The Writings of David Thompson, Volume 2: The Travels, 1848 Version, and Associated Texts 9780773583696

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The Writings of David Thompson volume 2 The Travels, 1848 Version, and Associated Texts

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Thompson sketched the Mission Mountains during an excursion from Saleesh House, probably in February 1810. The mountains are seen from a site south of Flathead Lake. The two streams visible in the foreground are Crow Creek (left) and Post Creek (right). (Sketch 2411, David Thompson Papers, M S 21, Item 5, Thomas Fisher Rare Book Library, University of Toronto)

The Writings of David Thompson volume 2

The Travels, 1848 Version, and Associated Texts edited with an introduction by william e. moreau

mcgill-queen’s university press Montreal & Kingston • London • Ithaca and

the champlain society Toronto

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©  The Champlain Society 2015 isbn 978-0-7735-4551-9 (cloth) isbn 978-0-7735-8369-6 (epdf) isbn 978-0-7735-8375-7 (epub) Legal deposit second quarter 2015 Bibliothèque nationale du Québec  rinted in Canada on acid-free paper that is 100% ancient forest free P (100% post-consumer recycled), processed chlorine free This book has been published with the help of a grant from the Canadian Federation for the Humanities and Social Sciences, through the Awards to Scholarly Publications Program, using funds provided by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada. McGill-Queen’s University Press acknowledges the support of the Canada Council for the Arts for our publishing program. We also acknowledge the financial support of the Government of Canada through the Canada Book Fund for our publishing activities.

Library and Archives Canada Cataloguing in Publication Thompson, David, 1770–1857, author The writings of David Thompson / edited with an introduction by William E. Moreau. (The publications of the Champlain Society) Volume 2 published by McGill-Queen’s University Press and the Champlain Society. Includes bibliographical references and indexes. Contents: Volume 2. The travels, 1848 version, and associated texts. Issued in print and electronic formats. i s b n 978-0-7735-4551-9 (v. 2: bound). – i s b n 978-0-7735-8369-6 (v. 2: epdf). – i s b n 978-0-7735-8375-7 (v. 2: epub) 1. Thompson, David, 1770–1857 – Travel – Canada, Western.  2. Thompson, David, 1770–1857 – Travel – Northwest, Pacific.  3. Hudson’s Bay Company – History.  4. North West Company – History.  5. Northwest, Canadian – Description and travel.  6. Northwest, Pacific – Description and travel.  7. Explorers – Canada – Biography.  8. Surveyors – Canada – Biography.  9. Cartographers – Canada – Biography.  10. Fur traders – Canada – Biography.  11. Pioneers – Canada – Biography.  I. Moreau, William, 1969–, editor  II. Champlain Society, issuing body  III. Title.  IV. Series: Publications of the Champlain Society fc3212.1.t46 a3 2009   917.1204'1   c2009-900473-9  c2015-900758-5

This book was typeset by Interscript in 10/13 Sabon.

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CONTENTS

Acknowledgments ix historical introduction xi textual introduction xxxix the travels, 1848 version

i The Western Interior 3 ii The Natives of North America 79 iii Across the Divide: 1807–1811 133 iv To the Pacific and Down to Montreal: 1811–1812 207

1847 conclusion 273 1845 opening 299

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contents

associated texts “The Mountains of every Continent” 309 Travels of David Thompson 316 Appendix 322 “The Natives of North America” 339 Water 346 Appendix 1 “Prospectus” 351 Appendix 2 Mountain Sketches 353 Appendix 3 Brief Biographies 355 Appendix 4 Table of Native Groups 361 Bibliography 363 Index 371

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contents vii

maps 1  Physical Landscape xliv 2  Native Culture Areas xlv 3  Thompson’s Journeys 1807–1812 a  May–October 1807; April–June 1808 132 b  September–November 1808; April–November 1809; February–June 1810 149 c  September 1810–15 July 1811; 22 July–November 1811; February–May 1812 180

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A C K N OW L E D G M E N T S

The genesis of this edition is outlined in the Preface to Volume I. Seventeen years have now passed since the University of Washington Press, McGillQueen’s University Press, and the Champlain Society agreed to sponsor this work, and I would like to express my thanks for the patience and support of the presses and the Society. I would like to renew my gratitude and appreciation to all who are acknowledged in the first volume of this edition: scholars and colleagues, friends and family, who have continued to offer guidance and support, each their own way. Thanks especially to my parents, Bill and Angela Moreau, and my in-laws, Armando and Pina Filippelli. Several people contributed in a particular way to this second volume. Again, Germaine Warkentin offered incisive, timely feedback and sage advice as she read through several drafts of this volume, particularly the Historical Intro­ duction. John Warkentin kindly assisted in the preparation of the maps and generously arranged for their preparation by Byron Moldofsky of the cartography office of the University of Toronto Press. The Champlain Society Council and Publications Committee have consistently supported this project, and I especially thank Patrice Dutil, Roger Hall, Don McLeod, Bill Harnum, and Peter Davis. At McGill-Queen’s, the meticulous editorial work of Ryan Van Huijstee and Jane McWhinney was vital in shaping the manuscript for publication. I have been helped by the librarians and staff at the Thomas Fisher Rare Book Library, where Jennifer Toews assisted with the Thompson manuscript and Natalya Rattan generously arranged for scans of manuscript pages and mountain elevations, and by archivists and staff at the Archives of Ontario. Karla Rumsey at the North Columbia Monthly kindly tracked down references. Jack Nisbet generously shared insights into the Columbia Plateau gleaned from his years of patiently observing the places and listening to the people of that world. David Malaher and Andy Korsos made available the rich fruits of their ongoing research into Thompson’s maps, Bob Gaba first alerted me to Thompson’s “Prospectus,” and Ian MacLaren helped to shape my understanding of nineteenth-century travel writing. John Jackson, Carl Haywood, Norm Jacobson, Barb Belyea, Bruce Rigsby, and Michael Finley each revealed a particular aspect of Thompson’s work and connections west of the Divide. And I

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acknowledgments

have continued to be inspired by the work and the memory of Lloyd Keith, who is deeply missed. My most heartfelt thanks are reserved for those who, through no fault of their own, have had to live each day with David Thompson: my wife, Daiana; our son, William, who is developing into an exemplary research assistant and who enlivened a number of library and archives visits; and our daughter, Emily, who arrived while this second volume was in preparation, and to whom it is dedicated.

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H I S TO R I CA L I N T RO D U C T I O N

I   “ F R O M S E A T O S E A”

On 30 April 1810, North West Company (n w c ) partner David Thompson turned forty. He had spent twenty-six consecutive years in the fur trade, and was then engaged west of the Rockies, trading furs and attempting to open a route to the Pacific. Having wintered at Saleesh House on the Clark Fork, a tributary of the Columbia, he began in May 1810 to make his way east to Montreal, where he anticipated a year’s furlough from the business. On 22 July, however, Thompson was forestalled at Rainy Lake House by a message from his fellow n w c partners. He was to leave his furs at the post, return west, and proceed to the mouth of the Columbia, where John Jacob Astor’s Pacific Fur Company (p f c ) intended to erect the trading post of Astoria. Thompson set out on this mission. Waylaid by a Piegan war party, deserted by several of his men during a winter crossing of Athabasca Pass, and then forced to camp in the mountains to await the spring thaw, he completed the final leg of the journey, from Kettle Falls to the Pacific, only in the summer of 1811. In command of seven men and accompanied by two Native interpreters, Thompson travelled by canoe down the Columbia, at last reaching the river’s estuary on 15 July. There he found the Astorians, who had arrived in March after a voyage around Cape Horn aboard the p f c vessel Tonquin. Writing thirty-seven years later, Thompson recalled that signal moment: The next day in my Canoe with my Men I went to Cape Disappointment, which terminates the course of this River, and remained until the tide came in; at ebb tide we noticed the current of the River riding in waves over the ­surface of the sea for about four miles; on all the shores of this Ocean, the agi­tation of the sea is constantly breaking against the rocky shore with high surges, and my men now allowed the great volume of water forming these high surges to be far superior to those of any Lake. Thus I have fully completed the survey of this part of North America from sea to sea, and by ­almost ­innumerable astronomical Observations have determined the positions of the Mountains, Lakes and Rivers, and other remarkable places on the northern part of this Continent; the Maps of all which have been drawn, and laid down in geographical position, ­being now the work of twenty seven years. (iii.276, 231)

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This passage appears near the end of the first full version of Thompson’s Travels, the grand narrative of his life in the fur trade, the version that, written over the course of some two years, was brought to a conclusion in early 1848. A later draft, which is presented as the 1850 Travels in Volume I of this edition of Thompson’s writings, covers an earlier period of his career, with particular emphasis on his activities between 1784 and 1798, east of the Continental Divide. The 1848 version begins with much of the same material but then goes on to follow Thompson west across the Rocky Mountains in 1807, and his final journey east, terminating in his 1812 arrival at Montreal, where he retired from the fur trade. In its temporal scope and general structure, the 1848 manuscript is the most complete draft of the Travels; it is also the version that has produced the most interpretive comment. It provides the main text in this Volume II of Thompson’s writings.1 From one perspective, Thompson’s view of the Pacific represents the achievement of a personal goal, the culmination of years spent trading, surveying, and mapmaking on behalf of the h b c and the n w c , dating back to his arrival as a youth on the shores of Hudson Bay in 1784. At the same time, Thompson’s 1811 Columbia journey was an act in a greater drama: the long history of the European quest for a western trade route to Asia and, in the more immediate past, the extension of North American fur-trading networks west across the Continental Divide. Thompson’s development of these commercial routes across the Rockies – and his mapping of the lands they traverse – is his most enduring historical legacy; fittingly, the years 1807–12 have been the most carefully scrutinized of his life and career. This period receives by far the most attention in biographies of Thompson; even D’Arcy Jenish’s Epic Wanderer, the most balanced and mature life to date, devotes a quarter of its pages to these five of the explorer’s eighty-seven years. The period is also the topic of several specialized booklength studies, such as Jack Nisbet’s Mapmaker’s Eye and Carl Haywood’s Sometimes Only Horses to Eat, and dozens of scholarly and popular articles. The main themes in writing about this period of Thompson’s career include his establishment of trading posts, contact with tribal peoples of the Columbia Plateau, and competition with rival fur trading concerns. In this introduction we first review the historical context of Thompson’s work and describe the most significant episodes of his time west of the Divide. We then proceed to the retrospective narrative of these activities, and those

1 For a fuller account of the 1848 version of the Travels, see xxii–xxv below.

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historical introduction xiii

earlier texts, particularly journals, which provided Thompson with source material for his later writing and now allow for the juxtaposition of versions of past events. The introduction concludes with a consideration of the Travels account of the 1811 journey to Astoria, an exercise that reveals much about Thompson’s strategies as a writer, in particular his delicate balancing of the imperatives of scientific discourse and the demands of a popular, marketable travel narrative. *** Thompson’s mission to reach the Pacific Ocean via the North American continent was an act in a global historical drama that was already more than three centuries old. The Fall of Constantinople in 1453 fostered in Europe the search for alternatives to the overland trade routes to Asia; to this end, rulers sponsored the voyages of Christopher Columbus, John Cabot, and Giovanni da Verrazano, all of whom were principally concerned to reach East Asia by means of a western maritime passage (Bartolomeu Dias and Vasco da Gama had already initiated a route around the southern tip of Africa). These explorations soon led to the realization among Europeans that a continent previously unknown to them lay in their way. As early as 1523, Spanish conquistadors had established an overland link between the Gulf of Mexico and the Pacific in New Spain. However, a practicable route linking the Atlantic and the Pacific farther north would prove more elusive, and this quest attracted the energies of France and England, powers largely excluded from southern latitudes. Beginning in the late sixteenth century, a series of English navigators, including Martin Frobisher, John Davis, and Henry Hudson, probed for a Northwest Passage around North America (an enterprise that would approach its climax only in the late 1840s with Sir John Franklin’s Third Expedition, which was being conducted even as Thompson was writing the account of his arrival at the shores of the Pacific). On land, French and English exploration of North America was shaped by the encounter with Native peoples, the development of the fur trade, and the establishment of colonies. The seventeenth-century French explorers and traders Étienne Brûlé, Samuel de Champlain, Jean Nicolet, and Pierre-Esprit Radisson ventured west from the St Lawrence Valley and into the Great Lakes region. To the northwest, the London-based Hudson’s Bay Company (h b c ), founded in 1670, eventually overcame almost a century of reluctance to probe west of Hudson Bay (the exception being Henry Kelsey), with the eighteenthcentury exploratory missions of Anthony Henday and Samuel Hearne. Believing that the Pacific could be reached overland via a “Great River of the West” or a

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large inland “Western Sea,”2 Pierre Gaultier de Varennes, Sieur de La Vérendrye and his sons in the 1730s and ’40s established a chain of prairie posts west of Lake Superior, ostensibly in search of these illusory features (but also in pursuit of furs). Britain’s victory in the Seven Years’ War and its conquest of New France in 1763 set the stage for a new age of westward exploration and trade, as the h b c and its Montreal-based rivals extended their commercial networks ever further up the Saskatchewan River and into the Athabasca region. By the late eighteenth century Europeans were also probing the continent from its western side, as the maritime expeditions of James Cook and George Vancouver examined the Pacific coast. Finally, in 1793, n w c partner Alexander Mackenzie became the first European known to have crossed the North American continent north of the Spanish possessions by land, with his arrival at Bella Coola on North Bentinck Arm, an inlet of the Pacific. It had taken three hundred years, but the Atlantic and Pacific oceans had been linked. The question now became whether commerce could forge a route across the continent for the transport of goods. Basing his judgment on Vancouver’s exploration of the Columbia mouth, his own journey, and tribal information, Mackenzie theorized that a large navigable river could be joined just west of the Continental Divide and would lead to the Pacific. In the afterword to the 1801 edition of his travels he stated: “the existence of [a practicable passage] through the continent [is] clearly proved; and it requires only the countenance and support of the British Government, to increase in a very ample proportion this national advantage, and secure the trade of that country to its subjects.”3 Here David Thompson enters the story. As he later recalled: “In 1801 the northwest company determined to extend their Fur Trade to the west side of

2 This notion of an easily navigable passage through the continent persisted through several iterations, from the Straits of Anian of the sixteenth century to the Buenaventura River of the early nineteenth. The “Mer de l’Ouest” appeared on several French maps of the early seventeenth century, and its appearance seems to have originated with the cartographer Guillaume Delisle, on the basis of Native testimony in the Jesuit Relation of 1669. See Lucie Lagarde, “Le passage du Nord-Ouest et la Mer de l’Ouest dans la Cartographie française du 18e siècle, contribution à l’étude de l’oeuvre des Delisle et Buache,” Imago Mundi 41 (1989), 19–43. 3 Alexander Mackenzie, Voyages from Montreal on the River St. Laurence, Through the Continent of North America, to the Frozen and Pacific Oceans, in the Years 1789 and 1793 (London: T. Cadell, Jun. & W. Davies, 1801), 408.

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historical introduction xv

the Rocky Mountains and if possible to the Pacific Ocean; this expedition was entrusted to me.”4 I I   “A N E W W O R L D WA S I N A M A N N E R B E F O R E M E ”

Why should this task have fallen to Thompson? From the age of fourteen, he had risen smartly up the ladder with the h b c ; in 1791, after completing his seven-year apprenticeship, he signed a three-year contract as a writer – that is, a clerk – at £15 per year, which in 1794 was renewed for another three years, with a fourfold salary increase. In 1789–90, during his convalescence from a broken leg, Thompson learned surveying under h b c surveyor Philip Turnor, and he went on to practise this skill with an assiduousness and accuracy unmatched in his place and time. Under the terms of this 1794 h b c contract, Thompson was hired as “Surveyor to the Northward,” and for several years was engaged in the ultimately fruitless attempt to pioneer a shorter route north of the Saskatchewan River to the Athabasca country. After moving to the n w c in 1797, he spent seven years as a clerk, and in 1804 was elected a full partner, with a 1 / 46th share in the firm. He had proven himself as a clerk and trader, certainly, but it was his skill and efficiency as a surveyor that made him uniquely valuable to both companies, and he was wooed by the n w c specifically for his surveying prowess. Thompson’s first exploratory task for his new employers was to undertake in 1797–98 an odyssean journey of ten months through the eastern part of the Great Plains, to the Missouri, the Upper Mississippi, and Lake Superior, for which he was (by his own testimony) lauded by Alexander Mackenzie.5 In the autumn of 1800, Thompson arrived at Rocky Mountain House, the n w c post on the North Saskatchewan River that would be the staging ground for the mission of establishing a transcontinental trade route. After Mackenzie’s 1799 departure from the Nor’westers for the x y Company, this project was promoted most vocally by n w c partner Duncan McGillivray, nephew of the firm’s head, Simon McTavish; after 1802, at the partners’ annual summer meetings, McGillivray would vigorously advocate and plan the Nor’westers’ expansion across the mountains. Thompson made his first, tentative approach to the Continental Divide in October 1800, when he and a group of n w c men travelled up the Red Deer River to meet a Kootenai trading party; crucially, when

4 David Thompson to Sir James Alexander, 9 May 1845, fo5 / 441: 101–2, National Archives of the United Kingdom. 5 See iv.236 (I: 265).

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the Natives returned west across the Rocky Mountains, they were accompanied by two voyageurs, La Gasse and Le Blanc. McGillivray himself soon arrived to reconnoitre possible routes for crossing the mountains, venturing south to the area of the Bow River with Thompson in November. The following June, 1801, an attempt by Thompson and fellow n w c partner James Hughes to proceed over the Divide via the Ram River ended in failure as their guide became lost and the explorers struggled against spring runoff.6 The n w c project of extending trade westward was suspended for the next three years while the firm engaged in bitter competition with Mackenzie’s x y Company; during this time Thompson was active in opposing rival traders in the Muskrat Country north of Lake Winnipeg. By the time the fur trade war was calmed by the 1804 merger of the n w c and the x y Company, the project of extending trade across the mountains had been made more urgent by events in the United States. By ratifying the Louisiana Purchase in 1803, the United States Senate had doubled the size of that fledgling nation, and President Thomas Jefferson soon organized three expeditions to explore the new acquisitions. The most elaborate of these missions was the Corps of Discovery commanded by Meriwether Lewis and William Clark. Departing on 14 May 1804, the party ascended the Missouri, crossed the Continental Divide, and continued west to the Pacific, arriving at the mouth of the Columbia in November 1805, before returning to St Louis in September 1806. Prompted in part by these developments, the n w c in 1806 officially rededicated itself to its commercial expansion across the mountains. This project was advanced significantly by Simon Fraser, who in 1808 descended the Fraser River to its mouth, but it would be Thompson’s role to discover the practical trading routes that would at last link Montreal with the Pacific Ocean. *** His mission renewed at the 1806 n w c rendezvous, Thompson was back at Rocky Mountain House late that October. He had prepared carefully for this moment; in addition to his knowledge from his journeys toward the Rockies in 1800 and 1801, he had the benefit of personal accounts from La Gasse and

6 Thompson’s narrative of this expedition survives in two manuscript versions: “Account of an Attempt to Cross the Rocky Mountains,” 970p v22 e1, 26v–32v, Northwest History Collection, Vancouver Public Library, Vancouver; and “Journey to the Rocky Mountain, June 1801,” David Thompson Papers, mg19 a8, vol. 43, Library and Archives Canada (l a c ), Ottawa. These texts will be published in Volume III.

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Le Blanc, who had sojourned with the Kootenai, as well as information gleaned from several tribal informants; and he had copied extracts of Vancouver’s voyage along the Pacific coast.7 More immediately, n w c clerk Jaco Finlay had prepared the way for the crossing, establishing a trading outpost on the Kootenay Plain and blazing the trail that Thompson would soon follow. Thompson at last crested the Continental Divide on 25 June 1807, over what would later be known as Howse Pass (see map 3a; 132). His first three years across the mountains were spent in the Columbia Plateau, along the Upper Columbia, Kootenay, and Clark Fork / Pend Oreille river systems, where he gradually assembled the pieces of an intricate geographical puzzle, determined (and attempted to manage) tribal relationships, and encouraged Native peoples to participate in the fur trade. Over these years, Thompson proceeded in sequence to sites that acted as pivot points in the tribal transportation and trading system of the region. Upon descending the west side of Howse Pass, Thompson (unbeknownst to him at the time) hit upon the Upper Columbia, and proceeded southward (upriver) to the Columbia source lakes, where he built Kootanae House and passed the winter of 1807–08. In the spring of 1808, he journeyed farther south across the Canal Flats portage to the Kootenay River, in preparation for his first attempt to find a passage toward the ocean. After another winter back at Kootanae House, Thompson’s next advance was to follow the “Great Road of the Flat Heads,” linking the Kootenay River to Lake Pend Oreille, where he established Kullyspel House in September 1809; he later proceeded up the Clark Fork to winter in the “Saleesh Country” around Flathead Lake, founding Saleesh House that November. Thompson continued to ask about and to probe for a route that would take him toward the Pacific, but twice, in the fall of 1809 and the spring of 1810, was frustrated in his attempt to navigate the lower Pend Oreille River. It was Finlay who took the next step toward the ocean when in 1810 he founded Spokane House, at the junction of the Spokane and Little Spokane rivers, again breaking a trail that Thompson would follow. After spending the winter of 1809–10 at Saleesh House, on 16 June 1810 Thompson crossed east over the Rocky Mountains by Howse Pass, intending to go down to Montreal to enjoy a furlough from his work as a wintering partner. As we have seen, he was then abruptly informed

7 The material from Vancouver’s explorations was copied into the same notebook that contained the 1801 “Account of an Attempt to Cross the Rocky Mountains.” In late 1807 Thompson copied a letter of Meriwether Lewis into the same volume, which was evidently intended to serve as a kind of source book for his explorations. 970p v22 e1, 26v–32v, Northwest History Collection, Vancouver Public Library (v p l ), Vancouver.

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that he had to change those plans and immediately return to resume his mission of reaching the Pacific. Thompson’s pursuit of a way to the ocean must be understood in the context of three intertwined factors: the ongoing commercial demands of the fur trade, the need to maintain a reliable team of collaborators, and the shifting tribal relationships of the Columbia Plateau region. In order to gain the partners’ support, the n w c ’s efforts at expansion across the Divide had to hold the promise of profit, and Kootanae, Kullyspel, Saleesh, and Spokane houses were established and maintained to serve these immediate commercial ends. Thompson was also aware that rival concerns were advancing toward and across the Divide: American traders from St Louis were already active on the Upper Missouri, and went so far as to warn Thompson off in two letters of 1807;8 the h b c ’s Joseph Howse crossed the Divide and wintered near Flathead Lake in 1810; and free traders abounded, particularly in the “Saleesh Country” around Flathead Lake. At the same time, Thompson could only carry out his instructions by first assembling an effective group of associates with whom he shared his labours, and by entering into and participating in a wider network of tribal relationships. Thompson’s three principal agents throughout his Columbia years were Jaco Finlay, Finan McDonald, and James McMillan. Finlay, the son of a Scottish fur trader and an Ojibwa mother, had been in n w c employ since 1798 at the latest (although he was also active as a free trader); in addition to preparing the way over Howse Pass and on the Spokane River, Finlay assisted Thompson as a clerk, guide, interpreter, and hunter. McDonald, a physically imposing n w c clerk, was frequently entrusted with the responsibility of transporting fur shipments and maintaining trading posts in Thompson’s absence. McMillan, an n w c clerk who would succeed Thompson as chief trader in the Columbia Department, carried out a series of missions across the Divide, and most notably kept an eye on Howse in 1810–11.9 In addition to these three principal figures, Thompson worked with a number of n w c voyageurs, both from the Fort des Prairies (Saskatchewan) Department and his own Columbia Department, and engaged free traders and hunters on a casual basis.10 His most essential collaborators, though, were the Native peoples among whom he travelled and traded. During the years 1807–10, Thompson

8 For these letters, see note on iii.196 (138). 9 For sketches of these three men, see Appendix 3. 10 Practically, the division between these groups could be fluid; like Finlay, men would often enter and leave formal engaged n w c service.

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encountered a variety of tribal cultures, sojourning first among the Kootenai along the Upper Columbia and Kootenay rivers. Once he began to venture south from the Kootenay River, he encountered several Interior Salishan peoples, including Flathead, Kalispel, Spokane, and Colville, who lived along the Pend Oreille–Flathead River system and the Spokane River.11 Piegan and Shoshone tribes could be found just beyond the eastern and southern fringes of Thompson’s sphere of activity. Some of these groups had already attempted to initiate trade with both the n w c and the h b c ; we have seen how, in 1800, Thompson had met a Kootenai party that had crossed the Rockies to seek out traders on the Upper Saskatchewan River (and had returned home with the voyageurs La Gasse and Le Blanc). For these tribal people a central motive for making contact with fur traders was the desire to acquire arms to defend against their more powerful neighbours on the western Plains, particularly the Piegan. In establishing his four posts west of the Continental Divide, Thompson entered into a pre-existing network of commerce – every site at which he built was already a tribal gathering place – and he also initiated the integration of Plateau Native peoples into the Euro-American economic system, in particular encouraging the hunt for furs, and so beginning to alter the traditional annual round of tribal economic activity. Thompson also needed Native people to guide him in the project of advancing toward the Pacific. Throughout these first three years in the Columbia country (1807–10), he sought guides who could help him widen his scope for trade and direct him to navigable routes westward. It was Kootenai who had shown Thompson and Finlay how to cross the Divide over Howse Pass, the Lower Kootenai chief Ugly Head who brought him to the Canal Flats portage, and a group of Flathead who led him over the pivotal “Great Road of the Flat Heads.” Thompson’s incremental advances toward the ocean show that he was not, strictly speaking, an explorer of the Columbia Plateau; rather, he was shown the existing routes in this region in a highly controlled way by its inhabitants, and his timing and degree of success were usually directly related to what would best serve tribal interests.

11 Thompson is mentioned near the beginning of canonical one-volume histories of Plateau tribes, such as: John Fahey, The Kalispel Indians (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1986), 40–3; Robert H. Ruby and John A. Brown, The Spokane Indians: Children of the Sun, expanded edition (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2006), 37–40; John Fahey, The Flathead Indians (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1974), 27–30.

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As we have seen, Thompson did not make it as far as Montreal in 1810, but was turned back at Rainy Lake House that July. Unable to approach Howse Pass safely because of a Piegan blockade, Thompson turned northward to a more secure route via the headwaters of the Athabasca River, and thus initiated a new passage across the mountains, called Athabasca Pass. He finally crossed the Divide on 10 January 1811 and set up camp at the bend of a major river, at a site he named Boat Encampment. The key that finally unlocked the passage to the Pacific was the realization that this river was in fact the circuitous Columbia, the same river that rises near Kootanae House. For the first 300 kilometres of its 2,000-kilometre length, it flows northwest; at Boat Encampment it turns south, and it keeps this course until Kettle Falls, where it begins to trace the grand arc of its “Big Bend,” finally flowing west to the mouth that Vancouver had explored, and where the Astorians would soon build. During his final two years across the Divide, Thompson would become the first to travel the entire length of this river. Thompson waited out the winter of 1810–11 at Boat Encampment. Shorthanded, when thaw arrived he decided to head upriver to the Saleesh Country to recruit men for the Columbia journey. In April he embarked on a two-month journey past the source lakes, over Canal Flats, along the “Kootanae Road” to the Clark Fork and the “Kullyspell Road” to the Spokane River, before finally following the “Ilthkoyape Road” to rejoin the Columbia at Kettle Falls on 19 June. Ready at last for the final leg to the Pacific, Thompson’s party left the falls on 3 July and travelled swiftly down the Columbia, stopping at several Interior Salishan, Sahaptin, and Chinookan settlements along the way, and reaching Astoria at the river’s estuary on 15 July. Thompson remained at the new p f c post only a week, beginning his return journey on 22 July, accompanied at first by a p f c party under the command of David Stuart. The two groups parted company on 31 July; Thompson and his men ascended the Columbia to its junction with the Snake, went up this river for two days, and then took the  “Shawpatin and Pilloosees Road” overland from the Snake to Spokane House, where they arrived on 13 August. After travelling the only portion of the Columbia he had not yet seen – between Kettle Falls and Boat Encampment – and making a brief journey across the Athabasca Pass to a cache on the Upper Athabasca for supplies, by November 1811 Thompson was again at Saleesh House. There he spent a final winter before his retirement journey east to Montreal, where he arrived in early September 1812. Just as during his first three years west of the Divide, business imperatives, the need for reliable and competent collaborators, and the realities of tribal politics determined when and how Thompson would complete his Pacific

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mission. The immediate commercial reason for the trip was to rendezvous with the Astorians and confirm their ostensible mercantile alliance with the n w c ; the assembled crew that finally left Kettle Falls on 3 July 1811 was a diverse group made up of n w c engagés, free hunters both French and Mohawk, and Natives of the country. As the party travelled downriver, it had to stop at every tribal encampment, smoke, explain the reason for the voyage, and so ensure safe return passage. In reaching the Pacific, Thompson accomplished his mission, and successfully laid the foundations for the integration of the Columbia District into the economy and transportation network of the global fur trade; that he was able to do so reflects his skill in managing so adroitly these commercial, labour, and tribal factors. These factors – commercial imperatives, scarcity of personnel, and tribal politics – provide a strong corrective against the temptation to read later geopolitical events into the events of 1810–11. This tendency has led to the most intense and enduring of controversies about Thompson, for the Columbia voyage has been seen retrospectively as a “race to the sea” in order to establish national sovereignty over what would become known as the Oregon Country. This case has its taproot in Washington Irving’s Astoria; or, Enterprise Beyond the Rocky Mountains (1836), and has been expressed most fully by A.S. Morton and Richard Glover.12 Thompson’s first editor, J.B. Tyrrell, had argued that there was in fact no race, a case that has been most definitively presented by Barbara Belyea, who effectively dismantled Morton’s case by making the key point that the n w c was less interested in establishing British sovereignty than in extending its commercial power.13 As we shall soon see, though, it may have been Thompson himself who encouraged those who would read his Travels to see his activities in imperial terms.

12 Morton contends that Thompson was ordered back west from Rainy Lake in July 1810 in haste, in order for him to be present at the mouth of the Columbia River before the arrival of the representatives of Astor’s p f c . Morton criticized Thompson for repeated lack of judgment in accomplishing this supposed goal, concluding that “the Columbian enterprise entrusted to his hands went awry.” A.S. Morton, “The North West Company’s Columbian Enterprise and David Thompson,” Canadian Historical Review 17 (1936), 288. Glover, in the introduction to his edition of Thompson’s narrative, went deeper in his criticism, calling the explorer “feeble,” accusing Thompson of a loss of nerve and inability to control his men, and, finally, of being responsible for “the failure of a great assignment.” Richard Glover, Introduction to David Thompson’s Narrative 1784–1812, ed. Glover (Toronto: Champlain Society, 1962), xiii, lx. 13 Barbara Belyea, “The ‘Columbian Enterprise’ and A.S. Morton: A Historical Exemplum,” BC Studies 86 (Summer 1990), 3–27.

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1 8 4 8 T R AV E L S

Thompson’s July 1811 arrival at Cape Disappointment, with which we began, serves as the climax of the 1848 version of the Travels, which is presented as the main text in this volume. This draft manuscript of 374 pages, completed in January 1848, falls into four great movements:  i: ms pages iv.7, iii.132; treating the geography, natural history, and peoples of the west side of Hudson Bay, the Canadian Shield, the northern Plains and the Upper Mississippi, the fur trade, Thompson’s 1796 journey to Lake Athabasca (iii.51–65), and his surveys of 1797–98 on behalf of the n w c (iii.70–100).14  ii: ms pages iii.132–93; on Native peoples of northern North America, with special emphasis given to the Cree (iii.136–51) and Piegan (iii.152–75; iii.188–93). iii: ms pages iii.194–251; a chronological movement taking the reader from Thompson’s first crossing of the Continental Divide via Howse Pass in June 1807 to his July 1811 sojourn at Kettle Falls, where he prepared for the last stage of his journey to Astoria. iv: ms pages iii.252–324; a movement beginning with a detailed, day-by-day description of the Columbia voyage (iii.252–98), and continuing with an account of Thompson’s last winter at Saleesh House in 1811–12 and the 1812 journey down to Montreal. A shorter earlier version of this material also survives, which I call the 1847 Conclusion.15 As this summary indicates, the 1848 version of the Travels follows both a chronological and a spatial dynamic, moving forward in time and westward across the continent, from the bayside locale of Thompson’s early h b c career  to his Columbian activities of 1807–12. There is a clear break halfway through the draft, at page iii.194, when Thompson announces to the reader, “I believe that I have said enough on the east side of the Mountains.” The spatial movement culminates with the view of the Pacific, at which point Thompson can go no farther west, and what follows the visit to Astoria is largely dénouement. The 1848 Travels is the most complete and self-contained version of

14 Some of these pages were taken directly into the 1850 version of the Travels, while the contents of many pages were rewritten for the later narrative; see the Textual Introduction. 15 This text is presented in this volume, pages 273–98.

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Thompson’s narrative, with a clear conclusion that coincides with the end of his active fur trade career. But it would not be the final story. The later Travels version of 1850 contains a more detailed and personal account of Thompson’s earlier fur trade career, forgoes any sustained chronological presentation after 1798, and does not ­describe any events at all after 1807. That draft remained incomplete when, in  1850, Thompson’s advancing blindness rendered work impossible, but he clearly intended to link up all the parts of his Travels for publication, creating  one seamless chronological narrative.16 The best evidence we have of Thompson’s intentions is the “Prospectus” for his narrative, which he composed in the fall of 1846.17 This notice, which ran for five-and-a-half months in the Montreal Gazette, was designed to solicit subscribers, whose contributions would underwrite the completion of the work. As such, it represents the clearest statement of Thompson’s vision for his narrative: its purpose, scope, structure, and intended audience. The “Prospectus” is made up of four paragraphs. The first functions as a kind of curriculum vitae, establishing the author’s credentials by noting his activities as an explorer, surveyor, and trader. There is a particular emphasis on the sheer longevity of his career in the fur trade (“Twenty-eight consecutive Years, in the Northern parts of this Continent”), and, with the Oregon Question still fresh, a pointed note on his establishment of posts in the Columbia Plateau “four years before any person from the United States.” The long second paragraph indicates what kind of a work the Travels is intended to be. Thompson begins by describing the vast geographical scope of his activities, from 44 to 60 degrees north latitude, and from 83 to 126 degrees west longitude, before enumerating the many subjects that fall under his gaze. This list begins with “Geological Formations,” including mountains, rivers, alluvials, and lakes, continues with natural history (“Animals, Birds, Fishes, &c”), and concludes with “the various Tribes of Indians which inhabit these Countries.” Tellingly,

16 Indeed, there are some indications that Thompson wished to continue his story beyond his 1812 retirement from active trading. In his journal entry for 22 January 1848, the day he finished writing the 1848 version, he notes “the great Lakes to do” (Notebook 75, page 33, David Thompson Fonds, f443, Archives of Ontario, Toronto [hereafter abbreviated as a o .], possibly implying that he meant to include the tale of his work as an i b c surveyor from 1817–27, which took him from the upper St Lawrence River to Lake of the Woods; perhaps with this in mind, he included material on lakes Huron, Erie, and Ontario in his “Appendix” of 1847 (322–38). 17 “Prospectus,” Montreal Gazette, 9 October 1846, 4. This advertisement is presented in Appendix 1 (351–2).

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midway through this paragraph, Thompson pauses to reassure his reader that the Travels will contain material that is novel and engaging: “This will not be a dry detail. Many curious facts will, for the first time, be given to the public, which will interest the reader.” In the third paragraph, Thompson explains that the record of his work as a surveyor and trader is preserved in extensive journals, a statement that gives him the occasion to emphasize again the inherent interest of his material; the journals, he writes, “contain the remarks and vicissitudes of every day, and thus form a curious and extensive collection of all that can fall under the observation of a Traveller.”18 The final paragraph is all business, addressing format (“two crown 8vo, or three duodecimo volumes”), cost (“not to exceed Fifteen Shillings”) and anticipated date of publication (“about the early part of February next [1847]”). But of course Thompson published no volume in February 1847, or thereafter. In the absence of this anticipated ideal finished work, the publication history of the narrative reflects the state and structure of the surviving fragmented manuscript: the editions of Tyrrell and Glover are divided into a Part I containing the 1850 version, and a Part II containing the latter portion of the 1848 version. Still, the chronological gaps in the narrative, and Thompson’s evident intention have invited attempts to “complete” the story through the insertion of supplementary linking material. Victor Hopwood gestured in this direction with his 1971 edition, and Sean Peake attempted the feat in his 2011 edition, Travels of David Thompson 1784–1812. The Travels is best understood if we remember that it is an incomplete work of distant retrospection, and that its author relied on a variety of material sources, in addition to his own vivid memory, during its composition. The writer of the late 1840s is surrounded still by the traces of his life in the West four decades before, and uses his carefully preserved grizzly bear claws, dried camas bulbs, and geological specimens as memory aids as he struggles to complete his task of recollection. On 27 July 1847 he even enters his own work with the aside: “The weather is bad and dark and I cannot read ... it must be referred to better weather” (ii.236, 276). This statement also reminds us that as Thompson wrote his great narrative, he was often reading a source text: the daily journal that he kept almost without interruption, from 1789 until 1851 (in this case, the text that he couldn’t make out was his daily journal entry for 8 June 1811). The period across the Rockies, from the first cresting of the Divide in June

18 Thompson’s notebooks contain two drafts of the “Prospectus.” In the first draft, he had written “scientific Traveller,” but he removed the adjective from the second draft, perhaps in an attempt to broaden the work’s appeal. a o . 81.20.

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1807 until retirement in Montreal in September 1812, is well covered by daily journal entries. Several sequences overlap, so that there are two or even three sets of entries for some dates; at the same time, daily journals are lacking for some key periods, most notably the three-month stretch from 23 July to 28 October 1810, during which he made his way west according to the orders received at Rainy Lake.19 In addition, Thompson’s notebooks also contain hundreds of pages of prose sketches, on topics as diverse as canoe construction, horse gelding and avalanches, which provided source material for several passages in the Travels, while four manuscript essays, on mountains, rivers and lakes, Native origins, and water, have remained with the Travels manuscript and were probably intended for inclusion in the finished work.20 Let us now turn to consider what we can learn from Thompson’s use of these sources as his tale evolved. IV  SEEKING AN ORPHAN

Just as Thompson made his way toward the Pacific in several stages, so too the story of his travels evolves through multiple tellings: one, two, or even three journal entries, and one or two Travels accounts. The act of examining these many stages and states of a written work has become common in literary ­studies under the name of “genetic criticism.” Combining the work of the textual scholar and that of the literary critic, genetic studies encompass, in the words of Graham Falconer, “any act of interpretation or commentary, and critical question or answer that is based directly on preparatory material or variant states of

19 Journals from Thompson’s Columbian period have been published in several places. These include: Elliott Coues, ed., New Light on the History of the Greater Northwest: The Manuscript Journals of Alexander Henry and David Thompson. 3 vols. (New York: Francis P. Harper, 1897). T.C. Elliott, ed., “Journal of David Thompson,” Oregon Historical Quarterly 15 (1914): 39–63, 104–25; T.C. Elliott, ed., “David Thompson’s Journeys in the Spokane Country,” Washington Historical Quarterly (hereafter abbreviated as w h q ) 8 (1917): 183–7, 261–4; 9 (1918): 11–16, 103–6, 169–73, 284–7; 10 (1919): 17–20; T.C. Elliott, ed., “David Thompson’s Journeys in Idaho,” w h q 11 (1920): 97–103, 163–73; T.C. Elliott, ed. “David Thompson’s Journeys in the Pend Oreille Country,” w h q 23 (1932): 18–24, 88–93, 173–6. M. Catherine White, ed., David Thompson’s Journals Relating to Montana and Adjacent Regions 1808–1812 (Missoula: Montana State University Press, 1950); Barbara Belyea, Columbia Journals (Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1994). References to published journal sequences are indicated in footnotes at the appropriate juncture in Thompson’s journeys. 20 These essays are presented in this volume, pages 309–49.

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all or part of a given text, whether in manuscript or print.”21 This approach is increasingly employed in the examination of historical documents, and exploration texts are especially well suited to such study, as they often develop over years and take on several forms and formats; Ian MacLaren, for example, in his work on Samuel Hearne, identifies four developmental stages: field notes, journal or report, draft manuscript, and publishable book-length narrative.22 Let us consider Thompson’s three versions of a single, shocking event. The tale first appears in the back pages of one of his notebooks: A large Party of Nahathaway & Stone Indians had struck upon some Meadow Indians (Fall Indians) and killed several, and brought several Women & Prisoners. Those killed they had cut off the heads, without ­scalping, reserving this deed to be gloriously done at the Factory of Stone Indian River. Among the Prisoners was a remarkably comely young Woman, with an Infant in her Arms. On arriving at the Factory the Heads were tumbled on the Ground. This fine Woman, who before seemed to bear her hard Lot with a fortitude amounting to indifference, but her motionless Eye showed her Grief, now boldly stepped up to where the Heads lay, and taking up that of her Husband, she burst into Tears, embraced it, and spoke to it in the most tender manner, and pressed often the Mouth of her Infant, on the Lips of the head of its dead Father; the Indians let her indulge her Grief for a few Minutes, then they took the head of her Husband from her, and threw it on the Ground near her feet. She then for some time tenderly embraced her Child, spoke for about 2 Minutes to the head of her Husband; when pressing her Infant to her breast, she extended the other hand to Heaven, addressed a short Prayer to the Great Spirit, and with the same hand seized a sharp Knife she had concealed plunged it into her Breast and fell dead close to the Head of her Husband.23

21 Graham Falconer, “Genetic Criticism,” Comparative Literature 45.1 (Winter 1993), 3. The genetic approach has been applied most commonly to the study of Modernist writers; see Hannah Sullivan, The Work of Revision (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2013). 22 I.S. MacLaren, “Samuel Hearne’s Accounts of the Massacre at Bloody Fall, 17 July 1771,” ariel, 22.1 (January 1991), 25. For a persuasive discussion of the discrepancies between primary field documents and published narratives, see MacLaren’s “In Consideration of the Evolution of Explorers and Travellers into Authors: A Model,” Studies in Travel Writing 15.3 (September 2011), 221–41. 23 a o . 52.92.

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Thompson gives no source or date for this anecdote, and it is attested nowhere in his daily journals, but it may date from his November 1797 stay at John Macdonnell’s Assiniboine House (the “Factory of Stone Indian River” of the tale, a site in what is now southwestern Manitoba). The action reflects hostility between Plains Cree and Assiniboine (“Nahathaway & Stone”) and Piegan (“Meadow”) on the northwestern Plains.24 The story would reappear in different guise in the 1848 version of the Travels. About halfway through the first movement of the work, Thompson relates his decision in 1797 to leave the h b c and join the n w c . Before describing his extensive surveying circuit of 1797–98 on behalf of his new employers, he writes of warfare between the Ojibwa, among whom he would travel in the forested lands west of Lake Superior, and one of their Plainsdwelling western neighbours, the Cheyenne. Thompson credits the Ojibwa chief Sheshepaskut as his source: “I shall relate this expedition against the Chyenne’s ... as a sample of Indian warfare in open countries as narrated to me by the old Chief” (iii.67; 20). Speaking in the first person, Sheshepaskut describes the march to the Cheyenne village (a site on the Sheyenne River, in present-day North Dakota), surveillance of the settlement, and its subsequent destruction. The chief then continues: We did not scalp the Men, but cut off their heads, put them in bags, to be scalped with singing and dancing at the place of meeting at the Rainy River. We marched very hard back to our families. Among the women whom we brought away prisoners was a fine looking woman with an ­infant at her breast, as she marched along with us, she shed no tears and had an air of indifference; at the Rainy River, when we tumbled the heads on the ground, the head of her husband, the father of her child, was among them; on seeing of which, she sprung forward, seized it, burst in to tears, kissed the lips several times, and pressed them on the lips of her infant; the head was taken from her and thrown on the ground, again she seized and embraced it, again it was taken from her and treated in the same manner; again she snatched it from the ground pressed it to her heart, to her lips

24 During the period from 1794 to 1806, the presumed timeframe of the story, hostile encounters between these groups were rather limited, and mostly associated with horse raids. A realignment of tribal coalitions in 1806 initiated deeper and more long-lasting enmity. Theodore Binnema, Common and Contested Ground: A Human and Environ­ mental History of the Northwestern Plains (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2004), 174–5, 196.

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and those of her infant; it was now with menace taken from her and tossed down at her feet, in the night she had concealed a sharp pointed knife in her breast, determined not to dance over the head of her husband closely embracing her infant, she held it up to the Great Spirit, replacing it on her bosom, quick as thought, she drew the keen pointed knife, plunged it into her heart and fell dead on the head of her husband. Canadians of the Rainy River factory buried her with the remains of her husband. Thompson then engages in a dialogue with Sheshepaskut: I asked the old Chief what he thought of it, he replied “I will never go to war again,” (and he kept his word): “the Great Spirit made her a woman, but he gave her the heart of a man, she is now in the land of spirits with her husband, who died the death of a warrior.” “Do you think the Great Spirit will not punish you and your people for killing his Men and Women.” “I hope not, but I will not go to war again.” iii.68–9 (21) This anecdote is clearly the same story as had been related in Thompson’s ­notebooks. Thompson changes the tribal participants, substituting Cheyenne for Meadow (Piegan), and Ojibwa for Nahathaway and Stone (Cree and Assiniboine) and he transfers the action from Stone Indian House to Rainy Lake House. The action itself, though, is virtually identical, and the phrasing of the Travels account closely echoes that of the notebook: “Among the Prisoners was a remarkably comely young Woman, with an Infant in her Arms” becomes “Among the women whom we brought away prisoners was a fine looking woman with an infant at her breast.” In the most substantive change, the grieving woman picks up the head once in the notebook and three times in the Travels. Much of the content of the first half of the 1848 version of the Travels was subsequently adopted into the 1850 version of the narrative, and Chief Sheshepaskut’s tale of war appears again in the later manuscript (iv.201–2; I: 237–8). While the basic plot is retained, several significant changes are now made. First, the tale of the expedition is told not as an introduction to Thompson’s travels, but rather during them, in the context of Sheshepaskut’s visit to the post of n w c trader Jean-Baptiste Cadotte fils in early April 1798. Second, while the story of the journey to the Cheyenne village and its destruction is again related by the Ojibwa chief, who participated in the expedition, the narration of the incident of the Cheyenne widow is reassigned to Cadotte,

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who did not. Sheshepaskut lights a pipe and smokes while Cadotte tells the tale, interjects at its conclusion that “the Great Spirit had made her a Woman, but had given her the heart of a Man,” and makes no comment about not going to war again. Third, certain aspects of the woman’s story are altered. In the 1850 version Ojibwa warriors try in vain to wrest the infant from his mother’s grasp while escorting their prisoners, the narrator does not indicate that the woman had concealed a knife in her bosom before the weapon appears, and the scalping rite is described in more ceremonial terms: “preparatory to their being scalped, the whole circle of Men, Women and Children with tambours rattles and flutes, shouted the War whoop, and danced to the song of Victory.” Finally, Cadotte adds the detail that the woman’s infant child was taken to Rainy Lake House to be raised. The cumulative effect of these changes is to heighten the emotional impact of the story – there is more tension between the woman and her captors, the ceremony is a grander spectacle, the sudden appearance of the knife surprises the reader, and the narrative concludes with a greater sense of closure. At the same time, responsibility for the story is taken from an ostensible eyewitness to one whose personal knowledge of events is unclear. It is particularly telling that there are fewer differences in the story’s structure and content between the versions in the notebook and the 1848 Travels than there are between the Travels versions themselves. In the first case, only the context changes, the tale becoming a coda to Sheshepaskut’s story of the Ojibwa expedition against the Cheyenne (which is in fact a historical event); in the second, literary polish is applied, narration is reassigned, and details are altered in ways irreconcilable with what had come before. So, the substantive changes take place not when Thompson decides to graft an old, discrete episode onto the new, grand narrative, but as he develops this great work. The implications are troubling for the historian who would like to use this passage as a primary source. The incident cannot properly be included in a study of OjibwaCheyenne warfare; nor can an orphaned Cheyenne infant be sought in the lateeighteenth-century history of Rainy Lake House. It is possible, despite the contextual changes we have seen, that the story could derive from an authentic episode of Native warfare on the northern Plains. But it is just as possible that the entire narrative is apocryphal, either invented by Thompson himself, or echoing a legend that had been passed around by word of mouth. Thompson does as much elsewhere: when writing of Niagara Falls in his hydrographic appendix, he inserts a version of the local tale of a doomed Native man going over the precipice to his death – a fanciful story that had been retold dozens of times. Rather than credit the story as a legend of the Falls, Thompson vouches for its veracity with the audacious

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words: “I may relate what I know to be fact for I was on the ground” (335). As readers, we must be prepared to accept that “fact” in the Travels could have a broad definition indeed. V   H I S T O R I C A L E V E N T S A N D L I T E R A RY S T R AT E G Y: THE COLUMBIA JOURNEY

The revision of this story is not an isolated case, for similar exercises of literary enhancement are found throughout the Travels: a field journal entry or prose sketch evolves into a first narrative draft, which is further crafted into a second version, in such a way that the various tellings are not always consistent with one another. No episode in Thompson’s long career has received greater attention than the great Columbia journey of 1811, the climax to the Travels. What can we learn about Thompson’s strategies as a writer as the tale of this trip develops? To probe this question, let us examine three written accounts – Thompson’s original daily journal of 1811, the 1847 Conclusion to the Travels, and the more detailed 1848 version that replaced it. It is instructive to focus on two episodes: a brief encounter with tribal people and the visit to Cape Disappointment with which we began. Late on 9 July, Thompson’s party came upon the encampments of the Umatilla, a Sahaptin tribe whom Lewis and Clark had encountered in October 1805. The 1811 journal reports sparely: “Passed in all about 80 families in small straggling camps.”25 The two Travels texts, by contrast, contain full accounts of a visit with these tribal people; in both versions Thompson puts ashore at a group of about ten families, and is approached by two fearful old men, while others linger anxiously in the background. In the 1847 Conclusion, Thompson describes the ensuing encounter thus: I went, unarmed a few feet in advance of the men, to encourage them, but they crawled to my feet, every few yards, lifting up their heads, and looking me in the face, as if imploring mercy, the pipe I held in my hand was no assurance, when close to me it was lighted, we smoked, and handed it to them, they then sat up and smoked, but with fear in their countenances, all the Men and Women were a short distance behind, with anxious looks, as if ready to run away. We saw that our presence caused too much fear, we gave to each of the old men two inches of Tobacco, and left them. (ii.246; 285)

25 a o . 27.73.

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The description evolves in the 1848 version: My men staid on the beach, and I went forward a few paces unarmed, and sat down with a pipe and stem in my hand. They sent forward two very old men, who lying flat on the ground in the most pitiful manner; crawling slowly, frequently lifted their heads a little as if imploring mercy; my Native Interpreter would not speak to them, and all the signs I could make gave them no confidence; close behind the men three women crawled on their knees; lifting up their hands to me, as if supplicating for their lives; the men were naked and the women nearly the same, the whole a scene of wretched destitution, it was too painful, they did not smoke with us, I gave to each of the men two inches of Tobacco, and left them. (iii.268–9; 223) In reworking his material from the 1847 Conclusion to the 1848 version of the Travels Thompson changes three significant details. One regards the ceremonial offering of tobacco. In the first account, the two Umatilla elders accept Thompson’s lit pipe and smoke with the explorer, albeit in great fear; in the second, by contrast, no sharing of the pipe takes place. Thompson also changes his description of the figures that lurk behind the two men. In the first account he describes a scene in which “all the Men and Women” are positioned a short distance away; in the second this group is changed to three crawling women, who lift up their hands in an gesture of apparent supplication. Finally, while the 1847 account makes no mention of how the Umatilla are attired, in the revised account Thompson asserts that “the men were naked and the women nearly the same.” These changes, while subtle, alter significantly the depiction of the Umatilla. By recounting in the end that these people did not smoke with him after all, Thompson makes them unique among the groups he encounters in the course of his Columbia journey; even the tribes who attempt to ambush and rob him at the Dalles share the pipe with him beforehand. The addition of the three crawling women and the detail about the nakedness of the people heightens the eeriness and pathos of the encounter. This is not likely a case of Thompson’s memory becoming ever more accurate. The meeting with the Umatilla is related in a single sentence in the contemporary account of 1811; the journal entry is evocative, but tells us nothing of an interaction. Thirty-six years had elapsed between the event and its narration in the first Travels draft, and there were only a few months between this draft and the next. It is unlikely that Thompson suddenly remembered his encounter with the Umatilla “correctly” when he wrote that last version.

