The Zapotecs: princes, priests, and peasants 9780806113746, 9780806119144

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The Zapotecs: Princes, Priests, and Peasants

THE CIVILIZATION OF THE AMERICAN INDIAN SERIES

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6 THE ZAPOTECS for constitutional government, attacked the privileges of the Church and the army, and opposed the restoration of a monarchy under the French-imposed Maximilian. After many years of struggle, he finally overthrew the conservatives, and Mexico was invigorated with a new program, called La Reforma, which was a series of laws designed to transfer political powers from an exclusive elite to a democratic republic of Mexican citizens. A second Oaxacan, who claimed to be part Mixtec, helped destroy Juarez’ plans. He was Porfirio Diaz, who learned his caudillo politics in the chaotic Isthmus of Tehuantepec; he became president of Mexico

in 1876 and ruled until rg10. Diaz had supported Juarez and the liberals in the War of the Reform (1858-61), but he shortly turned to different policies. During his regime he surrounded himself with an exclusive elite of intellectuals and large landowners and promoted coercive political oppression. While Mexico prospered under Diaz as a land of favored elites, as a land of the poor and oppressed it had no equal. Diaz ultimately was overthrown in the bloody Mexican Revolution that began in 1910.

Juarez and Diaz, then, were “Indians” who became presidents of their country. However, the term Indian in Mexican society has connotations quite different from those it has in North American society. Except in a few atypical areas, reservations were not significant in Mexican history. Tribal affiliation in North America, as denoted by tribal rolls and tribal councils, has no parallel in the core areas of Mexico; in those areas Indian is a generic term which has applied, since colonial times, primarily to social status, sometimes to use of an indigenous language, but seldom to physical characteristics.’ During Spanish colonial times, Indians were defined primarily with

reference to a peasant community, often called the republica de los indtos. As such, they became part of the Spanish estate system, which had long distinguished between nobles, clergymen, and peasants. While race was important in the official rhetoric of Spanish colonial society, it tended to be more a social and cultural than a biological phenomenon. For example, Indians who had been nobles in preConquest times remained so under the Spanish system once they accepted Christianity, and they became rapidly acculturated to Spanish

life-styles. If an individual could acquire the wealth, contacts, and cultural traits necessary to occupy a different position in the social

OAXACA 7 order, admittedly difficult in the rigid Spanish system, he could acquire a document to make his biological origin coincide with his new social position. Thus, to be Indian was, and has continued to be, largely a social and

cultural phenomenon, synonomous with peasant and with the particular relationship to land and community which that term implies. Contemporary Mexican society, like the Spanish colonial society which preceded it, still places great emphasis on the “gentleman complex.” Individuals who work the land for subsistence, who work with their hands and who display primary allegiance to their small com-

munity, are low in the social order. For example, it is reported that rural inhabitants who live very near the modern city of Guadalajara, who speak only Spanish, and who clearly are of mixed origin are referred to as Indians; they reside in a tightly knit community and practice subsistence agriculture and pottery making.” In a sense, then, this appellation is largely derogatory; to be called muy indio in Mexican Spanish implies that one is deferent, 1s probably illiterate, and displays little knowledge of the world outside his small

community. And, while the revolutionary intellectuals of the twentieth century have aimed their programs toward incorporating the Indian into the mainstream of Mexican society, they have worshiped primarily at the shrine of the great Indian tradition of pre-Spanish times. The modern Indian, with his little tradition and peasant heri-

tage, has been incorporated only slowly into the mainstream of Mexican society. Patterns of dress and behavior likewise have been used to identify

an Indian in modern Mexico. In certain regions, such as Oaxaca, specific communities display distinctive clothing styles, behavioral characteristics, and craft specializations. These traits often are thought

to be typical of particular Indian groups. However, they tend to be most typical of communities or regions, not of any particular group or linguistic affiliation. Also, since local populations have been subject to

various acculturative influences throughout history, these cultures represent complex fusions of pre-Spanish, Spanish colonial, and modern Mexican cultural traits—a fusion which almost always defies separation into constituent elements. Another criterion for defining an Indian in modern Mexico is the retention of an indigenous language. Indigenous languages still are

8 THE ZAPOTECS spoken by a sizable percentage of the Mexican population. Although bilingualism is widespread, children in many parts of rural Mexico

still continue to learn an Indian language before Spanish. While Spanish is used everywhere as the official language of Mexico, in

Indian many areas an indigenous tongue remains the language of the home and of the pueblo.

Table 1. States in the Republic of Mexico with the Largest Numbers of Speakers of Indigenous Languages.*

State Speakers Monolingual 1950

1. Oaxaca 586,853 212,520 2. Puebla 297,490 118,971 3. Yucatan 279,380 43,523 4. Veracruz 252,739104,244 87,318 5. Chiapas 198,087 6. México 183,051 39,207 7. Hidalgo 179,629 8. Guerrero 124,693 60,401 59,241

g. San Luis Potosi 89,096 28,972

10. Michoacan 51,273 12,106

11. 32,8161,892 5,351 12. Campeche Sonora 25,058 1970

1. Oaxaca 677,347 206,32} 2. Veracruz 360,309 89,623 3. Yucatan 3575270 56,570 4. Puebla 346,140 94,194 5. Chiapas 287,836 147,720 6. Hidalgo 201,368 77,868 7. México 200,729 20,683 8. Guerrero 160,182 85,091 g. San Luis Potosi 113,898 25,953 10. Distrito Federalt 68,660 1,447 tr. Campeche Michoacan 62,851 12. 55,03112,326 5,920

"*CitationinChapter1,Note7, + Distrito Federal in 1950 had 18,812 speakers of indigenous languages with only 170

monolinguals.

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KEY

1 Mixtec 9 Chinantec 3 Chocho 11 Chatino 4 Trique 12 Mixe N S Amuzgo 13 Chontal 6 Mazatec 14 Nahuatl 7 Ixcatec 15 Huave 2 Popoloca 10 Zapotec

8 Cuicatec 16 Zoque

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14 more State Lines ————mmnemme Linguistic Groups

0 10 20 30 40 SO mi. Map 2. Regions and Linguistic 0 O20 40 506070 80 km. (Drawn by Terry Prewitt)

ee groups of southern Mexico.

I2 THE ZAPOTECS In 1970 Oaxaca had a total population of 2,015,424; approximately 34 per cent—677,347—-spoke at least one indigenous language, the highest number in any state in Mexico. Of these indigenous language speakers, 206,323 were monolingual, 246,138 (approximately 36 per cent) spoke Zapotec, and 168,725 (approximately 25 per cent) spoke Mixtec. There were 50,578 monolingual Mixtec speakers and 48,500 monolingual Zapotec speakers.*

Zapotec and Mixtec are related languages and belong within a larger grouping called Otomanguean, a phylum which includes five branches: Otomian, Mixtecan, Chinantecan, Manguean, and Zapotecan.” The Otomian branch includes such languages as Otomi, Mazahua, Matlatzinca, Pame, and Ocuilteca, all of which are spoken in the states of Mexico and Hidalgo. The Mixtecan branch contains Mixtec, Popoloca, Ixcatec, Chocho, Mazatec, Trique, Cuicatec, and Amuzgo. Mixtec 1s spoken in the highland region of western Oaxaca called the Mixteca Alta, in a lowland region bordering on the states of Puebla and Guerrero called the Mixteca Baja, and in the coastal region in the southwestern part of the state called the Mixteca Costa. This distribution corresponds closely to known Mixtec distribution in pre-Spanish and Colonial times, except that Mixtec-speaking elites were distributed throughout a wide area of southern Mexico. Popoloca is spoken in the southwestern part of the state of Puebla as

well as a portion of the northwestern part of Oaxaca. Ixcatec and Chocho speakers exist as enclaves in the Mixtec-speaking territory of

the Mixteca Alta, while Trique speakers, located in the states of Guerrero and Oaxaca, are surrounded by Mixtecs of the Mixteca Baja and Costa. Mazatec speakers occupy the extreme northwest section of

Oaxaca, while the Cuicatec speakers border them on the south. Chinantec, the sole language within the Chinantecan branch, is spoken to the east of Cuicatec.

Within the Mixtecan branch, Popoloca, Ixcatec, and Chocho form one family, Mazatec and Amuzgo form second and third families, and Mixtec, Trique, and Cuicatec make up a fourth. Manguean consists of Chiapanec and Mangue, languages spoken in Central America. Zapotecan includes the Zapotec languages as well

as Chatino, which is spoken in a southwestern part of the state of Oaxaca bordering on the Pacific Ocean.’ While linguists differ over the details of the exact placement of these

OAXACA 13

languages-within a larger classification, their studies do show that the

Otomanguean languages have links with other languages in Meso-

america and belong to a very ancient stratum of Mesoamerican languages. Based on studies of the distribution of these languages, their internal and external relationships, and on glottochronological calculations, it has been posited that from 7000 to 5000 B.c. Mesoamerica consisted of an uninterrupted belt of related dialects. By about 4000 B.c. the Mesoamerican languages had begun to differentiate into

Otomanguean, a more northerly Uto-Aztecan (which includes languages spoken in northern Mexico and the southwestern United States as well as Nahuatl—the language of the Aztecs), and Mayan to the south. Between 4000 and 1500 B.c., because of migrations and the isolation of various groups, the Otomanguean languages began to diverge from one another. The Manguean languages probably split off first, followed by the Otomian languages. The divergence between Mix-

tecan and Zapotecan probably occurred next;° many scholars have posited that it occurred somewhere in the region of northwestern Oaxaca or southwestern Puebla. The Zapotecs may not have reached their present locations in Oaxaca before 1500 B.c.'

The Zapotec or Zapotecan languages, like the Otomian and Mixtecan languages of Otomanguean, are tone languages. In Zapotec, the meaning of a word frequently is determined by voice pitch. These tones, as in the Chinese languages, are absolutely essential to distinguish among certain words and thus are technically called tonemes. The Zapotecan languages differ, however, in the number of tonemes they employ: in some there are four tones—high, low, rising, and falling; and others have but three tones—high, low, and rising.* Generally, Zapotecan has a staccato and musical character, very liquid and sonorous, features which prompted the French traveler Brasseur de Bourbourg to characterize Zapotec as the Italian of the Americas. The utilization of tones and the presence of long and short, nasalized, and rearticulated vowel sounds, along with a soft, liquid r and a frequently used glottal stop, undoubtedly influenced this depiction. Zapotec also contains a series of contrasting pairs of strong

and weak (fortis and lenis) consonants. Syntactically, Zapotecan has a number of interesting features. Verbs

are modified by the addition of prefixes and suffixes which become fused with the verb stem to indicate voice (passive or active), tense

14 THE ZAPOTECS (present, past, or future), and mood (indicative, imperative, or conditional). Tense in Zapotec displays very fine shades of meaning between actions that were completed in the past, actions that are occurring or have occurred regardless of present or past, and actions that will occur. In addition, two special tenses are used for customs or conditions which are neither past nor present and for those indefinite actions which do not refer to specific persons or actions in either the past, present, or future.

Adjectives are of the verb type and in general follow the same conjugations as the verbs. Nouns and pronouns are changed depend-

ing on the person speaking; whether the object is human, animal, inanimate, or sacred; and the specific relationship (such as intimate or distant, inclusive or exclusive) to the person, animal, or object addressed or referred to. While most languages employ juxtaposition in some form, Zapotec differs from many in that elements are combined in various positions without modification. While Zapotec has received many loan words from Spanish, struc-

turally it has remained quite conservative. In the other direction, Zapotec has had an important influence on the Spanish of the region, especially on pitch, tense structure, and the use of plurals. Oaxacan Spanish in particular tends to have a “sing-song” quality, to exhibit a modified Spanish tense structure, and to drop plurals as endings on

nouns. Nouns in Zapotec do not have different singular or plural endings; number is indicated by the preceding word or prefix.’ Zapotec never has been written to any great extent, although popular songs and poems often are composed in Zapotec. There is a group of scholars and intellectuals in Oaxaca who pride themselves on their knowledge of the subtleties of Zapotec; some from Juchitan in the Isthmus of Tehuantepec have become nationally famous for their poetry.”

Although Zapotec is a viable language, it remains primarily a situational language spoken mostly in the home and the village. But Spanish also is used in every village, and also as the language of discourse among those from different villages or regions, as the lingua franca of trade, and as the official language of the Mexican Republic. As a result, Zapotec has tended to fragment into linguistic entities which do not necessarily correspond with cultural entities. For example, Laura Nader has pointed out that most Zapotecs share more

OAXACA 15

culturally with their non-Zapotec-speaking neighbors than they do with other Zapotecs.'* To many Zapotec speakers, pueblo or regional

afhliations are much more important than is the commonality of speaking Zapotec. In short, Zapotec is used in specific social contexts;

speaking Zapotec, then, does not constitute an overriding or unidimensional attribute denoting a distinctive cultural pattern. Today, also, although Zapotec may have been a single language in the remote past, one cannot speak of a single Zapotec language, but instead must speak of numerous Zapotec languages, as different from one another as are the various Romance languages. Some authors, for example, distinguish six Zapotec languages: Valley Zapotec (spoken

in the Valley of Oaxaca), Isthmus or Tehuano Zapotec (spoken on the Isthmus of Tehuantepec), Serrano Zapotec (spoken in the district of Ixtlan in the Sierra de Juarez), Nexitzo or Rincén Zapotec (spoken in the Villa Alta district), Villalteco (from Yalalag in the Villa Alta district), and Southern or Miahuatlan Zapotec (spoken in the Sierra de Miahuatlan).”* Others distinguish nine Zapotec languages, adding an additional language in the northern mountain district of Choapan (Bixanas) and dividing the southern unit into three distinct languages (Lachiregi, Yohueche, and Loxicha)."* It also appears that of these various languages, the Northern Zapotec languages (Serrano, Nexitzo, Villalteco, and Bixanas) are more closely related to one another

than to the Valley, Isthmus, and Southern languages, which form another group. Thus, the Zapotecs occupy a considerable proportion of the state of Oaxaca; the major groups also occupy distinct habitats, a factor partly explaining the cultural differences among them. Oaxaca is primarily mountainous; the Mesa del Sur, the wide eastern section of the southern Mexican highlands, lies within its boun-

daries. Intermontane basins within this region, however, have constituted the major population centers. The largest of these, the Valley of Oaxaca, located almost in the center of the state, has been

and continues to be one of the most densely inhabited regions of Mesoamerica. The Valley also has been the province of the Valley Zapotecs, the builders of Monte Alban, throughout pre-Spanish, Colonial, and modern times and has been the setting for major social

and cultural developments in Oaxaca. While Mixtec and Aztec speakers have been present in the Valley, Zapotecs have always consti-

tuted the majority of the indigenous population there.

