their social/ethical role in providing quality and equitable education for all; on the other, they had to combat widely diffused stereotypes of otherness and its perceived multiple threats. The latter objective became more pressing as educational institutions had to align more with local communities and their needs. Educational systems had also to manage refugees’ diverse socioeconomic backgrounds, allocated legal status, lifeworld experiences, and educational trajectories that cut across national administrative categories. Rigid policy/legal frameworks that refer to local students and a predetermined educational continuum are far from being responsive to such a diverse spectrum of conditions, needs, and aspirations. Thus, the focus of an inclusive educational provision for refugees must be “needs-based” (Zetter 2019) and capitalize on their lived experiences (Crawley and Skleparis 2018; Malkki 1995). Efficient educational programs for refugees need to harness their lifeworlds so to promote a sense of belonging in the new context and consolidate transformative learning. Overall, educational structures need to reflect refugees’ goals and aspirations for meaningful lifelong education as, for many refugees, fragmented educational trajectories do not represent a smooth transition from primary all the way to tertiary education. Therefore, refugee lifelong education comes as “a global priority” (Morrice 2021, p. 5) so to meet the promise for quality education for all (Dryden-Peterson 2016). This means that systemic reforms should be made to accommodate diverse pathways so that refugees can navigate the educational system in an equitable and validated way. The objectives of such systemic reform can be reconceptualized to sustain a “future-oriented” (Dryden-Peterson 2019) and global approach to refugee education that illuminates global patterns and deficiencies. It also takes a critical position to refugee lifelong education and addresses narrowly defined refugee and nation state terminology as being critical markers that politicize systemic responses. Instead of asking refugees to fit into “an uninterrupted learning continuum,” systems need to be

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more responsive to real needs, rather than being based on the perception that the problem lies with refugees and their lack of skills, qualifications, and “collegeeligibility.” The real issue here is how educational system designers can imagine a sustainable and dignified future for refugees and then work backwards to ultimately develop flexible frameworks that validate prior learning and secure pathways (Morrice 2021, p.14). Important systemic reforms would need to address structural inequalities and failures such as “(Arvanitis 2018) inflexible national structures which do not address learning gaps caused by interruptions to education; (Arvanitis and Vitsilaki 2015) lack of social and emotional support; (Arvanitis 2020) non-recognition and transferability of documentation and qualifications; and (Arvanitis 2021) lack of language and cultural support” (Morrice 2021, p. 14). Lifting structural barriers is a strategic decision to face real problems and achieve global promises for equitable, quality, and inclusive education for all. In this context, implementing a more inclusive pedagogy is also critical. Instead of a humanitarian/human rights approach that restricts academic possibilities and positions learners through trauma and passivity, inclusive pedagogy is more responsive and aspires to high academic performance for all students. It is also more equitable and developmental in nature as it is based on inclusive and reflexive school communities, culturally responsive teaching, and curriculum development opportunities, translanguaging practices, collaborative learning, and flexible and differentiated learning pathways (Arvanitis 2021). The main premise for such an approach lies in the notion that educational institutions need to reflect new environments of inclusive, equitable, and sustainable social learning, avoiding ethnocentric/didactic teaching and prescribed curricular content. These kinds of institutions also constitute transformed sites of collective well-being that promote and integrate diverse learner lifeworlds as important intercultural capital for effective learning. To this end, teaching practices can only reinforce balanced agency, reflexive dialogue, and empathy through a deep understanding that differences constitute productive asset (Perso 2012). Some examples of such a practice refer to the value of intercultural capital generated by community networks and engaging people as part of the learning process to improve academic success and adaptation (Moinolnolki and Han 2017). For example, integrating community needs and aspirations, knowledge and competencies and liaising with refugee communities, showcases a responsive educational milieux where diversity is harnessed. This way a shared vision of high educational aspirations is built. In addition, creating after-school spaces for personal narrative interexchange, cultural mediation, and reciprocal learning would establish social domains to reflect on stereotypes, conflicts, and racism, trauma, and inequalities. These different voices empower all stakeholders and remain as a valuable resource at educational sites (Arvanitis 2021). Moreover, curricula need to address twenty-first-century skills and the notions of “otherness” and diversity and not be restricted to national grand narratives and history. Modern curricula need to prepare global learners and citizens, promote “active citizenship and democratic participation,” and rebalance human living in planet Earth. They should enable learners to become producers of “ecological, intercultural and interdisciplinary learning” and to critically engage with global

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risks, ambiguities, misinformation, and falsehoods (UNESCO 2021, p. 9). Curricula supplemented by participatory and inclusive classroom practices should be customized to embrace the needs and aspirations of students in transition. Their focus could be on multiliteracies, plurilingual skills, and interdisciplinary content to promote real-world learning. Curricula and learning materials need to reflect authentic and diverse circumstances and to respect learners’ lifeworlds and backgrounds. Enabling information sharing in a collective way and bringing learners’ rich cultures into the learning process opens a curriculum and transforms it. In other words, learning is intriguing when it is relevant to learners’ experiences (Arvanitis 2021), something that official national textbooks and prescribed curriculum content have little to offer. Lifelong education curricula need to be more reflexive in the way they integrate programs and tools already tested in migrant/refugee education. Furthermore, building upon plurilingual and intercultural life-embedded learning in fact enriches and transforms learners’ lifeworld experiences sustaining personal/ professional growth, and this is a fundamental challenge for twenty-first-century education. Only global learners and competent citizens will be able to engage in democratic processes in multiple glocal domains of participation. Shifting the way we participate in glocal civility implies a “pedagogy of productive diversity” (Cope and Kalantzis 2009) that is equitable and transformative in nature and works towards building a new robust and synthetic national/mainstream identity that is cohesive and sustainable in socioeconomic terms. Such pedagogical reform would be responsive to cultural diversity and include new patterns of lifelong authentic/differentiated social learning, plurilingual teaching, collaborative, and scaffolded praxis, as well as synergistic and recursive (intercultural) competence assessment and feedback (Kalantzis and Cope 2012). This pedagogy would also be centered around digital affordances and produce e-learning ecologies that harness active and multimodal knowledge making, ubiquitous and differentiated learning, recursive feedback, collaborative intelligence, and metacognition (Cope and Kalantzis 2009). Lifelong educational systems need to explore new analytical frameworks based on these affordances to address new ways of ubiquitous learning (anywhere and anytime), enhance agency, and strengthen peer-to-peer interaction, collaboration, and assessment. This represents a new social knowledge ecosystem and requires that educators are able to differentiate their teaching and produce genuinely innovative learning, engagement, and outcomes. Common Ground Scholar presents one example of purposefully designed learning environments that enhance collaborative learning and use big data and artificial intelligence, to track just-in-time performance. It was developed by educators and computer scientists for teaching and learning across all subject areas and types of education, and work. Finally, implementing such a pedagogy around the principles of cooperation, collaboration, and solidarity requires a teaching force with a developed intercultural mindfulness (Huang et al. 2017). This means that teachers are open and have intellectual, social, and moral capacities being able to transform the world with empathy and compassion as knowledge professionals and agents of change. Teachers’ ability to unlearn and counteract their own bias and prejudice requires their further professionalization to become collective “knowledge producers and key

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figures in educational and social transformation” (UNESCO 2021, p. 9). Teachers should also become aware of how their teaching practices might impact learning processes and outcomes through a normative professionalism (Wu et al. 2017) that is responsive to their own professional identity and role in a way that it reconnects them to society and the world (Arvanitis 2021). Training responsive and culturally aware educators throughout the whole spectrum of lifelong education secures equitable and quality learning for all students including refugees. Also making them aware of institutional racism and barriers is critical whereas building a diverse (multicultural) and accredited teaching force would further enhance interracial learning and academic mobility. Finally, implementing school-based programs of professional learning through communities of practice, mentoring by experts, and differentiated instructional design enhances effectiveness. The Learning by Design approach has been a useful example in Greece, Australia, and the USA encompassing a coherent professional learning approach to teachers and non-formal trainers (Arvanitis and Vitsilaki 2015).

Conclusion Protracted displacement has transformed the purpose of refugee education in host countries even though the intense mixing of others in modern societies has led to the weakening of community compassion towards refugees. Global responses to the urgency of refugee education were initially characterized by the provision of basic skills in separate elementary programs that would facilitate repatriation. A humanitarian and human rights approach remained the traditional framing for refugee education until the 2010s. In this respect education practices (formal, non-formal) were summoned to respond to the great influx of migrants and refugees in European countries. The ultimate goal was for education to pacify public myths and integrate newly arrived students in a non-invasive way. The emphasis was given on refugee access to compulsory education in the mainstream system or elsewhere, with little attention given to adult or lifelong education. In recent times, transnational mandates reflect that mainstream and lifelong education are critical in supporting refugees to become self-reliant and to sustain their futures. When refugees became more permanent in receiving countries, it became apparent that in order to form cohesive societies, receiving countries needed to assure refugee employment and societal participation (UNHCR 2019). And thus, a more developmental and lifelong approach has been adopted by transnational bodies, even though normative aspirations require that national systems need to address new frameworks of recognition and validation of refugees’ prior learning and qualifications (UNESCO 2020). The discussion of refugee access to the lifelong educational spectrum has gained some prominence in transnational organizations, but national systems remain largely unresponsive to such a prospect. Thus, addressing global migration as a critical challenge for lifelong education systems has not been of interest within national borders as education serves central ethnocentric narratives of identity and citizenship (Webb et al. 2016).

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Moreover, refugee education challenges national education systems which are organized in a predefined continuum with designated points of entry that meet only the expectations/needs of local beneficiaries (sedentarist framing) and assume smooth transition from one level to the next. However, lifelong education for refugees needs to acknowledge the fractured educational trajectory of refugee learners and develop responsive opportunity and support structures. This requires a thorough analysis of the needs, characteristics, and skills of refugee children, youth, and adults. That way lifelong education which is attentive to diversity may counteract refugee segregation due to unprivileged economic, political, and social conditions and instead, build sustainable futures for all. Finally, the right to quality education throughout life for all coincides with the right of access and contribution to the collective knowledge commons of humanity. The former can be realized only through the establishment of a new social contract that sees lifelong education as a fundamental pillar of social citizenship. To this end, participatory and dialogical processes strengthen the social fabric towards a more inclusive understanding of diversity in lifelong education provision.

Cross-References ▶ Lifelong Learning, Migration, and Conditions for Inclusion ▶ Non-formal and Informal Learning: A Gateway to Lifelong Learning for All. The Case of Migrants and Refugees

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Lifelong Learning, Migration, and Conditions for Inclusion

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Andreas Fejes and Magnus Dahlstedt

Contents Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Lifelong Learning in Sweden . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Migration and Integration Policies in Sweden . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Research Context: Migration, Learning, and Social Inclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Analysis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Participants’ Will for Inclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Conditions for Inclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Teachers’ and Circle Leaders’ Will to Make Inclusion Possible . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Discussion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Cross-References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Abstract

In this chapter, we focus on the role of lifelong learning for the inclusion of migrants. We are specifically interested to understand how a country such as Sweden, with a long tradition of lifelong learning, creates conditions for inclusion of migrants at a time when major policy changes seriously challenge the historical foundations of the system itself. Our results indicate that a strong will for inclusion among participants and a strong will among teachers and circle leaders to support such wishes are important conditions for the inclusion of migrants. At the same time, there are conditions hindering inclusion such as overly-strong demands for the level of language knowledge needed, the responsibilization of migrants in terms of learning the language, participants’ previous educational and social background, as well as the challenges for migrants to get to know Swedes. These findings are discussed in relation to policy changes in Sweden as well as A. Fejes (*) · M. Dahlstedt Linköping University, Linköping, Sweden e-mail: [email protected]; [email protected] © Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 K. Evans et al. (eds.), Third International Handbook of Lifelong Learning, Springer International Handbooks of Education, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-19592-1_60

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the other Nordic countries, where there has been a move toward more restrictive migration politics as well as increased market orientation of adult education. We argue that the historical legacy of adult education in Sweden and the current strong state support are important factors that manage to partly counter the current policy shifts. Keywords

Migration · Lifelong learning · Adult education · Inclusion

Introduction In this chapter, we focus on the role of lifelong learning for the inclusion of migrants. We live in an era of migration (Castles and Miller 2009; Dahlstedt and Neergaard 2015). International migration has increased substantially during the last two decades, increasing more than 50% between 2000 and 2019 and reaching 272 million in 2019 which encompasses 3.5% of the world population. Most migrants tend to settle in a few countries, often neighboring countries – ten countries hosted around 50% of the international migrants in 2019. Furthermore, migration is concentrated by country of origin, where migrants from ten countries with the largest diaspora population made up approximately 35% of all international migrants in 2019 (United Nations 2019). Migration flows are triggered by numerous factors, including natural disasters, global warming, social unrest and war, family reunions, changing employment patterns, as well as a global need for skilled workers (Faber and Schlegel 2017; Shan and Fejes 2015). Most migrants move due to work, while others are forced to move and thus become refugees. By the end of 2018, refugees made up 25.9 million of all migrants across the world. Most refugees live in refugee camps, while a small portion, 3.5 million in 2019, were asylum seekers (United Nations 2019). A large part of the world population is thus on the move and living in another country than the one in which they were born. Accordingly, migration is not a marginal phenomenon in today’s world. Rather, migration is a common phenomenon in the world, and it has been so in history, as people have always been on the move, across the world (Svanberg and Tydén 1998). All migrants face challenges in adapting to their new life circumstances in the new host country. However, asylum seekers are often in a particularly precarious situation – often living in refugee accommodation (or the equivalent) hoping for a positive response to their application for asylum (see, e.g., Dahlstedt and Fejes 2021). The background and experiences among asylum seekers vary, among others, in terms of education and work experiences – ranging from those who are illiterate to those who are highly educated. No matter what background and experiences, challenges in terms of inclusion in the new host country will emerge. They may be to engage in learning to read and write or to find ways to have one’s higher education degree acknowledged in order to be able to become employed accordingly. Thus, no matter the reason for migration,

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education and learning activities become vital as part of the migrants’ path toward inclusion in the countries where they settle. In this chapter, we focus on the role of lifelong learning for the inclusion of migrants. We are specifically interested in understanding how a country with a long tradition of lifelong learning creates conditions for the inclusion of migrants at a time when major policy changes are taking place that challenge the historical foundations of the system itself. We begin by elaborating the historical foundation of the lifelong learning system in Sweden, followed by a positioning in the context of Sweden as a country of settlement for migrants from other parts of the world. Thirdly, we introduce the research program on which this chapter is based, followed by a presentation of some main findings. We specifically elaborate conditions that seem to support and hinder migrants’ path toward inclusion. At the end, we discuss these conditions in relation to the wider policy changes in the Swedish lifelong learning system and situate this in the wider Nordic context.

Lifelong Learning in Sweden Sweden has developed an extensive system for lifelong learning, targeting not only children from an early age, and young adults, but adults of all ages. In comparison with other countries, Sweden has one of the highest participation rates among adults in different forms of formal and nonformal educational activities (Desjardins and Rubenson 2013). Such rates are to a large extent based on the quite generous regulations for adults to be able to attend educational activities. The regulations include, among others, the right to take leave from work to attend adult and higher education, the right for student support as well as student loans, the right to participate in adult and higher education for free, and the right to have childcare for one’s children when attending studies (Fejes et al. 2020). The origin of the Swedish system of lifelong learning goes back to the emergence of popular education ( folkbildning) in the 1800s and the creation of the first folk high schools in 1868. In the beginning, these schools were primarily directed at landowning farmers’ sons, as a school to learn the trade of one’s father. However, with the emergence of popular movements, and particularly the workers’ movement, in the late 1800s and the early 1900s, the focus of folk high schools changed. Increasingly, they came to be places for popular movements to school their leaders, as well as places for people and workers to gain education beyond compulsory school. Thus, in the 1930s, the majority of the students in folk high schools were workers (Larsson 2013). Parallel to the development of the folk high schools, popular movements also developed study associations. The first of these, which is still active today, is ABF (The Workers’ Educational Association), created in 1912. These associations were created based on the need for the education (bildung) which popular movements identified in relation to their members and the possibility of gaining state funding (Nordvall et al. 2020).

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The emergence of popular education in Sweden came to play an important role for the development of the more formal education system for adults. Study associations started delivering evening courses for adults in the 1950s, providing adults with opportunities to prepare for the examination for the upper secondary school degree. Further, such activities laid the ground for the creation of municipal adult education (MAE) in 1968 – which today is the largest part of the formal adult education system in Sweden. Through MAE, adults can, for free, study in order to gain full degrees from compulsory and/or upper secondary school. There is a right for adults, without complete degrees, to participate in MAE. Thus, municipalities have to offer as well as to fund MAE to its inhabitants. However, there is state support for MAE, and MAE is regulated by state-sanctioned curriculum and in the national school law. An important part of MAE is also the courses they deliver to migrants to learn the Swedish language. These courses are called “Swedish for immigrants” (sfi) and had already emerged in the 1960s – then operated by study associations – as part of the first integration policy measures developed in Sweden (Dahlström 2004). In order to attend sfi, one has to have a residence permit, i.e., asylum seekers are not allowed to take these courses. Summarizing the system for lifelong learning in Sweden today, a country with ten million inhabitants, the main components are as follows: 1. MAE, which is already described above. Here, approximately 400,000 students attend each year, of which more than 50% are migrants. 2. Folk high schools, which are nonformal institutions delivering and organizing courses freely, substantially funded by the state, but without state intervention in the organization and delivery of education. Here, adults can take either a course equivalent to MAE, providing eligibility to higher education, or more specialized vocational courses, as well as more specialized courses within the wider area of art and music. Each year, approximately 60,000 adults attend such courses, and among these are a substantial number of migrants (Nylander et al. 2020). These courses extend over several semesters. However, there are also shorter courses organized by folk high schools, and these attract another 75,000 adults each year. 3. Study associations – these are able to organize study circles free of state intervention, even though the state does fund a substantial part of their activities. Each year, there are 1.7 million participants in study circles, representing approximately 624,000 unique individuals. 4. Higher vocational education – a state-governed institution funding educational courses on a regional basis, which are seen as necessary in order to provide the regional labor market with a workforce with the competencies demanded. Here, approximately 63,000 students attend each year. 5. The higher education system which includes all universities. More than 400,000 students attend higher education each year (Fejes et al. 2020). All these educational initiatives have been an important part of the Swedish welfare model and its ambition for inclusion and equality. In line with such ambitions, education for children, young people, and adults has been seen as a public

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responsibility – as important in order to be able to realize the ambitions of inclusion and equality. The educational system was supposed to have a compensatory function through which all citizens in the country should be able to have equal opportunities. During the last decades, the Swedish welfare model has however gone through major changes (cf. Larsson et al. 2012), which in turn have restructured the system for lifelong learning in Sweden. Some of the main changes include the following: 1. Since the mid-1990s, the government has encouraged municipalities to outsource their MAE to both private for-profit and not-for-profit providers. Such outsourcing is mainly conducted through procurement. In 2020, this has resulted in almost half of all participants in MAE participating in a course delivered by a nonpublic educational provider. 2. With the introduction of such outsourcing, both folk high schools and study associations have become actors in an educational market, submitting tenders to provide MAE courses. In this way, folk high schools and study associations have been able to, among other things, increase their income adding to the general state support for these institutions. Historically, both folk high schools and study associations have been engaged in such relations for a long time as, besides the general funding provided to these institutions, the state has often directed specific tasks to them – with separate funding. However, with large equity firms owning many of the private educational companies operating in Sweden, folk high schools and study associations have not been able to compete with them. Thus, these institutions are not very well represented among the educational providers within MAE. 3. The outsourcing, or in other words, the market orientation of MAE in Sweden, has resulted in tighter economical frames, as procurement in many municipalities is used to lower their costs.

Migration and Integration Policies in Sweden Sweden has a long history of migration. However, in the late nineteenth century, Sweden was a country of emigration, with a large number of Swedes leaving the country to settle in America (Svanberg and Tydén 1998). In contrast, since the Second World War, Sweden has become a country of immigration, not the least since the 1960s, when people from the other Nordic countries, as well as from Mediterranean countries, migrated to Sweden (Ehn et al. 1993). During the late 1960s, with a high number of labor market migrants coming to Sweden, there was a lively debate concerning rights and responsibilities in the welfare society. During this time, the overall principle for migrants’ inclusion was assimilation (Widgren 1980). However, as a result of a debate on migrants’ rights to welfare, integration policies were developed in the early 1970s, with a focus on migrants’ rights to welfare as well as to preserve their culture and identity (Ålund and Schierup 1991). During the 1970s, migration to Sweden also changed. No longer were the majority

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labor market migrants but rather refugees from Latin America, and especially Chile. During the 1980s, refugees mainly came from the Middle East, especially Iran and Iraq (Svanberg and Tydén 1998). Sweden now had, by international comparison, a generous policy toward refugees, through which it was quite easy to gain a residence permit and citizenship (Castles 1995). However, as has been illustrated in research, migrants’ possibilities to use the rights they had was restricted – for example, regarding education, housing, work, the juridical system, and political participation (Schierup and Paulson 1994; Molina 1997; Runfors 2003; Dahlstedt 2005; Schclarek Mulinari 2020). In the 1990s and the early 2000s, issues of migration and integration have continued to be highly debated (Schierup et al. 2006). In the last decade, as part of a broader policy trend throughout Europe, a new political consensus has emerged in Swedish migration and integration policy. In line with leading politicians in Europe such as Merkel in Germany, Cameron in the UK, and Sarkozy in France claiming the “death of multiculturalism,” populist right-wing debates focusing on the suggested problems caused by migration and the presence of migrants have also become more mainstream in Sweden (Dahlstedt and Neergaard 2022). Particularly following the refugee situation in Europe in 2015, there has been a quite drastic change in the political debate concerning migration and integration in Sweden. In the wake of the so-called refugee crisis of 2015, migration came to be seen as one of the main challenges facing Swedish society, presented as a threat toward the social glue holding society together. Further, it was concluded that previous integration policies have failed (Dahlstedt and Eliassi 2018; Herz and Lalander 2021; Lundström and Hübinette 2020). Through such debate, two main lines of argument emerge, mutually reinforcing each other. On the one hand, there is an argument that there has been a naive approach among the majority society toward migration, where too lame demands have been put on migrants. On the other hand, there is an argument suggesting that there is an unwillingness among migrants to become integrated in their new country. In response to such concerns, a range of proposals for a more restrictive migration policy have been implemented. In 2016 a temporary law was introduced, which has then been prolonged, where permanent residence permits were replaced with temporary ones and where demands were put on migrants to be able to support their family, as a precondition for family reunion. For youth migrants coming to Sweden, another law was implemented which made it possible to let migrant youth, who had their asylum application rejected, stay in Sweden until they completed their upper secondary school studies. However, after completion they had to get a job and support themselves in order to gain residency and avoid deportation (Dahlstedt and Neergaard 2022). With these policy changes, the number of asylum seekers drastically declined from 163,000 in 2015 to 29,000 in 2016 and around 22,000 in 2019. Such numbers are drastically lower compared to the years before 2015. Further, in line with these policy changes, more demands have been put on migrants, not least refugees, in order to gain residency as well as in terms of access to welfare benefits. For instance, recent proposals have suggested introducing language tests for residency as well as for citizenship (Dahlstedt and Fejes 2020). In sum, since 2015, the main focus in Swedish migration and integration policy has

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rapidly shifted from an emphasis on protection, support, and inclusion of refugees toward an emphasis on national security and deportation of people who do not have a legal right to stay on Swedish territory (Elsrud et al. 2021).