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Why would Thompson alter his material in this way? He was a rational man of scientific rigour, whose profession of “astronomer and surveyor” relied upon the careful, accurate recording of observable phenomena. He is renowned for the assiduousness with which he collected data, and the skill with which he transformed this information into some of the most accurate maps of his era. But in practising the art of narrative, he reworked and rewrote stories in ways that invite the reader to question their accuracy. A clue to Thompson’s strategy can be found a few pages later in the 1848 Travels. The description of the events of 10 July 1810, the day after the Umatilla encounter, concludes with the statement: The Night being clear I observed for Latitude and Longitude; of which I make a constant practice, to correct the survey of the River and to give a true geographical position to every part, though of no importance to the general reader; and therefore not noticed. (iii.270–1; 225) The term “general reader” is the key to understanding why Thompson chose to embellish – and possibly invent – some of his material: to satisfy the perceived demands of the reading public. Significantly, in the period between 1811 and the writing of the Travels in the late 1840s, this “general reader” had been treated to an account of Lewis and Clark’s earlier visit to the Umatilla. Shortly after the conclusion of the Corps of Discovery’s expedition, Lewis had begun to prepare an official, condensed version of the expedition journals for public consumption, a task that was completed by Nicholas Biddle and Paul Allen after the explorer’s death in 1809. The work appeared in 1814 as History of the Expedition Under the Command of Captains Lewis and Clark, and it achieved a much wider readership when an abridged edition was republished as part of Harper’s Family Library in 1842, just before Thompson set to work on his great act of writing.26 It is instructive to compare Thompson’s tale of meeting the Umatilla with Lewis and Clark’s (which Biddle derived from Clark’s journals). On the afternoon of 19 October, while the Corps was making its way down the Columbia

26 [Nicholas Biddle], History of the Expedition Under the Command of Captains Lewis and Clark, 2 vols. (Philadelphia: Bradford and Inskeep, 1814), 2:21–3; [Nicholas Biddle], History of the Expedition Under the Command of Captains Lewis and Clark, Archibald McVickar, ed., 2 vols. (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1842), 2:53–6. The details of the Umatilla visit in the original and abridged editions do not differ in essentials.

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River toward the Pacific, Clark had been the first to arrive at the lower end of a rapid. While awaiting the rest of the party, he shot a crane, which prompted some Natives observing him from the shore to flee. Clark pursued them to a settlement of five dwellings: He went towards one of [the houses] with a pipe in his hand, and pushing aside the mat entered the lodge, where he found thirty-two persons, chiefly men and women, with a few children, all in the greatest consternation; some hanging down their heads, others crying and wringing their hands.27 The Natives’ trepidation deepened when Clark took out a burning-glass, with which he lit his pipe before offering it to the people. The Umatilla regained their composure only with the arrival of the tribal people accompanying the Corps: the two Nez Perce chiefs Walammottinin (Twisted Hair) and Tetaharsky, who explained the purpose of the expedition, and Sacajawea, whose presence, according to Clark, assured them of the peaceful intentions of the white men. Conversation with the Umatilla was possible at last, and in the end, the explorers stayed to share dinner. The narratives of the two visits have some elements in common. The most obvious is the terror of the people, who cry and wring their hands in Clark’s account, and crawl and supplicate in Thompson’s. Common also is an explorer who ventures forth alone, apart from his group, and offers a pipe. But in the 1805 encounter, there is good reason for the Natives’ trepidation. The Umatilla confess that they believed that Clark, having fired a gun and ignited his pipe  with his burning glass, was superhuman; “their terrors,” the narrative states, “were perfectly natural,”28 and their fears are eventually assuaged. In Thompson, by contrast, the absence of apparent motive for the Umatilla’s terror adds to the strangeness and pathos of the encounter. Thompson was acutely conscious of his own place in the evolving discourse of explorers, travellers, and men of science. He refers, for example, to the findings of John Franklin when discussing the Aurora Borealis (iv.104a–f; I: 153–8) and to the calculations of Stephen Long when attempting to determine the height of the Rocky Mountains (iii.211b; 156–7). We must consider the possibility that Thompson was influenced here by the published account of Lewis and Clark. The journals’ mention of “small straggling camps,” which could have been expanded in any number of ways, is worked up into an episode that

27 [Biddle] 1814, 2:21; [Biddle] 1842, 2:54. The passage is identical in both editions. 28 [Biddle] 1814, 2:22; [Biddle] 1842, 2:55. Again, these words are repeated verbatim.

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is consistent in many ways with Clark’s account, so linking Thompson to the earlier expedition. But Thompson also wants to tell the better story. The Clark narrative grips the reader, but in the end the terror is explicable; Thompson’s retains an uncanny gothic eeriness. So, not only does Thompson want to ­contribute to the interpretive record, but he competes with his predecessors to compel the interest of the reading public. Thompson’s desire to address that public is expressed clearly in his “Prospectus”: we have seen how the long second paragraph of that piece promises hard facts about geology, natural history, and Native peoples, and yet also reassures us that it will not be a “dry detail.” The work proposed in the “Prospectus” is “The Travels of David Thompson,” and he promises to include “all that can fall under the observation of a Traveller.” In Thompson’s day the “Travels” genre was both immensely popular and very broad in scope. Of the more than two thousand titles in the 1842 catalogue of books in the Montreal Library, more than an eighth fall into the category “Voyages and Travels,”29 and newspaper advertisements for books of travel were common. One such list, placed by the Montreal publishers and booksellers Armour and Ramsay in 1841, includes works of popular history (Irving’s Astoria), collections of impressions made abroad (John Sanderson’s The American in Paris), tales of society manners (Eliza Leslie’s Pencil Sketches), anthropological treatments (George Turner’s Traits of Indian Character), and practical travel guides (Augustus Granville’s Spas of Germany), in addition to more classic narratives of travel proper (Captain James Cook’s Voyages Round the World and Mungo Park’s Travels in Africa).30 The genre affords ample room for both serious treatises on history and geography and the more subjective reflections of passing travellers. In this context, Thompson’s title appropriately reflects the contents of his narrative, in which both edification and entertainment are accorded their place. A storyteller as skilled and renowned as Thompson would satisfy the appetite of a public hungry for well-told tales of travel and adventure.31 Indeed, how could a master narrator do otherwise? It was expected that travel writers would try to make their narratives exciting for the reader. For example, as I.S. MacLaren has shown, Hearne’s account of the 1771 massacre of twenty-two Inuit at Bloody Fall on the Coppermine River by the Dene with whom the explorer was travelling evolves from a prosaic, dispassionate description in the field notes to a masterpiece of Gothic horror and dramatic suspense in the

29 Catalogue of Books in the Montreal Library [Montreal: J. Starke, 1842]. 30 “Voyages, Travels, &c.” Montreal Gazette, 16 March 1841. 3. 31 For Thompson’s reputation as a storyteller, see I: xl–xli.

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posthumously published Journey from Prince of Wales’s Fort to the Northern Ocean.32 In a similar vein, Richard Davis has studied the development of the accounts of the second Franklin Expedition (1825–27) from field notes destined for the Admiralty Office to the Narrative of a Second Expedition to the Shores of the Polar Sea (1828), intended for public consumption; Davis argues that the account is manipulated in “a deliberate effort to win the favour of his audience,” including a new aesthetic appreciation of the landscape and a more unsympathetic depiction of Native peoples.33 So, as exploration and travel accounts evolved from field notes to published narratives, it was not uncommon that they were changed in ways that cause their reliability as historical documents to be cast into doubt.34 Thompson’s practice (like that of Hearne and Franklin before him) has left him open to accusations of unreliability, and even mendacity. The Travels’ second editor, Richard Glover, put the case against its author in the most extreme terms when discussing Thompson’s account of the events of the fall of 1810, when he had to evade a Piegan blockade in order to cross the mountains: “The remarkable skill with which Thompson, without one diagnosable untruth, creates so false a picture by his judicious omission of so many facts and his equally judicious use of a few carefully selected facts would be admirable if it were not also unattractive.”35 Glover then warns the reader to use Thompson “with caution” when his material cannot be verified with reference to an independent

32 MacLaren, “Samuel Hearne’s Accounts,” 25. 33 Richard Davis, “History or His / Story? The Explorer Cum Author,” Studies in Canadian Literature 16.2 (1991): 93–111. 34 Of course, this is not universally the case. For example, the three versions of Clark’s arrival in the Umatilla house are striking in their consistency. In his elkskin-bound journal, kept in the field, Clark records: “I went in found Some hanging down their heads, Some Crying and others in great agitation.” In Codex h, probably written a few months later, he recalls “found 32 persons men, women and a few children Setting permiscuesly in the Lodg, in the greatest agutation, Some crying and ringing there hands, others hanging their heads,” which fleshes out the encounter while changing no essential detail. In the published edition, Biddle does little more to the passage than shift narration from first to third person. See Gary E. Moulton, ed., “Introduction,” The Journals of the Lewis and Clark Expedition Online, University of Nebraska. http: /  / lewisandclarkjournals .unl.edu / read / ?_xmlsrc=introduction.general.xml&_xslsrc=LCstyles.xsl; “October 19, 1805,” The Journals of the Lewis and Clark Expedition Online, University of Nebraska. http: /  / lewisandclarkjournals.unl.edu / read / ?_xmlsrc=1805-10-19.xml&_xslsrc =LCstyles.xsl 35 Glover, Introduction, lvii. For a fuller discussion of this episode, see note at iii.228e (181).

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source. Thompson’s veracity has been called into question, for example, in his description of the fall of Fort Prince of Wales in 1782, his 1796 report on the feasibility of using the Fond du Lac route to access Lake Athabasca, and his account of his 1797 departure from the h b c . But historians such as Glover brought an assumption of strict factuality to exploration writings that was not inherent in the traditions of the genre. Thompson altered his story not with the craft of a deceiver, but with that of an artist. The changes that Thompson made to his story reflect a conscious and evolving narrative strategy. Whereas he kept journals both for his own personal record and for the composition of official reports, he wrote his narrative with the general reading public in mind, and as an accomplished storyteller he knew what would elicit response. In moving from the realm of reportage to that of literary creation, Thompson transforms the encounter with the Umatilla from a journal’s passing reference into a full and compelling narrative exercise that engages the reader, stands alongside another contemporary account of the same people, and imbues the Travels with awe, horror, and mystery. Like the episode of the captive Cheyenne woman’s suicide, the context of the story shifts and the dramatic quality of the action is intensified through three tellings. Whether the record accurately reflects the precise events that occurred on 9 July 1811 is of less importance than the literary effects created; and this is how the intended reader would have wanted it. This awareness of the reader’s expectations may help us to understand how the account of the trip to Cape Disappointment, with which we began, functions in Thompson’s narrative. Thompson stayed at Astoria for a week, and the contemporary journal account of his time at the post is so spare, composed almost entirely of descriptions of the weather, that Jack Nisbet observes aptly that it “sound[s] like nothing so much as a man on holiday.”36 The one event of note mentioned in the journal is a visit made on 18 July, when, Thompson records, the Astorians took him to the villages of their Chinook neighbours, and then to a great hill where he enjoyed “an extensive view of the Ocean & the Coast South[war]d.”37 Thompson’s book of courses and distances for his Columbia journey contains no observations between his arrival on 15 July and his departure on 22 July.38 Some of Thompson’s activities were also recorded in works by Astorians: partner Duncan McDougall’s Astoria post journal; clerk Gabriel Franchère’s

36 Jack Nisbet, Sources of the River (Seattle: Sasquatch, 1994), 214. 37 a o . 27.68. 38 a o . 26.15–16.

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Relation d’un voyage à la côte du nord ouest de l’Amérique septentrionale, dans les années 1810, 11, 12, 13 et 14 (1820) and trader Alexander Ross’s Adventures of the First Settlers on the Oregon or Columbia River (1849). McDougall writes on 15 July that “Mr. Thomson of the N.W.Co. in Canada, arrived about 1 P.M. in a Cedar Canoe … manned by eight Men,” and Thompson’s name appears three more times in the post journal before he leaves on 22 July. Most notable is McDougall’s entry of 19 July: In the morning, Messrs. Thomson & D. Stuart went over to visit the Tshinook village, and in order that the former might have a view of the sea, they returned in the afternoon but were not fortunate enough to see either of the Chiefs.39 Franchère notes only that Thompson took several astronomical observations40 and Ross states simply that he was afforded full access to the post for the length of his stay.41 Neither mentions any trip, whether to the Chinook village, the great hill behind it, or Cape Disappointment. The 1847 Conclusion, like the 1811 journal, contains little information about Thompson’s stay with his p f c hosts. While Thompson comments on the customs of the Natives who live about the mouth of the Columbia, and describes the Chinook and Clatsop villages, his visit to the village is not mentioned explicitly. Indeed, Thompson’s sole reference to his activities on the ground is a note that he had measured the size of two pines and a raspberry bush. The 1848 Travels contains a discussion of several general topics, such as the Columbia’s course, local vegetation, the Chinook and Clatsop villages, and the nature of river channels. As we have seen, Thompson states instead that he made his special excursion to Cape Disappointment on 16 July, the day after his arrival. The visit, so climactic in the flow of the 1848 Travels, emerges fully formed; it had appeared in no pre-1848 record, whether by Thompson himself or by those p f c men who were watching him. There is no evidence that Thompson did not make the journey to Cape Disappointment – one cannot argue from negative evidence – but

39 Duncan McDougall, Annals of Astoria. Ed. Robert F. Jones (New York: Fordham University Press, 1999), 34. 40 Gabriel Franchère, Relation d’un voyage à la côte du nord-ouest de l’Amérique septen­ trionale, dans les années 1810, 11, 12, 13 et 14 (Montreal: C.B. Pasteur, 1820), 92–3. 41 Alexander Ross, Adventures of the First Settlers on the Oregon or Columbia River (London: Smith, Elder and Co., 1849), 85.

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it is suggestive that it appears only in the second Travels account. In the journal, Thompson calculated that Astoria lay seven miles upriver from the cape, and he is careful to note in his final account that the cape “terminates” the course of the Columbia. So, his trip completes the act of navigating the entire length of the great river, and provides Thompson occasion to consider his legacy, presenting his arrival there as the culmination of his epic surveying work in the West. As a master storyteller, he completes the narrative arc of his tale, for his arrival at the Pacific finally ends the relentless movement of his work; he can go no further west. In his “Prospectus,” Thompson tells us that he followed the course of the Columbia River “to the Pacific Ocean.” How could he cheat his reader of a view of the vast sea? V I   C O DA : A F T E R 1 8 1 2

When Thompson retired to Montreal in 1812, more than half of his life still lay ahead of him. As we have seen, he regarded his work as a surveyor as the greatest legacy of his life in the West, and fittingly his first task after retirement was the creation of the Great Map of the North-West. Years of surveying would follow, including most notably the decade-long charting of the Canada-U.S. boundary between the St Lawrence and Lake of the Woods for the International Boundary Commission (1817–27). Dozens of subsequent government and private jobs took him from the Eastern Townships to Muskoka, and even in the early 1840s, when well into his seventies, he was engaging in Montreal street surveys. Thompson’s financial fortunes waxed for almost the first twenty years of his retirement, as he became a prosperous landowner in Glengarry County, but then waned in the global recession of the mid-1830s, after which he retreated to a straitened life in Montreal. Family, too, preoccupied Thompson during these years, as he and Charlotte Small raised thirteen children. Throughout this “middle” period in Thompson’s life – lying between the Western achievements recorded in his notebooks and the narration of those achievements in his Travels – Thompson remained a writer. We have seen how he participated in the debates about the Oregon Question in the early 1840s. In addition to the constant work of the daily journal, Thompson made several contributions to newspapers, wrote hundreds of letters, submitted a number of petitions, and kept pages upon pages of personal notes on a variety of topics in his notebooks. Many of these works will be gathered in Volume III of this edition, and so a fuller consideration of these post–fur trade years will be reserved for the introduction to that work. For now, let us follow Thompson, as he leads us westward.

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T E X T UA L I N T R O D U C T I O N

The main text in this second volume of David Thompson’s writings is the draft of the Travels completed on 22 January 1848. This draft takes Thompson from the shores of Hudson Bay in 1784, where he had arrived as a young h b c apprentice, to the mouth of the Columbia River, where as an n w c partner he visited the Astorians in 1811; it then follows him back east to Montreal, where in 1812 he retired from the fur trade. This volume also includes seven texts associated with the Travels: a short opening to the narrative written in 1845; a conclusion that was composed in 1847 and later discarded; two drafts of a piece on mountains, dating from 1832 and 1843; an 1847 appendix to the Travels; and essays on Native origins and the nature of water. A general description of the Travels manuscript, the work’s provenance and publication history, and the editorial conventions employed in this edition, may be found in the Volume I “Textual Introduction” (I: lv–lxiv). Some matters, though, are particularly relevant for this volume. Much of the material in the first two movements of the 1848 Travels version is rewritten in the 1850 version of the narrative. Where this is the case, parallel passages are indicated in the footnotes and significant differences between the versions are noted. Generally speaking, explanatory annotations made to the 1850 text are not repeated for parallel passages in the 1848 text; individuals and Native tribes recurring in both drafts are cross-referenced to Volume I’s Brief Biographies and footnotes. For the identification of species west of the Continental Divide, I am indebted to E.A. Preble’s annotations in J.B. Tyrrell’s edition of Thompson’s narrative, Barbara Belyea’s Columbia Journals, and above all Jack Nisbet’s appendices in Mapmaker’s Eye (145–62). T H E 1 8 4 8 V E R S I O N O F T H E T R AV E L S

Because of a one-year gap in Thompson’s daily journals, it is not clear precisely when he began to write the draft I call the 1848 version of the Travels. When journal entries resumed on 14 April 1847, the author was nearing his hundredth manuscript page, and so we may assume that he had begun composition in mid-to-late 1846. Composition of new pages continued until 22 January 1848, when Thompson wrote page 324. He then began “correcting” this draft, but endured a three-month hiatus in his work from 10 February 1848, when he awoke blind, to 14 May, when he had regained his sight sufficiently to

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return to his manuscript. Between 15 and 26 May, Thompson prepared an index, and then continued revising the narrative until 19 June, when he began to “put the sheets in order for final correction”; this final task would become the composition of an entire new draft, the version presented in Volume I as the 1850 Travels. The draft completed on 22 January 1848 contained 374 manuscript pages (the final page is only numbered 324, not taking into account the insertion of supplementary pages and paste-ons). Of these 374 pages, sixty-six were later transferred into the 1850 Travels (and are presented in Volume I), while twentynine are no longer extant, so that the text here consists of the contents of 279 manuscript pages. The contents of those pages that were taken over into the 1850 draft are indicated in editor’s notes at the appropriate juncture of the narrative. For the structural characteristics of the 1848 draft, see the Historical Introduction (xxii–xxiii). Most of the early parts of the 1848 Travels have never before appeared in print; the pages that have been published are: iii.117–20 (Hopwood 284–7); iii.153–4 (Tyrrell 377–8, Glover 274–5); iii.168–70 (Hopwood 264–5); iii.168– 71 (Tyrrell 422–5, Glover 305–6); iii.193–324 (Tyrrell 375–560, Glover 273–398). 1847 Conclusion Thompson had first concluded the draft that became the 1848 Travels on 3 August 1847, when he recorded in his journal, “Thank kind Providence brought my Travels to a close” (a o . 75.18). However, four days later he recorded a decision to write a “fair” copy of this work. He removed the last thirty-two pages of the draft, covering events of mid-1811 to early 1812, and replaced them with a new ninety-four page expanded version of the events of this year. Thirty of these orphaned pages have survived, and they are p ­resented here as the “1847 Conclusion.” These pages have not previously been published. 1845 Opening Thompson began writing his narrative in November 1845, with a twelvepage description of Hudson Bay and of his activities between 1784 and 1786. This first attempt was later discarded, although some of its contents were taken over into the early sections of the Travels of 1848 and 1850. These pages are presented here as the “1845 Opening.” One passage from these pages, of the young Thompson watching the Prince Rupert sail away, was published in Hopwood (1).

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textual introduction xli



“The Mountains of every Continent” The handwriting on this nine-page manuscript is consistent with Thompson’s journals of the 1830s, and is probably the “Travels” referred to in a journal entry of 24 November 1832 (a o . 70a.40). The essay has remained with the main portion of the Travels manuscript (David Thompson Papers. Thomas Fisher Rare Book Library, University of Toronto. ms21) and was used in the composition of the next two items. Travels of David Thompson This nine-page essay dates from 1843 and is written in one of Thompson’s notebooks on the verso sides of the pages (David Thompson Papers. a o . 71.53–37). Although it bears the same title as Thompson would later assign to his great narrative, this essay repeats much of the material found in “The Mountains of every Continent.” Appendix This appendix of nineteen manuscript pages was composed from 3–15 May 1847, during the writing of the 1848 Travels. The appendix, the first four pages of which draw on “The Mountains of every Continent” and the 1843 Travels, is published in Peake II: 304–18. “The Natives of North America” In the 1850 version of the Travels, Thompson writes: The learned men of Europe have their theories on the origen of the North American Indians and from whence they came, and from want of information have decided, and set the question at rest, by asserting, they all came direct from the east coast of Asia, a theory so contrary to facts, their own tradition, and all their movements since the furr t­ raders came first among them, particularly of those from Canada. This subject I shall pass over at present, and reserve to the end of my travels. iv.256 (I: 282–3) Here Thompson clearly refers to this ten-page essay, which has remained with the manuscript of the Travels. Handwriting indicates that it was probably composed in 1848. It has been published in Peake I: 336–42.

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xlii

Water This four-page essay appears to date from 1848–49. Although it accompanies the manuscript of the Travels, its contents have little in common with those of Thompson’s narrative, but rather show an affinity with many of the prose sketches on sundry topics found in Thompson’s notebooks. A P P E N D I X A : C O N T E N T S O F V O L U M E I I B Y DAT E OF COMPOSITION

1848 Version iii.34a–bbb 1847 iii.45–95 1846–47 iii.81a, 95a 1847 iii.96–108 14–29 April 1847 iii.96a 1847 iii.114–114a late 1847 iii.115–82 June–July 1847 iii.119, 120, 120a, 121b, 133a, 135a, 136a, 175a, 176a 1847 iii.183–214 5–19 July 1847 iii.207a 19 July 1847 iii.208a 1847 iii.211a–b 10 October 1847 iii.215–27 July 1847 iii.228, 228a–h 16–20 October 1847 iii.229–230 July 1847 iii.231–324 21 October 1847–22 January 1848 1847 Conclusion ii.233–62

July–3 August 1847

1845 Opening i.1–12 1845–46 “The Mountains of every Continent” November 1832 Travels of David Thompson 1843 Appendix 3–15 May 1847 “The Natives of North America” 1848 Water 1848–49

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A P P E N D I X B : E M E N DAT I O N S

Manuscript page

Edition

Manuscript

1848 Version iii.80 iii.81 iii.83 iii.93 iii.99 iii.107

Monsr Jussomme Mossr Jussomme effeminacy effiinancy preternatural prepernatural yards yardrs it has been sounded it’s has been sounded without strength withought strength (first instance) iii.118 itself itselfh iii.142 split into split it into iii.150 the bad are left they bad iii.195 deposit deposite iii.232b January 11th. June 11th. iii.238 Joseph Josepth iii.242 every thing every things iii.252 Ignace Iagnace iii.253 Joseph Coté Josepth Coté iii.289 good to eat good to eact iii.303 how the snow how the snow could the Snow iii.304 dwelt dwelut 1847 Conclusion ii.253

sharp words

sharp woods

Hydrographic Appendix 2 Glaciers Glacieres

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Map 1

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Map 2

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The Writings of David Thompson volume 2 The Travels, 1848 Version, and Associated Texts

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i The Western Interior

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Overleaf: Thompson begins his consideration of the Cree by crediting the role of his “lovely Wife,” Charlotte Small (see page 6). (Page iii.34a, David Thompson Papers, MS21, Thomas Fisher Rare Book Library, University of Toronto)

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The Western Interior 5

Editor’s Note: David Thompson integrated the first fifty-four pages of the 1848 version of the Travels into the opening portions of the 1850 version of his work.1 These pages consist of a description of Hudson Bay, a sketch of life at Churchill Factory, an extended treatment of the Inuit, a narrative of Thompson’s 1785 journey to York Factory, an account of Thompson’s 1785–86 experiences there, and a descriptive catalogue of trees, plants, fish, birds, and mammals of the Canadian Shield. [Nahathaway. Religion. rites. Deluge. Birch Rind.] [iii.34a] The Na hath a way Indians2 of all the tribes, on the east side of the Mountains, appear to me, to be most worthy of consideration, they are in many separate tribes and extend over a great space of country; from the south end of the Great Slave Lake in Latitude sixty degrees north, and southward to the Delaware River in the United States; all their Languages however apparently different, are dialects of this parent stock; and allowing for change of climate, and productions of the countries they inhabit; have the same kind of religion, manners and customs, of hunting and war. They are the only tribes who appear to consider religion as a part of their duty, and enforcing moral conduct; though blended with much superstition. I am acquainted with the other Indians, they are wholly distinct from these people, in Language, and Religion. Very early in life it appeared to me, to be worth my deepest attention to become acquainted with a religion so widely extended, and formed

1 The transferred pages are: iv.7–12, iii.5b, 6, 6a–h, 7–9 (I: 9–26); iv.9c, 10–27 (I: 29–47); iv.28–33, 33a–k, to the words “makes a good roast” (I: 77–91); iv.38 (I: 97). 2 The 1848 version of the Travels contains two distinct sections on the Cree. The first section originally consisted of twenty manuscript pages: the four found here (iii.34a, iii.34b, iii.34bb, and iii.34bbb), three that were transferred to the 1850 version (iv.38; I: 97 and iv.48–9; I: 106–8), and thirteen that have not survived. The three transferred pages deal with dress, manners, dancing, the pawākan dream visitor, and marriage customs. The contents of the thirteen missing pages (numbered 36–9, 39a–d and 40–4) are indicated in Thompson’s index: hunting &c. Moose. Lynx. Wolverene. Names. Birds. Fishes. Leather Tents. Birch Rind Tents &c. Numbers. Indian abilities. Dreams. Pah kok. the next world. Meteors. Mirage. Rime flowers &c. practice of Astronomy. Indians & Men’s opinions. Opinions of Natives &c on myself. The second section on the Cree is found below at iii.136–51 (85–97). These two parts of the 1848 narrative were integrated into a single treatment in 1850 (iv.36–49; I: 94–108). While most of the material on the Cree was retained and elaborated upon, the 1848 version does contain some unique passages, which are indicated in the notes.

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indepen[den]tly3 of all other creeds, a question has often been asked by european Philosophers. “Is Man naturally a religious Being, or only the child of imitation:”4 this great question may be answered pro and con; for travellers seldom stay long enough to be well informed of the religion of the people they visit. I have lived several years with the Na hath a way Indians, and speak their soft language; yet I could never from any respectable Indian get his belief on the past, present, and future state of mankind: my knowledge of their religion I collected from being present at their various ceremonies, living and travelling with them, and my lovely Wife is of the blood of these people, speaking their language, and well educated in the english language;5 which gives me a great advantage; it was only in danger and distress that I heard much of their belief; travelling together after a weary day’s march, we sat at the log fire, with the splendid Moon and thousands of sparkling Stars on our sight, we could not help enquiring who lived in those bright mansions; however wild the conjectures, the great truth of the immortality of the spirit of mankind was always steadily believed, and was the foundation of their religious, and moral opinions; and of a future state, however debased by superstition; the sad fault of all

3 For the conventions of braces, square brackets, and angle brackets, see Volume I, pages lix–lx. 4 Thompson’s question, unique to this version, may be traced to the English philosopher John Locke (1632–1704), whose An Essay Concerning Human Understanding the young h b c writer ordered from his employers in 1792. In arguing that the idea of religious worship is not innate, Locke appeals to the works of several explorers and missionaries, asking rhetorically, “hath not navigation discovered, in these latter ages, whole nations ... amongst whom there was to be found no notion of God, no religion.” Thompson was clearly anxious to participate in this inquiry, and there are several places in the Travels at which he seeks out independently formed religious notions; see for example iii.180–1 (121), iii.256 (212), and iii.258 (214), and especially the long reflection on this theme in the 1847 Conclusion (ii.261–2; 298). Officers’ and Servants’ Account Book: Servants’ Commissions, 1787–1802, a.16 / 111: 18, Hudson’s Bay Company Archives, Provincial Archives of Manitoba, Winnipeg (hereafter abbreviated as h b c a ); John Locke, An Essay Concerning Human Understanding, ed. Roger Woodhouse (London: Penguin, 2004), 94. 5 Charlotte Small Thompson (1783–1857); see I: xxxiv–xxxv and note on iii.140 (89). This is the only time that Charlotte is mentioned in the entire Travels manuscript; when Thompson rewrote this passage for the 1850 version, he stated simply “my knowledge was collected from old men” (iv.39; I: 98). The reason for this revision is unclear. The extent of Charlotte’s personal knowledge of Cree cosmology is not known, but in suppressing reference to her role, Thompson places his closest and possibly most reliable informant in shadow.

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mankind; is imagineary terrors; which are almost beyond belief in certain cases: The steady belief of all the tribes of this nation is, that there is a great powerful Spirit, the Mast [iii.34b] of Life and Death, and of a future state, called Kee chee Kee chee Manito, the great the great Spirit. Beneath this great Manito, are many inferior Manito’s, under his orders and control; every genus of Animals, of Fowls, and of Fish have a distinct Manito for their guidance and preservation, responsible to the great Manito: but as these lesser Manitoes are masters of every thing on the earth, the worship and attention of the Natives are directed towards these to be allowed to be successful in hunting the class of Animals, and Fowls under their respective superintendance, and in this is the greatest part of their religion. [iii.34bb]6 They have a faint idea of the deluge which is related in stor[i]es. The great Spirit made mankind, and all the animals; and gave them in care to Wee sauk e jauk (the Flatterer)7 but he soon became careless, and left mankind and the animals to do as they pleased, and led them wrong, so that blood was on the ground, which displeased the Great Spirit, and he threatened We sauk e jauk to take them all from him if he did not take better care of them and lead them right but he did not believe the Great Spirit, and continued as careless as before, so that there was a great deal of blood on the ground; the Great Spirit now became angry and made the water rise day after day, until no ground could be seen; and all mankind and all the animals were drowned, except the Beaver, the Otter and the Musk Rat, and of these only one of each remained alive, with their heads resting on the thigh of Wee sauk e jauk, who was now sitting on the water crying for the great loss of mankind and the animals; some say the Great Spirit had pity on him, and gave him power to renovate every thing, on condition that it should be from old materials; all of which were buried under water, and to what depth he did not know. His first care was to make the ground, for which he must get some of the old ground; but how to procure this he was at a loss, as he could not dive but must remain on the surface of the water; to procure a piece of the old ground he flattered the Otter, as the strongest and most active to dive down to the old ground and bring up a bit of it and he would make ground for him to sleep on; three times the Otter dived, and the third time came up much exhausted, but had not reached the old ground; We sauk e jauk, called him a coward, with a weak heart: he now turned to the Beaver, of a strong make, and persevering heart, twice the Beaver went down, and came up without success, and disheartened; he let him repose,

6 Pages iii.34bb–bbb were composed as a supplement to page iii.34b. 7 Wīsahkēcāhk, the Cree trickster figure.

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and flattering him, promised if he brought up a bit of earth to make a Wife for him; thus encouraged, he dived the third time, and [iii.34bbb] came up almost drowned, but no earth: he was now at a loss what to do, the Musk Rat remained but he was small and weak, after sitting some time hopeless; he spoke to the Musk Rat, flattered him, to give him a Wife, and plenty of Roots, the Musk Rat was perswaded, and dived direct down, he staid longer than the Otter and the Beaver, but came up without success; he dived the second time, and came up faint, but no earth; Wee sauk e jauk smelled his paws and found they had touched the ground; this he showed to the Musk Rat, and repeating his promises, the Musk Rat went down the third time, and staid so long, that he was afraid he was drowned. At length he saw some bubbles on the water, he put his long arm down, and brought up the Musk Rat with a bit of earth between his fore paws and his breast, this he seized, and now from it commenced making more ground, and soon had an island to sit and lie on with the animals. The Great Spirit now caused the water to go away, and Wee sauk e jauk got the Grass and the Trees to grow, the Birds and Animals to live, but he had no more power over them. The story adds that he commanded all the Trees to make their appearance before him, they all came but the Birch Tree, for which he flogged the Tree, the marks of which are to be seen on all Birch Trees to this day. This is in reference to what is called “Oo ter sark quor” by the Natives, and “cores” by us, marks on the Birch Rind of 1 / 4 to 1 inch in length and from almost no breadth to 1 / 8 of an inch; these last makes the Birch Rind useless for holding water; when the Indians are looking for Birch Rind and they see the Tree with large cores, they remark it has been severely flogged.8 We sauk e jauk bears a part in almost every story always flattering every animal and deceiving it, and a person with a smooth tongue is compared to this visionary being. No offerings are made to him, except by Lovers of some gay trifle, to assist them in their views and amours. [iii.34b] Early in the morning (day light) the Master of the Tent rises, takes his Rattle in his hand (a piece of dried hide in the shape of half a bladder, filled partly with small pebbles, with a handle of abought eight inches) and begins his song; the substance of which, with many repetitions is, “thanks for the times past, that they are all alive, requesting health to the sick, if any: to be kind to him and his family that they may live.” This part is also to the great Manito; but according to the Animal, or Fowls he is to hunt for the day, he addresses

8 For this legend, see iv.69 in the 1850 version (I: 124), where the Cree term has been removed.

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himself to the Manito who has the care of these Animals, or Fowls, promising to observe the rites prescribed on the death of each animal or fowl: as a mark of acknowledgement to the Manito, yet with all this seeming belief, he frequently doubts their power, or dreads their ill will. The maintainance of his life, and that of his family, and dependants (perhaps eight or ten) depends wholly on his success in hunting, at best a precarious livelihood: this obliges the Hunter to be somewhat religious; at the death of a Moose Deer, he cries in a low steady voice, “Wut, Wut, Wut;” cuts a stripe of the skin of the throat, which he hangs up, to the Manito; of a Bear, the bones of the head are to be thrown into the water of a Lake, or River; and thus something of every animal to it’s Manito. The expansive Lake, the roaring Falls of the Rivers, the dark Pine Forests are all peopled with imagineary beings, whom they cannot define; at every high Fall; they place a water worn stone in shape like a cobler’s lapstone, but much larger, around this they place various offerings to the Manito, and if the Fall is the resort of Fish, sometimes the Spears are offered. On one of my summer excursions, we came to one of these places, my guide had no Spear, he looked at the three rs, took the best, and in place of it cut a few willow9 [Opinions of Natives &c on myself. Moose Deer. to get a gale of wind.] [iii.45]1 and now told by the men of my brigade, not only that I pointed out where they were, but their every nights campment with many other particulars, they seemed to delight in exagragation, and the credulity of both brigades made me thoughtful; the present was harmless; but had it been for evil the like credulity would have taken place; the Canadians would often inquire of me where are such Canoes, what was doing at certain places, at great distances, when I pleaded ignorance, and chid them for their folly, they would say to each other,

9 Thompson’s emphasis on the relationship between ritual acts and the provision of food also animates the salmon rites that he mentions during his stay at Kettle Falls in 1811 (iii.248; 000). For a treatment of the Cree rituals surrounding the deposition of the remains of prey, see Robert Brightman, Grateful Prey: Rock Cree Human-Animal Relationships (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993), 117–20. Thompson uses “willow” to refer to species of willow proper (Salix spp.) and also as a general term for green shrubs. 1 The narrative resumes here after thirteen missing pages (see note, page 5). The anecdote that concludes here concerns Thompson’s prediction about the overtaking of an n w c canoe brigade travelling ahead of his own. It is related in full in the 1850 version, which also contains other examples of the surveyor’s reputed occult power (iv.58–61; I: 115–17).

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he is in a bad humour, he will not tell us. Either of the Planets Jupiter or Venus near the Moon indicated the arrival of Indians to trade, and to come from the quarter on which side of the Moon the Star was, which sometimes happened, and one prediction right for ten wrong, is was sufficient for their belief; one fine night in march, as usual I was making my observations; Jupiter was a few degrees east of the moon. The Men were sure that Indians would soon arrive; to teach them better, I told them the next night the Star would be as far west of the moon, from the moons motion; this of course was so, and altho’ a common occurrence, they were perswaded I did it by occult power; argument was lost on them, and I had to leave them to say and think what they pleased. The Indians, thought I knew futurity, where the Deer were feeding, the Indians hunting, and could raise the wind, but not calm it; and that my observations of the Sun, Moon and Stars were for these purposes. As a hunter, the highest praise an Indian can receive, is, that he is a good Moose2 hunter. This noble animal the pride of the Forest, and the largest of all the Deer, is of a most watchful nature, his long, large, capacious, ears enables him to catch and distinguish every sound, what the Indians mention of his sagacity for self preservation is almost incredible; he feeds in rude circles, one within the other, and lies down to ruminate near the centre, so that in tracking of him the unwary hunter is sure to come to windward of, and start, him; when in little more than two hours he places by his trot, a distance of thirty or forty miles from the place he started, in calm weather he feeds among the Pines, Aspins and Willows in open ground, the buds and tender branches of the two latter are his food; but when the wind blows, he retires among the close growth of Aspins, Alders3 and Willows, still observing the same rule of feeding, and lying down; if not molested, he travels no farther, than the want of food requires. In the rutting season, the Bucks become fierce, contend with each other, and sometimes [iii.46] interlock their large palmated horns so strongly that they cannot extricate them, and both die on the spot, of which I have seen several instances; two men and myself tried to unlock the horns of two bucks that died in this manner, after they had passed the bleaching of a winter, but we could not do it; we had to use the axe: Hug ge mow e quan, an Indian hunting for us, found where a Doe Moose had been feeding in the early part of May, he set off to find her, and in the first two days unravelled her feeding to the beginning of September; in the evening he remarked to me, that he was now so near her, he could proceed no further unless it blew a Gale of wind, which took place the third day, he set off early and in the

2 Alces alces. Much of this material on moose habits and hunting is also found in the 1850 version of the Travels (iv.50–2; I: 109–10). 3 In the Canadian Shield, speckled alder (Alnus rugosa).

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afternoon, found and killed her, this was in the beginning of October; the Indians regarded this hunting as the work of a matchless hunter, beyond all praise. Ta pah pa tum a powerful Indian, was a good hunter, and occasionally hunted for us, part of February was very calm, and the Moose Deer could not be approached; when about twenty miles from us he left his tent, and came to the house for provisions, I could only afford him some fish, of which he carried away about thirty pounds; three days after he came again, remarking to me, that he did not come for fish, but to get a Gale of Wind, that he might kill Moose; I told him that the Great Spirit alone could cause the winds to blow, and that he must be out of his senses to think I could do it, and that we were nearly as badly off as he was; he replied, “this is your way when you will not do any thing we ask of you, you talk to us of the Great Spirit:” three nights and two days he remained begging a wind, it was in vain I urged the folly of his request; the winds had been light, and for the last ten days a perfect calm; which is very unusual. This night was fine I was observing and a number of small meteors were flitting about, which in a moment were extinct; this indicated a gale of wind; the third morning, the Indian arose and requested a gale of wind; after telling him to ask pardon of the Great Spirit; I said to him “now go, and take care the Trees do not fall on you, the Great Spirit sends a great Wind for three days” (the usual duration). He sprung from the floor, snatched his gun, his ammunition and snow shoes, calling out “I am thankful;” posted away at five miles an hour. The heavy Gale came on us as the Sun rose, lasted for three days as usual, during which time he killed five Moose Deer, of which he sold to us, the meat of two Moose, which was most acceptable, as we were living on frozen fish, and none of the best quality4 [Moose deer. the large Rein Deer. Rein Deer hunting & snareing. the great herd of ditto.] [iii.48] taste, the meat of this noble animal killed in a quiet state, and harassed by dogs, or wolves, is so utterly different, that one can hardly be perswaded it is of the same animal. As I proceed on my travels I shall have

4 The story of Tapahpahtum, a Cree hunter who supplied Thompson with game at Reed Lake in 1805–06, is also told in the 1850 Travels text (iv.76–9; I: 130–2); he is mentioned again at iii.92 below (43). The sequence of material in the 1848 version nicely dovetails Thompson’s reading of astronomy and meteorology with corresponding Cree practices of reading animal behaviour, themes that converge in the concluding anecdote. Page iii.47 is missing; the index indicates that it continued the discussion of moose.

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something more to say on this noble pride of the forest, the most powerful, yet the most timid of all the Deer.1 The stony, rocky region upon which I have been writing is the country of the Rein Deer,2 they are not found to the westward of this region, but are strictly confined within it’s limits, which extend from the arctic circle northward and to the southeast of Quebec southward, on the westward bounded by the chain of Lakes, and on the eastward by the sea, to the south end of the coast of Labrador. Much of the eastern parts of this region are wholly without trees of any kind, countries of Rock, Moss and Water. There are two species of the Rein Deer, one, the larger species appears to me to be a non descript; from his habits. The Na hath a way Indians call him Mah the Moose wah, the Ugly Moose, this fine animal seems to be a link between the Moose and Rein Deer, he feeds much on the buds and tender branches of Willows, as well as on Moss, never willingly quitting his feeding grounds like the Moose, but his horns are not palmated, they are branched like other Rein Deer, only larger in proportion to his size; which is nearly twice that of the common Rein Deer; his form is more compact, and the meat much better, the fat of the common Deer must be eaten hot, or it sticks to the teeth, that of the other, only requires to be warm; this species of Rein Deer are not numerous, and are found only on the better parts of this rocky region, in all my wanderings I have seen only four of them; at two different times I started two of them, but saw little more of them, than a hawk on the wing, they bounded off at a high trot, like a Moose; twice I saw one of them, when partly cut up by the hunters, one of them had only the bowels taken out when I arrived, I wished to measure this Deer, but the two Hunters looked at me with a kind of superstition I desisted, and turned it off, by enquiring how many dressed skins would make a comfortable tent, they said ten, after the animal was cut up, and each of us had his little roast at the fire, and they had smoked their pipes, one of them said to me, we did not like to see you measure this Deer, for fear of the Manito, he is [iii.49] severe; and seldom allows us to kill his Deer, he has not many. The Rein Deer is an animal too well known to need a description from me, the Indians have well named him, the Ugly Deer Mar the Sick, and such he is

1 I.e., the moose. 2 Caribou (Rangifer tarandus). In referring to two species, Thompson indicates the sedentary woodland caribou (Rangifer tarandus caribou) and the migratory barren-ground caribou (Rangifer tarandus groenlandicus). For the hybrid mountain caribou, see note on iii.308 below (257). The two species are described discretely in the 1850 version of the Travels: the barren-ground at iv.52–3 (I: 111) and the woodland at iv.57–8 (I: 114– 15); the notes about eating hot meat and hunting on the ice are unique to 1848.

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compared with the Antelope,3 but admira[b]ly adapted to the very rude countries he inhabits, his sight appears bad, the eye has nothing of the brilliancy of other deer, but appears somewhat opaque; the cautious hunter easily approaches him; even on the wide surface of the frozen Lake. First on hands and knees, then on the belly to about 120 yards from them, when they will rise, and keep a steady eye on the Hunter, who then gently lifts one heel about a foot from the ice, and lets it drop; this attracts the attention of the Deer, who, stretching out their necks and head in an awkward manner, advance a few yards, and thus, time to time, brings them to about sixty yards which is held a sure shot, but this is the only shot the Hunter can hope for; the Indians are keen hunters of them, and while the Deer remain on their grounds live well, what is not required for the present use, is split into a kind of thin large stakes and dried in the smoke: At York Factory, where some years in the open season they are numerous; hedges of pine trees of four miles in length near to, and parallel with the bank of the River, are made, with door ways at convenient distances in which is a strong rope with a noose, the other end fastened to a tree, in going along the hedge, they are sure to put their heads in the nooses prepared for them, where they sometimes strangle themselves, but are more often found alive, which is always the case when they get one of their fore feet in the noose. They then give battle, and in this state the two men who visit the hedge with each a lance of about eight feet in length, take care to let the Deer be at the length of his tether before they attack him, and I have known more than one dog laid dead by a single stroke of one of his fore feet; the hoofs of his feet are very large for his size. ¶ In the month of May 1792, Mr Cooke and myself, both of us Clerks, requested Mr Joseph Colen to let us take a Canoe, and proceed up the River to hunt Rein Deer. The ice had just drifted out of the River, the weather was bad, he was a kind good man, he was averse to it, but let us go;4 against a rapid current we slowly advanced about twenty miles, and camped above the high bank of the

3 Pronghorn (Antilocapra americana); see note on iii.128 (74). 4 Joseph Colen served as h b c resident chief factor at York Factory from 1786 to 1798; see I: 324. The tale of the great caribou herd is related in the 1850 version, iv.54–7 (I: 112–14), but the reference to Colen is unique to 1848. In the aftermath of his 1797 departure from the h b c , Thompson wrote a vindictive letter to Colen, in which he complained of lack of material support during his surveying inland. In this letter Thompson states, “I had once the greatest respect for you; I have some yet,” and concludes: “you are alas; one of those unfortunate Men who will have many an Acquaintance, but never, never a real Friend.” David Thompson to Joseph Colen, 1 June 1797, a o . 5.237; see Volume III. Despite the harsh terms of this letter, the statement here that Colen was “a kind good man” seems to be meant sincerely.

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river; the next morning to our Surprise, we heard a noise as of distant thunder, we took our four guns, and sat in our canoe to see what it could be [iii.50] we were not long in suspense, a mighty herd of Rein Deer with a front of about one hundred yards came rushing through the woods, headlong, descended the steep banks of the River, plunged into it, swam across, ascended the opposite bank and held on their course, this vast herd continued to cross the river in a dense mass, so close, that not another Deer could be placed among them, this continued until sun set, when there was a cessation; on each hand were small herds of five to ten holding on the same way with the same headlong haste, when we fired at these small herds, they paid no attention to the shot, their course was from the northward to the southward. In the evening we went to our campment astounded at what we had seen, at a loss to account for the blind headlong rush of these deer; they were all on full gallop at the rate of full twenty miles an hour. The next morning we were early in our canoe, and on our guard; a little while after sun rise, the same rushing sound came on, a dense herd of Deer appeared, of the same front; and headlong haste, and continued to sun set; the third day was the same to the afternoon, when the close, dense mass had wholly passed, and was succeeded by small herds, altho’ following the same route, yet not with the same haste. All the summer there were small herds of Rein Deer about York Factory, which is not usual. We killed a dozen of them, they were poor meat. The Rein Deer are naturally gregarious, they are seldom found alone, their large hoofs enables them to swim with swiftness, and it requires a good canoe to come up with them, they must be cautiously approached, as they know how to use their hind feet in the water. Since the time I saw this immense herd of Rein Deer pass, I became acquainted with the northern countries of the Rein Deer, from whence this immense herd must be supposed to have come, it appears these countries cannot furnish these immense numbers, add to this, the Indians all along found the numbers of the Deer as usual. They must have come from along the interior of the sea coasts of, and beyond, Hudson’s Bay: countries unknown to us. This great herd of Deer must have numbered above 5,712,400 in three days, besides the scattered herds. Again the question is, wither did they go, their course was southward, about twenty miles from the Bay side, yet on enquiring of the gentlemen of the southern Factories they5

5 There is a disjunction in the manuscript here, as the top of the following page, iii.51, has been cut. In the 1850 version this anecdote concludes with a comparison of Native and European methods of estimating large numbers of animals, and of the concepts of Instinct and the Manito (iv.55–6; I: 113–14).

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[Rein Deer, and prepare for Athabasca. Lake &c]1 [iii.51] small canoes to be on the calm surface of a Lake, watching the Deer, when driven by the flies to shelter themselves under the water, they knew nothing of the navigation of rapid rivers which ignorance proved fatal to the expedition; they were both young men, but utterly different in their characters. One, Kos daw was of powerful, active, form, gay, thoughtless, ready for any mischief, would climb the trees, and brave the Eagles in their very nests, yet under this wildness was a kind and faithful heart; the other from his hard name, which I could not pronounce, I called Paddy, he was of a slender make, thoughtful of a mild, amiable disposition, and it was him I always consulted. We had to go to the Woods for Birch Rind, it may be remarked, the white Birch Tree, of Canada;2 and northward has two coatings exterior of the wood of the tree, the first is the bark of a cinnamon brown color, and good for tanning, on the vertical growth of the tree; outside of which is a rind formed in a horizontal direction, in cold climates, sometimes to the thickness of one eighth of an inch, or more it is this rind of the tree, and not the bark, of which canoes are made, the outside of the rind being always the inside of the canoe, sewed together by the fine roots of the white Pine,3 split in two. By the ninth [iii.52]4 of June we had made a birch rind canoe of seventeen feet in length by thirty inches width on the middle bar, our outfit was one fowling gun, forty balls, five pounds of shot, powder in proportion, and a net of thirty fathoms. there was no provisions to

1 Pages iii.51–2 concern the preparations for and first stages of Thompson’s journey to Lake Athabasca, made in June and July 1796 with two young Chipewyan travelling companions, Paddy and Kozdaw. The next two pages of the 1848 version, 53 and 54, are missing; in the index their contents are entered as “Journey Manito Lake. Fall.” A later draft of the journey up to Manito Lake appears in the 1850 version at iv.86–92 (I: 138–42). 2 Paper birch (Betula papyrifera), which exists in many subspecies throughout northern North America. As Thompson notes, birch rind, the orange inner bark of the tree, is the preferred material for the making of canoes; he also describes its use for other waterproof items, such as maple syrup vessels, dishes, and grave coverings. As Thompson would discover, the inner bark of birches west of the Continental Divide is generally too thin to be useful in canoe construction (see iii.118; 63, iii.221–3; 168–9, and iii.237; 193). 3 White spruce (Picea glauca). 4 Thompson used the verso of iii.52, iii.66, and iii.69 to calculate the distance and direction between some twenty locations related to his travels of 1797–98, including a dozen n w c posts. The pages were likely used for this purpose after their contents had been rewritten for the 1850 version of the Travels.

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give us, for our daily subsistence depended on the fishing nets. Early on the tenth we set off and proceeded up the Rein Deers River, to the Lake of the same name, sixty four miles; it is a fine bold deep stream of about three hundred yards in breadth, with high sloping banks, covered with Birch, Aspins5 and  Pines,6 but no depth of soil on the rocks, its current easy, has only one rapid, and five falls, from four to fourteen feet descent; it forms several small Lakes. We went on the west side of the Rein Deers Lake one hundred and eight miles, to a point of tolerable Pines, where in autumn builded Log Huts,7 and where a small Rivulet enters the Lake, in this distance on the west side it receives the Paint River, a considerable stream, and a few Rivulets. On the east side a bold River from the Manito Lake. The Indians informed me, that the above Point was not quite half the length of the Lake, which may thus be two hundred and thirty miles in length by full eighty miles in width, for in the winter it took my men three days to cross it, in the narrowest part; hence it’s area is full, 18,400 square miles, it’s waters are clear and deep; it has very many islands, it’s western sides have only dwarf Pines with some Birch, the east side in places have none, only moss; these barren rocky countries belong to the Indian and the Rein Deer for ever. We now turned to the westward and proceeded up the Rivulet, shoal with many Rapids, after some distance, by carrying places, small Lakes and Ponds for fifty miles, we arrived on the banks of the Manito Lake (or supernatural) on account of it’s sending out two Rivers in different directions, one stream the Black River goes to the westward to the Athabasca Lake, the other, a bold river from the east side, runs southward into the south east end of the Rein Deers Lake; the scene was now changed; of the last fifty miles of low swampy rocky lands of dwarf trees, for bold high hills, apparently well wooded, but only apparently, as we afterwards found; by the accounts of the Indians, this Lake is of immense extent, none of them knew it’s northern boundary, and only it’s south eastern, as far as is known, the land around is bold hills; on the west side dwarf Pines growing on almost bare rock, the east8 5 Quaking aspen (Populus tremuloides). As Thompson notes on iii.107–8 (58), aspen bark is the preferred food of the beaver. 6 Likely including white spruce, black spruce (Picea mariana) and jack pine (Pinus banksiana). 7 Bedford House, where Thompson spent the winter of 1796–97 with h b c trader Malchom Ross. 8 Thompson transferred the next ten manuscript pages directly to the 1850 version. These pages, iv.97–106 (I: 145–53, 158–61), tell the story of the party’s arrival at Lake Athabasca, their harrowing return journey to Fairford House on the Churchill River

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[Enter the North West Company. Miscellaneous. Indians, origen &c.] [iii.65] in the surface of the snow; and edges of the ice; again a question without an answer.1 By a Letter from Mr Colen the Resident at York Factory to Mr Ross,2 no further explorations of the country would be allowed on the part of the Hudson’s Bay Company, this did not suit me, my time of service with the Company had expired; I therefore left their service, and entered into the service of the North West Company of fur traders from Canada,3 of whom the Agents were the Honorable William M’Gillivray4 and Sir Alexander McKenzie;5 these were gentlemen of enlarged views, the latter a most enterprising traveller, had lately given his name to the great river from the great Slave Lake to the arctic sea; the trading Posts of this Company extended from the Ottawa River and Lake Huron westward to and beyond the Mississipe, and north of the Latitude 52 degrees to near the rocky Mountains, and northward to the head of McKenzie’s River; the Agents, and Partners were anxious to know the exact positions on the globe, of their many settlements for trade, and their distances from each other, my engagement was Clerk, Astronomer and Surveyer, my instructions were to examine and survey the Rivers southward of the great Saskatchewan River, and westward of Lake Winepeg, then to the Missisourie River, and to

(during which their canoe capsized and they barely avoided starvation), the building of Bedford House on Reindeer Lake, and an account of winter life at that post. 1 This phrase concludes a sentence about snow fleas, found at the bottom of iv.106 (I: 161), a page that was integrated into the 1850 version of the Travels. The sentence begins: “From whence come so suddenly these myriads of insects.” 2 Malchom Ross, who since 1790 had been involved in the h b c ’s project to find a more economical route to the fur-rich Athabasca country. See I: 330. 3 Thompson writes of his decision to leave the h b c in the 1850 version on iv.114 (I: 169– 70), where he implies that Colen’s letter was addressed to himself, rather than to Ross. For a discussion of Thompson’s departure, see I: xxxi–xxxii. 4 As director of the n w c after 1804, William McGillivray strongly encouraged Thompson’s explorations in the Columbia region, and his gift of a mountain barometer is noted below (iii.211a; 155–6); see I: 327–8. Thompson was also associated with William’s younger brother, Duncan (early 1770s–1808), with whom he made an expedition along the east foot of the Rockies in fall 1800 (see iii.165–6; 106–7). In honour of the brothers, Thompson named McGillivray’s River (Kootenay River) and McGillivray’s Portage (Canal Flats), as he reported in an 1808 draft letter to n w c partner James Hughes (a o . 19.341–39; see Volume III). 5 For n w c and x y Company partner Alexander Mackenzie, see I: 328.