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20 - THE ZAPOTECS Centigrade—the annual range is six degrees Centigrade, while the daily range is approximately fifteen degrees Centigrade. In any given year there 1s but a slight chance of frost, and in some areas, such as the main Atoyac floodplain south of the city of Oaxaca, frosts rarely occur. At altitudes above two thousand meters, these conditions change markedly. Summer temperatures can drop so low that the cultivation of maize is inhibited. Frost-resistant strains of maize were developed in later periods of pre-Spanish history, but their absence in earliest times helps to explain the choice of the Valley as a key area for intensive cultivation. The Valley is not uniform. Elevations vary from 1,420 meters to

1,740 meters. Rainfall (occurring predominantly in the summer months, while the winter season 1s dry) ranges from 490 millimeters at Tlacolula to 740 millimeters at Ocotlan in the southern wing of the Valley. Most Valley soils are of the Brown Soils group, but in drier areas, as near Mitla in the Valley of Tlacolula, they tend toward Gray Desert Soils. In the higher alluvium areas of the Valley, as in parts of the valley of Etla, are found the finest-grained soils with the greatest water retention, thus the most productive. In other areas, the depth of the water table is more important than soil texture in determining agricultural productivity. Along the floodplain of the Atoyac, water is within three meters of the surface, but in

higher alluvium areas it may be as deep as ten meters. Where the water table is shallow, well irrigation can be practiced. Availability of water has been of crucial importance in the Valley, for the soils are low in humus and nutrient concentrations. In addition to rainfall and well irrigation, canal irrigation also 1s possible in some areas, as it is in Etla, where the River Atoyac makes a deep channel.

In other areas the river channel is shallower and has flooded frequently in past times, depositing a layer of sand detrimental to agriculture on the bottomland. In some areas of the Valley, streams and rivers are mostly dry but become raging torrents, more destructive than useful, in the rainy season. In those areas of the Valley where dry farming (Zemporal) can be coupled with small-scale irrigation, the cultivation of two or more annual crops is possible. However, canal irrigation on a large scale has been largely impractical in the Valley because springs are small and surface flows inadequate.

OAXACA 21 The habitat of the Valley Zapotecs can be distinguished clearly from those of their neighbors to the north, south, and southeast. The various Zapotecs who live to the north occupy an area of high mountains dissected by hundreds of small torrential streams, creating a land of precipitous slopes and sharp ridges. This cool mountain region varies greatly in its productive capacity and is characterized by wide diversity among locales. While the mountains have not barred contact between the Zapotecs of the Ixtlan and Villa Alta districts with the Valley Zapotecs (nor with their neighboring Mixe and Chinantec speakers), the Zapotecs of Choapan have sought more contacts with the peoples of Veracruz.

However, this highland region always has been historically somewhat peripheral to the Valley. In pre-Spanish times it displayed little of the cultural complexity of the Valley; in Colonial times it was an

outpost secured only by creation of a Spanish settlement at San Ildefonso de Villa Alta after a bitter battle between the Spanish and the local inhabitants. It also was the scene of one of the most serious Indian rebellions in Oaxacan colonial history. It therefore 1s not sur-

prising that the liberal Benito Juarez, who was to become one of Mexico’s leading reformists, was born in the village of Guelatao in the sierra in the district of Ixtlan. The Isthmus of Tehuantepec is another distinct geographical habitat of the Zapotecs. This flat, extensive region borders on the Pacific,

and its Zapotec-speaking inhabitants are concentrated primarily in the Tehuantepec and Juchitan districts. The isthmus is also occupied by Huave, Chontal, and Mixe speakers and by Zoque speakers of the Mayan family of languages. In this area of low, rolling plains with a humid tropical climate, the

Zapotecs of the isthmus appear particularly proud and independent. Well known for their elaborate ceremonial dress, isthmus women have particularly been noted for their independence and worldly manner, characteristics that have prompted the myth that Isthmus Zapotec society is a “matriarchy.” However, in a recent study of isthmus society, Beverly Chifias has shown that this myth is exaggerated and otherwise incorrect.” Extensive trade is of particular importance in the economy of the Isthmus Zapotecs. Women are heavily involved in this trade, and this involvement partly explains their seemingly worldly and independent manner.

22 THE ZAPOTECS The isthmus is a region of marked geographical and historical contrasts. It contains jungles and arid brush, oases of green orchards and cornfields, and lagoons and port towns, and it has attracted oil magnates, canal and railway construction schemes, and sailors and itinerants from many parts of the world. All these were accompanied by a turbulent political history.”°

The Southern Zapotecs (the Lachiregi, Yohueche, and Loxicha) have historically inhabited the Oaxacan districts of Ejutla, Sola de Vega, Miahuatlan, Pochutla, and Yautepec. This region includes the Sierra de Miahuatlan, a mountain system which runs almost parallel to the Pacific until it terminates at the Isthmus of Tehuantepec and contains high mountains (the highest point is El Cerro de Pluma, 2,120 meters above sea level) as well as a relatively fertile coastal plain

along the Pacific. The Zapotecs today inhabit the highest parts of this mountain system, from Miahuatlan to the coastal area very near the towns of Pochutla and Puerto Angel. These Southern Zapotecs probably have the smallest population of all the Zapotec groups; they are also the least known."

2

The Growth of the Zapotec Great Tradition

IXTECS AND ZAPOTECS have both called themselves the Cloud

Mev Mixtec proper, Nusabi; in Zapotec, Ben ’Zaa— indicating that the two have a common origin. Mextecatl, the Nahuatl word used by the Aztecs to refer to the Mixtecs (from which their modern name was derived) also means Cloud People;

Tsapotecatl, the Nahuatl word from which Zapotec was derived, may represent a phonetic instead of a semantic translation of the Zapotec. It means people of the zapote; the zapote is a tree found in abundance in the Zapotec area. However, the Zapotecs probably never referred to themselves by this term. There are a number of Mixtec and Zapotec origin legends. According to one, the Mixtecs descended from a divine couple, who them-

selves came from a tree. This legend seems to refer specifically to Mixtec-speaking overlords who conquered the non-Mixtec-speaking (but not necessarily non-Mixtecan) inhabitants of the Mixteca Alta, perhaps in the seventh century after Christ. Some accounts claim that the original inhabitants of the Mixteca Alta came from the earth and not from trees.” Some Zapotec origin legends, which were first transcribed shortly after the Spanish Conquest, claim that the Zapotecs were the original inhabitants of the Valley of Oaxaca and were born from rocks or were the descendants of wild animals such as pumas and ocelots. Another

legend places their origin to the north; it states that the Zapotecs settled in Oaxaca before the founding of the Toltec empire in central Mexico and that they came from Chicomostoc, or Seven Caves, which also was the legendary homeland of the Nahua tribes of the Valley of Mexico. Some post-Conquest Mixtec legends also attribute their origins to the Seven Caves. These later legends probably are the result of Aztec influence on Mixtecs and Zapotecs in later pre-Spanish times.” 23

24 THE ZAPOTECS igor _| STAGES _|| Monte alban] ett egions periods und Groups TUES eens mare wT | Aztecs-Mintecs=Zopotecs

1350 2 Rote cra eaten = 8 = ixtecs & Zapotecs) Postclassic < CUILAPAN & TEMUANTEPEC HEGEMONIES

TV < Zapotec Princedoms

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Most authorities agree, however, that these legends are products of various factors, subject to distortion, and almost impossible to interpret

in direct historical terms. Also, since assignment of archeological remains to ethnic or linguistic groups is beset with difficulties, it is difficult to ascertain exactly when Zapotecs first can definitely be identified in the Valley of Oaxaca. Most scholars agree that the inhabitants

THE GREAT TRADITION 25 OTHER AREAS OF MESOAMERICA

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ap >. Archeological sites of the Valley of Oaxaca. (Drawn by Terry Prewitt

THE GREAT TRADITION 31 veloped in the Valley; this period corresponds to the Early Formative Tierras Largas and San José phases. The Early Formative, although represented by at least twenty-two sites in the Valley, is best known from the sites of Tierras Largas and San José Mogote, both located north of the present city of Oaxaca. Early Formative sites mainly are in areas of high alluvium, especially where the water table was near the surface. For this reason more sites

are found in the Etla and the central part of the Valley of Oaxaca (around Zaachila), while in areas like the Tlacolula valley, where the water table is low, they are sparse. Most Early Formative sites are associated with areas where pot or well irrigation could be practiced. Well or pot irrigation consists of digging sometimes as many as ten shallow wells in the cornfield and then pouring water, drawn from the wells with a large pot, around the corn plants. No large labor force or centralized direction is required for this type of irrigation; it can be performed by individuals of a single household.”*

This kind of agriculture can support nucleated sedentary villages. For example, at Tierras Largas, by 1300 B.c., a hamlet of some eight to ten households existed; it still contained about eight to ten households about goo z.c. Households are estimated to have consisted of from two to four persons; houses were of wattle and daub construction, some six to seven meters long by four to five meters wide.” By 1300 B.c. San José Mogote was a village of perhaps fifteen to thirty households; in the San José and Guadalupe phases it grew to a settlement of perhaps several hundred households, containing a population of at least 1,500 inhabitants by Middle Formative Guadalupe times. In the late San José or Guadalupe phases San José Mogote prob-

ably represented a center from which surpluses from surrounding hamlets (perhaps as many as from twelve to twenty and including Tierras Largas) were controlled and redistributed by high-ranking lineages."® At San José Mogote artifacts have been found over a large area as the site grew from ten to forty hectares in these two phases. In addition to storage pits, hearths, and household implements, the arti-

facts have included fragments of figurines, decorated pottery, black and white mica fragments, small polished mirrors of magnetite, and imported marine shells. Houses were constructed of wattle-and-daub walls (plastered with

32 THE ZAPOTECS mud and whitewashed), and they sometimes had stone foundations; they were separated from one another by courts and patios. Excavation of these houses has led to inferences about social patterns. The location of tools on the floors suggested that houses were divided into men’s and women’s work areas. Tools used by women in Mesoamertcan culture, such as grinding stones, maize huskers, and cooking pots, were found to the right as one entered the door; flint chipping areas with cores, scrapers, knives, burins, and drills—presumably men’s tools—were found on the left. Houses at San José Mogote also displayed differences in the amount

of presumed luxury items they contained, such as magnetite, Spondylus and pearl oyster shell—perhaps used for ornaments—and 1mported ceramics."’ The distribution of these traits within the site implies the presence of status differentiation in the society.

In addition, these traits demonstrate that the inhabitants of San José Mogote had contacts with other regional groups in Mesoamerica.

For example, marine pearl oyster comes not from the Valley of Oaxaca but from the Pacific coast, while pearly mussels come from the Gulf coast; one mollusk found at San José Mogote apparently comes from the Chiapas-Guatemala coast. Small magnetite mirrors from Oaxaca are also found in deposits of

the “Olmec” culture of the southern Gulf coast of Mesoamerica, although large concave mirrors of local ilmenite also are found in the Olmec zones. Olmec culture at that time showed evidence of welldeveloped ceremonial activity and social differentiation, including complex art styles, temple-pyramids, stelae and altars with carved inscriptions, and monumental stone heads. Jade carving and glyphic inscriptions are found in the Olmec area in the Middle Formative, corresponding to the Guadalupe phase in the Valley. Ceremonial zones also are found at San José Mogote. Excavations of the Early Formative at San José Mogote revealed a recessed circular area which had been plastered and painted red. In the late San José or early Guadalupe phase, an artificial platform with stone terrace walls was constructed with a north-south orientation.

Evidence of ceremonialism and artifacts displaying a general resemblance to those of the Olmec culture have led some scholars to postulate its close affinity with the Valley of Oaxaca. Some have suggested that the Valley was invaded by the Olmecs and that it formed

THE GREAT TRADITION 33 part of an Olmec “empire.” Others have suggested that religious pilgrims were sent out from the Olmec area to proselytize among the inhabitants of the Valley as well as much of central Mesoamerica. Many of the traits on which such hypotheses are based are found in Monte Alban IJ and earlier times.”

But as Kent V. Flannery has pointed out, “classic” manifestations of the Olmec culture correspond not with these later developments but with the Guadalupe phase in the Valley. His interpretation of the evidence is that contacts between the Valley of Oaxaca and the

Olmec region generated exchanges of luxury goods and patterns which enhanced the prestige of the emerging Valley elites as well as the elites of the Olmec area.*” Exchanges between elites serve to reinforce and widen the gulf between the local elite and commoners, for it puts them in possession of items and knowledge not available to the mass of the population. There is increased evidence of social differentiation, the centraliza-

tion of political power, and ceremonial activity by Monte Alban I times. The Valley population expanded significantly; for example, Monte Alban I materials are found at more than forty locations, and Monte Alban II materials are found at more than sixty sites.” A number of environmental zones were exploited in those times. Along with the dry farming and pot irrigation of earlier periods, small-scale canal irrigation coupled with hillside fallowing systems appeared. Canal irrigation was generally practiced outside the high alluvium on perennial streams, generally located in the piedmont zone, where the most water was available. Settlements in both this zone and the pot-irrigated high alluvium supplemented water control farming and, with fallowing on the lower piedmont, produced a kind of “infield-outfield” system.” Some settlements attained considerable prominence. For example, San José Mogote grew to more than 250 hectares by Monte Alban II times and became internally differentiated into ceremonial and secular

precincts, cemetery areas, and zones reflecting craft specialization. Monte Alban was first colonized in the Early Monte Alban I period and expanded to cover an area of more than four square kilometers

by the beginning of Monte Alban II. In the eastern arm of the Valley, the site of Dainzii displays considerable complexity as an elite center.”* In the southern arm of the Valley, Ayoquesco seems to have

34 THE ZAPOTECS been particularly important. Other, smaller sites in the Valley also display differentiation into various zones. Densely populated, and displaying regional centers of power and cult, the Valley seems to have been fragmented during Monte Alban I and II times into a number of independent states. These perhaps were allied in various ways through intermarriage, exchange, and trade, although they seem to have maintained political independence. The number of states in those times is not known now, but it is clear

that the state as a sociopolitical form had arrived in the Valley of Oaxaca.