The Research Context: Migration, Learning, and Social Inclusion This chapter summarizes some of the main findings identified so far in a longitudinal research program on migration, learning, and social inclusion that directs attention toward the ways in which different educational institutions and settings contribute to the (possible) inclusion of migrants. In the first phase of the program, we conducted studies of different educational institutions and settings tasked with introducing migrants to the Swedish language and to society at large. These educational institutions and settings included (1) the work that study associations conduct with adult asylum seekers, (2) the work conducted by municipal upper secondary schools, as well as folk high schools, targeting newly arrived young adults (16–18 years old), and (3) the work carried out in sfi. The work conducted by study associations was called Swedish from day 1. This was a newly introduced initiative taken in the wake of the refugee situation in 2015. In this initiative, the state funded study associations as well as folk high schools in order to provide courses – study circles – for adult asylum seekers, with the aim of introducing them to the Swedish language as well as to Swedish society at large. As this particular target group is not allowed to enter the formal education system, this initiative opened up possibilities for some initial studies also for this target group. The work conducted by upper secondary schools and folk high schools concerned the language introduction program, which is a program part of the Swedish upper secondary school system. Here, newly arrived migrants aged 16–18 take courses aimed at learning the Swedish language to the extent that they can proceed to enter a regular upper secondary program. The program is the responsibility of the municipality. Most often, the program is delivered by one of the municipality-run upper secondary schools. But it could also be delivered by a so-called independent school – either for-profit or nonprofit – though still funded by the municipality. However, following the refugee situation in 2015, the government provided a temporary right to some municipalities to outsource these programs to folk high schools. This was due to the idea that folk high schools, who usually only accept adults (persons over the age of 18), would be good places for the newly arrived 16–18-year-old migrants to engage in studies with the aim of learning the Swedish language. The third of the educational institutions and settings focused on was sfi, which is part of the institution of MAE, as described previously in the chapter. Here, adult migrants who have a residence permit are offered the opportunity to learn the Swedish language equivalent to the compulsory school level. These students can then go on for further studies (or combine their sfi studies) with other courses in other subject areas within MAE on compulsory and/or upper secondary level. In total, we conducted empirical work in 14 educational settings in different geographical locations in Sweden. In each setting, semi-structured interviews were

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conducted with teachers and circle leaders (n ¼ 50), principals/managers (n ¼ 26), and participants (n ¼ 173). Among the participants, approximately half were asylum seekers, and the other half had a residence permit at the time of the interviews. For this chapter, we have conducted a meta-analysis of our previous publications (and data), aimed at identifying some of the main findings. By doing so, we wish to raise some issues regarding migration and lifelong learning that we believe are important, not only in a Swedish context but more generally.

Analysis In our analysis, attention has been directed to the will, conditions, and organization for inclusion and the tensions emerging from these. In the presentation of the analysis, we will firstly illustrate the will for inclusion of the participants. Secondly, we focus on the conditions for inclusion as described by the participants, and thirdly we focus on the will among teachers and circle leaders in terms of making inclusion possible. These three themes are then drawn together and discussed in relation to current policy changes.

Participants’ Will for Inclusion In the studies on which this chapter is based, we have encountered in total 173 young adult and adult migrants participating in learning activities carried out in different educational settings. Roughly half of them are still, at the time of our interviews, asylum seekers waiting for a decision on their asylum application. The other half of them have recently been awarded a residence permit. The participants thus have different legal statuses when we meet them. Such differences become visible in the interviews conducted, where those still waiting for a decision on their asylum application show greater concerns about their future, as compared to those who have a residence permit. Life is “on hold,” as many of the asylum seekers describe their current life situation. However, despite such differences, those interviewed all show a great will for inclusion in Swedish society and becoming part of its community. There is a will to gain a residence permit, a will to learn the Swedish language, a will to make friends with “Swedes,” a will for further education, and a will for finding a job in order to support oneself and “pay back” to the new country of residence. Let us take some examples from the interviews in order to illustrate our point. Imad, a middle-aged participant in Swedish from day 1, tells us: If I am allowed to stay here, in four to five years I will be working, I will get a job, and accommodation. I do not want any welfare support, not from the migration board, or anywhere. I want to support myself and my family. (Imad)

The will to find a job and to support oneself and one’s family runs through the vast majority of the interviews conducted. Despite the hardship of being in asylum,

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there is a dream to be able to stay and build a future in Sweden. Such hopes for the future provide a quite different picture as compared to those emerging in public debates on migration in contemporary Sweden (cf. Herz and Lalander 2021). A central argument pursued by most of the migrants interviewed is the need to learn the Swedish language. The Swedish language is metaphorically construed as a key that will open up life in Sweden. As Aya and Nadua, who both are engaged in studies at sfi, tell us: To learn the language is the key to society. . . learning the language means that new paths are made available to me in order to live, work and study. (Aya) Yes, to learn the Swedish language and make progress in order to get a job. Everywhere you turn your language capabilities are put in question. (Nadua)

Similar reasoning is illustrated by Emir, one of the young adults participating in the language introduction program: I live in Sweden and need to learn Swedish, otherwise things become bad. Everyone speaks Swedish. I came to Sweden from my home country where I no longer was able to live. I need to respect you. You are Swedish and I need to speak Swedish to you in your country. (Emir)

These quotations all illustrate a strong belief that learning the Swedish language is the key that will open the doors to Sweden. Such notion of language as a key to inclusion is strikingly similar to the way in which language skills are talked about in the public debate on migration in Sweden. However, as we can see in our interviews, the conditions for migrants to be able to actually learn the Swedish language and – so to speak – acquire the key to inclusion are quite different, in a number of respects, on which we will elaborate further.

Conditions for Inclusion When it comes to the conditions that seem of great importance to learn the Swedish language, there are a few that recur in the interviews. Kian, one of the asylum seekers participating in Swedish from day 1, illustrates how the waiting time for a decision is quite stressful and detrimental for learning the language: It was a long time ago that I came to Sweden, you know, 3 years. I stay here and know nothing about my future. This is a really bad situation. For example, if I would have received a resident permit after one year, I would have a lot of energy. I have fought previously during life on the street. But to wait for a long time, this is bad. When I come to school, I need to learn Swedish, but nothing works in my head. I can’t focus on the lessons as my mind is on other things. (Kian)

For Kian, the long waiting time, and the feeling of not knowing what will happen, drains his energy. This in turn makes it very hard for him to find and mobilize the motivation needed in order to be able to focus on learning the language. Another

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condition emerging as of great importance for learning the language is age. Talib, a 60-year-old asylum seeker participating in Swedish from day 1, tells us that he sees no point in learning the Swedish language at his age. He already knows English and can cope with what he considers necessary in his everyday life. Or as Nadua, also an asylum seeker, tells us: she is of an age that makes progress in learning the Swedish language very hard, and thus she puts most of her energy into supporting her children, so that they can learn the language instead. “I believe for me, it is about age,” she tells us, regarding her difficulties in learning Swedish. We can also see how the challenges emerging for learning the language strongly relates to the participants’ previous educational background, i.e., as a condition for learning. This is hardly surprising, considering the results of previous research on the relation between educational background and migrants’ learning trajectories in their countries of residence (Hagström 2018; Sharif 2017). Nevertheless, it is important to point out this relationship in this context too. As Maryam, a participant in Swedish from day 1, tells us: My friends, they came from Iran. They were really good. They have experience of going to university. I have not gone to school at all. In other words, they understand things. (Maryam)

Participants also articulated a strong will to get to know new “Swedish friends” articulated, something that generally seems quite hard to do. Among the participants, having Swedish friends emerges as a beneficial condition for learning the Swedish language. As Ali at SI and Jerome at sfi explain: I search for Swedish friends. It is hard. They seem to be afraid of migrants or something. (Ali) Those who live in Sweden, they are Swedish, and they want to befriend those who are Swedish. They go to school and work only with Swedes, so I do not fit in. (Jerome)

The challenge to befriend Swedes makes the educational settings where the participants engage in studies very important for them, not least in terms of meeting teachers who speak the Swedish language and the hope that one might meet Swedes. However, as we have found in the studies conducted, the educational settings studied provide limited opportunities for the participants to actually get to meet Swedes. Most often they only get to meet other participants who are in the same situation. Despite this, the educational setting also emerges as important for the participants as a contrast or refuge from the stressful situation of living in, for example, refugee accommodation or accommodation for unaccompanied minors. As Ruhi, an asylum seeker at Swedish from day 1, tell us: I can only recommend that those sitting at home, that they have to come to ABF. Here you can find friends, you can learn Swedish, and you get in touch with people. ABF is not a school for me. ABF is a home. I feel at home when I’m here. (Ruhi)

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Or as Akram, a student at SI, tells us: Every Monday morning, the same thing happens. Johanna asks us: ‘How has the weekend been? What have you been doing?’ She hugs us and like. It is not so important. Like, we don’t learn very much. But it is important that she is. . . it feels good. It makes us feel good when we tell what we have been doing during the weekend. She also tells what she has been doing. (Akram)

In sum, what we here see is how issues of residence permit, age, educational and social background, and lack of contexts to practice the language are conditions that hinder migrants learning and, thus, hinder processes of inclusion. Thus, the educational sites become of high importance, as spaces that might make it possible for migrants to dream about another future with support from the circle leaders, teachers, and peers.

Teachers’ and Circle Leaders’ Will to Make Inclusion Possible Among those working with the migrant students and participants, no matter what educational setting, there is a strong will to support the migrants on their path toward inclusion in Swedish society. Such will connect to supporting migrants to learn the Swedish language, as well as providing support in their lives here and now. The teachers know that they are important to the migrants – many of whom are living in quite precarious situations. As Berit, one of the teachers at SI, tells us: I believe that I play an important role in their lives. We see them, we talk to them, we greet them, we ask them questions. So I feel that I’m more than only a teacher to them. (Berit)

Or as Sofia, another teacher at SI, tells us: Even if a student is very tired, as she or he hasn't slept all night, they come here anyway. Some of them might sleep during lessons, but they are at least here which I think is important. (Sofia)

What these teachers illustrate is not only that the educational setting as such is an important place for the students. They also illustrate how they, as teachers, are important for the students. In these two cases, the teachers are described as of great importance for students who are young adults, some of whom are still asylum seekers, while others already have a residence permit. If we turn to Swedish from day 1, the circle leaders and managers gain a similar role – as important for participants in supporting them in learning the language, in their continued path toward inclusion in Swedish society. However, Swedish from day 1, where all participants are asylum seekers and thus in need of specific support, emerges

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as a place where both circle leaders and managers provide support that goes way beyond their formal task. As Ines, one of the managers at Swedish from day 1, tells us: It’s always an open door policy, making it possible to help everyone who asks for help with calling the authorities, interpret letters. It was a lot to do for me. Sometimes you stayed until nine in the evening, and you tried to read their letters and maybe write an application to the Migration board. (Ines)

We could see how also the SI teachers to some extent provided support way beyond the formal task, although not to the same extent as within Swedish from day 1. This is probably due to the different kinds of institutions these educational settings represent, as well as the target groups that each setting relates to. Within Swedish from day 1, all participants were asylum seekers, while approximately only half of the students at SI were still in the asylum process. Further, Swedish from day 1 was delivered within the frame of popular education, which to a large degree has autonomy in its organization and delivery of education without any formal curriculum. In contrast, SI is part of the formal education system governed by a specific curriculum. Magdalena, one of the leaders in Swedish from day 1, explains the difference between the freedom of study associations and the formal education system: Looking at the regulations, we are able to begin and end whenever we want. We do not need any fancy rooms. ABF is big, we are located in nearly every municipality, and in some cases, in several locations in the same municipality. Thus, we become flexible, not the least in relation to this target group. When you are an asylum seeker not knowing if you will be allowed to stay or not. To engage an asylum seeker in the regular adult education system would not be a good idea - as the formal system has different regulations for teaching rooms and how to employ teachers. We can employ a person by the hour, we can have interns, we can select people. We can do things more quickly, more easily, and despite this, I do not think we are worse [than the formal education system]. (Magdalena)

As Magdalena illustrates, the study associations, and among them ABF, have much more freedom as compared to the formal education system. She argues that this freedom is an advantage when it comes to working with asylum seekers. Further, she illustrates how those working with Swedish from day 1 are people who are oftentimes handpicked and could be volunteers and thus not professionally educated teachers. In contrast, the formal system requires that those who are employed to teach need to be teachers with a teacher training degree. Further, with the freedom to employ by the hour and hand pick people, ABF, one of the study associations which we have studied, employed several circle leaders who themselves had experiences of migration. At least according to managers and circle leaders, these circle leaders appeared as role models for the asylum seekers. As Emilio explains: I think they saw me as a role model, a leader. I could see myself in them as I have been in their shoes. I got a job at the same time as I applied for asylum, and my application was approved. Thus, working has become easier. (Emilio)

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Accordingly, it is argued that circle leaders with experience of migration could provide the participants with inside information on the migration process and the process of how to become included in Sweden, in which learning the language is one of the key points (cf. Nyström et al. 2020). Several circle leaders contrasted the more informal character of Swedish from day 1 with the formal education system and especially sfi – a place they themselves had attended previously. They described sfi as more formal, with less interaction between teacher and students and with stronger focus on control and goal attainment. As one circle leader, Emilio, describes it: “We are more accessible [. . .] at sfi you will only get a book and be asked to work individually.” In similar terms, Aisha, another circle leader, states that “maybe they feel more at home here [. . .] they are acknowledged here. They develop such a family feeling here.” Here, a contrast emerges, where professional teachers found in the formal education system are construed as less relational, more distanced, and having less flexibility in their work, as compared to the teaching conducted by the circle leaders. Such description of sfi partly concurs with how Mirja, a teacher at sfi, describes working in sfi: The national agency of education put strong emphasis on literacy in a way I do not find appropriate. At the same time employers say that “You need to have passed sfi, you need grades from sfi”. So, students drudge, with excellent communicative skills. They have no problem understanding instructions and so on. Despite this, they have to go on for another ten weeks because they are not able to write an argumentative text. It is ridiculous I think. And this is not something I can change. (Mirja)

Mirja here addresses critique directed at sfi, suggesting that there is too much emphasis put on literacy, which for many becomes a hindrance in getting a job. It is not because they cannot understand but because of the literacy demand of sfi. Or in other words, she critiques sfi for having a gatekeeping function, keeping competent migrants outside of the labor market. Another gatekeeping function is made visible, in an even more pronounced way, in interviews with teachers in SI. Current regulations initiated in the wake of the refugee situation in 2015 dictate that unaccompanied minors who have had their asylum application declined are allowed to stay in the country in order to finalize their upper secondary school studies. If they pass their studies and then within a year’s time manage to gain employment, they will be awarded a residence permit. Thus, teachers indirectly become gatekeepers for these students – deciding if they are allowed to stay in the country or not, literally holding the keys to inclusion (cf. Högberg et al. 2020). As Ulrika, one of the teachers at LI, tells us: And then it is like this: “Ok, if I get into a national upper secondary program I will be able to stay. If I do not manage to finalise within a certain amount of time, I’m not allowed to stay”. This is really tough I believe. As it is often knowledge in the Swedish language that they get in the end in order to continue their studies. My goal is that everyone will pass. But I still have to adapt to the criteria [when assessing the students]. (Ulrika)

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Here, Ulrika exemplifies that her judgment of the students’ knowledge in Swedish might provide opportunities for obtaining a residence permit, or it might be the opposite – that students who do not pass have to go back to their country of origin. What we here see is how those working with the migrants have a strong will to support their path toward inclusion. Such support goes well beyond their formal task, extending into the social life of migrants. Such support is acknowledged by migrants as highly important, not the least for those seeking asylum. However, we identify a slight difference between the formal educational activity, sfi, and the nonformal activities such as Swedish from day 1. In the latter kinds of activities, with fewer regulations, a greater engagement in migrants’ social life could be identified.

Discussion In this chapter, we have illustrated how the wills, conditions, and organization for inclusion emerge in our analyses of interviews with participants, teachers, principals, managers, and circle leaders engaged in a variety of educational activities provided for newly arrived migrants in Sweden. Firstly, we have been able to identify a strong will for inclusion among the participants in a variety of educational settings, with a focus on learning the Swedish language, making Swedish friends, and getting a job in order to support oneself and one’s family. Such will is of great importance as a starting point for both learning and inclusion. Secondly, there is a strong will articulated by teachers and circle leaders when it comes to support and making such inclusion possible. Their will to support the newly arrived migrants often goes way beyond the formal task. Such support emerges as very important, not least for asylum seekers who find themselves in extremely precarious situations in waiting for a decision on their asylum application (cf. Ahlgren and Rydell 2020; Elsrud et al. 2021). Thirdly, teachers and circle leaders who themselves have experiences of migration emerge as role models, providing both experience and knowledge not only about the Swedish language as such but also about what it means to take the path of inclusion in Sweden. We have also been able to identify conditions that might hinder rather than promote a process of inclusion of newly arrived migrants in Sweden. Such conditions include a strong demand on the level of language knowledge needed, the responsibilization of newly arrived migrants in terms of learning the Swedish language, and the challenges for newly arrived migrants to get to know Swedes. The inclusion of newly arrived migrants is further conditioned by general variables such as the participants’ previous educational and social background. However, the lifelong learning system in Sweden is challenged from at least two fronts. Firstly, there is an increased market orientation of the entire lifelong learning system in Sweden (Dahlstedt and Fejes 2019). Such orientation consists of, among other things, a stronger focus on education for employment, i.e., meeting the needs of the labor market, and the involvement of private for-profit companies in the delivery of education shaping municipalities as well as students into customers of education rather than citizens. (See Muhrman and Andersson (2021) and Andersson

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and Muhrman (2021) for more on the consequences of the market-organised adult education system in Sweden.) One of the effects of such orientation is a strong focus on the individual’s responsibility for acquiring the skills and knowledge deemed necessary to become employable and gain employment. For migrants, knowledge of the Swedish language thus comes to the forefront. Secondly, such focus on the need for learning the language in order for migrants to become employable is further reinforced by an ongoing policy shift in Sweden toward a more right-wing nationalist policy agenda – which has in recent years become more mainstream and been adopted by most of the established parties in Sweden. One of the main components in such a policy agenda is the higher demand put on migrants to support themselves, not least by learning the Swedish language, in order to gain a residence permit as well as Swedish citizenship, i.e., becoming included in society. With such developments, Sweden has in a way joined the political mainstream in Europe where similar discourses on migration and the conditions for inclusion of migrants in the new countries of residence have already gained wider support (Dahlstedt and Neergaard 2022). Thus, the combination of an intensified market orientation of the lifelong learning system and the normalization of a right-wing nationalist policy agenda reinforce one another, creating new conditions for the inclusion of migrants in Sweden. As we have illustrated, teachers and circle leaders have, despite such policy changes, been able to work with the conditions given to them as a basis for supporting migrants toward a path of inclusion. Such work would not be possible without the ambitions of the migrants themselves. But, without the historical foundation of the lifelong learning system in Sweden and the strong tradition of popular education, such work of inclusion would have been harder or might even have been impossible. Strong support for popular as well as adult education is a characteristic not only for Sweden but also for the other Nordic welfare states. Looking at Denmark, Finland, and Norway, they have, as Sweden, a high participation rate in adult education as well as a long tradition of popular education and folk high schools (Löfgren and Nordvall 2017). Despite the policy pressures toward a more marketoriented notion of what education is and for whom education is for, Kuusipalo et al. (2021) illustrate how adult education institutions as well as popular education institutions in Denmark, Finland, and Sweden contribute to the inclusion of vulnerable groups in society. This does not mean that there are no challenges, but their argument supports the standpoint developed here, that a historically stable and wellfunded adult education system is essential if we wish to provide sound possibilities for newly arrived migrants’ inclusion in society.

Conclusion In a time when a right-wing nationalist policy agenda is gaining momentum across Europe, opportunities for lifelong learning become even more important than it might have been before. What we have illustrated in this chapter is how a well-

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developed system for lifelong learning, and not the least a tradition of popular education, seems to be a counterweight to the toxic combination of an intensified marketization of education (and society) and a normalization of a nationalist policy agenda, at least for the time being. All of this is the result of political priorities and struggles, and only time will tell how strong the lifelong learning system really is.

Cross-References ▶ Confronting Nationalist Tendencies: The Role of Citizenship Education, Media Literacy and Lifelong Learning in Supporting Democracy ▶ Non-formal and Informal Learning: A Gateway to Lifelong Learning for All. The Case of Migrants and Refugees ▶ Reimagining Refugee Lifelong Education: Towards a New Social Contract

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Accommodating Sexual and Gender Identities in Societal, Cultural, and Lifelong Learning Contexts

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Andre´ P. Grace

Contents Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Challenging Lifelong Educators to Be Earnest in Building Knowledge and Understanding of Sexual and Gender Identities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Sexual Identity as a Category and Power Relationship . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Crisis of the Domestication of Gay . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Heteropatriarchal Cultural Fantasy of Eradicating Homosexuals . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Gender Identity as a Category and Power Relationship . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Queer Quotient and Making Gender Identity Messy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Gender Identity and Smashing Perceived Gender Order . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Developing Critical Intelligence to Engage in Lifelong Learning Inclusive of Sexual and Gender Identities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Cross-References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Abstract

While lifelong learning, especially as a critical formation, is concerned with issues of being and belonging in creating inclusive life, learning, and work environments, it nevertheless has a history of omitting learning about sexual and gender identities. To address this void, I challenge lifelong educators to make a concerted effort to build knowledge and understanding of sexual and gender identities as diverse and complex constructions that need to be recognized and accommodated in education, culture, and society. To assist lifelong educators with this learning, I explore critical, poststructural feminist, and queer theorizing as multiperspective theorizing that is attentive to ethical and just educational practices designed to encompass and affirm individuals’ sexual and gender identities. In particular, I emphasize pivotal works of poststructural feminists A. P. Grace (*) University of Alberta, Edmonton, AB, Canada e-mail: [email protected] © Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 K. Evans et al. (eds.), Third International Handbook of Lifelong Learning, Springer International Handbooks of Education, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-19592-1_52

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whose theoretical work analyzing identity, difference, intersectionality, discourse, culture, and power, starting in the 1990s, has collectively and profoundly influenced developments in queer theory and sexual and gender minority studies into the present moment. I consider how their theorizing has implications for how lifelong educators and learners can employ more intricate understandings of sexual and gender diversity against the grain of heteropatriarchy’s fixity of categories and norms. Situating this work as lifelong learning as critical action, I interrogate contemporary disciplinary perspectives on sexual and gender identities, notably in psychiatry and psychology, which have implications for developing inclusive lifelong learning. I conclude by speaking to the need for lifelong educators to develop critical intelligence to engage in lifelong learning inclusive of sexual and gender identities as a practical human endeavor. Keywords

Sexual identity · Gender identity · Heteropatriarchy · Gay · Homosexuality · Transgender · Gender dysphoria · Poststructural feminism · Queer theory · Critical theory · Queer Indigenous · Lifelong learning as critical action

Introduction Across social groups, cultures, and geographies throughout history, there have been perennial challenges in recognizing, accepting, and accommodating differences in sexual and gender identities within dominant society’s heteropatriarchal knowledge/ culture/language/power nexus (D’Emilio 1992; Fone 2000; Grace 2013, 2016a; Janoff 2005). Regarding gender as a social construction, the hegemonic male-female dualism has reduced gender to the two cisgender identities biologically aligned with natal or birth sex, thus ignoring other possible configurations of gender identities. In sum, there has been persistent resistance to variations in sexual and gender identities and their expressions that disrupt heterosexual and cisgender norms (Bierema and Grace 2020; Grace 2015, 2016a, b; Grace and Wells 2016). These challenges and resistances have also been pervasive and enduring in education and constituent lifelong learning as expected replicators of the mainstream status quo (Grace 2013, 2015; Grace and Wells 2016). Ultimately, this contestation of sexual and gender diversity is about controlling who counts and who gets included in culture, society, and social institutions like education, medicine, and law. The upshot has been an insidious attempt to limit sexual and gender identities to the hegemonic fixity of heteronorms and cisgender norms tied to performance based on the attraction of those whose natal sex is biologically male to those whose natal sex is biologically female. Within this bounded performativity, differences in sexuality and gender that fall outside these norms have been viewed as aberrant and commonly deviant or taboo. As such, they have not been comfortable or permissible subjects for everyday social discourse tied to the power of heteropatriarchy, and this system’s disdain for sexual and gender differences deemed nonnormative. With regard to learning across

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the lifespan within this hegemony, sexual and gender minorities could not rely on lifelong learning to be an inclusive and deliberative space because their peripheralized sexual and gender identities were consigned to the realm of silence and unlearning (Grace 2013, 2016a). Against the grain of this exclusionary history, in this chapter I argue that sexual and gender identities in all their diversity ought to be topics for open conversation in lifelong learning that is truly inclusive, encompassing, exploratory, transgressive, and transformative. I locate such lifelong learning as critical action. It is informed by multiperspective theorizing that is attentive to ethical educational practices designed to recognize and accommodate the sexual and gender identities of all learners as a matter of upholding the political ideals of modernity – democracy, freedom, and social justice (Grace 2005a, b, 2008a). Here, it is important to grapple with a question that has import for how lifelong educators take up sexuality and gender in learning across the lifespan: Across age, other power relationships, and contexts, what gives these categories as human identities substance and meaning for today and tomorrow given the ways they have been historically framed and mis/understood? To answer this question through imagining and expanding possibilities for lifelong learning as critical action that is truly inclusive and accommodative of sexual and gender minorities, lifelong educators need to build a working knowledge and understanding of the diversity and complexity of sexual and gender identities. To assist them in this crucial learning, I review pivotal works of poststructural feminists whose theoretical work analyzing identity, subjectivity, difference, intersectionality, discourse, culture, and power has collectively and profoundly influenced developments in queer theory and sexual and gender minority studies. I consider how these intellectuals, with particular verve starting in the 1990s, continue to challenge us to grapple with how we conceive and employ understandings of sexual and gender identities and differences against the grain of heteropatriarchy’s fixity of categories and norms. I discuss how their theorizing contests simplistic biological constructions of sexuality and gender and the polar reductionism of binary classifications like heterosexual/homosexual and male/female. I discuss their conceptions of homosexuality, and I also discuss how these feminists have rearticulated gender as something we perform or do so that the concept can be understood as multiple, complex, and fluid, with gender comprising more than two. Taking this theorizing of sexuality and gender into the present moment, I interrogate contemporary disciplinary perspectives on sexual and gender identities, notably in psychiatry and psychology, and I consider their implications for lifelong learning as critical action aimed at just and equitable treatment of diverse sexual and gender identities. Here, I emphasize that sexual and gender identities are distinct but intertwined relational elements of being human, with gender as being and doing having implications for how we think about sexuality across its expressions. I account for further complexities of sexual and gender identities by relating how they are altered in intersections with racial, ethnocultural, and other identities and affected by the biopsychosocial, geopolitical, and cultural contexts in which they develop. To provide an example accentuating intersectional differences in identity formations, I turn to queer Indigenous studies to explore conceptualizations and understandings of genders and sexualities beyond

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Western heteropatriarchal and cisgender boundaries. I conclude by speaking to the need for lifelong educators to develop critical intelligence to engage in lifelong learning inclusive of sexual and gender identities as a practical human endeavor.