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determine the exact plac of the very head of the Mississippe River; descend it as far as safety would allow, from thence to the River St Louis, by which to descend to the South West end of Lake Superior, and survey the south side to the Falls of St Maries; it was supposed this would take me two years, but by hard marching I accomplished it in eleven months. The head of the Mississippe had becom a place of importance, for by the Treaty of 1783, the boundary line between the dominions of Great Britain and the United States was a line due west from the north west corner of the Lake of the Woods to the head of the Mississippe, and from thence due west: the head of this river was always supposed to be somewhat more north, than the north west corner of the Lake of the Woods.6 The north west company had very judiciously divided the extensive countries of their fur trade into departments, over each, a partner of the company presided; that of the Mississip was under the charge of Mr John Sayer,7 an intelligent english gentleman, upon conversing with him, he described the Mississippe from where he entered it to it’s head as very sinuous, the french canadians, a fine hardy race of men, counted altances by leaguef three french miles, and by this [iii.66] measurement these extensive countries were estimated in distance, these voyaguers go a certain distance, then stop, and smoke their pipes, each pipe they reckon to be a League, but by my surveys I found these leagues, of three french miles, to be barely two geographical miles;8 I therefore became convinced that the head of the Mississippe, instead of being somewhat north of the north west corner of the Lake of the Woods, was many miles south of it, and that a line due west would not come on the head of that river, but all this theory had to be determined by astronomical observations;

6 Tellingly, Thompson’s enumeration of his tasks here lacks the 1850 version’s anachronistic mention of the 49th parallel as a boundary; see iv.115 (I: 170–1). 7 For n w c trader and partner John Sayer, see I: 330. Thompson mentions his visit to Sayer’s Cass Lake post below on iii.95–95a (46). 8 The various miles are all ultimately derived from the Roman milliare, or thousand paces, of 5,000 feet; the English mile was set at 5,280 feet in 1592, the geographical mile (measuring one minute of arc along the Earth’s surface) is 6,080 feet, while the length of the French mille was most commonly reckoned to equal 6,394 feet. The league was usually considered to equal three miles, as here. Effectively, the unit used by the voyageurs is the pipe; by the voyageurs’ estimate of three French miles, it would have equalled 19,182 feet, but by Thompson’s of two geographical miles, would equal only 12,160 feet. Russ Rowlett, “How Many? A Dictionary of Units of Measurement,” University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, http://www.unc.edu/~rowlett/units/.

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¶ the Agents of the Company requested me to notice and pay attention to any remains of ancient people, of which the many mounds on the lower valley of the Mississippe attested their once existence; I remarked to them that in all my surveys and enquiries over the stony region I have described, not a trace of any thing was found beyond the present, the whole region appeared to be in the same state as left by the deluge in the days of the patriarch Noah. For the present I pass over my travels of a few months, and proceed to my journey to the Missisourie at that time known only by name (1797) {There is every reason to believe the lower valley of the Mississippe and its tribu}9 [Chyenne. War on them. Village destroyed. Affection of a Woman. Wild Rice.] ¶ [iii.67]1 the kind of warfare carried by the Indians who live in tents, against those that live in villages, and cultivate the ground. As these latter have a settled life, they can always be found, whereas the Indians who live by hunting, it is very uncertain where to find them; while these latter carry on an offensive war, attacking and retiring at pleasure; those in a village act only on the defensive, and as they have only horses, neither cattle nor sheep, they are obliged from time to time to form a large party to hunt the Bison2 and Deer for meat. In the summer of 1793, the only village eastward of the Missisourie river, was that of the Chyenne Indians with a few Willow Indians:3 it was on the Chyenne River, a south west branch of the Red River, a very fine open country a rich soil, with groves of hard wood in places along the river, they had very little iron among

9 The bottom half of iii.66 has been cut; it consisted of about twenty lines. The building of mounds was a defining aspect of the Mississippian culture, which flourished in what is now the southeastern United States from approximately 800–1500 ce. Thompson was familiar with explorer Stephen Harriman Long’s 1819 visit to Cahokia, the bestknown Mississippian site. Long (1784–1864), a United States Army engineer who led scientific expeditions up the Missouri and Platte rivers in 1819–20, was one of Thompson’s touchstone references; his writings about Rocky Mountain geology are noted at iii.211b (156–7) and in the essay “The Mountains of every Continent” (313), and his 1823 survey of the Red River is mentioned in the 1850 version (iv.187; I: 226). Long’s expedition of 1819–20 is described in: Edwin James, Account of an Expedition from Pittsburgh to the Rocky Mountains (Philadelphia: H.C. Carey and I. Lea, 1823). 1 The thematic linkage between iii.66 and iii.67 appears to be the relationship between agriculturalists and hunter / gatherers. 2 Bison bison. See note on iii.122 (69). 3 The Gros Ventres.

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them, their weapons were Bows and Arrows, and Spears, headed with bone, or flint, a poor match against guns. The old Chief She She pas quot (the maple sugar)4 collected a large band of Indians from all around the Rainy River, Lake Superior, the Lake of the Woods, and the upper valley of the Mississippe to the number of more than two hundred men; I shall relate this expedition against the Chyenne’s and Willow Indians, as a sample of Indian warfare in open countries as narrated to me by the old Chief. ¶ “For the three years past we had several of our men missing they did not return from hunting, we were at a loss to whom to impute their deaths, whether by the Sieux Indians, who are our steady enemies, and more numerous than we are or the Village Indians, they all have many horses, and we have none, in summer we depend on our canoes, and in winter on ourselves and on our dogs, to remove from place to place: the snow is too deep for Horses. We dare not hunt on the great open grounds where the Bison and the Deer are plenty, but confine ourselves to the skirts of the woods. We therefore determined to lessen the number of our enemies, and destroy the Village; when we assembled our men, we marched quietly until we were about three hours march from the Village, and at this season when the Bulls are fat (July) we knew they would form a large hunting party and be away two, or three, days, or more; and this was the opportunity we waited for. Having secured ourselves in a large grove of wood on the banks of the River, we sent forward four trusty young men to approach the Village [iii.68] to climb tall trees, that had many branches, there conceal themselves, and watch the people of the village, they had each a little dried provisions. At night we sent six or eight men to them to learn the news, and relieve them, if required; in this manner we continued for six days, we began to think we had been discovered, and some of our men left us, when one of the young came and told us, they had collected all their horses, and appeared getting ready for hunting the Bison. We got our guns and other weapons in good order, and when the sun was up word came that a large hunting party had left the village, with many women to split and dry the meat; we ought to have waited until the dawn of next morning, but all our provisions were expended, we were anxious to return, and agreed to march directly and destroy the village. Before arriving we had an open ground to march over, those left in the Village saw us, there were several horses in the Village, they set the women and children on them, and they were soon out of our reach: the Stockades were low, and we were directly masters of it, we killed twelve married men who had the care of the Village, a few Boys and took ten women prisoners, we plundered the

4 For Ojibwa chief Sheshepaskut, see I: 330–1.

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Houses of every thing we could carry away, set fire to the Village so as to burn it to the ground. We did not scalp the Men, but cut off their heads, put them in bags, to be scalped with singing and dancing at the place of meeting at the Rainy River. We marched very hard back to our families. ¶ Among the women whom we brought away prisoners was a fine looking woman with an infant at her breast, as she marched along with us, she shed no tears and had an air of indifference; at the Rainy River, when we tumbled the heads on the ground, the head of her husband, the father of her child, was among them; on seeing of which, she sprung forward, seized it, burst in to tears, kissed the lips several times, and pressed them on the lips of her infant; the head was taken from her and thrown on the ground, again she seized and embraced it, again it was taken from her and treated in the same manner; again she snatched it from the ground pressed it to her heart, to her lips and those of her infant; it was now with menace taken from her and tossed down at her feet, in the night she had concealed a sharp pointed knife in her breast, determined not to dance over the head of her husband closely embracing her infant, she held it up to the Great [iii.69] Spirit, replacing it on her bosom, quick as thought, she drew the keen pointed knife, plunged it into her heart and fell dead on the head of her husband. Canadians of the Rainy River factory buried her with the remains of her husband.” I asked the old Chief what he thought of it, he replied “I will never go to war again,” (and he kept his word;) “the Great Spirit made her a woman, but he gave her the heart of a man, she is now in the land of spirits with her husband, who died the death of a warrior” “Do you think the Great Spirit will not punish you and your people for killing his Men and Women.” “I hope not, but I will not go to war again.”5 ¶ The Chy enne Indians on their return from hunting found their Village destroyed, with all their field labors of Maize, and other vegetables: they went westward, crossed the Missisourie River, no more cultivated the ground, but became hunters and fierce warriors, and from what I could learn from the old men, most of the agricultural Indians now on the west bank of the Missisourie, were thus driven there, for the lands on this river are by no means equal in richnes of soil to the many fine streams that form the Red River and the Mississippe. All these are full of wild rice,6 and occupy both sides of these

5 This anecdote is related in the 1850 version (iv.198–202; I: 236–8), where the second part of the narrative is assigned to n w c trader Jean-Baptiste Cadotte fils, rather than to Sheshepaskut. For a discussion of this episode, see the Historical Introduction (xxv–xxx). 6 Zizania palustris. Thompson further describes the effect of a wild rice diet on iii.95–95a (46). For wild rice in 1850 version, see iv.211–12 (I: 246).

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Rivulets and their small Lakes; when this rice is ripe early in September, an Indian places himself in the middle of his canoe, forces it among the wild rice, with a hand on each side of his canoe he grasps the ears, knowcks them against the inside of his canoe, until he has filled it, paddles it ashore, the women receive it, place it on stages of small sticks, with a light fire underneath to dry the rice, after which the rice is pounded in a rude mortar made of a piece of hollow oak, with a pestle of the same to clear off the husk. It is then put up in close baskets made of the rind of the trees of thirty to fifty pounds weight, and put by for future use, and to sell to the furr traders. Were these fine countries open to immigrants, a thousand families might be placed on these streams and their Lakes, where they would find wild rice enough to support them for a year, all that the Indians collect is like a grain of sand from the sea shore.7 The rice itself is a weak, tho’ wholesome food; those who have to pass the winter on it, are all in good health, but appear thin, and half starved. But with meat of any kind it is a blessing, the aquatic fowl that feed on [iii.70] it, are very fine eating and fat, but very wild, they are all shot on the wing. [Journey to the Missisourie] [28 November–24 December 1797] ¶ I shall now proceed to narrate my journey to the Missisourie River, it may be dull, but it will inform the reader of the mode of travelling in these wild countries.1 On the 28th November 1797, with nine men I left the trading post of Mr John McDonell2 of the North West Company on the Stone Indian River, to proceed to the Missisourie River, and the Indian Villages on it’s banks; our guide and Interpreter was Monsieur René Jussomme, who had resided eight

7 Minnesota Territory was established in 1849, less than three years after this passage was written, but Euro-American settlement of lands between the Upper Mississippi and Red River would begin only after the signing of treaties between Ojibwa bands and the United States government in 1855 and 1863. 1 Here the 1848 version of the Travels becomes strictly chronological, a movement that continues to page iii.100. The journey to the Mandan-Hidatsa villages, lasting from 28 November to 30 December 1798, is told in the 1850 version at iv.148–62 (I: 198– 208), an account that is generally more detailed than that reproduced here. The original journal account, a o . 7.2b–8r and 9.124–18, has been published in: W. Raymond Wood and Thomas D. Thiessen, ed., Early Fur Trade on the Northern Plains: Canadian Traders Among the Mandan and Hidatsa Indians, 1738–1818 (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1985), 96–112. 2 For n w c trader John McDonnell, see I: 327.

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years in their Villages and spoke their language fluently; and Mr Hugh McCrachan,3 an intelligent good hearted Irishman, the others were french Canadians, a fine hardy, good humoured sett of Men, fond of good eating, willing to hunt for it, and more willing to enjoy it. Some time after, when I noticed to them, that I thought they set too high a value on roasted meat, one of them replied what have we in life to enjoy but women and good eating, and such I have found the sentiments of all uneducated men, to whom many others may be added. They were all men on their own account, each of them goods on credit to the amount of forty to sixty Beavers (like the pound in money) with which to trade furrs to this amount, and what was left, one third of the venture was for the enjoyment of women, the purchase of a little maize and dried pumpkins; upon my noticing to them the immorality of their lives, they laughed, and said, that on their arrival in Lower Canada they were sure of absolution;4 They had about thirty dogs and I had two Horses. We crossed the Stone Indian River, and at 3 pm put up our tent for the night, all day a brisk w s w wind, at 8 pm Thermometer –20 below Zero. November 29th. Westerly wind with much Rime, at 7 am Thermometer –27, at 9 am –22 below zero, our Latitude was {47' 28"} North Longitude 100°-54 West, a severity of climate not to be accounted for in such a Latitude. November 30th. A westerly gale of wind at 7 am Thermometer –32 or 64 degrees below the freezing point. At 9 pm –30 below zero, we could not proceed. The men killed two Bison Cows, we could only bring to the tent half the meat, but the thirty dogs got a bellyful. December 1st. West Southwest a gale. At 7 am –37 at 8 pm –32 below zero, could not proceed over these open plains, killed a Cow, which satisfied ourselves and the Dogs. [iii.71] December 2nd. At 8 am Thermometer –36 at 8 pm –15 below zero, the bitter cold moderating, West Soutwest wind, killed a Cow, which kept us and the Dogs quiet. December 3rd. Wind West Northwestward with snow the Thermometer at 7 am –3, 8 pm –2 below zero, the weather was now mild, and we could have proceeded, but the snow and drift did not allow us to see one fourth of a mile before us, and we had to cross a large plain. The tent very smoky, and disagreeable.

3 For free traders René Jusseaume and Hugh McCrachan, see I: 326 and I: 327 respectively. 4 I.e., through the sacrament of confession. The 1848 version is unique in the frankness with which Thompson describes his men’s motives for travelling to the Mandan villages.

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December 4th Monday. Thermometer 7 am +4 a West Southwest gale of wind. At 9 am set off and went eleven miles to the Mouse River, where we came to five tents of Stone Indians (Assinee Poituk) of the Sieux Nation5 we then went seven miles up along the River which is about twenty yards in width and camped at 4 pm. The heads and brooks of this River are near the Missisourie, it has a most devious course, and only in places, a small grove of Oaks,6 Ash,7 and Nut Trees,8 so that it cannot be followed. December 5th. 7 am –13 became a mild day with a heavy gale of wind, which at 7 pm became a Storm. At 7½ am we set off, South four miles to a grove of Aspins on the banks of a brook, then South six miles to the Turtle Brook from the Turtle Hill, then South by West 7 miles, the weather threatening a change, we struck off for a point of Woods on the Mouse River, about North West, thirteen miles, when at near 7 pm in darkness we came to a grove of Oak and Ash, most providentialy, for the wind was now a storm with high drift, ourselves, horses and Dogs very tired as there was full six inches of snow on the ground, and all open plains. This day Monsieur Jussomme, our guide, said he would take the great Travers to the Turtle Hill but he led us to the open Plains where we almost perished. December 6th. A heavy gale from West Northwest with cloudy warm weather, the snow thawing, we had to remain to refresh ourselves the Horses and Dogs; we killed two Bulls, tough meat, but satisfies hunger. December 7th. A cloudy warm day, we went about five miles to an old trading post for furrs,9 and camped. This post was abandoned as too open to the incursions of the Sieux Indians, my yellow Horse was too poor, and too lame, to continue the journey, here the Mouse River was seventeen yards in width on the winter ice, but much wider in the open season. At 7 am Thermometer +25. Thus in six days the temperature has changed 62 degrees. My horse had three black feet and one white foot, it was this foot that was lame, the hard snow had taken the hair off it, and worn a small hole in it, the three black feet were perfectly sound, not a hair off them. Monsieur Jussomme in like manner had a fine mare with one of her fore feet white, the snow had worn the hair off, and a hole in the flesh, which made her lame. [iii.72] For years I have remarked, that however rich the pastures in which Horses feed, if they are exposed to the heavy gales of

5 Assiniboine; see I: 53. 6 Bur oak (Quercus macrocarpa). 7 Green ash (Fraxinus pennsylvanica). 8 Probably beaked hazelnut (Corylus cornuta) or American hazelnut (C. americana). 9 The n w c ’s Ash House, which operated from 1795–96.

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the winds of the plains, they become poor, weak, and worthless until the mild season returns; on the other hand Horses feeding under the shelter of woods, though the pasture is not rich, are in good flesh, and fit for use. It is the same with the Bisons, those that feed near the woods are in better condition than those on the naked plains, as for the Deer their natural shelter is the woods. December 8th. A fine clear sharp day; at 8 pm Thermometer –18. We did not proceed, as I waited to give my yellow Horse to an old Indian to take back to Mr John McDonell, who came, and took the Horse in his care. No success in hunting. Observed for Latitude and Longitude. December 9th. A clear sharp morning 7 am Thermometer –26. We went Southwestward 7½ miles to eight tents of Stone Indians, who as usual treated us with much hospitality; they were on the march to the trading post of Mr John McDonell, (a trader highly respected for his probity and humane character,) with provisions, and Wolf Skins: near us were many low sand hills; I hired a young Stone Indian man to guide and accompany us to the Manden Villages, for which, on my part, I gave him a Pistol, thirty rounds of ammunition, two knives, and one fathom of Tobacco, and the men promised him a ten skin keg of rum on their return.10 I may here remark that the Tobacco for the indian trade is always of good quality mostly of brazilian manufacture, it is of a rich black color, and twisted like a small rope, of which six feet weighs one pound weight. This will explain why Tobacco is always mentioned by feet and inches, it is the current money over all the Indian Countries, from Ocean to Ocean.11 December 10th. At 7 am Thermometer –20 below zero. Wind south a heavy gale with high drift, it became like night, at 7½ am we set off to cross a great plain of twenty two miles to the Turtle Hill, the Storm was direct a head wind, and with the snow on the ground and drift very much fatigued us, so that it was

10 I.e., a keg made of ten animal hides. In October 1801, while at Chesterfield House on the South Saskatchewan, Peter Fidler reported trading a “20 skin Keg” to the Blackfoot Ke oo cus for a horse. Chesterfield House, Post Journal, 1801–02, b.39 / a / 2, h b c a , quoted in Alice M. Johnson, ed,. Saskatchewan Journals and Correspondence (London: Hudson’s Bay Record Society, 1967), 296n3. 11 Tobacco played more than the purely economic role noted here; it also carried ceremonial significance. For this reason, tobacco could be employed to achieve political ends, and Thompson twice describes its use in defusing potentially disastrous conflicts; in the fall of 1807 he sent six feet to the Piegan chief Kootanae Appee to turn his war party away from Kootanae House (iii.198–9; 140–1), and in June 1811 he conveyed a present of tobacco to Spokane chiefs to dissuade them from waging war on a weaker neighbouring tribe (iii.246–7; 201–2). Tobacco was of particular importance in facilitating Thompson’s 1811 journey down the Columbia.

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near 6 pm before we reached the oak shrubs on the Hill; I have seen many dreadful days. This was one of the worst, it is still vivid on my old memory.12 Our course was South 30° East by the Compass, the obsc[ur]ity soon became so great, that I had to keep the compass [iii.73] in my hand and be guided by it, until it became dark, the wind was steady, and then became my guide; it was so very dark that the oak saplings struck my face, I could not see them, two men soon came, we made a fire, which served as a beacon to guide the men; they soon arrived, when we found one man missing and one dog and sled, with the goods on it, to search for the latter was useless, and quite at a loss how to find our lost companion, in this state of anxiety we remained for about half an hour, when we thought we heard a voice, we directly extended ourselves within call of each other, when the most distant man heard him plainly, he went to him, raised him up, and all returned to the fire, thankful to God, for our preservation, he told us he became weak, fell several times and at length could not get up, and resigned himself to perish in the storm; when lifting his head he saw the fire on the hill, this gave him courage, stand he could not, but shuffled along on hands and knees, bawling aloud, until we fortunately heard him; the storm continued all night with showers of rain, hail, and sleet, the Thermometer four degrees above the freezing point; this morning at 8 am the Thermometer was twenty degrees below zero, making a change of temperature of fifty six degrees in ten hours by a southerly storm. December 11th. Thermometer at 8 am +37 a southerly gale of wind with showers of snow, a mild day, but we were all too much fatigued to proceed; no success in hunting, our Dogs getting weak. December 12th. Thermometer at 8 am +30. South Southwest gale of wind we went eight miles on the north slope of the Turtle Hill, having no success in hunting, on my mare I ran a small herd of Bisons, and killed a tolerable good Bull, this was a supply much wanted, both by ourselves and the dogs. A stormy evening with snow. Louis Houl, who had lost his dogs, sled, and all his venture in goods for trade, we all agreed to give him, from each of us, the value of two beavers in goods to somewhat compensate his loss. December 13th. A clear sky, but a Gale from the north with high drift, could not proceed. Observed for Latitude and Longitude. December 14th. 8 am Thermometer –20 below zero; in this very stormy, and changeable weather, almost peculiar to the wide plains between the Stone indian and Missisourie Rivers, we continued, I may almost say, fighting our way against wind weather.

12 This personal reflection, unique to 1848, provides a brief, poignant glimpse of the aged writer.

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On the 16th, on the banks of the Mouse River, we put up on the spot wher[e] two years before fifteen [iii.74] tents of Stone Indians were totally destroyed by a strong war party of Sieux, (Nadow essie) Indians.13 Both parties are of the same nation, speak the same language, but about fifteen years before this a feud arose, in which many were killed and about five hundred tents separated themselves from the great body of the Sieux nation, and moved northward to the plains on the south of the Sas katch e wan River, they made war on each other, and remained in this state for full thirty years, when they became reconciled to each other, and again formed one nation. In the mean time they had been dreadfully thinned by the small Pox and did not exceed three hundred tents. The last of these Indians which we saw, warned us to beware of the Dog Tent Hills, as they firmly believed a party of Sieux Indians were there to intercept us, adding, “you traders have furnished the Village Indians with guns, ammunition, axes and knives that they have lately defeated the Sieux, and they are there, in revenge, lying in wait to plunder and perhaps kill you, leave the usual route, go to the right hand of it; take the open plains, and carry fire wood with you for two nights, on the third night you will be on the Missisourie River where there are woods.” However willing to follow this advice, almost every day and night was a Storm from some quarter.14 December 24th was a fine mild day, early we set off to cross a plain of full twenty miles to the Dog Tent Hills, when within five miles of them, on the ridge of the Hill, I perceived what I thought a number of horsemen, I told the men to lie down, and with my Telescope viewed them they were upwards of thirty Sieux Indians riding at a hard gallop to the eastward, we remained about an hour. They had been long out of sight, and we resumed our march, it was 5 pm when we arrived at a gully, with a spring of water and a few trees; had we arrived sooner we should have fallen into the hands of the Sieux Indians and have lost our lives, but it pleased God to order it otherwise.15 I afterwards learned that the stormy weather which detained us, had weakened their horses, the season was late, and they thought the traders had deferred to the long days of the spring.

13 Here Thompson transcribes the Algonquian term na·towe·ssiwak (meaning “Northern Iroquoian”), of which Sioux is a French abbreviation. Douglas Parks, “Synonymy,” in Raymond J. DeMaillie, “Sioux until 1850,” in Handbook of North American Indians, vol. 13: Plains, ed. Raymond J. DeMaillie (Washington: Smithsonian Institution, 2001) II: 749–50. This work is hereafter abbreviated as h n a i . 14 The events of December 17–23 are sharply condensed here; a fuller account in the 1850 version is at iv.158–61 (I: 206–7). 15 This particular phrase is unique to 1848, and nicely defines Thompson’s conventional expression of faith in Providence.

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The Dog Tent Hills (Sun gur Tee bee) are perhaps about 100 feet above the level of the Plain, there are nine or ten Gullies on the Northeast. [Houses. Manoah. Agriculture. Persons & dancing. Manners.] [30 December 1797–10 January 1798] [iii.77]1 rude warfare of these countries. From what I have said the houses are spacious, they have rarely more than two families the door is a frame of wood fitted with the parchment hide of the Bison, of about six feet in height by four feet in width so as freely to admit a horse; on entering, a few feet on the left hand of the door, the master of the house and his wife are seated very comfortably, with small sticks from the side wall, which they cover with a Bison robe, and about seven feet beyond the same, the interval is of three or four Bison Robes, a soft and agreeable sofa: close in front, the ground is taken away to the depth of about one foot, this is the place for the fire, and the only place in these houses whatever the cold of winter may be, and yet these houses always appeared comfortable: to the left of the fire place are the bed places of the family, they are raised about three feet above the ground and fastened to the wall, the bottom, is the skin of a Bison, with a Bison robe which makes a soft bed. On the right hand side of the door are stalls for the Horses, every morning they are sent out to graze, and the young men watch over them, in the evening they are brought in and get a good feed of Maize, and thus the Horses are kept in tolerable good condition. The Village next above, on the east bank of the Missisourie River, contained forty houses of Mandanes:2 the next above was a Village of fifty two houses,3 mostly Mandanes with a few Willow Indians,4 here was the residence of Ma no ah a french canadian,5 a handsome man with a native woman, fair and graceful for his wife, but no children; he had resided here many years, and was in every respect as a native; I found him an intelligent man, but completely a frenchman, brave, gay, boastful, with his weapons in his hands he recounted to the Indians and myself, the battles he had been in, and his brave actions, to all 1 Pages 75 and 76 have not survived; describing the events of 24–30 December, their ­contents are indicated in the index as: Arrive at the Mandane Villages. Houses &c. Thompson’s time at the Mandan-Hidatsa villages is described in the 1850 version at iv.164–77 (I: 209–20). In general, the later version is the more elaborate, but the 1848 version contains more information on Mandan agricultural rituals and methods. 2 Black Cat, immediately above the main Mandan village of Deapolis. 3 Sakakawea Village. 4 Hidatsa, who in 1850 are referred to as Fall. 5 For Ma no ah (Ménard), see note at I: 210.

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which the Indians of course assented, but from my knowledge of the indian character it appeared to me he could not live long, for they utterly dislike a boastful man. I learned, a few years after this, coming from a skirmish, he praised his own brave conduct, and spoke with some contempt, not merited, of those with him, for which he was shot. The Village next above was 82 houses of Willow Indians;6 and the last Village was 31 houses and seven tents of Willow Indians,7 in all 318 houses, and seven tents. If we take each house to contain twelve souls [iii.78] a low average, and the seven tents at eight souls, the population will be 3842 souls, but we may safely place it at 4000 souls. ¶ They have no traditions beyond the days of their great grandfathers, whom they believe to have had Villages on the many streams of the Red River and the Mississippe, possessing all the countries of the wild rice, that Deer were plentiful; but the Bison scarcely known, that the many attacks of the nomadic Indians8 with guns and iron weapons, against which they had no defence, obliged them to retreat to the west bank of the Mississourie River, where the nomadic Indians left them in peace, but the soil was not so fertile and easily worked, as that on which they formerly lived. They had no wild rice, nothing but the produce of their labour. They had very few iron hoes among them; the hoes with which they worked the ground were the shoulder blades of the Bison, or the Deer, the latter were preferred, from their lightness and hardnes; they chose the soft, rich, alluvial points of the river, before they began to work the ground, a ceremony of dancing and singing takes place, with much sexual enjoyment,9 in the planting of maize, pumpkin seeds and others, the Rooks10 are to be dreaded, they alight by flocks, and soon take up every grain that is sowed, to prevent which, boys and girls are stationed to protect the grain until it sprouts, after which the Rooks no longer care for it. They keep the ground clear of weeds, and every thing in good order until they have secured their harvests, after which the grounds are open; from what I could learn and see, the maize forms a principal part of their food, the yield is from forty to sixty for one. A great deal is eaten green, when thoroughly ripe, it is tied in large bunches, and hung up in their houses to dry, which makes the maize more easy to shell, and to pound into coarse meal, which is boiled for three, or four hours, in vessels of clay of a reddish colour of their own manufacture, and which stand the fire; as they have no salt, they frequently put about a spoonful of the

6 Big Hidatsa. 7 A Hidatsa winter village. 8 I.e., the Sioux. 9 The reference to “sexual enjoyment” is unique to 1848. 10 American crow (Corvus brachyrhynchos).

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ashes of hard wood in the pottage they make to serve as salt. They do not appear to have any set time for meals; but their feasts, as they are called, are in the early part of the night, at which there is always meat, and every guest brings his bowl and dish. The invitations are generally made by a small tally [iii.79] of wood sent by a young man, who gives the tally to the Person invited, names the proprietor of the house and retires. Their clothing is of dressed leather, that of the men like a shirt coming down to the knee, with leggins of the same, and come above the hips, and are fastened with a belt; the dress of the women is dressed antelope skins, in the form of a shirt tied over each shoulder, the lower end covers the feet, with a belt round the waist, in which they look well. Both Men and Women are of a stature fully equally to Europeans, the Mandanes are fair, but few of them have black hair, it is mostly of a dark brown, the hazel eye is common, generally they are a handsome race of people, their features well formed intelligent and mild. The Willow Indians although a fine looking people tall and well formed, are more of the Indian, black hair and eyes, they live in the same manner as the Man danes, and are strictly confederate with them, and they all have the name of brave steady warriors; their honesty is well known, and the goods of the Traders, although much wanted, are in safety: but the curse of the Mandane Villages is the loose manners of both sexes, they have their dancing women, of which about twenty four came every night to the Chief’s house at which I staid; at first I thought the dance a compliment to me, but found it to be a common custom, it was regarded as a religious rite; a place was set apart where they undressed, and put on a dress of white leather touching the ground, with a belt round the waist, they were all of the age of sixteen to about twenty five, their long hair braided with ornaments all together they were a handsome set of women; in dancing they formed two rows of equal length, about three feet, from each other; there were four, or five musicians with a drum, a tambour, a rattle, and rude flutes. They all played together, to them a regular tune, to which they sung; the Women danced, their step was light, easy and graceful, slowly advancing to within a few feet of the Musicians; the music ceased, and they retired to their first place: this was repeated several times and lasted near an hour, when the men went away, the women put on their common dresses and left the house; they were all courtesans, and by the reports of my men siphylis is very common, but of a mild character, there were above [iii.80] forty spectators, they all stood, quiet and grave, they have many ceremonies, in all which the women bear a part, but my interpreter Monsieur Jussomme treated them with contempt and never thought it worth his while to enquire into the meaning of them; ¶ The Mandane Indians have an annual ceremony, which lasts three days; on the first day, they appear distressed, have many goings about as if seeking

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for those they are looking for, but cannot find; which lasts for a few hours, when they sit down, and cry for a few minutes; the next day the ceremony is renewed in the same manner accompanied with singing in a low voice; the third day is begun with both sexes crying as if in great distress, with searching as before, at length the sexes separate, the men sit on the ground forming a long row, the women also form a long row, standing opposite to the men, a few women now step forward crying most heartily (with dry eyes) and each woman in turn, goes to any man she pleases, crying for an instant, then takes him by the hand, he is sitting with his hand on his knees as if in sorrow, he rises and follows her to where she pleases to lead him, when she lies down with him; each woman does the same; the women who love their husbands, give themselves to old men, for no woman can choose her husband to be her partner; those with me confessed they had several times partaken [in] these abominable rites of the devil. Where such rites form a part of their superstition, it is folly to talk about their morality. The Willow Indians have no such detestable rites, they consider their wives bound to be faithful, or pay the penalty of not being so. What a great difference there is between the vicious licensious Mandanes, and the stern morality of the Indians of the great plains on both sides of the Rocky Mountains, where adu[l]tery is punished with death to both parties, though the woman more frequently escapes than the man; the Mandanes live in soft security with plenty of provisions, the others are wandering tribes living wholly by hunting, always at war even winter does not prevent their hostile movements. They all deeply believe in the immortality of the soul, and acknowledge the necessity of a kind, protecting Providence. The truth is Christianity, the supreme blessing of God to mankind, by it’s promises, and threatenings, can alone give us that high morality which restrains the passions, and guides them to the wise purposes of Providence; Christians living under its religious and moral precepts cannot [iii.81] value the blessings they enjoy, and it’s mild powerful influence on society; but where christianity is unknown, what is there to controul the passions, from dark revenge to vicious effeminacy. Nothing whatever but the fear of consequences, among themselves. [Journey. arrive at Mr John McDonald. My stay & Observations] [10 January–25 February 1798] Having now examined every thing worth attention and by astronomical observations determined the positions of the Villages; the upper Village of Willow Indians I found to be in Latitude 47°∙∙25'∙∙11" North and Longitude

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101°∙∙21'∙∙5" West, and the lower Village of the Mandanes in Latitude 47°∙∙17'∙∙22" North Longitude 101°∙∙14'∙∙24" West, Variation 10 degrees east, we prepared for our return.1 ¶ [iii.81a] In the language of the Natives, Missisourie means the great troubled, or muddy, River, from the sediment the water contains. This River every where has bold high banks, and often steep, but mostly of earth; the grounds about it are always high, of a dry hard soil, the low points of the River are a rich alluvial; from the Mountains to it’s confluence with the Mississippe by the River is 3506 miles. The whole distance is a continuous River without a single Lake, and very strong current, which at it’s confluence is driven over the Mississippe from bank to bank; it drains an Area of 442,239 square statute miles. ¶ [iii.81] I had made for myself a pair of Snow Shoes, for the snow was not deep, yet the walking was tiresome, from the slight inequalities of the ground which we could not see, while Snow Shoes gives sure footing. At length we set off with thirty one Dogs to haul what had been traded; as before, we were ten men, to which was now added two sieux indian women, which the men had traded, they were prisoners taken in a skirmish; a Mandane Chief, four young Men armed with Bows and Arrows, and an old Man and his Wife each carrying a bag of meat. I advised these latter not to think of such a journey, but they answered their hearts were good, but in the afternoon they became too tired to proceed, and turned back; On the third day four of the Indians returned to the Village, and only two of them remained with us; the Dogs were very troublesome, and voracious, twice they cut up a whole Bull, and picked his bones, they were well flogged to make them go on. The canadians seem to delight in flogging dogs. After suffering several heavy storms in one of which we nearly perished, unable to make a fire, and suffocated with snow and drift: on the third day of February, thank God for his merciful preservation of us, we all arrived safe at the trading post of Mr John McDonnell, of the north west company, in a journey of twenty five days, at an average of less than ten miles per day.2 On my route, both going and returning, I determined the Latitudes and Longitudes of several places which I have not mentioned. The next day Mr Hugh McCharchan, and four men, having got an assortment of trading goods; with the two

1 The story of the return from the Mandan-Hidatsa villages, 10 January–3 February 1798, is told in Thompson’s journals, a o . 7.9v–12r; 9.116–12 (published in Wood and Thiessen, Early Fur Trade, 118–28), and in the 1850 version at iv.177–9 (I: 220–1). 2 Thompson’s stay at John Macdonnell’s House, 3–26 February 1798, is related in his journals at a o . 7.12r–12v; 9.112–11, and in the 1850 version at iv.179–81 (I: 221–2).

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Mandane Indians, set off for the Villages on the Missisourie River. Mr McDonell had treated these Indians with great kindness, and made [iii.82] them handsome presents, of what they considered pleasing to them. I strongly advised them all to avoid the usual route by the Dog Tent Hill, but direct their course from the Mouse River to the westward of the Hill, as I had done, and thus avoid the Sieux Indians, this they promised to do, the Indians they saw gave them the same advice, but canadian like, brave, active, but thoughtless, the weather being fine, they took the direct road, and at the pass of the Dog Tent Hill, the Sieux Indians who were on the watch for them, fell on them, killed two of the men, and one of the Mandanes, and the whole of them would have shared the same fate, had not the Sieux began quarreling about the plunder of the Goods they had with them, thus sadly ended this attempt to reach the Villages on the Missisourie. The whole of these countries appear to be very fine cultivatable soil, especially the Turtle Hill, which has a sufficiency of wood and many springs and brooks of water, in time it will be the pleasing residence of civilized mankind;3 the Mouse River has only groves of hard woods in places, frequently more than a day’s journey without any wood, its course is very devious, to follow it would be more than four times it’s length in a straight line; the whole will be rich pastoral countries for cattle and sheep, and horses; the great drawback is the frequent violent storms of wind, which are not known in the great western plains to the Mountains, I saw nothing in this fine region to cause them, every where there was a free and open course for the air. I now had a very long journey before me to the Falls of St Maries at the east end of Lake Superior, uncertain of what would happen to me, I employed twenty two days in writing my Journal fair, calculating my astronomical observations and making a map of the countries I had surveyed, which when finished I sealed up and directed to the Agents of the North West Company. By observations I found this trading post on the Stone Indian River to be in Latitude 49°∙∙40'∙∙56" North, and in Longitude 99°∙∙27'∙∙15" West. Variation 11 degrees East.

3 The north-central part of North Dakota was settled during the “Great Dakota Boom” of the 1880s. Settlement was enabled first by the imposition of the reservation system and the demise of the bison, then more immediately by the development of the Minneapolis flour industry and the extension of the St. Paul, Minneapolis & Manitoba Railroad in 1886–87. See Elwyn B. Robinson, History of North Dakota (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1966), 133–55.

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[Journey to Red River. up Red River. fine country No market. Raccoons &c] [26 February–22 March 1798] ¶ On the 26th February 1798, I took leave of my kind, and hospitable friend Mr John McDonell, who furnished me with every necessary I wanted, for my journey; there were with me three men, and an Indian for my guide; we proceeded [iii.83] down the Stone Indian River, but as all the countries I have surveyed since last August, with those I have to survey will be brought together, I shall only notice the remarks of my journey over these countries for the present.1 We walked on the north side of the River; at less than two miles, the Mouse River of thirty yards in width enters this River, which is now 150 yards wide. About noon we made a drink of snow water, to make it taste like river water requires some tact; the Kettle is packed full of snow, placed over a clear fire, as it melts it is bored from top to bottom with a small stick until it is all melted, in this state it has a very smoky taste; the Indians drink it in this state as it allays thirst with a small quantity; to make the snow water good, it must be brought to boil for a few minutes, which takes away the smoky taste, the water is cooled down with snow, and tastes as good as river water. In the afternoon we came to the Manito Hills, they are composed of pure sand, form a low long steep ridge, no snow lies on them all winter, and for this cause they are by the Indians named Manito, or preternatural. Near the end of our days march, were several Ponds of water, which bears the wild rice, I believe the most northern place where the wild rice is found; we went twenty miles this day; and held on mostly on the banks of the River, cutting off its windings, and sometimes on the River; which gave us a good opportunity of seeing the country; on the whole the country is fine, in many places well wooded with Oak, Ash, some Elm2 and Bass Wood,3 Pines in some places, with many fine plains and meadows, (the distinction is short grass, and long grass) and appeared fit for cultivation especially for rearing Cattle, Horses, and Sheep. Having now, in all travelled 147 miles to it’s junction with the Red River, these, the Stone Indian

1 A marginal notation here reads “not yet done.” Thompson discusses the Plains and the chain of lakes bordering them to the east, on iii.120–32 below (66–77). The journey from John Macdonnell’s post on the Assiniboine to Charles Chaboillez’s on the Red, lasting from 26 February–21 March 1798, is described in the journals at a o . 7.13v–16r and 9.109–105, and in the 1850 version at iv.181–9 (I: 222–9). 2 American elm (Ulmus americana). 3 Tilia americana.

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and Red Rivers descend into the great Winepeg Lake, the meeting of these fine navigable streams is in Latitude 49°∙∙53'∙∙1" North. ¶ We proceeded up the Red River 2½ miles, with much water on the ice, so that we had to leave the River, go on its banks, and put up, to clear the sleds, and dry every thing.4 There is probably not a more wretched state of travelling than on the ice of Rivers in the spring of the year, the water mixed with snow six inches in depth, thro’ which the dogs can scarcely move the Sleds with our provisions and baggage; they too frequently became a mass of congealed snow and water, I have seen our sleds thus stuck in the above, that it required the most active [iii.84] exertions of two of us to disengage the Sled. March 8th. We advanced 18 miles, south eastward, much water on the ice, at the eleventh mile the ice gave way under us, fortunately the water was not three feet in depth, we got out: about a mile above which the Salt Rivulet comes in from the westward. In the plains; there are several Rivulets of this kind from the same quarter, they generally come from salt ponds, and some of them of sufficient strength, when boiled down, to make good salt to the taste, but the meat salted with it, tho’ well preserved and wholesome, appears somewhat corroded. Near 6 pm we put up in a patch of open woods, the best we could find, our clothes and blankets wet, with a Northeast gale of snow, hard times all night, for we could dry nothing. March 9th. A bad snowy morning made a shift to thaw, but not to dry our things, and at 8½ am set off, the Indian Guide, could no longer beat the path, and I had to take his place; at this time of the season the snow is wet, sticks to, and is heavy on, the snow shoe of him who leads the way, and severely strains the ankles and the knees, to prevent which, I tied a string to the fore bar of each Snow Shoe, with a loup at the end, slung my gun across my shoulders, and putting a hand into each loup, at every step assisted my foot in raising the snow shoe, with a weight of snow on it: those who will not do thus, out of pride of strength, are soon knocked up with strained ankles and knees. We proceeded 11½ miles to the junction of the Musk Rat Rivulet with this River, here last winter the North West Company had a trading Post;5 at this place the foremost of us arrived at 3½ pm, but the Snow was so deep, and so much water on the River, after leaving two loaded sleds the men did not arrive

4 The account of the days that follow, 7–14 March, is one of the few in which the version of 1848 is more detailed than that of 1850. 5 This n w c trading post, operated by Chaboillez, appears to have operated for one season only, 1796–97, and is not mentioned in the 1850 version. In his journals, Thompson places the site of the post one-quarter mile up the Rat River (a o . 7.14r–v).

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until 6½ pm. March 10th was wholly employed in bringing up the two sleds left, drying our clothes, blankets and other things; Observed, Latitude 49°∙∙33'∙∙58" North. March 11th. We proceeded with deep snow twelve miles, in ten hours. March 12th After proceeding 4½ miles we came to four lodges of Oo che poy Indians (a tribe of Na hath a way Indians) with whom we staid the rest of the day. They had killed two Bulls, acceptable to ourselves and the dogs, tho’ poor in flesh; as usual we were kindly received; they promise that two of them will come with us the morrow to the Summer Berry River. The resting of ourselves did much good. [iii.85] March 13th. We proceeded 15 miles to the junction of the Reed River from the eastward of nearly the width of the Red River, but not equal in water. We had to camp among shrubs and stumps with showers of rain. March 14th. Having marched eleven miles we came to a trading post of the north west Company under the charge of Monsieur Chaboillez, a french canadian, and an accomplished and hospitable gentleman, here I remained six days, putting my field notes in order, making a Map of the countries I had surveyed, and Observations, which latter gives the Latitude of this place 48°∙∙58'∙∙24" North Longitude 97°∙∙16'∙∙40" West.6 ¶ The number of Oo che poy Indians about this place is accounted 95 Men of family, at seven souls to each; may amount to 665. Of the same tribe about the Rainy River and Lake 60 Men, equal to 420 souls, a very scant population for the extent of such a fine country. The woods of the Forest were of fine tall growth, Oak, Ash, Bass Wood, and Nut Woods in abundance, but I saw no Oak, nor Ash of more than 3½ feet diameter at six feet above the ground. These fine Woods are mostly on the east side of the River, on the west side there are fine groves, but no continuance of Woods, and stretching to far westward are most extensive rich plains and meadows, where the Farmer some day in futurity may hold on his plough for many miles in a deep rich soil; but where is the market. Three, or four good Farmers would supply all that York Factory wants, the passage to York Factory has many carrying places where every thing must be carried by the Farmers, and the hired men with them; both to go to the Factory, and return to the Red River, is a most painful voyage of toil and severe suffering from Musquitos, and other flies, which gives no rest day, nor night; add to this, the limited quantity required, full half of the season is to be spent on this voyage, which the Farmer cannot spare from his Farm. Hence York Factory cannot be a Market. To gain the Market of Montreal by the way of

6 In the 1850 version, Thompson adds the anachronistic claim that this observation was made in reference to the 49th parallel; see I: 226–7.

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Lake Superior is next to impossible to a Farmer with bulky produce; to descend the Mississippe and return will require the whole of the open season; in short these fine countries must find a Market within themselves: but the truth is, at present, it is not wise to settle these fine countries, civiliseation must in this instance be by the Mississippe and proceed from south [iii.86] to north. The soil is equally rich, if not more so, if the winter is more severe, and the snow deeper; yet the winters are not actually long, they end with the month of March, Fever and Agues, which in warmer climates so often lay the Farmer on his bed, are here totally unknown. These countries are very healthy; and man enjoys life to it’s latest date. ¶ The animals are the Bison, Moose, Red Deer,7 with several species of the beautiful antelope.8 Racoons9 are plentiful they are found in the hollow trees, particularly the Oak, where they pass the winter in a state of slumber, it does not appear they make any provision for winter; as their food is almost wholly on nuts, their fat is oily; they become very fat at the end of Autumn, when they retire into the hollows of trees, and which, no doubt in their half torpid state maintains them thro’ winter, yet when they come out in the spring, tho’ not fat, are in good condition; they are a favorite food with the Indians and Canadians; I tasted part of one that was well roasted, it was too oily for me to eat. The weight of a full grown Racoon is about thirty pounds; but when skinned and emboweled, not more than fifteen pounds. The Red River is here 120 Yards in Width and deep. (Winter). It is a very fine stream of water, from it’s many scources, thro’ the length of it’s course to the Winepeg Lake. I may here be allowed to remark on the difference of the quantity of snow in Latitude 58 degrees North and Latitude 48 to 49 degrees north – both, when measured in the woods, without drift may be three and a half feet, in depth, on a general average, but the weighty snow of the southward will be for every cubic foot, at least twice, and more, the weight of a cubic foot in high Latitudes; the proportion of snow that falls is very different; in high Latitudes there is what is called a dry state of the snow, it is like white dust; but in southern Latitudes it is water in the form of snow. In high Latitudes a four gallon kettle of well packed snow will not give more than two, or three inches of water, but in more southern climes, the same kettle full of packed snow will give six inches of water.

7 Wapiti (Cervus elaphus), described below on iii.126–7 (73). 8 See note on iii.128 (74). 9 Procyon lotor.

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[Mr B Cadotte. Wab in no. delusion. Journey on to the Sucre’s Camp. Obliged to return. Snow melting. Man eating.] [21 March–9 April 1798]1 ¶ March 21st. We proceeded up the Red River twenty eight miles, the country the same as before. March 22nd. At eight miles we came to the trading post of Monsieur le Roy.2 Hitherto the woods on the east side of the River has been of very fine tall growth [iii.87] of Oak, Ash, Elm, Bass and Nut Woods, showing a rich deep soil. This morning we crossed a Salt Rivulet of about 4 yards in width from the westward; upon enquiry, it appears that on the west side of the Red River, there is a low extent of ground from twenty to fifty miles from the River, in which are many salt ponds, which send small runs of water into the Red River, the quality of the salt I have already described; the grass on this extent is eagerly eaten by all the herbivorous animals, and they are always in good condition. The Indians at this trading post may be computed at 280 souls, at seven to a family. On the 25th March we arrived at the trading post of the north west company under the charge of Monsieur Baptiste Cadotte, a native of the country by an indian woman, well educated in Lower Canada, he spoke his native language, with french and english fluently.3 Here appeared as it were; the very seat of a strange superstition that had lately arisen among the Oo che poy Indians (farther south softened down to Oo jib a way). As I shall hereafter take a view of these Natives; I shall proceed with my story; it appeared the old songs, dances and ceremonies from long repetition, for these people may be called the religionists of the country, had become indifferent; and a greater excitement of the human mind was now required; some of the crafty chiefs,

1 Events from Thompson’s departure from Chaboillez’s post on 21 March to the end of his stay with Jean-Baptiste Cadotte fils on 7 April are described in the journals at a o . 7.16r–18v and 9.106–01, and the 1850 version at iv.189–203 (I: 228–40). 2 Vincent Roy’s post was located at the mouth of the Forest River. Roy joined the n w c as early as 1794, and remained with the company until at least 1804, passing his career in the Fond du Lac Department as both a trader and interpreter. Roy married a Native woman, and after retiring from the fur trade established a farm on the Rainy River; here Thompson met him in 1823, during his i b c surveys. Neither Roy nor his post is mentioned in the 1850 version. a o . 7.16r; a o . 9.105; Louis-P. Cormier, ed., Jean-Baptiste Perrault marchand voyageur parti de Montréal le 28e de mai 1783 (Montreal: Boréal Express, 1978), 95; L.R. Masson, ed., Les Bourgeois de la Compagnie du Nord-Ouest (Quebec: Côté et Cie, 1889–90), 1:66, 410. 3 For n w c trader Jean-Baptiste Cadotte fils, see I: 323.

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pretended, that in their dreams, (for all comes by dreams) they saw a powerful medicine, to which they were to pay deep attention and reverence, it was named Wah bi no, and Kee chee Wah bi no. The first is the student and man of medicine; the second is a Master in medicine; this word medicine must not be taken in our sense of the word; with them it means Men of all occult qualities which superstition and knavery can combine to delude the ignorant, and common people, who seldom think for themselves;4 under the guidance of the sages of knavery, songs were sung, dances figured out and performed; pieces of wood of 4 feet in length by four inches in breadth, the upper part painted red, with very rude figures of animals, birds, reptiles and [iii.88] half drums, of a circular piece of wood of five inches in depth by eighteen inches in diameter, over one end of which was a neat well stretched parchment of deer’s hide, and which sounded well, all around the frame of this half drum were hung loosely many pieces of tin and brass to give a tinkling sound, and covered with rude figures in vermillion paint; I was present at an exhibition of the Wah bino Song and dance, by a Kee chee Wah bino (a great rogue); he sat alone, but near him on each side were two men, somewhat advanced in life, near to one of these I sat down, the performers, were five young men, naked above the waist, each had a tambour in his hand, as above described; the Kee chee Wah bino alone sung; to which he rattled his tambour, the performers danced, and rattled their tambours in accordance with his, and sometimes singing a short chorus. The dance was wild, to me and without order, but not so to them, their motions always easy, and at times graceful, part of the dance they were erect, at other times their bodies were nearly horizontal, they assumed every attitude with ease, this continued for nearly an hour, when all ceased; the Indian who sat close by me I watched with attention, he seemed to regard the song and exhibition with something like sullen indifference, I enquired of him what was the meaning and intent of what I had seen, with a kind of sarcastic smile, he said “by what you have seen and heard, they have made themselves masters of the squirrels; the Musk Rats, and Racoons; also of the Swans, Geese, Cranes and ducks, their Manitoes are weak;” “Then all these are to be in abundance;” “So they say, but we shall see,” “What becomes of the Bison the Moose and the Red Deer;” with a smile of contempt he replied, “their manito’s are too powerful for the Wah bino.”