What factors were responsible for generating the state in this region? Increased differentiation of the society plus “massed power,” much in evidence, are not unique to developments in the Valley but represent a cross-cultural regularity found in a wide variety of early cultures such as those of central Mexico, the Hwang-Ho Valley in China, Egypt, coastal Peru, early Mesopotamia, and the Indus Valley. These cultures all represent what have been called “pristine civilizations.” Generally, anthropologists are not content to explain each of these cultures in its own unique terms, but instead seek explanations that have broad applicability. Some have argued, for example, that intensive agriculture—which they feel is a precondition for the development of the state—could only have been carried on in these semiarid and arid regions with large-scale canal irrigation works and that the

construction, control, and maintenance of such irrigation systems necessitated a centralized authority, that is, the state.” This “hydraulic theory” of the formation of the state, while it has been productive as a hypothesis to be tested, needs considerable modi-

fication. First, while irrigation agriculture in the Valley of Oaxaca undoubtedly facilitated a more effective exploitation of the environment, it is not clear that irrigation there required an extensive political bureaucracy to coordinate it. Instead, the Valley inhabitants seem to have depended on a variety of techniques other than largescale canal irrigation, such as well-pot and small, largely localized, canal irrigation coupled with a fallowing system.

The type of irrigation agriculture developed thus seems to be strongly influenced by the peculiarities of the local environment. In the Tehuacan Valley of Puebla, where a long Mesoamerican sequence

THE GREAT TRADITION 35 has been established, large-scale canal irrigation was practiced. Unlike

the Valley of Oaxaca, pot irrigation was not practical because of the depth of the water table. Also, prolific springs made large-scale canal irrigation much more feasible in the Tehuacan Valley. Second, most investigators now agree that where large-scale canal irrigation was practiced, it appeared after, not before, increased social differentiation and political centralization; thus, it may be a result of them instead of a cause.”

The assumptions that underlie the hydraulic hypothesis also have been questioned. For some time anthropologists have proposed that the invention of agriculture increased productivity to the point that a surplus was accumulated, thus freeing part of the population to pursue

other endeavors. With newly found leisure, they turned to other specialized matters such as religion and crafts. This specialization in time led to social differentiation, the development of writing and law,

and advances in political organization. Agriculture also implied sedentary living, population increase, and nucleated settlements. It is now known, however, that agriculture does not require sedentary life, nor does sedentary life imply nucleated settlements, nor do nucleated settlements require agriculture or sedentary life. Moreover, we have learned that even hunting and gathering societies, if located

in favorable environments, can produce some surplus and that the food quest for them does not require as much time as previously had been thought. But hunters and gatherers, like agriculturalists who practice extensive cultivation (slash-and-burn or swidden agriculture), generally do not produce the surplus of which they are capable.

The problem then becomes one of explaining the organization of labor that generates increased productivity, or what causes “people to work more, or more people to work.” Thus, the causal chain is no longer linear; that is, increased productivity, population growth, surpluses, social differentiation, nucleated settlements, and sedentary life may not necessarily cause the state, but equally they may be caused by the increased centralization of power. The relationship among these factors constitutes a “feedback” process, one wherein a number of factors influence one another. It is probable that there are no prime movers that can be found to explain the origin of the state. Instead, explanations must be sought in terms of several related, but not necessarily identical, factors acting on one another.”

36 THE ZAPOTECS While the exact processes that give rise to a massing of power are

numerous, the mechanisms for the legitimation of power display greater regularity. Power must be legitimized through an ideological system in which certain individuals possess, or are imputed to possess, special abilities or crucial answers to specific problems. In early agricultural societies these individuals are religious practitioners who work their “magic” on life-crisis situations. They may receive their power for various reasons: because they are particularly close to the lineal ancestors of the group or to the gods, or because of “spirit” possession.

It is not surprising, then, that the earliest examples of monumental architecture in connection with temple-idol cults, complex art styles, and “writing” (evidence for increased social differentiation and the massing of power) are found in conjunction with ceremonial centers. In all of the “pristine civilizations” sacred centers are set apart from the majority of the population, are dedicated to gods of sustenance

and fertility, and are presided over by an elite which possesses a special relationship to these gods.” MONTE ALBAN AND THE ZAPOTEC GREAT TRADITION

Monte Alban contains the most impressive, and the best studied, cere-

monial zone in the Valley of Oaxaca. Located on a series of ridges about 400 meters above the Valley floor and 1,540 meters above sea level, Monte Alban is slightly southwest of the present city of Oaxaca

near the confluence of the three valley branches which form the Valley of Oaxaca.

The central and defensible location of this site in the Valley was probably a factor that attracted its earliest settlers; it was unoccupied, however, until Monte Alban I times. Its setting, literally on top of a mountain, suggests a strategic defensive location. An apparently defensive wall, roughly two and one-half kilometers in length, was built along the north, northwest, and west edges of the site in late Monte Alban I or II times.*” This feature probably attests to competition between various states in the Valley—a competition that could have forced some of the population to seek a defensive and strategic location.

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THE GREAT TRADITION 65 Most of the Grand Plaza that can be seen today in reconstructed form dates from Monte Alban IIB, with earlier buildings buried underneath. Except for the danzantes and Building J, which date from Monte Alban I and II, and the South Platform, which may date from IIIA, the rest of the central ceremonial-administrative precinct apparently is Monte Alban IIIB.”

One distinctive architectural feature which appeared in Monte Alban IIIA is the so-called talud-tablero, a feature that combines a sloping wall with a panel. In Monte Alban I and II times the lower walls of pyramids apparently formed a gentle slope to the summit. With the introduction of the ¢alud-tablero in IIIA, pyramids contained a decorative panel, generally framed, which interrupts the slope. This trait, widespread in the Mesoamerican Classic stage, traditionally has been associated with Teotihuacan architecture. Stairways in Monte Alban III also became more elaborate, being set into the structures and, on some of the larger buildings, divided

into flights. Most structures were covered with stucco and painted, many in red, as were some of the stelae which accompany them. Another characteristic feature of Classic Monte Alban architecture

consists of the great quadrangular patio surrounded by buildings. Apparently, two types can be distinguished: ceremonial and residential. The ceremonial type invariably has an altar or adoratorio in the middle of the patio, a feature lacking in the residential type. The ceremonial patios are flanked with temple-pyramids, while the residential patios contain structures which probably were dwellings for the upper classes. The patios of the elites are structurally similar to the patios of the gods.

A ball court, which originally may have been constructed in Monte Alban II times, took form in period II. The plan of this court 1s that of an I, and it has the peculiar characteristic of having two niches in

opposite diagonal interior angles of the court along with a circular stone set in the center of the floor. As plaster undoubtedly covered what today look like steps or seats, producing smooth side walls, the game probably was watched from surrounding temples. The ball court was called gueya in Zapotec; the game played there was called lachi.®

Little is known about the way /achi was played. From sculptures and from accounts of the game among the post-Classic Mayas and

Stela 9 at Monte Alban. (Courtesy Kay Parker.)

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CYCLES OF CONQUEST 99 Personages depicted on the walls of Tomb 1 have been identified with individuals in the Mixtec codices. For example, two personages named ¢ g Flower and ¢ 5 Flower were found represented. While

the association of 3 g Flower is not certain, ¢ 5 Flower is the individual mentioned in the Codex Nuttall as the great-grandfather of 3 6 Water “Colored Strips” from Yanhuitlan. The latter had a daughter who married ¢ 8 Deer “Fire Serpent,” possibly the individual buried in Tomb 1.”° It is also significant that Tomb 1 was located near

the highest mound at Zaachila, which was probably the stronghold or “castle” quoted above in Burgoa.

The data from Zaachila suggest that the spectacular contents of Tomb 7 at Monte Alban probably are quite late period V and date from the time when the Mixtecs had already conquered Zaachila, Lords of Yanhuitlan as depicted in plaster sculptures of Tomb 1, Zaachila: a, 3 9 Flower; 5, 3&5 Flower. (Source: Mary Elizabeth Smith, Picture Writing from Ancient Southern Mexico, figs. 39d and e.)

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Mitla mural painting in Mixteca-Puebla style. (Drawn by Carol Smith after Ignacio Marquina, Arquitectura prehispanica | México, 1951 |.)

in the post-Classic stage they assumed more importance than before in the Valley. They also are found at Zaachila and are frequently encountered in the Mixtec codices.

Monolithic stones of extraordinary size and weight, drawn from a nearby quarry without draft animals and fashioned with only stone tools, are known from Mitla. They were used as columns and lintels in both the palatial structures and the tombs. Mural paintings from the Mitla Church Group are Mixteca-Puebla in style. The nature of the year sign, plus depictions of deities and lords, relate them to Mixteca-Puebla and not Zapotec style. While the palatial structures at Mitla generally have been assigned

to period V and thus identified as “Mixtec,” this classification must remain tentative. First, the palaces contain no stratigraphy, and, as a result, it is dificult to assign them to either period IV or period V, although they are almost certainly post-Classic. Second, the stratigraphy elsewhere at Mitla is unclear. For example, the South Group showed a peculiar sequence: First, it revealed Zapotec of Monte Alban IITA (Burial 1); then Zapotec of period IV (Burial 2). However, the next two sequences are difficult to assess. A tomb (3C) has been identified as Mixteca-Puebla although it contains no polychrome or metal but only stone mosaics and miniature vessels of possible Mixteca-Puebla derivation. Tomb 3C was destroyed, however, and over its ruins was

CYCLES OF CONQUEST 107

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constructed a pyramidal mound of Zapotec style. The sequence then becomes: ITI, IV, V,IV(?).™

The relactén of Mitla, and Burgoa, indicate that Mitla was the Zapotec religious center, presided over by a Zapotec high priest, who

is likened to a bishop or pope—a common equation in Spanish sources. It also was a burial ground for the highest-ranking Zapotec nobility; second-rank nobles were apparently buried in Teitipac.”

Burgoa relates further that the palaces of Mitla contained the dwellings of the high priest and his attendants as well as apartments for visiting dignitaries. Mitla also had a cacigue, a secular lord.“ Of course, it is not certain to which specific period of Zapotec history these accounts refer, except that it was sometime after the fall of Monte Alban. Extensive excavations undertaken at Yagul (probably the old Tlacolula) relate to the problems at Mitla.® Yagul is built on the south and west slopes of a low hill to the northeast of present-day Tlacolula. On

the summit of this hill is a fortress of stone and mud walls which is in most respects identical to a fortress located on a crag some 154 meters above the valley floor a mile or two from Mitla. These fortresses

apparently were used as places of refuge during military attacks. On the south slope are the chief ceremonial, commercial, and administrative areas of Yagul. There were located bases for temples (pyramidal mounds), palace structures with patios, a ball court similar to the one

| at Monte Alban, and some thirty-five tombs. The central precinct measures approximately 140 meters from east to west and 180 meters

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Map 9. Archeological zone of Yagul, Oaxaca. (Drawn by Terry Prewitt after John Paddock (ed.), Ancient Oaxaca)

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IN NEW SPAIN 182 many as four thousand resided in communities ringing the Spanish city. More Nahuatl speakers were brought in to work the mines southeast of Antequera. By the end of the Colonial period, however, be-

cause they underwent rapid acculturation, Nahuatl speakers had virtually disappeared in the Valley. The Mixtecs, who had been distributed in a number of places in the Valley in the late pre-Conquest period, were congregated by Hernan Cortés in and around Cuilapan.”’ In 1529 Cortés had taken the Valley as part of his vast marguesado, which also included part of the Valley

of Mexico, much of the present state of Morelos, the area around Toluca, and later Tehuantepec. Cortés held almost all of the Valley towns during the early part of

the Conquest period, but by the 1540’s his holdings had been restricted, for various political and economic reasons, to the Cuatro Villas (Etla, Cuilapan, Tlapacoya, and the Villa de Oaxaca)."® With

the exception of the Villa de Oaxaca, which was predominantly a Nahuatl-speaking community, these towns contained Mixtec speakers. Other Mixtecs were brought into the Valley, especially to the

Etla region and to San Lorenzo Albarradas, near Mitla, from the Mixteca Alta.” Documentary records describe the sizable, if concentrated, Mixtec-

speaking population in the Valley during the Colonial period. For example, one source states that in 1570 there were 18,000 Zapotec tribu-

taries in the entire Valley and some 6,000 tributaries in Cuilapan, primarily a Mixtec town and by this time the largest Indian settlement in the Valley, with about 20,000 inhabitants. At a slightly later date there were 12,100 Zapotec tributaries in the Valley and 5,000 tributaries in Cuilapan.** While Mixtec was spoken in the Valley throughout the Colonial period, there are few, if any, Mixtec speakers there

today, even though communities such as Cuilapan, Atzompa, and Santa Cruz Etla claim a Mixtec heritage.”®

A number of factors account for the disappearance of the Mixtec language. As minorities in Zapotec-speaking areas, the Mixtecs abandoned their native language and adopted Spanish, which became the lingua franca in the region. In other communities they intermarried with Zapotecs. In the Etla and Cuilapan areas, where native cacique

and Spanish control and influence were particularly strong, they rapidly adopted Spanish.”