Challenging Lifelong Educators to Be Earnest in Building Knowledge and Understanding of Sexual and Gender Identities Since the early 1990s poststructural feminists have made concerted intellectual efforts to conceptualize and make sense of sexual and gender identities and their formations through interrogating heteropatriarchy, the limits it places on sexual and gender differences, and the censuring and harm it systemically induces through heterosexism, cisgenderism, homophobia, and transphobia. Their interrogations raise critical issues regarding equity, social justice, and ethical treatment for sexual and gender minorities seeking to be recognized, accepted, and accommodated in larger societal and cultural contexts as well as in social institutions like education. In doing this work, these feminists theorize how individuals constitute multiple and diverse subjects by virtue of their sexual and gender identities; the ways these identities intersect with racial, ethnocultural, and other relational identities; the limits that norming particular identities places on all individuals and their being and doing; and the contexts that mark and commonly bound existences. This engagement with poststructural feminist theorizing, in keeping with Henry A. Giroux’s (1992) perspective on the importance of turning to multiperspective theorizing to inform political and pedagogical projects, provides insights to inform what can be done to transgress knowledge and power relations structured by heteropatriarchy and its inbuilt heteronorms and cisgender norms. In this regard in her valuing of multiperspective theorizing, Teresa de Lauretis (1991) asks this question that speaks to possibilities arising from juxtaposing critical and postfoundational theorizing: “[How] can our queerness act as an agency of social change, and our theory construct another discursive horizon, another way of living the racial and the sexual?” (pp. x-xi). Her question links queer theorizing about sexual and gender diversity to critical theorizing focused on acting ethically in the world, developing agency through the oppositions of interactions and resistances, and engaging history and politics in transformative learning that elevates difference. As an engagement with sexual and gender identities and their possibilities, this multiperspective theorizing recognizes the need to consider the impacts of history, culture, social expectations, geography, politics, and intersecting relationships of power on conceptions of sexuality and gender and individual and external motivations to conform or resist (Grace 2015). Here, de Lauretis aligns with Giroux for whom the turn to theory and its eclecticism constitutes an intellectual basis to engage questions about power (domination and subordination), human suffering and struggle, and emancipation grounded in a politics of hope and possibility. Applying these theoretical perspectives to including sexual and gender minorities in lifelong learning, the political and pedagogical project has to be one in which educators and learners work with sexual and gender differences in intersections with other relational differences to transform

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heteronormative, cisgenderist “relations of power by connecting educational struggles with broader struggles for the democratization, pluralization, and reconstruction of public life” (Giroux 1992, p. 22).

Sexual Identity as a Category and Power Relationship In June 2019, sexual and gender minorities engaged in celebrations and protests in many countries to mark the 50th anniversary of the Stonewall riots in New York City that ushered in a global gay liberation movement. In her reflection on this historical moment in Epistemology of the Closet, usually considered the founding text of queer theory, Eve Kosofsky Sedgwick (1990) remarks: “While the events of June, 1969, and later vitally reinvigorated many people’s sense of the potency, magnetism, and promise of gay self-disclosure, nevertheless the reign of the telling secret was scarcely overturned with Stonewall” (p. 67). This assertion frames Sedgwick’s revelatory book articulating how danger and harm remain ubiquitous in gay lives. The title refers to her (de)construction of knowledge about homosexual or gay people that speaks to their complicated subjugated identities and their valid and justifiable ways of being and doing as they attempt to navigate historically rigid institutional and community cultures. In this exploration, Sedgwick engages in cogent analysis of what she views as “a chronic, now endemic crisis of homo/ heterosexual definition, indicatively male, dating from the end of the nineteenth century” (p. 1). Interestingly, as she indicates, popular use of the term homosexual preceded use of the term heterosexual. In scrutinizing conscious identities and sexual behaviors in conducting this analysis, Sedgwick maintains that her work has implications not just for homosexuals, but for everyone across socioculturally constructed genders and the array of sexualities. As she analyzes the conflicted homo/heterosexual definition, she contends that heterosexual/homosexual, culturally presented as a symmetrical binary opposition, is actually an unsettled and unstable binarism because homosexual is subordinated and unequal to heterosexual, which has its value ascribed at the expense of demeaning and dismissing homosexual. Consequently, the heterosexual/homosexual binary is “peculiarly densely charged with lasting potential for power manipulations” (p. 10, her italics). This is because, as Diana Fuss (1991) stresses in her poststructural feminist analysis in Inside/Out, the philosophical opposition between ends of the heterosexual/homosexual binary is a construction reflecting an inside/outside opposition caught up in the dynamics of alienation and “the inevitability of a symbolic order based on a logic of limits, margins, borders, and boundaries” (p. 1). As Fuss relates, the underpinning inside/ outside opposition that “encapsulates the structure of language, repression, and subjectivity, also designates the structure of exclusion, oppression, and repudiation” (p. 2). Thus, the homosexual as outsider is dismissed and defiled in the debilitating sexual economy that the inside/outside opposition engenders. The heterosexual as insider is deemed to have a stable, fixed, and compulsory status that goes unquestioned as the opposition is sustained. Fuss provides this explanation, noting

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that heterosexuality gets its culturally desirable status based on its difference from culturally prohibitive homosexuality: The language and law that regulates the establishment of heterosexuality as both an identity and an institution, both a practice and a system, is the language and law of defense and protection: heterosexuality secures its self-identity and shores up its ontological boundaries by protecting itself from what it sees as the continual predatory encroachments of its contaminated other, homosexuality. (p. 2)

Here, as Fuss deduces, if homosexuality is read as a transgression against heterosexuality, it does not mean that it is able to undermine heterosexuality’s dominant status perceived as natural and necessary. What it does mean from a poststructural perspective is we have to resist and interfere with that confirmed dominant status, producing a new cultural logic and sexual economy that acknowledge and accommodate the diversity and reinventions of sexualities and genders and their performances in ways that intertwine the inside and the outside. Xenofeminism, a contemporary radical feminism, continues this work in the present moment. This interrogating feminism is positioned as “a wager on the long game of history, demanding imagination, dexterity and persistence” (Cuboniks 2018, p. 13). Developed by the multinational collective Laboria Cuboniks, xenofeminism is tied to a political and pedagogical project that casts alienation as an impetus for change for everyone subjugated due to differences outside hegemonic normativity. It critically questions the perceived natural order of things: Anyone who’s been deemed ‘unnatural’ in the face of reigning biological norms, anyone who’s experienced injustices wrought in the name of natural order, will realize that the glorification of ‘nature’ has nothing to offer us – [including] the queer and trans among us. (Laboria Cuboniks 2018, p. 15)

Depending on how a person understands it in terms of their self-affirmed sexual and gender identities, being born a certain way is biology either working or gone awry. In the end though, “essentialist naturalism reeks of theology – the sooner it is exorcised, the better” (Laboria Cuboniks 2018, p. 15). What matters is that we exist, so it is about our being, becoming, belonging, and acting in the world as we grow and develop as persons with an array of subjectivities that include being selfaffirmed sexual and gender subjects. Existing as a matter of need and desire requires learning as well as deliberate and strategic planning and action to transgress the perpetuated natural order of systems and structures marking a heteronormative and cisgenderist world in need of transformation.

The Crisis of the Domestication of Gay What Sedgwick (1990) deems a crisis of homo/heterosexual definition can also be viewed as a crisis of the domestication of gay as a consequence of locating homosexuality as a dissident practice of counter-acculturation opposing

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heteronormativity. Using gay to name attraction to the same biological sex remains ubiquitous in popular culture and parlance across many geographies. The term gay gained global currency following the Stonewall riots, and it remains a nice descriptor to cloak what the term homosexual conjures up in heteropatriarchal culture. Gay represents much more though. It is a multifaceted term exhibiting diversity in historical, social, cultural, geopolitical, and Indigenous contexts. The term has multiple local meanings that defy universality. David M. Halperin (2012) speaks about the complexities of gay as doing and the crisis of its domestication in his book How To Be Gay. Ironically, as he observes, while gay is a commonplace signifier of happiness and contentment, it is also a historical signifier of hurt, humiliation, shame, uneasiness, and denial in relation to an outsider way of being and acting in the world. Because of this, and because phobic conservatives have made gay a moral and political term for their contemporary purposes, notably in relation to their repugnance of male homosexuality, Halperin argues that the meaning of gay has been domesticated in gay circles as outsider circles. This domestication is a selfpreserving way to make gay socially and politically palatable. It has meant decentering the sexual and the erotic by focusing on homosexuality as a social condition in which gay as a way of being and doing is grounded in particular social and aesthetic values. As Halperin puts it: “Gay” permits my sexuality to declare itself socially under the cover of a polite designation, almost a euphemism, and in terms of an identity rather than an erotic subjectivity or a sexual behavior. It allows me to present myself as a member of a people or nation or race, a human collectivity at any rate, instead of as a deviant individual—a monster, freak, criminal, sinner, or social outcast. (p. 75, his italics)

In this regard, the domestication of gay is about comforting the ill at ease in the heteronormative mainstream, sanitizing gay by downplaying homosexual expression and other purportedly provocative elements embodied in gay, and constraining and assimilating gays as we “take shelter in inoffensive generalities: promoting human rights, celebrating diversity, valuing difference, supporting multiculturalism, fighting for social justice” (Halperin 2012, p. 72). Since the domestication of gay denies the fullness of gay as a category of being and doing, it is harmful. Indeed, this domestication can be viewed as a kind of internalized homophobia and self-censure that reinscribes homosexuality as pathology – a determination on which homophobia in general depends. From this perspective, domestication confines homosexual analysis to “the individualizing, normalizing, essentially medical approach to sexuality that typifies our therapeutic society” (Halperin 2012, p. 15). Interestingly, as Halperin relates, nineteenth-century medicine is culpable in positioning homosexuality as a deviant sexual orientation, although psychiatry got it wrong initially by defining homosexuality as transgenderism, thus conflating a same-sex sexual orientation with a transgender psychological orientation. This conflation remains a contemporary concern, as discussed in the next section of this chapter. Nevertheless, it is perhaps the domestication of gay as an everyday project that has done the most damage to the quest to be authentically gay. As Halperin notes, achieving

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authenticity is elusive because most gays grow up in heterosexual-led families and all gays have to navigate heteronormative community and institutional cultures, starting with schooling. Speaking realistically about this, Halperin declares, “This is not going to change to any great extent” (p. 456). This reality impacts gays and indeed other sexual and gender minorities who will always have to perform a strategic cultural dance in relation to heterosexism, homophobia, cisgenderism, and transphobia, all distinguishable stressors and interconnected phenomena. Given this, the crisis of gay linked to heteropatriarchy as a meta-stressor, with all too common tragic outcomes like mental health issues and suicide completion (Grace 2015), constitutes a persistent crisis for all sexual and gender minorities that exceeds the crisis of domestication.

The Heteropatriarchal Cultural Fantasy of Eradicating Homosexuals With an increasing focus on homosexuality during the twentieth century, Sedgwick (1990) relates that the resulting double binary assignment as male or female and heterosexual or homosexual composes a complex cultural operation with endless effects in medicine/psychiatry, law, education, government, and other institutional domains. Here, Sedgwick questions the malleability of culture, noting that historical strictures in heteropatriarchal structures signify the longstanding “overarching, hygienic Western fantasy of a world without any more homosexuals in it” (p. 42): [Historically,] the scope of institutions whose programmatic undertaking is to prevent the development of gay people is unimaginably large. . . . In the United States, at any rate, most sites of the state, the military, education, law, penal institutions, the church, medicine, mass culture, and the mental health industries enforce it all unquestionably, and with little hesitation even at recourse to invasive violence. (p. 42)

The upshot of her analysis of male/female and heterosexual/homosexual as binary categories is there is an inextricable link connecting gender, sexuality, and their arrangements, oppressions, and resistances. Of course, exploring the intricacies of this linkage requires coming to an understanding of the elusive terms sex, gender, and sexuality. Sedgwick uses the term sex to mean biological, natal, or chromosomal sex, which is “the relatively minimal raw material on which is then based the social construction of gender” (p. 27, her italics). While not defining sexuality explicitly, she discusses sex as an engagement in the sense of sexuality and gender object of desire. Sedgwick provides this description of gender, presenting the term as mutable and variable in relation to chromosomal sex, which she presents as immutable: Gender, then, is the far more elaborated, more fully and rigidly dichotomized social production and reproduction of male and female identities and behaviors—of male and female persons—in a cultural system for which “male/female” functions as a primary and perhaps model binarism affecting the structure and meaning of many, many other binarisms [including heterosexual/homosexual]. (p. 27, her italics)

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As Sedgwick (1990) further explains, the gender of object choice for sexual activity has emerged as the dimension marking the difference between a homosexual orientation and a heterosexual orientation. This is consequential since “the structuring of same-sex bonds can’t, in any historical situation marked by inequality and contest between genders, fail to be a site of intense regulation that intersects virtually every issue of power and gender” (pp. 2–3, her italics). This drive to regulate, as Sedgwick notes, means the homo/heterosexual definition subjugates homosexuals due to “urgent homophobic pressure to devalue [homosexual as] one of the two nominally symmetrical forms of choice” (p. 9). Consequently, homosexuals as a minority employ the silence of the “closet” as protection against ignorance of sexual difference and its potency in causing harm. As Sedgwick declares: The deadly elasticity of heterosexist presumption means that . . . people find new walls springing up around them even as they drowse: every encounter [with an unknown person] . . . erects new closets whose fraught and characteristic laws of optics and physics exact from at least gay people new surveys, new calculations, new draughts and requisitions of secrecy or disclosure. (p. 68)

Regarding the corresponding perennial predicament of gay educators, she adds, “The space for simply existing as a gay person who is a teacher is in fact bayonetted through and through . . . by the vectors of a disclosure at once compulsory and forbidden” (p. 70). This longstanding reality remains true for so many educators globally (Grace 2016c, 2017). Depending on contexts and circumstances impacting a politics of survival, honesty may not be the best policy and can be consequential, even deadly, for gay teachers. This is why so many gay teachers choose silence and invisibility. Nevertheless, to liberate sexuality in its multiple forms and to reduce the power of the norm, Sedgwick accentuates the importance of self-naming one’s sexual difference and having it affirmed by others. One danger here though is others can alienate the discloser, which she concludes is “a terribly consequential seizure” (p. 26). She explains: [In contemporary times] in which sexuality has been made expressive of the essence of both identity and knowledge, . . . [alienation] may represent the most intimate violence possible. It is also an act replete with the more disempowering mundane institutional effects and potentials. It is, of course, central to the modern history of homophobic oppression. (p. 26)

Although there are lurking dangers and risks, Sedgwick (1990) views disclosing sexual and gender identities as engaging possibility in the face of the heterosexist presumption and the limits of the homo/heterosexual definition. She (1993) discusses this further in her book Tendencies, speaking about a continuing queer “moment, movement, motive” (p. xii) in which diverse sexual and gender identities and expressions . . . [are] possible within a conceptualization of queer as “recurrent, eddying, troublant, . . . multiply transitive, . . . relational, and strange” (p. xii, her italics). From her standpoint, the work of queer as a theory and a cultural framework is to focus on the representation and survival of sexual and gender minorities by resisting the fixity of binary categories (like heterosexual/homosexual and male-

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female), to interrogate the incoherence of perceiving one binary end (like male or heterosexual) to be dominant while perceiving the opposite end (like female or homosexual) to be marginal, and to contest the reductionism of either/or categorization that ignores the possibility of different sexual and gender identities in the spaces in between. Particularly poignant in Sedgwick’s analysis is her hypothesis that an “immensely productive incoherence about gender” (p. xii) contributes to the transitivity of modern sexual identities. Speaking to this incoherence and the presupposition that everyone has a gender, Sedgwick asserts that “it needn’t presuppose that everyone ‘has’ a gender as everyone else has a gender—that everyone ‘has’ a gender in the same way, or that ‘having’ a gender is the same kind of act, process, or possession for every person or for every gender” (p. 148, her italics). Beyond these perceptions, in contemporary times when intersectionality of power relationships is understood to alter conceptions of sexuality and gender, Sedgwick also considers the work of queer to be expanding to revise sexuality and gender in intersections with race, ethnicity, and postcolonial nationality in ways that use “the leverage of ‘queer’ to do a new kind of justice to the fractal intricacies of language, skin, migration, state” (p. 9).

Gender Identity as a Category and Power Relationship Like Sedgwick’s (1990, 1993) theorizing, Judith Butler’s (1990, 1993, 2004) theorizing has also deeply influenced the evolution of contemporary thinking about sexual and gender identities as categories and power relationships. Both poststructural feminists have greatly impacted the emergence of queer theory, and both view sexual and gender identities as separate but entangled categories. However, Sedgwick places sexual identity at the core of her theorizing while Butler puts gender identity at the center of her intellectual work.

The Queer Quotient and Making Gender Identity Messy Writing about queer critically in her influential book Bodies That Matter, Butler (1993) elucidates how the term queer has historically performed as a defamatory and injurious descriptor used to shame sexual minorities and rebuke them as abnormal. She states: When the term has been used as a paralyzing slur, as the mundane interpellation of pathological sexuality, it has produced the user of the term as the emblem and vehicle of normalization; the occasion of its utterance, as the discursive regulation of the boundaries of sexual legitimacy. (p. 223)

Butler maintains that repeatedly invoking queer in accusatory, pathologizing, and insulting ways creates a social bond among those who defile sexual and gender minorities. Noting the propensity of queer as an utterance to hurt and control, Butler

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questions why queer as a temporal term with an abject history would be reclaimed by some sexual and gender minority people so it has new functional currency. She asks, “How is it that a term that signaled degradation has been turned . . . to signify a new and affirmative set of meanings?” (p. 223). Given the etymology of the word queer, she also asks, “How is it that those who are abjected come to make their claim [that queer can be resignified] through and against discourses that have sought their repudiation?” (p. 224). To answer her second question, Butler asserts it is important to consider both what it actually means to be recognized as a queer subject and what queer means as a mobilizing social identity marker. In interrogating this complexity, Butler would have us consider the contemporary price one pays to be a queer subject, especially a visible and vocal one, against the grain of the historical negative power of queer to name and defile an outsider social identity. Moreover, she would have us investigate ways in which the term queer is exclusionary as we examine how visibility and viability as a queer subject are altered and put at risk in intersections with race, religion, ethnocultural location, and pervasive sexual politics. Butler would also have us question the immutability and permanence of queer as a way to name that is tied to discourse and power. In this regard she conjectures: [Queer] will doubtless have to be yielded in favor of terms that do that political work more effectively. Such a yielding may well become necessary in order to accommodate—without domesticating—democratizing contestations that have and will redraw the contours of the [sexual and gender minority] movement in ways that can never be fully anticipated in advance. (p. 228)

From these perspectives, the Black Lives Matter movement provides a contemporary case in point. For example, in 2016 Black Lives Matter Toronto (BLMTO) was invited to be the Honored Group in the Toronto Pride parade (CBC News 2016). The BLMTO group, which was mainly composed of young people, mostly under 30, queer and trans identified, tech savvy, and engaged in postsecondary education and student politics, used their presence at this premier gay event to draw attention to anti-Black racism and systemic discrimination in policing (Onstad 2017). While this intention had profound importance given the profiling of Black people across North America, BLMTO behaved in ways ultimately perceived by numerous gays to target certain constituencies across Toronto Pride’s historically oppressed and complex sexual and gender minority population (Douglas 2017; Onstad 2017). In the end, BLMTO’s actions as an outsider group subjugated by race targeting another diverse outsider group subjugated by sexual and gender differences were consequential. These actions raised questions and instigated reaction regarding whom BLMTO counted as queer as the group politicized their parade performance and created a rupturing of queer among parade participants in intersections with race, class, age, and education level. Queering the issues of naming and recognition of who counts is central in Butler’s theorizing. Earlier, in her highly insightful book Gender Trouble in 1990, she presents her stance, which is “to try to imagine a world in which those who live at some distance from gender norms, who live in the confusion of gender norms, might still

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understand themselves not only as living livable lives, but as deserving a certain kind of recognition” (Butler 2004, p. 207). To imagine this world remains a useful starting point for recognizing and accommodating gender and sexual differences. The inclusion called for is attainable because, as Butler (1993) reckons in Bodies That Matter, heterosexual gender norms “produce inapproximable ideals” (p. 237) and are not irrevocably fixed, firm, unilaterally adequate, chosen, or nonnegotiable. As well, these norms “operate through the regulated production of hyperbolic versions of ‘man’ and ‘woman’ . . . [that] are for the most part compulsory performances, ones which none of us choose, but which each of us is forced to negotiate” (p. 237). In the end then, as Butler asserts, gender “designates a dense site of significations that contain and exceed the heterosexual matrix” (p. 238); however, gender is not determined by sexuality and its multiple forms. Butler declares that this realization is crucial recognition “precisely because homophobia often operates through the attribution of a damaged, failed, or otherwise abject gender to homosexuals” (p. 238). In further examining the formation of gender as a category and power relationship in relation to discourse and mapping power, Butler (1993) speaks to the importance of considering how gender and sexuality are both altered by race, ethnocultural differences, and geopolitics. A turn to queer Indigenous studies is informative here. Since 1990 in North America, Two Spirit has been used to name a subjectivity whereby an Indigenous person has a male and a female spirit infusing a complex gender expression marked by mixed cisgender roles within a traditional social structure (Gilley 2011). While some argue that the term Two Spirit is a problematic dichotomous term tied to cisgenderism and framed by the Western male-female binary locating biological sex and gender as two, as either/or, (Driskill et al. 2011a; Grace 2015), Two Spirit is about much more. It is a descriptor tied to the notion of gender fluidity in Indigenous traditions and to Indigenous nation as an organizing construct (Driskill et al. 2011a). Two Spirit is about self and social affirmation of identity for queer Indigenous people who compose an eclectic mix of sexual and gender minorities across diverse nations and geographical locations (Driskill et al. 2011b; Gilley 2011). Historically, they have names, identities, and respected community positions and roles rooted and respected in traditional tribal understandings of the diversity of sexuality and gender (Driskill et al. 2011b; Gilley 2011). This respect for sexual and gender diversity has parallels in Indigenous populations globally. For example, speaking to sexuality and its expression in New Zealand’s Maori society, Aspin (2011) relates that this society has historically accepted and acclaimed differences in sexuality and its expression tied to native tradition. Similar to Indigenous peoples dealing with difference in other geographical and cultural contexts, Maori people view the present as the problem. Aspin’s synopsis on sexuality as societal regulation indicates this: It is only within contemporary Maori society that efforts have been made to constrain and restrict diverse and multiple expressions of sexuality. Colonial influences such as religion and governmental regulation that derived from a Victorian Judeo-Christian way of

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describing the world have contributed significantly to a narrow interpretation of human sexuality, which has in turn served to undermine traditional concepts of Maori sexuality. (p. 113)

Like other emerging discourses trying to make sense of the complexities of sexuality and gender in historical and contemporary moments, queer Indigenous studies engage with language use and naming as performative acts. For example, these studies link queer and Two Spirit in a political and pedagogical critique of heteronormativity – “the normalizing and privileging of patriarchal heterosexuality and its gender and sexual expressions” (Driskill et al. 2011a, p. 19) – as a dominant cultural logic and colonial project that limits understandings of gender and sexuality. Queer has meaning and value here because “it carries with it an oppositional critique of heteronormativity and an interest in the ambiguity of gender and sexuality” (Driskill et al. 2011a, p. 3). Two Spirit has gained currency in Canada and the United States because the contemporary term is thought “to be inclusive of Indigenous people who identify as GLBTQ or through nationally specific terms from Indigenous languages” (Driskill et al. 2011a, p. 3). Working to transgress oppressive colonial gender regimes, Indigenous people who name themselves Two Spirit – not all do and the term while common is not ubiquitous – subscribe to “sovereign erotics” as a generative term of resistance defined as “an assertion of the decolonial potential of Native two-spirit/queer people healing from heteropatriarchal gender regimes” (Driskill et al. 2011b, p. 3). This subscription is about “declaring sovereignty from the heteropatriarchal politics, economics, and cultures inherited from [European] colonization [of North America]” (Driskill et al. 2011a, p. 8). Finley (2011) explains the historically inextricable link between colonialism and heteropatriarchy and the ensuing conundrum: Colonialism needs heteropatriarchy to naturalize hierarchies and unequal gender relations. Without heteronormative ideas about sexuality and gender relationships, heteropatriarchy, and therefore colonialism, would fall apart. Yet heteropatriarchy has become so natural in many Native communities that it is internalized and institutionalized as if it were traditional. (p. 34)

Colonialism and heteropatriarchy as structures and strictures engender homophobia and transphobia in both dominant and Indigenous cultures. Hence the need for queer Indigenous people to subscribe to sovereign erotics. It lays a basis for queer Indigenous social and cultural transformation since it is about postcolonial reclamation, reinvention, and reimagination of sexual and gender minority Indigenous lives and the cultural complexities of Indigenous gender systems (Driskill et al. 2011b). In sum, the work is intersectional since it is about contesting homophobia, transphobia, sexism, heterosexism, cisgenderism, racism, and colonialism and the legacy of silencing sexuality and queer sexuality in particular (Driskill et al. 2011b; Finley 2011). Interrogating the interweaving of gender, sexuality, and Indigeneity exposes a colonial system of violence and contributes to Indigenous emancipation more broadly since “recalling and defending Indigenous traditions of gender and sexuality

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make Indigenous GLBTQ2 people a central part of the decolonization of Indigenous communities” (Driskill et al. 2011a, p. 10; Finley 2011).