4 For the Western sense of the word, the Oxford English Dictionary cites Austin Flint’s 1866 definition of medicine as “everything pertaining to the knowledge and cure of disease”; for the Native North American sense, it cites George Catlin’s 1841 assertion, somewhat more positive than Thompson’s, that the word “means mystery, and nothing else.” Oxford English Dictionary, 2nd edn, 9:549–50, s.v. “medicine.”

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¶ I found that several of the Indians looked upon the Wah bino as a piece of jugglery between knaves and fools: About two hours after this exhibition, an Indian came in with twenty two Beaver Skins to buy necessaries for himself and family, he was a man in the prime of life; the knave of a Kee chee Wah bino, made a speech to him on the Wah bino and it’s powerful effects, sung the great Wah bino song, at the end of which the Indian presented [iii.89] him with eighteen Beaver Skins, reserving only four for ammunition and tobacco, and nothing for his family; at which I expressed my surprise to Mr Cadotte, he was a well educated gentleman, he replied, “the waverings and superstitions of the human mind are beyond credibility; I think myself, with my wife” (a lovely woman) “master of my native tongue, and yet I do not comprehend this language of the Wah bino,” and his wife said the same.5 This folly and superstition spread to a considerable distance for the time of more than two years when it gradually declined; the medicine bag which accompanied the tambour was sacred, a woman was not allowed to touch it, the men carried them, and where they camped they were carefully hung up. But accidents will happen. The next summer going down the Rainy River, a fine bold stream, at it’s sortie into the Lake of the Woods, on the left side is a very fine point; here, about a dozen of canoes of Oo che poy Indians had arrived, and as usual, had barked a pole, tied it to two trees, and to this pole, had tied their Wah bi no tambours and medicine bags, for now every man of above twenty years of age, had each his Wabino. A fresh gale of wind on the Lake (which obliged us to stay on the other side,) from the wind shaking the trees, the tambour and medicine bag belonging to a young man fell down, and it was not perceived until several dogs had well watered them both; at first the Indian was for killing the dogs, but acting on second thoughts, he kicked the tambour and medicine bag, exclaiming, if you had the power of a manito as they say you have, you would not have allowed the Dogs to treat you so vilely as they have done: the charm was broken; and in less than two years, this infatuation became neglect, and contempt. ¶ March 27th. I resumed my journey up the Red River: we walked sometimes on the weak ice of the River, often thro’ deep snow in high tangled grass, fourteen miles, at the rate of two miles an hour to seven tents of Oo che poy Indians, who received us with kindness, and we passed the rest of the day and

5 Jean-Baptiste Cadotte fils was married to the Ojibwa woman, Saugemauqua. United States, Statutes at Large 7 (1826): 290. Here Thompson had first written “fine wife,” before excising the adjective. Like Charlotte Small, Saugemauqua is also absent from the 1850 version of the Travels.

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the night with them, their principal Chief the “Sugar” was here,6 it appeared to me, he was no friend to the Wah bi no, but for the present could not repress it. The next morning the kind old Chief ordered [iii.90]7 a man and a lad to accompany me, as the ice on the River was too weak, and much of it gone. March 28th early we set off, the two Indians guiding us, after going about three miles the Indian man went aside and broke one of his snow shoes, and said he must return. I sent a man to the old chief to get another guide, he is to be here the morrow; this day the first wild geese were seen. Lightning, Thunder and heavy rain all night, the first we have had, and which continued to noon the next day. At 2 pm the guide came, we went and examined the country before us, the River we found impassable on the ice; and the plains flooded with water, from six to fifteen inches in depth. The whole appeared like an extensive shallow Lake; Swans,8 Geese9 and Ducks10 were passing, most reluctantly I had now to return to the house of Mr Baptiste Cadotte. It was the first day of April before we arrived, every thing wet but what we carried on our backs, the dogs some times swimming, and Sleds floating in the water: a Man and myself tried the river ice, he fell thro’ twice, and once myself, fortunately it was not deep. At this Post we remained to the ninth day of April waiting the Rivers to break up, and become clear of ice: by observations this place lies in Latitude 47°∙∙54'–21" North Longitude 96°∙∙19'–0" West Variation 11 degrees East. This place may be called the junction of the Red Lake, and Clear Water Rivers. The Provisions for these trading Posts, are wholly of what the Indians can spare; and consists of the Bison, Moose and Red Deer, Beaver and Racoons, a good part of which is split and dried in the smoke of Aspin Wood; which preserves the meat, makes it light and of an agreeable taste, but the smoke of pine wood gives a bad taste to the meat. The latter part of our journey, the left bank of the River, had very little wood, and to the westward the vast plains, with meadows near the river. The right bank had places of fine Oaks, Ash, Elm and Bass Wood, but by far the major part was the Aspin, the food of the Beaver.

6 For Ojibwa chief Sheshepaskut, see I: 330–1. 7 Here a marginal note reads “with Mr Cadotte.” 8 Either trumpeter swan (Cygnus buccinator) or tundra swan (Cygnus columbianus). 9 Probably Canada goose (Branta canadensis). See note on iii.209 (153). 10 When Thompson uses the generic term, it is not possible to determine precisely which of the more than twenty North American species is intended. See notes on iii.209 (154) and iii.218 (164) below.

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On looking over my notes, I find a strange infatuation, which I may here relate.11 I was not far from the place; the Lake of the Woods, a young man of about twenty years of age, the son of a respectable Indian called the Fox, of a mild, kind disposition, all of a sudden told his father, and those about him, that he dearly loved his [iii.91] sister, and he must eat her. His father got alarmed, for nothing is more dreaded by the Indians than a man becoming a Wee to go (man eater) a case too common; to reason with him was useless, day after day he repeated it, his sister and her Husband left the camp, he became aware of it, and then declared he must have human flesh, and would have it, in other respects his behaviour was calm and quiet; his father was grieved; he called to his assistance those in the camp, fifteen men of family, they sat in council, and came to the resolution that he must die, and be strangled by the hands of his father, he was called into the tent, and told to sit down in the middle of the tent, there was no fire, this order he obeyed, he was informed of the resolution taken, to which he said, “I am willing to die;” the unhappy father then arose, went to his son, placed the fatal loose cord about his neck, and each hand extended drew it tight, and his son by his hand was soon lifeless, without any resistance. After remaining about an hour, the body was burned to ashes, as a Wee ti go, to prevent his ever again appearing on this earth, which they suppose those, who are not burned, can, and may do. The Indians of the great plains are seldom, or never afflicted with this dark demoniacal passion, it belongs, as it appears to me, to the inhabitants of the noble forest lands of, from 45 degrees to 54 degrees north, beyond which I have not known it. But in this region it is too common. A plain good Indian called Wee chansk,12 a tolerable good hunter with two wives and five children, was at times afflicted with this strange passion, whenever his wives perceived this came upon him, they advised him to set off and see me, or some Trader which he always did; he used to come to me, and on seeing me, called out “(N wee Wotigo) I want to eat human flesh,” as soon as he sat down and began to smoke, I had his arms and feet loosely tied, that he could not move with ease, five times I did it to this man, and with deep attention watched the sad aberrations of the human mind, but to little purpose; was it demoniacal possession was it a diseased state of mind, and if so, what was it’s cause. I must confess, the more I studied these deep, sad, aberrations of the human mind, the more I was involved in perplexity.

11 Thompson’s notebooks contain several pages of writings on famine and the Windigo (a o . 28.7–10; see Volume III). For this phenomenon, see note on I: 236. 12 In the 1850 version, this hunter is named Wiskahoo (iv.79–80; I: 132).

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This poor Indian, after raving [iii.92] for a few hours, for human flesh, a violent perspiration came on him, he fell into a profound sleep, and awoke a quiet good man. Three years after this I learned, that in one of his fits he was shot and burned as a Wee ti go. There is yet to be written a dark chapter on the aberrations of the human mind. Ta pah pa tum13 was a fine Indian of a tall and powerful form, he had three wives, and several children, but he had a wild expression of countenance which made his wives fear him, for two years he was a successful hunter of the Moose Deer; for me. One morning he arose, took a turn of about two hours and came to his tent, he entered it, sat down, and pointing to a four gallon brass kettle, said to his wives, “fill that kettle full of snow,” which they did, and placed it before him. He then said, “I am on fire, I want this snow to cool me,” strange to say, he, by handfulls, eat every bit of the snow, then smoking his pipe, he lay down, slept for two, or three hours, and awoke quite well.14 [Journey to Red Lake. Red Lake. Mississippe head &c. Missisippe. Sugar mak­ ing. Animals. Nose bit off. Great Swamp, Levels.] [9 April–10 May 1798] [iii.93]1 I must now resume my Journal. On the ninth of April, in a canoe of eighteen feet in length by three feet in width I set off for the survey of the countries to the head of the Mississippe River, and from thence to Lake Superior.2 I had three canadian men and a native woman, the wife of one of my men, we proceeded up the strong current of the Clear Water River it was here estimated at fifty five yards in width, by eight feet in depth at two and a half miles per hour. On the elev[e]nth of April, we passed the Wild Rice River from the westward; it’s water was equal to the Clear Water River, which of course became a lesser stream. On the twelf[t]h we arrived at the carrying place of the Clear Water River portage of four miles to the Red Lake River, by the River we had

13 For Tapahpahtum, see also iii.46 above (11). 14 The bottom two-thirds of iii.92 have been cut away; a marginal notation reads, “I think .” 1 Three-and-a-half lines have been cut away from the top of iii.93. 2 Accounts of the journey from Cadotte’s post to the head of Lake Superior, 9 April–10 May 1798, are found in the journals at a o . 7.18v–26v and 9.101–87, and in the 1850 version of the Travels on iv.203–26 (I: 240–56). There is considerable expansion in this part of the narrative, from six manuscript pages in the 1848 version to twenty-four in the 1850, and Thompson added substantial material on the vegetation, landforms, and animal life of the Upper Mississippi country, on wild rice, and on the headwaters of the Mississippi.

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advanced sixty four miles; as usual on the east side were fine forests, but the Aspin was now equal in extent to all the other trees, the westward had patches of forest, and rich meadows of grass, to the plains, a country of rich soil. The carrying place the north east end is in Latitude 48°∙∙0'55 North Longitude 95°∙∙54'∙∙25", to the Red Lake River, up which we proceeded about thirty two miles to the Red Lake, the River well wooded with Oak, Ash and other hard woods, with much Aspin, the whole showing a rich soil, but now from the rapid melting of the snow, inundated; so level is the country, scarce a dry spot could be found, and even that was on some chance elevation of the banks of the River; Where we came on the Red Lake, a fine sheet of water, was in Latitude 47°∙∙58'∙∙15" North Longitude 95°∙∙35'∙∙37" West, by observation. Here we came to six Tents of Indians, with the good old Chief the Sugar, he gave us two pickerel3 and three fine pike fish.4 They had no canoe, and requested the loan of mine to spear fish in the night, by which, very many Indians usually maintain their families: the darker the night, the better; a quantity of Birch Rind is collected, and loosely tied in small parcels this substance always burns with a brilliant light, but of short duration; therefore several parcels are made ready, the spear man is in the bow of the canoe, close [iii.94] behind him is a pole of about four feet above his head to which is attached the lighted flaming Birch Rind, by which he sees clearly into the water, by a person in the stern, the canoe is moved along quietly and silently, the approach of the flaming light, appears to stupify the fish, they are always speared in a quies[c]ent state; as if unable to move away; they speared three large sturgeon, each averageing about sixty pounds, of which they gave us one; this has always appeared to me, a strange fish, if I might be allowed, I should call it the fresh water Hog; in shoal muddy Lakes, it is one of the finest fish that can be eaten but in clear rivers like the St Lawrence, the sturgeon is a hard tasteless fish: in the turbid waters of the Columbia River, near the Pacific Ocean, this noble fish is from three to seven hundred pounds in weight, and as rich in nourishment as the best beef;5 April 19th. Killed a Crane,6 a goose, and a duck, all fat, but as I have already remarked the broth of the Crane is much better than any other bird. In the 3 Walleye (Stizostedion vitreum). 4 Northern pike (Esox lucius). 5 These are two distinct species: lake sturgeon (Acipenser fulvescens), found over a wide region of central North America, and white sturgeon (Acipenser transmontanus), found west of the Continental Divide. 6 Sandhill crane (Grus canadensis), which Thompson also encountered during his years in the Columbia Plateau.

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night of the 22nd by Observation found a deserted house of last winter in the Red Lake to be in Latitude 47°∙∙56'-15" North Longitude 95°∙∙35'∙∙37" West. This Lake is a fine sheet of water of about forty miles in length by ten in breadth, the soil somewhat sandy, the Woods as usual, and some day will be the favourite residence of civilised man. Saw some Firs and Cedar.7 From this to the 27th April, I may say we had to fight our way to the head of the great Mississippe River, it was what we call crossing the country from one Pond to another, from Brook to Brook now in the water, then dragging our Canoe over, the ice carrying our Baggage on our backs, with many regular carrying places, one of six miles; during which several observations for Latitude and Longitude. At length on the 27th April we came to the Turtle Lake, the very head of the Mississippe, it’s shape is something like that of a Turtle, it’s north bank is in Latitude 47°∙∙38'∙∙20" North Longitude 95°–12'–41" West, it’s length full four miles by as many in breadth: By the Treaty of 1783 with the United States, the northern boundary was from the north west corner of the Lake of the Woods in Latitude 49∙∙46¾, on a line due west to the head of the Mississippe River, which was then supposed to be fully as far north.8 In the year 1797 conversing with Mr John [iii.95] Sayer, an intelligent gentleman in the charge of that department of the fur trade, he told me the number of leagues the canadian canoe men made it, and it’s sinuous course, this league I always found to be about two geographical, instead of three miles, which made the difference between the supposed, and observed Latitude.9 The sinuousities of the upper part of the Mississippe I found to be beyond my belief; from the South West corner of the Turtle Lake, is a Brook of three yards in width, by two feet in depth, at 2½ miles per hour, but so devious it’s course, we preferred carrying 180 yards to a small Lake, which sends a Brook into it, taking my courses and distances by points of Woods, we descended 24 miles to the Red Cedar Lake10 but by the river the distance is three times this length; in this distance we carried at three falls; and the River entered the Lake fifteen yards wide, by two feet deep, at 2¼ miles per hour having received several fine Brooks. The country all this distance is entirely changed to low grassy lands tending to marsh, Woods of Maple Plane, Ash, Larch,11 Birch, Red

7 Northern white cedar (Thuja occidentalis). 8 For the terms of the Treaty of Paris (1783), see note on I: 170. 9 In the margin next to the material about Sayer and leagues, Thompson noted, “done,” alluding to his treatment of the theme on iii.65–6 above (18). 10 Cass Lake. 11 Tamarack (Larix laricina).

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and white Cedar; Water Fowl of all kinds in plenty; and the wild rice in abundance, on which the water fowl feed, and become fat, and very fine eating, but are also very wild, and are killed on the wing. Although a first rate shot, four to six ducks a day, was an average. There was much ice in the Red Cedar Lake, which gave us hard labor to get along, having proceeded five miles we came to the house of Mr John Sayer a partner of the North West Company; the people of this place had passed the whole winter on wild rice, it is a very weak food, and though fowl fatten on it, yet it barely keeps mankind alive; but those who live upon it, however poor in flesh, are healthy, as we came loaded with the ducks I had shot we were very welcome: ¶ [iii.95a] There is something curious in the state of the stomach of a person, who has always lived on Meat, and of a sudden attempts to change to vegetable food; this we found; we left Mr Sayer with wild rice and maple sugar for our provisions; and enjoyed the change; but on the third day heart burn and weakness of the stomach came on us, and we had to take to hunting and fishing to relieve us, which two meals of animal food effected. ¶ [iii.95] A great staple of these countries is the Sugar made from the Maple Trees by incisions made with an axe in the form of a sloping notch, at the lower end of which a chip is inserted to make the sap run off, clear of the tree into vessels of wood, or birch rind, placed on the ground to receive it. During the spring all the Indians employ themselves in collecting the sap and boiling it into sugar, which they make to imetate the muscovado’s of the West Indies, this is done, when the sap is brought to a proper consistence12 by stirring it quickly with a very small paddle until it is cool. The sugar of the hard maple tree13 is of a fine brown color, that of the Plane Tree, called soft Maple,14 is of a light color, like the East India sugar, but is not so sweet as the sugar of the hard Maple. The Indians [iii.96] quietly parcel out the maple groves to each family, and which is kept in the family, but what is not thus occupied, and this is of great extent, is open to any person. Of these sugars great quantities were made, of which the north west company bought many tons weight, it’s price is much the same as the common muscovado sugar. The number of Oo che poy Indian men at this Post, are about sixty, with their families may be about 420 souls. My Canoe being in bad order from hard usage among the ice, Mr Sayer bought

12 “The degree of firmness with which the particles of a substance cohere; degree of density. (Usually of more or less viscous liquids).” Oxford English Dictionary, 2nd edn, 3:773, s.v. “consistence.” 13 Sugar maple (Acer saccharum). 14 Manitoba maple (Acer negundo).

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for me a new canoe for the value of twenty beaver skins, and my canoe. By observations the Latitude of this house is 47°∙∙27'∙∙56" North Longitude 94°∙∙47'∙∙52" West Variation of the Compass six degrees east. On the third day of May we proceeded on our voyage down the Mississippe, which at it’s sortie from this Lake is twenty six yards wide, three feet deep by two miles per hour. I was advised not to descend below Sand Lake River, but turn up that river for Lake Superior, as forty of these Indians in February a year ago had been killed by the Sieoux Indians at Sand Lake. This River was still so very crooked, that although it’s general course was about southeast, it ran to all points of the compass, and the distances frequently from 100 to 200 yards, which made the survey tedious and difficult; in one place, four people paddled the canoe before a steady current for thirty five minutes to gain 500 yards in a direct line. An Indian paddling his canoe up the river, and as usual smoked with us, I remarked to him the crookedness of the river. He shook his head, and said, “Snake make this river.” I thought otherwise, as the course of this river is always through open ground, the Woods seldom closing on the river, it’s general course for a mile at least, could be seen, and to me appeared an inclined plane of full twenty feet per mile, this descent would make a river unnavigable to ascend, but this is broken down, and overcome by the sinuousities of the river. I have looked upon rivers as traced by the finger of God, for the most benevolent purposes. ¶ [iii.96a] The Mississippe, this great River is one of the most magnificent on the face of our Earth; it’s whole course from north to south is close on the east side of the great Plains, always through fine countries, especially on it’s east side (left bank) although it’s scources are small Lakes and Brooks, they soon form a fine navigable River; and with three slight interruptions continues so to the sea. The upper valley of the Mississippe drains an area of 142,528 square miles to it’s confluence with the Missisourie River. Below this River, to the gulph of Mexico the Mississippe drains an area of 551,597 square miles; thus the lands drained by this great River, with the Missisourie River, and it’s many other branches, drain and area of 1,136,364 square miles; in common average low water it’s discharge is 82,000 cubic feet for each second of time, thus placing in the gulph of Mexico a body of fresh water equal to 17 57 / 100 cubic miles annually, but including freshets and high water a volume equal to 19 1 / 3 cubic miles every year. ¶ [iii.96] On the 6th day of May we arrived at Sand Lake River, in Latitude 46°∙∙48'-11" North Longitude 93°-45'∙∙7" West Variation 6 degrees east. The work of descending a steady current of two miles per hour for three days at fourteen hours per day, in a light canoe with four hands; only advanced us 39'∙∙45" of Latitude and 1°-2'∙∙45" of Longitude. The Mississippe River in this

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distance [iii.97] receives many streams from both sides, and is here eighty yards in width, by ten feet in depth, at the rate of full two miles per hour. The woods in this distance are Maple and Plane on all the Points, the Bays and back grounds of Fir, Larch, Pines, with in places some Oak, Ash, Bass Wood &c. Of Animals not the track of a Deer, or Moose, or the mark of a Beaver; all have been completely destroyed, a chance small black Bear,15 and Racoon only remain. The hunting of the Indians for meat is to the westward on the Plains and Branches of this River, and to the eastward in the Forests towards the Rainy River, and Lake Superior; except in the small Lakes, it appears to have few or no fish; after the departure of the wild fowl, the winter must be dreary, nothing for the hunter but a few grouse16 and hares,17 until the spring returns; the wild Rice and Maple Sugar are the supports of the country. We now proceeded up th[e] Sand Lake River, which is twenty yards wide, by five feet in depth by 1½ Mile Per hour, and adds so much water to the Mississippe; three miles brought us to the Sand Lake, a fine sheet of Water of five miles by three; the house there, is in Latitude 46°-46'-39" North Longitude 93°∙∙44'∙∙17" West, from the Lake went up a Brook about nine miles to the Swamp Carrying Place of 4½ miles; the last two miles is a deep Bog, which we had to pass on small poles laid lengthwise, when we slipped off, we were up to the middle in it. When at Sand Lake (this day) Monsieur Buskay, who has the Post in charge told me that two days lower down the Mississippe, the Bison is found on it’s banks; he showed me his winter’s hunt in value fifty beaver skins, in Martens,18 Minks,19 Fishers,20 and Lynxes,21 but not a Fox, it appears this animal is scarcely known and the Wolf the same, there is nothing for them to live on.22 He related to me that four days ago two Indian men while drinking, quarreled, and one bit off part of the nose of the other, and spit it out, the next morning it was searched for, found, well washed, and stuck on the nose yet bleeding, and the owner viewing himself in a glass, said I shall not be ugly yet; the piece adhered to the nose with a slight scar; in the Indian there is a tenacity of life, and healing of wounds almost incredible.)

15 Ursus americanus. 16 Probably ruffed grouse (Bonasa umbellus). 17 Probably snowshoe hare (Lepus americanus). 18 Martes americana. 19 Mustela vison. See also note on iii.122 (69). 20 Martes pennanti. 21 Felis lynx. 22 For n w c trader Charles Bousquet and his post, see note on I: 251.

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This great Swamp and Bog appears to be a kind of height of Land, as it sends a Brook westward to Sand, Lake; and from it’s east side [iii.98] a brook, which in half a mile is joined by another from the south part of the Morass, at the end of four miles, another Brook from the north part of the Morass; and in less than a mile more, another Brook, so that the estimation now is ten yards wide, seven feet deep, by two miles an hour; eight miles more by this Brook we ­entered the River St Louis, which empties itself into the south west end of Lake Superior. The north east end of the great Swamp, or Morass, by observation is in Latitude 46°∙∙52'∙∙3" North Longitude 92°-28'-42" West Variation 6 degrees east. This great Swamp, the extent of which I could not learn, enables me to form an approximation of the difference of level between the Mississippe River and the surface of Lake Superior: the difference of level to the Mississippe from the great Swamp may be, at most fifteen feet, but by the River St Louis the difference of level, by it’s current, rapids and falls, is about 266 feet at a low estimation in 77 miles to Lake Superior, therefore the surface of this Lake is 251 feet below the level of the Mississippe River; when opposite to the Lake.23 The Fall of St Louis River the lowest down the River is 120 feet. The trading House of the North West Company, near the mouth of St Louis River,24 by observation is in Latitude 46°∙∙44'-33" North Longitude 92°-9'-45" West Variation six degrees east.

23 The left margin of iii.98 contains the following calculation, which indicates Thompson’s attempt to ascertain the elevation of the Mississippi at Big Sandy Lake (“opposite” Lake Superior). “+266 – 15 251 +625 876 level above the sea” In the 1850 version, Thompson would go on to estimate the elevation of the source of the Mississippi (iv.225; I: 256). 24 Fond du Lac.

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[Lake Superior. Copper Ore. Rivers &c. to the Falls of Ste Mary.] ¶ On Lake Superior a small volume might be written.1 I shall give my readers as much information as I think they may wish for, the results of the surveys of six different years; from the sortie of the River St Louis at the west end of Lake Superior to the Falls of St Maries, the outlet of Lake Superior, by the south side the distance is 671 statute miles; by the north side to the same place 946 miles, hence the circuit of this Lake is 1617 miles; it’s length 386 miles it’s greatest breadth is 176 miles; it’s area is 28,090 miles; it’s level above the Ocean Tides 625 feet, it has been sounded near the shores of Pye Island, and Thunder Point with 350 fathoms of line, no bottom, the depth of the basin of the Lake is unknown; therefore taking it’s greatest depth at 400 fathoms, equal 2400 feet; it’s bottom is 1775 feet below the surface of the Ocean; taking it’s average depth at 200 fathoms this Lake contains 5930 cubic miles of fresh water, very clear; in the summer season near the west end low water spouts are seen. In winter, only it’s bays are frozen over, which are frequently broken up by gales of wind, and cause much floating ice. The shores are every where bold, in many places of steep rocks, the north and east sides are mostly of granitic formation, rising at the distance of two or three miles to the height of 850 feet, or more, in chance places to more than twice this height. [iii.99] In the north east corner of the Lake, there is much Basalt, especially about Thunder Bay, on the west side of which is Pye Island, so called from it’s shape, it is wholly of Basalt, it’s sides mostly perpendicular to the height of full 100 feet, it has been sounded close to its wall of rock with 350 fathoms of lead line, and no bottom. At the east end of the Bay stands Thunder Point (so named by the Indians) of Basalt, in many places beautifully fluted, rising with a perpendicular front of 1420 feet in height geometrically measured, here no quantity of lead line has found it’s bottom: The south shore of the Lake (for it’s position is nearly west to east) is not so bold as the north side, it’s formation of rocks, and it’s cliffs, are mostly of sand, or limestone, or both blended. Its back lands are high, and have a range of high 1 Thompson’s general treatment of Lake Superior can be found in the 1850 version on iv.226–32 (I: 257–61), which exhibits a structure and content similar to that found here. In 1850, however, the description of Superior is followed by a detailed chronological account of Thompson’s 12 May–7 June 1798 journey around the lake, a feature that is a­ bsent here. In his ibc surveys of Lake Superior during the early 1820s, Thompson was accompanied by J.J. Bigsby, and much of the information here appeared in a long study that Bigsby wrote for the journal of the Royal Society: “Notes on the Geography and Geology of Lake Superior,” Quarterly Journal of Science, Literature and the Arts 18 (1825), 1–34, 228–69. See also the passages on Lake Superior in the “Appendix” (328–30).

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lands called the Porcupine Hills, which are probably full 2000 feet above the level of the Lake. Some of the cliffs are much worn by the waters of the Lake, we found one small island worn through, so that in a calm day canoes can pass through it, with a rude arch of three feet above their heads. This Lake Superior from end to end for 386 miles is every where bounded by very high lands, the immense evaporation from this great Lake may be said to be returned to it, the high lands about it detains the evaporation, and forms, with the Rains and Snows many streams of water, rushing from their high scources, to the Lake, they are all, more or less a series of Rapids and Falls, with intervals of moderate current. On the north side from the River St Louis to the Falls of St Maries, there are thirty Rivers from twenty to sixty yards in width and one River of 100 yards, with twenty eight Brooks. On the south side there are forty Rivers, two of them of 120 yards in width; with forty one Brooks. One of these Rivers, called by the Natives, On to no gan, is a copper region, much of it pure, we went to get a chip off a large mass of copper lying at the foot of a craig, but my small Axe could make nothing of it; (this mass of pure copper has since been taken to Washington, weighing 3000 pounds weight, at the expence of 5000 dollars.) In the year 1822 in the survey of the great Point by the natives called Ke wa woo nan oo (we return) at its extremity in a small harbour, I took fine specimens of Copperas,2 and named it Copperas Harbor, a valuable Copper Mine has been found there, and pays well the expences; it has since been found that a great part of Lake Superior, especially it’s northern Isles are [iii.100] rich in copper ores, and are being worked at a handsome profit. ¶ In 1798, as I was surveying the east side of Lake Superior south of Mah maize, something more than fifty miles north of the Falls of St Maries, I met a few canoes of Indians, who where ashore, preparing a dinner, they said to me, “We are at the path of our grandfathers to where they collected copper for their weapons, and other uses.” I directly marked on my map, “Copper Mine.” I requested them to show me the place where pieces of pure copper were found, they replied, “we do not exactly know it, since we had the use of iron axes, knives, and weapons of this metal, copper is disregarded by us, of what use is it to us.” The place where the native copper was found, by their account appeared about five miles in the interior, in a rude country, guarded by Musquitoes in the open season.3 I afterwards learned, that on the first settlement of Canada by the French, whatever were required for the Churches, was of copper taken from the On to nog gan River, and this place. On the Isles and part of the

2 Ferrous sulfate (FeSO4), a green crystalline compound. 3 This incident does not appear in Thompson’s journals of 1798.

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Lands of the Lake, extensive operations are going on in working the Copper Mines of this Lake; by Companies and by private persons, which promise well, and the east side of Lake Huron also has it’s copper mines; so that these rocky, rude, barren countries, will no doubt, in a short time; have a numerous labouring population.4 On the 28 May 1798, I arrived at the Falls of St Maries, the outlet of Lake Superior. I shall now proceed to give a general view of the mode of carrying on the Fur Trade. The Latitude of the head of these Falls is 46°∙∙31'∙18" North Longitude 84∙∙13∙∙54 West.5 [French Furr trade. Voyage to the interior.]1 ¶ [iii.101] As I have often mentioned the Houses, or Posts of the Fur Traders, my readers may wish to have a general view how this extraordinary trade was carried on, in which Men only were employed; Montreal was the great depot, both of goods and Furrs. Quebec had but a small share of this trade, extending to ninety miles above to Three Rivers, and eastward over the gulph of the St Lawrence, but these were hard rocky countries, not very rich in Furrs. When Canada was first settled by the French in the year 1608 it was one dense Forest, it’s only openings were the Rivers and Lakes. The wild animals were numerous but none dangerous, it’s steady inhabitant was the Beaver,2 who

4 The material in this paragraph is unique to the 1848 version. Thompson’s “Mah maize” is Point Mamainse, on the east shore of Lake Superior 65 km northwest of Sault Ste Marie, a location where copper deposits were noted by Alexander Henry the Elder in 1767. Alexander Henry, Travels and Adventures in Canada and the Indian Territories Between the Years 1770 and 1776, ed. James Bain (Edmonton: Hurtig, 1969), 204. Copper deposits along the North Channel of Lake Huron were exploited in the midnineteenth century. 5 The bottom third of iii.100 is blank. 1 This historical survey of the Montreal-based fur trade contains material that is largely unique to 1848. Thompson would have learned much of this information by virtue of his participation in the n w c , the commercial descendant of the French trading companies, but may have also relied on historical works, including perhaps the Histoire of Pierre-François-Xavier de Charlevoix (1744, Eng. trans. 1761); see I: 65n5. 2 Castor canadensis, whose pelt was the primary object of the North American fur trade, serving as the standard of trade. Below, Thompson writes of the beaver’s “ancient state,” lodges and dens, and the use of castoreum in trapping (iii.105–8, 56–9). In the account of his years west of the Continental Divide, Thompson describes how he encouraged the Plateau tribes to hunt beaver, and notes the presence of Iroquois, Nipissing, and independent Euro-American trappers in the region.

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made permanent dams across the lesser Streams to form ponds to the extent and depth required; built a low cabin of earth, frequently mixed with small flat stones, of a thickness to be proof against the cold of winter; the Red Man was but little better than the nominal lord of these immense forests, he himself little better than naked, his arrows and spear, headed with flint, or some other sharp stone; in this state the Red Man was found by the French. The clothing of these people were of rich furrs, or leather, according to the season, all very disagreeable in wet weather, and difficult to be well dried; and an exchange took place for clothing of cloth, their extra furrs for axes, knives, kettles and other necessary articles; the polite, plausible attentions of the French, were pleasing to the Red Men, and the Women, (every where the bond of society) which the French took as substitutes for wives, soon completed the confidence of each with the other. Trading parties now proceeded up the River but did not winter, they returned to Quebec but as the Indians became better armed, the supply of provisions was more steady and plentiful. This encouraged the Traders to build Houses, with a stock of goods for the fur trade; to which the Indians gave their protection, as it brought the market for their furrs to the doors of their tents. As the french population increased, the furr trade was extended, for it appears the hard climate of Quebec did not suit their views on agriculture. Altho’ each furr trader took out a license for the trade from the Governor of Quebec, yet they too frequently placed themselves so as to become rivals in trade, quarrels arose, and the Indians soon perceived, that these trading Posts, were settled [iii.102] more for their individual profit, than for the sole benefit of themselves, for the Traders always told them they came out of pure charity to supply their their wants. Every year seemed to augment the mischief which this rivalry produced, and it was found necessary to form them into a Company of Furr Traders, which the Governor of Quebec effected in April 1627.3 A regular order was established, every summer the interior countries were explored, the trading Posts extended, and well placed;  but Montreal being at the head of Ship Navigation became the general depot, both for goods and furrs. Here the Goods of all kinds were landed, the heavy bales and parcels undone, and reduced to neat packages, mostly of a round form, each weighing about ninety pounds weight; what was required to be put in Kegs which were of about ten gallons, were of the same weight. The provisions were put up in the same manner, to keep all compact, each package

3 La Compagnie de la Nouvelle France, known more familiarly as La Compagnie des Cent-Associés, was founded by Cardinal Richelieu and granted a monopoly on the North American fur trade.

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had a piece of strong bagging sewed tight round it. Close above Montreal are the Lachine Rapids, of nine miles in length, and the whole of the interior country have rapids and falls. The transportation of Merchandize and Furrs was now wholly by Canoes, sharp at both ends, made of the Rind (not the bark) of the white Birch Tree; all the canoes are made on the model of the canoe used by the Indians, which for lightness and swiftness, is perhaps, superior to any other water craft. They are of a peculiar construction, too tedious to detail, fitted to be propelled by the paddle, but too weak for the oar. The canoes made at Montreal are thirty six feet in length, by six feet on the middle bar, and thirty inches in depth; they carry sixty pieces of goods, kegs included, Provisions for the men, and generally manned by eight men, so that the whole weight may be about three and a half Tons. They are in use as far as the extremity of Lake Superior, but not beyond it; on the rapids they are either hauled up by a line, or by the men walking in the water, when the rapid is shoal and thus dragging the canoe up to the head of the rapid; the men then take their places in the canoe, and proceed, perhaps to a fall of water, where every thing, and the canoe has to be carried, this is what is called a Carrying Place. The goods, and every article is placed on the beach, the canoe is then taken out, the bottom turned upwards, and four men, with the gunwales resting on their shoulders [iii.103] carry it above the fall, to where they can safely embark to proceed on the voyage: the goods, the cargo of the canoe have also to be carried; for this purpose each man is provided with a Collier (a kind of strap) of eighteen inches in length of five inches in the middle, which passes over the fore head, tapering to two inches at each end, to which is strongly sewed a strap of that breadth of about nine feet in length, the whole of well tanned leather, these straps are tied to near each end of the package, with a slip knot, he throws it on his shoulders, catches up a keg, places it on the package, and dashes off at a trot with 180 lbs on his back, on arriving at the other end slips the knots, and leaves the packages on the beach, and returns, all this is done with an active smartness, hardly credible; and thus the cargo is transported from one end of the carrying place to the other end, to be again embarked in the canoe, but unfortunately for these hardy canadian voyageurs, many carrying places are too long for being carried over at one trip from end to end; some of them in different parts of the countries are not only of a mile, but of several miles, whatever their lengths may be, they are divided into what is called “Poses,” or Rests, at which the canoe and it’s cargo is laid, if the ground is good, each Rest, may be nearly half a mile if of uneven ground, with marsh, too often the case, the Rests may be about 600 yards. In this manner the Rapids and Falls of the Ottawa River were and are surmounted, and a passage opened to Lake Huron, and thence to Lake Superior.

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The lower part of the St Lawrence had several trading posts, and gave a passage to Lake Champlain, but above Montreal it was not a favourite, it’s circuitous route and great Lakes did not suit the Traders, but by Lake Michigan a passage was opened to the rich furr countries on the Mississippe; and also by the west end of Lake Superior, and the River St Louis, a passage to the head waters of the Mississippe, and the Red River, with their numerous branches, all then rich in furrs, and the Indians very numerous, but the size of the canoes had to be adapted to the size of the Rivers. Beyond the shores of Lakes Superior, the large Montreal Canoe, was of no further use than to transport the Furrs to Montreal, and there be prepared [iii.104] for the european market. The furr trade had now, to most places, to be carried, by what is called the North Canoe; it is also made of the rind of the White Birch and is from twenty eight, to thirty feet in length, very sharp at both ends, the inside is lined with large laths, over which the ribs are distended from gunwale to gunwale, as much as the Birch Rind can bear: the middle bar is inserted into both gunwales, is fifty four to fifty six inches in length. Before, and behind this Bar are three other bars to keep the gunwales to a steady shape. All the Wood is of White Cedar for lightness. Being flat bottomed they can sail only before the wind; According to the distance to the different trading Posts, so is the cargo and the number of men, for the near posts, the canoes are heavily loaded with twenty eight pieces of goods, besides provisions, with only four men. One man is always as steersman placed in the stern of the canoe, he guides it with his paddle; another man occupies the bow of the canoe, and the other two men sit on each side of the canoe close to the Gunwale, the motion of the canoe is wholly by the paddle; The Posts more distant have a cargo of twenty five packages, and five men. For the most distant posts, the canoes have a cargo of only twenty pieces of goods and kegs, with six men, every thing is so arranged that the brigade of canoes, shall arrive at the winter posts, before the winter ice, closes on them, which notwithstanding all precautions is sometimes the case, and causes great distress. In these light frail vessels was the furr trade from Canada extended over very distant countries; this trade extended to within two or three days march of the shores and Factories of Hudson’s Bay:4

4 In the period before the Conquest, the French fur trade had reached Fort Bourbon, northwest of Lake Winnipeg, and Fort Paskoya, northwest of Cedar Lake, northwest of Lake Winnipeg; both posts were established in the period 1741–43 on the orders of La Vérendrye. By the late 1760s, trade from Montreal had again reached the lower Saskatchewan.

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From Lake Superior to the interior countries, the voyage is painful and laborious, to gain the heights of Lake Superior, every river is a torrent of strong current, rapids and falls, with many carrying places; arrived here, the country has ponds small Lakes, and Brooks with carrying places, until a stream is found which descends to Lake Winipeg, which receives many Rivers, and by a great River (Nelson) empties into Hudson’s Bay, but every where attended with numerous rapids Falls, and carrying places, all the time suffering [iii.105] from myriads of Musketoes which allow no rest, day nor night. These insects are the universal curse of all the low, and forest countries, even over the dry plains to the foot of the Mountains. In the spring of the year, by which is meant the breaking up of the ice in the rivers and Lakes, the Furrs are placed in a wedge press, and reduced to the least possible bulk, of the weight of ninety pounds, which are called Packs, which as cargo are divided among the canoes to be taken to Lake Superior, and from thence to Montreal. [Furr Regions. Beaver.]1 I have already noticed that on the discovery of Canada the Beaver possessed the whole country eastward of the great plains, which is the great table land eastward of the Rocky Mountains; from the edge of these plains, to the coast of Labrador, thence round to Hudsons Bay and northward to McKenzies River, it required this immense region of country to furnish the annual sales of many thousands of their skins. It is a work worthwhile for some person curious in these matters to examine the sales, but this properly belongs to some intelligent gentleman of New York, who will not disdain to examine how many millions of these animals, have been destroyed for the sake of their furrs. This animal once so very numerous, is now being eradicated from this continent. On the discovery of Canada, the Red Man with hard labor procured them for food and clothing, to cut down the dams and lay the ponds dry, was beyond his power, all he could generally do, was with a pointed stake, the end hardened in the fire, to dig through the houses of the young beavers, after having closed the door of the house with stakes which he broke and thus they became his prey, but in winter he had to make a fire to effect his purpose, but when they became possessed of iron tools, the dams were cut down, the water of the ponds drained off, their houses cut through, and almost every one of them taken. The combined works of these animals are not credible; I shall therefore only relate

1 Thompson discusses the beaver in the 1850 version in his renowned essay on Man and the Beaver (iv.136–47; I: 190–7).

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one as a sample. In autumn (some full fifty years ago)2 in company with some Indians I was exploring the country, at the Nut Hill, the Indians told me we would have to pass over a long beaver dam, over which I expected to lead my horse with great care, we came to it, grown over with grass, and apparently of solid ground, two Horses could pass abreast, [iii.106] it was about one mile in length, it’s lower side showed a descent of about seven feet, and the Pond formed by this dam was a fine sheet of water of the area of one and a half square miles; when about half way over the dam, a fine afternoon, I could not help stopping: and admiring the works of the Beaver, on my right hand was a close cluster of Beaver Houses I enquired of the Indian (about seventy years of age, or more) how many there were, “when I was a young man there were a good many, but now they number fifty two, some are of young beavers;” “You must kill a good number of them.” “We do not; when we broke open their houses, they found shelter in the other houses, we speared a few when they came back to enter them, which did not pay us for our time and labor.” “Did you ever see so many houses together before?” “Never, I know of some large Ponds, with plenty of Aspin Trees, where there are thirty, or forty, but not close together;” As I had very often conversed with the old Indians on the ancient state of the Beaver, and this was a favourable occasion, we were sitting on a dam of the combined efforts of their industry; their extensive pond, a village of them lay before us; I wished to question the old man, he was quietly smoking his pipe, his capacious eye was master of all around him: I began the conversation by enquiring his opinion of the ancient state of the Beaver; he coolly replied “we have our traditions from old times, what they were, but you white men laugh at us, treat us with contempt;” “I have never done so;” “I know it.” “How came the Beaver to be so utterly different from all other animals, he makes dams far stronger than any we can make; did you ever know a beaver dam carried away.” “Never, the Snows may melt, the rains may pour down, but the dam of the beaver stands firm; our fishing dams are carried away, but never the dam of the beaver.” “But how is it, that the Beaver which is a mere animal should be wiser than we are to construct dams.” “They are not animals like the others. This you ought to know, and must know, in many things they are wiser than we are, but they have no power, they are given to us for food and clothing;” But I have conversed with many old Indians going back upwards of 100 years, and more, they all say, the present state of the Beaver is not [iii.107] his ancient state, the situation and construction of their houses show them to be wise, his house is never built with sand, or

2 1797.

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loose stones, but always with strong earth, mixed with pieces of wood, and if small flat stones can be had, such as he can carry, he places them in the earth of his house; I have told you he is wise without strength to defend himself, or to protect his works. “What was his ancient state.” “Our belief may be laughed at, but is, that in some manner they were an ancient people, and dwelled on the dry land, that the great spirit became angry with them, but we do not know for why; and ordered We sauk e jauk to drive them off the dry land into the water, and there let them be wise without strength;” “Is it true that the Male is alway faithful to the Female;” “So far as we know it is true, when a full year old they choose their mates, and if undisturbed pass their lives together, this from ancient custom.” In autumn the Beaver carefully examines his dam, and where necessary repairs it, it is always composed of strong earth interlaced with many pieces of wood, mostly with the bark off, all placed in oblique position to the dam. When the dams are being cut through, they show great anxiety to repair it, one bringing some earth, another a round piece of wood, and thus several are killed by the hunters. Their houses, if low cabins of earth can be so called, are constructed with great care to resist the rigours of winter, as their principal food is the bark of the Aspin Tree, they cut down with their sharp teeth, like small chissels, a number of these trees, they knaw them round, about a foot above the root, when it appears they have cut the tree nearly through, they frequently retire to a small distance, and watch the motions of the tree to know which way it will fall, and so accurate is their judgement, that, as yet, no beaver has ever been found killed by the fall of a tree; at the entrance to his house is placed pieces closely set of the young aspin tree of about four to six feet in length, and from two to four inches diameter, with the green bark on them: the Indians say; that the most provident have not more than a supply for half the winter, if their appetites were [iii.108] of the same nature as in summer, but the Indians consider that when the rigours of winter come on, they become something in a torpid state; and only occasionally awake to enjoy the green bark of the Aspin, placed at their door, and he thus preserves the greater part of his stock to the spring, when he becomes active; the Beaver House is like the arch of a low country oven,3 the bottom rises about eighteen inches above the level of the water in a  gentle slope, here is a bed of fine grass and soft chips of Aspin wood; on which the Beavers repose, close together; the arch throughout is well formed and nearly corresponds to the outer surface of twelve to eighteen inches in

3 I.e., a Dutch oven.

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thickness. The interior arch is low, and seldom allows a person to sit upright, perhaps twenty six inches may be the height of the arch, how long the Beaver might have contended with Man and the Wolverene,4 his only other enemy, who can tell; but in about the year 1796 by the Nepissing and Iroquoie Indians it was found that the Beaver had a strange infatuation for his own Castoreum, (an article well known in the London Market);5 but in order to place this matter in a clear light before my readers, I may be permitted to speak of the Beaver as he actually is distinct from other animals. The male possesses the genitals of generation, to this is added a pair of oil stones, containing a thick viscous oily substance, a third pair of the male is the large Castoreum of every beaver, which in quantity exceedes the other two: the female has only the the pair of oil stones, and the pair of Castoreum. Of these no difference in quality can be discerned. From old times the Indian had been accustomed to notice the paths of the beaver, and make light traps of wood in their paths, in which the beaver were caught, but in a bare sufficiency for food and clothing. but upon the manufacture of steel traps, with springs, these latter took the place of the former, they were placed in the water, where the Beaver landed, about three inches under the water, so that the beaver in passing over it might press upon the palate,6 and the springs inclose him. Many were this way caught, but it was soon noticed that they forsook their old paths and became very shy: What was to be done; various things were proposed to tempt the beaver to pass over the trap the principal of which was the buds of7

4 Gulo gulo. 5 Castoreum, the secretion of the beaver’s perineal glands, was employed as an ingredient in perfumes and medicinal preparations. It contains salicylic acid, the active ingredient in aspirin. For a full discussion of castoreum, see Dietland Müller-Schwarze and Lixing Sun, The Beaver: Natural History of a Wetlands Engineer (Ithaca, n y : Cornell University Press, 2003), 39–44. 6 The homonym “pallet” is intended, here referring to the flat portion of the trap. 7 Here five pages are missing. Numbered 109–13, their contents are indicated in the index: Beaver trapping. Beaver trapping by Iroquois. War dances. Iroquois destroy the Beaver. Beaver infatuation. Much of the material on these missing pages served as a draft for 1850’s iv.144–7 (I: 195–7), on the use of castoreum, and iv.249–56 (I: 277–82), on the participation of Iroquoian trappers in the Western fur trade. When he reached this point in his narrative, Thompson suspended work on the main body of the Travels to compose his nineteen-page “Appendix” (322–38).

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[Geology] ¶ [iii.114] The mode and manner of life of the inhabitants of every country depends very much on the structure of the country, which gives a turn to the Natives of the way of procuring their subsistence; such is the case with the Indians of North America.1 I shall therefore give a general view of the structure of North America that I may be the better understood when I treat of the Natives. The Mountains of every Continent, are the objects which most powerfully direct the attention of the Natives and the Traveller. These maje[s]tic bulwarks placed on the Earth as the boundaries of nations, and the distributers of the streams of water which form the Rivers and fertilize the countries they pass through, and thus enable mankind to exchange the productions in which they abound for those they want, claim a close examination, for until we know with tolerable accuracy the position, direction, length and breadth of these stupendous masses of rock, we cannot well comprehend the structure of the countries adjacent to them, for upon their situation, direction and height much of the climate, fertility and communications of the surrounding countries depend; I am aware the above description does not apply to the dry, barren, arid, Mountains of Arabia; but I confine myself to the noble Mountains of America, the scources and feeders of the finest Rivers on the face of the Earth, to all which I have paid deep attention. The Mountains of almost every country may be said to be a blessing to mankind, in these stupendous elevations on the least horizontal surface the Deity has placed the immense Magazines of Snow and Ice, to form and maintain the rills and brooks which maintain the Rivers, directed by the finger of the Deity to fertilize the Earth in [iii.114a] their passages to the different seas into which they flow, form harbors and are lost. I have paid attention to the local, and geographical, positions of the Mountains of Europe, Asia and Africa, the Deity has no doubt given them those positions where they can be of the greatest benefit to mankind, but they have not the uniform continuance of the Rocky Mountains which commence near the arctic circle, and extend to Cape Horn under several local names; from their northern commencement to the Gulph of Mexico, the east side is continuous without any spurs or branches; and southward of the Latitude of 52 degrees North rises

1 Pages iii.114, 114a, and 115 are derived directly from Thompson’s essay “The Mountains of every Continent” (309–15). Much of the phraseology is identical, although the original work is distilled considerably. As Thompson states, this section is intended to ­prepare the reader for the discussion of Native peoples, which begins on iii.132 below (81). At some point, an original page 114 was removed and replaced with iii.114–14a.

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in a most majestic form direct out of the great grassy Plains, like a boundary not to be passed, their average height from Latitude 50 degrees north to 56 degrees north is 18,000 feet above the level of the sea; and from the great plains they can be seen at a great distance, and the Natives have some of the boldest, and most romantic scenery in the world. At the head of the Bow River (the southern branch of the Saskatchewan River) these mountains have a peculiar formation, for about thirty miles, the Mountains are lower than elsewhere, and appear a heap of ruins, every where are scattered columns of black rock, rising 4 to 500 feet above their bases, like rude pyramids shattered by the hand of Time; the Natives do not cross this part of the Mountains.2 ¶ [iii.115] Having often crossed, and recrossed the mountains in all seasons, and in different directions, I hope I may be allowed to know something of them, for I may say I have surveyed them, and determined their positions and directions by astronomical observations.3 To me, it has, upon long consideration, appeared that the Mountains are the design and work of the all wise and benevolent Supreme Being; often sitting upon some high pinnacle of a Rock, I viewed the wild forms of the mountains around me, it appeared to me, as if contending hurricanes on a fluid had exerted their utmost force, and at it’s extreme height the word of Omnipotence had struck the whole solid. As I have already said the Mountains are the direct design and work of the benevolent Supreme; they contain the greatest possible surface upon the least horizontal base;4 these mountains rise to the height of 1300 feet above their base on the great plains, which are 5000 feet abo[ve] the level of the sea; their hollows, deep and vast, contain the magazines of snow for the supply of the Rivulets which form the Rivers, in other places are immense glaciers, which, when the snow is exhausted, now give their small rills, for the supply of the Rivers, they congregate at the foot of the glacier, and form a stream; (Note In one of my passages across the Mountains in the month of January, I was very much struck with an enormous glacier, which even then was of a fine green color,5 it’s surface to the east was perfectly steep, I estimated it’s eastern steep to be full two 2 Approximately eight lines have been cut away from the foot of iii.114a. 3 Thompson crossed the Continental Divide ten times, six times by way of Howse Pass, 1807–10, and four times via Athabasca Pass, 1811–12 (see Map 1, 2, and 3). Five of these crossings were accomplished in summer, three in autumn, and one each in spring and winter. 4 Here Thompson had at first continued with the words “thus giving to mankind his inheritance of the earth.” He then changed this to “thus giving to mankind his inheritance of the greatest possible portion of the earth,” before excising the thought entirely. 5 Sighted on 10 January 1811, during the winter crossing via Athabasca Pass, the green glacier is described on iii.232a below (188).

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thousand feet above it’s base, I could not conceive it to be all of solid ice, but that some rills from the interior of the mountain passing over a high steep rock had given this congealed surface, it was a most interesting objec[t].6 [no description of contents in index]1 ¶ [iii.117] most laughable, vexatious business, took place, the descent made the sleds, and dogs to rush down. They came against large trees, the sleds were on one side, and the dogs on the other, and as each dog got a hard rap against the tree, out of revenge they fought with each other, and we had to give them some raps on the head to bring them to their senses; by dint of perseverance we got all disentangled, and before sunset we were at the foot of the mountains, on the deep snow banks of the Columbia River; the weather for the season was mild, but the scene was of wild desolation, we had hoped to find this noble river, with something of a mild aspect, but we found a bold stream which ran between steep banks of deep snow, with a chance bridge of snow across it, there was scarcely any ice to be seen; as we descended the west side the forest trees became of great size, here we were in Forests of Cedars of three to six fathoms girth and tall in proportion;2 and of Pines of seven fathoms girth, of 140 feet or more of clean growth, with fine heads, on the east side we were men among the Trees, here we were pigmies. The intention of crossing the Mountains at this season was to be early enough to build a Canoe and follow down the Columbia River to the Pacific Ocean. For this purpose eight picked hardy Canadians accompanied me, but on arriving on the Columbia River, every thing was so novel, so very different from what they had been accu[sto]med to see, the Trees of immense size the great depth of snow they were sure would never thaw, their hearts failed them, and five of them requested to be allowed to return to the east side of the Mountains; in my situation to keep men against their will was of no use, and I allowed them to return; only three men now remained with me; our first business was to dig through the Snow about 4 feet in depth, of about ten feet square; line it well with cedar boards which we split 6 Approximately four lines have been cut away from the foot of iii.115. Page 116 is missing, and the index contains no description of its contents, but it is suggestive that iii.117 continues with the events of 10 January 1811. 1 Pages iii.117–18 compress events between 10 January and 19 May 1811, described at length on iii.232b–41 below (189–97). 2 Western red cedar (Thuja plicata). This tree was of signal importance to Thompson in his journeys west of the Continental Divide; during the course of 1811–12, he had at least nine cedar plank canoes built; see iii.237 (193).