184 THE ZAPOTECS The Valley’s indigenous population suffered a tremendous decrease

during the early Colonial period, a phenomenon characteristic of most of New Spain. Although the conquest of the Valley was a relatively peaceful one and the inhabitants escaped the military combat losses suffered by the Mexicas of Tenochititlan,” they did not escape epidemic disease. Diseases brought by the Spaniards, against which the Indians had no resistance, reduced the native population of the Valley by half by 1568. The population fell even more in the early seventeenth century, dwindling perhaps to one-fourth of its size at Spanish contact.” The native population recovered somewhat during the next hundred years, although there were cycles of decrease and increase; by 1740 there were about 70,000 inhabitants (including natives, mixedbloods or mestizos, and Spaniards) in the Valley. By 1790 the Valley population had increased to some 110,000 inhabitants. In 1959, the population had grown to 290,000 inhabitants, perhaps equal to or slightly surpassing its population 1n aboriginal times.

The Spanish population of the Valley mostly was confined to Antequera. In 1526 Antequera had a population of 120, which increased to 3,000 by 1660. It then underwent a boom and grew to 19,000

by 1777, but declined to about 17,000 by the end of the Spanish Colonial period.

In the sixteenth century Antequera’s population was almost exclusively Spanish. Later, however, it took on a more diverse character.

For example, some nearby Indian communities, such as Villa de Oaxaca, gradually lost their lands, became infiltrated with mestizos and Negroes, and turned to more commercial enterprises. Additional migrants led to an increasing diversification of the city. Antequera

thus developed a highly mixed population perhaps as early as the middle of the seventeenth century.

In the 1790’s, when the population of Antequera reached 18,000, it included some 7,co0 mulattoes and Indians, and about 11,000 Spaniards and mestizos.

Although the mestizo and Spanish population of Antequera was quite large, it remained small elsewhere in the Valley, as did the Negro

and mulatto population. Spaniards and mestizos resided on some rural estates, and a few towns contained token populations.” By law, Spaniards (except corregidores and the clergy) and mestizos were

forbidden to reside in Indian towns. |

IN NEW SPAIN 185 Negro slaves were imported into the Valley in the sixteenth century, particularly following the official abolition of Indian slavery by the New Laws of 1542. The dwindling native population, and strong legal pressures limiting access to its labor, also promoted the importation of Negro slaves. Most Negroes were employed as cowpunchers,

laborers in sugar mills, and servants for both Spaniards and Indian caciques. However, the Negro population of the Valley always was relatively small; in the 1790’s there were only 2,436 Negroes in the Valley.” INDIAN CACIQUES

The Spaniards recognized the noble status of local Indians and, with certain reservations, permitted them to retain their favored positions. In the Valley of Oaxaca, having submitted peacefully to the conquistador Francisco de Orozco in 1521, native caciques were given special treatment; the Spaniards incorporated the Indian nobles as a special branch of their own nobility, according them Azdalgo status. It was readily acknowledged that the prestigious native caciques would be helpful to the Spanish cause in collecting tribute, in serving as military leaders, and in converting commoners to Christianity. Since cacigues retained their traditional prerogatives, as did principales, they developed a loyalty to their Spanish overlords and rapid-

ly became acculturated to Hispanic patterns: wearing Spanish clothing, carrying swords and daggers, riding horses, and using the appellation “Don” in front of their new Spanish names—prerogatives restricted to nobles.” They also rapidly learned Spanish, left their Indian communities to reside in the more prestigious Antequera, and became converts to Christianity. However, intermarriage between Indian nobles (whether male or female) and Spaniards was relatively rare in the Valley of Oaxaca.” Caciques had to meet two criteria to maintain their positions. First,

they had to convert openly to Christianity, denouncing the old gods for all to see, and undergo baptism. Second, they had to demonstrate their descent in a direct line from a native pre-Spanish lord. The same strictures applied to the principal or lesser nobility group; they also had to proclaim themselves Christian and be able to demonstrate their noble status.

186 THE ZAPOTECS Caciques, as well as principales, were entitled to exact tribute, in kind and in labor, from their subject populations. Many cacigues also

held grants of land and retained tenant farmers (terrasgueros) to work them. This practice especially was true in the valley of Etla and around Cuilapan, where even some principales enjoyed the prerogative of retaining terrasgueros.” The size of noble landholdings also was increased. Following de-

struction of the temples and abolition of the native priesthood, the former temple lands frequently were assigned to native caciques.” Additional increases in noble landholdings sometimes came from the usurpation of pueblo or communal lands assigned to macehuales. But Spaniards also brought with them a new concept of wealth, and caciques soon learned not to be content to simply exact tribute in the old manner; maize, cacao beans, feathers, and jade meant little in the new society. As a result, cacigues, emulating the Spanish entrepreneurs, turned toward more capitalistic enterprises. Cattle and sheep

ranches frequently were owned by Indian nobles. Others became involved in the cochineal industry, which became very important during the Colonial period, especially in the Zimatlan arm of the Valley. Some invested in stone quarries, salt deposits, and wheat mills, especially in the Etla wing of the Valley.” Generally, after 1650 the native nobility, particularly in the Valley of Mexico and in Michoacan, hardly was distinguishable from mace-

huales, either by wealth or prestige,’ but in parts of the Valley of Oaxaca they remained relatively prosperous throughout the Colonial period. A number of factors account for this: in addition to the relatively peaceful conquest of the Valley and the lack of a strong Spanish encomendero group there, the fact that many caczgues were able to consolidate and maintain their estates (cacicazcos) intact is significant, for in other areas of Mexico the estates were usurped by Spanish landowners. The Indian cacicazcos of Cuilapan and Etla constituted the largest individual estates in the Valley of Oaxaca, whether Spanish or Indian, throughout the long period of Spanish rule.” But in other areas of the Valley and Zapotec Oaxaca a more typical pattern ensued. Estates were fragmented and dispersed, and tensions between macehuales and nobles reduced the supply of Indian labor for cacicazco lands. Costly land disputes with macehuales and others,

the squandering of money to emulate Spanish patterns of luxury,

IN NEW SPAIN 187 droughts, frosts, wheat blights, and an epidemic among cattle and sheep in the eighteenth century caused many caciques to go into debt

—debt that could be repaid only by breaking up their estates.*” In the valley arm of Tlacolula, in the Southern Zapotec region around Miahuatlan, in Tehuantepec, and in the Zapotec sierra, caciques hardly were distinguishable from macehuales by the middle of the Colonial period.** Since most principales never succeeded in crystallizing and entailing their estates, they suffered a similar fate. In fact, even Spaniards, particularly the Creoles, were unsuccessful in transmitting large

landholdings and retaining labor for their estates in the Valley—a factor that distinguishes these Oaxacan areas from others in Mexico and helped to prevent the strong development of the hacienda there.” While some cacigues in the Valley were relatively wealthy, almost everywhere the Indian nobility suffered loss of prestige in their local Indian communities. Struggles with macehuales over land and labor led to an increasing gulf between the two groups and the partial undermining of the political power of the native nobility in Indian communities. As the Colonial period went on, caciques enjoyed prestige, and some enjoyed wealth, in the new Spanish society, but wealth was a guarantee neither of effective prestige nor of political influence in the local Indian community; conversely, prestige was not a guarantee

of wealth. For while cacigues and other nobles were favored by Spaniards, such favoritism, along with the pursuit of Spanish entrepreneural activities, alienated them from the common Indian. Perhaps this was inevitable from the beginning of the Colonial period, for as Taylor writes: “The nobles’ loyalty to their Spanish rulers was accompanied by a ready acceptance of Spanish ways. Caciques considered themselves aristocrats on the Spanish level. In many respects

they had more in common with the Spanish society of Antequera than with the people of their own jurisdictions. This aloofness early became a matter of physical as well as psychological distance. . . .”*°

In short, Indian nobles either were alienated from macehuales, becoming wealthy and prestigious in Spanish society, or were reduced to the level of macehuales in wealth, and also suffered a loss of pres-

tige. In a social and cultural sense, then, although Indian caciques were recognized as distinct, they either became nonIndians or common Indians. This dual process, described by Charles Gibson as typical of the fate of the Indian nobility throughout the New World,”

188 THE ZAPOTECS reflects the basic nature of the plural society of New Spain—one divided into isolated worlds with little allowance for groups intermediate between them.

THE INDIAN POLITICAL COMMUNITY

The Indian community, or pueblo, defined by law as a discrete entity

in the Spanish system (the repuéblica de los indios), went through various stages of evolution after the Spanish conquest of Mexico. During the early part of the post-Conquest period, caczques and other Indian nobles continued to govern their communities, exact tribute, and supervise most activities—positions apportioned on the basis of pre-

Conquest privileges. But beginning in the 1530’s, the Indian community was organized, with some modification, in accordance with the basic institution of Spanish town government—the cabildo. The Spanish envisioned the creation of an Indian community that was largely self-governing as well as economically self-supporting. This had been the model of municipal (cadiddo) organization in Spain, where offices were elective and were rotated. The major offices were alcaldes (judges for minor crimes and civil suits) and regzdores (councilors who legislated laws for local matters). In the New World, these offices were continued, except that in Indian communities an additional office was added—that of gobernador, or governor. The gobernador was the highest elected political office

and the most powerful and prestigious position in the Indian community. The origins of this position may have related to a position in the aboriginal town government, to some precedent in Spain, or, more probably, to a combination of both of these factors, an adaptation of Spanish and Indian forms of government to the specific conditions of the New World. It is known that in the early stages of cabildo government in the Indian community of New Spain, the highest positions were occupied by members of the Indian nobility, and the office of gobernador frequently was held by a cacique, the most prestigious individual in the community.”’

Also during this early period, only Indian nobles could serve as electors, and only Indians could serve on Indian cabildos. These cabildo officers carried out a number of local functions: they guarded

IN NEW SPAIN 189 communal properties, collected local tribute, enacted local legislation not covered under Spanish law, and were responsible for maintaining

peace, enforcing compliance to Spanish orders, and assuring attendance at religious functions.

In addition to the offices of gobernador, alcalde and regidor there were lesser offices, appendages to the cabildo. While these positions varied from town to town, most pueblos had mayordomos (supervisors) of communal lands, escribanos (scribes), alguaciles (police officers and custodial workers), and cantores (singers for masses and

religious ceremonies). These positions generally were assigned through a system of rotation—a system that probably was responsible for development of what was to become the core of the Colonial Indian community, the civil-religious hierarchy or cargo system. The domination of the Indian cadildo offices by the native nobility was but a transitional phase, however, for by the end of the sixteenth century their hold over cabildo posts had declined. A number of factors account for this development. First, the tremendous population decline that took place in the sixteenth century, coupled with Spanish legal restriction of cabildo posts to Indian nobles, created a lack of personnel that made enforcement of such restrictions difficult. Second, the rapid Spanish acculturation of Indian cacigues turned their local

populations against them. Finally, as the power of the Spanish bureaucracy increased, the prerogatives of the native nobility to cabildo posts decreased. Election to the main cabildo offices required approval of the viceregal arm of the Spanish government, enforced within the various levels of the Spanish Colonial bureaucracy, the corregimiento, the audiencia, and the Viceroy. Conflicts between Indian commoners,

who soon gained access to Spanish legal channels, and their native

nobility, along with the reduction of prerogatives to tribute and wealth for most Indian nobles in the 1560’s, ultimately meant that the distinction between Indian noble and commoner became less clear.

Thus, legal strictures could not be enforced, and common Indians gained access to cabildo posts even though the Viceroy continued to insist that voting rights should be restricted to Indian nobles.*° The evolution of cabildo government in the Valley of Oaxaca followed this general model, although the process was somewhat slower: “the macehual class gained more and more political control as the colonial period played out.”*”

190 THE ZAPOTECS Macehuales in the Valley of Oaxaca ultimately gained the right to vote, although in no Valley town was an entire cabildo elected by the

whole community in the Colonial period. In some towns, such as Tlacochahuaya in the eighteenth century, macehuales could be elected to the posts of alcalde and regidor without having privileges as electors (vocales). In others, such as in Zimatlan, they gained the right to serve as electors for certain stipulated offices.

Legally and officially, cabildo offices were for a one-year term, and a person could not serve again in the same office for a period of three years. However, in the early years caciques and principales repeatedly were elected to the same office, some serving for as many as eleven to fifteen years.*”

But continual abuse of these offices, plus the rising aspirations of certain macehuales, \ed to the decline of cacique rule. For example, only one cacigue held the office of gobernador in the Valley after 1725... The abuses of cacigues frequently are mentioned in Spanish sources, and their character often is described in harsh terms. Burgoa, for example, describes seventeenth-century caciques: The caciques [of Huitzo] nowadays are half as intelligent and twice as wicked as their predecessors. All the old caciques have died, and with

them have gone their esteemed reputation and courage, as well as the cattle estates they once possessed. Their heirs, more absentminded than vigilant, find themselves poverty-stricken. Their habits are corrupt; and when they lack outsiders with whom to quarrel, they stir up disputes and misunderstandings within the towns. ... To sustain their petulant excesses they even usurp the capellanias [benefices] that were granted to the convent by former caciques.*”

Another source speaks of the cacique of Matatlan in the 1720's: “He is a captious, bold, and shameless man whose only interest is in stirring up the rustic temperament of the natives of this town. He constantly arouses them against their priests and ministers, the alcaldes mayores, and the other representatives of justice.”** In 1689, the cacique of Etla, who had given away community lands to the Church, declared: “The people of the Villa de Etla have declared themselves my enemies.””**

Cacique disputes with their town populations were frequent in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. In some towns they were barred

IN NEW SPAIN IQI from holding any cabildo post. In others, such as Coyotepec, a cacique was elected to a lowly office and refused to serve because he felt it beneath his dignity. Some caciques attempted to usurp the office of gobernador, as in Zimatlan in the 1690’s, and both the principales and the commoners united against him, taking the issue to a higher authority; the cacigue ultimately was forbidden to hold office and had

his estate confiscated.*” Appeals by Indians to Spanish authorities were frequent in the Colonial period, a mechanism some have interpreted as a substitute for the warfare of pre-Spanish times as a means

of resolving disputes.“ Open violence also frequently erupted in towns over noble usurpations of office. The macehuales of Zaachila disrupted the elections of 1590, and in 1719 they ousted the gobernador of the town. At Macuilxdchitl in 1790 the townspeople removed the gobernador by force.*" Caciques ultimately disappeared from the local community political

scene, although in some cases they attempted, mostly unsuccessfully, to reassert their influence. Principales also lost their hold over offices as their status and wealth declined. Finally, prestige based on com-

munity service instead of hereditary privilege became much more important as a criterion for serving in an important cadildo post. By the end of the Spanish Colonial period, the Indian cabildo had taken a form that was neither distinctively Spanish nor like the government of pre-Conquest times. Instead, it represented an adaptation of Spanish town government to local conditions—conditions that made the holding of political office less a right that could bring wealth

and power to a privileged nobility than a duty designed to preserve and protect a local Indian community of peasants. In this system, prestige became synonymous not with wealth and power but with their antithesis—poverty and service.