Gender Identity and Smashing Perceived Gender Order These days conceptualizing gender is an interplay of how the self, others, and social institutions including education understand this social ecological construct in terms of its biopsychosocial, cultural, relational, and temporal elements (Grace 2015). Cisgender describes a person whose lived gender identity as boy/man or girl/ woman aligns with the individual’s assigned natal or birth sex as male or female (APA 2021). Transgender describes an individual whose self-affirmed and lived gender identity, which can be a binary construction, does not align with natal sex (APA 2013, 2021). It is an umbrella term “to incorporate all and any variance from imagined gender norms” (Valentine 2007, p. 14). Nonbinary describes those individuals whose gender identity is not contained within the either/or limits of malefemale binary classification (APA 2021). As discussed above, gender identity can also mean something else in the contexts of Indigenous and other cultures (Driskill et al. 2011a; Grace 2015). In sum, gender identity encompasses multiple gender categories whose diversity increases in intersections with culture and biopsychosocial differences (Grace 2015). These days it is acknowledged that a person’s gender identity may or may not align with assigned natal sex as male, female, or intersex based on anatomy (like external genitalia) and/or biology (like sex chromosomes) (APA 2021). It is also acknowledged that a person’s self-affirmed gender identity can include an inner sense of being boy/man, girl/woman, some combination of the two, or having no gender at all, which means gender identity can exceed what birth sex and assigned gender designate (APA 2021; Byne et al. 2012; Ehrensaft 2011, 2012). Gender identity is different from sexual identity, although the two terms are inextricably linked (Grace 2015). Analyzing gender identity and its entanglement with sexual identity in her book Undoing Gender, Butler (2004) interrogates socially constructed and perceived normative understandings of gender and sexuality that restrict what is possible in ordinary life in terms of living in the fullness of one’s selfaffirmed sexuality and gender. Locating gender as “a kind of doing, an incessant activity performed, in part, without one’s knowing and without one’s willing” (p. 1), she argues that doing gender premised on its limiting normative conception can be constraining to the point of undoing “one’s personhood, undermining the capacity to persevere in a livable life” (p. 1). Within these limits on gender identity, there is a failure to recognize and accommodate those who produce a personal sense of gender as something different from a cisgender identity determined by the hegemonic malefemale binary. There is also a failure to recognize and accommodate those nonbinary persons who resist producing a personal gender identity altogether. Being and living transgender involves resistance, struggle, constructing, and affirming one’s gender identity as personal endeavors, and having the courage to act because being positioned as transgender commonly means not having individual

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protections, rights, and freedoms in terms of gender identity and expression and not having access to employment, housing, and healthcare (Grace 2015). This dire state of affairs is cogently elucidated in Transgender Warriors, a groundbreaking book in gender minority discourse in which Leslie Feinberg (1996) contests sex and gender borders and restrictions in intersections with class, race, nationality, and geography. Crucially, she/he explores the inextricable link between the struggle to live transgender in a gender binary world and chosen language use that acknowledges trans/ gender oppression. In this regard, she/he speaks about and defends chosen pronoun use as a transgender person: I am female-bodied, I am a butch lesbian, a transgender lesbian — referring to me as “she/ her” is appropriate, particularly in a non-trans setting in which referring to me as “he” would appear to resolve the social contradiction between my birth sex and gender expression and render my transgender expression invisible. . . . I like the gender neutral pronoun “ze/hir” because it makes it impossible to hold on to gender/sex/sexuality assumptions about a person you’re about to meet or you’ve just met. And in an all trans setting, referring to me as “he/ him” honors my gender expression in the same way that referring to my sister drag queens as “she/her” does. (Weber 2014, }6, }7)

As a transgender warrior, Feinberg clearly positions transgender as a site of struggle in culture and society where this gender identity designation is perceived to be nonnormative because being/doing cisgender as synchronicity between biological sex and gender expression is deemed normative. Noting she/he “grew up a very masculine girl,” the self-described gender outlaw declares, “It’s a simple statement to write, but it was a terrifying reality to live” (p. 3). For Feinberg, having a transgender identity always meant dealing with persistent questions about living transgender as being, becoming, belonging, and acting in terms of transgender as difference. She/he would always answer such questions as a pedagogue and cultural worker attempting to educate those ignorant about gender diversity: I am transgendered. I was born female, but my masculine gender expression is seen as male. It’s not my sex that defines me, and it’s not my gender expression. It’s the fact that my gender expression appears to be at odds with my sex. Do you understand? It’s the social contradiction between the two that defines me. (p. 101)

This social contradiction placing limits on gender and its ambiguous expression led Feinberg to intersect the pedagogical and the political in a determined quest to contribute to trans liberation. The goals of this project are to eradicate trans discrimination grounded in “oppressive values attached to masculinity and femininity” (p. 103) and to defend the right of every individual to define and self-affirm their gender identity or take a nonbinary stance in favor of gender ambiguity. As Butler (2004) views it, interrogating how gender is undone, which has affected existence for persons like Feinberg in terms of being able to live transgender, is about problematizing how gender recognition is a power play determining “who qualifies as the recognizably human and who does not” (p. 2). Here, as Butler asserts, norms have the power to disenfranchise in the sense that they regulate recognition of which

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sexual and gender identities count. Thus, for those subjugated by desiring and selfaffirming a gender identity outside perceived gender norms, there is a need to develop agency as an act of courage that critiques and transforms norms so that those gender minorities doing transgender as undoing cisgender don’t become unrecognizable. As Butler describes it, critique unfolds with the gender diverse person’s interrogation of the terms of their recognition that constitute a barrier to living a viable life. In this regard, critique is concerned with ethics, the effects of violence perpetrated against gender minorities, and distributive justice, with Butler concluding, “The critique of gender norms must be situated within the context of lives as they are lived and must be guided by the question of what maximizes the possibilities for a livable life, what minimizes the possibility of unbearable life or, indeed, social or literal death” (p. 8). Here, transformation as both an individual and social matter informed by critique starts with exploring possibilities for recognizing trans/gender in the context of living a livable life. Within Butler’s conceptualization of transformation as an intervention in the struggle “to be conceived as persons” (p. 32, her italics), the term “means precisely to disrupt what has become settled knowledge and knowable reality” (p. 27) by contesting norms and conventions; exposing the ways they are presupposed, implicit, contingent, blurry, recalcitrant, and harmful; and revealing the limits they impose on persons and how they live their lives. In medicine, Butler (2004) maintains such disruption to enable gender minorities to self-determine their gender identity would involve the institution having to change norms and conventions in order to establish and sustain a “humanly viable choice” (p. 7) for a gender minority person doing transgender as desiring or expressing the self within the intricacy of gender. Within psychiatry as a constituent of medicine, this would involve developing “a new legitimating lexicon for the gender complexity that we have always been living” (p. 219) in order to contest and transgress the operationalization of cisgender norms as expressed through pathologizing gender identity. In 2013, this transgression began with the removal of gender identity disorder as a diagnosis from the American Psychiatric Association’s Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM-5). This pathologizing of gender identity can be traced back to the 1980 version of the manual (DSM-3) when gender identity disorder was added to the list of pathologies while homosexuality, following a decision made in 1973, was removed. In making this particular shift in the DSM-3, as Sedgwick (1993) has noted, the American Psychiatric Association did recognize sexuality and gender as theoretically distinct though entangled categories. However, casting gender variance from natal sex as disordered in the DSM-3 provided a backdoor, or perhaps a trapdoor, that some psychiatrists and psychologists then used to pathologize atypical or nonconforming sexual object choice (Grace 2015; Scharrón-del Río et al. 2014). Such casting speaks to ways the DSM can be used as a “mechanism that has the means of controlling sexual behavior and defining normative gender concepts and labeling anything that falls outside of this restricted purview as pathologically a mental disorder” (Daley and Mulé 2014, p. 1307). This is consequential. For example, despite the APA’s differentiation of sexual identity from gender identity, there has been a pervasive and persistent tendency in

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psychiatry and psychology to conflate sexual and gender differences perceived nonnormative. This is perhaps best exemplified by reparative therapy’s positioning of homosexuality as an outcome of a construed gender deficit (Grace 2008b, 2015; Luecke 2011; Scharrón-del Río et al. 2014; Zucker 2006). Since the late 1990s, this orthodox therapeutic intervention intended to “cure gay” has been disavowed as ineffective and potentially harmful by many major medical and mental health associations internationally (Grace 2008b, 2015). With the delisting of gender identity disorder as a diagnosis in the DSM-5, gender dysphoria became the replacement diagnosis. It is defined as the significant psychological distress that transgender persons may experience during childhood, adolescence, or even later in adulthood when their gender identity as their perceived sense of gender is incongruent with their natal sex (APA 2021). Systemically, the larger problem of understanding gender identity in all its complexity remains with psychiatry and psychology as disciplines since experts have taken different approaches and sometimes have contradicted one another regarding what constitutes optimal clinical interventions in treating gender dysphoria (Drescher and Byne 2012; Ehrensaft 2011, 2012; Grace 2015; Scharrón-del Río et al. 2014; Zucker and Cohen-Kettenis 2008; Zucker et al. 2012). Kenneth J. Zucker (2020), writing specifically and skeptically about treatments intended to accommodate children with gender dysphoria, indicates that the ongoing clinical debate is marked by a clash of the clinical and the cultural. As he sees it, the resulting conundrum “reflects not only the variation in the philosophical and theoretical perspectives of front-line clinicians, but also variation in the philosophical belief systems of parents who bring their children to mental health professionals for clinical advice and care” (p. 36). Given this reality, the American Psychiatric Association still has vital work to do to move gender identity from the realm of mystery and discrepancy to the empirical realm. With culture a recognized but still under-researched variable impacting the diagnosis and treatment of gender dysphoria, it is vital that clinicians conceptualize the role of culture in determining gender norms and perpetuating gender stereotypes as assaults on diversity (Kriegler and Bester 2014; Grace 2015). In the end, being transgender, whether it is experienced in childhood or later as an adult, is an ontological facet of the human condition. This recognition has legal and medical implications for gender affirmation and accommodation, and it impacts social functioning in life, learning, and work domains across the lifespan (APA 2021).

Developing Critical Intelligence to Engage in Lifelong Learning Inclusive of Sexual and Gender Identities Historically, much of the social, cultural, and educational work focused on recognition and accommodation of sexual and gender minorities has consisted of local advocacy and action initiatives that have taken place outside mainstream lifelong learning and established social institutions including education, healthcare, social services, and the legal system (D’Emilio 1992; Fone 2000; Grace 2013, 2015; Halperin 2012; Hill and Grace 2009; Janoff 2005). For the safety of those involved,

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and because they have existed on the periphery of heteropatriarchy, these initiatives have often been relatively unknown or invisible to the general public. Consequently, lifelong educators and others with an obligation to be caring professionals have usually been unaware of their purposes, activities, or accomplishments. What is worse, lifelong learning and its constituents like adult education have longstanding histories of maltreating sexual and gender minorities through silence, inaction, or outright exclusion steeped in heterosexism, cisgenderism, homophobia, and transphobia (Bierema and Grace 2020; Hill and Grace 2009). In order to educate against the grain of a history of harm marked by systemic and structural impediments to sexual and gender minority inclusion, lifelong educators have to develop critical intelligence as a basis for being insightful and strategic in recognizing and accommodating the sexual and gender diversity of learners. Here, lifelong educators could begin by learning about lifelong learning’s history as an exclusionary enterprise perpetuating the notion that learning is not for all through its mainstream discourse (Grace 2013; Hill and Grace 2009). Since critical intelligence is about developing an inclusive mindset and engaging in critical action attentive to ethics and the political ideals of modernity, it is important that lifelong educators also learn about sexual and gender minority history including the history of gay liberation energized as grassroots critical action in the 1960s and 1970s (D’Emilio 1992; Fone 2000; Grace 2013). Lifelong educators can employ these historical explorations in considering how the present is different and in pondering possibilities for being responsive and responsible educators who include sexual and gender minorities (Grace 2013). To build on this foundational knowledge, lifelong educators also need to learn about presences and absences in contemporary legislation, law, and educational policy that set parameters to lifelong learning and have implications for life and work in the nations they inhabit (Grace 2015, 2016c). As they function within a social ecology of learning in their everyday practices, lifelong educators need to juxtapose this composite learning with building self-knowledge about how they are personally located and even biased in relation to the diverse learners and the learning environments they share (Grace 2013). As they develop critical intelligence, lifelong educators can grow as caring educators who question, advocate, communicate, and engage in lifelong learning as a profoundly human endeavor bent on transgressing and transforming exclusionary social, cultural, and educational conditions in order to make life and work better for all (Grace 2013). To build practical knowledge in this regard, lifelong educators can start by engaging in selfdirected learning via the Internet. To enhance their learning about sexual and gender minority people and issues, they could explore leading national sexual and gender minority organizations such as Stonewall UK (https://www.stonewall. org.uk/) and Egale Canada (https://egale.ca/). Both websites contain information about sexual and gender minority awareness, research, education, and advocacy. Of interest to lifelong educators, for example, both websites have a focus on training and best practices to create sexual and gender minority inclusive workplaces. What these websites share comprises an important contribution to lifelong learning as critical action focused on equity, justice, inclusion, human potential, and living full lives.

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Cross-References ▶ Empowerment Through Lifelong Learning ▶ Indigenous Knowledges as a Catalyst for Change for Lifelong Learning in the 21st Century ▶ Intersectionality: Implications for Research in the Field of Adult Education and Lifelong Learning ▶ Learning Potential of the Lifeworld: A Comprehensive Theory of Lifelong Learning ▶ Steps to an Ecology of Lifelong-Lifewide Learning for Sustainable, Regenerative Futures

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Driskill, Q.-L., Justice, D. H., Mirandi, D., & Tatonetti, L. (Eds.). (2011b). Sovereign erotics: A collection of two-spirit literature. Tuscon, AZ: The University of Arizona Press. Ehrensaft, D. (2011). Gender born, gender made: Raising healthy gender-nonconforming children. New York, NY: The Experiment. Ehrensaft, D. (2012). From gender identity disorder to gender identity creativity: True gender self child therapy. Journal of Homosexuality, 59(3), 337–356. https://doi.org/10.1080/00918369. 2012.653303. Feinberg, L. (1996). Transgender warriors: Making history from Joan of Arc to Dennis Rodman. Boston, MA: Beacon Press. Finley, C. (2011). Decolonizing the queer native body (and recovering the native bull-dyke): Bringing “sexy back” and out of native studies’ closet. In Q.-L. Driskill, C. Finley, B. J. Gilley, & S. L. Morgensen (Eds.), Queer indigenous studies: Critical interventions in theory, politics, and literature (pp. 31–42). Tuscon, AZ: The University of Arizona Press. Fone, B. (2000). Homophobia: A history. New York, NY: Metropolitan Books, Henry Holt & Company. Fuss, D. (1991). Inside/out. In D. Fuss (Ed.), Inside/out: Lesbian theories, gay theories (pp. 1–10). New York, NY: Routledge. Gilley, B. J. (2011). Two-spirit men’s sexual survivance against the inequality of desire. In Q.-L. Driskill, C. Finley, B. J. Gilley, & S. L. Morgensen (Eds.), Queer indigenous studies: Critical interventions in theory, politics, and literature (pp. 123–131). Tuscon, AZ: The University of Arizona Press. Giroux, H. A. (1992). Border crossings: Cultural workers and the politics of education. New York, NY: Routledge. Grace, A. P. (2005a). Critical social theory. In J. T. Sears (Ed.), Youth, education, and sexualities: An international encyclopedia (pp. 218–222). Westport, CT: Greenwood Publishing Group. Grace, A. P. (2005b). Queer studies. In L. M. English (Ed.), International encyclopedia of adult education (pp. 530–533). New York, NY: Palgrave Macmillan. Grace, A. P. (2008a). Queer theory. In L. M. Given (Ed.), The Sage encyclopedia of qualitative research methods (pp. 718–722). Los Angeles, CA: SAGE. Grace, A. P. (2008b). The charisma and deception of reparative therapies: When medical science beds religion. Journal of Homosexuality, 55(4), 545–580. Grace, A. P. (2013). Lifelong learning as critical action: International perspectives on people, politics, policy, and practice. Toronto, ON: Canadian Scholars’ Press. Grace, A. P. (2015). Part II with K. Wells. In Growing into resilience: Sexual and gender minority youth in Canada. Toronto, ON: University of Toronto Press. Grace, A. P. (2016a). Lifelong learning as critical action for sexual and gender minorities as a constituency of the learner fringe. In R. C. Mizzi, T. S. Rocco, & S. Shore (Eds.), Disrupting adult and community education: Teaching, learning, and working in the periphery (pp. 17–34). Albany, NY: State University of New York Press. Grace, A. P. (2016b). Socializing higher education for sexual and gender minorities: Using critically progressive education to enhance recognition and accommodation. In L. Shultz & M. Viczko (Eds.), Assembling and governing the HE institution: Democracy, social justice and leadership in global higher education (pp. 385–402). London, UK: Palgrave Macmillan. Grace, A. P. (2016c). Counteracting fabricated anti-gay public pedagogy in Uganda with strategic lifelong learning as critical action. International Journal of Lifelong Education, 35(1), 51–73. https://doi.org/10.1080/02601370.2015.1129366. Grace, A. P. (2017). Two good gay teachers: Pioneering advocate-practitioners confronting homophobia in schooling in British Columbia, Canada. Irish Educational Studies, 36(1), 43–56. https://doi.org/10.1080/03323315.2017.1289701. Grace, A. P., & Wells, K. (2016). Sexual and gender minorities in Canadian education and society (1969–2013): A national handbook for K-12 educators. Ottawa, ON: Canadian Teachers’ Federation. (Published in English & French).

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Imagining the Future of Lifelong Learning Robert F. Arnove

Abstract

In this chapter I highlight key points in a continuum of lifelong education that enable individuals and their communities to thrive and live, according to Nobel Laureate Amartya Sen, “the kind of lives they value – and have reason to value.” These points begin at birth with an emphasis on the importance of maternal health, valuable and accessible early childhood care, and pre-K education programs. Building on these public policy interventions, I describe what a quality, equitable, and inclusive public education system requires to equip all individuals with the competencies, dispositions, and knowledge to be effective participating members of more just and democratic societies. Emphasis is placed on both the “what” (the content) and “how” (content) of teaching and learning. Not only public education, but a wholistic system of “convivial learning networks” (Ivan Illich) and formal, nonformal, and informal education (Philip Coombs) is envisioned for all stages of adult life. To achieve such a system, structural changes will need to be made. Such changes necessarily will come from progressive grassroots movements abetted by timely education. In imagining the future of lifelong learning, I have taken the liberty of citing various chapters in this volume that elaborate the arguments I make. I conclude describing how my personal journey as a university-based educator has led me to the values and vision I articulate in this chapter. Keywords

Learning continuum · Education systems · Curricula · Pedagogy · Equitable education · Learning networks · Community learning centers · Grassroots movements · Structural change · Universities R. F. Arnove (*) Indiana University, Bloomington, IN, USA e-mail: [email protected] © Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 K. Evans et al. (eds.), Third International Handbook of Lifelong Learning, Springer International Handbooks of Education, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-19592-1_64

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In an October 2021 New York Times review of the book Bewilderment by Richard Powers, Tracy K. Smith begins with an insight provided by the poet Lucille Clifton, “In the bigger scheme of things, the universe is not asking us to do something, the universe is asking us to be something. And that is a whole different thing.” Yes, learning to be – appropriately the title of the 1972 groundbreaking book on lifelong learning by UNESCO’s then Director, Edgar Faure, and colleagues – is a fitting theme for this concluding chapter. For Smith, if humanity is to look forward to a more desirable future, we must not only learn to be, we must also learn to thrive in a harmonious relationship with our planet and all sentient beings. Imagining the world to be, one that is more just, involves breaking with patterns that maintain an unsatisfactory, inequitable status quo and prevent the vast majority from developing their talents to the fullest. We must envision contexts, institutions, and policies that enable all to lead what Nobel Laureate Amartya Sen (1999, p. 18) calls “the kind of lives they value – and have reason to value.” Utopian imagining is required – but also realistic assessments of what needs to be done to construct paths to more desirable futures for all (see, e.g., the chapter in the handbook by Ron Barnett on ▶ Chap. 2, “The End of Learning: Living a Life in a World in Motion”). The chapters in this handbook provide a wholistic approach to issues involved in understanding the nature of lifelong learning and how to design more effective systems. A consistent theme throughout the edited collection is that learning never stops. It begins from the earliest moments of life and continues until the last ones. Learning, in fact, takes place prior to birth. Unborn babies, according to one study, are “listening to their mothers talk during the last 10 weeks of pregnancy and at birth can demonstrate what they’ve heard” (McElroy 2013). They, for example, are able to distinguish between their mother’s language and a different one. The health of mothers and their newly born are significant considerations shaping learning trajectories. By age three, approximately 80% of brain tissues is formed. Malnutrition and parasitic and viral diseases have serious negative consequences for overall physical growth and cognitive development. Public policies that support maternal and child well-being, therefore, are critical to providing conditions for all to become effective learners from the earliest stages of life. If we envision lifelong learning as a continuum, pre-kindergarten education programs are an important entry point for preparing children to succeed in formal school systems (Shapiro 2021). Countries that invest heavily in free or easily affordable, high-quality childcare and early childhood education provide a more equal starting point for children from the most disadvantaged backgrounds to succeed not only in school but throughout life. Pre-school demonstrated gains in knowledge and skills by historically vulnerable marginalized and disadvantaged populations need to be sustained. Otherwise, initial gains in knowledge and skills are likely to erode or not keep pace with those of more advantaged groups. Achieving more equitable high-quality education for all requires imagining comprehensive systemic changes that take into account the culture, history, and life circumstances of individuals and their primary communities. Appropriate pedagogies engage learners of all ages in addressing the most consequential