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from the trees, roof it well with the same, leaving a vent for the smoke, in which we were tolerably [iii.118] comfortable; our provisions was coming to an end; and in this unknown country we were at a loss where to go, between the River and the foot of the great Mountains not a track was to be seen; but on the great slopes of Nelson’s Mountain,3 most fortunately from time to time, we found Moose Deer, shut up as it were in an enclosure of snow, there were never two together, except a Fawn with it’s dam each had beat a short round for itself among a fine body of willows, on the buds, and the tops of which they feed; but having no variety of food, they were all fleshy, but none fat; where ever we found a Moose Deer, there it was killed, they attempted no escape as they knew the snow to be too deep: in this manner we passed the winter and dried some meat for our intended voyage. Hunters came across. We had now to turn our attention to making a Canoe, as there were abundance of very fine white Birch Trees, we expected to have a choice of good birch rind, we were not anxious about the material, but when the season came, we found the rind too thin to be of any use; at a loss what to do, after much talk, we agreed to split cedar into boards, which we did, but having no nails, we had to sow all together with the roots of the Pine Tree, a very tedious job, but we formed a good strong canoe of cedar wood, with which we hoped to reach the Pacific Ocean, but being too weakly manned, instead of descending, we had to ascend the river to it’s scource,4 met Iroquois and engaged one Charles of them. Then carry two miles to McGillivray’s River,5 descend it for several miles to the Saleesh Indian Road,6 which, through a fine country, leads to the Saleesh River, where I expected to find Canadian Trappers, and engage some of them to accompany me to the sea. This road is on the debateable ground, or as it is called the, War Ground, of the contending natives. After placing our canoe in safety, all four of us prepared our Guns in good order, and holding them nearly level for defence, began our march.

3 Here the term “Nelson’s Mountain” refers to the northern range of the Selkirk Mountains, bounded on the east, north, and west by the arc of the Upper Columbia. Elsewhere, as at 211a–b (156–7), Mount Nelson indicates the single peak in the Purcell Range west of Lake Windermere. Thompson named both the range and the mountain after Admiral Horatio Nelson, killed at the Battle of Trafalgar in 1805. 4 In the left margin of iii. 118, Thompson inserted the marginal notations: “see the Journal” and “and blend the two Accounts,” likely referring to his later narration of the events of the same period (see note 1 above). 5 The Kootenay River. 6 For tribal routes between the Kootenay River and the Clark Fork / Pend Oreille system, see note on iii.214 (160).

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[2 Women. the Saleesh Free hunters. the Mountains. Plains &c. Soil of the Plains &c Coal. the fine hills. No fossil] ¶ [iii.119]1 When within about two miles of the River, an incident occured, tho’ 36 Years ago,2 and may excite a smile; which is still strong on my memory; we came to a small meadow where two young women with pointed sticks were digging roots, the moment they saw us, their faces bowed on their breasts, and they stood helpless; on seeing them, we stopped as if by order, our guns rested on the ground, such was the effects, of instead of seeing armed men, we saw two young women. I enquired if they were Saleesh Women,3 they looked up with pleasure, for they now knew me and said yes. “Where is your camp;” Answer. “near to us.” I then told them to lead on to it, which they did, and we soon came to the camp of the Chief of the Saleesh Indians:4 from the Chief I

1 Here Thompson removed two older pages 119 and 120, and inserted iii.119, iii.120, and iii.120a. The lower two-thirds of iii.120a is blank, and a note at its foot reads “turn to page 121.” 2 I.e., in 1811. 3 Flathead. This is the first mention of this Interior Salishan tribe in the 1848 Travels. In the period before about 1700, the Flathead lived on the Plains immediately east of the Continental Divide, along the Missouri and Yellowstone rivers, where their economy was oriented around the bison hunt. Conflict with the Piegan and Shoshone led the Flathead to cross the Divide into the Bitterroot Valley and the vicinity of Flathead Lake (Thompson’s “Saleesh Country”). Here they came to rely on fishing and gathering in addition to hunting, and they continued to travel annually to the Plains to pursue the bison hunt, often at great risk. Carling I. Malouf, “Flathead and Pend d’Oreille,” h n a i , vol. 12: Plateau, ed. Deward E. Walker, Jr (Washington: Smithsonian Institution, 1998), 297–312. Thompson established Saleesh House on the Clark Fork in order to foster trade with the Flathead, and spent the winters of 1809–10 and 1811–12 at the post, during which time he explored the surrounding country and made several visits to the great Flathead camp (for 1809–10, see iii.168–70; 109–11 and iii.219–22; 166–9: for 1811–12, see iii.309–21; 259–68 and ii.258–62; 295–8). Conflict between the Flathead and Piegan persisted during this period, and Thompson describes battles fought in 1809 (a o . 81.24–8; see Volume III), 1810 (iii.170–1; 111–12), and 1812 (iii.120; 66 and iii.318–19; 265–6), and the deliberations of a war council of Flathead and allies in February 1812 (iii.313–17; 262–5 and ii.260; 296–7). During his time at Saleesh House, Thompson compiled a vocabulary of the Flathead language, and a Flathead interpreter participated in the 1811 journey to the mouth of the Columbia. While Thompson usually employs the term “Saleesh” to indicate the Flathead proper, the term may at times refer also to the larger group of associated Interior Salishan peoples. 4 Either Cartier or the Orator; see notes on iii.169 (110).

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learned there were several Canadian Trappers, not far off. I got him to send a young man to them, and inform them, that I wished to see some of them; I may here give some account of this strange body of men, of whom so much evil has been said by several publications; but of which I saw none.5 The roving disposition of the French Canadian is well known, by the time of the conquest of Canada they had spread themselves far westward, but the Illinois River was their favorite, from it’s fine climate plenty of Deer; black Bears and other animals, with much wild fruit, in Nuts &c. This country belonged to Spain, and the Spaniards had a Garrison, it limited it’s jurisdiction to matters which did not concern itself to the circuit of one mile, beyond which was no law, every one did what he could do, yet crimes often drew down summary punishments from among themselves. As I knew a number of the remainder of these men, and often employed them, I may be supposed to know something of them; At first they were about 350 Men, but their precarious way of life, sometimes with Indians in their wars, soon reduced them; and at the cession of the country by Spain6 they were only full 150 men; the United States insisted on their becoming Settlers on the lands or retiring elsewhere; they chose the latter, took up their Rifles, and with their few women crossed the Missisourie River; and hunted on it’s west bank; continually advancing to the westward, towards [iii.120] the Mountains where I first met with them, but the same fate still attended them; as all the Natives of these fine countries are too often in a state of petty warfare, some of these men were camping with them, and as the Indians acknowledge no neutrals, they had to fight for the party with whom they were found, as the Indians dreaded them as good marksmen, they were aimed at in battle. When I first became acquainted with them in 1809, they were then reduced to twenty five men, yet every where the Indians, both friends and ene-

5 Many of the French Canadian traders who penetrated the Upper Missouri Country had their roots in the Illinois Country, the region along the banks of the Mississippi between St Louis and Kaskaskia settled by French farmers and traders in the early eighteenth century. In his reference to their “evil” reputation, Thompson may have had in mind Washington Irving’s The Adventures of Captain Bonneville (Paris: Baudry’s European Library, 1837). In this work, a memoir of the Western explorations of Benjamin Louis Eulalie de Bonneville (and follow-up to Astoria, in which Thompson features), Irving writes: “The French trapper is represented as a lighter, softer, more selfindulgent kind of man,” and goes on to quote an anonymous American fur trader: “‘I consider one American ... equal to three Canadians in point of sagacity, aptness at resources, self-dependence, and fearlessness of spirit’” (15–16). 6 1803. The Louisiana Territory was in the nominal possession of Spain from 1762 until 1800, when it reverted to France, from which its purchase had been made.

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mies spoke of them as a brave race of men whose conduct was always prudent and manly, yet even these few were reduced to only two; Michel Bourdeaux7 and Augustin Kinville,8 two of my companions, brave and faithful, on whose word for life, or death, I could depend. In the summer of 1812 they were with the Saleesh Indians, when a battle was fought with the Pee a gans who were defeated, yet these two brave men were killed,9 and thus ended the last of these men, few of whom died a natural death. The formation of a country, and it’s climate controul mankind to a certain mode and manner of life, the civilized man may soften and modify what he can, but to the Indian the above is positive law, and he accordingly conforms himself. I shall therefore before I enter on the history, manners and customs of the Natives give a sketch of the formation of the northern part of this Continent, which, in some measure will explain the great difference there is between the Tribes of Indians, for there is a greater difference of one Indian Tribe from another, than between nation and nation of Europe. From the gulph of Mexico to the Latitude 58 degrees north, the direction of the east side of the Rocky Mountains is North 27 West 2250 miles, beyond this I do not know the direction of the Mountains. On the east side the Mountains throw out neither branches nor spurs, but every where rise most majestically from the grassy Plains; the scenery for 1600 miles on the great plains is pleasing, grand and sublime for the whole of this distance east of the Mountains are [iii.120a] the boundless Plains on one hand, and the Mountains on the other, and can be followed on foot, or by Horses; These Plains may be computed at 1200 miles in length to where they terminate in Forest in the Latitude of 52 degrees north, by 720 miles in width giving an area of 864,000 square miles; North of 52 degrees this immense body of land is a Forest of various trees, it’s length to 60 degrees north is 560 miles by 420 miles in breadth, being an area of 235,200 miles of Forest, making a total of 1,099,200 square miles. The east side of these Plains to the Latitude of 50 degrees north is bounded by the Mississippe and the Red Rivers, northward of which by a series of large Lakes to the Latitude of 61 degrees north. ¶ [iii.121] {by a Plain, I mean an extent of ground of short grass, unfit for the Scythe, by Meadow, where the grass is long enough for the Scythe). This

7 For free trader Michel Bourdeaux, see Appendix 3 (355–6). 8 Referred to later as Michel Kinville (iii.318; 265), this independent hunter was left in charge of Kullyspel House in late 1811. He may be the Kinville who was with Thompson on the Upper Athabasca in October–November 1810. 9 For the Piegan-Flathead war of 1812, see iii.318–19 (265–6).

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immense extent of Plains, containing an area of about 1,680,000 square miles, on its eastern side has several fine undulating low hills, partly wooded with springs of fine water, their eastern sides with woods blend on the Lakes which from 50 degrees north bound the extreme eastern side to the Latitude of 60 degrees north.}10 This is a waving line formed by several Lakes, the Rainy Lake, the Lake of the Woods, Lake Winepeg, the Beaver Lake to the Athabasca Lake, and the great Slave Lake. In viewing these great Plains there is something peculiar, no such are found in any other part of the world, on arriving at the Latitude of 52 degrees, north, the plains may be said to cease, nearly the same body, and extent of land continues far north, but well wooded: {On the east side of the Plains are the Turtle, Hair, Touchwood, Eagle, and Forest Hills at the east foot of which are the chain of Lakes.} ¶ [iii.121b] The east side of these great Plains have a fine appearance, the soil is good, with a range of low Hill[s], sufficiently well wooded, with many fine Springs of water, and small navigable Rivers as the Dauphin, Swan Stone Indian and Mouse Rivers, with several Rivulets all flowing through a country of rich soil with many meadows. The Hills are the Turtle, the Hair, the Nut the Touch­ wood, the Dauphin the Eagle, and the Forest Hill; the west sides of these Hills, border on the Plains, present an elevation of only about two hundred feet at most, but the east sides are mostly on the chain of Lakes, are in some places bold and steep, and always show an elevation of three to five hundred feet; from the soil and climate, there can be no doubt that time will make these countries pastoral, and partly cultivated for grain, and this to any extent if a Market could be found.11 ¶ [iii.121] From the gulph of Mexico the soil of these plains may be said to be somewhat barren, even of grass; it is of sand and small rolled stones upon which the cactus grows. To the Latitude of near 45 degrees north here the soil appears fit for cultivation, and as we proceed northward, the soil increases in depth; in Latitude 56 degrees north, at the Smoke River, by closely examin[in]g it’s gullies and Ravines, the earth appeared to have a depth of about three hundred feet; upon a view of this formation, it appeared to me, that some mighty body of water had risen from the gulph of Mexico and held it’s course northward, taking all the soil from the south to the north, and such it strikes every traveller who considers, that no Forests grow south of 52 degrees north.

10 These words had been replaced by those on iii.120a, a fact indicated by Thompson’s marginal note “see 120 continued.” 11 This list of hills was used in the 1850 version at iv.126 (I: 181–2); for the later version’s section on the Plains, see iv.130–3 (I: 184–7).

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Along the foot of the Mountains are extensive beds of coal, from the north branch of the Missisourie to the Peace River, the Saskatchewan River is rich in excellent coal equal to the best Newcastle, every spring and summer on the melting of the Snows and after heavy rains, the sands are covered with coal, which my blacksmith said was equal to the best coal imported from England. Of the numerous Rivers furnished by the Rocky Mountains, and holding their courses eastward to the Mississippe, [iii.122] or to the chain of Lakes, in this distance, not one River forms a Lake, all continue their courses as Rivers to the above vallies. These great Plains when contrasted with Siberia, where the bones of ancient animals are found in abundance, have certainly no interest;12 some bones of a large animal were found on the Osage River, which gave the name to the River and the tribe of Indians of that River; the only other relic was part of a large bone, which fell out of the bank of the Peace River. To what animal it belonged I could not learn; these are all that have come to my knowledge; in traversing these great Plains for years, I not only paid attention myself, but enquired of the Indians, and the Canadian Trappers &c for the relics of large animals, without the least success. What can be the cause that while the northern Plains of Asia abounded with these large animals, America should be so destitute of them. On the northern part of these Plains near the Saskatchewan River, are many ponds of saline water highly purgative; in summer from the heat of the sun, their shores, for several yards in breadth are covered with chrystilized Salts, but I know of no hot springs, nor any natural curiosity. On its eastern edge, at the Red River, and, one, or two other places, there are springs which, when boiled down yield good common salt, but it seems to corrode the meat salted with it. [Animals &c Bears. the Bison. Pounds &c] The Animals that live and feed on these Plains, are the Bison, the Red Deer, the Beaver and Jumping Deer,1 and several species of the Antelope, the Musk Rat,2 Moose Deer in the northern parts, and the Badger;3 Skunk4 &c only in 12 A year after this passage was written, Thompson contributed a piece to the Montreal Gazette on the 1799 finding of the remains of a mammoth in northern Siberia. Voyageur, “In the year 1799 ...” Montreal Gazette, 14 August 1848. See Volume III. 1 White-tailed deer (Odocoileus virginianus). 2 Ondatra zibethicus. 3 Taxidea taxus. 4 Striped skunk (Mephitis mephitis). The skunk is described on iii.186–8 below (126–7), a passage that Thompson intended to move to this section on animals of the Plains.

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the woods.5 The carnivorous animals are, the Grizled Bear (Ursa horridus)6 the Yellow Bear, the Black Bear with a red nose and the common black;7 two species of the Wolf;8 by color four species of the Fox;9 the Fisher; the Footro Mink,10 the Wolverene. Of all these the Bison is by far the most numerous,11 yet they are not all like each other, the effect of plenty [iii.123] of food with shelter increases their growth to such a degree, that these latter appear to be of a larger species; I know of no other animal on whom the change is so great; thus the Bison that feeds in the plains on it’s short grass harrassed by Men and Wolves and exposed to heavy gales of wind is not of a large growth, and a Cow alive may weigh about 800 lbs, of which 350 to 400 pounds are meat, but those feeding in the open woods, near the foot of the Mountains, where the grass is green and plentiful, attain a great size; a very large Bull, when killed was found to weigh 2400 pounds weight, but this is rather a singular case. But 16 to 18 hundred

5 Thompson employs the term “deer” as the generic indicator for all members of the family Cervidae, including moose, wapiti, caribou, mule deer, and white-tailed deer. When he uses the general term alone, it may refer to any member species of the family in a given area. At times “deer” may also refer to the pronghorn, properly a member of the family Antilocapridae. For the use of the term “antelope,” see note on iii.128 (74). 6 Grizzly bear (Ursus arctos). Thompson writes below of grizzly attacks on humans (iii.154–6; 100–1); three grizzlies briefly become protagonists of the narrative when they block the way of the Piegan party seeking to waylay Thompson and his men in October 1810 (iii.173; 113 and iii.228f–g; 182). 7 These are colour phases of a single species, the black bear (Ursus americanus). 8 There is only one species, the grey wolf (Canis lupus). 9 The northeastern Plains are home to the red fox (Vulpes vulpes). The many colour variations of this animal, including black and silver, account for Thompson’s enumeration of four species. 10 Thompson gives the North American French term foutreau, rather than the more standard vison. 11 The passages that follow, on the bison’s range, ways of hunting the animal, the bison pound and prairie fires, are unique to the 1848 version of the Travels. The centrality of the bison to the Plains tribal economy is reflected in the numerous references to the animal throughout the narrative; Thompson describes the consumption of bison meat, either fresh or dried as pemmican, the use of hides as robes, tents, blankets, saddles and rope, of bones as tools, hair as stuffing and dung as fuel. In latter portions of the narrative, he also illustrates how bison hunting by Plateau and Upper Columbia tribes such as the Flathead, Kootenai, and Kalispel, often occasioned confict with the Plains tribes, particularly the Piegan, on whose lands the bison roamed (see especially iii.313–19; 262–6).

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pounds is common for the Bulls, and 1200 pounds for Cows that feed in the woods; these are mostly of Cypress,12 of open growth and every where fine green grass between the Trees at all seasons; the Bisons that thus take to the Woods, never return to the short half dry grass of the plains, and from being a roving animal, becomes almost as stationary as the Moose Deer.13 About fifty years ago (1847) I was conversing with an old Indian on the Bison, and what they were in place and numbers formerly; he said when he was a young man (fifty years more) the Bison was then not to the northward as at present, but their country was on the west side of the Missisourie River to the Saskatchewan River, he thought the Horses brought from the southward, with which the Bisons were run down, had caused the great dispersion of the Bison, and driven them to the northward, in the year 1800 they were found as far north as the Latitude of fifty seven degrees, but only in the high countries.14 In winter the Bison does not scrape away the snow with one of his fore feet as the Horse and the Deer, but with his hard muzzle pushes the snow to the right and left to get at the grass. The Bison is in all these countries what the Harvest is to Europe, it’s flesh is present nourishment, and dried for future use, it forms the provisions for the Traders and their men; during the summer on their journeys for the bringing down their Furrs to the Factori[e]s, and [iii.124] returning with goods for the interior trade; the Indians are always careful to have some dried meat with them; they the Bisons are fond of feeding together in large herds. There are three ways of hunting the Bison, the first is crawling to them; and when near, the Hunter slides along on his belly, until he gets about eighty to 100 yards from them: here, in the same posture, he fires at the Cow which presents her side to him, the shot is generally fatal, and the Cow falls, the others start, but do not go away, and some will try to get the wounded Cow up; the Hunter lies very still until the alarm is over, reloads his gun in the same posture, and may chance to kill two more, which are as many as can be made use of.

12 Common juniper (Juniperus communis). 13 Thompson is describing a subspecies, the wood bison, Bison bison athabascae; see also iii.228e (181) and iii.323 (271). 14 By Thompson’s calculation, this testimony dates to about 1750. Andrew C. Isenberg, in his study The Destruction of the Bison (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), suggests that late-eighteenth-century environmental conditions favoured a demographic expansion of bison populations (29), which may account for the phenomenon described here. The population of horses in the southern Plains increased during the same period, as Thompson’s informant states; the fact that horses and bison share the same diet may have acted as a second factor in the dispersal of the bison (26).

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The other is running along side of them on horse back, and discharging Arrows or Balls into them, for the latter the guns are often shortened to 2½ feet barrel. The third mode of hunting the Bison, is by driving them into a Pound, for this purpose a spot is chosen that has a hollow hidden by the surrounding grounds, and near a hummock of Aspins, here a space of full twenty feet, by as many, is strongly inclosed by Logs well fitted to each other, of about five feet in height, and the entrance, if required, has a platform of Logs neatly laid together. From each end of this platform, lines of a slight fence of about four feet in height are made to diverge to a considerable distance, frequently to near two miles. There are alway[s] three lines, and sometimes five; this depends on the nature of the ground and where the Bison feeds; for at a short distance from the Pounds there must be woods for the use of the camp of the Indians: thus the place of the Pound does not depend on the will of the Indians, but on the formation of the country; the pounding of the Bison seldom commences before December or January, by this time the hard service of their Horses have rendered them unable any longer to run down the Bison, and having only their natural hoofs (no shoes), races on the frozen ground cripples them. Every thing being now ready, the young men, whether married or not, are sent to discover the Bisons, their numbers [iii.125] and place, a sort of council is held, for it is of high importance to them, as their subsistence for the winter, and making dried provisions for trade depends on their success. A number of young men in the most active part of life, with one or two of forty years of age for experience set off, all is anxiety; at distances along the lines between which the Bisons are to pass are stationed Men to prevent them breaking through the lines which they sometimes attempt and effect: at first the Bisons are not more than 10 or 12 miles, and are easily roused to flight, they are slowly pursued, but sufficiently near to prevent them feeding: and are with caution conducted between two of the lines, once with in these, they are made to run fast so as not to allow them any time to look about them. If they attempt to break the line, a man starts up and shakes his Buffalo Robe which frightens them, they arrive full speed at the platform, and those behind urge those before, who jump into the Pound and are followed by all the others, the Pound is frequently full, for a short time they run round the Pound trying to get out, but soon become quiet, the Men arrange themselves on the walls of the Pound, and the Indians seeing all is safe, begin the work of death with Arrows, and Balls; the Bisons are again in motion running round until the last of them falls; the Indians remain quiet until all are actually dead, they then descend into the Pound, and by the arrows, and ball wounds single out those they have killed. I never saw a dispute about their separate claims; with their long sharp knives, they are very dextrous, in flaying and cutting the animals, into joints and pieces; all is taken to the Tents,

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the Bowels which are always fat and well tasted are cleaned, turned inside out, and hung up in the smoke, and when half dried becomes a favorite meal. These Indians are remarkable good cooks, and out of the Bison make several [iii.126] good dishes. The hide of the Bison with the hair on make comfortable beds, and a warm robe to cover the body, even in winter a single robe, which they wrap round them is all the defence they have against the cold. Many thousands of these Robes are annually brought to Canada, and the States, they are very comfortable in a dry winter but rain spoils them.15 ¶ The great plains are often on fire in different places, from accident, or design; as the grass is short, the flame is low, and the smoke not strong the breadth that is burning is seldom more than forty yards, often times less, as the Horse and the Deer see it approaching, they run along it for a narrow place to dash through they always head the fire, never go before it, and if there is a steady wind, which is often the case, the Bisons are driven before the fire and suffocating with smoke, until their strength fails them, and they die. I have seen many perish in this manner. I have often on horseback been obliged to dash through these low fires, my Horse knew the danger, and riding along it beyond the force of the smoke to look for a narrow place, that found, perhaps, and turning my Horse, he laid his short ears on his neck, and sprung through the fire, once the smoke was so strong, I was almost suffocated, altho’ I have seen herds of the Bison destroyed by fire I never saw a Deer in this state. In the rutting seasons the Bulls are in a state of warfare, they attack each other with fury and numbers are thus killed, in riding through the Plains, I often came on Bulls that could no longer rise up, behind each horn there was a place of four or five inches square full of worms, and thus they died; in this state even the Wolves do not trouble them. ¶ [iii.127]16 The Wolves are numerous and destroy many Bisons, they generally hunt in small packs of ten to fifteen, when the Cows are attacked they commonly form a rude circle with their heads outwards, and thus defend themselves, but the wolves always contrive to get one out of the herd, which is left to it’s fate, one or two wolves make a feint of attacking in front, while others behind are cutting the back sinews of the hind legs, this done, the hinder part

15 Trade in bison robes flourished between the 1820s and the 1850s, reaching its peak about the time Thompson was writing his Travels. It is estimated that the American Fur Company shipped some 110,000 robes annually to St Louis during the late 1840s (Isenberg, The Destruction of the Bison, 105–6). 16 Thompson directs in a marginal note that this passage from iii.127 was “to be added to Page 126.”

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of the Cow falls down, and she is devoured by them; the number of Wolves are much lessened from what they were, as all the Indians of the plains have only the furr of the Wolf and the small grey Fox (Praire Dog) to trade for Guns Ammunition, Tobacco, Axes &c, the Wolf is frequently run down on horseback and killed by an arrow. [Red Deer. Wolves. Antelopes. Wolf. Hawk & Fox. Badger. field Mouse. Squirrel. Moose.]1 ¶ [iii.126] The next Animal that claims our notice is the Red Deer, the largest of all the Deer on the Plains, and the Stag, most beautifully formed is the proudest animal I have ever seen. When hunted he collects his small herd of Does, of six to ten, places them before him, he is in their rear, with his large branching antlers lying on his back, and his head turned to the sky, when hunting on horseback, and coming on bad ground [iii.127] that I had to rein up my horse, from the fear of falling; from the position of his head I was sure he could not see the ground, I expected to see him stumble, no such thing, his race was without a fault. In the rutting season, the Bucks attack each other with great violence, so much so, as to entangle their antlers, that they cannot be separated, and thus both die; I have several times found them in this state; once with the assistance of a strong Indian I tried to separate the antlers thus interlocked, but the strength of us both could not do it. The Red Deer are certainly the ornaments of the Plains, but they keep near the woods for a retreat; their meat is sweet and wholesome, but not sought after, as it must be eaten quite warm, otherwise the fat of the meat sticks to the teeth and palate: which is disagreeable; very little dried provisions are made of the Red Deer, but it’s skin makes excellent leather, tho’ not equal to that of the Moose Deer.2 The Deer next in size to the Red Deer, is what is called the Jumping Deer, by  the Indians Kin wah thoose, the long tailed Deer; alive he may weigh 250  pounds. He [iii.128] is a well formed, strong made Deer, and would be rec[k]oned an elegant Deer, were he not in company with the Antelopes; it’s name implies a peculiar motion; when started, his race is by jumps, I have often paid deep attention to it’s peculiar motion, the whole four feet do not change their position, they are straight as when quietly standing, but by a peculiar

1 The following material on Plains mammals is largely unique to 1848. 2 Thompson clearly admired the wapiti. Later in the 1848 version, he describes the uncanny experience of a decapitated doe wapiti arising and standing upright (iii.208a, 152), and explains the Plateau tribes’ manner of hunting the animal (iii.319, 267).

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action common to no other Deer, the whole four legs all of a sudden elevate him to the height of about near three feet, and he makes a horizontal bound of seventeen to twenty feet, the Legs appear to drop straight on the ground, the moment which, he touches, his apparent stiff legs sends him forward with bound after bound, it requires a first rate swift Horse to run him down, his Meat is good, and the fat agreeable. ¶ We now come to the graceful swift Antelope Deer,3 of which the Indians reckon four distinct species, the largest may be 180 pounds alive, and the lesser species about one hundred pounds, or less; all these are uncommonly swift of foot and appear capable of equalling the Hawk in it’s flight: they frequently feed among the Bisons. When starting a herd of the latter with our hunting halloa, and our Horses at full speed, the Antelopes would start with the swiftness of a Bird, run half a mile, or more, and then turn round very quietly to see if we were coming; their swiftness is such, that when started they seem to vanish out of sight, yet they are often killed and their meat very good, curiosity appears to be the cause; the Hunter lying flat with his gun ready, he gently raises the heel of one of his legs, and lets it fall, this attracts their attention, and confident in their power of flight, they cautiously approach to see what it is, the Hunter repeats the same, until they come within the range of his gun, he fires, and if he misses his deer, he has no chance of a second shot. The skins of all these Deer, as dressed by the Indian women, are soft, pliant, and serve for shirts, leggings &c &c [iii.129] and the women when dressed in these skins, look remarkably well, for their dresses always touch the ground. The Badger is found only on these plains he is unknown elsewhere, every man is his enemy, on account of the numerous holes he digs, in which the Horses sometimes break a Leg, some places are so full of these holes, that they have to this be avoided, yet I never knew a Bison break a Leg in these holes; the Badger is an animal too well known to need a description; his fur is good, and also his flesh, though his fat is rather oily, is no objection to the french canadian who makes a good meal of him; the Indians seldom eat the Badger, tho’ they kill him with right good will; to show the power of the Badger in burrowing, coming from hunting in company with a Scotchman, we observed a Badger at 3 When used in the context of the Plains, this term indicates the pronghorn (Antilocapra americana). In Thompson’s description of the events of 1807–12, when he was usually west of the Continental Divide, the term may refer to other small species of deer, including mule deer (Odocoileus hemionus) and white-tailed deer (Odocoileus virginianus), or to small deer generically. In this context, Thompson uses “antelope” in the same way as he had used the word “chevreuil” in his journals. See Nisbet, Mapmaker’s Eye, 154; Belyea, ed., Columbia Journals, 185.

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some little distance from his burrow, we agreed to knock him on the head to death; the Badger tried to get to his burrow but we cut him off, and when we reined up our Horses he was close at their feet, his determination was soon taken, he began to burrow himself where he was, and altho’ we hastily alighted from our Horses and threw the bridles on their necks, by this time he had burrowed himself to the root of his tail, each of us laid hold of a hind leg to pull him out, but all our efforts could not start him, we continued for a quarter of an hour, when we were fairly tired and we had to leave the Badger in possession of his hasty burrow. The field Mouse4 is plentiful along the line of Woods. In Autumn they collect the roots of a kind of Tulip for provision for the winter; this they split into thin pieces of about a full half inch in width each piece is nearly round, concave on one side and convex on the other, the women open their nests and take it from them, it is always very clean, and the quantity about half a Bushel, when boiled with meat makes a good soup; but in the latter end of September the great object is the hoards the Squirrels have made of Hazel Nuts;5 when found, [iii.130] the hoard is opened out, and the nuts taken, which for the time are placed on a blanket, on this the Squirrel will come chattering, and seizing a couple of nuts, carry them back, and returns for more. The women never hurt the Squirrel; the quantity of Nuts in each hoard may be a large half bushel.6 The northern or Forest part of this great body of land is more than other parts the country of the Moose Deer, I have already made remarks on this animal7 to which I may add the remark of the Indians that it is the only Deer subject to various disorders, some so much so, as to render it’s flesh not eatable, in some cases neither the Wolves nor the Dogs will eat their flesh, the Indians can assign no cause. [Alluvials. White Fish. Nelson River. towing Boats.]1 Next eastward of the great body of land, which forms the Forest part, is a chain of Lakes, which, from the Latitude of 48 degrees north extend beyond the Latitude of 61 degrees north. These Lakes have not all the same area, but each contains a great body of fresh water, their western sides, have in places, as the Saskatchewan in the Cedar Lake, immense alluvials which are fast filling up

4 Meadow vole (Microtus pennsylvanicus). 5 Fruit of the beaked hazel (Corylus cornuta). 6 Approximately twenty litres. 7 See note on iii.45 (10). 1 This material is unique to 1848.

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these Lakes, the length of this alluvial thro’ which the latter River flows is full sixty miles, and annually increasing; this great River is so very turbid, that I have often taken a four gallon kettle full of water and after standing about three hours, the sediment was an inch, and more in thickness, even then I could not see my finger half an inch below the surface; there was no other way of making it clear but by boiling, which caused the sediment to separate from the water and become quite clear. For years numbers have drank of this water without any complaint. The Athabasca and Peace Rivers have great alluvials, but their waters are not so turbid as the Saskatchewan; the west sides of all these Lakes are somewhat shoal by these alluvials, and the shores are of Limestone, the east sides are deep, and the shores of granite, greenstone &c but no limestone. This is the region of fishes for about eighty miles in breadth, by about 900 miles in length and of Aquatic Birds, with the Beaver [iii.131] [and] Otter:2 The fish are the Sturgeon, Pike, Pickerel, Bass,3 and two sorts of White Fish, the lesser specie[s], is but a common fish; but the larger species4 is perhaps the most delicate fish in the world; we live whole winters on it and never tire of it; if good, which is not always the case; in shoal Lakes it is but common eating, but in deep water Lakes it is in perfection, it’s name is from the whiteness of its meat, it is caught in set Nets, the general length of which is, when set, from thirty to fifty fathoms in length, by about six feet in depth, the meshes 4½ to 6 inches; their weight and size of the fish depend on the extent of the Lake, and it’s depth; in small Lakes, they are from three to five pounds, in the great Lakes, they have been taken of the weight of thirteen pounds, and we remark the larger the fish, the better; they are cured by smoke and keep well; at present the Americans have the best fisheries in Lake Superior and salt down many Barrels, eight thousand barrels are mentioned, as having been salted in one year. (hardly credible)5 These are dispersed all over the upper western States at eight dollars Per Barrel, no other fish of these Lakes can bear salt. The Otter lives wholly on fish, which he is very dextrous in catching, the female has generally five young at a birth; they are very active, playful animals and when taken young, readily become very tame, and so playful, they become troublesome.

2 River otter (Lutra canadensis). 3 White bass (Morone chrysops). 4 Lake whitefish (Coregonus clupeaformis). 5 Lake Superior was the site of a thriving commercial whitefish fishery for much of the nineteenth century. Anna Brownell Jameson, in her travel memoir Winter Studies and Summer Rambles in Canada (London: Saunders and Otley, 1838), concludes a paean to the whitefish of Lake Superior by citing the figure of 8,000 barrels (3: 179).

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¶ This chain of Lakes is a great valley full of water at a high level; it collects the waters of all the upper Rivers. Next eastward of this great valley of water is the rock region, east of which is an immense body of earth, with a great descent to the sea; it’s breadth is about one hundred and seventy eight miles, through this the Saskatchewan rushes to the sea under the name of Nelson River. It is a torrent of about one mile in width, and the above distance has twenty six Carrying Places to as many Falls, of this River; it’s descent by close estimation is 1580 feet from Split Lake, the head of Nelson River to the sea, and this estimation may be relied on, as not exceeding [iii.132] the descent of the River. Hays’s River, on which York Factory is situated rises on the east of the chain of Lakes, it’s current like all the other Rivers that pass through this body of earth, which extends all along Hudson’s Bay, is rapid, and the Canoes and Boats that ascend have, for full seven’s days march to be tracked up, that is, one, or two men remain in the Canoe, or Boat, to guide it, the other men are on shore, with a strong line tied to the second bar, to this line is attached lines with a collar of canvas for the men to haul the Canoe or Boat against the current. This is too often a painful task, from the strength of the current, the badness of the beach, and worried with Musketoes, the worst of all. I have now given a sketch of the formation of this part of North America.6

6 With this signpost, Thompson brings to an end the movement that had begun on iii.114, concerned mainly with geology of the mountains and Plains, and a description of animal life.

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ii The Natives of North America

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Overleaf: In a passage that is unique to the 1848 Travels, Thompson lauds the character of the Metis (see 88–9). (Page iii.140, David Thompson Papers, m s 21, Thomas Fisher Rare Book Library, University of Toronto)

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[Indian Languages. Chepawyans. the Bow. Women. Snow Shoes. wrestling for Women. Grief. Religion. Woman: the Man shot.] The Indians of North America are of several distinct Tribes (I use the word Tribe as none of them are so numerous as to deserve the name of Nation) differing more in form, feature and physiognomy from each other, than any of the nations of Europe from each other; Messrs Gallatin and Barber,1 by their paper before me show seventeen radical languages, which apparently have no affinity with each other; each has several dialects, but had they been better acquainted with the most northern part of this continent they would have added to them more; I also count seventeen, by knowing three, which they did not know, for three which I did not know. This alone would show that North America contains various tribes of Indians. On this head some of the learned of Europe seem to have very erroneous ideas; the learned Sir James McIntosh2 (whose work, is before me) classes the Indians into only three Languages, and this along a stripe of land bounded by the Atlantic Ocean, forgetting the great breadth of this Continent, and the great width of the Pacific Ocean; As if Behrings Straits were know[n] to all the wandering tribes of Asia, few of whom are acquainted with Boats or Canoes. Even at New York the seeing of a few Indians, who are more than half civilised, is sufficient they think to form a clear idea of all the Indians on this Continent. The Esquimaux possess the coasts of Hudsons Bay, [iii.133] and round the Continent to near Behring’s Straits, and only on the coasts. They are considered to be of [e]uropean origen, are very ingenious, fond of the mechanic arts, and execute very neatly all they undertake; out of a piece of iron hoop, they make fine three square needles, with a fine eye, with which, and thread of sinews, they

1 Albert Gallatin (1761–1849), best known as United States treasury secretary under Thomas Jefferson and James Madison, published A Table of Indian Languages of the United States in 1826. He was assisted in his researches by John Quincy Adams’s secretary of war, James Barbour (1775–1842), who sent a circular on Gallatin’s behalf to all Indian agents. Gallatin elaborated upon his earlier work in his “Synopsis of the Indian Tribes of North America,” published in 1836 in the Transactions and Collections of the American Antiquarian Society; here he posited twenty-eight language families. Robert E. Bieder, Science Encounters the Indian, 1820–1880: The Early Years of American Ethnology (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1986), 16–54. 2 John McIntosh published The Origin of the North American Indians in 1843. Drawing on the work of John Heckewelder (for whom see note on 85), McIntosh proposed three radical North American Native languages: “Iroquois” (Iroquoian), “Lenape” (Algonquian) and “Floridian” (Muskogean). The Origin of the North American Indians (New York: Nafis and Cornish, 1843), 76–7.

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sew watertight boots, and other clothing; they are numerous, but I do not know their numbers, and I believe no estimation has ever been made. The Dinnae Indians formerly made war on them, but since they are somewhat armed they are, content to be at peace with them. Captain Franklin has well described these people. They need no further notice.3 ¶ The Indians of the interior country from Churchill in Hudson’s Bay to almost across the Continent call themselves Din nae,4 to distinguish their tribes they prefix a name as Tzah Dinnae, or Beaver Indians. The name the Nahathaway Indians give them is Che pa wy an, by which name they are known to the Traders. Their forms and features bespeak a distinct origen, from the Nahathaway Indians and allow they have crossed by Behrings Straits; yet there are circumstances which do not agree with this theory. To have crossed this Strait, they must have been acquainted with Boats of some kind, but they know nothing of Boats or Canoes, except a few who live on the southern boundary, and have learned to make small Canoes from the Na hath a way Indians.5 [iii.133a] They are generally tall, from five feet nine inches to six feet two inches, many of the latter height; and few are less than five feet seven inches; some of them are of a light active make, but most of them are muscular and formed to bear great fatigue, necessary to the hard countries, and climate they live in; the face is a long oval, the forehead moderate the eyes lively black and small; the nose straight and prominent, the cheek bones rather high, the chin narrow, the mouth and lips passable, tho’ not handsome in features, they have a manly look, and somewhat mild; the women, from childhood, from carrying and hauling loads beyond their strength, cause what little beauty nature intended for them to be lost in the sufferings of the hardships to which they are subjected; and which are such, that many women do not let their female infants live out of compassion to them; A Woman was reproached for letting her female infant die, replied “I wish my mother out of pity had done the same to me.” This causes women to be not equal in numbers to the men, and Polygamy is almost unknown. The young men marry late, and in order to obtain a Wife, frequently take girls of ten to twelve years of age, and 3 The Inuit are the subject of several pages in the 1850 version (iii.6–7; 16–24), which include substantial extracts from the writings of Sir John Franklin and Sir John Richardson. 4 The Chipewyan are the subject of two sections in the 1850 version: a general treatment appears at iv.82–5 (I: 133–6), and specific anecdotes are recounted at iv.107–14 (I: 161–5). 5 The foot of this page bears the marginal notation, “To be rewritten.” Theories of Native origin were of abiding interest to Thompson, and he gathered his thoughts on the subject in his essay “The Natives of North America” (339–45).

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in fact this is the only way a wife can be obtained. They all walk well especially on Snow Shoes, and which they use for seven months; and those for the latter part of the season, are in length, the height of the Man; the fore part pointed and turned up. The inner side of each Shoe is s[h]orter than the outside, which makes them more easy for walking. As the Na hath a way Indians retire to the southward, these people take their place, and now are found south of the Latitude of 56 degrees north, and by the Peace River extend to the east foot of the Mountains. Their original country, was from Churchill River northward, to high latitudes interior of the sea coasts (but not on the coasts, from whence they have extended westward. ¶ [iii.133] They are awkward with the Bow and Arrow, they draw the Bow to their breasts, holding it in a horizontal position, and thus with the thumb above the string and two fingers beneath, they direct the arrow, which seldom fails to hit what they aim at, but the flight of the arrow is short and of no force. The other Indians despise them as Bow Men Archers. These Indians have some good qualities, and in general are very humane but the hard, harsh, treatment of their women have always sunk them low in my estimation; their women are loaded beyond credibility, with every thing of domestic use, provisions &c. They have no pity on them, and while the woman, whom he calls his wife is heavily loaded and with a child on her back, the [iii.134] man carrying nothing but his gun. A stout powerful Chepawyan who was hunter to my trading Post, had a girl of about fourteen years old given to him for a wife. He loaded her with all he had, the day was warm, and the brute made her carry his gun, he walking quite light of every thing. Women appear to belong only to the strong except they have children; when I wintered at the Rein Deers Lake, a scene took place which I shall never forget; I had for Hunter a tall Chepawyan of light make, but very active, his Wife was a good looking young woman, and they appeared to live happy together, one day in the month of March, a Chepawyan came to the trading Post; of his height, but of a powerful make: he had no sooner entered, than he demanded my Hunter, (called the Crane,) to give up his Wife, or he would take her by force; I said nothing, as I wished to see how the Affair would go on, the Crane said he should not have her, he replied, “my woman is dead and I must have your woman;” with that he seized the Crane, and a wrestling match took place, he nobly maintained the conflict for some time, but at length he fell under his more powerful opponent, who instantly began twisting his neck, we made him let go his hold, he then twisted one of his hands in the hair of the woman to drag her away, we made him let go, presenting a pistol to him, I told him to go out of the House or I would send a Ball through him, which he did; at the door he turned round, and said to the Crane, “you are now protected by the white men but the first time I meet you, I will twist your neck, and take your woman from you.” I advised him to

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associate with the Na hath a way Indians, among whom such violence is not known;6 the Chepawyans who are often in company with the Na hath a way Indians become a superior race of men and women, to those more to the northward who still retain their brutish customs, they adopt their manners, their women altho’ subject to much drudgery, are treated with more [iii.135] kindness, and not subjected to such heavy burthens, the Men helping them; the Chepawyans to the eastward, in the open season are often obliged to seek the Rein Deer on the barren lands, where the ground is covered with Moss, but no Trees of any kind; in dry weather, the moss makes a tolerable fire; but in wet weather no fire can be made of it, these people are then obliged to eat raw meat, which they do from necessity, not choice; but with fish, many of them eat them raw from choice; they have much to learn, and are willing to learn; on the whole they are a mild inoffensive people, and abhor shedding human blood; [iii.135a] One of these Indians of about 24 years of age, had a Wife, with whom he appeared comfortable, she kept every thing in good order; one day in  December he came to my trading Post very late at night much depressed in  mind, after smoking, I enquired the cause, he said “my hand is red with blood;” “how so” naming an Indian who was a strong powerful Man, “he came to my Tent and demanded my wife, I knew I was too weak to wrestle with him, I took my gun, and went out of the Tent he called to my Wife to come out, she would not; he then went into the Tent twisted his hand in her hair, and dragged her out; she looked at me, and said, ‘Are you my husband,’ I could bear it no longer. I shot him dead; and moved away.” I told him I would have done the same; he traded and went to his Tent; I saw him several times, always the same solitary being, no Person would keep company with him; and whenever other Families met him, the Women broke all they had to pieces; and kept him as poor as possible.7 ¶ [iii.135] As to Religion I could see none, success did not make them thankful to the great Spirit; which is prevalent among other Indians; they have a vague idea of another world, where every thing is much the same as this world; A Woman lost her first born, son of about seven years of age, her constant mournful cry was in a low voice, She az za (my little Son) this she incessantly repeated (the custom with all the women) at times bursting into tears, in about six months after, her husband died. After the first grief, though the same cry continued, which is always for a year, she became cheerful; I enquired of her the

6 The tale of the Crane is recounted in the 1850 version at iv.108 (I: 161–2). 7 This story is embellished considerably in the 1850 version, in which Thompson describes three separate visits: two by the protagonist and one by his uncle, who is the one who reveals the key events of the story (see iv.109–11; I: 162–4).

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cause of this change, she replied, “my little Son was alone, when the Chepawyans removed from place to place, my little Son had to follow them, without any one to take care of him, his father is gone to him, and he will be taken care of and be no longer friendless, I regret my husband, but he is with my son.”8 When sick, they appear to have no remedies, comfort and care is all they have, their hard country seems to possess but few medicinal roots. Altho’ a tolerable lively people, I never saw them dance, nor have they any musical instruments, indeed their whole attention seems to be turned to self preservation; the dead are too often carelessly buried; sometimes in winter a few Logs [iii.136] of wood, in summer there is no want of stones to secure the dead. Their Language is harsh and guttural, and is not acquired by other Indians, but they readily speak the language of other Indians. [Na hath a way. Language &c. Metch e Manito. Conjurers. Conjuring hut. Scotchmen. Dances.] The next in order is the Na hath a way Indians,1 of several tribes and dialects whom I have already noticed; then the Stone Indians of about 500 Tent, they are the northern tribes of the Sieux Nation; westward of these are Sussee, the Blackfeet, the Blood Indians, and Fall or Willow Indians, and to the foot of the Mountains the Pee a gans; the most numerous and warlike of all the tribes, and yet never noticed by the writers of the United States. All these Tribes are in peace and alliance with each other. The Nahathaway Indians appear to be the primitive stock of the several tribes of this people from the Latitude of sixty degrees north, southward to the Delaware River, (for the Vocabulary of Heckewelder of the Delaware Indians is a dialect of these people)2 but altho’ the primitive language is soft and fluent with many vowels it is still more softened as the dialects proceed southward, thus in the primitive tongue, Neether, me; Keether you, Weether, them; are softened down to Neeyer, me Keeyer, you, Weeyer, them. All these Tribes, are more, or less a religious, and too often a superstitious people. 8 For the 1850 version of this episode, see iv.111–12 (I: 164). 1 For the Cree, see note on iii.34a above (5). A marginal notation here, reading “these live in the high countries, and make use of Horses, and no Canoes,” refers specifically to the Plains Cree. The note was later removed and replaced by iii.136a. 2 The Lenape, speakers of an Algonquian language, whose ancestral lands centred on the Delaware River. John Heckewelder (1743–1823), a missionary and amateur linguist, included a vocabulary of the Lenape in his Account of the History, Manners and Customs of the Indian Nations, Who Once Inhabited Pennsylvania and the Neighbouring States (A. Small: Philadelphia, 1818).

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[iii.136a] These tribes of the Nahathaway retain the primitive name, although by their removal westward of the great chain of Lakes, to the southern part of the great Forest, and eastern parts of the great Plains, they no longer make use of Canoes and Birch Rind Tents in summer, and flat Sleds and Snow Shoes in winter, but for these have Horses for hunting and the removal of their Tents and Baggage. I have noticed their Religion to show how little it differs from those of the low countries. ¶ [iii.136] They acknowledge the Great Spirit, the Master of Life, to be good, kind, and benevolent, he is the master of all the Animals, and of the Earth, all powerful when he pleases; under him are various Manito’s who have the care and and guidance of the Animals, Birds, and Fishes. There is nothing without a presiding Manito: they have another kind of Manito in Wee sauk e jauk, the Flatterer who has much to do in love affairs; but is not much regarded tho’ his power is great, the Metchee Manito the bad Spirit is the great object of their fear, their aversion, and religious rites, that he may be appeased, and not hurt them; to the Keet che Manito no offering is made of the life of any animal, the offerings are of ornaments, of ribbons, gartering, sweet smelling roots, flowers &c &c, and branches of trees, the offerings are placed some feet above the ground [iii.137] and speeches and thanksgiving made, with requests of life health, and success in hunting; and that the Manito’s who have the care of the Animals may be kind to them, and allow them to be killed. All their religious acts are accompanied with smoking, to the skies, to the Earth and to the four Winds. The Sun and Moon are Divinities. The Meetche Manito as I have said is much feared, and so far as his power goes, is always their enemy in every thing they do, to appease him, various offerings are made to him, which are placed on the ground, and on great occasions, a Dog is killed, laid with his nose to the fire, here he is painted over the head and nose with ochre, or vermillion; after speeches, and singing accompanied with the Rattle (Se se qui) and sometimes the tambour, the head of the Dog is turned to the door of the tent, or lodge, and as the song proceeds, he is gently hauled out by a young man; and when fairly without the door, he is taken a short distance, and sometimes hung; and sometimes laid on the ground; thus for a time the evil Spirit is appeased; the women bear no part in this sacrifice. They have faith in the power of their Songs accompanied with the Rattle, for raising the wind or calming it, as occasion may require; many of them pretend at times to have superhuman power, and that they have something of the Manito in them, willing to deceive themselves and others;3

3 Most elements of this discussion of Cree belief and ceremonials are elaborated upon in the 1850 version (see iv.40–3; I: 99–101), but the description of the dog sacrifice to the evil deity Macimanitōw is cut down considerably.