In other respects, the post-Conquest Indian community as a political entity had more in common with its pre-Spanish past—a commonality resulting more from the structural similarity between the

political communities of ancient Oaxaca and Spain than from the survival of aboriginal institutions. The relationship between a cabecera

and its sajetos was similar in both periods: the cabecera dominated the political life of the sajetos, as sujetos did not have cabildos of their own. Throughout the Colonial period, however, there was shifting in the

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IN NEW SPAIN : : 193 political status of Indian towns. Depopulation brought about the consolidation of many towns into single entities, brought about the extinction of some communities, and created towns which had no preSpanish antecedents. In other cases, inhabitants abandoned whole towns or barrios because of population pressures or attempts by authorities to subject them to a labor draft; some became squatters on abandoned land. Bitter disputes, leading to violence and litigation, also ensued over the political status of towns; some objected to the

tule of the cabecera and petitioned for cabecera status. In general, there was a tendency for political units to increase in size in the early Colonial period, while smaller units obtained independent political

status in the later years of Spanish rule.** | THE LANDED INDIAN PUEBLO

The Indian community in the Valley of Oaxaca was conceived, above all, as a land-based entity. Grants of land, generally made to whole communities, had the long-term effect of solidifying the identifica-

tion of the Indian commoner with a place, of pitting community against community and commoners against an Indian noble or Spaniard who received a separate individual grant. The strong community tradition, characteristic of pre-Spanish times, was strengthened in the Colonial period; for Indian commoners the pueblo remained their major unit of identification. A number of types of grants were given to Indian communities. The first—and the only one really protected by colonial law—was the fundo legal, or townsite. The size of this entity varied slightly during various phases of the Colonial period, but in numerical terms each town was entitled to a grant of five hundred squared varas (a vara equaled approximately one meter) of land, which was divided into houseplots. Technically, only Indian commoners could hold cultiColonial map of Macuilxéchitl, part of the 1580 relacién of Macuilxéchitl, showing locations of its suzetos (by chapels), roads, footpaths, fields, grazing areas,

and important native nobles. Text in Nahuatl. (From Francisco del Paso y Troncoso (ed.), Papeles de Nueva Espanta, Vol. 4, p. 109; original in Real Academia de la Historia, Madrid.)

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196 THE ZAPOTECS vated fields within this area, and there were to be no ranches within one thousand varas of an Indian community.” Second, there were four other types of communal lands: (a) communal lands for the support of religious festivals and similar community-wide expenses; (b) communal pasturelands and woods; (c) communal darrio lands, owned separately by the residents of a section of a community (which sometimes corresponded to a group of related individuals or a former community), divided into plots and worked by nuclear families; and (d) communal tracts given to otherwise landless individuals who entered into a ¢errasguero relationship with the community, often performing services for the town in exchange for the use of these plots.

Theoretically, all communal lands were inalienable—that is, they could not be sold except under very special conditions—and individuals within communities held only usufruct rights over them. But in the Valley of Oaxaca much land was sold, encroached upon, or usurped by other Indian communities, native nobles, or Spaniards. While some towns retained large areas of land, many others were reduced to their fundo legal. There also were privately owned lands within Indian communities. At first, these were restricted to the Indian nobles, but eventually the notion of private, alienable holdings also was adopted by macehuales.

Macehuales sometimes acquired lands by purchase from nobles or from communities needing funds to pay tribute or debts or by usurping communal lands in cases when the community could not demonstrate clear legal title to a plot of land, for boundaries often were vague and unclear. The audiencia usually automatically approved the

sale of land valued at less than thirty pesos. The extent of private macehual holdings in the Colonial period cannot be ascertained, but, although it probably increased as the Colonial period neared its end, it undoubtedly represented the exception instead of the rule. Indian communities soon learned to employ legal procedures to meet their land needs in the Valley, and Spanish colonial records attest to frequent litigations. Disputes between pueblos over lands were common,” and there was a tendency for larger communities to expand at the expense of smaller ones, a procedure almost always supported by the Spanish authorities. Frequently, threatened communities argued that lands were theirs in primitivo patrimonio (held in

IN NEW SPAIN | 197 pre-Spanish times), a strong argument to the colonial authorities. Nevertheless, many communities lost those lands. However, since land varied greatly in quality throughout the Valley, the size of a

capacity.

community’s holdings was not necessarily an index of its productive

For example, the Etla arm contained the most productive land.”

But it also was in the Etla arm that the most serious erosion of Indian

community lands occurred; few towns there held more than their fundo legal by the end of the colonial period, and some even held less. Such a phenomenon is partly explicable by the strength of the native cacicazcos in the Etla arm as well as by the expansion there of other private estates. While the fertility of the land, coupled with irrigation, somewhat compensated for this situation, frequent squabbles over water rights reduced many communities to poverty. As a response to this situation, some Etla towns specialized in a commercial crop. For example, San

Sebastian Xochimilco supplied onions for the Antequera market, San Andrés Ixtlahuaca specialized in tomatoes, and several communities supplemented their income by using nearby woodlands for charcoal, firewood, and other wood products. Nevertheless, the communities of the Etla wing of the Valley had such reduced landholdings that they could not absorb—except in the

community of Huitzo—any population growth. In the eighteenth century the Etla region was described as a land “of pestilence, hunger, shortage of water, continuous land usurpation, and other afflictions.””” The southern arm of the Valley displayed variation throughout the

Colonial period.” Some communities, such as Cuilapan, Zimatlan, and Ocotlan, were relatively prosperous. In other communities, inadequate landholding generated problems in maintaining a food supply. There also were found large Spanish haciendas as well as large, expanding Indian communities, a situation which generated boundary disputes and reduced the landholdings of many communities. A sharply fluctuating population added to peasant misery in many communities in this region.

Cuilapan, the former Mixtec capital favored by Cortés, retained large landholdings throughout the Colonial period, encroached on nearby towns, and grew a great variety of marketable crops; in fact, Cuilapan often had an excess of land. Zaachila, however, continued

198 THE ZAPOTECS to suffer a land shortage throughout the Colonial period, and the former Zapotec capital never really escaped the continuing expansion of the Mixtecs. Its lands were encroached upon by Cuilapan and later

in the Colonial period by Spanish haciendas; many Zaachila men were forced to serve on haciendas to meet tribute demands. Much later, Zaachila was among the very few Valley towns that contained

active agraristas during the Mexican Revolution of r910—a phenomenon that supports the general reason often given for that conflict, chronic land shortage. Today it appears to be one of the most xenophobic towns in the Valley, understandable in view of its history.

Zimatlan had ample lands, and Ocotlan prospered through ranching, which supplied most of the meat for the important regional market there, but, as in Etla, other communities in this area turned to specialization to help alleviate land shortages. Atzompa specialized in a green-glazed pottery; Coyotepec first turned to maguey and later to black pottery. This strategy of specialization was attempted by a number of towns in the Valley—a strategy symptomatic of their inability to sustain themselves and meet tribute demands with their local land base.

Many towns in the valley of Zimatlan also produced cochineal, a product that required little productive land. The Bishopric of Oaxaca was the major producer of cochineal, which underwent a great boom in the eighteenth century and became a major source of dye in Europe.

It stood third in export products from New Spain until aniline dyes brought about its demise in the latter part of the nineteenth century.” Cochineal was not produced in the northwestern and southeastern arms of the Valley, although, in addition to Zimatlan, 1t also was produced in Tehuantepec, the Sierra de Juarez region at Ixtepeyji, in the Mixteca Alta, and in the Southern Zapotec region around Miahuatlan, where it was reported to have been of superior quality. In many cases, communities became prosperous for short periods because of cochineal,

and special Indian officials were appointed to handle it, although it always was under strict Spanish regulation and control.” The valley of Tlacolula, generally lacking the development of large cacicazcos and Spanish haciendas, retained pueblos with large landholdings throughout the Colonial period; however, these larger holdings did not also imply a greater productive capacity. Sheep and maguey cultivation were also more important in the valley of Tlaco-

IN NEW SPAIN 199 lula than elsewhere, often leading to extensive, not intensive, use of the land.”®

Community specialization and trading were more typical of the Tlacolula arm than of any other area in the Valley, as were highly developed local markets. Typical was a specialization in serapes, found only in the Tlacolula arm of the Valley, and the making of pulque or mezcal. Even today towns such as Teotitlan del Valle continue to specialize in weaving serapes. In the Colonial period, weavers

were found also in Santo Domingo del Valle (now Diaz Ordaz), Tlacolula, Mitla, and Macuilxéchitl. Besides pulgue and weaving, towns in the eastern arm specialized in petates (palm-leaf mats), firewood, charcoal, wooden spoons, and other items. Such community specialization did not, however, mean the demise of subsistence agriculture—communities continued to protect their land base and to use specialization as supplementary income. As in most peasant societies, craft specialization was not a substitute for agriculture. Disputes over land always were common in the Tlacolula wing of

the Valley; violence, strong community xenophobia, and constant litigation between pueblos were characteristic of the area. While it remained heavily Zapotec, strong dialectical differences between com-

munities probably developed during this period as Spanish became the dingua franca for intercommunity negotiations. The strong protective stance that most communities took toward their land base also encouraged community endogamy here as it did elsewhere in the Valley of Oaxaca. One of the most prosperous towns in the Tlacolula arm was Tlalix-

tac, which constantly encroached on its smaller neighbors. Not only did it have an important maguey industry—it was the major producer

in the area—but it also irrigated lands and had at least two sheep ranches. It was described as well kept and prosperous as late as the 1820's, when economic problems had reduced most Valley towns to utter poverty. The expansion of some larger Indian towns at the expense of their

neighbors represented a common phenomenon in the Valley and shows that Indian communities frequently lost lands to their nearby Indian neighbors, and not exclusively to predatory caciques and Span-

200 THE ZAPOTECS ish hacendados, the picture most often presented in works dealing with the Spanish Colonial period .

Of the many communities in the Tlacolula arm, only Mitla had serious disputes with Spanish haciendas, which bordered it on the east, north, northwest, and southwest. Mitla also lost communal lands when its sujetos were allowed to become independent entities. While Mitla probably retained enough land for subsistence purposes, it primarily became a town of itinerant merchants, a specialty it still enjoys

along with its importance as a place of Zapotec religious pilgrimage.”’

On the average, the Valley of Oaxaca was not characterized by a paucity of Indian land. It is estimated that during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries the average Indian plot ranged from 2.26 to 3.43 hectares, or about twice the size of the present-day Indian plot. In addition, the average Indian family usually had at least two plots which, as in most peasant societies, were seldom contiguous, bringing the total family landholding to between 4.44 and 8.87 hectares.” The ideal, probably seldom met, was for all Indian families to have land

of equal productive value and fertility—a value consistent with the egalitarian ethics of most peasant societies. INDIAN TRIBUTE AND LABOR

The Indians of New Spain were peasants in the Spanish estate system,

a fact well illustrated by examining the system of tribute and labor. Indian communities were given lands not only for subsistence but also to provide revenues for noblemen, the Spanish crown, and its subsidiary bureaucracy and to serve as a captive source of labor for various enterprises. Finally, Indian peasants were to underwrite the maintenance of their own local cabildo offices through a system of tribute assessment.

The earliest institution that recognized this fact was the encomienda—a grant of Indian towns to a Spaniard, giving him the right to exact tribute and recruit labor from them. But the encomienda was subject to much abuse, and the crown attempted early to abolish it, or to curtail its growth, not only in response to pressures from the Church, but also because so much autonomy was thereby given to

Spanish noblemen that it threatened to undermine crown control.

IN NEW SPAIN 201 The Spanish colony of New Spain was envisioned above all as a con-

trolled society, economically, politically, spiritually, and culturally administered by the crown and its bureaucratic arm.

The encomienda was relatively insignificant in the Valley of Oaxaca, although it was somewhat important in the Zapotec sierra and south.®® Oaxaca’s first encomendero was Hernan Cortés—the Marqués del Valle—who had, as his title suggests, almost unlimited

powers, a situation he created for himself after the conquest. As marqués, Cortés could grant encomiendas and lands within his jurisdiction, although he handed both out sparingly. But the history of the marquessate reflects the overall fate of such enclaves within crown territory: Cortés’ power and jurisdiction were continually reduced. By the 1530’s the marqués’ jurisdiction in the Valley had been reduced to the Cuatro Villas (Cuilapan, Villa de Oaxaca, Etla, and Tlapacoya), even though he also retained possessions in Tehuantepec, Morelos, and Toluca. His heirs, however, were to lose much of this vast estate as the crown continually curtailed their prerogatives.”

While the Spanish authorities, with crown aid, moved rapidly to revoke or control encomiendas, they did not abandon the idea that the Indian community should be a source of revenue. Corregimzento, in a sense a crown encomienda, was in force throughout the Colonial period, and Indians were assessed royal tribute. Various bureaucratic

salaries, including those of the corregidores, also came from these peasant revenues.