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issue they and their families and neighborhoods face, as well as broader national and global forces that impact their daily lives. Richard Desjardins’ chapter highlights the importance of looking at lifelong learning within the overall framework of a society’s education policies and the reality of people living longer in increasingly more diverse contexts (▶ Chap. 18, “Lifelong Learning Systems”). This is a common theme throughout the handbook. Wealthier countries – for example, members of the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) – are able to invest substantial amounts in childcare for toddlers. Yet even the wealthiest of nations, the United States with a different sociopolitical orientation toward child welfare, invests incredibly little per capita. Social democratic countries, such as those in Scandinavia invest between US $18,000 and US $29,000 per capita as compared with the Unites States investing only US $500.00 per capita (Miller 2021, A1). Placing what comprehensive education systems are and can be within different regional and national contexts involves employing conceptual frameworks employed by theorists who, for example, have imagined replacing formal school systems with “convivial learning networks” of a multiplicity of individuals and organizations giving and receiving instruction in diverse settings (see, e.g., Ivan Illich 1971). Less utopian imaginings involve looking at the vast array of formal, nonformal, and informal organizations that already provide knowledge, skills, and attitudinal dispositions that complement existing K-12 school systems (see, e.g., Philip Coombs 1971, 1974; and the handbook ▶ Chap. 41, “Non-formal and Informal Learning: A Gateway to Lifelong Learning for All. The Case of Migrants and Refugees,” by M. Macauley, R. Duvekot, and Y.J. Berthier). In my writings on imagining post-COVID-19 education, I drew upon earlier writings inspired by both Illich and Coombs (Arnove 2020). In a 1973 piece in UNESCO’s Assignment Children, I argued there had been an absence of bold, innovative, and integrated approaches to the education problems of the urban and rural poor in developing countries (Arnove 1973, p. 94). The learning centers I proposed would provide institutional contexts serving multiple needs in these populations with a range of programs and resources. I envisioned these centers as being meeting places where individuals of any age could go to take short courses, receive counseling, share interests, teach skills, receive health and nutritional care, and gain access to information on national social services. I noted that the centers could utilize existing community facilities, houses of worship, recreational centers, health services, community actions centers, and existing schools (Arnove 1973, p. 98; 2020). These recommendations also apply to high-income countries as well, especially during the current pandemic that has shut down school systems across the globe. Using existing facilities as well as grassroots organizations to provide education is a familiar scene in countries organizing national literacy campaigns from initiatives as early as the Protestant Reformation and as recently as twentieth-century societies undergoing socialist transformations (see Arnove and Graff 1987). Dramatic scale campaigns have led to variable outcomes. Among the lessons learned is this: initial efforts to provide literacy for populations – ranging from pre-teens to

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those well over 70 – need to be sustained. Another finding is that eventually individuals, who are newly literate, are likely to seek either higher levels of formal schooling or alternative forms of adult education. An evident issue in literacy campaigns, formal schooling systems, and adult education is what teaching pedagogies are utilized to effectively engage learners. At the same time that the writings of Illich and Coombs were circulating in education circles, the writings of Brazilian theorist and pedagogue Paulo Freire (1970) were receiving international attention. His work in the field of adult education – on a pedagogy of liberation from conditions of oppression and exploitation – called attention to the need for an appropriate pedagogy of teacher-learner dialogue based on the most existential issues facing students and their communities. Education activists such as Carlos Alberto Torres (2007, 2013) and Peter Mayo (1991) have long been advocates for using Freire’s philosophy and pedagogy for consequential adult education. In doing so, they also embrace complementary theorists such as Antonio Gramsci (2011) on the need to disrupt the commonly understood myths by which various forms of elite and colonial domination maintain an unsatisfactory status quo. COVID-19 has illustrated exactly how current societal relations have adversely affected racial and ethnic minorities as well as low income and rural population, with regard to their health and opportunities to continue their learning, whether in school or online settings. In my 2021 Prospects article on post-COVID-19 education, I draw upon the pedagogy of Freire in advocating for a “non-banking model of education.” Along with Freire, I argue against a view of education based upon measured amounts of knowledge being “deposited in students” as empty receptable. In the current pandemic, this is an issue for many educators who are struggling to provide a relevant education that is being impeded by the current international high stakes testing mania, preventing a more flexible approach to instruction. The focus on these tests, evident prior to the current health crisis, has had serious negative consequences for schools, teachers, and students who do not perform well on standardized summative evaluation. Current practices imply that there is a divinely ordained amount of knowledge that must be learned in a specified amount of time. As I argued in Prospects, “Instead of concentrating on the quantity of knowledge imparted, I would rather focus on what is learned and how it learned” – and, I will add here, with what outcomes (Arnove 2020). Based on a decade and more of research on education as contested terrain following the 1979 Nicaraguan revolution, I reached some sober conclusions (Arnove 1994) about what transformation in society and individuals could be expected for large-scale educational campaigns. The conclusions were that radical change in an education system was unlikely to lead immediately, if at all, to a new political economy, transformed political culture, and the formation of a new person – that is, “the socialist man [sic].” Under the best of conditions, what could be reasonably expected of an education system was this: What schools could do best, if they are given the leeway and support to do so, is to teach communicative and conceptual competencies, and cultivate the reasoning powers, ethical

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commitments, and aesthetic sensibilities of individuals of all ages. Moreover, certain ideals, no matter how elusive, are worthy of pursuit. The goal of education for democracy, for critical participatory citizenship is one such ideal. Another would be an education that teaches respect for human differences and opposing points of view (Arnove 1994, p. 211).

Respect for differences and ways to achieve more inclusive education for all is a theme throughout the handbook (see, e.g., ▶ Chap. 61, “Lifelong Learning, Migration, and Conditions for Inclusion,” by Fejes and Dahlstedt). Parallel streams of chapters relate to these complementary and overriding topics: (a) the competencies required to achieve more just and democratic societies and (b) an immediate global response to the existential and challenges of climate change and the threats to biodiversity (also see Attenborough 2020). These topics comprise the “what” of imagined lifelong learning. The “how” involves pedagogies, including those of Freire (1970) and Gramsci (2011) as well as those of critical, multicultural citizenship education by Tarozzi and Torres (2016), Mayo (1991), and James Banks (2018, 2020). They involve a problem-oriented, dialogic, experiential education that is designed to nurture individuals who are prepared to take action. The “how” involves pedagogies that nurture multicultural, global perspectives that enable learners of all ages to see both differences and commonalities with individuals in similar and different contexts from the local to the transnational. These pedagogies are appropriate for students as early as primary education and throughout subsequent years of formal schooling and various forms of adult education. Why can’t students as young as ten, for example, study how COVID-19 has affected the health and well-being of their neighborhoods or primary communities with those that are more or less affluent (Arnove 2020)? Furthermore, it is important to employ the arts in engaging individuals in ways that facilitate creative expression of personal interests (see ▶ Chap. 33, “Decolonizing Arts-Based Public Pedagogies in the Indigenous, Environmental and Climate Justice Movements,” by Walter in the handbook). Instead of employing standardized summative tests, formative evaluation systems seem more appropriate for effectively measuring what learning is and is not taking place and with what outcomes that matter for students and their surroundings. Student portfolios accord with formative evaluations that provide evidence of projects, encounters, and various actions with which consequences. Quantitative measurements also can be useful – as long as they are not the sole or primary source of information on student learning. In conceptualizing a post-formal schooling adult education, the various chapters in the handbook discuss the need to take into account the competencies that are required to navigate various forms of literacy – for example, the encoding and decoding skills related to working effectively in a heavily mediated digital world, or the ability to read different political landscapes and acquire the knowledge and sense of efficacy essential to take political action to bring about progressive social change (see, e.g., Schoon and Evans, ▶ Chap. 17, “Learning and Life Chances: Rethinking the Dynamics of Inequality and Opportunity”; Svensson and Florén, ▶ Chap. 35, “Competence Development for the Unemployed: Interplay Between the

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Individual and Organization”; Harteis and Billett, ▶ Chap. 9, “Knowledge and Learning at the Workplace in Times of Digital Transformation”; Pachler, ▶ Chap. 39, “Unbundling and Aggregation: Adapting Higher Education for Lifelong Learning to the New Skills Agenda and to Digital Transformation”; Boyadjieva and Ilieva-Trichkova, ▶ Chap. 8, “Empowerment Through Lifelong Learning”; and Wright, ▶ Chap. 56, “How Adult Learning from Media Cultures Changed the World in 2020” in the handbook). Social media skills are especially important in a time of massive misinformation campaigns, manipulative information, and surveillance by autocratic regimes of protest platforms. These skills can and need to be taught at appropriate points in an education system from primary school to adult education. While advances in the digital world represent a Third Industrial Revolution, advances in artificial intelligence (AI), robotics, biological engineering, and other technologies now constitute what is considered a “Fourth Industrial Revolution” that “represents a fundamental change in the way we live, work and relate to one another”: The Fourth Industrial Revolution is about more than just technology driven-change: it is an opportunity to help everyone, including leaders, policy-makers and people from all income groups and nations, to harness converging technologies in order to create an inclusive human-centered future. (World Economic Forum 2021)

In the context of rapidly changing work environments, re-imagining lifelong learning requires a comprehensive system of adult education that provides opportunities for individuals to acquire the competencies and dispositions to upskill, reskill, and change careers. In turn, learner-directed pedagogies, such as “heutagogy”’ are well suited to matching individual work and professional development goals within shifting structures (see, e.g., handbook ▶ Chap. 38, “The Role of Mobile Instant Messaging in Supporting Lifelong Learning,” by Tang and Hew). The Fourth Industrial Revolution, furthermore, is an invitation to conceptualize learning that is not only “lifelong” but “lifewide” (see ▶ Chap. 32, “New Impulses for a Lifelong Learning University: Critical Thinking, Learning Time, and Space,” by Viron and Davies in the handbook). Particularly relevant is that current technologies offer the prospect that the hours of work required by a worker today can be done in substantially less time than several generations ago. If this is so, more human-centered workplace environments help liberate individuals to pursue other interests leading to more fulfilling lives. A fourth revolution – one of longer lives made possible by advances in medicine and health – also reveals that cognitive development continues throughout life (see ▶ Chap. 53, “Rethinking Lifelong Learning in the “Fourth Industrial Revolution”,” by James, Sadik, and Brown in the handbook). The field of neurogenesis indicates that we are constantly generating brain cells. Critically important to doing so is the quality of our lives – adequate nutrition and healthful diets, clean water and unpolluted air, sufficient rest, opportunities to continually learn and expand interests, and to engage in a wide range of meaningful activities. These involve the extent to

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which all members of the society, not just the rich and powerful, can lead lives of dignity, including those who have long been neglected because of various forms of cognitive impairment (see, e.g., handbook ▶ Chap. 55, “Fourth Age Learning for Persons Living with Dementia,” by Formosa). Universities are one institution than can play an important role in their secondchance and continuing education programs, as well as extension services, to support not only individual but community-based learning and social change efforts. In my 1973 Assignment Children article, I recommended how universities can change the roles they play in outreach programs to underserved populations. Instead of projecting their own values and conceptions of what was needed, they needed to see how their resources and talents matched up with community-perceived education and social development problems. Doing so would indicate priority areas and types of activities in which the two could work together as co-equals (Arnove 1973, p. 110). Based on my own experiences in community organizing, I have found one very useful exercise that involves conceptual mapping by grassroots groups of (a) policy changes that are desired with (b) what resources are available or need to be created that enable individuals and their collectivities to achieve more satisfactory lives. As various chapters in the handbook illustrate, policymakers, educators, and scholars working in the field of lifelong learning can make their most meaningful contributions by taking into account how specific contexts enable or thwart individual and their communities to achieve more satisfactory lives. Calls for structural change in this volume are right on the mark (see, e.g., von Kotze, handbook ▶ Chap. 51, “Adult Education for “Resilience”: Educating in Precarious Times”). They accord with the final set of recommendations of Learning to Be (Faure et al. 1972, p. 263) that call for multi-scalar/multi-sectoral action to enable “countries to begin becoming true ‘learning societies.’” Change in education, social, and political systems can come from either above or below. In my various writings, I have found that even where a polity is undergoing radical change, such initiatives are rarely successful without strong local input and self-directed organizations. The state can mobilize resources, but transformations in institutional practices require local initiatives and sustainability. Indeed, I would argue along with Howard Zinn (2015) and Zinn and Anthony Arnove (2014) that meaningful changes usually emanate from grassroots social movements that gain widespread support. This is true from my research on national literacy movements, as well as human and civil rights campaigns in multiple domains. In this concluding chapter on imagining the future of lifelong learning, I have endeavored to combine my own thoughts with those expressed by various authors in the handbook. Writing this chapter has been a learning experience for me, as lifelong learning is a subject I have only delved into from time to time. The project calls to mind a principal reason why I chose a career in university teaching. Doing so has provided me with the wonderful opportunity to continually explore new interests and challenges – to be a student throughout my life. That is what this handbook is all about: a birth to death continuum of opportunities and conditions that enable people to grow, gain a strong sense of self, and make contributions to those near and dear as

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well as those in an expanding set of communities – from the local to the global. My life as an educator has been to use my university position as a platform to advocate for education policies and practices that empower students of all ages to be contributing members of more just and democratic societies and to awaken the consciousness of individuals to the responsibilities of living an increasingly interdependent world in which we have obligations to one another and the planet on which we cohabitate.

Cross-References ▶ Adult Education for “Resilience”: Educating in Precarious Times ▶ Competence Development for the Unemployed: Interplay Between the Individual and Organization ▶ Decolonizing Arts-Based Public Pedagogies in the Indigenous, Environmental and Climate Justice Movements ▶ Empowerment Through Lifelong Learning ▶ Fourth Age Learning for Persons Living with Dementia ▶ How Adult Learning from Media Cultures Changed the World in 2020 ▶ Knowledge and Learning at the Workplace in Times of Digital Transformation ▶ Learning and Life Chances: Rethinking the Dynamics of Inequality and Opportunity ▶ Lifelong Learning, Migration, and Conditions for Inclusion ▶ New Impulses for a Lifelong Learning University: Critical Thinking, Learning Time, and Space ▶ Non-formal and Informal Learning: A Gateway to Lifelong Learning for All. The Case of Migrants and Refugees ▶ Rethinking Lifelong Learning in the “Fourth Industrial Revolution” ▶ The End of Learning: Living a Life in a World in Motion ▶ The Role of Mobile Instant Messaging in Supporting Lifelong Learning ▶ Unbundling and Aggregation: Adapting Higher Education for Lifelong Learning to the New Skills Agenda and to Digital Transformation

References Arnove, R. F. (1973). Community learning centers. Assignment Children, 22, 94–103. Arnove, R. F. (1994). Education as contested terrain: The case of Nicaragua: 1979–1993. Boulder, CO: Westview. Arnove, R. F. (2020). Imagining what education can be post-COVID 19. Prospects, 49, 43–46. Arnove, R. F., & Graff, H. J. (1987). National literacy campaigns: Historical and comparative perspectives. New York, NY/London, England: Plenum. Attenborough, D. (2020). A life on our planet. My witness statement and a vision for the future. New York: Grand Central Publishing. Banks, J. A. (2018). An introduction to multicultural education (What’s new in foundations/intro to teaching) (6th ed.). Pearson.

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Banks, J. A. (2020). Diversity, transformative knowledge, and civic education: Selected essays. New York, NY: Routledge. Coombs, P. H. (1971). The need for a new strategy of educational development. Paris, France: UNESCO. Coombs, P. H. (1974). Attacking rural poverty. How education can help. Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins Press. Faure, E. (1970). Learning to be. The world of education today and tomorrow. Paris, France/London, England: UNESCO/Harrap. Freire, P. (1970). Pedagogy of the oppressed (M. B. Ramos, Trans.). New York, NY: Herder and Herder. Gramsci, A. (2011). The prison notebooks (Vol. 1, 2 & 3). New York, NY: Columbia University Press. Illich, I. (1971). Deschooling society. Plainfield, IN: Harper Collins. Mayo, P. (1991). Gramsci, Freire and adult aducation: Possibilities for transformative action (global perspectives on adult education and training). London, England: Zed Books. McElroy, M. (2013). While in womb, babies begin learning language from their mothers. Un https:// www.washington.edu/news/2013/01/02/ Miller, C. C. (2021, October 7). Bill would aid. U.S. in closing child care gap. New York Times, A1, A10. Sen, A. (1999). Development as freedom. New York, NY: Anchor Books. Shapiro, A. (2021). The benefits of prekindergarten programs: Strong findings and open questions. Kappan, 101, 8–13. Smith, T. K. (2021, October 10). Mind reader. New York Times Book Review, 1, 20. Tarozzi, M., & Torres, C. A. (2016). Global citizenship education and the crises of multiculturalism: Comparative perspectives. London, England/Oxford: Bloomsbury Publishing. Torres, C. A. (2007). Paulo Freire, education and transformative social justice learning. In C. A. Torres & A. Teodoro (Eds.), Critique and utopia. New developments in the sociology of education (pp. 155–160). Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield. Torres, C. A. (2013). Political sociology of adult education. Rotterdam, The Netherlands: Sense Publishers. World Economic Forum. (2021). Fourth industrial revolution. https://www.weforum.org/focus/ fourth-industrial-revolution Zinn, H. (2015). A people’s history of the United States with a new introduction by A. Arnove. New York, NY: Harper Collins. Zinn, H., & Arnove, A. (2014). Voices of a people’s history of the United States (3rd ed.). New York, NY: Seven Stories Press.

Index

A ABF, 1267, 1274, 1276 Absorptive resilience, 1057 Abstractions, 247 Academic achievement, 187 Academic Credit Bank System (ACBS), 559 Accreditation system, 587 Accredited Literacy Education, 559 Achievement recognition conversion system, 582 Action learning, 86–88 Activation, 488, 494 Active ageing, 1144 Active citizenship, 473, 515, 698, 706 Active labor market policies, 507 Active Labor Market Policies (ALMPs) with open and flexible education structures, 370 Activism, 1026 Actor network (ANT) sensibility, 1020 Adaptive resilience, 1057 Adoption, 891 of SDGs, 1003 Adult and continuing education, 573 Adult and post-secondary education, 579 Adult and vocational education, 573 Adult and workforce education (AWE) policy, 642–645, 647, 651 Adult basic education (ABE), 356, 377 Adult degree education, 573, 577 Adult education, 120–122, 131, 132, 187–190, 200–203, 379, 422, 514, 516, 602, 604, 608, 610, 1224, 1268, 1276, 1279 Adult Education Curriculum, 194–195 in Brazil, 619, 620 colonialism, 1056 compensatory aspect, 196–197 critical research on, 126–127

and cultural studies, 1159–1160 decline, 132–134 in Europe, 711 insecurity and uncertainty, 1055 international webinar, 1056 intersectionality, 98–101, 104, 108–113 lifelong learning in Russia, 191–193 multiple interpretations, 1055 nannagogy, 1168 new policy documents, 193–194 resilience, 1054 rise, 134–135 skills, 1054 as social and pedagogical rehabilitation, 197–199 technological ‘progress, 1055 vocational experiences, 130–131 Adult Education Act, 642, 643 Adult Education as a Means to Active Participatory Citizenship, 699 Adult Education Survey (AES), 953 Adult educators, 1063 Adult General Education (AGE), 356 Adult Higher Education (AHE), 356 Adult learners, 765 prior educational paths, 629 upskilling and reskilling of the workforce, 824, 825 Adult learning, 341, 376, 378, 379, 381, 391, 514, 764, 766, 770–773, 776, 777, 869, 872 support for citizen participation, 321 Adult learning and education (ALE), 272, 607–609, 1190 policies and practice, 1041 Adult learning systems (ALS), 11 cross-national patterns, 357, 359, 361, 365, 367, 369, 371, 372

© Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 K. Evans et al. (eds.), Third International Handbook of Lifelong Learning, Springer International Handbooks of Education, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-19592-1

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1316 Adult Liberal Education (ALE), 355, 356 Adult Literacy and Lifeskills Survey (ALL), 639, 1121 Adult literacy program, 573 Adult Literacy Survey or PIAAC, 265 Adult neurogenesis, 771 Adult neuroplasticity, 771 Adults’ identities, 629 Adult skills, 1123 Adult vocational education (AVE), 356, 580 Advanced training and skill improvement, 530 Advance learning at work, Singapore, 889 Aesthetic processes, 1030 Affordances, 423, 424, 433–436 After-school education, 583 Ageing society, 741 Ageism, 741, 743 Agency, 213–215, 220, 703 freedom, 144 Age specific knowledge of praticipants, 752–753 Aging adulthood, 770 cognitive decline, 776 neurodegeneration, 772 population, 764 trajectories, 765 AI pattern recognition systems, 1202 Albeit studies on the engagement of PLWD in novel learning situations, 1146 Algorithmic control, 449 Algorithms, 446 All-Thai MOOCs, 586 Alteration, 62, 63 Alzheimer’s dementia, 767 Amazon Mechanical Turk (AMT), 451–453 Ambidexterity in the innovation process, 903 Ambiguity, 1066 A Memorandum on Lifelong Learning, 511 American Council on Education, 648 American Psychiatric Association, 1298–1299 AMR Surveillance Toolkit, 1213 Andragogy, 786, 787 An Introduction to Lifelong Education, 584 Anthropocene, 996 Anthropocentrism, 1000 Antibiotics, 1212 Anticipatory resilience, 1065 Anti-discrimination project in rescue organisation, 730 Antimicrobial resistance (AMR), 1212, 1213 Apartheid (systemic racism), 1024 Apprenance, 209–213, 215

Index Arch of social dreaming, 493 Arete, 486 Artificial intelligence (AI), 170, 612, 933, 1163, 1206 Arts-based adult learning and education, for socio-environmental change, 680 Arts-based public pedagogies in social movements, 680 ASEAN Qualifications Reference Framework (AQRF), 560 Asia, lifelong learning centralization, 561 collectivism, 562 credentialism, 559–560 economic imperative, 552 intergovernmental organizations, 553, 556 legislation, 556–558 local implementation, 561 location, 560 social imperative, 551 sustainable development, 563 targeted interventions, 564 Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC), 553, 554 Asia South Pacific Association for Basic and Adult Education (ASPBAE), 1041 Aspiration and engagement, 315 Assemblage, 27, 28, 267 of learning, 67 Assessment, 1113, 1114, 1116, 1122–1125, 1129, 1130 instruments, 1122 Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), 554, 560 Asylum seekers, 1266, 1268, 1270–1276, 1278 Attitudes, 755–756 Australian research project, 470 Authoritarian–ethnicist neoliberalism, 1157 Authoritative uncertainty, 35 Autonomy, 231 Availability of resources, 702 B Bag-of-words model, 123 Baltic states, 527 Banking approach, 889 Beck’s analysis of risks, 47, 54 Behavioral constructs, 1203 Belief in human abilities and wisdom, 1000 Beyond words: A post-human study with postverbal people, 1146 Bibliometric method, 120, 121, 123, 127, 131 Bilan de compétence, 472

Index Bildung, 469 Biographical agency, 342 Biographical decisions, 338 Biomedical model in ageing, 1136 Black feminism, 99, 104, 105, 107 Black Feminist Core, 107 Black lesbian woman, 103 Black Lives Matter Toronto, 1293 Black natural hair care blogs (BNHCBs), 1167 Blockchain technology, 829 Board agenda on innovation, 971 Bodies in simulation, 1077–1080 Body mass index (BMI), 1150 Bologna Follow-up Group (BFUG), 404 Bologna Process, 399, 404, 405 Bounded agency, 213, 338 Brain derived neurotrophic factor (BDNF), 774 Brain health, 765, 766, 769, 772, 774, 776 Brain reserve, 769–771 Brandt Line, 1118 Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics (IBGE), 622, 625 Brazilian Literacy Movement (MOBRAL), 620 Brazilian National Plan for Education, 625 Bureaucracy, 505 Businesses and systems architects, 1206 Business leaders, 765 Business life and political pragmatism, 467 Butler, Judith, 1292–1294, 1296–1298 C California Cradle-to-Career Data System, 648 Canada, care management platforms in, 455–459 Canada, lifelong learning adult education programming, 638 Adult Literacy and Lifeskills Survey, 639 Canadian Council on Learning, 639 Canadian Training Benefit, 641 Employment Insurance Training Support Benefit, 641 Essential Skills framework, 639 Futureworx, 641 Lifelong Learning Plan (LLP), 639 OECD, 637 OLES, 640 Skills Boost, 640 UNDRIP, 640 Canada’s Essential Skills framework, 638 Canada’s National Occupation Classification system, 649 Canada Student Grant system, 640

1317 Canadian Council on Learning (CCL), 639 Canadian Policy Research Network, 640 Canadian Training Benefit, 641 Capability approach, 142–146, 155, 156 Cape Financial, 915, 916, 918–922 Cape Town Together (CCT), 1062 Capital, 224 accumulation, 1058 cultural, 230–232 human, 234, 235 identity, 229, 230 seed, 227, 228 social, 232, 233 Capitalism, 503, 1014, 1017, 1023, 1024, 1056, 1058 Career-based labor markets, 450 Career guidance, 345, 486–496 Career management skills, 489, 490, 494 Career Pathways (CP), 645 initiative policy framework, 644 Care management platforms, 455 Care work, 1023 Casino capitalism, 493 Catalysts for socio-environmental change, 682 Categorically extended intersectionality, 107 Centralized ecosystem based on existing Qualifications Frameworks, 830–833 Centre for Innovation and Entrepreneurship, 892 at the University of Bristol, 891 Centre for Learning and Life Chances, 309 Centrifugal process, 104 Centripetal process, 104 CGOI checklist Chinese family businesses, 984 dashboard view, 984, 985 definition, 983 innovation capabilities, 987, 988 innovation leadership, 984–986 innovation outcome, 988 innovation strategy, 986, 987 Challenge based team-working, 891 Changing Practice courses, 1015, 1027 Changing Practice facilitators, 1015 Changing work, 167 Chartered Institute of Securities and Investments (CISI), 1208 Chief Executive Officer (CEO), 916, 917, 921 Chief Innovation Officer (CIO), 917 Chief Operating Officer (COO), 916, 917, 921 Child labor, 63 Children, 1060 China, 551, 552, 555–558, 560–562, 564, 565 adult education, 577–580