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¶ They have a few Conjure[r]s among them, but they are awkward jugglers; they boast of being able to cure the sick by violently sucking the affected part, and when tired, generally produce a small bone (the Leg bone of some small bird) which they say they have sucked out of the patient but which they have taken out of their Medicine Bag, the cause of his illness; they have a few roots and simples,4 they are almost all purgative, or emetic. Some of the Conjurers perform a feat which surprises us, and for which we know not how to account; four strong poles are placed firmly in the ground; at the height of about five feet, cross pieces are tied, and full three feet above this, other cross pieces tied, the whole of this space every way well covered with leather; the Indian who is to perform the act of conjuration is naked except [iii.138] his breech cloth; his two thumbs are tied together, and the fingers of each hand also tied to one another, but the hands are separate except the Thumbs; his feet are tied at the ankles, his arms bound to his body by ten or twelve fathoms of cord, and in such a manner that he cannot move any part of himself; he is wrapped up in a Moose leather Skin, or a Bison Robe; and a cord also put about this; in this helpless state he is lifted and laid in the conjuring box described, no person could believe he could get loose, without help; of this he has none whatever; his rattle is placed beside him, in about ten, or fifteen minutes, the Rattle is heard in all it’s force, the conjuring box is violently shaken, and the Bison Robe or Moose skin, and all the cords are thrown out, he sings aloud his conjuring song; and the several spectators around are witnesses that all has been fairly transacted, it is a strange feat; In his song he pretends to tell something of futurity. I remember once, when an Indian was about to act this conjuration, three or four scotchmen were standing by, who said, if they were allowed to tie him, he would never get loose; the Indian agreed they should tie him, which they did in the same way, and as usual he was placed in the conjuring box, but in less than fifteen minutes, the Rattle was going, the Bison Robe and the cords thrown out to the utter dismay of the Scotchmen, who consoled themselves by saying the devil had come to help him. There are not many Indians who can perform this feat.5 ¶ They are fond of sweating themselves, which is done by placing small trees, or strong willows, each end fixed in the ground to form a sweating place of about 3½ feet in height, in the shape of a Bee hive, which is closely covered with Blankets, the Indian, sometimes three or four, get into it naked, and sit down; a Kettle of hot water is brought, into which hot stones are thrown, and the Steam being confined makes an excellent vapour bath, which they heat as they please, the Rattle is always with them, and now employed [iii.139] with all

4 Herbs employed medicinally. 5 The shaking lodge is described in the 1850 version at iv.47a–b (I: 105–6).

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their force, singing to it’s noise, their voices are strong and clear, both of men and women;6 they are fond of music and dancing; the fiddle is their favorite, tho’ none learn to play upon it, they have dances at times; especially in the spring and autumn, when the birds of passage arrive and depart, all their dances have something of a religious character, the Rattle, the Tambour and the Song are directed to the great Spirit, and some Manito, praying for what they want, or preventing, the evils they dread. Living wholly by hunting, at best a precarious life, they sometimes suffer severely, which in great part is their own fault in not making dried meat; [Weapons. half breed natives. Tents and Duties. Superior to in the Forests. Sleds. Moose hunting. Red Deer.] ¶ The gun, (or fowling piece) of three to four feet length of barrel, carrying about twenty Balls to the pound is the weapon they hunt with, these guns, carry a ball 120 yards with effect, and large shot for geese full sixty yards and Indians are generally sure shots, they place no value on the rifle, as too noisy and too long in Loading, and the ball too small for large animals; (of the use (of the Rifle in these countries, I shall say [no] more until hereafter.)) These Indians know how to wield the Hatchet, but make no use of it as a tomahawk, which is almost peculiar to the Iroquois. They are good Archers, and hold the Bow vertically, drawing the string with the Arrow to the ear, by which the whole force of the hand is employed; the Bows are mostly made of young Larch Wood, of about four feet in length, elastic and supple, the string is of the sinews of animals, mostly from the back, the Boys are all brought up to the use of the Bow, which they are continually practising on squirrels, Grouse, Plover and small Birds, and thereby become good marksmen Archers, the Men seldom use the Bow, unless they have no Ammunition for the Gun; the arrow is feathered, with the wing and tail feathers of the goose, and when these are wanting, with those of the owl, or hawk, the Boys often make good hunts, and contribute to the support of the family; the Lance, or Spear is not [iii.140] made use of except for fish. They have no other weapons than those I have mentioned; ¶ The Na hath a way Indians (their own name) have more mild, and pleasing manners and more readily associate with white men, than any other Tribe, the women are modest and graceful, finely formed, and they become the wives of the Traders, and of the men; they all become Mothers, and attachments are formed, which lasts for Life, and when opportunity offers legal Marriages take place, of which, little can be said of any other Tribe; the issues of these

6 This passage on the sweat lodge is unique to 1848.

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marriages are called Metiss, the men of this race are of a fine form, taller than their Fathers possessing great courage and activity, and good hunters and employed by the Traders; the Women are very finely formed, of fine features and handsome, they are taller than their mothers, and much sought after for wives and mothers, and are fully as faithful to their husbands as women generally are. The Indians confess they are a race superior to themselves, they are now so numerous as to form a Tribe distinct from the pure Indians, and by their courage, every where ensure respect. They rule the country in which they reside; the Red River and westward of it; proud and haughty they have bickerings and quarrels, but blood is seldom, or never shed, they are frank and hospitable, and what is somewhat strange, the Metiss of Englishmen hold themselves superior to those of french origin, though all are placed under equal circumstances; I do not know the number of the Metiss and their descendants, but from report they may be about full three to four thousand. Like all other people they have their faults, but they have many virtues.1 The winter habitations of these Indians are made of well dressed leather of the Moose Deer, the Red Deer or of the Bison; that of the Moose Deer, is the best dressed leather, and when smoked almost impervious to rain, the only objection is [iii.141] it’s weight, when Horses or Canoes are used, this is not regarded, but to carry, or haul it, is a heavy burthen, as most of these Tents weight fifty pounds. The leather of the hide of the Red Deer is lighter, and on this account often preferred. The hide of the Bison made into leather, is much lighter, but it is not firm, and made into shoes soon wears out. Tents made of this may weigh thirty pounds. No leather can be dressed without the brains of an animal being well spread over the whole of it, and then well smoked, the women dress all the leather, and the shoes they make are well adapted, and easy, to the feet. Their dishes are made of the rind of the White Birch, which are very light and portable, the largest they make use of, may hold about three quarts, and down to half a pint. They are generally of a square form, the Birch Rind is neatly cut to adapt it to this form, and sewed with the fine roots of the pine, they are all water tight; they sometimes make nests of them fitted into each other very neatly, from three quarts to half a pint; in the larger ones, for want of 1 This passage on the Métis is unique to 1848. Thompson’s comments on the high qualities of Métis women may be considered in light of the background of his wife, Charlotte Small. Sylvia Van Kirk, in her study “Many Tender Ties”: Women in Fur-Trade Society, 1670–1870 (Winnipeg: Watson & Dwyer, 1980), writes of the desirability of Métis women for fur traders. On the cultural level, mixed-blood women were comfortable with life in the West, but they could also adapt to European expectations; on the personal level, traders generally showed a preference for their lighter skin and sharper features – Thompson’s “of fine features and handsome” (95–6; 113–14).

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a Kettle, the meat and water is put in and boiled by stones heated in the fire, but the Indians are generally very careful to buy a brass Kettle from the Traders, of the size of four gallons to one gallon, on these they set a great value, and they are almost constantly on over the fire; A noted Gambler, lost almost every thing he had, but his brass Kettle. He was urged to stake that also, he said his Kettle was the life of his Wife and Children, and he would not risque it. Very neat setts of Birch Rind dishes are made round, but this is not the favourite form.2 [iii.142] Their Sleds are flat of about eight feet in length of which about two feet is turned up and about half an Inch in thickness, the pieces are held together by pieces of wood, called Bars, sowed across them, about thirty inches from each other, at each end of the Bar is a notch for a strong line to pass which line goes all round the sled, and whatever is placed on the sled is lashed to this line. The more pieces the sled is composed of, the easier it slides along; we have made trials of a single board, or in two pieces, but they were weighty to haul, and had to be split into several pieces, such is experience; in winter, in the Forests, every one has a sled hauling something, each dog has a sled;3 except a particular kind of Dog, called Mah mees of a light elegant form, sharp muzzle, a spot over each eye, the head rather long and small, if they haul a sled, it is of light weight, they have a very fine scent and can trace an animal with certainty, and point out the weakest part of the Beaver Houses, Musk Rats &c, yet the Indians are careful that no Dog shall accompany them when hunting, as they are not sufficiently under command, the common dogs of the Indians are wretched curs half wolf, half dog, they are very destructive, knaw every thing within their reach, the women are often obliged to tie their jaws together, the Indians seldom keep more than one for each woman; they are anxious to get the puppies of the english Dogs, which they bring up with care; they are free from the bad habits of their own Dogs. ¶ In hunting, in the Plains, the Indian, and the white man, being a good shot, the difference is not much between them, and this is principally in a knowledge of the country; but in the Forest it is otherwise, exercised from boyhood to pay close attention to every thing which the white man cannot bring himself to notice, he is guided by marks, a sufficient guide to him; the hardest time is the fall of the Leaves of the Aspin and Birch with the willow, for all these Leaves cover each other in a certain form, if any derangement takes place, it must have been by some animal; while the Leaves are falling are the hardest times, as the

2 The bottom third of iii.141 is cut away. 3 A marginal notation next to this passage about sleds reads, “I think done, or to find it’s place.” The material on Cree winter tents, dishes, and sleds is largely unique to 1848.

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last Leaves cover the former, and the Indian in this season, may be said to hunt more by the eye [iii.143] than by traces of the animal: the Indians are by no means equally skilful in hunting; the difference is very great, some of them confine themselves to the Beaver and lesser animals, a skilful Hunter, has sometimes two wives, if not more, he is looked up to with respect, and the less fortunate Hunters depend on him for support; some are so fortunate that the Indians say, they first make the animals, and then kill them; the Moose Deer is the master animal, a good Moose Hunter ranks above all others, and they are not many; it is difficult to unravel his rude circular feedings without getting to windward of him. In a calm he cannot be approached, nor with variable winds, the Hunter’s fortunate time is a steady gale of wind. When hunting with an Indian we came on the track of a Moose Deer, he stopped about ten minutes examining every thing, and then said “it is a Doe Moose, she was feeding here two days ago,” we then quietly advanced on the track for about two hundred yards when he made another stop, and showed me the buds and tops of willows fresh cut, he said “she is not far off, stay you here, if you hear me fire and I give the death call come to me, if not, I will come to you;” coolly noting the ground, at length he said “she is there,” pointing to the place with his finger. He went off, and in about an hours time I heard a shot, and shortly after the death call of the Moose Deer, Wut, wut, wut, repeated for about one minute; she was a full grown Doe and fat, she was soon skinned cut up, and secured against the Wolves; the Moose Deer is the only animal that must be hunted in this quiet manner; the Red Deer, the Rein Deer and the Bison require great activity in the Hunter, as they feed in small herds, and start away at the first shot, when the Hunter must follow then as fast as he can run; I have often admired the steady cautious step of the Indian in the Forests, he seems to be walking in a careless manner, yet very rarely breaks any branch, or parts of it lying on the ground, while we are breaking every thing that comes in our way.4 [Early Marriages. not barren. hard duties. Superstition. Camping &c. Tents convenient &c. the Months. names.]1 ¶ They marry early, the Men at about twenty years of age, or a little later; the Women at fifteen, these [iii.144] early marriages, are attended with no debility,

4 Hunting is described in the 1850 version at iv.50–2 (I: 108–10); there, the moose-tracking feat is ascribed to a Cree hunter named Huggemowequan. 1 While Thompson discusses Cree marriage and gender roles briefly in 1850 (see iv.49; I: 107–8), most of the material in this section is unique.

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every woman has a husband, the Men think it is their duty to take care of the Women as wives; and a barren woman is very rare among them. They bare children to about the age of forty five years; and few women have less than five to ten children, seven may be the average, the children are brought up with great care and tenderness.2 The duties of a wife; principally consists in keeping the Tent clean and every thing in good order, cutting of wood for the fire, and bringing it to the tent, and keeping up the fire in the tent, cooking the Provisions, which are generally boiled, as the drippings of roasted meat in the fire has a bad smell, this last is done in the open air, dressing the skins of the Deer and Bison into soft leather, and going for, and bringing the meat of the animals killed, if they have no horses, they must carry or haul it as the season may be, and other lesser duties. I have often been surprized to see how straight they go to the animal killed by the Hunter, merely by his directions, four or more miles off. In short they lead an active life, but otherwise are treated with kindness and respect, and their lives are far superior to the lower class of our own Women I wish to God I could say otherwise. The Man applies himself solely to hunting and keeping his gun in good order, when he is successful [iii.145] he may have an idle day, or two, but if otherwise, he becomes fatigued with his day’s hunting, and sometimes so for several days; he then becomes dispirited, and too frequently superstitious, he imagines himself th[wa]rted by some Manito, whom he supplicates with a song and his rattle; an Indian came to me to manito cassean his gun, (conjure it)3 for the Balls did not go to the animals, he said he had fired it at a Moose Deer, “she looked at me but did not start, she knew my gun could not hurt her;” I concluded that he had too slightly wadded the Ball with the moss of the Trees. It had fallen out; to reason with him was of no use, I therefore took his gun, and on each side of the middle of the butt of the gun, put some red sealing wax, and sealed it, taking care to give him several bits of coarse paper with which to wad the Ball; now confident of his gun, he went off, next day went a hunting, and was successful which he attributed to the sealed wax, of which he was careful. 2 Some thirteen lines have been cut from the middle of iii.144 here. 3 The word “cassean” may indicate the Cree verb kase’hum, denoting “wiping” or “rubbing over,” which is suggestive of the action that the hunter wishes Thompson to perform. Edwin Arthur Watkins and Richard Faries, A Dictionary of the Cree Language as Spoken by the Indians in the Provinces of Quebec, Ontario, Manitoba, Saskatchewan and Alberta (Toronto: General Synod of the Church of England in Canada, 1938), 227, 267.

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¶ When they remove, the Man some times carries, or hauls, a light load, with his Medicine Bag which the women are not allowed to touch, he designates the place for them to go to, when he arrives he hangs up his Medicine Bag at the intended place and goes off a hunting, as they seldom move in the forests more than six to ten miles at a time, all the rest belongs to the women, who are generally three to a tent, or more, sometimes two families, every thing is neatly packed up, what cannot be taken away is placed on a small stage for a second trip, the tent is taken down folded up, and with the rest taken to the intended place, on arrival they look about for the best place for the Tent, the  snow is taken away the ground made level, the Tent Poles are cut, and three of the best tied strongly together about a foot from the small ends. These are extended on the ground to suit the size of the tent, which are filled between by other poles resting on the tied end of the first [iii.146] three poles, a strong pole is tied to the upper part of the back of the Tent, and raised to lie in the centre of the other poles, the Tent is now drawn round the whole of the Poles, the front part laced together, leaving for the door way a height of near four feet by about thirty inches in breadth, for a man easily to enter. The door is made of strong undressed hide, to the upper and lower parts of which a stick is tied across to make it steady and cover the door way; if near Pine Woods, the Tent is neatly floored with Pine Branches, which make a good bed, if among other Woods, the flooring is of the finer branches but not equal to the Pine Branches for softness and smell. On the right hand side of the Tent is the place of the man, three neat sticks of about five feet in length, tied together at one end, and then tied to one of the Tent Poles, spread on the ground, and a Bison Robe tied to cover them, a Bison Robe is spread on the branches, on this the man with his wife sits, and reclines on the Robe on the Sticks, and is comfortable, a great relief after a hard day of fatigue in hunting. Whatever other women there are, their place is on the other side of the Tent, which they make as comfortable as they can, the back part is assigned to Provisions, and necessary articles, a good fire is in the middle, the aperture for the smoke is about thirty inches in width, they keep the lower part as free of smoke as possible, but boisterous winds frequently cause the Tents to smoke. On the whole, they are cool in summer, no fire being allowed but sufficient to make a smoke to keep out the Musketoes, and other Flies; in the cold seasons the cold regulates the quantity of fire required to keep the Tent warm. On the whole they can be made comfortable, and I have passed many Months in them, with as much comfort as I could expect. These Tents are admira[b]ly adapted to their moveable way of Life, but they move as seldom as possible, and [iii.147] remain as long as convenient; an Indian is naturally indolent, and it is necessity

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that obliges him to move from place to place, as the hopes of being successful in hunting may induce him. ¶ The Moon’s indicate the state of the Animals, and of the Birds. Thus in summer and to the rutting season the Males are fat, after which they become lean and are not regarded by the Hunter, his attention is then turned to the Cow Bison, and Doe Deer. Their names of the Moons are as follows, but the irregularity of the Moons often puzzles them to know what names to give to the Moons. As near as possible I have adapted them to our Months to give a clearer idea of them. March begins their year. The Moon is Tip is kow Pee shim. March. Meek e shoo Peeshim. Eagle Moon. now seen first April, Nees kar Peeshim. Goose Moon   ditto May. A theek oo Peeshim Frog Moon. June Opin e how Peeshim. Birds sitting on eggs. July Oo pusk o Peeshim Molting Moon. August. Oo pee how Peeshim. Young birds able to fly. September Nootch e to Peeshim. The rutting season. October Nee pee ar Pork e tin. Leaves of Trees fallen November A theek a pu Peeshim. Rime on the Trees December Pow wautch a gun a shish very cold January Kus kut e no Peeshim. Rivers and Lakes all frozen February. Kish a Peeshim, the old, or last Moon. Here are only twelve Moons, which are all they find names for: To the rising and setting of the Stars they pay some attention, as the Pleiades, Orion, Arcturus, and Sirius, but their motions in time are too slow; the Planets they regard as large wandering Stars. The Moon is the great object of their attention. Both the Sun and Moon are called Pee shim, the Sun, Kish e kow Peeshim, the day Peeshim, the Moon Tip is kow Peeshim, the night Peeshim. Both the Sun and Moon are Divinities. I have noticed their belief in Manitoes who have the care and guidance of the Animals, but they believe in other beings to whom they assign no care of any thing. [iii.148]4 They have no traditions worth notice, seldom even to their great grandfathers, and they seem not to value any except on the countries they possessed; the vicissitudes of their own lives are sufficient for their attention; they have a few Stories which the Women relate, in all of which Wee sauk e jauk, (the Flatterer) bears a part.

4 Some seventeen lines have been cut from the top of iii.148.

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[Nahathaway’s country. Play and gambling. Eap pis tim’s Horse. future state.]1 The numbers of these Indians, and several tribes speaking dialects of their Language from the Latitude of 56 degrees north, southward to the Delaware River, are unknown, nor can I form a rough estimate, beyond that for scattered Indians they are numerous; when the French Canadians first engaged in the Fur Trade, they were at the south end of the great Slave Lake; but as the Pee a gan Indians with their confederates, drove the Snake Indians, and their allies to the southward, and occupied the country thus gained, the Na hathaway Indians took possession of the country thus left, so that the Latitude of 55 degrees may be at present their northern limit, it may be said that since the Pee a gans, and their allies drove the Snake [iii.149] Indians across the Missisourie River and the Mountains there, the Indian tribes have become stationary, so far as regards the limits of their hunting grounds, and these limits are in a manner by a kind of tacit agreement; so that each tribe shall have a suff[ic]ient space of hunting lands according to the animals on these lands. ¶ Their Games are few and simple; the principal Game is a small shell or bit of wood, which is inclosed in one of the hands. The person that has this, singing all the while, apparently changes it from one hand to the other, when tired of this, he holds his arms straight out with his hands closed, for the others to guess in which hand it is. If they succeed he loses the stakes whatever they may be, and gives his place to another, who acts in the same manner. If they miss, he takes their part of the stakes, leaving his own to meet what they put down; thus the game continues for a great part of the night. The other game is, a number of small sticks of about four inches in length, is placed in a large bowl of wood and shaken together, tossed up in the bowl, into which they fall, their positions across each other determine who is the winner. A third game much practised by the young men is a small hoop of about two inches diameter is rolled along the ground. Each party carries two arrows, which are thrown thro’ the hoop to stop it’s course, and the position of the Arrow, decide who is the winner. When they die, the Person man, or woman, is dressed in the best clothes they have: decently laid out, and covered until they are taken a way to where they are to lie, in summer a shoal grave is dug, with pointed sticks, the body laid in it and covered with earth; but they do not trust to this slight defence against the

1 Most of the contents of this section are unique to 1848; exceptions are the material on games, much of which is presented in the 1850 version, in association with the Piegan (see iv.296–9; I: 310–12), and Cree belief about the Aurora Borealis (see iv.104f; I: 157).

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Wolves and Foxes &c. They build of small logs of wood, a shed over the grave in the form of the sharp roof of a house, about 3½ feet in height, and close it at both ends, in the open season they cover it with Birch Rind to prevent the Rain going through; if in winter, they must wait the warm weather, when the Birch Rind can be raised off the bark of the Tree. The Grave is thus secure from animals and rain.2 [iii.149 paste-on] One of my men got benighted, the weather was dark and rainy, he came to one of these graves covered with Birch Rind, one end happened to be open, he went in, laid down, and slept soundly; the next morning he came to us, we enquired, where he had passed the night, he told us, we remarked, that he had slept on the grave of an Indian; a shaking and shivering came on him, as if a ghost had got hold of him; nor could we laugh him out of it; it appears when a boy he was fond of ghost stories. [iii.149] They all believe in the immortality of the soul, and many believe that all the animals [iii.150] to which the great Spirit has given life have souls which at their death go to the other world, a sad instance of this came to my knowledge. Ee ap is tim,3 often hunted for me, he was a brave warrior, and had been in several battles; his favorite War Horse was taken great care of; when he died, he requested this Horse should not be killed in the usual way, as he wished to receive him in the other world without a hole in his skin. He was buried, his War Horse was then taken to his grave by two Indians, his relations, and made to stand on the grave, with his head direct over his masters head, in this position his fore legs were tied together, but not close to each other, his fore feet were then pinned down, and also his hind feet; so that he could not move, in this state the Indians left him to die; when they left him, the Horse looked after them, and neighed as if sensible of his fate; one of them told me it required all his resolution to prevent him going back, and cutting him loose. Two years afterwards one of these Indians visited the Grave and found all the bones of the Horse undisturbed, the Wolves had not taken away a Bone, the Manito had guarded them. On the passage to the other world, there are various opinions, the two passages of the Soul in which most believe are, on leaving this world, the Soul comes to an immense long pole over an abyss this has to be crossed to get to the land of Spirits. The good are met by kind Spirits, who assist and support

2 A marginal notation here reads “to find its place.” 3 Eeapistim, a Cree whose name Thompson translates as “He Dog,” hunted and traded at Rocky Mountain House. In October 1800, he accompanied Thompson on his journey toward the mountains, to meet a party of Kootenai (a o . 13.89–96).

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them across it until they are safe; the bad are left to their own exertions, they soon fall into the abys, where they for ever wander in darkness. The other opinion is, the Soul comes to the foot of a steep mountain inaccessible to the soul, the good by the help of the spirits of their relations, are assisted up it to a most lovely country where every thing they can wish for is in abundance, and where they meet all those dear to them, and wait for those that are to come; the bad wander, without ever finding a passage up it. They consider the Aurora Borealis to be composed of the souls of the dead, and call them Jee pi erk, (the dead) when they move with velocity and are bright, they exclaim [iii.151] how happy the Dead are to night, they are drinking Rum and dancing to the enlivening songs of the other world.4 [Sussee and Stone Indians, stealing.] The next Tribe are Sussee Indians,1 they are a small tribe of about 40 Tents, and speak a dialect of the Chepawyan Language; but others think it has no affinity with the latter, and this appears to be the case to me. I have often heard both Tribes. The Sussee Language is difficult of pronunciation, and other Indians do not learn it. The next westward are the Stone Indians, of about five hundred Tents, they are the great northern Tribe of the Sieux Indians: these three Tribes are in strict alliance with each other. Many years ago a feud happened between them and their southern brethren in which several were killed. This made them go to the right bank of the Saskatchewan, and westward of this River; aggressions frequently took place, but after about thirty years of separation they became reconciled; these Indians are noted Horse Thieves, and the sight of two of them is a warning to take care of, and watch the Horses; but they have so many tricks they too often succeed: One of the most successful was played off on some Orkney Men in the service of the Hudsons Bay Company; four of them in the summer were taking care of about fifty Horses, part of these had their fore feet tied together; they were feeding in a fine meadow, close to which was a dry bank where they placed themselves to watch the Horses with loaded Guns; at night two of them walked among the Horses by turns: five or six active Stone Indians had been watching them several days to no purpose, at length they dressed themselves to resemble the small Antelope, with each the horns of a young buck on his head, in this state going on all fours, they approached the Horses, while the Men were at dinner, who merely

4 Marginal notations here read, “I think done” and “done.” 1 For the Sarcee, see note on I: 272.

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noticed to each other the Deer feeding among the Horses. Having with caution got among the Horses, they soon cut asunder the tyings of the Horses legs, which done, each of them sprung with their Horns on an active Horse with [iii.152] the hunting holloa, drove all the Horses before them, and were soon out of sight. The Men were taken by surprize. They ran after them, fired their guns to no purpose; these young Indians brought the Horses safe to the Camp, where they met the applause of the Men, and the caresses of the Women, the pride of young men:2 [Peagans. Saddles. Horses &c. Horses Slays. Wild Horses. Grizled Bear. fatal effects.] ¶ The next south westward are the Blackfeet, westward of them the Blood Indians, and next to the foot of the Mountains are the Pee a gans.1 These last possess a fine country all the south branches of the Saskatchewan River, and the northern branches of the Missisourie River which they have conquered from the Snake Indians; these three Tribes speak the same Language, which is distinct from all others, and the neighbouring Indians acquire it, but they learn the Language of no other Tribes; all these are called Indians of the Plains, and are confederate with the Stone Indians and their allies. The Nath a way Indians of the Forests only for summer have Canoes; in Winter Snow Shoes and Sleds; all unknown to the Indians of the Plains. These latter pride themselves on the number, and goodness of their Horses,2 some of them take great care of them, but there are all shades, down to ill treatment; those who are careful of their Horses, have saddle cloths of the Bison and saddles of the same leather, which may be said to be bags narrow in the middle and wider at both ends, joined together by a piece of leather of about four inches width to suit the back of the Horse. They are stuffed with the hair of the Bison, but if possible with the hair of the Deer; when not stuffed too hard this kind of saddle does very well; Stirrups are made of wood covered with raw hide. Large ones of this make, are used for loaded Horses, on which two large square bags of parchment hide are 2 This story of the theft of h b c horses is related in the 1850 version at iv.308–9 (I: 318). 1 The Piegan are accorded the most extensive and sustained treatment of any tribe in the 1848 version of the Travels. Over thirty manuscript pages detail aspects of Piegan life, including marriage, horse culture, weapons, hunting, and the conduct of war, concluding with an account of Piegan-Flathead warfare. The Piegan are the subject of the last great movement of the 1850 version (iv.263–312; I: 288–320); the later draft repeats some of the material here. For the Piegan, and for Thompson’s involvement with the tribe, see I: 62–3. 2 The material on horses is unique to 1848.

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placed to hold the Provisions, and other things belonging to the Indians, besides saddles as above made; they have others of wood with something soft next the back of the Horse; these are pieces of board of about 16 inches in length by five in breadth tied loosely together; at each end rises a piece nearly upright five inches in width, by twelve [iii.153] or fifteen inches in height; a kind of sled is made which is two strong poles, tied where they cross each other about three feet from the ends, and laid on the saddle. From the saddle the two poles are extended so as not to incommode the Horse to the length of ten feet, where they rest on the ground, behind the Horse two strong sticks are tied across the poles about four feet from each other, to these and the poles, strong hide is tied, on which is placed articles that could not be put in bags; it also serves to convey the sick and infirm and is very useful. Swift Horses are highly valued for the chase of the Bison; but the Horse that runs down the Red Deer bears the highest value: the ruin of the Horses is the young men taking them on Moon light nights to run the wolves for the sake of their skins for trade, which is not until the ground is frozen, before the furr is not good, in this chase, the Bow and Arrow only are used. These Horses all come from spanish Horses, which have very much multiplied, as every year the Mares have a foal. ¶ There are several herds of wild Horses in places, along the Mountains, especially on the west side of the Mountains, on the fine Hills of Mount Nelson. These have all come from lame Horses that have been lost, or wandered away from Tents where sickness prevails; they are always fat, with fine coats of hair; for the greatest part of two summers I hunted them,3 took several of them, and tamed them. Their feeding places were only about two miles from my residence; when I first made my appearance among them, they were in small herds of five to seven, sometimes of Mares with a stallion, others were wholly of males. Upon my approaching them, they appeared at a loss what to do, they seemed inclined to run away, yet remained, their nostrils distended mane erect, and tail straight out, snorting and prancing about in a wild manner. I shot one of them, and they ran off; I went to the Horse I had shot, and passed my hand over the body to feel his hair and condition, by doing so, my hand had a disagreeable smell which [iii.154] washing my hand for two days with soap barely took away, yet when tamed this did not occur; we now agreed to try and run them down; for this purpose we took two long winded Horses, came to them and started a herd of five, they soon left us, but as these hills are covered with short grass, with very little wood we easily kept them in sight, it was a wild steeple chase, down hills, and up others, after a chase of about four hours, they

3 Thompson refers to his tenure at Kootanae House, where he was based July 1807–April 1808 and November 1808–April 1809.

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brought us to near the place we started them; here we left them, frightened, tired, and looking wildly about them; the next day we took swift horses, and instead of following them quietly, we dashed at them, full speed with the hunting holloa, forcing them to their utmost speed, the consequence was, two of them fell dead, a fine iron grey stood still; we alighted and tied his fore feet together and there left him, following we came to another Horse tied his feet and left him, we returned to the first Horse. I passed my hand over his nostrils, the smell of which was so disagreeable, that the nostrils and the skin of his head became contorted; yet when tamed the doing of this appeared agreeable. The next day we went for them on two steady Horses, with strong lines, which we tied round his neck, put a bit in his mouth with a short bridle thro’ which the lines passed, untied his feet, and brought him to the house where he was broken to the bit and the saddle; they lose all their fat and become lean, and it takes about full two months to recover them to a good condition, when in this last state, they are made use of to hunt and run down wild Horses, for strange to say, a Horse with a good rider will always overtake a Horse without a rider wild or tame. ¶ There is something in a Man on Horse back which awes all other animals, this the experience of every day teaches us in these wild countries; the grizled Bear (ursa horridus) by far the largest of all the species, cares for neither Man or Horse, and will attack either, but [iii.155]4 as soon as he sees a Man on horse back, (which is a combination of skill, courage and swiftness) he runs away, and even when wounded, tried to get away, such is his dread of a Man on horseback, but alone he cares nothing for him, every year two or three Indians are destroyed by these Bears. Several years ago a young Pee a gan Man depending on his sharp iron shod Arrows, attacked one of these Bears, the Bow was well drawn but the Arrow only pierced thro’ a rib without farther injury, the Bear turned on him, he drew another Arrow it lodged in the neck, the Bear seized and tore him, his cries brought two other young men to his assistance, who placed Arrows in him, and altho’ mortally wounded he had life enough to destroy them both, an old Indian with a gun shot him, and he was burned;5 the 4 Marginal notations on iii.155 reflect the process on revision they later underwent; at the head of this page Thompson wrote “not in it’s place,” while at the foot he wrote “To find it’s place on the great Plains.” 5 This “old Indian” is the Piegan elder Saukamappee, with whom Thompson lodged when he wintered with the Piegan in 1787–88. It is his first appearance in the Travels, and the story of the bison hunter and the grizzly is related in the 1850 version within Saukamappee’s narrative (see iv.278–9; I: 299). Saukamappee is the narrator of a war anecdote related at iii.163–4 (105–6), and ceremonies surrounding his death are described at iii.176 (115). For a brief biography, see I: 330.

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Bear is, as the Indians express it, “See pee ne,” strong of life, however mortally wounded, except thro’ the head or heart, he has life enough to do mischief; the grizled Bear (something of an iron grey) is a very powerful animal, I have known him trail on the bare ground, a Bison Bull killed by the Hunters above two hundred yards. An Indian who had been running the Bisons, and killed three of them, saw a grizled Bear depending on his swift Mare, he soon came up with him, and with an arrow mortally wounded him, on this the Bear suddenly turned on them, the Mare was too tired to wheel quick enough from the Bear, with one of his fore paws he struck the Mare behind the shoulder, and tore the Ribs away. She fell dead and the Indian partly under her, lay quiet; the Bear went a few yards, laid down and died; which allowed the Indian to extricate himself, he had the skin of the Bear, a poor recompence for his fine mare. The claws on the fore feet are five to six inches in length on the curve, I traded many of the latter which I gave away except two which I have still by me. They are much valued by the Indians, and a necklace of them is the value of a good [iii.156] common horse: all the other Bears find, or make dens to shelter themselves during winter, but the grizled Bears only looks for shelter in bad weather, and when the weather is fine prowls about the whole winter, fortunately they are not numerous, and confine themselves to the east foot of the Mountains. [Marriage. Polygamy. Pipe Stems &c. Polygamy. Koo tanae Appe. Koo tanae Appe Son. is shot and dies. the Soul immortal.] The Na hath a ways and Chipaways with the other Tribes pride themselves on their Medicine Bags; the Indians of the Plains set no value on them; they pride themselves on their Pipe Stems,1 of which they have from two to four; of three to more than four feet in length; which are well polished, and as the women are not allowed to touch them, the Men always carry them when they remove from place to place; they set a high value on Pipes made of red pophery,2 these have a stem of about four inches into which the pipe stem is inserted; they are all very fond of smoking Tobacco, and to buy it is their principal inducement to hunt the fur bearing animals, dressing Robes of the skin of the Bison &c. Formerly they raised some Tobacco of seeds procured, but the quality was so harsh, they have discontinued it. The Canadians who have smoked it, call it the Devils Tobacco, yet it’s narcotic quality is said to be strong.3

1 Piegan pipe stems are described in the 1850 version at iv.304, 306 (I: 315–16). 2 Red porphyry. 3 Nicotiana quadrivalvis. See I: 315.

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¶ Marriages4 are without ceremony, the woman is brought by two or three of her female relations to the Tent Door, she is welcomed by her Husband, by saying, come in my Wife and sit down; if she is his first wife she sits beside him, but his second, and other wives sit on the opposite side of the Tent on which Bison Robes are spread. The Bison Robes are of great use to them, they are on which they sleep, and where with they cover themselves at night, and when out of their Tents the Robe is what constantly covers both sexes, the summer robes are as light as they can be made: Although Polygamy is fully allowed yet many of the Indians would take no advantage of it, but abide by one wife, yet such is the vicissitudes of their Lives, it is rare to see an Indian of thirty years of age with only one wife: A young Indian of about twenty three years of age, prided himself in adhering to only one wife, whom he loved; the next year I saw him and [iii.157] went into his Tent, where I saw four fine women in the prime of life sitting on the opposite side. I could not help looking at him and smiling, and said to him you have changed your mind; when I went out of the Tent he came with me and said I have not changed my mind, the two women on the opposite side next to the door were the wives of my cousin, the son of the sister of my mother, who died a few months ago, and these women he bequeathed to me, and I must take care of them, the other two women, were the wives of an intimate friend whom I loved as a brother; he would go to War, was severely wounded, and died; in dying he requested me to take his two wives, as he knew they would be kindly treated by me, the Women at the back of the Tent are the Mothers of two of them; here I am to maintain seven women and myself, I am obliged to leave off hunting the Antelope, the meat of which is good, and the Skins make fine leather, and apply myself to the Red Deer and the Bison, large animals, to maintain them; thus many have large families, for every woman is sure to become a Mother of children, and the births of Sons and Daughters nearly equal, but accidents, the inclemencies of the weather &c cause several Men to die an early death, so that the Women are more numerous than the Men. ¶ Koo ta nae Ap pee,5 the principal War Chief, had five wives, by whom he had twenty one Sons and three daughters, himself was a fine manly looking Indian of six feet four inches, and all his Sons were from six feet two inches to six inches. Among these Indians, adultry is punished with death to both parties, though the Women often escape with a beating, not so the young men. They have to fly the country or be killed; running away with women is too frequent,

4 Thompson discusses Piegan marriage customs in the 1850 version at iv.287–91 (I: 305–7). 5 For Piegan war chief Kootanae Appee, see I: 326–7.

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this is generally with the fourth or fifth wife, they remove to a great distance, at the end of a year, or more, the women related to both parties patch up a reconciliation, the man is allowed to keep the woman, on making a present of one or two Horses, but blood is often shed. One of the Sons of Kootanae Appee ran [iii.158] away with the fifth wife of an Indian, they fled on two Horses, and made their way for the Factory on the left north bank of the Saskatchewan River, where they would be in safety; they arrived, and crossed the River, to a large point of meadow land, where the Horses belonging to the Factory were kept guarded by two Na hath a way Indians whom he did not perceive; he left his two Horses among the others too tired to proceed: and went to take two other Horses in their place, it was now those who guarded the Horses perceived him, one of them fired, and shot him through the belly, he fell, but soon recovered strength, with the woman to reach the Factory, which was near, here he related what had happened, and that he was not a Horse Thief. A bed was made for him, and he lay down, the next day finding himself dying, the Woman sitting near him, he took his sharp dagger in his hand, and said to the woman, “do you love me:” if she had said yes, he would instantly have killed her to accompany him to the other world, but she burst into tears, he said, “live, for I see you do not love me;” then raising his death song for about two minutes, he exclaimed, “it shall never be said an Indian of a mean Tribe, killed me, I will kill myself;” saying this he plunged the dagger into his belly, cut himself across, and with a hysteric laugh fell dead.6 They firmly believe in the immortality of the soul; and that the good are separated from the bad in the other world, but they seem to assign no punishment to the bad beyond being lost in darkness, while the good are in a land of constant light; with the climate of Summer; the Sun and Moon are regarded as gods inferior only to the Great Spirit, whom they consider rules every thing; they believe in other Spirits but assign no particular duties to them; their acts of religion are almost all accompanied with smoking.7 [Small Pox. Weapons. tradition on Animals.] [iii.161] all went a hunting, or to sleep on the bank; on the lower one lay a Blanket spread out to air, a young Pee a gan Indian, on the scout, saw the Boats

6 This story appears in one of Thompson’s notebooks (a o . 52.79–78); it is related more elaborately in the 1850 version at iv.291–3 (I: 307–9). 7 Pages 159 and 160 missing from the manuscript; their contents are indicated in the index as: Smoking. Small Pox. Small Pox. dreadful effects.

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and followed them, when he perceived the Men gone, he went to the Boat and stole the Blanket, it belonged to a young man who had died of the Small Pox, the Indian wrapped himself up in it, was seized with the disease and died; when this sad disease was perceived in the camp, for several caught it, they immediately separated, and thereby prevented it’s spreading, yet it appears about twenty died of it.1 The numbers of the Indians increase slowly, it is hard to say from what cause, for hunting is now much easier than formerly, their Arrows are shod with iron instead of flint; they have many guns among them, with which they are good marksmen; but ammunition is scarce, few can trade more than forty Balls for the year and Powder in proportion; with two or three flints, which when too much used, serve to strike fire. The old Indians all remark, that when the Indians were numerous, the Animals were equally so, that when the Indians were more than half destroyed by disease, the Bison and Red Deer also diminished in numbers, and at this day are not more numerous than required for the present number of Indians, and supply of Provisions to the white men, all this is true. They assign the cause to the Great Spirit who allows no more Animals than necessary; but natural causes are fully sufficient, a great trade is now carried on for Bison Robes and Deer Skins, which then did not exist. The Gun is fatal; and of those that get away wounded few recover; and more would be killed if they had more Ammunition; driving them into Pounds, where they are all killed, this destroys too many of them, the choicest of the meat is taken; and the skins for Bison Robes, for trade, the dressing of a Robe is hard work for the women, the Men never assist them.2 [War. conduct of it. French Canadian shot. death of a french canadian. travel ambuscade. thick skulls. power of Mind. Numbers, to count. Counting. Males taken &c. War. Spaniards &c.] [ii.163] {for the master Wolf.} The Tribe of the Peeagan has always appeared to be superior to the other Tribes, as more martial, and moral, they are the frontier Tribe, and have something chivalrous; from their boyhood taught their art of War, such as it is; and to gain the character of a brave Warrior, these thoughts act on their minds, and influences their conduct. The art of War is

1 This story of the transmission of smallpox to the Piegan is unique to 1848. For the 1780–82 epidemic, see note on I: 61. 2 Some two lines have been cut from the foot of iii.161. Page 162 is missing, and its contents are not entered on the index. A marginal note at the head of iii.163 reads, “fill up for 162. see the Bisons.”

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quite changed from what it was formerly. Before the introduction of fire arms, each Warrior prided himself on the thickness of his shield, which was of a round form, of full three feet diameter, or more; made of the hide of an old Bison Bull, concave on the inside, and convex on the outside: the hair taken off, and the raw hide laid on wood formed to give it the desired shape, when thoroughly dried, it was covered inside, and outside, with thin white leather; “formerly when we met the Snake Indians” an old Indian1 related to me, “we had some skirmishing, each party showing their numbers to the greatest advantage; we then formed lines opposite each other, the shields were placed upright, each of us lay behind his shield, and watching an opportunity discharged our Arrows at each other, none of which could penetrate the shield, and little harm was done. Surprising and destroying small camps was then our only warfare, but the use of fire arms made the shields of little value; the manner in which we destroyed them, and gained the country after we had guns, axes, and long knives, was to form parties of about three hundred, under experienced Chiefs, take several day’s dried provisions with us, hunt until we were on the Enemies ground, when we left off, and sent out scouts, to discover the place of their camps, if the camp was large we did not attack it, our rule was not to attack a camp of more than about forty large Tents; to such we approached cautiously to about five miles, where we lay quiet, and in the night resumed our quiet march, so as to arrive at the Tents shortly after day break, we then rushed on [iii.164] the Tents, with our knives cut through the back of the Tents, and began the work of death, as we were about five or six to each Tent, scarce any escaped, and those that did, were met by the Party stationed for that purpose. All the Males were put to death, and all the children with the women, except a few young women, the scalps of all the grown persons were taken, the Tents plundered of every thing we could take away, and what we could not broken to pieces; having done all the mischief we could, collected the Horses and Mules, and shared them among us, which often occasioned disputes, we returned by long marches with all haste for fear of pursuit; and on coming near the Tents sent forward some of the young men to give notice of our arrival, the number we had killed, and of those lost on our part, for the Snake Indians often fight with desperation; all parties were now prepared, the Women related to those killed on our side cut their hair short and remained in the Tents. All the other women met us at the Tents dancing, this was soon over, when our best speaker in a loud voice gave a brief history of the campaign we had made, we then

1 The tale related here is retold within Saukamappee’s extended narrative in the 1850 version, at iv.264–6 (I: 289–91).

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retired to our Tents, to relate to the Women all the incidents of the expedition, the women prisoners were adopted into the families to whom they wer[e] given.” I enquired if his heart did not give way when destroying the Women and Children; he said it went to his heart to hear their cries, “but we only treated them, as they did to us, when they overpowered us.” To their Enemies when dead, tho’ they do not bury them, they offer no indignities to the dead bodies, but seem to detest such a practice. I remember a boasting french Canadian who had taken to live among the Indians and thus pass his life. He joined a small war party, they were out a few days when they perceived a Snake Indian young man on the scout, immediate chase was given, when an Indian came up with him, and mortally wounded him with a thrust of the Lance, as he lay on the ground, the Indians came up, and pitied him, [iii.165] and enquired of him, if he had a father, or mother living, if he had brothers and sisters, to all which he answered, “Yes,” they then enquired of him where the camp from which he came was placed, to this question he refused an answer, when he was told, “you are now passing to the other world, and in dying you are bound to speak the truth, and give a direct answer to every question;” while the poor fellow lay considering whether he would answer this question, up came this hair brained Frenchman, alighting off his horse, went to the dying man, and seeing he was not dead, drew his long knife and stabbed him to the heart, he then cut him to pieces, tossing a piece here and there; when done he stood exulting in his prowess, saying “this is the way we make war in my country;” the Indians looked at him with disgust, a Na hath a way Indian said to him, “I have eaten and smoked with thee, but never shall we do so again,” he raised his gun and shot him dead on the spot.2 ¶ The Indians of the Plains seldom wear caps, sometimes a narrow fillet round the head to keep the hair tight which both sexes allow to grow to it’s full length; this constant exposure to the weather gives them a strong head of hair, and thickness of the bone of the Skull. In one of my journeys along the east foot of the Mountains with one Man and an Indian, we were on the war grounds, on a fine valley of short grass, bounded on the eastward by a range of fine low grassy hills, one day as we marched along especially towards sun set, there were in several places on these low Hills, a Wolf or two, who howled as we passed them, the Indian shook his head but said nothing, with my small Telescope which I always carried with me, under the lee of one of the Horses, I examined these Wolves, the Animal appeared complete and the howl natural, but there was no flexibility in the neck, we knew who they were, and became aware of

2 The anecdote of the “hair brained Frenchman” is unique to 1848.

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the danger; at sun set we put up, tied our horses fore feet and let them graze made a small fire, at which we warmed a bit of dried meat and carelessly lay down; but as soon as it was dark we saddled our Horses, and went about five miles, at right angles to our line of march; we then turned our Horses to [iii.166] graze, and laid down without making a fire, these fires are only some dry bison dung with a few sticks of willow &c. In the morning I found my cheek on part of a human skull which had lately been completely scalped, it was broken into three pieces. I was surprised at it’s thickness, which measured full one inch and one quarter in thickness; the Indian told me two of his country men had been lately killed here in a skirmish, with the Pee a gans. (Herodotus remarks the same of the Egy[p]tians who were defeated by Cambisses the Persian Monarch, the skulls of the Persians who all wore caps, were easily broken by a single blow, but the skulls of the Egyptians accustomed to go bareheaded, required two or three smart blows to break them.)3 ¶ Unfortunately for the Indians, writers always bring a comparison between the educated part of the civilized world, and the uneducated Indians, the contrast is too great. Let the Indians be compared to the unlettered part of the civilized world, and they will be found to be superior to them, for the Indian, for the support of himself and family is obliged to have a wide range of knowledge, and exert, to the full, his powers of mind and body for his various duties of life: as a Husband and Father on whose abilities as a Hunter the family depends for the supply of all their wants; what a difference between the dull

3 The Greek historian Herodotus (c. 490–c. 425 b c e ) relates this anecdote in The Histories, 3.12. The context is the conquest of Egypt by the Persian king Cambyses in 525 b c e . Thompson would have been familiar with William Beloe’s translation, first published in 1791, and reprinted frequently during the early nineteenth century. The relevant passage is as follows: “By the people inhabiting the place where this battle was fought a very surprizing thing was pointed out to my attention. The bones of those who fell in the engagement were soon afterwards collected, and separated into two distinct heaps. It was observed of the Persians, that their heads were so extremely soft as to yield to the slight impression even of a pebble; those of the Ægyptians, on the contrary, were so firm, that the blow of a large stone could hardly break them. The reason which they gave for this was very satisfactory – the Ægyptians from a very early age shave their heads, which by being constantly exposed to the action of the sun, become firm and hard; this treatment also prevents baldness, very few instances of which are ever to be seen in Egypt. Why the skulls of the Persians are so soft may be explained from their being from their infancy accustomed to shelter from the sun, by their constant use of turbans.” Herodotus, The History, trans. William Beloe (London: Leigh and Sotheby, 1791), 2:12–13.

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uniform life of a labouring manufacturer, and the active, varied life of the Indian, requiring all his powers of mind and body. The acquaintance with the art of Numbers, appears a difficulty to the Indian; the civilized man, from early youth is accustomed to hear numbers spoken of from one to a Million, thus fifty, five hundred, or five thousand, are to him as units, his mind gives no individuality to each unit that compose the number, be it of what it will; but the Indian forms his numbers from individuals and appears to have no idea of numbers indepentent of them. Perhaps the Shepherd, and Herds man, if uneducated are [iii.167] in counting the animals of the flock and herd and obtain their ideas of numbers in the same manner as the Indian; the Nahathaway Indians, are superior to those of the Plains in the art of counting; they have regular numbers to twenty, and the tens, to one hundred have distinct names. The number one hundred is called the great ten, one thousand is called, the great, great ten. The Indians of the Plains count only to ten, often making use of the Fingers to denote the number; each hand is five, and both hands ten; after which they count by tens, generally having a small stick which they lay on the ground to prevent mistakes; and for every ten more another stick is laid down, and these sticks are counted to give an idea of the number of tens; to ask an Indian to show the number fifty four, or any such number it would take him a full hour with his sticks to show it; the numbers in a large herd of Bisons are expressed by a great many, a great many; Indians have few abstract ideas, their minds are formed from what is visible, especially of what is tangible.4 ¶ I have remarked the Pee a gan Indians have something chivalrous in their character; their war parties make war at great distance, beyond what we could believe.5 In the year 1787, when a war party returned, they related they had made ready to attack the Spaniards, who had a long file of Horses and Mules heavy loaded, as soon as the Spaniards perceived them, they threw the Loads off the Horses and Mules, each Man sprung on his Horse and rode off, leaving all the others to the Indians, the Horses were of a good breed, more made for activity than strength, the mules were very fine animals of a strong make, and in good condition for the distance, they had been ridden, and driven; the saddles were only on some, they were heavy and awkward, but the leather very good; the bits were uncommonly heavy and rough made; I was then in the Pee a gan camp and I enquired after the loads, they said the bags were full of White Stone (Silver) and by description must have been ingots of silver, they said the country

4 Native numeracy is discussed in the 1850 version at iv.306–7 (I: 316–17). 5 The story of the 1787 Piegan attack on a Spanish convoy is retold twice in the 1850 version, at 27u (I: 66) and iv.311–12 (I: 320).

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was open so that the Spaniards could see them at some distance, they never stood a charge, but always fled, [iii.168] they do not make annual incursions on the Spaniards, but only after a lapse of several years, they once attempted an annual incursion, but at the usual season found neither Spaniards, Horses nor Mules, and had to return with their own weary Horses. The last incursion I am acquainted with was in the year 1805;6 when they informed me of their intention, a strong, hearty Indian offered to bring me an ingot of White Stone (Silver). I told him if he did, I would give him a good Horse, and a scarlet Coat, and Beads to his wife. They found the Spaniards in the usual route, and attacked, but were not so fortunate as usual, the Spaniards had time to throw off the loads, and drive away part of the Horses and Mules, my Indian tried to keep his word, he took an Ingot of silver, and carried it for two days which made his arm so tired that he left it, should it ever be found, it may become a curious question how it came there. Both the expeditions were conducted by Koota nae Appee, the principal war chief, with about three hundred warriors each time. Lesser expeditions are conducted by inferior chiefs rising to notice according to their merit and to fortune. The great pride of their Chiefs is to destroy their Enemies, and bring back their men safe. The Snake Indians are numerous and powerful, but seem to have no real courage, the Pee a gans remark, that in the long course of their wars, the Snake Indians have never formed a war party to retaliate the attacks made on them, but have revenged themselves by going to war with lesser Tribes, whom they could overpower, and for this they despise them, and their moral character is not the best, as their word is looked upon as not to be depended on, yet there are some fine examples to the contrary. [a Battle. Saleesh law of Adultry. One of my men. Battle. Finan. Mitchel &c. My Canoes intercepted. My retreat. 3 bears. Pee a gans & Snake Indians. Snake camp destroyed.]1 ¶ I shall now describe a Battle as actually fought between parties nearly equal. My trading Post2 was on the Saleesh River at the west foot of the Mountains, for trading with the Saleesh Indians. They were a fine race of moral

6 The story of this later Piegan raid is unique to 1848; as Thompson spent all of 1805 in the Muskrat Country of northern Manitoba, its precise date is difficult to determine. 1 From this point forward, the 1848 version of the Travels consists almost entirely of material not integrated into the 1850 version. 2 Saleesh House.

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Indians, the finest I had seen, and set a high value on the chastity of their women; adultery is death to both [iii.169]3 parties; (Note. in the course of the winter4 we became well acquainted with these Indians, a camp of them being always near the Post, partly for hunting the Antelope, which was here of a large species, and partly leaving the aged Men and Women in security when they made hunting excursions. The Tribe was under the influence of two Chiefs, the principal we named Cartier, from his resemblance to a Canadian of that name; the other the Orator; both very friendly to us, and of mild manners; and frequently camped near the Fort; or Post.5 Sometime in February; they both as usual, with a few Indians in the evening entered the Hall to smoke, but now with grave faces. I supposed they had heard of some chance of war; they soon broke silence, and Cartier mildly said “you know our law is, that a man that seduces a woman must be killed;” I said “I have no objection to your law, to what purpose do you tell me this;” the Orator then spoke, “my daughter with her mother has always sat quietly in my Tent, until these few days past, when one of your men has been every day, while we are hunting, to my tent with beads and rings to seduce my daughter,” looking round on my men, he said “he is not here,” (on their entering my servant had gone into my room, I knew it must be him;) the men and myself were every day too much fatigued to think of women.) “but where ever he is, we hope you will give him to us that he may die by our law.” I told them I had no inclination to screen the Man, but as they were much in want of guns and ammunition for hunting and to protect themselves from their enemies, if they wished me to return with these articles, and various others, they must give me a Man to take his place, otherwise I could not return; they looked at each other, and said “we cannot find a man capable, besides his going among strange people where he may be killed;” “Very well, then if you kill my man I cannot return to you, but shall stay with the Pee a gans, your enemies;” “then what is to be done,” exclaimed the Orator. I replied, “let him live this time, [iii.170]6 and as you are noted for being a good gelder of Horses; if this man ever again enters your Tent, geld him, but let him live;” 3 A marginal notation at the head of iii.169 reads, “To be placed with the occurrences at the Saleesh House.” 4 The winter of 1809–10. The events of this winter are described at iii.219–24 (165–71). 5 Little is known about either of these leaders. Anthony Mattina and Allan Taylor suggest that Cartier was the informant for the Salishan vocabulary that Thompson compiled in late 1809 or early 1810, in which the chief’s name is transcribed as “Chin a la ma lé.” Anthony Mattina and Allan Taylor, “The Salish Vocabularies of David Thompson,” International Journal of American Linguistics 50:1 (January 1984), 51, 57. 6 A marginal notation near the head of iii.170 reads, “to find it’s place.”

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at this proposition they laughed, and said, “well let him live, but so sure as he comes to seduce our women, we shall geld him;” after smoking, they retired in good humour, but my men, all young and in the prime of life, did not at all relish the punishment.) The Saleesh Indians during the winter had traded upwards of twenty guns from me, with several hundreds of iron arrow heads, with which they thought themselves a fair match for the Pee a gan Indians in battle on the Plains. In the month of July7 when the Bison Bulls are getting fat, they formed a camp of about one hundred and fifty men to hunt and make dried Provisions as I had requested them; accompanied by Mr Finan McDonald8 Michel Bourdeaux and Baptiste Buché9 with ammunition tobacco &c to encourage them; they crossed the Mountains by a wide defile of easy passage, eastward of the Saleesh Lake. Here they are watched by the Pee a gans to prevent them hunting the Bison, and driven back, and could only hunt as it were by stealth; the case was now different, and they were determined to hunt boldly and try a battle with them: they were entering on the grounds, when the scouts, as usual, early each morning sent to view the country came riding at full speed, calling out, “the Enemy is on us;” instantly down went the Tents, and tent poles, which, with the Baggage formed a rude rampart; this was barely done, when a steady charge of cavalry came on them, but the Horses did not break through the rampart, part of pointed poles, each party discharged their arrows, which only wounded a few, none fell; a second, and third charge, was made; but in a weak manner; the battle was now to be of infantry, the Saleesh, about one hundred and fifty Men, took possession of a slightly rising ground about half a mile in front of their Tents, the Peeagans, about one hundred and Seventy men [iii.171] drew up and formed a rude line about four hundred yards from them; the Saleesh and the White Men lay quiet on the defensive; the Pee a gans, from time to time throughout the day, sent parties of about forty men forward, to dare them to battle; these would often approach to within sixty to eighty yards, insulting them as old women, and dancing in a frantic manner, now springing from the 7 1810. 8 For n w c clerk Finan McDonald, see Appendix 3 (357–8). 9 Baptiste Boucher was employed at Rocky Mountain House when Thompson arrived there in October 1806. In May 1807, he was a member of the party that embarked up the Saskatchewan River to establish trade across the mountains, and he worked frequently with Thompson west of the Divide until at least 1810. He may be the Jean Baptiste Bouché who served Daniel Harmon as an interpreter in 1810–11, and who died during Alexander Ross’s 1824 Snake River expedition. Coues, ed., New Light, I: 219; White, ed., David Thompson’s Journals, 32n7.