The tribute system in the Valley of Oaxaca underwent several stages of evolution. In the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries tribute was collected in various forms and was converted into a crown standard. Later, royal tribute was collected in specie or currency, a factor that continued throughout the Colonial period. Tribute was levied according to a census of the adult male popula-

tion; exemptions were made for the old and sickly, the extremely poor, and the nobility. After 1560, exemptions for the principal group were no longer in effect, although caczques continued to be exempt and legislation to remove their exemption was retracted. A community tribute, in addition to the royal or encomienda tribute, was assessed to underwrite the salaries of community officials and to defray certain costs (such as the sustenances of priests and the costs

of religious observances), and special lands were set aside for this

202 THE ZAPOTECS purpose; this community tribute generally was in addition to Church tithes. In the Valley of Oaxaca, beginning in the 1550’s, lands supplying community tribute were divisible into fields of about 0.028 hectares, each plot to be worked by a tributary male.” A married male represented one tributary, while a widow, widower, or unmarried male corresponded to one-half tributary in the assessment system. Documents pertaining to Zapotec Valley towns provide an illustration of how the tribute system operated in crown communities.” In the southern arm ef the Valley, Zimatlan and its associated towns (Tepezimatlan and La Magdalena), which were put in corregimiento in 1532, paid tribute valued at 266 pesos of gold each year in addition to crops from a designated field and one chicken every day, given to sustain their corregidor. In 1536, Zimatlan (not including its associated towns) paid tribute valued at 206 pesos of gold and also contributed crops valued at 48 pesos, bringing the total tribute to 254 pesos. Of this, 41 pesos went to the crown, while 178 pesos went to pay the salary of the corregidor. The Marqués del Valle, who had residual rights to tribute at this time over most of the Valley towns, received 35 pesos. According to the Suma de visitas, which probably dates from this period, Zimatlan paid its cacique 454 pesos and seven tomines ot gold, and, of this, the cacigue gave 57 pesos to the crown. This tribute was given every hundred days in equal proportions. The

inhabitants of Zimatlan also contributed four hundred fanegas (a janega equaled approximately ninety liters) of maize and gave one chicken every day.

The tribute lists for other towns in this period reveal a similar profile, although tribute varied depending on the size of the popula-

tion. In 1531, when Mitla and Tlacolula in the eastern part of the Valley were put in corregimiento, these towns paid four tributes each year, valued at between 192 and 208 pesos, in addition to an unspecified amount from a small field. In 1536 they were assessed a total of 159 pesos, divided as 130 pesos of gold (paid in ¢ejuelos, ingots) and 29 pesos for crops. Of these, the crown received 26 pesos while the corregidor got 133. According to the Suma, Mitla gave 7 pesos and six tomines of gold each eighty days and an additional 130 fanegas of maize each year. The author of the Suma adds that these people grew little maize because of their poor land but lived mostly by selling chickens and soap.

IN NEW SPAIN 203 The author of the Suma also claimed that some of the Valley towns, such as Zimatlan, Tlalixtac, and Zaachila, paid too little tribute—the

Indians there are described as rich and able to pay more. Such a phenomenon illustrates quite well the status of peasants in Spanish colonial society and helps account for observations that peasants had little desire to increase their productive capacities: the larger their production, the more the required tribute.

The Suma document for Zaachila also illustrates the variety of products paid as tribute during this early period. Zaachila paid to its cacique 325 pesos and four zomines of gold; the caczque, in turn, gave

to the crown 28 pesos of gold dust each year. For six months of the year, Zaachila gave the corregidor one chicken, two hundred tortillas, five cargas (one carga equaled approximately two fanegas) of firewood, one hundred cacaos (cocoa beans), one-half fanega of maize, and the services of five Indians. The corregidor each year also reserved twenty-five fanegas of maize, three fanegas of beans, and ten fardos (bundles) of chilies. In 1531, when Zaachila and Iztepeque were combined into a corregimiento, they gave, each eighty days, four tezuelos

of gold, and they had two fields producing one thousand cargas of maize. They also gave the corregidor a “moderate” amount of food. In 1536 these two towns paid a total valued at 275 pesos of gold, including 235 pesos in gold dust and 11 pesos in crops. Of these, 48 pesos

went to the crown, 128 pesos and four tomines to the corregidor, and 33 pesos to the marqués.

Later documents for these same towns indicate that the crown moved to standardize procedures and also give some indication of the relationship between local Indian officials and the tribute they received. In 1572 Zaachila gave 1,699 pesos and four zomuines, paid in three installments, as well as 717 fanegas and three almudes (one almud equaled approximately one-twelfth of a fanega) of maize. The Zaachila document also states that after the 1,434 pesos and. the maize

were paid to the crown, the remaining pesos were deposited in the community strongbox or caja. This caja had three keys to it; one was in the possession of the gobernador, another was held by an alcalde, and a third by a mayordomo. This fund was to be used for whatever was deemed necessary by these officials to maintain the community (including, presumably, their own salaries), although they had to keep a strict accounting of their expenditures.

204 THE ZAPOTECS Also, according to the Zaachila document, each tributary in the community was assessed nine and one-half reales of silver and onehalf fanega of maize; widows and widowers paid one-half of this assessment. The aged, very poor, and infirm were not assessed, nor could further tribute or services be demanded of them. The officials of the community should make sure, the document insists, that the Christian religion was maintained and that the priests had their needs satisfied.

Similar documents pertain to other Valley Zapotec communities, and the general tribute system is described similarly in all of them, although each total tribute, of course, varied depending on the number of tributaries in the community. For example, in 1574 Zimatlan gave 1,676 pesos, five tomines and six granos (there were approxtmately twelve granos per tomin) of gold (oro comdn), along with 297 fanegas and nine almudes of maize. Of this, the crown received 73 pesos and one tomin for the community. As in Zaachila, Mitla, Tlacolula, Tepezimatlan, and most other Valley communities, each tributary was assessed nine and one-half reales of silver and one-half fanega of maize. In Tlalixtac, however, they were assessed only eight reales of silver per full tributary, and in Ixtepec each full tributary paid only six zomines.

The crown and its legislative arm worked hard to standardize tribute schedules but found it almost impossible. One continuing prob-

lem was the fluctuation of the population. In response, tribute assessments periodically were revised, but the slowness of bureaucratic

procedures and communications usually meant that the assessments were dated, usually excessive, and therefore could not be met by many Indian communities. There also were many opportunities for abuse. Since the salaries of corregidores, officials of the communities, and the funds for other privileged individuals came from the tribute quotas, excessive demands could not be controlled easily, nor could corruption be curtailed. Such abuses seem especially to have been characteristic of communities held in encomienda. Excessive demands sometimes led to Indian violence; a serious rebellion took place in Oaxaca in the seventeenth century among the

Zapotecs of the isthmus and the sierra. It started in Tehuantepec, where the Spanish alcalde mayor was stoned to death and an Indian mob sacked Spanish establishments, seizing muskets and other

IN NEW SPAIN 205 weapons. After establishing an Indian government in Tehuantepec, the revolt spread through Nejapa and finally to Ixtepeji and Villa Alta in the sierra. The Indian army ultimately grew to ten thousand men. The Indian leaders of the revolt held out for a year, communicating with the viceroy and explaining that they were not in rebellion against

the crown but against excessive tribute. However, in 1661 an envoy from the viceroy subdued the rebellion with an army. The Indian governor of Tehuantepec was dismembered and hung in quarters at the four entrances of the town of Tehuantepec. Others also were quartered and mutilated. A peace finally was proclaimed with a solemn mass.” While such widespread peasant rebellions were not characteristic of Colonial Oaxaca (and especially the Valley region),°° the economy of Spain in the seventeenth century and throughout the later Colonial period led to increased demands for tribute to be paid in specie instead

of in kind. The increasing demand for currency generated a number of changes in Indian communities. In the sixteenth century and early part of the seventeenth century, communal lands for the purposes of filling tribute coffers were kept intact. But beginning in the seventeenth century, some communal lands were sold, rented, or diverted to cash crops to meet the new tribute quotas."" Increasingly, peasants turned to outside sources of revenue. Some peasants became heavily involved in commerce. Others acquired cash through wage labor or became involved in the prosperous cochineal industry. As a result,

there was some “opening” of the peasant community during this period, and cash became more and more a crucial part of the peasant economy. However, this situation did not continue for long. Yellow fever epidemics in 1739, 1766, and 1780, along with serious famines in 1779-80 and 1785-87, intensified the economic problems of the eighteenth century. The cochineal industry started its decline in the early eighteenth century and, although it recovered for short periods, went into permanent decay after 1783. Communities that had become overspecialized

or almost totally dependent on this crop, such as Ixtepeji and Miahuatlan, had neglected their basic subsistence needs and were in such a dire situation that they applied for and were granted exemptions from royal tribute.”’

206 THE ZAPOTECS Most other peasant communities, however, did not become overspecialized to this extent, nor did they so radically divert their traditional land use patterns. Therefore, when the larger economy collapsed, they still could meet their subsistence needs. This ability to survive illustrates the dual adaptive nature of peasant communities: they can “open” or “close” depending on the economic environment of the larger society in which they find themselves embedded. The viability of the peasant eocnomy, however, depends on the retention of a subsistence land base. To the extent that it mitigates against such retention, “opening” cannot go too far. The Valley Zapotec communities, on the whole, remained “closed” in that those lands which provided their subsistence mainstay were not diverted. But those communities that did overspecialize were unable to “close” when economic conditions changed.

Tribute involved more than payment in kind or specie in New Spain and Oaxaca—it also involved labor. The early encomendero was entrusted not only with things but also with backs to produce things. The Spanish administration wrestled continuously with the problem of providing goods and labor for the Spanish colonists, their vanguard, and protection from abuse for the Indians, their wards. In the middle of the sixteenth century (1549) a compromise was reached for the labor issue; the administration of tribute was separated from the administration of the labor system, and the repartimiento was created to handle the latter. Under this system, Indians were subject to labor drafts to work for the Church, for the Spanish estates, and for mines and other enterprises.”*

The history of the labor system in the Valley of Oaxaca, as in all of New Spain, is a grim one. Frequent protests, abuses, coercion, incon-

sistency in policies, and misery for both Indians and dependent Creoles mark its pages. The Indians felt this system to be the most abusive of all, and in various ways they attempted to escape its wrath;

the Spanish colonist felt that the peninsulares (Spanish bureaucrats born in Spain) had abandoned them with their policies. Labor issues brought pervasive conflict between Spaniard and Spaniard, Spaniard and Indian, and Indian and Indian. When royal and marquesado tributes were paid partly in kind in the sixteenth century, the relatively small Spanish fmmbunity in the Valley of Oaxaca was supplied with cereals. Spanish estates at that

IN NEW SPAIN 207 time were few, and they specialized mostly in livestock production, which required only a few Indian laborers supplemented by Negro slaves. A decline in population and the new cash tribute demands in the seventeenth century altered this situation. The Spanish estate now played a much more important role in supplying the Spanish community; consequently, more laborers were required. The repartimiento had supplied most of the needs for labor in the sixteenth century both in the mines (which generally were closed by the seventeenth century) and on the Spanish estates. Generally, under

this system, normal service for Valley Indians was for one week (with Sundays off) each year; 4 per cent of all tributary males were expected to be used at a single time. Each enterprise was assigned a fixed number of Indian workers who were to be paid a wage, a stipend

that frequently was avoided in practice.” | But Indian labor did not meet demand as Spanish agricultural enterprises expanded. Further, the crown moved to limit labor demands on the Indian population. For example, in 1609 repartimtentos for agricultural purposes were banned, even though reasons of “public utility” forced the audiencia to grant some immunities. Because of these and other factors, the repartimiento system went into decline throughout the Colonial period. While abuses were common, and Indians often were forced to serve illegally, the labor needs of the Spanish estates in the Valley never were adequately met. One response to the decline of Indian tribute in kind, and the inadequacy of Indian labor through the repartimiento system, was the hacienda. This institution, “half capitalist, half feudal,” as described by Eric Wolf,” represented both the entrepreneurial orientation of Spaniards and older feudal notions, but more than anything else it was a response to the economic dilemma inherent in the structural separation of the Indian population from the Spanish colonists. Haciendas often are thought of simply as large landed estates. But although they generally were large, they most of all represented a type of social and economic organization, not simply an area of land. The hacienda combined both intensive and extensive patterns of agricul-

ture and stock grazing. Further, it fostered close social relationships

between masters and peons, providing most of the material and spiritual needs of the workers. Workers bound to Aacendados were given advances of money, a subsistence plot, masses, and medical

208 THE ZAPOTECS services as well as protection; basically, they received goods and services in exchange for loyalty, devotion, and hard work.” In the sense that it was an economic enterprise designed to feed cities and towns,

the hacienda was entrepreneurial in orientation: in the sense that it represented an enclave or domain of a patron and his clients, it was feudal. Only a few Spanish estates in the Valley of Oaxaca corresponded to

the classic haciendas of northern or western Mexico, although haciendas were found in all three arms of the Valley during the Colonial period. Of the more than sixty haciendas of which there are records,

the heaviest concentration was in the Zimatlan or southern arm of the Valley. Haciendas in the eastern part of the Valley were larger in size but fewer in number. Those in the Etla arm generally were smaller than elsewhere in the Valley, although they normally had proportionally more land under cultivation, as opposed to grazing land, than was found in other Valley regions.” It also seems that these haciendas, in general, did not approach the size of those elsewhere in Mexico, many of which held land well in excess of 8,800 hectares.‘* In the Tlacolula arm, for example, hacien-

das held between 8,o00 and 12,000 hectares; in the southern arm, between 3,200 and 1,160 hectares; and in the Etla arm, between 3,200 and 1,000 hectares.”