1318 China, lifelong education challenges, 586, 587 China Dream, 576 China Education Modernization 2035, 581, 582 community education system, 583, 584 continuing education, 574 conventional colleges and universities, 583 decisions on the reform, 577 Deng’s free-market for national development and human capital theory, 573 development of adult education, 577 Development Plan Outline, 581 2003–2007 Education Revitalization Action Plan, 580 harmonious society, 575 Hu Jintao administration, 574 implications, 587, 589 Jiang’s administration, 574 knowledge society, 574 lifelong education, 574 national and educational reform, 572 National Mid and Long-term Education Reform, 581 national policy for adult education, 577 Open University of China, 582 Outline of the 11th Five Year Plan for the Development of National Education (2007), 581 People’s Republic of China Education Law, 579 Xi’s administration, 575 China Education Law, 581 China Education Modernization 2035, 576, 581 China Open University system, 572 China’s education reform, 582 China’s Four Modernizations, 573 China’s socialist system, 573 Chinese Central Communist Committee, 577 Chinese Central Communist Party, 570, 572 Chinese characteristics, 570, 582 socialist system, 573 Chinese civilization, 576 Chinese Communist Party, 573, 575, 581 Chinese community system, 580 Chinese family businesses, 968 Chinese family firms case-study research, 970 CGOI, 966–968, 981, 984 clarity, 982 cohesiveness, 982

Index in cultivating innovative human resources, 981 Data Construct, 971 decision-making processes, 963 family influence factor, 981 family leader, 963 PWC survey, 964 in Singapore, 968 in Singapore govern innovation strategy, 968 Chronic stress, 772 Circle leaders, 1272, 1275–1279 Circumstances, 335 Cisgenderism, 1286, 1290, 1294, 1295, 1300 Citizen participation, 318 Citizenship, 508 Citizenship education, 585, 607, 1180, 1181, 1188 fostering peaceful and inclusive societies through, 1189–1193 at local level, 1193–1194 Civil society, 503, 508, 510, 513 Class bias, 1030 Classroom learning, 955 Climate Crisis and Lifelong Learning, 1016–1018 Climate justice, 679, 1018 curriculum, 1025 and environmental movements, 682 mountain of disposable nappies, 1014 movements, 684 Climate Justice Charter, 1015, 1018 Climate justice learning activism an essential part of LLL, 1030 gender equity, 1018 LLL, 1026 patriarchal divisions of labor, 1031 public pedagogy, 1026 racial justice, 1018 radical change, 1025 relationality paradigm, 1027 scholar-activist, 1026 separation paradigm, 1027 social action, 1016 socio-economic-environmental crises and fallout, 1027 Cloud computing, 1202 Co-creation, 891 Codified scientific knowledge, 939 Coding and information technology, 826 Cognition abilities, 767 architecture, 103

Index and behavior, 769 brain function, 772 brain health, 765 cognitive profile, 767 domains, 765 engagement, 770 justice, feminist popular educators, 1029 and motor functions, 769 processing, 772 reserve, 769–771 social, 771 STAC-r, 770 stimulation, 765 trajectories, 767 Cognitivist learning, 53 Co-learning, 69 sessions, 1063 Cole’s cultural psychology, 894 Collaborative approach, 919, 921 Collaborative innovation, 921 Collectivism, 562, 913, 921 Collectivist approaches, 556 Colonial conditions, 1017 Colonial discourse, 1114 Colonialism, 1056, 1295 Colonization, 1040, 1058 Combination, 939 Combination Creativity in Artificial Animation, 898–900 Commercialization, 964 Commercial moving, 915 Commodification, 475 Commonality, 937 Common good, 486, 495 Common Ground Scholar, 1258 Common human destiny, 572 Common Micro-credential Framework (CMF), 831 Communication, 935 systems, 1206 Communicative ecologies, 700 and assemblages, 701 in Finland, 712–713 methodological approach of mapping, 700 in UK, 708 young adults in situations of vulnerability, 700 of young Roma, 703 Communicative ecologies and assemblages (CEA) framework, 699, 702 in communicative ecologies, 700 components, 702–703 Communicative freedom, 232

1319 Communicative learning, 81–83 Communicative rationality, 77, 90 Communicative technologies, 318 Communist building, 528 Communities of practices (CoPs), 790, 791, 794, 940 Community, 428, 745 affordances, 433–436 development, 585 resilience strategies, 1047 securing transitions, 428 worklife learning (see Worklife learning) Community Action Networks (CANs), 1056, 1062, 1063 Community-based activists’ learning, 1025 Community-based learning and social change efforts, 1311 Community education, 510, 572, 575, 580, 583 policy, 584 Community learning, 562, 750, 757 programme, 1046 Community learning centers (CLCs), 562 Community Lifelong Learning Centers, 346–347 Comparative and International Education Society (CIES), 1233 Comparative turn, 1120 Compensation, 769–771 Compensation-Related Utilization of Neural Circuits Hypothesis (CRUNCH) model, 770 Compensatory education, 621 Compensatory social rehabilitation model, 195 Competence, 474 scale, 1126 Competence assessment, 473, 478, 479 tool, 480 and validation of prior learning, 481 Competence development, 474, 477 plan, 480 Competencies and skills, 604 Competitiveness, 473 Competitiveness-driven reforms, 185, 186 Complexity, 28–31, 33–37, 39, 102 science, 320 Comprehensive theory of lifelong learning, 79 action learning, 86–88 application of, 88–91 communicative learning, 81–83 intersubjective learning, 84, 85 rational learning, 79–81 Computer numerically controlled (CNC) lathes, 172

1320 Conceptual and legitimacy dimensions, 481 Conceptual coordinates, 1016, 1020 Conditions for inclusion, 1272–1275, 1279 Conference for Lifelong Learning and Adult Education–CONFINTEA 2016, 619 Confucianism, 585 Conspiracy theories, 1156–1158 Constellations of risk, 340 Content analysis, 122 Contexts in MIM, 789–792 Contexts of communication, 701 Contextual, experiential, and conceptual knowledge, 1030 Continual learning, 764 Continuing education, 357, 529, 573, 765 Continuing education and training (CET), 557 centres, 835 community, 900 Continuing professional education, 423 Continuing Technical and Vocational Education and Training (CTVET), 357 Continuing Vocational Training Survey (CVTS), 948, 953–955 Continuous innovation ambiguity and vagueness, 940 CoP, 940 cumulate knowledge and capabilities, 928 dynamic capability, 928 industry-disrupting innovations, 929 informal learning, 938 knowledge and learning, 930–932 OKC theory, 938, 939 perspectives, 941 practitioners, 938 research and industry, 928 reshaping of learning, 932–936 skills and knowledge, 929 survival and competitive advantage, 928 Continuous professional development (CPD), 658 Contradictory dynamics, 1059 Conventional colleges and universities, 583 Conversations on decline, 132–134 on rise, 134–135 Conversion factors, 145 Cooperative innovation, 921 Co-ordination, 344 CORCAN, 638 Corporate governance of innovation (CGOI) agency, 963 board agenda on innovation, 971 at board level, 970, 972

Index board strategists, 965 checklist, 983–988 in Chinese family firms, 981, 984 defined, 963 family culture, 983 in family firms, 966–968 family influence factors, 981 innovation expertise, 972 innovation leadership, 981 investments, 963 leadership, 964 literature, 964 long-term sustainable growth, 963 and management, 964 methodology, 968, 970, 971 organizational integration, 965 portfolio management, 983 role of the board, 965, 966 shareholders’ expectations, 973 Corporate media consolidation, 1162 Correctional Service Canada, 638 Correspondence courses, 579 Cosmopolitanization, 1246 Cosmopolitan learning, 45, 56 Cost–benefit analysis, 334, 767 Country typologies, 535 Couple learning, 65 Coupling phenomenon, 273 COVID-19, 63, 140, 1184, 1308 COVID-19 pandemic, 493, 556, 560, 565, 601, 603, 607, 609, 611, 627, 740, 998, 1054, 1059, 1061 Covid-crisis, 658–660 Creation theory, 932 Credential inflation, 389 Credentialism, 202, 556, 559, 560 Credentials, 380 Credit banking, 582 Credit frameworks, 560 Credit system, 432 Crisis in learning, 88, 89 Crisis of the domestication of gay, 1288 Critical engagement, 310 Critical intelligence, 1299–1300 Critical learning evaluation, 736 Critical literacy model, 195 Critical media literacy (CML), 1160, 1164–1166 Critical thinking, 661–664 learning space and learning time, 660 Criticism, 68 Critics of constructivism, 890 Critique of educational programmes, 949

Index Cross-national patterns of coordination associated with ALS, 367–371 Cross-national patterns of outcomes associated with ALS, 366, 367 Cross-national patterns of participation in organized adult learning, 358–360, 363, 366 Cryptocurrency, 1162 Crystalized intelligence, 766 C-suites, 965 Culture, 987 capital, 230–232 components, 1252 differences, 773 diversity, 624–626, 628 psychology, 893 resurgence, 684 Cultural Dimensions Model, 585 Culturally responsive lifelong educational provision, 1256–1259 Cultural Revolution, 570, 572, 583 Cumulative risk, 340 Customer Discovery, 888 Cyber-physical devices, 169 Cyber-physical system, 169, 933

D Data, 149–150 science, 829 Day-to-day communication, 75, 76 Decentralization, 574 Decentralized approach to recognize ground-up efforts and bottom-up credentialing Canada, 833, 834 Decentralized approach to recognize ground-up efforts and bottom-up credentialing Australia, 834 Decision-making processes, 741, 963 Decisions on the reform of the education system, 584 Decolonizing arts-based public pedagogies, 682–687, 689, 690, 692 Decolonizing rationality, 75–77 De-development of human capital, 531 De Lauretis, Teresa, 1286 Delight Transport, 915, 916, 918–923 Delors Report, 271 Demand-based learning, 728 Democracy, 1158, 1161–1164, 1221, 1231, 1232, 1235 Democratic conversation, 1255

1321 Democratic idea of competence development, 478 Democratic learning and self-articulation, 477 Democratization, 471 Deng Xiaoping, 572, 573 Dependent market economy, 527 DESECO model, 476 Designers, 755 Destabilization, 1055 Detailed activity plans, 736 De-territorialization, 268 Developmental approach, 339 Developmentally appropriate, 347 Developmental organization, 733 Developmental-oriented projects, 722 Development of Adult Education, 577 Development Plan Outline, 581 DG Employment, 488 Dialectical contradiction, 246 Dialectical critical realism, 248 Dialectical perspectives internal-relational dialectics, 243–247 negative dialectics, 243–247 reflection-in-action/reflection-on-action, 250–252 situated learning, 254–256 strategic-relational dialectics, 243 transformative learning, 252–254 Diet, 765, 773 Dietary patterns, 774–775 Diffusion, 105–107 Digital affordances, 1258 Digital and community centers, 586 Digital badge, 588 Digital capabilities, 646 Digital divide, 589 Digitalization, 13, 166, 167, 171, 173, 1184–1188 Digital learning, 628 Digital literacy, 711 (Digitally enabled) learning ‘opportunities, 322 Digital media, 708 Digital platforms, 1206 Digital professional learning model, 1208 learning in uncertainty, 1208–1210 LFI, 1210–1212 work evolves, 1212–1214 Digital representations of knowledge, 172 Digital technologies personal agency, 1204 relational agency, 1204 systems, 1204 technology systems, 1202

1322 Digital technologies (cont.) usecases, 1208 in workplace, 1203 workplace learning agency model (see Workplace learning agency model) Digital transformation, 806, 1104 access to required knowledge, 173, 174 challenges of, 164, 165 digitalized practices, 174, 175 digital representations of knowledge, 172 educational consequences, 175 educational view, 165 history of transformations of work, 168 humans and machines, 169 learning in workplaces, 177, 178 novel learning demands, 170 practical implications, 178, 179 vocational education and training, 176, 177 vocational education and workplace learning, 167 work requirements in digitalized work, 173 Direct control, 457 Discomfort, 67, 68, 70 Dispositional barriers, 542 Disruptive innovation, 813 Disruptive process, 910 Dissonance, 67, 68, 70 Distance education pilot project, 583 Distance learning, 574 Distant observation, 1081 Diversity, 1075 consciousness, 1249 Domestication of gay, 1288–1290 Domestic residential moving, 915 Double-loop learning, 787 Doughnut economics, 1001 Drop-out rates, 608 Dynamic behavioral agency model, 967 Dynamic interactions, 342 E East Asia, 274–276 East meets West, 913 Ecocentric positions, 1000 Eco-democracy, 1064 Ecofeminism, 1016, 1019, 1028, 1056, 1066 Ecofeminist, 1056 analysis of learning, 1023 politics, 1031 praxis, 1028 Ecological breakdown, 1014 Ecological competence, 477

Index Ecological concept of learning, 295–297 Ecological crisis, 996 Ecologies for practice, 298–300 e-commerce, 1202 Eco-modernist scenario, 999 Economic activity, 502 Economic benefits, 332 Economic competence, 477 Economic development, 550, 556 Economic discourse, 1002 Economic growth, 516 Economic imperatives, 423 Economic production, 823 Economic recession, 1222 Economic Special Zone, 574 Economy based on knowledge creation and innovatio, 889 Eco-socialist feminist, 1056 Ecosystem, 27, 28, 33–34, 36, 39, 1001 of micro-credentials, 826 Educated attributes, 324 Education 2030 Action Framework, 582 Education, 806 background, 1274 expansion, 385–389 idealism, 467 innovations, 525 institutions, 956 modernization, 576 network, 588 Educational policies, 621 programme, 725 providers, 728 scholarship, 1020 for sustainable development, 1001, 1005, 1006 systems, 467, 824, 1251, 1256, 1307, 1308 technology, 583 thinking, 505 Education Amendments Act of 1976, 642 Education and Active Citizenship in the European Union, 509 Education and Societal Modernization, 466, 467 2020 Education Blockchain Initiative, 648 Education policy(ies), 584, 585, 602, 604, 606, 607 analysis, 823 reforms, 185 2003–2007 Education Revitalization Action Plan, 580 Educative-activism, 688, 690, 693 Educative experiences, 423, 425–426

Index Educative provisions, 432–433 Educative public eco-art installations and performances, 689 Educators, 765 EduMAP, 699, 703, 715 Eescape of learning, 272 Effective learning, 213, 215 Elastic learning time or interrupted time on demand, 669 e-learning ecologies, 1258 Electronic Platform for Adult Learning in Europe, 460 Emancipatory career guidance, 487, 495, 496 Emancipatory interest, 82 Embedded forms of labor, 446 Embedded neoliberal type, 534 Embodied actions, 1078 Emergence, 890 Emotions, 54, 56 Empathy, 1066 Empirical interests, 81 Employability, 422, 551, 552, 555, 557, 560, 1002 Employee-driven innovation (EDI), 16 concept, 924 cultural characteristics, 911 cultural contexts and, 912–913 enactment, 912 idea generation, 911 idea implementation, 911 ideation phase, 917–918 implementation phase, 919–920 implications, 922–923 innovation impetus, 916–917 management practices, 911 medium enterprises, 915 in Singapore, 910 Employment, 1266, 1277–1279 applications, 318 policy, 516 Employment and Social Development Canada (ESDC), 638, 641 Employment Insurance (EI), 641 Employment Insurance Training Support Benefit, 641 Empowering innovation learning in Enterprises, 897 Empowerment, 332 data, 149–150 definition, 142 European Social Survey (ESS), 142, 149–151, 157

1323 lifelong education and learning, 141–143, 146–150, 155–158 and lifelong education and learning, 146–149 multifaceted character of, 142–143 multilevel modeling technique, 151, 158 objective side of, 144–146 social justice, 142–146, 148, 155 subjective side of, 143–144 variables, 150–152 vulnerability, 140–142 work-related training, 153–156 Enactive/behavioral factors, 212 End of learning, 35–37 Endogenous/dispositional factors, 212 Engeström’s activity theory and expansive learning theory, 264 English as second language (ESOL) programme, 707 English for Speakers of Other Languages (ESOL), 707–712 English language, 1125 English-speaking knowledge territory, 132 Entanglement of self, 39 Enterprise education, 888 Enterprise Innovation Programmes, 904, 905 Enterprise learning in Singapore, 901 Entrepreneurial culture, 202 Entrepreneurial method, 891 Entrepreneurial University, 407, 414 Environmental and climate justice movements, 688–691 Environmental catastrophe, 679 Environmental degradation, 1023–1025 Environmental injustice, 1025 Environmental literacy, 1046 Epistemic violence, 1116–1117 Epistemological orientation (EO), 430 Equality, 1065, 1067 Equitable resilience, 1057 Equity, 515 Equivalent programs (EPs), 586 ESF projects in Sweden, 725 e-skill tutors, 751 Essential Skills framework, 639 Ethical judgement-making, 457 Ethnicity, 340 Ethnocentric/didactic teaching, 1257 EU policy in education, 531 EU programme (ESF), 723, 734, 736 European Association for Research on Learning and Instruction (EARLI), 757

1324 European Association of Distance Teaching Universities (EADTU), 831 European Centre for the Development of Vocational Training (CEDEFOP), 488 European Citizenship, 508 European Commission, 273, 635 European Commission’s Action Plan for Adult Learning, 390 European cooperation, 515 European Economic Community, 506 European Education Research Association (EERA), 405 European Higher Education Area (EHEA), 404 European InVID project, 1184 Europeanisation, 271 European Labor Force Survey, 384 European Pillar of Social Rights, 388 European Qualifications Framework (EQF), 273, 473, 560, 830–832, 836 for Lifelong Learning, 830 European Social Fund (ESF) in Sweden, 723 European social model, 503 European Social Survey (ESS), 142, 149–151, 157 European Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), 663 European Training Foundation (ETF), 488 European Union, 265, 271–274 intervention, 473, 474 European Union and lifelong learning policy, 501 effective governance, 514–517 European Education Space and the Open Method of Co-ordination, 512–514 Europe’s evolving values, 502–504 lifelong learning, politics and Commission in crisis, 508–512 European Universities Association (EUA), 405 European University Continuing Education Network (EUCEN), 405 European university lifelong learning provision (ULLL), 659, 660, 663–665, 667, 668, 671 European Year of Lifelong Learning, 265 Eurostat, 954 Evidence-based lifelong learning practice, 131 Evidence-based policy making, 1226 Evolution of digital learning over time, 949 Exclusionary nationalism, 1181, 1193, 1196 Exercise, 774 Exogenous/contextual factors, 212 Expectations, 342 Experience-based identity, 470

Index Experiential knowledge, 1020 Experiential learning, 937 Expertise, 769 Explicit knowledge, 937 Extension dimension, 626 Externalization, 939 F Face-to-face-communication, 714 Facilitation of citizens’ participation, 317–319 Facilitators, 755 Factors for failure, 751 Familiness, 967 Familism, 982 Family business scholars, 968 Family firms, governance structure of, 966 Fast-Track initiative, 858 Faure Report, 270 Federal Employment Service (FES), 188 Feminism, 99, 104, 108 FIBER, 967 Financial crisis, 504, 515, 1222 Financial Services, 1208 First Non-Formal and Informal Education Act, 586 Flat ontology, 266 Flexible learning, 559 environments, 602 pathways, 611 Flexicurity, 492 Fluid and crystalized intelligence, 766–768 Folk high schools, 1267–1269, 1271, 1279 Food insecurity, 1055 Food sovereignty, 1062 Food Sovereignty Campaign, 1063 Food system, 1062 Formal adult education (FAE), 11, 376–378, 390, 529, 535 basic skills and remedy programmes, 383 continuing professional education, 384 customized vocational programmes, 383 educational expansion, effects of, 385–389 features, 377 as a global statistical category, 381–385 higher education programmes, 383 history, 379–380 learning experience in, 391 (occupational) (re-)training programmes, 383 (post-tertiary) continuing higher education, 384 quantitative data sources, 381 second chance education, 383

Index Formal and non-formal education, 575 Formal education, 472, 586, 822 and training elements, 470 and training systems, 472 system, 468 Formalized steering methods, 735 Formal learning, 355 Formation-oriented educational thinking, 481 Formative evaluation systems, 1309 Four Modes of Conversion, 939 Fourth age learning, 1139–1141 Fourth industrial revolution (4IR), 803, 934, 1092, 1310 description, 1093 economic growth, 1096 and lifelong, 1100–1103 rapid technological development, 1094 social relations in, 1095 France, 209, 217, 218 Freelancers, 1205 Free-market, 570, 571, 573, 574 neoliberal economy, 573 Freire, Paulo, 1308 Freirean approach, 620 Freirean, humanitarian approaches, 621 Freirean perspective of critical transformative education, 625 French, 217 Frontline’ professionals, 1210 Functionalist model, 195 Functional MRI (fMRI), 770 Functional neuroplasticity, 768 Functional reorganization, 769 Fuss, Diana, 1287–1288 Future of Jobs, 933 Future of jobs Report 2020, 823 Future of lifelong learning, 16–19 Future of work, 1105 Future Skills Centre, 641 Future Skills Program, 641 Futures of Education, 612 Futureworx, 641 G Galamsey, 1168 Gay, 1287–1291, 1293, 1299 educators, 1291 Gender, 99, 101, 102, 104, 106–110, 113, 340, 1284–1288, 1290–1300 dysphoria, 1299 justice, 1057 mainstreaming, 564

1325 Gender-based violence, 1019, 1060 Gendered subjectivities, 453 Gender identity, 1284–1286, 1288, 1291–1292, 1296–1299 and smashing perceived gender order, 1296 General fluid intelligence, 766 Generation, 741–742 Generic competences for policy making, 475 Genericism, 815 Genocidal colonial history, 683 Geragogical theory of teaching and learning, 1141–1143 Gig economy, 1205, 1206 Giroux, Henry A., 1286 Global Action Program (GAP), 1005 Global Alliance for Partnerships on Media and Information Literacy (GAPMIL), 1192 Global Alliance to Monitor Learning (GAML), 1112, 1120–1122 Global capitalism, 271, 467, 468 Global citizenship education (GCED), 1188, 1189 Global disparities, 1252 Global Education Monitoring Report 2020, 600 Globalization, 48, 49, 184–187, 189, 202, 203, 311, 571, 572, 575 Global Network of Learning Cities (GNLC), 561, 606 Global patterns and deficiencies, 1256 Global policy consensus, 272 Global Report on Adult Learning and Education (GRALE), 608, 609, 1041, 1227, 1232 Global South, 1115, 1119, 1121, 1122, 1129 Google, 828 Government endorsement for stakeholders, Singapore, 834–836 Grassroots community activities, 585 Great Heisei Mergers, 275 Gross domestic product (GDP), 575 racism, 871 Grounded-theory, 968 Growth paradigm, 1055 Guidance, 438 Guided on-the-job training (GOJT), 954 H Habitus, 336 Halperin, David M., 1289 Happy Gerontology’ perspective, 1149 Harmonious society, 275, 572, 575, 576, 580, 581

1326 Health-related lifestyle components, 773 dietary patterns, 774–775 exercise, 774 factors, 771 sleep, 775–776 Healthy lifestyle, 1061 Hegemony, 185, 187, 201, 1284, 1288, 1296 Helpline, 791, 792 Hermeneutic interests, 81 Heteronormative, 1286, 1288–1289, 1295 Heteropatriarchy, 1285–1286, 1290, 1295, 1299 Heterosexism, 1286, 1290, 1295, 1300 Heutagogical approach, 786–788 Higher education, 578 business model canvass, 813 research, 408 Higher education and lifelong learning, 398 cooperation with external stakeholders, 412 delivery approach, 401 digitisation and technology-oriented innovation strategies, 415 entrepreneurship and competition in new formats, 413 EU and Bologna Process, 404–405 financial provisions, 412 flexible access arrangements, 412 flexible programme provision and modes of delivery, 412 holistic approach, 401 inclusion approach, 401 institutional diversification and stratification, 414 international comparative research, 408–413 labor market approach, 401 policies and strategies, 410–411 policy and legislation, 412 response to labour market needs, 413 socio-economic transformations, 406–408 strategy, 402–405 student services and support, 412 teaching methods and teacher training, 412 UNESCO and OECD, 403 Higher education institutions (HEIs), 610, 626, 827 Higher vocational education, 1268 High-skilled economies, 346 Hippocampus, 775 Historical competence, 477 Hofstede, 585 Holism and individualism, 78