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ground as high as they could, then close to the ground, now to the right, and to the left; in all postures; their war coats of leather hanging loose before them; their guns, or bows and arrows, or a lance in their hands; the two former they sometimes discharged at their enemies with little effect: Buché, who was a good shot, said they were harder to hit than a goose on the wing. When these were tired they returned, and a fresh party came forward in like manner, and thus throughout the day, the three men had several shots discharged at them, but their violent gestures prevented a steady aim in return; the three men were all good shots, and as I have noticed the Indians allow no neutrals, they had to fight in their own defence. Mr Finan McDonald fired forty five shots, killed two Men and wounded one, the other two men each fired forty three balls, and each wounded one man; such were their wild activity, they were an uncertain mark to fire at; the evening ended the battle; on the part of the Pee a gans, seven killed and thirteen wounded; on the part of the Saleesh, five killed and nine wounded; each party took care of their dead and wounded; no scalps were taken, which the Pee a gans accounted a disgrace to them; the Saleesh set no price on taking scalps. This was the first time the Peeagans were in a manner defeated, and they determined to wreck their vengeance on the white men who crossed the mountains to the west side and furnished arms and ammunition to their Enemies; I had gone out to the Rainy River depot, with the Furrs, and returned with four loaded Canoes of goods, wherewith to cross the Mountains for the fur trade; hitherto I had always passed the Mountains by the defiles of the Saskatchewan River, this the [iii.172] Peeagans knew, and they were determined to prevent us crossing the Mountains, and arming their enemies; a short time before the time of my expected arrival, they sent about forty Men to camp on the north side of the river to intercept me, with the Canoes;10 The usual manner of supplying the Canoe’s with provisions in these high countries, is, by hunting; for this purpose my party consisted of a steady Indian of about forty years, a young man of twenty, with Mr William Henry,11 myself, and two women; a Red Deer, or two were killed, the Horses brought the meat to the canoes, who were thus supplied for three or four days, when we  appointed a place where again to meet them with provisions; we had thus gone on to near the east foot of the Mountains; when the Canoes came to where the Indians were to intercept them, who showed themselves in hostile attitude, and insisted on the Canoes returning, they went a short distance back, and put up at the foot of a high Craig; got the guns ready, and threw up a low rampart of

10 The pivotal events of the fall of 1810 are related again on iii.228e–g below (181–3). 11 For n w c clerk William Henry, see Appendix 3 (357).

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stones, and thus lay on the defensive; the Pee a gans not daring to attack them: to avoid the gullies near the river, our party passed at some distance from the river and did not see the Pee a gans, and held on to the next station which was close to the Mountains; here we killed three Red Deer, made a stage and put the meat on it; and waited the arrival of the Canoes, but not coming, I thought some accident had happened, requiring repairs, but the Indian took another view of the matter, and as usual rising very early, he addressed me, saying, “I have had bad dreams,” then looking at the stage of meat, he said, “that meat will never be eaten; I must leave you,” he saddled his Horse and rode off: somewhat alarmed, I sent off Mr William Henry and the young Indian to go down along the River, and see what detained the Canoes, with strict orders not to fire a gun. They saw the camp of Indians about fifteen miles below us, they passed round, and again came on the River to the place the men of the Canoes had made a rampart, and found some blood in one place, but the [iii.173] Canoes were gone. Thinking they might be near they imprudently fired a shot, but no answer; and they arrived about eight PM, quite dark, (it was in October). Upon informing me of the place of the Pee a gans and that they had fired a shot in hopes of an answer from the Canoes, I directly told them they had acted very foolishly, and that we should have to start at the dawn of day and ride for our lives for the Pee a gans would be on us: accordingly next morning as soon as we could see we set off through the woods for the North Branch, upon which we soon came, and followed down it on the right bank, we could not ride fast for the woods and many fallen trees; the Pee a gans were at our place shortly after we left it, and followed our track as fast as we could go, and in the evening would have come up with us, when providentialy about one pm it came on to snow, this covered our tracks, so that they came on slowly; about an hour afterwards they came on three grizled Bears, who were smelling the tracks of the Horses, on seeing the Indians, as usual, they sat on their rumps, and showed their formidable teeth and claws, which made these Indians return in haste; they were sure I had placed the Bears there to guard the road I had taken, nor could they ever be brought to believe otherwise: ¶ Thus through kind providence we escaped unhurt the threatened vengeance on us, for their being defeated by the Saleesh Indians: but the next year the Peagans glutted their vengeance on the Snake Indians; these cowardly people,12 instead of facing their enemies, formed a very large camp and went a

12 I.e., the Shoshone. Just as this tribe played a largely peripheral role in the fur trade, Thompson had little personal contact with them, as his final comment about “those [he] saw” reveals.

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considerable distance westward of the Missisourie River, in the fine plains close to the foot of the Mountains, there they left the aged men, and all the young men of twenty and under to hunt for the camp, and left all their women and children; and formed a large war party to destroy the defenceless Tribes more southward, thinking the camp they left quite secure, as the Pee a gans and their allies, never came there, but the trail of such a large camp could not be hid; as usual the Pee a gans had [iii.174] a large war party out, and their allies the same, but with no other object than to see the country was quiet and their Tribes hunt in safety; but this Party on skirting the Missisourie River, perceived this large trail, and followed it to see if there was any danger from it; after crossing this bold River a few days brought the scouts within view of this great camp, they then returned to the War Party, who slowly advanced; and a few experienced Men took a position which overlooked the camp; to their surprize, they saw all those that went a hunting, were aged, or very young men; after passing two days in this manner to be sure; at night they examined the camp; and from the voices of those in the Tents, were satisfied the Men were all away, and agreed to attack it at dawn of day, which they did; and a sad massacre commenced, and continued until none were alive but about fifteen young women, and a few Boys of about ten years of age; as usual, everything they could not carry away, they broke and destroyed, and having collected about one hundred and fifty Horses and Mules, they hastily returned. The Snake Indian war party returned in triumph, they had taken several scalps, and when near the Camp sent forward a party of young men to tell the Women to dress themselves and meet them in dances of joy for their success; the young men came to the camp and saw it’s horrible state, with the wolves yet in numbers and dogs devouring the dead bodies. They returned with howlings of despair in which the whole party joined for the rest of the day, very few of the party had the courage to see the sad destruction; they crossed the Mountains and dispersed themselves among their countrymen and allies; I was surprised at the little sympathy for them, the other Tribes said, “they are a treacherous people, in whom no confidence can be placed: and have acted like cowards” those I saw had a bold stare, as much as to say, “if I am not brave, I am confident.” [Old Men. Horse Slay. die. Kootanae killed. the cause. future state.] ¶ Almost all the Tribes on the west side of the Mountains are now armed with guns, and iron headed Arrows, so that War is not now the game of one [iii.175] party only, and most of the Indians are now content to hunt and live in peace and safety. The Indians of the Plains often live to a great age; while they can follow the movements of the camp, they do so very well; but when they become so

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infirm that they must be hauled from place to place on the horse sled of two poles as already described; they are a burthen to themselves and their relations; in this case, they sometimes request to die; if accorded, which it generally is, a spot is selected where there is a wood, the person sits down, and strong poles are placed in the form of a very small Tent which being close together preclude any animal from entering. If there are stones in the place, some are laid around it on the ground to strengthen it against the Animals, and with a dish of water and a little meat are thus left to die. They very rarely bury their dead, they are laid on the ground, and logs, or stones placed about them as the locality may offer; in winter the dead are tied on the pole sled, which is placed as erect as possible against a tree, or bank, and the sled reversed, so that the body is not seen. I did not speak the language of these people sufficiently to converse on their religion, but a Nahathaway Indian who spoke their language fluently, and resided often among them, told me, they believed in a powerful Spirit, but did [not] ascribe to him to be wholly master of the life of men and animals, and in which they thought inferior beings had a share; that there are beings who had the care of  the Animals, without any direct power over them, that they were pleased when the Indians smoked to them; but they had little to fear or hope from them; when a person dies, that if he is not a bad man, and killed none of his own Tribe, his soul goes straight to the other world, but how it gets there, they do not know; the good find themselves with their friends, and also of the souls of all they possessed in this world when they died; and have the souls of all the animals they killed; the bad people do not mix with them, but are in a separate place, and badly off, but in what manner they do not know. I was present when the principal wife of [iii.176] a Chief died; her two Horses and all her Dogs were killed by the young men related to her; the women, broke or destroyed all that belonged to her, so that she was quickly in possession of the souls of all she had in this world. An Indian of the name of Sak ka mappee, was fond of Horses, he had bred, and bought, sixty seven; at his death they were all killed but one, a fine, swift, grey Horse, this his Son saved by placing himself between the Horse, and the Arrows intended to kill the Horse; the Indians seeing him determined to save the Horse, allowed him to live. [iii.175a] In the month of April 1807 a Party of Blood Indians came to trade, which having done they all went away except one Man; who staid close outside the gate with his gun in his hand, as we supposed he was waiting for some companion we took no notice of him; I was standing with my loaded gun, a flock of grey geese1 passed near me, I fired and brought down one of them; a

1 Probably white-fronted goose (Anser albifrons).

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Kootanae now came close to me, whom the Scoundrel directly shot, and he fell at my feet mortally wounded, and then ran for his life.2 The next day a party of the same tribe under their chief the “White Bison” came to trade, this Chief was a remarkable fine looking man and his mind was fully equal to his physical appearance; he said he was sorry for it; he then explained to me their belief of a future state; “The bad Man who killed a Koo ta nae at your side we know to be a coward, last summer in battle with the Snake Indians his brother was killed, and he wandered alone in the other world for he had never killed an enemy; it was incumbent on him being his brother to go to war, kill an enemy, that his soul should accompany his Brother and be his Slave in the other world; this he has not courage to do, and came to your place to kill some one, as none of you would follow him, which he has done as he related to us;” I said, “it is true he wounded the Kootanae but with another he is gone to cross the Mountains to his own country.” The young men searched all around the place for his grave to take him up and scalp him, such is their rage to have a scalp for their dances, but they found no grave. I had placed the poor Kootanae in the upper loft of the House, he was suffering severely from his mortal wound, yet while the Blood Indians were in the house, he did not suffer a groan to escape him, he died on the seventh day and we buried him in the cellar.3 The Indians of the Plains were too unruly, their Chiefs could not control them, we gave up the Post4 and retired lower down on the River. [Horses & Musketoes. Rain & Rainbow. Locusts. Musketoes.] ¶ [iii.176 continued] For full three months in the summer the Horses and Deer are sadly tormented with Musquitoes and Horse Flies, the latter are of

2 This is the first mention of the Kootenai in the 1848 version, and attests to the desire of members of this tribe to engage in trade with the n w c , despite the dangers of travelling east of the Continental Divide. In order to foster this commerce, Thompson built Kootanae House, where he passed two winters: 1807–08 (iii.194–200; 135–41) and 1808–09 (iii.209–11; 153–5), and made several journeys through Kootenai lands, most notably his exploratory expedition of the spring 1808 (iii.200–7; 141–8), during which he was assisted by the Lower Kootenai chief, Ugly Head. See note on the Kootenai at I: 272. 3 In his journal, Thompson notes that four Kootenai traded at Rocky Mountain House on 20–22 April 1807, but makes no mention of this incident, nor of other tribal visitors. a o . 18.236. 4 The n w c ’s Rocky Mountain House and h b c ’s neighbouring Acton House were abandoned in 1812 and reopened only in 1819.

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two species,1 one less than the other, but both with their pincers bite out the piece; in the woods fires of green wood are made and the Horses crowd to the fires to stand in the smoke, so that they become lean; in the plains they have no fires, and the Horses suffer, but much less than in the woods, as there is almost always a gale of wind blowing in the Plains which drives the Flies close to the ground, or blows them away: the very worst time is, when the weather is preparing for rain and it’s commencement; the Musketoes seem to rise out of the ground by myriads, the Horse Flies to become more active, the Horses roll themselves on the ground; the Bisons do the same, for they are equally tormented, the Deer take to the Forests of young Pines full of branches to brush them off; we suffer almost equally with the animals, and sit in smoke that we can hardly breathe, and yet are not free from the Musquitoes, who stand full as much smoke as we can. Summer is pleasant in other countries, but here it is a season of suffering, which we would exchange for the cold months; in September the flies are weakened and destroyed by the cold nights, and sometimes frosts, and are no longer troublesome; the Musketoes continue day and night; the other flies go to rest at Sun set, happy are the countries that are free of them; [iii.176a]2 In the summer of 1806 the Musketoes were far more numerous than usual. The spring was early with much Rain. For three weeks in May the Rain was constant, and the ground overflowed, although we were at the east foot of the Mountains; the River was swollen, every Brook over flowing it’s Banks, the Indians could not hunt, and became apprehensive of a second deluge; when at length the Rain ceased the clouds cleared, with a clear sky and bright Sun, and showed the Rainbow; upon which the Indians shouted, “there is the mark of Life, now we shall live.”3 Dry weather followed for the rest of the summer and the Musketoes became intolerable until about the middle of July; when about 9 am, their incessant noise suddenly ceased, and they disappeared; at a loss to account for this, we looked up and saw, as it were, an extensive cloud of shining little animals, what they were we did not know; for about two hours, when part began to descend and proved to be large Locusts of two inches in length, very strongly made, and each had like a helmet on his head; by Sun set the ground and the Poplar and Aspin Trees were covered with 1 Thompson is likely indicating two members of the order Diptera, family Tabanidae: the larger horsefly (genus Tabanus) and the smaller deerfly (genus Chrysops). Both exist in many species. 2 The top ten lines of iii.176a have been cut away. 3 This anecdote is related in the 1850 version, iv.46–7 (103–4), where it is set at Rocky Mountain House and placed in the context of Thompson’s discussion of Cree spiritual beliefs. The year 1801 is probably intended.

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them, and the next day except the Pines which they did not touch, every leaf of the Trees and Shrubs were devoured, the grass soon disappeared, and every green thing; they avoided the shade of the Pine Forests, and thither we had to send and keep our Horses; the small birds eat them, and would sit with a Locust across their beaks, by the latter end of August they had devoured every green thing, and died in myriads; the Bisons were lean for the whole winter.4 [iii.177] The Indians have told me, that the Moose Deer is often envelopped in a cloud of Flies, so that they become in a state of stupor; and when shot, the Hunter did not dare to approach for a few minutes, when the circulation of the blood wholly ceases, the Musquitoes leave the body. Where there is a body of water, the Moose lie down in it with only the nose above the water, even this is covered with horse Flies, and they allow the Canoe to approach close to them, and they are shot in the head: the flies cannot bear the cold of the Mountains, and on the west side, at the foot of the Mountains there are Musketoes, but not in numbers and activity to be of much notice, and westward in the open country it may be said, there are none, and but few Horse Flies; after the cold of winter, the heavy dews which fall leave an effect on them.5 [Natives Eastward & Westward. Natives. Aurora Borealis. Languages. several. Origin. the Soul immortal. Retaliation law. death for his sister.] Every tribe of Indians on the west side of the mountains appear distinct in race from those on the east side; the latter are heavy men, from five feet nine

4 This anecdote is important testimony to the fecundity and destructiveness of the now-­ extinct Rocky Mountain locust (Melanoplus spretus), the last recorded sighting of which occured in Manitoba in 1902. In May 1848 Thompson submitted a considerably more detailed account of this event to the Montreal Gazette, in which he describes his observation of the swarm through a telescope, the utter destruction of the Rocky Mountain House kitchen garden, the appearance of locust-bitten grass and the vast extent of the infestation, based on Native testimony. Voyageur, “In your Gazette of last summer ...” Montreal Gazette, 13 May 1848; see Volume III. The demise of this species has been most convincingly attributed to the destruction of its breeding habitat for agriculture in the late nineteenth century. Jeffrey A. Lockwood, Locust: The Devastating Rise and Mysterious Disappearance of the Insect that Shaped the American Frontier (New York: Basic Books, 2004). The incident probably occurred in 1801 at Rocky Mountain House. 5 Here five-and-a-half lines have been cut out of iii.177. This is the most sustained treatment of insects in the 1848 version of the Travels. The topic was developed considerably in the 1850 version; see iii.8–9 (I: 25–7).

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inches, to six feet two inches, the women in proportion; those on the west side are light active made men, of five feet six inches; to five feet, ten inches a few are of six feet; this appears to arise from a scanty supply of food; before they were armed, they were harrassed by the frequent incursions of the Indians on the east side of the Mountains, which obliged them to leave [iii.178] the best hunting grounds, and hide themselves in places where they could find roots, and make wiers for fish, which on the west side, are few and no great variety; principally carp,1 small trout,2 pickerel and perch, until the Salmon season arrives, which for a time gives them plenty; but fish and roots give no clothing, and when I first came among them they were half naked, but guns and iron headed Arrows soon made them better off with Deer Skin leather, and Bison Robes. I have already made my remarks on the Aurora Borealis,3 and that its greatest brightness, and extension over the sky is over the great chain of Lakes, the great valley of water that lies at the east foot of the lands of the great Plains and Forests northward; they become less extensive and bright as one proceeds westward, and near the east foot of the Mountains are not often seen and then dim and faint. On the west side, when seen it is the same: the Indians pay no attention to them, but lightning and thunder make an impression on them, some attribute these to large Birds in the Sky, and name it Pee tha shoo (Birds) others think it is caused by the rolling of large stones in the Sky; though how these stones are supported they cannot tell.4 [iii.179] The languages which command attention on the east side of the Mountains, and which the other Indians acquire are three, the Na hath a way, by far the most extensive of any, it’s dialects are from 56° North, by the Saskatchewan River from the Mountains to Hudsons Bay, the sea coast and interior to the Delaware River. The next is the Sieux language, the softest and most pleasing of all the Indian Languages, it is acquired by the surrounding Tribes: The Pee a gan Language, spoken only by three Tribes, a manly expressive language, they will not learn any other Tongue, therefore the surrounding Tribes must acquire their language.5 The question has often been asked, from whence came these Tribes of Indians differing so much from each other, 1 Several species of sucker, including longnose (Catostomus catostomus), white (C. com­ mersoni), and large (C. machrocheilus). 2 These trout are the cutthroat (Salmo clarki) and rainbow (S. gairdneri). 3 At iii.150 above (97); the aurora borealis receives an extended consideration in 1850 version (see iv.103–4f; I: 152–8). 4 Nine lines have been cut from the foot of iii.178. 5 Native languages are classified in the 1850 version at iv.300 (I: 312).

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showing distinct races, and having so many different languages. Upon this subject european authors have sadly failed; the learned Sir James McIntosh6 more so than any other (his book is before me). The whole of his work is to show the American Indians came from Asia by Behring’s Straits, to prove this he selects the Indians who hunt on the lands near the Atlantic Ocean, which by his account have only three distinct languages; and compares these Indians in every thing that respects them, with the rude Tribes of north eastern Asia, forgetting the whole breadth of this Continent it’s Mountains and it’s different climates. Had Sir James McIntosh sought for information from the North West Company, he would have learned, that there was no proba[bi]lity in his Theory. No Indian leaves the fine mild climate on the west side of the Mountains for the cold winters on the east side much less for the dreary cold shores of Hudson’s Bay: these people have no traditions beyond their great grandfathers, except on their former lands they do not resemble europeans, and the more we enquire into their origin, free of theory, we shall have to say, we know nothing of it.7 ¶ The other people possessing this Continent north of 56 degrees of latitude, to its extremity northward, are numerous, they call themselves Din nae, (people) to which an adjective is joined to denote the particular Tribe to which they belong, as Tza Dinnae, Beaver Indians &c. They8 [iii.180] hold the shedding of human blood in any private quarrel to be wholly avoided, and unpardonable if committed, contrary to all the other Indians, they are not warriors, and seldom make war, and then upon some small band of Esquimaux. If any of the Indian Tribes of the continent came from Asia, these people, known to us, by the name of Chepawyan, are the most likely to have done so, for they possess the american side of these Straits;9 the interior country; and extend across to the northern parts of Hudsons Bay: if they crossed from Asia over Behrings Strait, it must have been in Canoes, or Boats, or both; for I do not believe that Strait is ever sufficiently frozen over on the American side, to allow a passage across it on foot; even if so, what could make them migrate from west to east, from a comparatively mild climate, sufficiently stocked with wild animals, to the rigourous cold of Hudson’s Bay; and paucity of animals; the account they give of themselves is, they came from Hudsons Bay. These

6 For John McIntosh, see iii.132 above (81). 7 The fullest expression of Thompson’s thoughts on this question are found in his essay “The Natives of North America” (339–45). 8 A marginal notation at the foot of iii.179 reads “done.” 9 Dene peoples inhabit most of the interior of Alaska. Indigenous peoples of coastal regions are largely Inuit.

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Indians live wholly on the land, they have no Canoes except a chance small one for watching the Deer when driven by the Flies into the water; many questions can be asked concerning these people, but few can be answered; and I must say of the Chepawyan Indians, as of the other Indians, tradition throws no light of their origin, and I know nothing of it. For twenty years I made enquiries of the various Tribes of Indians of their origin, from whence they originally came, and how long they had possessed the hunting grounds they were on, but obtained no satisfactory answers, nor do they discuss such questions among themselves, and thought me overcurious in my enquiries. One great question always occupied my attention. “Is the immortality of the soul inherent in man and only strengthened by revelation; or is it solely from revelation we believe this immortality;”10 Although on the east side of the Mountains this belief is strong and prevalent, yet it might formerly have been imparted to them by the white people. I say it might have been so, though I do not believe it was, but my discoveries [iii.181] on the west side of the Mountains among many Tribes who never heard of a white man, opened a wide field of enquiry. I had with me a Saleesh, Indian, who had acquired the Shaw pa tin language,11 with one, or the other, most of the Tribes on the Columbia River are acquainted more, or less; I found they all held the immortality of the Soul, and that at death, the Soul went upwards, pointing to the Sky; I always found this belief to be accompanied with rewards to the good, and punishments to the bad; but the doctrine of hell fire, they neither could, nor would believe, as they thought it impossible for any thing to resist the continued action of fire, much less beings that have life; but like the Saleesh Indians on the death of any person, they neither kill Horses nor Dogs, nor break any thing to pieces, the whole is the property of the family, or near relations. I have given the general character of the Indians, there are bad men enough amongst them, but as the law of retaliation is in full force among them, it very much controls all their conduct, whether in public, or private: yet notwithstanding bad conduct may meet a check; there are men so violent in their tempers, as to come to an untimely end: of which I have known several instances; one happened near me in the low countries;12 a strong tall Indian, and a very good Hunter had four wives, whom he sometimes ill treated; three Tents of Indians were camped near the Factory, or trading Post, when one day I heard the report of a shot at the Tents; shortly after the principal man came to me,

10 See note on iii.34a above (5). 11 During the 1811 journey down the Columbia. 12 I.e., the lands surrounding Hudson Bay.

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and said, “my hand is red with blood” (figurative) “I suppose you will be angry with me, and not let me come into the house to smoke;” as I knew him to be a good Indian of mild manners; I said I did not know, “tell me what you have done;” he said “you know Tah pa tum,13 he is a violent man and beats his women, a short time ago, he came to my Tent while I was absent hunting Moose Deer, and made my mother give up her daughter to him, my youngest sister, when I returned [iii.182] I was sorry, but remained quiet; yesterday he was beating his women, my sister who is young, became frightened got out of the Tent and came to us, where she slept; to day he came to the Tent, I had just come out, my gun in my hand going a hunting; I thought he would speak mildly to her, instead of which, his tongue was bad and very abusive of us all; I said nothing, he called her out, but she was too frightened to go, he threw open the Tent Door, twisted his hand in her hair, as if she was a slave; to drag her out, that was too much, my heart could not bear it; and I shot him dead; what say you to this;” I said, I would have done the same; some time after I saw him, and enquired if none intended to revenge his death, he said no person, they all seemed glad to get rid of him; even his Women did not regret him. [Coal Mines.] When writing on the great Plains I forgot to write on the Coal Mines.1 They are near the east foot of the east side of the Mountains, and in places the Coal is seen at about 20 to 40 miles east of the mountains; the Bow River, the great south branch of the Saskatchewan has the first indication of coal by it’s being found on the sands, after the freshets from the Mountains, or heavy rains; The Saskatchewan has extensive coal mines, and after a freshet, bushels of very good coal can be collected on it’s sands in the River; I passed two summers on it’s head waters,2 after a freshet, about one hundred yards below the house, there was a low steep bank, apparently of earth, but the freshet washing away the loose earth showed about six feet of the lower part to be pure coal of an excellent quality, we took three or four bushels, and the Blacksmith made use 13 It is not clear if this is the same man as Tapahpatum mentioned at iii.46 (11) and iii.92 (43) above. A Tapahpahtum trapped and traded in the vicinity of Thompson’s post at Duck Portage in the Muskrat Country in 1795–96. Carlton House (Three Points), Post Journal, 1795–96, b.29 / a / 1: 10r, h b c a . 1 Thompson writes of the Plains on iii.121–2 above (66–8). In the margin of iii.182, next to the writings on coal, Thompson wrote, “To find it’s place.” Coal deposits are described in the 1850 version at iv.131 (I: 185–6). 2 The two summers are those of 1800 and 1801, spent at Rocky Mountain House.

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of them, on the first trial on a short rod of Iron; the rod was melted, and he was obliged to use half charcoal with them; he said, that at Montreal he had worked with the best coal from England but never found any give the same intense heat, they are too far from the sea to bear transport to the Factories. [iii.183] There are three Rivers northward of the Saskatchewan, the Pembinaw, the Beaver, and Athabasca Rivers; in none of which I perceived any traces of Coal: at the Smoke River, about 280 miles northward of the Saskatchewan trading Post, where the Coal is near the surface, is the Smoke River, so named from the smoke of the Coal Mines on fire from time beyond the knowledge of the Indians; I examined this place, the banks are about three hundred feet in height, in a very ruinous state; the part burning and sending forth smoke is about one third of a mile in length, and about one hundred feet below the surface ground, at times the smoke is dark and much of it; at times much less so; about three miles below this it joins the Peace River, on the sands of which I saw no trace of coal; if the Coal proceeds further north, it is probably very deep below the surface.3 [Porcupine.1 Dogs. Beaulieu. Anecdotes. Amelle’s Dog. Skunk &c.] [iii.184] are short about the neck and fore part of the back and sides, the belly has none, and increase to the rump and tail, where the quills are longest and most thickly set; in heat of summer both the hair and the quills are shed; but succeeded so rapidly by others, that he is never without his defence; when attacked, he places his head between his fore legs, curves his back so as to bring his rump and tail quills into full defence; in this posture the Wolf and the Fox let him alone, as well as the Fisher and Wolverene;2 it is only our foolish Dogs that will attack him, their intention is to turn him on his back, and seize him by the belly, which I never saw them once able to do. His rump and tail strike their heads full of quills, which have but a slight hold in his skin. They now attempt to seize him by the back, when their mouths are instantly full of quills, and in attempting to shut their mouths they press them deeper into the flesh; the Dogs with pain howl and roll themselves on the ground, we are obliged to tie a stick across the inside of the mouth; and thus get the quills out; but the Dogs often get quills in other parts of the body, if not soon taken out enter into the body

3 The bottom half of iii.182 is cut away; the missing text introduces the subject of the porcupine. 1 Erethizon dorsatum. 2 The porcupine is mentioned in 1850 at iv.244 (I: 273–4).

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for the barbs of the quills are so formed, as by the action of the animal they work their way inwards: Beaulieu a french Canadian, one of my men a very hearty eater, when in the defiles of the Mountains, provisions became scarce, and we had to kill a large Dog in good condition, and to make the most of him, he was singed, well scraped and washed, and hog like, boiled with the skin on; Beaulieu eat his good share in large mouthfulls. The next morning he complained of a pricking pain in his stomach; which increased in his body, to the tenth morning, he was a clever active man, and I regretted the loss of his service; as usual I attended him, he told me he had suffered much in the night, but was now more easy, and found the pain between the second and third lower ribs of the left side, I examined the place, and found the end of the black barb of a porcupine quill had just [iii.185] got through the skin, enlarging the place with a lancet, and applying a pair of pincers I drew it out; and the pain ceased; the heat of the body had made it so hard, that a sharp knife could not cut it; in the natural state it is easily cut.3 ¶ These quills the Indian Women dye of various colors, after being boiled for a few minutes, they readily take a permanent dye, and by the Women are

3 Joseph Beaulieu was at Rocky Mountain House when Thompson arrived there in October 1806, and he would accompany Thompson at many junctures over the next five years, participating in the crossing of the Rockies in 1807, the exploration of the Kootenay River in spring 1808 and of the Pend Oreille River in fall 1809; he passed the winter of 1809–10 at Saleesh House. Thompson records a fuller account of Beaulieu’s affliction in his journal entry for 8 July 1807: “Beaulieu has been these ten days so very ill that he could not help us, & at length so much so that we despaired of his Life – his Complaint a violent dry Colic & Pain under his Ribs on the left. This Morning perceiving a small Swelling close under his left Ribs mid of the Side to be enlarging, he was feeling it with attention, & by his fingers feeling something rough he sent for me. It appeared to be a small splinter – I extracted it, & to our great surprise found it was a porcupine Quill, that had made its appearance from the inwards – it was of the short thick ones on the Rump & Tail of the Porcupine. It can be accounted for only by supposing that, when he eat part of the Dog the day we passed the Height of Land, he had in eating the Meat swallowed the Porcupine Quill in the Meat, as he is a voracious eater. All our Dogs have been more or less wounded by the Porcupines, & no doubt some of their Quills have worked themselves into the internal of the Skins of the Dogs. The Porcupine Quill thus extracted was about 1 Inch long, yellow, dry & hard & not the least matter about it – but seemed to have a kind of dry Sheath, altho’ the flesh all around from the inflammation attending its passage was hard like the egg of a Pigeon” (a o . 20.20). According to a number of medical authorities, Thompson’s account of Beaulieu’s experience is quite credible. See Jack Nisbet, “Quills,” The Inlander, 16 February 2006, 54.

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wrought into a variety of ornaments to adorn the dresses of both sexes, but most so for the men, and for pipe stems; the food of the Porcupine is the inner rind of the canadian White Pine, he prefers young trees that have nearly obtained their full growth, and seldom feeds more than ten or twelve feet from the ground, and the space that he eats on one tree is seldom more than a foot in height on the south side of the Tree; they are very good eating, and sought after; they are never found on the ground only while removing from one Tree to another, and move so little about, that on seeing his marks on the Trees, he is generally readily found. An old Martin Trapper, told me that on going round his range of about two hundred Marten Traps, he frequently had the good fortune to get one; one time in traversing the Woods near his Traps, he saw a Porcupine on a Tree, barely six feet above the snow, he went to it, seizing him by the head and hind feet he lifted him off, finding him weighty, he said to the Porcupine, “I’ll put thee on the Tree again, and three or four days hence I’ll come and take thee;” the Porcupine was put on the Tree, and he proceeded on his range of Traps. Early on the fifth day he returned, and expected to find the Porcupine where he left him, but no such thing, the Porcupine had left the Tree, and he had to follow his track for upwards of four hundred yards to find him, a great journey for such an animal. The Trapper told me he would never again threaten another animal, for he was sure that in such cases they understood him. A curious case of this kind came [iii.186] under my knowledge; Francois Amelle with four other Men got permission to leave the Fort to trap Wolves and other Furrs. The Bison and Deer were scarce and they did not succeed in hunting; Amelle had with him a fine large Dog, part Newfoundland breed, for to guard the Tent, when they were away; unsuccessfull in hunting they had no provisions, one evening after sun set Amelle came out of the Tent and as usual stroking the Dog’s head for some time, at length said to the Dog, “do you know what we intend to do, the morrow morning we are to kill you, and eat you, for we are hungry;” the Dog remained quiet until they were asleep, when he set off direct for the trading Fort about twenty miles, and next morning when the gates were opened, he was there, and rushed into the yard.4 I could mention several other instances, but the above are enough; some people think, that it is the tone of voice which affects the animal spoken to, my own opinion is, that whatever kind of intelligence an animal collects for his safety is from the eye of Man, which is powerful on all animals, and which in such cases, must have a peculiar expression.

4 Sean Peake suggests that this event took place in early 1800 at Rocky Mountain House, where a voyageur named Ameille was employed. Peake, Travels, II: 422.

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¶ The Skunk.5 The Skunk is a handsome little animal in length about 24 Inches to the insertion of the tail; the tail 8 Inches and some what broad, it’s colors are a fine clean white, with patches of fine black: they appear to live in families, as they are seldom found alone, but in company with one or two more; they feed on berries and roots, but lay nothing up for winter, which is passed in their burrows. They are seldom found north of 55 degrees, but to a great extent southward; they are principally to be found on the edges of the great Plains; where their food is in abundance, as they dig holes like the Badger, tho’ not so large, yet equally dangerous, every Indian kills them when he can; but for this purpose they must be cautiously approached keeping to windward, and not too near, for he neither fears Man nor any animal. He carries his defence with him, in a copious discharge on his enemy [iii.187] of the most abominable, horrid smelling liquid, that can possibly be imagined, from a small bag within him, near the orifice under his tail, which at most does not hold a gill.6 This he can squirt to the distance of three yards or more, but before the wind much farther. One autumn as the Canoes were coming up the Saskatchewan, they put ashore at the Plains to see if any Bison or Deer were near, one John Ward,7 an Englishman, his first year, was with them; on landing he saw several Skunks playing and feeding, and admired them. The Men told him to catch two of them, which he soon did, regardless of the discharges on him; but on coming near the Men, they ordered him off, and then told him of the nature of the Skunk, to preserve his clothes, he had to bury them all under the ground a few inches, and carefully put mould every where on his clothes and within; which in about twelve hours entirely takes the smell away. I have often killed them with Stones, their discharges wetted the grass, and my shoes passing on the grass, I had at evening to bury them and fill them with earth, and next morning always found them free from the smell, fresh earth is the only remedy; those who have felt it on the skin of their hands or faces, have described the sensation occasioned by this liquid to be an itching heat, allayed by rubbing grease on the part, and frequently about two days to get rid of it. Their numbers are not likely to diminish as they have three to five at a birth, and Man is the only one that dares attack him them. When the Dogs do so, the inside of their mouths 5 A marginal note here reads, “To it’s place on the plains,” indicating that the skunk was to have been treated with other Plains animals on iii.122–30 (68–75). 6 A gill is equivalent to five fluid ounces, or 142 millilitres. 7 John Ward worked for the h b c ’s York Inland Department as a labourer and boatsman from 1788 until 1796, when he apparently ran away from the company’s employ. Judith Hudson Beattie, “John Ward,” h b c a , http://www.gov.mb.ca/chc/archives/h b c a / biographical/w/ward_john.pdf

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become yellow and they suffer great thirst, lapping water and putting their heads in it. Twice, or thrice, with another man, we have tried to exhaust them, by pelting them with small stones, the bag in their bodies does not hold a gill; and yet we have made them discharge a quart,8 and the last discharge, as plentiful and bad as the first, it appears nature has given to them the power of producing as much as they require for self defence. One fine day sitting in a Tent, the Women came with Berries and Roots which we were quietly eating. A Skunk came in, we did not dare to breathe he eat what he pleased and left us. When carefully cleaned [iii.188] they are eaten by the french canadians, who say the meat has the taste of garlic. [Peagan Woman suicide. Regret of her husband. Affections strong. Chief’s duty &c. War. Koo tanae Appe &c. Scalp. dances &c.]1 I have remarked the Pee a gan Tribe have some thing chivalrous in them which does not allow them to bear disgrace, even the women partake of it, of which I saw a sad instance; I was at a camp of this Tribe, with five of my men, we were sitting on our Horses, conversing with several men standing about us on provisions, furrs &c, our usual topics. Some of the women were standing at their Tent doors listening to us; when a Pee a gan came from hunting, apparently irritated by some thing that had happened in hunting; he passed by us with his little horse whip hanging to his right wrist, his Wife was standing at the Tent door, to which he went and lightly struck her with the whip, she said nothing, went into the Tent, secured a sharp pointed knife in her bosom, directly came out, and placing herself opposite to, and about three yards from, him, with the tears in her eyes, she said to him “before all these you have disgraced me, you shall never do so again,” drew the knife from her bosom and plunged it in her heart, and fell dead; about twenty yards from us; the women dressed her, and carried her a short distance in a grove of Aspins, laid her down and we builded over her a protection from the Animals like the roof of a house about three feet high, for which the Indians were thankful. The unhappy Husband went into his Tent, and remained quiet until night came, when he went a short distance, sat down, and spent the greater part calling on his deceased Wife whom he dearly loved; where ever the camp moved it was the same for about three Months; during which time he refrained from hunting, living upon what was given to him; the Indians now remonstrated with him, and

8 Equivalent to eight gills, or 1.14 litres. 1 A marginal notation at the head of iii.188 reads, “Now return to the Peagans.”

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obliged him to take one of the sisters of his late wife, and one of her cousins, and he again became a good Hunter, and was remarkably kind to his Wives, but never forgot his first Wife.2 [iii.189] The civilized man, has very many things that claim his attention and very much lessen the force of his passions and affections, especially the all absorbing getting of Money; and advancement in the world: to say nothing of professional education and practice; and the constant attention demanded of commercial men; but the Indian has none of the above, his whole soul and being are made up of his passions and affections, they too often become intense, and the apparent indian apathy, too often covers a volcano; it would be fortunate for the Indian if he had something besides hunting to attract his attention, gambling is his only rescource against the languor of idleness in the Plains. The Pee a gans being the frontier tribe are more under the guidance of their Chiefs than any other Tribe; they have two head Chiefs, the civil Chief, which appeared to me to be hereditary as in my time for twenty eight years it was from father to son; his business is early in the morning, and sometimes late in the evening, as occasion may require, to walk through the camp: in the morning, encourageing them to hunting, pointing out the places where the Bisons are from information; and how to direct the hunting of them, so as not to drive them far off, but to make them approach the Tents as much as possible; and if he has any news from other camps he informs them of what is passing; he seldom makes a speech in the evening, except some news which affects them has been received, which he details to them with his advice how to act; or if any Horse stealing has taken place, which is too frequent, he advises how to act, and the number of Men necessary to recover the Horses; but if any of the Peagans have stolen Horses from other Indians nothing is said about it, and often concludes his speech with good advice, and when gambling, to have a good heart, and not be sorry for what they lose: the hereditary Chief in my time3 was a fine looking Man of about fifty years of age, very fluent in language, and the Indians all agreed he spoke well; when he went out of his Tent to make a speech [iii.190] he always had on, which from his neck, hung before him, the backs of two fine colored Otter skins, ornamented with shells of what is called “Mother of Pearl,”4 and if he sent anyone to another camp with a message of consequence he sent this with him, to show the Message came from him.

2 This incident is related in the 1850 version at iv.294–5 (I: 309–10). 3 Sakatow, who is mentioned by name in the 1850 version of the Travels at iv.282–3 (I: 302). 4 Nacre, the iridescent inner layer of the shell of several species of mollusc.

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The war Chief cannot be said to be elective, he gains his place by his skill and courage in battle, and the guidance to, and from, their enemies; in this respect his conduct is much noticed. Early in life Koo ta nae Appee, whom I have already mentioned became the War Chief; he had all the qualities of this station. I was well acquainted with him, he was a man of mild manners, and for an Indian polite and affable, beloved in his family; under this character, was the dauntless Warrior, who was always successful in battle; he has told me, that to fight with men was honorable, but the murder of Women and Children he detested, as beneath the Warrior; “I encourage them to save all the young women and grown up Boys, and bring them to the camp where they will be adopted, and strengthen our Tribe, and of late we have acted on this advice; several are aspiring to be War Chiefs and lead parties of only forty or fifty men, which are almost sure to return with loss, or effect nothing; as the Tribe allows them, I cannot prevent them, but I publickly warn them to remember that they go to destroy their Enemies, not to be killed themselves; and hold the Chief who leads them responsible for their lives, which makes them cautious.5 “All the Tribes around us to the southward and westward are getting armed full as well as we are, and we would willingly make peace with them, which in some measure we have done, but the Blood and Blackfeet Indians with their allies, who live in security, are always making War parties against them, and as we all speak the same language and have much the same appearance, they cannot discriminate between us, nor have we any power to put a stop to these things, however much [iii.191] they annoy and distress us, and our situation will long be the same, for every idle fellow can become one of a War Party in which there is seldom any danger, and after a short absence, returns and shows himself off before the women.” In all these Tribes there are many vain, idle, young men, who spend their time in painting their faces of various colors; and stand together to be admired; in the early part of the night these fellows procure the loan of a few scalps, and carrying the common rattle, with one made of the hoofs of the small Antelope, and a half drum, to make an imitation of music, they come to the door of a Tent send in a scalp to be looked at, and then call on the women in the Tent to come out, and dance to the scalps of their enemies, which is generally complied with, though they seldom go to the Tents of the most respectable Indians; while these vain fellows were going their rounds I entered the Tent of an Indian somewhat of a Chief. They came before the Tent door, the scalp was handed in, he looked

5 For Piegan chiefs in the 1850 version, see iv.282–4 (I: 302–3)

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at it, and returned it, telling them, “my women do not dance to the scalp of a Woman,” and they had to pass on. [No Missionary. Religion of us hard to explain. Feasts. Gambling. May be only pastoral.] ¶ Missionaries have never been among these Tribes, and they are this day as ignorant of the truths of Christianity as the day they were first known to White People, and are likely to remain so; to inform them of the truths of Christianity requires an intimate knowledge of their language; and who will thus pass a wandering life to acquire it: if a youth of about fourteen years of age could be perswaded to come to Montreal and there be educated, it might do much good to these tribes, but who would maintain him, most certainly not the Hudson’s Bay Company; they have never exerted themselves; and never will, to enlighten the Indians; they would rather erect a distillery for Spirits, (alcohol,) than send a Missionary, even to keep their own servants in the paths of the christian religion. The french Canadians, who are very ignorant, and in my time in those [iii.192] countries, among several hundreds, not one could read, or write; they would be prating about religion to the Indians, of which they knew very little themselves, and that principally of the worship of the Virgin Mary; which in their broken indian language, became ridiculous, and treated with contempt by  the natives; who have no high opinion of our morality. For my part, although I spoke the Nahathaway language, and upon all common subjects could converse and explain myself with ease, yet on Religion, I never could go beyond the unity of God, even to explain the doctrine of the Trinity was beyond my knowledge of the language; to the Unity of God they readily assented, retaining their full belief of inferior powerful Beings, the Manitos of the Animals &c. with the belief of Ghosts, and the great Evil Spirit, the inflicter of sickness and disease: and this belief I did not disturb. These Indians of the Plains are very social among themselves. Late every evening, there are a kind of feasts in many of their Tents, this almost always is made of hashed meat and the fat of the Bison, with it’s blood, of the latter only the clotted blood of the Bison is taken, which the women with some grass in their hands, break into the Kettle, no more water is used than to boil it, this is distributed to those that are called in rude bowls of wood, and of the horns of the Mountain sheep.1 It is a hearty well tasted meat, the women are good

1 Bighorn sheep (Ovis canadensis). The bighorn often served Thompson and his men as game during their journeys in the Rockies.

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cooks, tho’ not too cleanly. The Men often bring their own bowls, they eat the hash with a flat chip, or small horn; Women are never called at these feasts; the men are very social, reserve is thrown off, and jokes on each other, ludicrous stories, with touches on hunting and war, form the conversation, but too often ends in a gambling match, in which sometimes they form two parties; at other times, they take it by turns, one man against all the others; every thing is placed at stake, but their women, and children, these are in a manner sacred; and the man that had five or six horses [iii.193] now walks afoot carrying his little baggage or a child, for his Wife has all she can carry; but as soon as the loser can procure any thing, he has a right to call on the winner to play, and give him a chance to win back what he has lost, which is never refused. They pay great attention to their vows, which are generally made in some great distress, two that I knew, when hard pressed in battle, one made a vow never to smoke unless the Pipe rested on a bit of fresh meat, the other, not to smoke unless his Pipe rested on the dry dung of the Bison, I have often seen them, and each of them carried wherewith to rest his Pipe on, in case the Tent, he went to should not have what his vow required. It may be said that four fifths of the great Plains are of a soil fit for agriculture; northward of the Missesourie River; on the east side, the soil is rich with many rising grounds, called Hills, and would yield good returns to the Farmer, but where is the wood so necessary to the cultivator of land, and where is his market, it may become a pastoral, but never an agricultural country, and even for a pastoral country the domestic cattle must be brought; the Bison is by nature too wild and savage ever to be tamed to be useful, or trusted; these Plains seem to be given by Providence for ever to the Tribes who now hunt on them: they appear, especially in winter, of no use to civilized Man.2

2 Some ten lines have been cut from the foot of iii.193.

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Map 3a

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iii Across the Divide: 1807–1811

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Overleaf: This cut page emphasizes the most significant break in the 1848 Travels, as Thompson turns his attention to the west side of the mountains (see 135). (Page iii.194, David Thompson Papers, m s 21, Thomas Fisher Rare Book Library, University of Toronto)

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[prepare to cross the Mountains. House. horse meat. Salmon. Spies. Goat Skins.] [10 May 1807–Spring 1808]1 [iii.194]2 I believe that I have said enough on the east side of the Mountains; I shall therefore turn to the west side;3 I have already related how the Pee a gans watched us to prevent our crossing the Mountains and arming the Natives on that side; in which for a time they succeeded, and we abandoned the trading Post near the Mountains in the spring of 1807;4 the murder of two Peagan Indians in 1806 by Captain Lewis, of the United States, drew the Peagans to the Missisourie to revenge their deaths;5 and thus gave me an opportunity to cross the Mountains by the defiles of the Saskatchewan River, which led to the head waters of the Columbia River, and, [iii.195] we there builded Log Houses,6 and strongly stockaded it on three sides, the other side resting on the steep

1 Thompson’s journals for this period are: a o . 18.238–41; 250–62 (10 May–26 July 1807), a o . 19.269–303 (18 July 1807–19 April 1808), and a o . 20.1–58 (10 May 1807–8 February 1808). The a o . 20 journals for 10 May–6 October 1807 are published in Belyea, ed., Columbia Journals, 35–74. Thompson also wrote a report for Duncan McGillivray and the n w c partners at Fort des Prairies (Fort Augustus), detailing events of 10 May–22 September 1807: “Narrative of the Establishment on the Scources of the Columbia,” Royal Commonwealth Society Library, Cambridge University Library, m s s 62. This document, edited by T.C. Elliott, is published as “The Discovery of the Source of the Columbia River,” Oregon Historical Quarterly 26.1 (March 1925), 23–49; see Volume III. 2 The top two-thirds of iii.194 (which had probably been bifoliate with iii.193) have been cut away, emphasizing the break in the narrative here. For the structure of the 1848 version of the Travels, see the Historical Introduction, xxii–xxiii. 3 For the background to Thompson’s crossing of the mountains, see the Historical Introduction, xv–xvii. 4 An outpost of Rocky Mountain House, on the Kootenay Plain, kept by Jaco Finlay 1806–07. 5 This incident occured at Marias River, in modern-day Montana, on 27 July 1806, while Meriwether Lewis was on his return journey. Lewis describes a conflict between his party and a group of Piegan over the attempted theft of his men’s guns and horses. The ensuing hostilities resulted in one Piegan, Side Hill Calf, being stabbed to death, and a second being shot. Gary Moulton, ed., The Journals of the Lewis & Clark Expedition. Volume 8: June 10–September 26, 1806 (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1993), 133–7. 6 Thompson telescopes events here. Having departed Rocky Mountain House on 10 May, his party crossed Howse Pass on 25 June and arrived at the Columbia on 30 June. They encountered Kootenai hunters on 12 July, and on 18 July arrived at the source lakes of

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bank of the River;7 the Logs of the House, and the Stockades, Bastions &c were of a peculiar kind of a heavy resinous Fir, with a rough black bark, it was clean grown to about twenty feet, when it threw off a head of long rude branches, with a long narrow leaf for a Fir, which was annually shed, and became from green to a red color.8 The Stockades were all ball proof, as well as the Logs of the Houses. At the latter end of Autumn, and through the winter there are plenty of Red Deer, and the Antelope, with a few Mountain Sheep; the Goats9 with their long silky hair were difficult to hunt from their feeding on the highest parts of the Hills and the Natives relate that they are wicked kicking down Stones on them, but during the summer and early part of Autumn very few Deer were killed, we had very hard times and were obliged to eat several Horses, we found the meat of the tame Horse, better than the wild Horse, the fat was not so oily:10 At length the Salmon made their appearance,11 and for

the Columbia: Windermere and Columbia Lakes. The post site was chosen on 19 July, relocated on 28 July, and construction completed on 27 October. 7 Kootanae House was located on the west bank of the Columbia, just north of Windermere Lake at the mouth of Toby Creek. Thompson spent his first two winters west of the Continental Divide at this post, using it as a base for further exploration, after which is was quickly eclipsed in importance by Kullyspell, Saleesh, and Spokane houses further south; by 1812 it was abandoned. Thompson included a plan of the post in his journals (a o . 18). 8 Possibly ponderosa pine (Pinus ponderosa). Other western conifers that Thompson referred to as “pines” or “firs” include lodgepole pine (Pinus contorta), western white pine (Pinus monticola), Engelmann spruce (Picea engelmannii), Douglas fir (Pseudotsuga menziesii), and grand fir (Abies grandis). It is often difficult to determine which particular species is indicated in a given passage. 9 Mountain goat (Oreamnos americanus). In a journal entry for 25 June 1807, Thompson recounts his experience of pursuing goats (a o . 20.15). 10 For the wild horses in the vicinity of Kootanae House, see above (iii.153–4; 99–100). 11 The salmon arrived in late August. Salmon runs to the headwaters of the Columbia ended with the construction of the Grand Coulee Dam (1933–41). Thompson returns several times to the subject of salmon during the account of his years in the Columbia Basin, and the fish are such a presence during the summer 1811 voyage to the Pacific (iii.252–98; 209–51) that they are effectively one of the protagonists of the journey. Key passages include the observation of traditional salmon rites at Kettle Falls (iii.248; 203– 4 and 250; 205), a description of the salmon life cycle (iii.250–1; 205), an account of different salmon species (iii.274; 228), and illustrations of the centrality of the salmon to the tribal economy (iii.267; 222 and iii.298; 250). In the Travels, salmon species are distinguished primarily by size. The five species of Pacific salmon are, from largest to smallest: chinook (Oncorhynchus tshawytscha), coho (O. kisutch), sockeye (O. nerka),

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about three weeks we lived on them, at first they were in tolerable condition, although they had come upwards of twelve hundred miles from the sea, and several weighed twenty five pounds, but as the spawning went on upon a gravel bank a short distance above us, they became poor and not eatable, we preferred Horse meat. As the place where they spawned had shoal swift clear water on it, we often looked at them, the female with her head cleared away the gravel, and made a hole to deposit her spawn in, of perhaps an inch or more in depth, by a foot in length, which done, the male then passed over it several times; when both covered the hole well up with gravel. The Indians affirm, and there is every reason to believe them, that not a single Salmon, of the myriads that come up the River, ever returns to the sea; their stomachs have nothing in them, probably from no food in fresh water. The shores of the River, after the spawning season, were covered with them, in a lean dying state, yet even in this state, many of the Indians eat them. At some of the Falls, of the Columbia, as the Salmon go up, they are speared, and all beyond the wants [iii.196] of the day, are split, and dried in the smoke, for which they have rude sheds and in their Houses, and often dry enough to trade with other Tribes, when dried by the smoke of Aspin, or other woods of a summer leaf, I have found them good; but dried by the resinous Wood of the Pine genus, the taste was harsh and unwholesome. ¶ In my new dwelling I rema[i]ned quiet hunting the wild Horses, fishing, and examining the country; two Canoes of goods, arrived for trade, on Horses, by the defiles of the Saskatchewan River; half of these goods under the charge of Mr Finan McDonald I sent to make a trading Post at a considerable Lake in McGillivray’s River;12 the season was late, and no more could be done; about the middle of November, two Peagans on foot crossed the Mountains and came to the House, to see how I was situated; I showed the strength of the Stockades, and Bastions, and told them “I know you are come as Spies, and intend to destroy us, but many of you will die before you do so; go back to your countrymen and tell them so;” which they did, and we remained quiet for the winter;13 I knew the danger of the place we were in, but could not help it: As soon as the Mountains were passable I sent off the Clerk and Men with the Furrs collected, chum (O. keta), and pink (O. gorbuscha). The information on salmon provided by Columbia River Natives is accurate: each population of Pacific salmon has a specific run, timing, and spawning habitat, and all Pacific salmon are anadromous (hatching in fresh water, maturing in the ocean, and returning to fresh water to spawn) and semelparous (dying shortly after reproducing). For writings on the salmon unique to the 1847 ending, see ii.237–8 (277–8). 12 The Kootenay River. This post was established above Kootenai Falls in 1808. 13 For the relationship with the Piegan during the winter of 1807–08, see note 1 below (138).