Only a few haciendas in the Valley of Oaxaca achieved political and economic autonomy, had large, luxurious cascos (buildings), and contained numerous resident peons—characteristics associated with the classic hacienda. The six Valley estates that were entailed (mayorazgos) seem to have most closely achieved these characteristics. A few others also achieved religious and political autonomy; for example, San José, in the Zimatlan arm, and Santo Domingo Buenavista, in the eastern arm, received licenses in the seventeenth century permitting masses to be held in their chapels. Such a license severed the last ties between Indians residing on the hacienda and their town

of origin, as they then were no longer subject to the political and religious jurisdiction of their former cabecera and doctrina. After a period of expansion in the seventeenth century, however, the haciendas in the Valley suffered the effects of the economic decline of the early eighteenth century, and hacienda lands frequently were sold, rented, or mortgaged.”

IN NEW SPAIN 209 One reason for the relative insignificance of the hacienda in the Valley of Oaxaca was that debt peonage, the institution that kept the hacienda viable, met with but limited success in the region. To an extent, given the shortage of the labor supply, since most Indians had adequate lands and could not be pressed into service because they lacked the means to meet their royal tribute schedules, they were in a favorable negotiating position in the Valley. A shortage of adequate labor meant that Indians interested in working on haciendas could demand significant advances from the Aacendado. The crown

moved to limit such advances, however, imposing a five peso limit on Aacendados which limited their ability to attract peons, an imposition that engendered bitter complaints from many hacendados.™ The small size of the Negro and mestizo population did not make up for the shortage of Indian peons. For example, in 1777, when debt peonage was dominant elsewhere in Mexico, of the fifty-six Valley estates, twelve had no resident peons, thirty-three had from one to three, and only four had more than fifty. Of the 1,499 non-Spanish residents on Valley haciendas in the same year, 966 were Indians, 411 were mulattos, and 122 were mestizos.""

Debt peonage thus seems to have been relatively insignificant in the Valley, and by the middle of the eighteenth century, even though the Indian population had recovered from the drastic decline of the sixteenth century, haciendas still could not obtain adequate labor. Deterioration of the economy, plus unattractive working conditions on haciendas, meant that many Indians refused to work on haciendas at all, even as paid day-laborers. In exceptional cases, such as in Zaachila in the 1790's, Indians were forced to serve on haciendas by Spanish authorities because they could not meet their royal tribute payments.” By the end of the Colonial period haciendas were not a pervasive force in southern Oaxaca; they never had been present 1n the sierra, for mining enterprises and other commercial ventures had been much

more lucrative there, and in the Valley they failed to take hold and significantly expand. By the end of the eighteenth century many hacendados were forced to rent their lands to get some returns on their investment, and Spanish estates (the majority of which could not be classified as haciendas) held no more than one-third of the land in the Valley.”

210 THE ZAPOTECS INDIANS AND THE CHURCH

The Spanish Conquest was, above all else, a conquest of souls: the Spanish Church, in the guise of its friars, moved rapidly to eradicate the old religions. Native priests were deposed and native temples and idols destroyed. Catholicism was to become more than an appendage of Indian life; it also was to dominate its major focus of social life— the pueblo.

The Dominicans were entrusted with the conversion of souls in Oaxaca, although others, such as the Franciscan, Jesuit, Augustinian, Carmelite, and Mercedarian orders, founded houses in Oaxaca in the late sixteenth century. However, the influence of these latter orders was small: while the Franciscans and Augustinians established themselves in the core area of New Spain (the Valley of Mexico and its

environs), the Dominicans concentrated most of their efforts in Oaxaca.

From the beginning Dominicans were few and Oaxaca was vast.

Communication was a problem. They early friars worked both through intermediaries—native cacigues—and through a lingua franca—Nahuatl. At a later date many learned the indigenous languages, but there were never enough friars who spoke them. In the early period there were but four doctrinas (seats of ecclesiastical establishments) and many visitas (towns without resident friars or priests). Doctrinas were established at Etla, Cuilapan, and the Villa de Oaxaca by 1550. Huitzo and Ocotlan were added a few years later. By the end of the sixteenth century, many more were added: Zaachila, Santa Ana Zegache, Santa Cruz Mixtepec (Ixtepec), Santa Catarina Minas, Santa Marta Chichicapa, San Miguel Tlalixtac, San Geronimo Tlacochahuaya, San Juan Teitipac, Teotitlan del Valle, and Tlacolula. These were administered by approximately seventy Dominicans.” With that many souls, and only a few friars, they concentrated on

the ritual nature of Catholicism—participation was the key—even though they tried to present more subtle understandings. The Indians

were taught in large groups; many villages could be visited only rarely and others not at all. At least, however, every community was to have a church—and building by labor drafts soon accomplished this task for even small communities. As with most peoples, the Zapotecs interpreted the new religion in

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IN NEW SPAIN 213 old gods: San Pedro assumed attributes of the old rain god Cocijo, a leading figure in the Zapotec sacred calendar as San Pedro was in the

Catholic one. In Jalapa, Saint Catherine of Siena and Pinopiaa, a Zapotec heroine who was deified, were equated and worshiped at a common shrine.’ The Virgin Mary became but another saint in the pantheon, an important intercessor, as a female counterpart to the major supernatural figures. Christ had various refractions, symbolized by a variety of images, and pilgrimages were made to special locations where these were housed.*”

In addition to the many basic similarities in the religions—both used incense in their churches, both fasted and did penance, both went

on pilgrimages, both believed in a supernatural mother, both were hierarchical in their conceptions of religion—were similarities that permeated the simplest levels. Both had a naming ceremony couched in mystery and guarding against evil; as the old priests divined, the new ones baptised. Both religions gave a special place and special exemptions to children who died; in the old days Zapotec children went to a special heaven, a kind of dwelling place for the innocent, as

they now ascended directly to heaven as angelitos. Marriage (although now there would be no polygyny) and death in both religions were special times for religious celebrations. Burgoa, for example, discusses misunderstandings concerning death practices arising from

similarities in the two religions and what for him became an unwanted equation of the offering of bread and wine in the mass with the offering of food to accompany the dead on their journey through the underworld in the old religion.”

While there were these similarities that eased the transition to Catholicism, the friars were not always happy with the outcome. For although they could turn their backs on simple errors and the worship of new saints in old disguises for the sake of participation, they could

not tolerate idolatry or the worship of the old gods in old forms. Above all, they felt they had to eradicate the old priesthood, the guardians of the old gods. The Inquisition, especially as directed against Indian nobles, was an instrument to accomplish this task. It has been argued that the Inquisition was not directed toward the Indians, but abundant documentation has refuted this contention. For example, it already has been mentioned that in Sola, native beliefs

and practices continued into the seventeenth century, and native

214 THE ZAPOTECS priests, called /ezrares (then not a formally constituted priesthood), were tried and sentenced for idolatry. Another example comes from the Valley of Oaxaca and concerns the priesthood at Mitla and the last prince of Tehuantepec, Cosijopil. Although Costjopii embraced the faith immediately and was baptised as Don Juan Cortés, this conversion did not end his important links with his pre-Spanish past. When the Spanish discovered a strong Zapotec priesthood at Mitla,

they moved rapidly to close the temples there. The Zapotec priests then appealed to Cosijopu, offering him the position of high priest of the old religion, thinking he would not be suspected by the Spaniards. But the plot to go underground was discovered, and the Inquisition was ordered to try Cosiyopu. Cosijopii died of a cerebral hemorrhage before his fate could be sealed; the native priests who had

appealed to him were executed in a solemn ceremony by the Inquisition.” Nevertheless, on many levels old customs survived and have continued to the present, although by now aboriginal and Spanish notions have become so fused that it 1s almost impossible to separate them into their constituent components. Like the Spanish peasant, the Zapotec peasant practiced a folk religion far removed from the world of official, complicated theology. Belief in witches, in evil spirits, and appeals to special patrons for intercession became the most

important religious elements in Zapotec life. As in the pre-Spanish past, the complex theogeny of official Catholicism was transformed into a mundane setting by the Zapotec peasant. Peasants have to live in a mundane world, and gods who have mundane powers have the most appeal to them. In a strict sense, the effect of the Church on the Zapotecs was more than simply religious, for the Church was also a social and economic

institution and had an important effect on the social organization of the Indian community. For example, the Dominicans, unlike the Franciscans, did not take vows of poverty and early became involved in economic enterprises. Receiving donations of land from Indian nobles and Indian communities, the Church became the largest nonIndian landholder in the Valley, and the Dominicans were the largest

landholders among the Church groups. It is estimated that the Church held approximately one-fourth of the land in the Valley at

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216 THE ZAPOTECS the end of the Colonial period, although Church groups did not, in general, turn to agriculture but concentrated instead on livestock and other enterprises.” Nor was the Church a homogenous group oriented to a single set of principles. The Dominicans, for example, came into conflict with

the secular clergy who generally followed the friars, constituting a sort of rear guard in the Christianization process; while the friars were to convert, the secular priests were to maintain. By 1760 the Dominicans had lost some of their most important, and most wealthy, parishes to the secular priests: Etla, Zimatlan, Tlalixtac, Zaachila, and Cuilapan.” Further, the secular priests, unlike the Dominicans, derived many of their revenues from a system of tithes. Although the revenues from this source were smaller for Oaxaca than for bishoprics in highly pop-

ulous areas of New Spain, Indians were nevertheless subjected to tithes on community treasuries (cajas de communidad) and on Old World crops, particularly wheat and livestock. The friars opposed the tithes, or dzezmos as they were called, arguing that the Indians were too poor to pay them; the seculars argued that on the contrary, it was the Spaniards in Oaxaca that were poor, not the Indians.”

While the Indians also were subject to a Church labor draft for work on Church lands and for building and repair projects, the institution that most affected the local community was the cofradia. Indian cofradias (brotherhoods) in the Valley of Oaxaca were responsible for staging various religious festivities and providing supplies for them. They were responsible for vespers, processions, masses,

and sermons for Corpus Christi, Holy Week, Christmas, and the fiestas of the local patron saints, providing not only the organization but also salaries for the priests. Further, they supplied candles and wine for masses, oil for sacramental Jamps, adornments for altars and saints’ images, and other items involved in maintaining the cults as well as maintenance of the church itself. Lands set aside for the maintenance of community cofradias were collectively owned and operated. They were supervised by mayordomos, a general term for supervisors of collective land in the Colonial period. In the Valley of Oaxaca, most communities used ranching, which required less of a community labor pool than did agricultural lands, or some other enterprises such as wheat mills to meet cofradia

IN NEW SPAIN 217 expenses. Of eleven eighteenth-century Indian cofradias in the Valley, only one worked arable land. In some cases cofradias served as a cover for lands owned by the

local priest, a practice strictly forbidden by law. Cofradia lands in Etla, Zimatlan, Santa Marfa Tenexpan, Atzompa, and Zaachila were reported as being controlled and administered by clerics instead of the local hierarchy. This practice led to some conflicts. For example, com-

plaints were made that the priest in Zaachila received an annual tribute of one hundred pesos from the community as well as his usual fees for marriage, burial ceremonies, and religious festivities, and that he sometimes charged twelve pesos instead of the normal seven for directing the religious holidays.” Officeholding by indigenous inhabitants within the cofradia organization became intertwined with the cadildo organization, leading to a system that has been called the civil-religious hierarchy. This system eventually became the core of the colonial Indian community. While its exact development in the Valley of Oaxaca cannot be traced, indirect evidence suggests that its development there followed a process similar to that found in other areas of New Spain. Individuals would be pressed into service by the community, performing first menial jobs for cofradias (sweeping the church and so on), and then, after a lapse of a few years, moving to a more important post, ultimately reaching

a post such as mayordomo. Civil posts would either follow the religious ones or would alternate with them. All men would be expected to serve and would be subject to harassment (if not physical abuse or expulsion from the community) if they did not do so. In addition to guaranteeing that individuals performed important community functions, this system served two additional functions: it allocated prestige to individuals in the society, for those that served the

highest posts had the most prestige, and it served to undermine development of huge wealth differences among Indians, for outlays of some funds and time were required in fulfilling their duties. This institution again illustrates the adaptive nature of the peasant way of life and provides yet another index of the peasant’s plight. As excess wealth was siphoned from peasant communities by outside elements, so would excess wealth be siphoned off by internal elements.

Wealth tended to threaten the peasant’s existence on both fronts. It could lead to increased external demands as it could alter the power

218 THE ZAPOTECS balance within, pitting peasant against peasant. Shared poverty thus

became an adaptive strategy and a cultural tradition passed on through a characteristic form of social organization—the civil-religious hierarchy or cargo (literally, “burden”) system. The peasant could survive only by controlling the forces of his undoing, internal and external, and poverty was his weapon. Thus, the civil-religious hierarchy tended to create a homogeneous community in wealth and to reinforce the distinctiveness of the Indian community as a corporate institution in New Spanish society. As Pedro Carrasco has written, the civil-religious hierarchy “is a direct

function of the peasantization of the Mesoamerican Indian—a fact that formerly independent stratified societies become unstratified peasant communities within a wider social system.” Religion, to the extent that it provided yet another focus for strong Indian community solidarity in the face of pressures from within and without, also provided an important psychological function for the Indian. Fiestas, held in conjunction with the cult of the saints, became a time when Indians could escape the tensions of everyday life, of poverty, of alienation, and of strong pressures to become sub-

merged in a tightly knit social unit as well as a time to dream of utopias. Alcoholic beverages constituted an important ingredient to achieve these ends as they became incorporated, often in a ritual context, into these major events. The native Indian in New Spain turned readily to drink; friars, priests, and others frequently criticized and lamented this development. But it was widespread—a survey of the drinking establishments for Indians in the Valley of Oaxaca in 1726 located 513 of them for only forty-six towns.””