Index Holism in lifelong learning, 9 Holistic approach, 1061 Holistic conceptions of lifelong learning, 7–10 Holistic understanding, 335 Homo economicus, 308 Homo/heterosexual definition, 1287–1288, 1291 Homophobia, 1286, 1289–1290, 1294–1295, 1300 Homosexuality, 1287–1290, 1298 Hop-and-skip relationships, 233 Hope movements, 496 Horizontal-life-wide learning, 1003 Hu Jintao, 572, 574, 575, 577 Human capabilities, 635, 650, 651 Human capital, 234, 235, 386 theory, 49, 313, 573, 816 Human Common Destiny, 576 Human Development Reports (HDR), 1233 Human-induced climate changes, 1006 Human learning, 308 Human–non-human relationship prism, 999–1001 Human potentiality, 61, 62 Human resource(s), 988 development, 573 Human resource management (HRM), 848 Human Resources Development Canada (HRDC), 639 Human rights, 276 Human strivings, 322 Human strivings and social change, 308–315, 317–319, 321, 323, 324 Human trafficking, 63 Humboldt University, 406 Humility, 1066 Hunger, 1055 Hypothalamic-pituitary-adrenal (HPA) axis, 772 I iCourse in China, 560 Idea generation, 911, 921 Idea implementation, 911, 919, 921 Ideation phase, 917–918 Identity capital, 229, 230 Identity competence, 477 Identity process, 470 Ideological detoxification, 1161, 1164 Ideology, 201–203 Imagination, 27, 39 Imagino-realist approach, 7

Index Imagino-realist perspective, 27, 39 Implementation phase, 919–920 Incidental learning, 937 Inclusion, 1266–1268, 1271, 1273, 1275, 1277–1279 conditions and organization, 1272 conditions for, 1273, 1274 learning, 344 participants’ will for, 1272, 1273 recruitment, 109 social, 1271, 1272 teachers’ and circle leaders, 1275–1278 Independent school, 1271 India, microwork platforms in, 450–455 Indigenous arts, 684 Indigenous arts-based public pedagogies, 688 Indigenous education, 1038 Indigenous knowledges, 1036 foundations of, 1037 philosophical learning concepts and values, 1048 recognition of, 1043, 1044 valuing, 1046 Indigenous learning, 1037, 1044 Indigenous nations, 682 Indigenous people access and equity, UNESCO, 1042 and lifelong learning, 1041–1044 UN systems, 1042 in vulnerable situations, 1043 Indigenous Service Canada, 638 Indigenous Skills and Employment Training Program, 638 Individual agency, 334, 439 Individual competences, 339 Individualization of risks, 50, 51 Individualization thesis, 335 Individualized coaching for unemployed, 727, 728 Individual learning, 424, 931–932 Individual Learning Accounts (ILA), 345 Individual levels of generality, 245 Indonesia, 555, 556, 558, 562, 564 Indonesian Qualifications Framework, 559 Industry 4.0 cutting-edge technologies, 934 dual responsibilities, 934 evolutionary phase, 933 knowledge and skills, 935 skills and capacities, 933 speeds and scales, 933 technological and education development, 934

1327 technological developments, 933 types, 935 Inequalities in learning participation, 333 Inequality, 98, 99, 102, 103, 110, 601, 1058, 1061, 1067 in learning participation, 333 in lifelong learning participation, 532 in non-formal education participation, 535 in society, 736 Informal adult learning, 1166 Informal and nonformal learning, 836 Informal education, 586 Informal learning, 381, 929, 932, 935–938 practice, 731 Informal workplace learning, 948 Informants’ personal practices, 429 Information and Communication Technology (ICT), 318, 586, 860 Information dissemination, 791 Information on national social services, 1307 Information processing speed, 767 Information sharing, 1258 Informed decision-making, 1046 In-group representations, 753 Innovate UK, 901 Innovation, 16 board agenda, 971 capabilities, 987, 988 characterized, 914 collectivism, 920 continuous (see Continuous innovation) disruptive process, 910 EDI (see Employee-driven innovation (EDI)) and entrepreneurship, 903 expertise, 972 governance, 965 impetus, 916–917 investment, 965, 966 and knowledge, 930–931 in learning for enterprises, 904 leadership, 981, 984–986 outcome, 988 process, 938, 939, 941, 942, 987 and SMEs, 913, 914 strategy, 964, 965, 986, 987 Innovation initiatives in enterprises, 903 advancing learning at work, 889, 890, 892, 893, 895–898, 900–902, 904, 905 Innovation learning, 888 in enterprises, 900–903 Innovplus programme, 901, 905 Input management, 964

1328 Insecurity, 1066 Institute for Adult Learning (IAL) in Singapore, 900 Institutional barriers, 542 Institutional development, 526 Institutional environment, 144 Institutionalization of lifelong learning, 836 continuous forming and reterritorialization, 266 East Asia, 274–276 educational system rupture, 264 epistemology of knowledge and learning, 263 Europe, 272–274 Faure report to Delors report, 270 goals, 262 human learning free from educational systems, 263 institutionalization definition, 261 learning in a wilderness, 265 ontology, 265, 266 social systems theory, 268–270 Institutional packages, 532 Institutional settings, 543 Instructional skills, 752–753 Instrumental and production-oriented approach, 728, 729 Instrumental usefulness of a project for the participants, 731 Insulin growth factor I (IGF-I), 774 Integrated education and training (IET), 645 Integration, 1268, 1270 policies in Sweden, 1269–1271 Integrative developmental-contextual approach, 347 Intentional action, 337 Intentionality, 439 Intentional learning efforts (ILE), 430 Interactions, 83, 85, 86 Intercultural capital for effective learning, 1257 Intercultural mindfulness, 1247 Interdependencies, 309, 315 towards social ecological approaches, 319–321 Interdisciplinary framework, 333 Intergenerational learning (IGL), 15 activity, 742 age specific knowledge of praticipants, 752–753 communities and organisations, 745 e-skill learning projects, 753 factors for failure, 751 family life, 742

Index future perspectives, 754 generation, 741–742 IG practice, 741–742 key features, 750–751 meetings, 741 mutual understanding, 742 obstacles, 746 older people benefits, 744 paradox of neighbourhood participation, 741 reciprocity, 746–748 research and practice, 754, 756–758 reverse mentoring, 749 risks of biased attitudes, 755–756 service-learning, 748–749 skills, 752–753 solution to combating ageism, 743 unidirectionality, 746–748 younger participants, 744 Intergenerational meetings, 741 Intergenerational practice, 741–742 cohesive communities, 742 individual, 745 social and metacognitive knowledge, 752 subjective evaluations, 754 Intergenerational transmission, 333 Intergovernmental organizations (IGOs), 553, 555 Internalization, 939 Internally referential system, 55 Internal-relational dialectical processes, 250 Internal-relational dialectics, 243–247 International Adult Literacy Survey (IALS), 1113 International Labor Organization (ILO), 554, 828 International large-scale assessments (ILSAs), 1114, 1119–1128 International moving, 915 International Society of the Learning Sciences, 264 International Standard Classification of Education (ISCED), 356, 381 Interoperability, 646 Interpretative approaches, 127 Interprofessional simulation, 1075 Intersectionality and adult education, 108–113 cognitive architecture, 103 complexity, 102 diffusion, 105–107 and lifelong learning, 108–113 political intersectionality, 101 power, 102

Index relationality, 102 representational intersectionality, 101–103 social context, 102 social inequality, 102 social justice, 102–103 speed and timing of growth, 106 structural intersectionality, 100–101 traveling theory, 104–108 Intersectional Psychologists, 107 Intersubjective learning, 83–86 Intersubjectivity and co-creation, 890 Intersubjectivity and shared meaning, 895–897 Intimacy of learning, 265 Intraclass correlation (ICC), 158 Isolation, 458 Itumaleng Youth Project’s (IYP) case, 1021, 1022 J Japan, 551, 556, 558, 561, 562, 564, 565 Job seeking, 714 Joint Currency, 471, 473, 478 Joint learning, 736 Journalism, 1185–1187 Justification, 750 K Key performance indicators (KPIs), 988 Knowledge and hegemonic pedagogical approaches, 622 Knowledge and learning, 27, 28 Knowledge-based economy, 487 Knowledge capitalism, 323 Knowledge conversion, 939 Knowledge creation, 931 Knowledge economy, 265, 271, 551, 553, 556, 929, 935 Knowledge integration, 931 Knowledge intensive services, 929 Knowledge management, 964 Knowledge organizations, 942 Knowledge ownership, 935 Knowledge reconfiguration, 931 Knowledge society, 574 Knowles, M.S., 588 Kolb’s experiential learning theory, 264 Kominkan, 585 Korea’s lifelong education, 585 Korean Massive Open Online Courses (K-MOOC), 559 Korean social education law, 585 KPMG report, 808

1329 L Labor market, 741, 1002 Labor process theory (LPT), 447 Language and reflective coaches, 731 Language of possibilities, 266 Latin America, lifelong learning adequate support from different sectors for LLL policies, 612 advocating for an agenda centred on LLL policies, 610 benefits of LLL to individuals and wider society, 611 conceptualization of, 602–604 LLL policies, 604–608 recognition of the right to LLL, 610 Law of Guidelines and Bases for National Education, 621 Leadership, 756 League tables, 1125 Lean Start up, 888 Learnability, 208, 210 Learnance, 208, 210 Learners in simulation, 1075–1077 Learning approaches, 753 by design approach, 1259 cities, 211, 555, 561, 606 city movement, 584 college, 211 communities, 581 culture, 211, 937 ecology, 299 engagement, 1146 holidays, 211 human potentiality, 62 knowledge and understanding, 61, 62 in more multicultural frameworks, 628 modalities, 613 motivation, 219 of innovation, 904 opportunities in long-term care, 1140 organization, 211, 581, 745 planet, 211 priority, 208 readiness, 208, 210, 221 and social inclusion, 1271, 1272 society, 260, 262, 271, 571, 576, 577, 580, 581, 583, 585 space, 665–667 technologies, 318 theory, 253, 254 through activism, 1019–1021 through observing simulation, 1080–1083

1330 Learning (cont.) throughout life, 1039 time in the sense of engaged learning time, 668, 669 trajectories, 611 at work, 127–129 Learning and life chances adult learning, 341 career guidance and information, 345–346 Community Lifelong Learning Centers, 346–347 cumulative inequalities, 339–341 diverse pathways, 330–331 economic and wider benefits, 332–333 holistic, person-centered and developmentally appropriate approach, 343–345 ILA, 345 interdisciplinary framework, 333–334 interplay of circumstances, structures and individual preferences, 337–339 multiple dimensions of adversity, 340–341 policy implications, 343–347 triarchic model of lifelong learning development, 335–337 Learning from incidents (LFI), 1210–1212 Engagement Exercises, 1211 Framework, 1211 process model, 1211 Toolkit, 1211 Learning from Incidents Questionnaire (LFIQ), 1211 Learning: The Treasure Within, 822 Learning to be, 584, 935 Legislation, 648 Legitimacy, 474 Leisure and cultural activities, 467 Lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and intersex (LGBTI) adults, 109 Levels of generality, 245 Liberal adult education, 532 Liberal example of dependent market economy, 527 Liberatory intent, 65, 66, 70 Life, 26, 27, 31–33, 35, 37–39 Life-course, 100, 109 perspective, 333 Life-design, 490 Life experiences, 476, 479, 481 and competences, 480 Lifelong career guidance, 487, 489, 491–493, 496

Index Lifelong education, 166, 423, 424, 433, 437, 438–439, 467, 574, 605, 1221, 1247 and learning, 141–143, 146–150, 155–158 system, 581, 1258 Lifelong Education Act, 275 Lifelong Education Law, 585 Lifelong educators, 1285, 1286, 1299–1300 Lifelong learners, 126, 135, 408–410, 412–415 Lifelong learning (LLL), 184, 186–190, 208–211, 215, 217, 219, 220, 330, 332, 333, 342–347, 423, 429, 438, 439, 467, 505–508, 764, 765, 773, 776, 794, 795, 929, 1092, 1112, 1115, 1121, 1128, 1221, 1223, 1266 agenda, 1191–1193 analytical strategy and material, 123–124 Asia (see Asia, lifelong learning) in Asian countries, 584–586 asylum seekers, 1266 basic educational ideas, 1039 China (see China, lifelong education) combining formal and informal education, 478 communities of practices (CoPs), 790, 791 compensatory social rehabilitation model, 195 components of, 1188 contexts, 789–792 as critical action, 1285, 1300 critical literacy model, 195 in deep transformations, 310 definition, 1220 democracy, 1233–1235 democratic deficit, 1232 development, 310 economic, personal and democratic participation, 1097–1100 economic factors, 190–191 functionalist model, 195 helpline, 791, 792 heutagogical approach, 786–788 impact of AI on, 806 inclusion (see Inclusion) for Indigenous peoples, 1040–1044 intertopic map based on marginal distributions, 125 and 4IR, 1100–1103 knowledge and skills, 784 labor process, 447–448 Latin America (see Latin America, lifelong learning) leads the economy, 265

Index literature review, 788 measurable outcomes, 1231–1232 migration and integration policies, 1269–1271 models of, 808 movement, 571 networks, 585 in North America (see North America, lifelong learning) orientations and approaches, 1017 and play, 63–67 policy, 135, 271, 275, 471 previous research, 121–122 progressive concept of, 1104–1106 reflecting learning model, 195 research design, 122–123 research for policy, 1224–1230 role in 4IR, 1093 and scenarios for change, 308, 309 skills agenda, 1231 and social dynamics, 309, 321 social justice model, 195 society, 586 solutions in post-pandemic times, 321, 323, 324 strategic plans, 6 strategies, 321 in Sweden, 1267–1269 system, 323, 524, 571, 572, 574, 576, 577, 581, 582, 586–589, 1267, 1278–1280 technology-mediated, 787 vocational issues, 191–193 Lifelong Learning Account System, 559 Lifelong Learning and Adult Education in Brazil, 621–623 policies from the 2000s, 623 “Lifelong Learning for All” report, 635 Lifelong Learning Plan (LLP), 639 Lifelong Learning Promotion Law, 551, 556, 586 Lifelong Learning University (LLLU-model), 659–661, 670–674 Lifelong, life-wide and life-deep learning, 1002, 1003 Lifelong-lifewide learning, 284–303 Lifelong loan entitlement, 805 Lifewide education, 291–293 in higher education, 293 Lifewide learning, 289–291 Lifeworld, 225 divergence, 1247 perspective, 75, 77, 88 Lindeman, E.C., 588

1331 Linear steering approach, 735 Liquid identities, 487 Lisbon Process, 273 Lisbon Strategy, 502 Literacy, 1116, 1117, 1119, 1121–1123, 1127, 1129, 1130 definitions, 1122 education, 577–579 and post-literacy, 563 rate, 1113 Literature review, 788 Livelihoods perspective, 1064 LLL for climate justice: cognitive justice and indigenous knowledge systems, 1029, 1030 LLLU-model of a learning organization, 672 Loan system, 640 Local communities, 869, 872, 873, 879, 884 Local knowledge, 1061 Logical Framework Approach, 735 Long-term effects of project outcomes, 726 Low power distance indexes, 912 Low skills equilibrium, 14 Luhmann’s theory of social systems, 269 M Maastricht Treaty, 508–510, 531 Magnetic resonance imaging (MRI), 765, 768 Making bridges with music, 1147 Making wagers, 34–35 Malaysia, 551, 552, 555–557 Manufactured uncertainty, 315 Mao’s socialist construction, 573 Marginalized women, 1060 Maritime path, 576 Marketization, 186, 200 Market-orientation, 1269, 1278, 1279 Marxian analysis, 88 Marxism, 573 Massive Open Online Courses (MOOCs), 560, 1204, 1205 Mass-scale school education, 147 Material form of utopia, 478 MBP in dementia care settings, 1148 Measuring learning through quantitative methods, 129–130 Media content, 1169–1171 COVID-19, 1168 effects in environmental justice education, 1168 ethnic Hungarian identity, 1157

1332 Media (cont.) gender and race discrimination, 1167 messages and effects on consumers/ audiences, 1166–1171 news, 1165 Media and information literacy (MIL), 1180, 1187, 1188, 1193–1194 Media communication, interrelations of, 1187–1188 Media sector, digital transformation of, 1185–1187 Mediation, 423 of learning, 426–427 Medium enterprises, 915 Memorandum on Lifelong Learning, 635 Memory encoding, 771 Mental stimulation, 770 Mesology, 220, 221 Metacognition, 768 skills, 773 strategies, 768 Meta-evaluation, 724, 729 Meta-reality, 38 Methodological individualism, 52 Mezirow’s approach, 253 Mezirow’s transformative learning theory, 264 Micro-credential, 15, 560, 588, 809–812, 814, 825–830, 850 ecosystems, 830 MicroMasters degree programmes, 832 Micro-political processes, 469 Microsoft, 828 Microsoft Teams, 918 Migrants, 387, 564 and refugees, 601 Migration, 1266 and conditions for inclusion, 1279 education and learning activities, 1267 and integration policies in Sweden, 1269–1271 learning and social inclusion, 1271, 1272 process, 1277 public debates, 1273 Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), 996 Mind and behavior, 893–895 Mindfulness, 38 Ministry of Manpower (MOM), 557 Mobile instant messaging (MIM) benefits, 792–793 challenges, 793 contexts, 789–792 in educational settings, 785 helpline, 791, 792

Index information dissemination, 791 lifelong learning (see Lifelong learning) literature review, 788 online communities of practices, 793 in personal/professional learning contexts, 785 post-formal education, 793 post-school learning, 794 professional development, 794 quasi-communication, 784 quasi-synchronous communication, 784 real-time talk, 784 WeChat, 785 WhatsApp and WeChat, 785 Mobilizing and organizing, 1064 Model of learning cities, 1008 Modernism, 76 Modernity, 29–30 Modernization process, 466–468 Modern university, 406 Montessori-based programming (MBP), 1147, 1149 Montessori Method, 1147 Mountain of Disposable Nappies, 1021 Multiculturalism, 871–872 Multicultural perspective, 625 Multicultural sensitivities, 629 Multicultural society, 869, 872, 885 Multilevel modeling technique, 151, 158 Multilingual competencies, 1064 Multiple risks, 1060 Multiple-sequence models, 941 Multiple wagers, 35 Multisensory learning, 1206 Multi-sensory systems, 1206 Multitude of wagers, 35 Municipal adult education (MAE), 1268, 1269, 1271 Mutual aid, 1060 Mutually Mediated co-creation, 896 Mutual mediation, 899 Mutual responsibility and interdependency, 316 MYSKILLS test, 849 N Nannagogy, 1168 National Adult Literacy Program, 620 National Campaign for the Eradication of Illiteracy in 1958, 619 National Council of Education, 621 National Curriculum Guidelines for the Education of Young People and Adults, 621

Index National Education Act 1999 and Amendments, 586 National Educational Panel Study (NEPS), 385 National educational policies, 611 National education system, 582 National Household Sample Survey (Pnad) Continuous Education, 621 National Institute for Lifelong Education (NILE), 557, 559 Nationalism, 1182 Nationalist policy agenda, 1279, 1280 National Literacy Secretariat (NLS), 638 National Mid and Long-term Education Reform, 581 National Occupational Classification (NOC), 639 National Plan for Education, 622, 624 National qualifications frameworks (NQFs), 559, 582, 603, 849 National Radio, 579 National References for Adult Education, 624 National References for the Education of Young People and Adults for Adult Education, 624 National strategy for lifelong learning strategy, 723 National Workforce Skills Qualifications System, 559 Natural disaster, 1059 Natural Language Processing (NLP) techniques, 1207 Negative dialectics, 243–247 Negative globalization, 494 Negt´s approach, 477 Neocorporatist type, 534 Neo-liberal, 531 globalization, 502 social imaginary, 44, 47, 49 type, 534 Neoliberalism, 133, 490, 574, 1065, 1112, 1165 Neurocognitive trajectories fluid and crystalized intelligence, 766–768 structural and functional neuroplasticity, 768–769 Neurogenesis, 769 Neuroimaging aerobic and strength training, 774 human, 775 MRI, 768 research, 769 sleep, 775 sleep deprivation, 775 techniques, 765

1333 Neuroplasticity adult, 766, 773–776 andragogical principals, 765 factors, 766 future research and application, 776–777 and learning, 766 lifelong learning, 764 lifespan, 765 natural age-related decline, 765 neuroscientific underpinnings, 765 positive direction, 765 self-concept and awareness, 764 sociocultural factors, 772–773 socioemotional and cultural influence, 771–773 structural and functional, 768–769 synaptic connections, 765 Neurotropic factors, 774 New educational models, 613 New educational order, 399 New Literacy Studies, 1119 New materialism, 266 New Public Management, 493 New Zealand Qualifications Authority (NZQA), 833 New Zealand Qualifications Framework (NZQF), 833 Night University, 579 Nonaka’s knowledge-creating company theory, 264 Nonbinary, 1296–1297 Non-duality, 38 Non-formal adult education, 378, 381 Non-formal and informal learning, 559, 603 Non-formal education, 586 Non-formal learning activity, 372 Non-formal learning environment, 750 Non-governmental organizations (NGOs), 561 Nonhuman world, 1007 Non-traditional students, 354, 401 Nordic organizations, 912 Nordic workplaces, 912 Normal, 1065 Normative control, 452, 457 Normative national documents concerning adult education in Brazil, 624 Normative professionalism, 1259 North America, lifelong learning Canada (see Canada, lifelong learning) public discourse, 636 U.S. (see United States, lifelong learning) North-South Divide, 1129

1334 Not in Employment, Education or Training (NEETs), 515 Notion of learning, 67, 68, 70 NOVA/EJA, 854 Nutrient-dense foods, 775 O Objective knowledge, 77, 78, 92 Objective side of empowerment, 144–146 Objective world, 84 Observation, 86, 87 Occupational continuity, 437 Occupational knowledge, 425 Occupational practices, 425 OECD-UNESCO-EU statistical system, 272 Office for Literacy and Essential Skills (OLES), 640 Office of Career, Technical, and Adult Education (OCTAE), 643, 647 Older adult learning, 1139, 1142 Older people benefits, 744 One Belt and One Road (OBOR), 572, 576 Online courses, 1205 Online distance learning, 588 Online education, 583 Online learning, 127, 669 Online phase, 776 Ontario Hospital Association (OHA), 456 On-the-job training, 573, 579 Ontogeny, 428 Open educational resources (OER), 588, 647 Open Method of Co-ordination (OMC), 489, 512 Open recruitment process, 730 Open University of China, 582, 583 Operational closedness, 269 Opportunity structures, 142, 144–146, 157, 158 Oppressions, 1287, 1290–1291, 1297 Optical character recognition (OCR), 917, 920, 921 Organization(s), 745 adult learning, 355 culture and structure, 964 innovations, 929, 937 integration, 965 knowledge, 931–932 learning, 723, 732, 931, 932 memory, 931 Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), 635, 637, 639 PIAAC Survey, 384 PISA tests, 823

Index Schooling for Tomorrow scenarios, 823 Survey of Adult Skills, 827 Organization-level approach, 941 Organizational Knowledge Creation (OKC), 938, 939 Othering, 1114, 1115, 1117, 1128 Out-group, 753 Outline of the 11th Five Year Plan for the Development of National Education (2007), 581 Out-Of-School Children and Youth (OOSCY), 554 Out-of-school training programs, 584 Overarching Framework of Qualifications of the European Higher Education Area (QF-EHEA), 830 P Pacific Heads of Education systems (PHES), 1045 Painters Employer Organization, 729, 734 Pan-Canadian soft skills framework, 641 Participants’ will for inclusion, 1272, 1273 Participation, 319 Participation in adult education macro-level determinants of, 532–533 and training and inequality in participation, 535–542 Participatory learning, 935 Particularism, 966 Particular levels of generality, 245 Partnership approach, 722 Patriarchy, 1014, 1023 Paulo Freire’s ideas, 620 Pedagogical rehabilitation, 197, 198 Pedagogy(ies), 764 of contingency, 1055, 1062–1065 in the interest of publicness, 681, 685, 686, 688, 690–692 of productive diversity, 1258 of the public, 681, 684, 688, 690–692 in the wild, 1063 Pension, 275 People-centred approach, 144 People’s Republic of China Education Law, 579 Peoples universities, 530 Perceptions of risk, 1055 Performance measurement, 988 Perpetual becoming, 39 Person element, 428 gender segmented occupations, 429