6

The Zapotecs in Modern Mexico

Y THE END of the Spanish Colonial period, the Zapotecs had

B=: reduced to a peasantry, or, more properly, to communi-

ties of peasants. Little that was distinctively Zapotec remained of their culture and society; instead, the rural Indian peasant culture of central and southern Oaxaca was a conglomeration of things preSpanish and of things Spanish. While Zapotec languages continued to be spoken, rural Zapotecs identified mostly with a community and very little with a Zapotec ethnic group. As today, it is probable that one first was a member of a town (a Mitlefio, Tehuano, Teotitlefio,

Yalalteco, or the like) and second a member of a region (vallista, istmeno, serrano, and so on). Although the Spanish designation zapotecos may have entered into their vocabulary, Zapotec ethnicity, on a larger level, was of little consequence, as there were (and are) few, if any, social forms that gave it unity. Further, the designation “Indian” was much more important than the designation “Zapotec” in the society of New Spain; Spanish policy

made few ethnic distinctions among Indians, so their cultural and ethnic differences were of little consequence. Membership in a peasant

estate and afhliation with an Indian community, as primary criteria for the assignment of status and identification, became much more important for the local Indian peasant. Events in the nineteenth century, after independence from Spain, and during the first half of the twentieth century did little to alter this situation. To be sure, there were personnel changes among elites, legal changes in the society regarding the various ethnic strata (Indians and mestizos no longer were barred from certain positions), and changes in the conception of the role of the state. But these events,

frequently turbulent and fast-changing, affected the upper and intermediate orders of the society much more than they did the Indian

peasant. 219

220 THE ZAPOTECS There are three major periods of importance in modern Mexican history: the movement for independence from Spain, the Reforms

(La Reforma) of the middle of the nineteenth century begun by Benito Juarez, and the Mexican Revolution which began with the overthrow of Porfirio Diaz in 1g1o0 and continues, at least in the ideology of the Mexican government, until the present day. The movement for independence, initiated with the famous grzzo of the priest Miguel Hidalgo y Costilla in 1810, ultimately was the

wrenching culmination of Spanish economic and political dilemmas;” it climaxed in the coronation of Agustin de Iturbide as the first emperor of Mexico in 1822. Iturbide’s reign was short-lived (only two years), after which Mexico was thrown into a political turmoil that lasted, with few peaceful interludes, for one hundred years. The major effect of Mexican independence, then, was the creation of a power

vacuum that cast Mexico into an era of political instability, aptly characterized by Charles Cumberland as the age of “Marking Time.” The Mexican independence movement, although for the most part a mere political struggle, also was fired with the anger of social reformers. Hidalgo had led what essentially was a peasant revolt aimed

not against the Spanish crown but against the abuses of a Spanish bureaucracy. A compatriot, José Maria Morelos, also a priest, led a peasant army through the south, sacking haciendas and Spanish towns and confiscating lands belonging to the Church. His successes culminated in the capture of the city of Antequera in 1812, a bitter victory, for he was defeated and executed there as well. Vicente Guerrero, who fought under the commands of both Morelos and Iturbide, was president of Mexico for a nine-month period (AprilDecember, 1829). However, his fate was as violent as that of Morelos;

he was deposed by force, fled south, finally was captured, and was shot at Cuilapan, which added his martyred name to its own to become Cuilapan de Guerrero. The struggles headed by Hidalgo, Morelos, and Guerrero all struck

against the power of the criollos and the Church (both large landowners) and sought reforms for the Indian population. Perhaps above all they were opposed to the peasant’s universal enemy, a strong, cen-

tralized state, as they sought virtual autonomy for the local Indian peasant community. But these hopes proved futile; Mexico was claimed by the criollos and the Church.

IN MODERN MEXICO 221 During the era that followed independence and the Reform movement of the Juaristas from the 1850’s to the 1870's, the country was in turmoil as liberals and conservatives fought over the proper constitution and function of government. Few policies actually were implemented during this period; struggles for control of the government and power were the order of the day. During most of the period of La Reforma, Benito Juarez struggled simply to control the country. By 1867, however, this Zapotec from Guelatao had gathered sufficient power to institute his program in full force, reforms hailed in Mexico as the triumph of liberalism over conservatism.*

La Reforma had a number of goals, including general constitutional reform, but, from the perspective of the Indian population, its most significant aspect probably was its attack on the power of corporate institutions. Specifically, Juarez and his cohorts sought to disamortize their lands, particularly those of the Church, and directed a

frontal assault on such properties. It often is remarked that while anticlerical (against the secular power of the Church), La Reforma was not anti-Catholic (against the Church as a religious institution), a distinction often made when church-state conflicts occur in predominantly Catholic countries. Institutions besides the Church also came under attack, including

the corporate landholdings of Indian communities; Indian communal lands also were to be sold or, more properly, individualized. The Juaristas thought that communal properties were too vulnerable to usurpation by other entities; individual private property was to solve this ill.°

As La Reforma unfolded, the central district surrounding the city of Oaxaca, like much of Mexico, was economically depressed and lacked political stability.” There had been several cholera epidemics in 1833 and 1854 and serious virus epidemics in 1851 and 1852 which caused the death of 1,146 individuals. The important cochineal industry was largely defunct.

Zapotec still was the most important language in rural communities, although by 1850 Spanish also was widely spoken in the area. Agricultural practices had changed little since the Colonial period; the diet still was based primarily on maize and beans, and the number of livestock was very low in relation to population size.

222 THE ZAPOTECS Each pueblo had a weekly market and was part of a system which included the capital, where the market was held on Saturday. However, craft specialization, a characteristic of present-day Valley communities, apparently was of little importance in this period.

Political functions still were largely in the hands of local community officials, as they had been in Colonial times; even though a municipio type of government had replaced the Colonial cabildo, it functioned much the same as cabildo government on a local level. However, as a result of liberal legislation in 1858, the Valley was divided into a number of districts beyond the municipio level; a political official at the district level generally was appointed by the state governor and served as an intermediary between municipio officials and the state government. However, political authority in the Valley during this period was

quite weak. There was considerable fear of robbery, murder, and violence. For example, many towns which normally held annual saints’ fiestas had to cancel them during this period for fear of brawls

and riots. Vagabonds, who apparently were numerous during this period, were thought to be the major cause of such incidents. Before La Reforma, most Indian communities in the central district

of Oaxaca had retained their communal lands, a heritage from Colonial days. There were both communal lands, which were apportioned to nuclear families, and municipio lands cultivated in common for the support of community activities. In some cases, communal lands were rented or leased to acquire funds to support community enterprises or for fiestas in honor of a town’s patron saint. Nevertheless, it appears that communal lands generally were small in size, and existing data suggest that private ownership already had become the most important type of land tenure in Indian communities before La Reforma.

During 1856 and 1857, after the initial disamortization of lands brought about by the Juarez reforms, Indian communities surrounding the city of Oaxaca in the central district, those in the Etla district, and perhaps those in other districts of the Valley, sold most of their remaining communal lands to conform to the new laws. These lands

seem to have been purchased mostly in small parcels by nuclear families already residing within the Indian community; in rare cases, some lands were bought by outsiders.

IN MODERN MEXICO 223 Traditionally, it has been argued that properties disamortized by Juarez and his cohorts fell into the hands of Aacendados, land speculators, or corrupt politicians and that the Indian peasant received few benefits from the redistribution of land—in effect, that the poor became poorer as the rich became richer. It appears, however, that this process did not occur in the Valley of Oaxaca to the extent that it may have occurred elsewhere in Mexico. The reasons seem to be that the

Church had comparatively little rural wealth in central Oaxaca— what wealth it had was invested mostly in urban real estate—and, as noted in Chapter 5, hacienda development was not as pervasive in Oaxaca as elsewhere.

While most communities in the Valley defended themselves against the sale of lands to outsiders, this defense did not necessarily mean

that privatization of property favored the equitable distribution of land to all villagers as Juarez intended. Instead, in the Valley as elsewhere in Mexico, the privatization of land sometimes led to its acquisition by more prosperous local villagers. For example, in San Juan

Guelevia,’ in the Tlacolula arm, a small group of related village families by the name of Lépez managed to gain control of over 92 per cent of the arable land within that village; the remaining 8 per cent was held by 354 villagers. This situation developed as the cost of saints’ fiestas was transferred

from income from communal lands (worked by all through a draft system) to private sponsorship under the mayordomia system, which theoretically placed the burden of sponsorship on the wealthiest individuals within the community, thus economically “leveling” its various families.

However, sponsoring a fiesta in the mayordomia system also became a prerequisite for secular political ofces within the community; further, the local political council designated which individuals would assume mayordomia obligations. Sponsoring a saint’s fiesta in turn brought prestige in exchange for an outlay of funds, a commodity sought by most members of the community. Therefore, since the

council appointed the mayordomos and those so appointed were bound by tradition to serve—a tradition backed up by considerable community pressure—control of the council meant control of the community’s wealth.

One astute villager, a Lopez, followed just such a strategy. He

224 THE ZAPOTECS coerced the council, with the support of an area priest, into designat-

ing poorer villagers for mayordomo positions, then he gave them loans to defray their sponsoring costs and required them to put up their lands as collateral. Since most villagers could never repay the loan, Lopez gained control of most of the land in the municipio by foreclosure. A similar process has been reported for other Valley villages, such as Diaz Ordaz,” also in the valley of Tlacolula. In addition, it appears that there was some growth of the hacienda,

especially in the Valley’s Zimatlan arm, during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries.” While detailed studies are lacking for this period, apparently some families managed to purchase haciendas and maintain them intact over generations (an inheritance pattern much rarer in the Colonial period)" and probably acquired lands in Indian communities through the process of advancing loans. In general, the privatization of all lands made this strategy much more feasible than it previously had been. Although apparently not as disastrous for Indian landholders in the

Valley of Oaxaca as it was elsewhere in Mexico, Juarez’ land program did not accomplish its intended result; privatization did not protect Indian lands from usurpation. Nor was Juarez able to bring political stability, through constitutional rule, to Mexico. Mexico was in a state of economic and political chaos throughout most of the nineteenth century. Political stability and economic solvency, at least in the eyes of those outside Mexico, were to come only

with the dictatorship of Porfirio Diaz, former liberal ally of Juarez who turned into his conservative enemy; Diaz assumed the presidency in 1870 after the death of Juarez and remained the strong man in Mexico until 1910, although at times he followed constitutional convention to the extent that he ruled in the guise of puppet presidents.

Diaz developed a strongly centralized government and a federal police invested with the authority, and weapons, to keep peace in the country. He turned to and succeeded in attracting foreign investments to stabilize the Mexican economy. Internally, the trends of the nineteenth century reached their culmination: the hacienda continued its “creeping paralysis” over most areas, and the gulf between the rich and the poor widened to perhaps its maximum extent in Mexican history.

IN MODERN MEXICO 225 Lacking resources to attract foreign investors, and without a tradition of haciendas to attract a vigorous new breed of hacendados,” the

Valley of Oaxaca remained isolated from major developments in Mexico. Diaz, although of Oaxacan birth, seems to have taken little interest in the region, ruling it the same as others through appointed governors loyal to his program. However, the Isthmus of Tehuantepec, where Diaz had been active

as a military jefe, constituted an exception in the Oaxacan scene, as this area was an important center of commercial activity and wealth,

much of which was concentrated in the hands of Dofia Juana C. Romero, cacica of Tehuantepec, whose favors Diaz, among others, enjoyed.” It was against Diaz and his policies that the bloody Revolution of Ig1o0 was directed. However, the Revolution cannot be characterized in simple terms.’* It was more than simply a peasant revolt, a struggle for land—it also was a struggle for power by those denied a niche in the Porfirian structure—vagabonds, runners of contraband, day laborers, bandits, disenfranchised intellectuals, aspiring politicos, and others.

The main areas of the military phase of the Revolution were centered in the north and central areas of Mexico and were led by quite different figures. Pancho Villa was a bandit from the north, a former peon on the rampage with no social program but the destruction of those he despised; Emiliano Zapata was a peasant apologist from Morelos. Recent evidence suggests that even Zapata’s cause, at least intially, was not as much a reaction against peasant disenfranchisement from their lands as it was a rebellion aimed at restoring their relationships to haciendas. In Morelos many peasants had been at-

tached to haciendas and constituted the major labor force for the cultivation and refining of sugarcane, a major crop there. New techniques, developed by Germans, were introduced for the refining and processing of sugar in the late nineteenth century, and peasants in Morelos fell victim to industrial innovation. Many were released from the haciendas, and with no land of their own for support, they rebelled, at first not for land but for reinstatement. At a later time, when reinstatement became impossible, land for peasants and their communities became the issue." But both Zapata and Villa were incapable of controlling a govern-

226 THE ZAPOTECS ment of or usurping power on any widespread level, and the Revolution, turbulent throughout the decades on both sides of 1920, became a struggle for political power, for caudillo rule. It was not until the 1930's that some programs, including programs of agrarian reform, were successfully implemented and the centralization and stabilization of power under a single political party—the Partido Revolucionario Institucional (PRI)—was effected. In general, the Revolution was much more important in the sierra and isthmus regions of Oaxaca than in the Valley. Communities in the sierra rebelled, fought one another, or allied themselves with the changing currents of the struggle by reducing their neighboring com-

munities to rubble.’ The isthmus, too, became an area of strife as communities split over the issues of the Revolution and their allegiance to Diaz, who was a hero for some;"° bandits, such as Nicanor Diaz (apparently not a relative of Porfirio), emerged to terrorize the rich and, allegedly, to undo their wrongs and distribute their wealth to the poor."’ Similar phenomena, symptomatic of the chaos of the Revolution, also occurred in the Oaxacan south, especially around Miahuatlan.*®

But as in previous periods of history, the Valley of Oaxaca seems to have played a less active part in the commotion. The vallistas had little interest in plundering, allegiance to changing causes, or agrarian reform. Developments of the military phase of the Revolution, as well as the social phase which followed, were much less important in the Valley region than have been developments of the last two decades, when Mexico entered what has been called the industrial phase of the Revolution, aimed primarily at economic growth.

SUBSISTENCE, LAND USE, AND MATERIAL CULTURE

Agriculture forms the basis of the economy of modern Zapotec Oaxaca. Maize and beans remain the staples, as they have since preSpanish times, and much of the arable Valley land is used for their cultivation. For example, between 30 and 50 per cent of the agricultural land in the Valley of Oaxaca is devoted to maize.”” Three general types of cultivation are in practice. On steeper slopes, the coa (digging stick) and the hoe are used, and the land 1s cleared,

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