Index journeys and history, 428–429 personal curriculum, 428 societal factors, 429 Personal action planning, 494 Personal agency, 1203–1215 Personal curriculum, 428 Personal development, 310 Personal disposition, 436 Personal epistemological practices, 429–431 Personal epistemologies, 423 Personal fulfilment, 473 Personalism, 966 Personal learning/development between transitions, 431–432 Personal practice, 429–431 Personal/professional growth, 1258 Persons living with dementia (PLWD) artistic learning workshops, 1145 in care homes, 1146 creative engagement, 1145 education wasteland, 1143 global and national policies, 1144 learning initiatives, 1144 in lifelong and late-life learning agenda, 1149 in lifelong learning, 1136 maintenance and enhancement of memory, 1146 Montessori learning programmes, 1147–1149 in participatory arts programmes, 1145 passive and uninvolved interlocutors, 1136 qualitative methodologies, 1145 stages of, 1136 wasteland for learning, 1136 Philosophy of internal relations, 244 Phronesis, 495 Physical activity, 765, 773 PISA for Development (PISA-D), 1121 Place, 556 Planning in practice, relevance, 952 Planning learning activities beyond courses and seminars, 952, 953 Platform(s), 444 economy, 804 society, 446 Platformization, 804 Platonic truth system, 263 Play, 60, 63–70 Plurilingual competencies, 1064 Policy, 500–504, 506, 508, 510, 513–518 development, 10–13 initiatives, 733 trends, 645–649

1335 Policy-oriented research, 126 Political arts-based decolonial and environmental public pedagogy, Speaking to Their Mother, 686 Political Boundedness of Nurturing a Substantively Democratic Planning Process, 951 Political economy, 88, 90, 1065 Political ideals of modernity, 1285, 1300 Political intersectionality, 101 Political orientation, 619 Politico-economic transformation, 201 Politics, 1160, 1161, 1169 Polyphenols, 775 Polyunsaturated fatty acid (PUFA), 775 Popular education, 607, 621, 1064, 1267, 1268, 1276, 1279, 1280 Popular Education in Brazil, 620 Popular Freirean Education, 620 Population ageing, 740 Population ageing and dementia, 1137–1139 Populism, 515, 1165, 1167, 1182, 1183, 1187 Populist discourse, 1183 Portfolio management, 964, 983 Post-colonial approaches, 113 Postcolonial perspectives, 1115–1119 Post-colonial theories, 1115 Post-Covid universities, 660 Posterior-anterior shift in aging (PASA) model, 770 Post-formal education, 793 Post-human condition, 17 Post-industrial global capitalism, 481 Post-modern’ or ‘post-industrial’ frameworks, 272 Post-school society, 261, 262 Post-socialist countries, 524, 526, 531, 533–535 Post-Soviet countries, 527, 531 Poststructural feminists, 1285–1287, 1292 Poverty, 227 Power, 102 distance index, 912 in programme planning, 952 Practical criticism, 67–69 Practical knowledge (phronesis), 33 Practice approach, 1074 Practice-oriented approaches, 127 Pragmatic utopias, 495 Pre-employment (PET), 557 Pre-school, 1306 Previous research, 121–122 Primitive accumulation, 1058

1336 Principal-principal agency cost, 966 Principle of hope, 1001 Privatization, 574 Problem based learning, 891 Problem of learning, 32 Problem-solving, 935 Production organization, 728 Production-oriented and developmentaloriented (innovative) projects, 722 Profane, 60, 64 Professional development, 423 Professional learning, 1203, 1204, 1210, 1212, 1214, 1215 characterised, 1211 digital technologies (see Digital technologies) learning at work, 1202–1204 opportunities, 1203 personal agency, 1203, 1204 relational agency, 1203, 1204 Professional learning community (PLC), 586 Professional organizations/services, 793 Professional training, 579 to general education, 624 Programa Nacional de Integração da Educação Profissional com a Educação Bá sica na Modalidade de Educação de Jovens e Adultos”–PROEJA, 624, 627 Programme for the International Assessment of Adult Competencies (PIAAC), 11, 358, 360, 363, 367 Programme for the International Assessment of Adult Skills, 1113, 1121, 1123, 1125, 1126 Programme for the International Student Assessment (PISA), 1113, 1128 Programme planning, 948, 952, 953, 956 data and analysis, 958 digital advancements, 957 as educational activity and key competence, 950 learning, 957 planner discretion and structural constraint, 951 professionalization, 957 social relationships, 951 Program of International Assessment of Adult Competence (PIAAC), 424 Progress in International Reading Literacy Study (PIRLS), 1123 Project evaluations, 724 Projections of the future, 999 Project management, 964

Index Project theories, 723 Psychiatry, 1285, 1289–1290, 1298 Psychology, 1285, 1298–1299 Psycho-social prerequisites, 475, 478 Public funding, 388 Public narrative forums, 1256 Public policy and labor market bargaining, 480 Public services, 504 Public support for education combined with open and flexible education structures, 369 PWC survey, 964 Python software, 124 Q Qualification Framework(s), 473, 830 of the country, 836 in New Zealand, 833 Qualification systems, 355 Qualitative data analysis program, 970 Quality Assurance and Recognition of Competency Certification Systems, 560 Quality assurance frameworks and accreditations, 828 Quality Based Procedures (QBPs), 456 Quality education, 184, 185, 187, 193, 199, 203, 601, 608, 997 Quantum mechanics, 669 Quasi-synchronous communication, 784 Queer Indigenous, 1294–1295 Queer quotient, 1292 Queer theory, 1285, 1287, 1291–1292 R Race, 99–102, 104–108, 110, 111 Racial and regional inequalities in literacy in Brazil, 622 Racism, 1014, 1293, 1295 Radical innovation, 900 Radio University, 580 Raging Grannies, 689 Randomized control trial (RCT), 774 Rational actor theories, 51 Rational choice, 334 Rationality, 90 Rational learning, 79–81 Readiness, 423 to learn, 210, 211, 216, 220 Real competence assessment, 480 Realism, 26–28, 38 Recession, 515

Index Reciprocal determinism, 212 Reciprocity, 746–748 Recognition, 229 by business and industry, 468 regimes, 467, 468, 481 Recognition of prior learning (RPL), 412, 432, 836, 837 Recognition, Validation and Accreditation (RVA) model, 16 Recurrent Education, 387, 1221, 1222 Redistributive participation, 319, 322–324 Reflecting learning model, 195 Reflection-in-action/reflection-on-action, 250–252 Reflexive biography, 148 Reflexive dialogues with multiple stakeholders, 1256 Reflexive learning, 319 Reflexive modernization, 336 Reflexive modernity, 226 Reflexivity, 47, 55, 56 Refugee(s), 387, 1266, 1270, 1271 crisis, 1270 lifelong education, social contract, 1254–1256 Refugee education, 1247 national education systems, 1260 sedentarist framing and structural barriers, 1251–1253 under transnational mandates, 1249, 1250 Regime-neutral validation systems, 481 Regional recognition, validation and accreditation (RVA), refugees and migrants assessment phase, 853–854 learner at the centre of the learning system, 846 as means of recognizing all forms of learning outcomes, 844 outreach phase, 852–853 policies and practices, 844 policy recommendations for inclusive, 856–861 post-validation phase, 855–856 processes for implementing and strengthening, 851–856 socioeconomic development, 848 sustainable and inclusive learning ecosystems, 846 systems for equity, 850 systems for flexibility and mobility, 848–850 validation phase, 855

1337 Register-based data, 382 Registered retirement saving plans (RRSPs), 639 Reification, 475 commodification of competences, 476 Reimagining simulation pedagogies through emergence and transformation, 1083–1085 Relational agency, 1203–1207, 1210–1215 Relationality, 102, 1027 Relationships, 1066 Renewable human resource, 1001 Representational intersectionality, 101–103 Republic of Korea, 551, 552, 555, 556, 559, 561–563, 565 Research-based knowledge, 755 Research design, 122–123 Research for policy first generation of lifelong learning, 1224–1226 second and third generations of lifelong learning, 1226–1228 Research university, 406 Residence permit, 1270, 1272, 1275, 1279 Residential School system, 640 Resident permit, 1268, 1270–1273, 1275, 1277, 1278 Resilience, 996, 998, 1007, 1054 absorptive, 1057 boosting, 1061 capacity, 1060 ecosystems, 1059 educating, 1062–1065 educational research, 1065 environmental factors, 1059 equitable, 1057 feminization, 1058 imaginative strategies, 1060 material conditions, 1060 measures, 1058 resistant, 1057 shocks and stresses, 1056 short-term actions, 1060 social protection, 1060 stability or equilibrium, 1056 stress and adversity, 1057 structure, 1057 variable conditions, 1061 Resistance-based learning dynamics, 459 Resistance to education and training, 480 Reskill, 332 Resource-based view (RBV), 967, 968 Responsibility, 60, 62–63, 69, 70

1338 Restorative resilience, 1057 Re-territorialization, 268 Reverend Billy, 690 Reverse mentoring, 748, 749 Reverse Mentoring Program, 757 Right to education, 601 Right to LLL, 610 Risk reduction, 1054 Risk society, 45–47, 335 River pollution, 1014 Robotic surgery, 934 Roma students, 703 Rotating administrators, 1063 Rural adult technical training, 579 Rural communities, 564 Rural Education Campaign in 1952, 619 Russia Adult Education Curriculum, 194–195 compensatory aspect of adult education, 196–197 economic factors, 190–191 education and vocational training issues, 200 globalization and economic reforms on adult education, 187–188 lifelong learning policy, changes in, 188–190 models in lifelong learning, 195 new policy documents on adult education, 193–194 vocational issues, 191–193 Russian Federation (RF), 188–190, 193, 194, 197 S Safety and resilience, 1054 Scaffolding Theory of Ageing and Cognition, revised version (STAC-r), 770 Scholastic regime in formal education, 481 Schön’s approach, 251, 252 School achievement, 601 School based skills and formal education, 467 Schooling imprint, 219 School statistics, 381 Science-oriented research, 414 Science tradition(s) of critical realism, 248 Scientific and Social Learning, 892 SDG 4, 1116, 1220–1223, 1230–1232, 1236 SECI model, 939 Second-chance, 378 education, 383 Second-cycle education, 134

Index Securing transitions, 427–428 Sedentarist framing and structural barriers in Refugee Education, 1251–1253 Sedgwick, Eve Kosofsky, 1287, 1288, 1290–1292, 1298 Seed capital, 227, 228 Self-actualized learner, 550 Self-determination, 218 learning, 786, 795 motivation theory, 218 Self-directed, 588 learning, 211, 214, 216–219, 1157, 1163, 1166 Self-discriminatory perceptions, 752 Self-efficacy, 337 Self-enhancement, 1209 Self-evaluation, 1210 Self-governance, 586 Self-learning, 586 Self-organization, 270 Self-organizational process, 270 Self-referential process, 270 Self-regulated learning, 768, 1203, 1208–1210 theory, 218 Self-regulation, 1214 Self-socialization, 338 Self-sufficiency, 1066 Senior citizen education, 582 Sense of Justice and sensitivity to expropriation and inequality, 477 Servant economy, 14 Service-learning, 748–749 Settler-colonialism, 684, 687 Sex (biological, natal, chromosomal), 1284, 1288, 1290, 1294, 1296, 1298, 1299 Sexual and gender identities category and power relationship, 1294 queer Indigenous studies, 1295 Sexual identity, 1287, 1292, 1296, 1298 Shanghai Municipal Education Commission, 565 Shareholders’ expectations, 973 Share of Companies with Courses and Other Forms of Continuing Vocational Training, 955 Sharing economy, 804 Shequ, 275, 580 Silk Road Economic Belt, 576 Simulation, 1077, 1079 and lifelong learning, 1072, 1073 pedagogies, 1074, 1083 Singapore, 551–553, 556, 557, 559, 564 Chinese family firms, 968 East meets West, 913

Index multi-racial and multi-cultural country, 913 practice group-centeredness, 913 SMEs, 914 stock exchange, 966 Singapore University of Social Sciences (SUSS), 835, 837 Singapore Workforce Development Agency (WDA), 557 Situated cognition, 892 Situated learning, 254–256 Situational barriers, 542 Six assumptions for adult learning, 588 Skepticism in university education, 67, 68, 70 Skills, 234, 1226, 1228–1232, 1234–1236 Boost, 640 formation, 553 frameworks, 835 provision, 751 and qualification, 309 qualifications and social worth, 313, 314 SkillBlox initiative, 647 Skill-set, 29 Skills Framework for Training and Adult Education (TAE), 836 SkillsFuture movement, 837 SkillsFuture Singapore (SSG), 557 Sleep, 773, 775–776 Small and medium enterprises (SMEs), 989 context, 924 defined, 913 and Emerging Enterprise Award, 914 and innovation, 913, 914 and large enterprises, 914 in Singapore, 913, 924 Small Business Research Initiative, 901 Social activists in practice, 957 Social Affairs and Equal Opportunities of the European Commission, 488 Social and democratic constructivist approach to analysis, 661 Social and economic systems, 314 Social and emotional learning (SEL), 935 Social and emotional proficiency, 935 Social and moral education system, 584 Social background, 1275, 1278 Social behaviors, 772 Social benefits of learning, 332 Social capital, 232, 233 Social change, 198, 1028 Social charter, 378, 385 Social citizenship, 1254 Social class, 99, 101 Social cohesion, 515

1339 Social constructionist interactions, 891 Social context, 102 Social contract, 491, 494 Social democratic thinking, 319 Social ecological metaphors, 321 Social ecological thinking, 310 Social ecologies, 322 Social ecology of learning, 1300 Social education, 551, 552, 564, 585 Social Education Law, 551, 552, 585 Social-emotional factors, 963 Social engagement, 407, 765, 771–772 Social evolution, 74, 79, 83 Social foundations of learning, 75, 91 Social inclusion, 473, 550, 563, 1271, 1272 Social inequality, 102 Social institution, 389 Socialist continuing education theory, 577 Socialist economic system, 574 Socialist period, 528–530 Socialization, 939 Social justice, 102–103, 110–113, 142–146, 148, 155, 487, 488, 492, 495, 589 model, 195 Social landscapes, 310, 339 markets and the dynamics of inequality, 310–312 Social learning, 892, 1057 Socially mediated means, 426 Social media, 709 adult education, 1165 algorithms, 1157 benefits of, 1170 skills, 1310 social movements on, 1167 Social mobility, 588 Social movement learning (SML), 1020 Social movements, 680 Social networks, 703, 773 Social network sites (SNSs), 785 Social organization of learning processes, 481 Social-policy agenda, 503 Social rehabilitation, 190, 192, 197–200 Social relations, 937 Social security, 1060 Social stratification, 378 Social systems theory, 268–270, 277 Social world, 79, 84 Societal affordances, 435–436 Societal change, 7, 12 Societal exchange value, 470 Societal learning management system, 260, 261, 263

1340 Sociocognitive theory, 213 Sociocultural factors, 772–773 Sociocultural knowledge, 765 Socioeconomic and cultural conditions, 99 Socio-emotional wealth (SEW), 967, 981 Sociology of science, 121, 122 Solidarity, 1028, 1058 Solution to combating ageism, 743 Southeast Asian Ministers of Education Organization (SEAMEO), 554, 565 Southering, 1114, 1115, 1117, 1120, 1123, 1125, 1128 Soviet Union, 524 Spatial dispersion, 446, 450 Spatial planning, 1061 Specialized Early Care for Alzheimer’s [SPECAL] learning method, 1144 Special needs education (SNE), 712–715 Specific epistemological strategies (SES), 430 Standards, 185, 187, 191, 194–196, 202 State’s direct intervention, 553 21st century competences, 929 creativity, 936 knowledge economy, 935 pace, 936 pattern-matching cognition, 936 21st Century Maritime Silk Road, 576 Stillness, 37–38 Storage and disposal services, 915 Strategic-relational dialectics, 243 Stress, 765, 771–772 Stromquist’s model of empowerment, 146 Structural and functional reorganization, 768–769 Structural change, 1311 Structural components of the lifeworld, 78 Structural coupling, 269 Structural intersectionality, 100–101 Structural neuroplasticity, 768 Structural selectivities, 255 Study associations, 1267–1269, 1271, 1276 Study circles, 1268, 1271 Subaltern, 1115 Subjective knowledge, 92 Subjective side of empowerment, 143–144 Subjective world, 78, 84 Supercomplexity, 30–31 Support for transitions, 438 Supportive organizational structures for learning processes and sustainable change, 734 Surveillance capitalism, 54 Survey of Adult Skills, 358

Index Survivability capital, 967 Survival, 1055 Sustainability, 234, 1128–1130 Sustainable development, 285, 286, 293, 294, 563, 997, 1003–1005 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), 323, 347, 556, 608, 997, 1008, 1112, 1114, 1119–1121, 1128, 1130 Sustainable future, 998, 1007 Sustainable regenerative futures, 286–289 lifewide learning for, 293–295 Sweden lifelong learning in, 1267–1269 migration and integration policies in, 1269–1271 Swedish for immigrants (sfi), 1268, 1271, 1273, 1274, 1277, 1278 Swedish from day 1, 1271–1278 Swedish language, 1268, 1271–1275, 1277–1279 System perspective, 88 Systems thinking approach, 1004 System theorists, 78 T Tacit knowledge, 936–938, 942 Take control, 339 Targeting group of citizens, 556 Teachers, 1275 and circle leaders, 1275–1278 ecology of practice, 300–302 Teaching-learning system, 262 Teaching Skills That Matter (TSTM), 647 Team-based work, 733 Technical training, 577, 579 Technical Vocation and Training (TVET), 1046 Technological facilitation, 321 Technology competence, 12, 477 Technology-mediated lifelong learning, 787 Technology systems, 1202 Television University, 579 Territories of hope, 496 Text mining approach, 123, 124 Thailand, 551, 552, 558, 559, 563, 564 100th anniversary of the Chinese Communist Party, 576 100th anniversary of the People’s Republic of China, 576 The 60 year curriculum, 808 The behavioral theory of the firm, 965 The Belt and Road Initiative, 576 The China Dream, 572, 576

Index The Chinese Central TV, 580 The Decisions on the Reform, 577 The Declaration of Huaxyacac, 1041 The Education Commission, 578 The Food Growers Initiative, 1056 Themes, 132 The National Education Development for the 13th Five-Year Plan, 581 The New Geography of Skills, 648 Theoretical and practical activities in the project, 731 Theoretical knowledge (theoria), 33 Theoretical models, 753 The Outline of China’s Reform and Development, 579 The People’s Republic of China Education Law, 579 The Politics of Responsibility, 951 The third age, 342 The World Economic Forum Future of Jobs Report (WEF), 1202 Third-cycle education, 134, 135 Third Mission, 407, 408 19th National Congress of the Communist Party of China, 576 5th Strategic Dialogue for Education Ministers (SDEM) (Virtual) Theme, 565 Tongan communities, 1040 Top-down policies, 556 Traditional students, 356 Training programmes, 724 Trajectories, 436–437 Transactive memory, 216 Transferable skills, 330 Transformation, 1067 of everyday habits and development patterns, 1007 pedagogy, 1008 resilience, 1054, 1056, 1057 Transformative learning, 252–254, 680, 693, 1073 practice, 693 Transformative lifelong learning, 1018, 1027 framework, 628 Transforming public responses towards refugees, 1248, 1249 Transgender, 1289, 1296–1299 Transitions, 470 guidance, 438 lifelong education, 438–439 support, 438 Transphobia, 1286, 1290, 1295 Transversal competences, 929

1341 Traveling theory, 104–108 Triadic conception, 318 of lifelong learning, 318 Triadic reciprocal causality model, 209, 212, 214 Triple helix, 407 Truth and Reconciliations Commission (TRC), 640 Tterritorialization, 267 Tutor´s task, 754 Two hundred years, 576 U Ubuntu, 60, 64, 69–70, 1064, 1065 in southern Africa, 1029 UK, 707–712 education policy, 805 UK’s Design Council Double Diamond model, 902 Unbundling, 813–814 Uncertainty, 314–317, 343 UN Declaration of the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP), 640 UNDP (United Nations Development Programme), 621 Unemployed youth, creating work, 726 Unemployment projects on an organisational or societal level, 726 UNESCO Global Network of Learning Cities (GNLC), 606 UNESCO Institute for Education (UIE), 1224 UNESCO Institute for Lifelong Learning (UIL), 606 UNESCO Institute for Statistics (UIS), 1122 UNICEF (United Nations Children’s Fund), 621 Unidirectionality, 746–748 United Kingdom Independence Party (UKIP), 509 United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization (UNESCO), 582, 584, 620, 1041 United States, lifelong learning AWE and LLL policy, 644 Career Pathways, 645 Career Pathways initiative policy framework, 644 convergences and divergences in policy trends, 649 coordinating education systems, 649 data analytics, 647 digital capabilities, 646

1342 United States, lifelong learning (cont.) Education Amendments Act of 1976, 642 historical policy development, 642 integrated education and training, 645 interoperability, 646 OCTAE, 643 Universal levels of generality, 245 University(ies), 401, 414, 1311 University Massive Open Online Courses (MOOCs), 583 Unlearning, 773 UN Sustainable Development Goal 4 (SDG 4), 1181 Un-systematization’ of the education system, 271 Upskilling, 381 and reskilling programmes, 603 Upwork system, 1205 Usecases, 1208, 1214, 1215 Utilitarian effort, 481 Utilitarian regime, 481 Utilitarian thinking, 469 Utility, 224 considerations, 335 Utopia, 495 V Vaccine availability, 323 Validation of experience system, 851 Validation of prior Learning (VPL), 471, 479 Valorization, 1059 Valuing cultural diversity, 624 Variables, 150–152 Vertical–LLL, 1003 Violent modernity, 1129 Virtual education policies, 627 Vocational and industrial technical education, 578 Vocational and professional youth education, 467 Vocational education, 573, 579, 580, 583 Vocational education and training (VET), 176, 187, 199, 357 Vocational experiences among adult learners, 130–131 Vocational guidance, 487 Vocationalism, 200, 202 Vocational psychology, 487 Vocational qualification, 467 Vocational special needs education and training (SNE), 712–715 Voluntary organizations, 508

Index Voluntary participation, 751 Volunteers, 1276 Vulnerability, 140–142, 1057–1062, 1066 Vulnerable groups, 538, 1279 Vygotsky’s “general genetic law of cultural development”, 893 W Weak naturalism, 83 Weber, M., 76, 77 WeChat, 785, 790, 791, 793, 794 Welfare, 275 model, 1268, 1269 state, 491, 492 Well-being, 142–147, 149–151, 156 Well-off society, 573, 575, 576, 581, 589 Western educational systems and practices, 1019 Western European countries, 525 WhatsApp, 785, 790, 791, 793, 794 Wider benefits of learning, 332 Wild Salmon Caravan in British Columbia, Canada, 686 Women’s literacy, 113 Work-based learning, 357 Work-based lifelong learning, 448–449 Canada, care management platforms in, 455–459 India, microwork platforms in, 450–455 and platform economies, 445–446 Work environments, 1203 Work experience, 714 Workforce Innovation and Opportunity Act (WIOA), 643 Workforce Investment Act (WIA), 643 Workforce Singapore (WSG), 557 Workforce Skills Qualification (WSQ), 834 Workforce Skills Qualifications System, 559 Working age adults, 427–428 Worklife history, 427 Worklife learning adult education, 422 adults’ learning, 423 educational provisions, 423 educative provisions, 432–433 government and supra-government agencies, 422 movement, 422 occupational challenges, 422 person (see Person) premises and processes, 424–427 securing transitions, 427–428

Index trajectories, 436–437 worklife transitions, 437–439 workplace, 433–436 Worklife transitions, 425 Work performance, innovation in enterprises, 904 Workplace(s) affordances, 433–436 learning, 127, 135 societal affordances, 435–436 without discrimination, 727 Workplace learning, 11, 423, 929, 932, 936, 938, 948, 1202 advantages of, 949, 950 courses and seminars, 948 critique of educational programmes, 949 informal approach, 948 on power and interests, 956 programme planning discourse, 956 theoretical basis, 950 Workplace learning agency model, 1212, 1214, 1215 dialogue and learning, 1206, 1207 learning through reflection, 1205–1206 learn online, 1204, 1205 personal agency, 1214, 1215 personalized, multisensory learning, 1206 professional learning, 1214, 1215 relational agency, 1214 usecases, 1214 Work-to-school transition, 379 World Bank, 189, 621, 828 World Council of Comparative Education Societies (WCCES), 405 World Decade on the Education for Sustainable Development, 1005

1343 World Economic Forum (WEF), 933, 934 World Education Form (WEF) Report 2020, 824 World Health Organization (WHO), 1137 challenges, 323 member, 574 World in motion, 26–28, 38–39 X Xi Jinping, 575–577 XuetangX, 560 Y Young adults with an immigrant background, in South Korea adult learning, 872–873 immigrants’ hybridity of identity, 879–881 learning as acquisition, 872 learning as community of practice, 872–873 learning as reflection process, 872 learning from acquisition of needed knowledge, skills and qualifications, 875–878 learning from community of practice, 881–884 multiculturalism and racism, 871–872 qualitative field research, 873–874 Younger participants benefits, 744 Young females, 707 Youth Employment and Skills Strategy, 641 Z Zucker, Kenneth J., 1299