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among which where one hundred of the Mountain Goat Skins with their long silky hair, of a foot in length of a white color, tinged at the lower end with a very light shade of Yellow, some of the ignorant self sufficient partners of the Company ridiculed such an article for the London Market; there they went and sold at first sight for a guinea a skin, and half as much more for another Lot, but there were no more. These same partners then wrote to me to procure as many as possible, I returned for answer, the hunting of the goat was both dangerous and laborious, and for their ignorant ridicule I would send no more, and I kept my word.14 [War party besiege us. the Civil Chief, War Party raised. War Party averted by presents.]1 I had now to prepare for a more serious visit from the Peagans who had met in council, and it was determined to send forty men, under a secondary Chief [iii.197]2 to destroy the trading Post, and us with it. They came, and pitched their Tents close before the Gate, which was well barred. I had six men with me, and ten guns, well loaded, the house was perforated with large augur holes, as well as the Bastions, thus they remained for three weeks, without daring to attack us, we had a small stock of dried provisions, which we made go as far as possible; they thought to make us suffer for want of water as the bank we were on was about twenty feet high and very steep, but at night, by a strong cord we

14 Several significant events during Thompson’s first stay at Kootanae House receive no mention in the Travels: an August skirmish between Blackfoot, Blood, and Piegan on the one hand, and Flathead and Kootenai on the other, which prevented the Flathead from making a trading journey to the post; a brief journey in early October south to the Kootenay River with the Lower Kootenai chief Ugly Head; and the receipt of two warning missives from a pseudonymous American trader, probably located on the Upper Missouri or just west of the Divide. For these letters, which Jack Nisbet suggests were written by independent trader John McClallan, see Nisbet’s Mapmaker’s Eye, 49–50. 1 The chronology of this section of the Travels is rather confused, and the events described are difficult to reconcile either with the preceding section of the narrative or with Thompson’s journals. Several parties of Piegan visited Kootanae House for brief periods between late summer 1807 and spring 1808: a group of fourteen at the end of August, twenty-three in early September, two during October, seven in late December, and five in early March. While no Piegan appear to have arrived during November, and the journals record no events as dramatic as those recounted in the Travels, the Piegans’ close surveillance of the post clearly intimidated Thompson. See a o . 19, 20. 2 A marginal notation written at the top of iii.197 and later excised reads, “but Kootanae Appe had again stood my friend he warned the Chief to bring back his Men.”

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quietly and gently let down two brass Kettles each of four Gallons, and drew them up full; which was enough for us; they were at a loss what to do, for Koo ta nae Ap pee the War Chief, had publickly told the Chief of this party, (which was formed against his advice) to remember he had Men confided to his care, whom he must bring back, that he was sent to destroy the Enemies not to lose his Men: finding us always on the watch, they did not think proper to risque their lives, when at the end of three weeks they suddenly decamped; I thought it a ruse de guerre. ¶ I afterwards learned, that some of them hunting saw some Kootanaes who were also hunting, and as what was done was an act of aggression something like an act of War; they decamped to cross the Mountains to join their own Tribe while all was well with them; the return of this party without success, occasioned a strong sensation among the Peeagans, the Civil Chief harangued them, and gave his advice to form a strong war party under Koo ta nae Appe the War Chief and directly to crush the white Men and the Natives on the west side of the Mountains, before they became well armed, “they have always been our slaves, (Prisoners) and now they will pretend to equal us; no, we must not suffer this, we must at once crush them, we know them to be desperate Men, and we must destroy them, before they become too powerful for us;” the war Chief coolly observed “I shall lead to battle according to the will of the Tribe, but [iii.198] we cannot smoke to the Great Spirit for success, as we usually do, it is now about ten winters since we made peace with them, they have tented and hunted with us, and because they have guns and iron headed Arrows, we must break our word of peace with them: we are now called upon to go to war with a people better armed than ourselves; be it so, let the Warriors get ready in ten nights I will call on them;” the old, and the intelligent Men, severely blamed the speech of the Civil Chief, they remarked, “the older he gets, the less sense.” On the ninth night the War Chief made a short speech, to have each man to take full ten days of dried provisions, for we shall soon leave the country of the Bison after which we must not fire a shot, or we shall be discovered: On the tenth night he made his final speech, and exhorting the Warriors and their Chiefs to have their Arms in good order, and not forget dried provisions, he named a place; there I shall be the morrow evening, and those who now march with me, there I shall wait for you five nights, and then march to cross the Mountains; ¶ At the end of this time about three hundred Warriors under three Chiefs assembled; and took their route across the Mountains, by the Stag River3 and

3 Probably the Red Deer River, which would afford access to Vermilion Pass. Another favoured war road traversed the Crowsnest Pass, and then followed the Elk River to its confluence with the Kootenay.

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by the defiles of another River of the same name, came on the Columbia about full twenty miles from me; as usual, by another pass of the Mountains, they sent two Men to see the strength of the House; I showed them all round the place; and they staid that night. I plainly saw that a War Party was again formed, to be better conducted than the last; and I prepared Presents to avert it: the next morning two Koo ta nae Men arrived, their eyes glared on the Pee a gans like Tigers; this was most fortunate I told them to sit down and smoke which they did; I then called the two Pee a gans out, and enquired of them which way they intended to return they pointed to the northward. I told them to go to Kootanae Appee and his War Party, who were only a days journey from us, and delivering to them the Presents I had made up, to be off directly, as I could not protect them for “you know you are on these lands as Enemies;” the Presents were six feet of Tobacco to the Chief to be smoked among them, three feet with a fine pipe of red pophyry,4 and [iii.199] an ornamented Pipe Stem; eighteen inches to each of the three Chiefs, and a small piece to each of themselves, and telling them they had no right to be in the Kootanae Country; to haste away; for the Kootanaes would soon be here, and they will fight for their trading Post: In all that regarded the Pee a gans, I chanced to be right, it was all guess work. Intimately acquainted with the Indians, the Country and the Seasons, I argued, and acted on probabilities; I was afterwards informed, that the two Pee a gans went direct to the camp of the War Party, delivered the Presents and the Message and sat down, upon which the War Chief exclaimed, “what can we do with this Man, our women cannot mend a pair of shoes, but he sees them” alluding to my Astronomical Observations: then in a thoughful mood, he laid the pipe and stem, with the several pieces of Tobacco on the ground, and said, “what is to be done with these, if we proceed, nothing of what is before us can be accepted;” the eldest of three Chiefs, wistfully eyeing the Tobacco, of which they had none; at length he said, “you all know me, who I am, and what I am; I have attacked Tents, my knife could cut through them, and our enemies had no defence against us: and I am ready to do so again, but to go and fight against Logs of Wood, that a Ball cannot go through, and with people we cannot see and with whom we are at peace, is what I am averse to, I go no further,” he then cut the end of the Tobacco, filled the red pipe, fitted the stem, and handed it to Kootanae Appee, saying “it was not you that brought us here, but the foolish Sak a tow (Civil Chief) who, himself never goes to War;” they all smoked, took the Tobacco, and returned very much to the satisfaction of Kootanae Appé my steady friend; thus by the mercy of good Providence I

4 For red porphyry, see iii.156 (101).

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averted this danger; Winter came on, the Snow covered the Mountains, and placed us in safety: The speeches of the Indians on both sides of the Mountains are in plain language, sensible and to the purpose; they sometimes repeat a few sentences, two or three times, this is to impress on the hearers the object of the speech; but I never heard a speech in the florid, bombastic style, I have often seen [iii.200] published as spoken to white men, and upon whom it was intended to have an effect. Although through the mercy of Providence we had hitherto escaped, yet I saw the danger of my situation. I therefore early next spring took my precautions to quit the place. [McGillivray’s River. Whirlpools. Dalles 11 Men lost. a species of Tiger. Journey over hills. Hills. Moss bread. Horses stolen.] [20 April–14 May 1808] By my journal of 18081 I left the Kootanae House on the 20th of April, proceeded to the Lakes, the scources of the Columbia River, carried every thing about two miles across a fine plain to McGillivray’s River,2 on which we embarked, and proceeded down to look for Indians; where the rocky banks somewhat contracted the Stream, the Water made a kissing noise as if full of small icicles; on examining the surface, I found it full of very small whirlpools of about two inches diameter, all in motion, drifting with the current, and striking against each other, which occasioned the kissing sound. On proceeding to the Lake,3 where we arrived on the 14th of May; after much loitering along the River looking for Indians, whom at length we found near, and at the Lake; the navigation of the River was very dangerous from violent eddies and whirlpools which threatened us with sure destruction, and which we escaped by

1 Thompson’s journal of his explorations south from Kootanae House, 20 April–8 June 1808 (presented in this section and the next), exists in two versions, at a o . 19.304–20 and a o . 21.10–31. The a o . 19 journal for 20 April–8 May is published in White, ed., David Thompson’s Journals, 5–29, while the a o . 21 journal for the complete journey is published in Belyea, ed., Columbia Journals, 75–95. Thompson was accompanied by Mousseau, Lussier, Beaulieu, and La Camble, while Finan McDonald remained at Kootanae House. Thompson followed the Kootenay River in a long downstream arc to Kootenay Lake, where he arrived on 14 May. Frustrated in his hopes of making contact with the Flathead and initiating trade with them, he then returned upstream to the mouth of the Moyie River, which he followed before travelling overland to the eastern stretch of the Kootenay, thus closing the circle. See Map 3a (132). 2 Canal Flats, leading to the Kootenay River. 3 Kootenay Lake.

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hard paddling, keeping the middle of the River. (Note. Mr David Ogden of the Hudson’s Bay Company relates a most sad instance of the effects of these whirlpools, he was proceeding down the Columbia River to Point Vancouver with eleven men in his Canoe, at the upper Dalles, a name given to where the River is contracted by high steep Rocks. He ordered the Canoe ashore, he landed and advised them to carry, they preferred running the Dalles, the path is close along the River without wood. The Canoe entered the Dalles, was caught by a whirlpool, whirled round a few times beyond the power of the Men to extricate it; it approached the centre of the whirlpool, the end of the canoe entered it, and the canoe in a manner became upright, the men clinging to the Bars of the Canoe, and in this manner was drawn into the vortex of the whirlpool, and went end foremost down into it; at the foot of this Dalle, not a vestige was seen, but the body of one man much mangled by sharp rocks. The Rocks of these Dalles [iii.201] and of many parts of the River are of Basalt Rock, steep sided, of an irregular form, having many sharp Points and small Bays, under the former are strong eddies, and the latter too often whirlpools; which the Canoe must cautiously avoid.4 ¶ On the 22nd April altho’ in Latitude 50°∙∙10' North. The Willows and Goose berry bushes had fine leaves;5 in hunting we were not successful, but killed an Animal of the Tiger species.6 He was three feet in height on the fore leg; from the nose to the insertion of the tail seven feet and a half, the Tail two feet, ten inches; very strongly legged with sharp claws, the Back and upper part of the Tail of a fawn color, the Belly, and under part of the Tail, and it’s tip white, the flesh was white and good, in quantity equal to an Antelope, the Liver was rich, and the two men that eat it, for several hours had a violent head ache,

4 Peter Skene Ogden (1790–1854) is intended. Ogden began his fur-trading career with the n w c , and after the merger of 1821 explored the Snake River country on behalf of the h b c . He recounts this accident, which took place in the summer of 1830, in his memoir, Traits of American-Indian Life and Character. He reports that several bodies were found and that there was one survivor, a steersman named Baptiste. Ogden’s volume was published in 1853, but the account of this incident appears to have been written in 1842. Thompson’s use of the verb “relates” may imply an oral retelling, and it is possible that Ogden saw Thompson when he visited Montreal in 1844. A marginal notation at head of iii.201 reads “see below,” indicating the repetition of the Ogden incident at iii.272 (226). See: [Peter Skene Ogden], Traits of American-Indian Life and Character (London: Smith, Elder, 1853), 165–9. 5 Northern gooseberry (Ribes ox y acanthoides). 6 Mountain lion (Felis concolor). This information is taken from the journal entry for 3 May 1808 (a o . 21.17).

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which passed away: The Indians say the habits of this Animal is to lie in covert, and spring upon the back of the Deer, to which he fastens himself by his claws, and directly cuts the back sinew of the neck. The Deer then becomes an easy prey; The Lake I have spoken of, is about three to four miles in width inclosed by ridges of high Mountains, upon which there was much snow. Along the River, in places are very fine woods of Larch, Red Fir, Alder,7 Plane8 and other woods; of the Larch,9 at five and a half feet above the ground I measured one thirteen feet girth, and one hundred and fifty feet clean growth, and then a fine head. This is one of many hundreds, I could not help thinking what fine Timber for the Navy in these Forests,10 without a possibility of being got to market. The other Woods, fine Red Fir, Pine Cypress,11 white Cedar, Poplars,12 Aspins, Birch, Alders, Plane and Willows. At the lower Dalles13 we had to carry every thing on the right side, up a steep bank of Rock, and among the debris of high Rocks, apparently rude basalt, the slope to the River Bank was at a high angle, and our rude path among loose fragments of rock was about three hundred feet above the River, the least slip would have been sure destruction, having carried about one mile, we came to a Brook14 where we put up for the night. Each trip over this one mile of debris, took one hour and one quarter, and cut our shoes to pieces. The banks of the Brook were about two hundred feet [iii.202] in height, with a steep slope of debris to descend, with not a grain of sand, or earth, on them, to relieve our crippled feet: from the Brook, we had one mile to carry to the River, to which we descended by a gap in the Rocks; the River had steep banks of Rocks, and only thirty yards in width; this space was full of violent eddies, which threatened us with destruction and where ever the River contracted the case was always the same, the current was swift, yet to look at the surface, the eddies made it appear to move as much backward, as forward; where the River is one hundred yards wide and upwards, the current is smooth and safe. In the evening we

7 Thinleaf alder (Alnus tenuifolia). 8 Probably Douglas maple (Acer glabrum), rather than Manitoba maple. 9 Western larch (Larix occidentalis). 10 I.e., for ships’ masts. In his journal entry for 2 October 1807, Thompson writes that larch is “admirably adapted to Shipes” (a o . 20.42). 11 Rocky Mountain juniper (Juniperus scopulorum). 12 Black cottonwood (Populus trichocarpa). 13 Kootenai Falls, which Thompson visited on 6 May 1808. Here the narrative ­becomes chronological. 14 Falls Creek.

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came upon the remains of an Antelope on which an Eagle15 was feeding, we took the remainder it was much tainted, but as we were hungry, we boiled and eat of it; which made us all sick; had we had time to make charcoal, and boil this with the meat, the taint would have been taken from the meat. The next day we came to ten Lodges of Kootanae and Lake Indians.16 They had nothing to give us but a few dried Carp and some Moss bread, this is made of a fine black moss,17 found on the west side of the Mountains attached to the bark of a resinous rough barked Fir and also the Larch, it is about six inches in length, nearly as fine as the hair of the head; it is washed, beaten, and then baked, when it becomes a cake of black bread, of a slight bitter taste, but acceptable to the hungry, and in hard times, of great service to the Indians. I never could relish it, it has just nourishment enough to keep a person alive. They informed us, that a few days ago, forty seven Pee a gans crossed the Mountains and stole thirty five of their Horses, in doing of which, the old Kootanae Chief killed one of them; thus is war continued, for want of the old Men being able to govern the young men. [lay aside my Canoe. over a hilly country. the hills. hardships. cross McGillivray’s River. McGillivray’s Carrying Place.] [14 May–8 June 1808] May 14th. To this date, we had the meat of a few small Antelopes,1 by no means enough to prevent us eating Moss Bread and dried Carp, both poor, harsh food; for the Carp were of last year’s catch and old tasted; the water, from the melting of the Snow in the Mountains, had risen upwards of six feet; and overflowed all the extensive fine meadows of this country;2 We now began our return. The several small camps we came to of Lake Indians all make use of Canoes in the open season, made of the bark of the White Pine,3 or of the [iii.203] Larch, they serve for two seasons, but are heavy to carry, the inner side of the bark (that next to the Tree), is the outside of the Canoe, they are all made of one piece, are generally eighteen to twenty feet in length by twenty 15 Bald eagle (Haliaeetus leucocephalus). 16 On 8 May (a o . 19.311; a o . 21.21). The terms Kootanae and Lake indicate the Upper and Lower Kootenai respectively. In his journals, Thompson refers to the Lower Kootenai as the Flat Bow. 17 Black tree or tree hair lichen (Bryoria fremontii). 1 See note on iii.128 (74). 2 Kootenay Bottoms. 3 Western white pine (Pinus monticola).

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four to thirty inches on the middle bar, sharp at both ends.4 We engaged two men with one of these Canoes to guide us over the overflowed meadows, and avoid the current of the River which we knew to be unnavigable; to effect which we made several short carrying places over strips of land yet dry; On the sixteenth we met two Canoes from whom we traded twelve singed Musk Rats, and two shoulders of an Antelope: thankful, for a change from Moss Bread which gave to all of us, the belly ache. On the nineteenth of May, learning the country was too much flooded for any of the several tribes of Indians around us, to come to us, I bought Horses, laid up my Canoe as the River was unnavigable to proceed against the current and proceeded by land over a very hilly country; I engaged a Kootanae Indian to guide us, and he, as well as myself endeavoured to procure another man, but none would undertake the journey. On the twentieth we came to a large Brook so deep and rapid, the light Horses could not cross it, we had to cut down a large Cedar Tree on it’s banks, which fell across it; and became a bridge over which we carried every thing; we had to take each Horse separate, and with a strong cord of hide, haul him across, we went up the bank and camped; our Guide went a hunting; in the evening he came to us without success, and we went fasting to sleep, for we were tired. Early next morning he killed a small Antelope, which was a blessing to us. Our Guide now deserted us, and went back to the camp, this left us in a sad situation in these Mountains without provisions, or a guide; the melting of the Snow had made every Brook a torrent, and did not allow the usual paths to be taken, we prayed the Almighty to relieve us. ¶ On the twenty second we waited with faint hopes for his return, when at ten am I sent off two Men to the camp of the Kootanae and Lake Indians to procure another Guide, on their arrival, Ugly Head5 (so named from his hair curling) the Lake Indian Chief made a [iii.204] speech, in which he bitterly reproached them for want of a strong heart, and contrasting their cowardly conduct, with ours, who braved every hardship and danger to bring them Arms, Ammunition, and all their other wants; calling upon them to find a man, or two, who would be well paid; but none answered the call: the dangers of the Mountains at this season were too great, and too well known to them, and I was not aware of this until it was too late; finding no answer given to his call on them, he said “while I am alive, the White Men who come to us with goods, shall not perish in the Mountains for want of a Guide and a Hunter, since your

4 Known as a sturgeon-nosed canoe, this craft was typical of Plateau tribes (Nisbet, Mapmaker’s Eye, 62). 5 For the Lower Kootenai chief Ugly Head, see Appendix 3 (359).

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hearts are all weak, I will go with them;” he kept his word, and on the evening of the twenty fourth of May, he came with the two men, and I thanked God, for the anxiety of my situation was great, and now entirely relieved, for I knew the manly character of the Lake Indian Chief, and justly placed confidence in him. On the next day our Guide, early went off a hunting, but without success, we set off and came to a large Brook which we named Beaulieu6 (the name of one of my faithful men) here we had to make a bridge of a large Cedar Tree, and carry everything over, and crossed the Horses by a strong line. About 1½ pm, thank God, we killed an Antelope, and by boiling and roasting on the spot, made a hearty meal, for we were all very hungry; the rest of the day was through pathless woods, over debris of the Mountains to 8 pm, when we had to stop and lie down for want of light to guide us. On the 26th day we as usual, set off very early, our Guide a hunting without success, we soon came to a deep River with a strong current overflowing the low grounds;7 we went up it’s rude banks; our Guide went forward, and at 4½ pm came to us and told us, we can go no further, we must make a Canoe to cross the River, as the Mountains are too steep, hungry and tired, with heavy hearts we set to work, and got the materials ready to put together the next morning; In the evening our Guide returned, quite undetermined what to do; the sharp Rocks had cut our Horses, they could be traced by their blood; On the 27th, our noble Guide told us not to make a Canoe, but try the Mountains higher up the River, we set off over [iii.205] rude rocks and patches of pathless woods, both our Horses and ourselves weak and tired, at length we came to better ground and a path which led to a bold Brook, which our Horses could not cross, and we had to proceed over tolerable ground with small Cypress Woods; late in the afternoon we came to a Family of Lake Indians, of whom we got a bowl full of small dried Trout, two pounds of dried Meat and four cakes of very clean, well made moss bread, by far the best we have had. We were very hungry, and with a keen appetite devoured the fish, the meat, and a cake of moss bread. Our Guide told us to camp for the night, and he would get information of the way through the Mountains, as usual, in a straight line we have come about ten miles to day, with the hard work of full twenty miles. On the 28th. we set off very early, but soon came to overflowed ground, and had to take to the Mountains climbing up the hills and descending them, to the overflowed pathless woods up to our middle in water, we made slow progress, to near Noon, when we stopped to refresh our Horses, our Guide telling us, that for the present we had passed the inundated ground.

6 Mission Creek. For Beaulieu, see note on iii.185 (124). 7 The Moyie River.

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We then had a path over tolerable ground to the evening when we put up at a Lake from which the River comes;8 having marched fourteen miles on a straight line in nearly as many hours. ¶ On the 29th we had to proceed up along the River to find a place where we could cross it, the country tolerable, but much fallen wood; near noon our Guide killed an Antelope, thank God; upon which we made a hearty meal; we then proceeded and in the evening came to a place where the River was narrow, but the current very strong, we put up, and our Guide killed a Red Deer; which gave us provisions for three days. Early next morning we commenced cutting down large Cedars and Pines to fall across the River and form a Bridge to cross on, but the torrent was so rapid, that every tree we threw across the stream was either broken by the Torrent, or swept away: as our last hope, a fine Larch of full twelve feet girth, standing twenty four feet from the bank was cut down, and fell direct across the River, but in [iii.206] falling, the middle of the tree, bended and was caught by the rapid current, the head was swept from the opposite bank, the butt end of four feet diameter was carried off the ground, as if it had been a Straw; our last hope being gone, and near noon, we desisted, and with our Horses proceeded up the River to the foot of a steep Hill, where the River was divided into five channels, the channel next the opposite bank having most of the water with it’s headlong current, and on this side of it a pile of driftwood, which we name an Embarras:9 The Guide and one of the Men crossed; at the fifth channel swiming their Horses, they then threw down a number of Aspin Trees to form a Bridge to the Embarras, but all were broken, or swept away by the current. I had about three hundred pounds weight of fine Furrs which the water would injure, and I was at a loss what to do, the four channels were easily crossed to the Embarras, upon which we laid every thing; we had now no alternative but tie all up in small parcels, as hard as we could; to be hauled across by a Line of Bison hide, which in the water distends and becomes weak; a hempen line contracts in the water and becomes stronger; we thus crossed every thing to the last parcel, which was about sixty pounds of Beaver, and the little Baggage of two of the men, the line too much distended broke, and the parcel lost. We crossed, swiming our Horses and thus, thank kind Providence, crossed, and got clear of this terrible River by day set; and put up.

8 Moyie Lakes. 9 Used in reference to an accumulation of driftwood, this is a North American French term, derived from the French embarras, an obstacle.

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¶ The next day being fine we spread out every thing to dry to 11 am, when we set off and in the evening camped at McGillivray’s River, having had a fine country all day. We now raised the bark of a large white Pine, of which to make a Canoe; this work took us a day and a half, when we crossed the River, and held on near it to Skirmish Brook,10 at 3 pm, the rest of the day was spent in throwing Trees across the Brook for a Bridge but they were swept away. At sun set we felled a large Red Fir of full ten feet girth, this broke, but served our purpose though very hazardous, we got all across and camped by 8 pm. June 3rd; Early set off, passed two large Brooks, as [iii.207] usual by throwing Bridges of Trees across them. We camped late, and heard distinctly a shot fired about one mile from us, supposing it to be of Enemies, we passed a rainy night under arms. The next morning our Guide examined all around for the tracks of Men, or Horses, but found none, he killed an Antelope of which we were in want; we marched to past 5 pm, when thank God, we arrived at the last crossing place of McGillivrays River; here we had to make a Canoe to cross it, on June 5th by 5  pm were all crossed to McGillivrays Carrying Place, to the scource of the Columbia River. Here we bid adieu to our manly humane Guide, without whose assistance we could never have crossed the secondary Mountains, we had come over; he descended the River for his own Country which he would reach in two days. The foregoing tedious detail, informs the reader what travelling is in high hilly countries when the Snow is melting, the same Brooks which cost us so much hard work and were crossed with danger, in Autumn have very little water; and almost every where fordable, the water not a foot in depth. We were acquainted with the Kootanae Country before us, and on the 8th, came to Mr Finan McDonald, and four Men in charge of the Furrs traded in winter, they have had also hard times, and have been obliged to eat all the Dogs.

10 Wild Horse Creek.

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Map 3b

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[to Defile of Mountains. great distance down. the Current. Send off the Furrs to Lac la Pluie. return myself. Red Deer. strong life.] [9 June–10 November 1808]1 ¶ We set off for the Mountain defiles to the Saskatchewan River, having killed a Horse for food; at the east end of the defile we had laid up a large Birch Rind Canoe, which we put in good order.2 [iii.207a]3 {this year, when from the Columbia River, we crossed to the head of the Saskatchewan River;} The Snow was much melted and the upper part of the River a torrent of water, we had a Canoe, with three Men and a Che pa way Indian who had followed us from the Rainy River as Hunter, he sat in the middle of the Canoe, as ballast; We embarked with the rising Sun, and merely paddled to give the Canoe steerage way for guidance, the descent of the River is great in the Mountains and from them, and foamed against every rock, Snag or root of a Tree in it’s current. Near sun set we came to the Craigs, which are about fifty feet of steep limestone, at the foot of which, we put up on the beach, the Canoe unloaded, and all safe on shore; as usual my share was to light the fire, while the Men got wood; every thing being done, and the Kettle on the fire, I noticed the Indian sitting with his hands on his knees, and his head resting on his hands, supposing him to be ill, I enquired what was the matter with him, looking at me, he said, “I cannot make myself believe, that from where we embarked in the Mountains, we have come here in one day; it must be two days; and I have not slept.” By my Journals, I found we had come one hundred and thirty two miles; the first part must have been at ten miles Per hour, as for the last three hours the current was moderate, and we did not advance more than five miles Per hour.4 [iii.207] Embarked the Furrs, and with five men set off for the Rainy

1 Thompson’s journal for 9 June–4 August 1808 is at ao. 19.320–33. The journal for 4  August–10 November 1808 is at ao. 23.2–10. The journal entries for 4  October– 10 November 1808 are published in Belyea, ed., Columbia Journals, 96–103. 2 This crossing, via Howse Pass, was personally harrowing for Thompson. On 19 June a horse almost crushed his children, and on 20 June his two-year-old daughter, Emma, went missing for five hours. a o . 19.322. 3 Page iii.207a was cut from iii.213, and inserted here as a paste-on to iii.207. As such, it was moved from the events of 1809 to those of 1808. A marginal notation at the head of the page reads, “To find it’s place.” 4 Sean Peake suggests convincingly that this incident occurred on 20 June 1810, as the details are consistent with the journal entry for that day (a o . 22.47; Peake, Travels, II: 464; see iii.227–8, 175). Such a distance was not achieved on any day during 1808.

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River House,5 and arrived July 22, where we landed our cargo of Furrs, then made up an assortment of Goods, for two Canoes, each carrying twenty pieces of ninety pounds weight; among which I was obliged to take two Kegs of Alcohol, over ruled by my Partners (Messrs Donald McTavish6 and John M’Donald. gart7) for I had made it a law to myself that no alcohol should pass the Mountains in my company, and thus be clear of the sad sight of drunkenness, and it’s many evils: but these gentlemen insisted upon alcohol being the [iii.208] most profitable article that could be taken for the indian trade. In this I knew they had miscalculated; accordingly when we came to the defiles of the Mountains I placed the two Kegs of Alcohol on a vicious horse; and by noon the Kegs were empty, and in pieces, the Horse rubbing his load against the Rocks to get rid of it; I wrote to my partners what I had done; and that I would do the same to every Keg of Alcohol, and for the six years I had charge of the furr trade on the west side of the Mountains, no further attempt was made to introduce spirituous Liquors.8 ¶ Near the head of the eastern defile, we had the good fortune to kill two Bison Cows; these animals often frequent the gorges of the Mountains for the fresh grass, water, and free from flies; but are careful not to be shut in by 5 Rainy Lake House, or Fort Lac la Pluie, served as a forward station for the provisioning of more distant Athabasca and Columbia regions. While Thompson’s round-trip supply journey took some five months, he remained at the post a mere two days, from 2–4 August 1808; his arrival in 1810 occurred on 22 July. 6 The powerful n w c partner Donald McTavish (1771 / 2–1814) was based at Fort Dunvegan in the Athabasca District. In 1811 he was placed in command of the n w c ’s mission to develop trade between China and the Northwest Coast. 7 For n w c partner (and Thompson’s brother-in-law) John McDonald of Garth, see Appendix 3 (358). 8 I.e., the years 1807–12 inclusive. This policy continued under James McMillan for a year after Thompson’s retirement (White, ed., David Thompson’s Journals, cxlii–cxliii). Thompson’s grandson, William David Scott, remembered his aged grandfather as a “total abstainer [who] abhored the sight of liquor in any shape or manner” Charles S. Shaw to J.B. Tyrrell, 21 May 1917, J.B. Tyrrell Papers, mg30 d49, l a c . During his earlier career with the n w c , Thompson had regularly traded alcohol, and allowed his men to have occasional rations of rum. A journal entry written on 17 February 1804, while Thompson was trading at Peace River Forks, refers the taking of a personal vow regarding alcohol consumption. After noting that the local Natives were “drinking at x y Expence,” Thompson continues, “From what past this day took my final Resolution; quit of my alch.” a o . 14.199. As the entry indicates, the taking of this vow occurred during some of the worst excesses of alcohol trading, when the n w c was in cutthroat competition with the x y Company.

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impassable rocks; and on being hunted uniformly make for the open country: yet when found in a narrow place I have seen the Bisons take to the rocky hills and go up steep places when they could barely stand, the Bison is a strong, headlong animal. [iii.208a] While proceeding up the River,9 the strong current obliging the Men to track up the Canoes, I walked ahead for hunting on a low point of gravel, I mortally wounded a Doe Red Deer, and as she was dying the Canoes came to me, the Men began skinning her, and one man cut off her head, upon this the Deer arose and for half a minute stood on her feet; the Men became frightened, said she was a devil, and would have nothing more to do with her, I cut a piece of meat for my supper, put it in the Canoe, and marched on, when we camped, I expected my piece of meat for supper, but found they had tossed it into the River, and my servant, said to the Men, “does he wish to eat a piece of the devil, if he does, it is not me that will cook it.” Instances of this nature are known to the Indians, who call them See pa nee, that is strong of life.10 [iii.208] On the 21st11 we laid up our Canoes for the winter; the Canoes rest upon their Gunwales, on logs of wood to keep them about one foot from the ground, the timbers are slightly loosened, to prevent the Birch Rind cracking with the frost. Pine Trees, in the form of the roof of a House, with all their branches are placed over the Canoes to prevent any weight of snow lying on the bottom of the Canoe. We had now a journey of ten days with horses through the defiles to the Columbia River, we had a Che pa way Indian with us for a hunter who killed a mountain sheep in good condition: On the evening of the 31st October we arrived at the Columbia River; and found the Canoe we had laid up in bad order; In this journey we had plenty of provisions, the Hunter having killed two Goats, from the inside of the male, we had twelve pounds of soft grease; also a Bison Bull and two Cows. Having detained Goods for the cargo of the Canoe, I sent off the Horses up the River with the rest; we now, as usual, find a great change in the climate, on the east side, hard frosts and deep snow, here on the west side the grass is green, even all the leaves are not fallen; and our poor half starved Horses will now [iii.209] recover their flesh, and become in good condition, and be free from lameness.12 I have noticed that we found the Canoe in bad order; rainy weather came on and delayed us to the afternoon of the 2nd of November when we had the Canoe repaired, and embarked the Goods for to winter at the Kootanae House of last winter, where we arrived on the tenth of November, and where we shall winter, please God;

9 The North Saskatchewan River 10 For this term, see note on I: 16. 11 October. 12 Here Thompson slips into the present tense of his journals.

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[Kootanae Lakes. Sun halo. Red Deer. Glazier of ditto. Wild Horses. hunting. Kootanae.] [10 November 1808 – 10 March 1809]1 ¶ As the season is too late to proceed to the Saleesh Indians; sent off Horses and Goods to the Lake Indian country:2 all in safety, as the Snow on the Mountains is too deep for a war party to cross: at McGillivray’s River a Canoe took the Goods, and the Horses returned with the Men in charge of them. Since the 10th Instant (November) the wild Geese3 have been passing in great numbers to the southward, but too high for a shot, by the very latter end of the month the Geese and most of the Ducks had left us for the southward but many Swans4 and some Ducks remained in the two Koo tanae Lakes (the scources of the Columbia)5 these Lakes do not freeze in the winter. December 22nd. At 8¼ am the Sun was clear, and the sky clear, to the left of the Sun, but to the right a dense atmosphere about twenty degrees from the Sun; it’s height about eight degrees, and it’s breadth full ten degrees. In this a very bright halo was formed, at times it had the colours of the Rainbow, but of a deeper tint; in the clear sky nothing could be seen; about 9 am the halo formed a mock sun, fully equally in splendor to the real Sun, so that my Men called out there are two Suns, and no doubt a similar appearance caused the supposed appearance of two Suns in Thrace as related by Historians.6 This remained for about twenty minutes, when the mock Sun, began to lose it’s splendor, and in half an hour more was not to be seen; I had seen fine bright Halo’s, but never so perfect a mock Sun.

1 Thompson’s journal for 10 November 1808–31 March 1809, the second winter at Kootanae House, is at a o . 23.10–20. 2 Finan McDonald was in charge of this party, which embarked on 7 November. 3 Most references to geese indicate the Canada goose (Branta canadensis). In both his journals and narrative, Thompson frequently notes the spring and fall passing of migrating geese; he reflects on goose migration on iii.223 below (170). The goose served as an important game bird during these times. 4 Trumpeter swan (Cygnus buccinator). Thompson carefully observed the swans that wintered at the source lakes of the Columbia and, later, at Saleesh House, describing their nesting habits (iii.223; 170) and counting clutches of eggs (iii.239; 194–5). The trumpeter swan provided fur traders in the upper Columbia with an important source of meat. 5 Windermere Lake and Columbia Lake. 6 Thompson describes the appearance of a parhelion, or sun dog. Although this atmospheric phenomenon was described by many writers in Antiquity, the source of Thompson’s allusion is not known.

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1809. January 5th. Took a wood Canoe and went down to the little Lake, which had upwards of one hundred Ducks, about one third of them Stock Ducks,7 the finest of Ducks, I killed one Stock and three fishing ducks,8 the first very good, the latter bad tasted, but the Canadians eat them; after this [iii.210] I frequently killed one of these ducks for a change. January 11th. Two Swans came, but being disturbed again left us, the Birds about us are, the bald headed Eagle, a small Hawk,9 the Raven,10 and Magpies11 numerous: these with the Raven frequent the edge of the shore ice, and make sad havoc among the small fry of fish. There are also some fine Woodpeckers with scarlet heads and a rich plumage.12 As there was now plenty of shore ice of sufficient thickness, we made a Glacier for frozen meat. This is a square of about twelve feet, the bottom and the sides lined with ice; in this we placed one hundred and sixty Thighs and shoulders of Red Deer, and forty seven Thighs of Antelopes; this is necessary, for as soon as the fine weather comes on, the Deer of all species leave the low lands, and retire for fresh grass and shelter to the vallies of the high Hills: In these meat glaciers, a layer of Meat is laid on the ice, and then a layer of ice, and thus continued: when the warm weather comes on, it is covered with fine branches of the Pine, the ice is found so much thawed that the pieces are joined together, the Meat is also thawed, but remains very sound, but has lost it’s juice and is dry eating, I have even seen the meat covered with a kind of moss, but not in the least tainted. On the 17th the Kootanae Hunters brought six Red Deer, which I had split and dried for the summer provisions. On the 18th. a number of handsome birds made their appearance somewhat larger than a Sparrow, their head, breast and back of a bright brick red, the rest of a blueish colour, the beak short and strong; three fore claws and one hind claw, I could not learn on what they fed.13 The Kootanaes went a hunting the wild Horses, and brought eight near to us, the next day my Men and the Indians set off and had a hard day’s chase, but caught none of them. I have often hunted and taken them, it is a wild rough riding business, and requires bold sure footed Horses, for the wild Horses are regardless of danger, they descend the steep sides of Hills, with as much readiness as racing over the finest ground, they appear to be [iii.211] more headlong than the Deer. A dull, mere pack Horse was 7 Mallard (Anas platyrhynchos). 8 Common merganser (Mergus merganser), or possibly red-breasted merganser (Mergus serrator). 9 Probably American kestrel (Falco sparverius). 10 Corvus corax. 11 Black-billed magpie (Pica pica). 12 Probably pileated woodpecker (Dryocopus pileatus). 13 Pine grosbeak (Pinicola enucleator), which feeds on berries and coniferous buds.

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missing, with a man I went to look for him, and found him among a dozen wild Horses, when we approached, this dull Horse took to himself all the gestures of the wild Horses, his Nostrils distended, mane erect, and tail straight out; we dashed into the herd and flogged him out; An Indian (half breed) has now eighteen of these wild Horses, which he has caught and tamed; and we also caught three of them.14 The whole of the latter part of this month (January) fine mild weather and the Swans frequently arriving. Unfortunately these Indians, like all others, when provisions are plenty, and readily procured; are much addicted to gambling, and thus lose several days and nights. The water for the last half of this month has been rising. The month of February passed without any thing remarkable, the weather variable, mostly mild with slight frosts, many Swans about us, but keep too far from the shores; we took a few wild Horses. On weighing found the average weight of the thigh of a Red Deer to be thirty two pound, and the whole of the meat 160 to 170 lbs. March 10. One of my Men killed a Swan, and I killed another, it was in good condition, but not fat, and weighed thirty two, and a half pounds. Several flocks of Geese, those we have killed are not fat. For the first time a Swan of the lesser species15 was killed.16 [Mountains. Nelson. Barometers broke. formation of a Storm.] [iii.211a] To ascertain the height of the Rocky Mountains above the level of the Ocean had long occupied my attention, but without any satisfaction to myself.1 I had written to the late Honorable William McGillivray to buy for me a Mountain Barometer2 for the measurement of these Mountains; he procured for me a Mountain Barometer which he placed in the hands of Mr John McDonald of Gart, a Partner with a promise to take great care of it and deliver it to me in good order, but he tossed it on the loaded Canoes, where it was tossed about, and when brought to me at the foot of the Mountains, the case was full of water, and the Barometer broken to pieces. Mr William Gillivray bought for me another Barometer, which unfortunately was delivered to the same person, who made the same promises, with the same performance; seeing 14 For wild horses, see iii.153–4 (99–100). 15 Tundra swan (Cygnus columbianus). 16 Here iii.211 was cut for the insertion of the supplementary pages iii.211a–b. 1 This passage represents Thompson’s last and most elaborate attempt to answer this question. For earlier writings on the elevation of the Rockies, see the essays “The Mountains of every Continent” (313) and “Travels of David Thompson” (319). 2 This instrument would have allowed Thompson to measure atmospheric pressure, which decreases with altitude.

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it was hopeless to procure a Barometer I had to follow the best methods of measurement which circumstances allowed.3 By a close estimation of the descent of the Columbia River from it’s scource to the sea I found it to be 5960 feet (including it’s Falls) in 1348 miles, being an average of four feet five inches Per Mile. Let the descent at the second Kootanae Lake4 be 5900 above the sea, here was one step gained and the fine plains on the east side of this Lake enabled me geometrically to measure the heights of the secondary Mountains; due east of me were a chain of bare steep Mountains, on which no snow lodged, and destitute of vegetation; to the west was the rude pyramid of Mount Nelson (for so I named it)5 the Base Line was carefully measured, and the Angles of the heights taken with the Sextant in an artificial horizon of Quicksilver. By this method I found the height of Mount Nelson to be 7223 feet above the level of the Lake, which gave 13.123 feet above the Pacific Ocean; of the secondary Mountains on the east side, of one Peak 10,889 feet, and another 10825 feet above the level of the sea, but for the primitive Mountains I could not find a place from which to obtain a measurement and be in safety; but 5000 feet may safely be added to the height of Mount Nelson to give the height of the [iii.211b] primitive Mountains.6 At the greatest elevation of the passage across the Mountains by the Athabasca River, the point by boiling water7 gave 11.000 feet, and the peaks of the Mountain are full 7000 feet above this passage, and the general height may be fairly taken at 18,000 feet above the Pacific Ocean.8

3 Thompson’s method has three steps. First, using his own observations from travel on the Columbia, he calculates the height above sea level of the river’s source; second, he uses trigonometry (a base line and angles) to determine the height of the mountains which can be observed from the Columbia source lakes; finally, he (rather arbitrarily) adds 5,000 feet to this figure to arrive at the elevation of the highest mountains. 4 Columbia Lake. 5 For Mount Nelson, see note on iii.118 (63). 6 In the geological terminology of Thompson’s day, primitive mountains designate the central and most elevated core of a mountain range; in “The Mountains of every Continent” he calls them “vast rude piles of Rock” (309). Secondary mountains are seen as lower ramifications of the central chain. 7 The method of measuring elevation by boiling water was developed by the Swiss geologist Jean-André Deluc and championed by his compatriot Horace-Bénédict de Saussure (Belyea, ed., Columbia Journals, 213). 8 With his figure of 18,000 feet, Thompson overestimates the elevation of the highest of the Rocky Mountains by about 40 percent. The highest peak in the northern Rockies, Mount Robson, stands at 12,972 feet. Thompson had apparently made even more grandiose estimates; in Astoria, Washington Irving includes a letter from Columbia University

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Major Long9 of the United States Engineers in his topographical survey, under the orders of the Executive in the Map of his survey, places the ancient Ocean at a level of 6000 feet above the level of the present sea; and the highest of the Mountains (Latitude 38° North) to be 11,000 feet above the present sea of the Atlantic, but he has not given us any data for the above assumed levels, on his Map. Southward of the Latitude of 47° north I am not acquainted with the Rocky Mountains. ¶ At the foot of the above steep bare measured Mountains is the scource of the Columbia River, it is a Lake of nine Miles in length by 1¼ miles in width,10 it’s direction nearly due South and north, it receives no Water from the east, nor from the high rolling lands from Mount Nelson on the west, but appeared wholly supplied by springs in the Lake, it appeared to have always the same level; and from it’s north end sends out a Brook which forms a second Lake, from which I measured the Mountains. This River is perhaps the only River that is navigable from the sea to it’s utmost scource. On the steep, bare, sides of these Mountains I twice saw the first formation of the clouds of a Storm it’s first direction was from the Pacific Ocean, eastward up the valley of the lower Columbia River, and McGillivray’s River, from which the Hills forced it from east to north; the Sun was shining on these steep Rocks when the clouds of the Storm entered about 2000 feet above the level ground; in large revolving circles, the northern edge of the circle behind cutting in it’s revolution the centre of the circle before it, and thus circle within circle for nearly twenty miles along these high Hills until the clouds closed on me, and all was obscurity; it was a grand sight, and deeply rivetted my attention. [Seasons &c. Cross. go to Fort Augustus. return. Saskatchewan.] [1 April–19 August 1809]1

professor James Renwick, who writes that Thompson had told him that “he had ascertained the height of one of the peaks to be about twenty-five thousand feet.” Washington Irving, Astoria; or, Enterprise Beyond the Rocky Mountains, 3 vols. (London: Richard Bentley, 1836), 3: 286. 9 For Stephen Harriman Long, see iii.66 (19). The figures given by Thompson are found on the vertical section which appears along the bottom of “Country Drained by the Mississippi,” a map accompanying volume II of Edwin James’s Account of an Expedition from Pittsburgh to the Rocky Mountains. Thompson also refers to this mountain profile in his essay “The Mountains of every Continent” (313). 10 Columbia Lake. 1 Thompson’s journal for 1 April–19 August 1809, detailing the transport of furs to Fort Augustus and return across the Divide, is at a o . 23.20–38.

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¶ [iii.211] April, a month of summer weather, in the very beginning of this month all the birds were laying Eggs, the Rooks in flocks; the grass green, and the Woods with young leaves. On the 17th in two middle sized Canoes, and a few loaded Horses, began descending the River with the Furrs and 720 lbs of dried provisions to place them beyond the low lands, which will soon be overflowed; as the Snow on the high Hills is fast melting, for although our Latitude is 50¾ degrees north, yet the climate is as mild as the Latitude of 42 degrees on the east side of the Mountains; and this month was spent in getting the furrs and provisions to a safe place, and making a strong hoard in a steep bank of earth, to place all our lumber and baggage not required: every thing was now Summer and the water overflowing the low grounds, we were every day busy [iii.212] with taking the Horses down the River, the Men were too few to manage them, and where the country was rude could only take half of them in a day; In the Canoe I had made a shift to maintain myself and those with me; but the Men in charge of the Horses killed three for food, of which only two were eatable; we had now arrived at the Mountain Carrying Place,2 and had to find, and raise Birch Rind to make a Canoe at the other end, this was a scarce article, plenty of it, but too thin, and it occupied two days to find enough. In the afternoon of June 9th, we left the Columbia River, and entered the defiles of the Mountains, each two Men had five loaded Horses in charge, each Horse carrying two packs each of seventy five pounds; but as all these defiles have a small River running through them, which is constantly traver[s]ing the defile from side to side, it has to be continually crossed; we were too late, the water had risen, and the Horses could not be kept to follow the Men in charge, so that they often crossed swiming and wetted the Furrs. On the evening of the 18th, we had passed the defiles, and were on the head waters of the Saskatchewan River, where it is barely navigable with care: here I had my two Canoes of last Autumn, (which were carefully laid up) brought and put in good order. As the weather was rainy we had to lose time in drying the Furrs; and it was near noon on the 21st June we got all ready and embarked the Furrs with five Men to each Canoe, on the 24th we arrived at Fort Augustus on the Saskatchewan;3 where every thing was put in good order assisted by 2 Howse Pass. 3 This was the second n w c post to bear this name. The first Fort Augustus was established in 1794 at a site on the north bank of the North Saskatchewan just above the Sturgeon River. In 1807 it was attacked and destroyed by a Blood war party. The second post was established in 1808 on the present site of Edmonton; it was abandoned in 1810, to be replaced by New White Mud House. Thompson mentions passing the site of the first Fort Augustus in June 1810 (iii.228, 175–6).

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Mr James Hughes who is in charge of the place.4 On the 27th of June early, under the care of Parenteau, the Guide, sent off the two Canoes for the Rainy River House; there to discharge the Furrs, and return with Merchandise; July 14th. Under the charge of Mr Finan M’Donald sent a Canoe off for the defiles of the Mountains, it’s cargo four pieces of Merchandise; weighing 320 lbs. four, nine gallons kegs of grease (the melted fat of the Bison) and five bags of Pemmican, each of ninety pounds, with five men, a less number could not stem the current. With two men and Horses I went by land, but the woods had been lately burned, the path could not be kept, I therefore sent a Man with the Horses [iii.213] back to Fort Augustus to Mr Hughes, and embarked in the Canoe.5 The strength of the current obliged us to make constant use of the tow line, in a few places to make a change of labor, we went up with Poles, this is hard work, and puts water in the Canoe, thus we continued to the 9th day of August, hunting for a livelihood, killing a Bull Bison, (there were no Cows) a Red Deer, or a Mountain Sheep, so that we did very well for Provisions; At the east end of the defiles, the banks are of sand Stone, and make excellent grind stones, there is also much petrified wood; from many places of the banks a white silicious water is trickling which petrifies every thing it comes on, and forms layers of sand stone, the whole well deserves the attention of the geologist, for [iii.214] nature acts on a great scale; none of the countries have ever been inspected by a regular geologist; and it is a strange fact that hot springs, so common in Europe, in the great extent of my travels, have never been seen by me, nor do the Indians know of any. Having carefully laid up our Canoe, we went through the defiles with our Horses, and on the 13th of August arrived, thank God, all well at the Columbia River; here were two Canoes, which we had laid up, and which are now put in order; and proceeded up the River, and to the head Lake, the scource of the Columbia River, from which there is a good Carrying Place of two miles to McGillivray’s River course due South. [Journey to the Saleesh. Arrive at the Saleesh River. Arms. &c. House building.] [20 August–26 September 1809]1

4 For n w c partner James Hughes, see Appendix 3 (357). 5 At this point iii.207a was cut from iii.213 (see above, 150). 1 Thompson’s journals for 20 August–26 September 1809 are at a o . 23.38–43; they are published in Belyea, ed., Columbia Journals, 104–11. The journal for 18 August– 8 September is published in White, ed., David Thompson’s Journals, 31–41, and that for

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We were fortunate enough in hunting to procure provisions and a few tolerable good Salmon were speared in the lower Lake. Late in the afternoon of the 20th we embarked on McGillivray’s River, and went down it, safely over the Rapids and Falls, to the Road to the Saleesh River,2 on the evening of the 29th instant; As we have now to proceed with Horses only; laid up the Canoes for the winter; and arranged every thing to be transported by Horses to the Saleesh River. The Latitude of this remarkable place is 48°∙∙42¾' North Longitude 116°∙∙0'–8" West of Greenwich. On my arrival here, I had sent off Mr Finan M’Donald and a man to follow the road to the Saleesh River, and find a camp of those Indians, to bring Horses and help us to the River. On the 5th of September, sixteen men with twenty five Horses arrived,3 they brought us lines to tie the loads on the Horses; they appeared a mild intelligent race of Men; in whom confidence could be placed: they lent to us fourteen Horses, which we loaded, and with those we had; set off; we went South 15 East 3 Miles to the foot of a high bank, so steep that the Horses often rolled down, at length all got up; which took us four and a half hours, we then went five miles to a Brook, and put up; the Road and Country good, the former often too narrow for our loaded Horses, and we had to cut down many small trees. September 7th we advanced sixteen and a half miles, crossed a large Brook three time from it’s windings, the Woods of several kinds of Firs and Pines, with plenty of Cedar, the ground good and level; September 8th. Having gone one Mile we crossed a fine [iii.215] Brook of fifteen yards in width;4 easy current and deep, but had good fording places: we went on six miles to a Rill, which we followed for near two miles; and came to a Lake;5 here Canoes met us, made of Pine Bark and the Indians embarked twenty pieces

8–26 September 1809 is published in T.C. Elliott, ed., “David Thompson’s Journeys in Idaho,” w h q 11 (1920): 99–102. During this time Thompson journeyed down the Kootenay River, then travelled across country to Lake Pend Oreille, where he established Kullyspel House. See Map 3b (149). 2 Thompson’s “Road to the Saleesh River” (also called the “Great Road of the Flat Heads,” and “Lake Indian Road” on his maps) is a pivot in the tribal transportation and trade network of the Plateau, linking the Kootenay River with Lake Pend Oreille. Thompson would travel the route again in late October and in May 1810. In May 1811 Thompson travelled a more easterly route connecting the same systems, which he called the “Kootanae Road” (see iii.241–2; 197). 3 These sixteen men were likely Flathead. 4 Pack River. 5 Lake Pend Oreille.

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of Goods and Baggage, they advanced Southeastward, about five miles, when the wind obliged them to put ashore; and we also camped; to day we have killed four geese and one Crane, all good. The next day the Canoes set off, but the wind rising, we had to take part of the cargo’s of the Canoes on the Horses, at 2 pm, thank God, we arrived all well at the Saleesh River;6 here we were met by fifty four Saleesh Indians; Twenty Three Skeetshoo;7 and four Kootanae Indians, in all eighty men, and their families; they made us an acceptable present of dried Salmon and other Fish, with Berries, and the meat of an Antelope. The next day with two Indians went to look for a place to build a House for trading; we found a place, but the soil was light, and had no blue clay, so necessary for plaistering between the Logs of the House and especially the roofing; as at this time of year; the bark of the Pine Trees cannot be raised to cover the Roof, for want of which, we had an unco[mfo]rtable House. We removed to the place and set up our Tents and a Lodge.8 On the 11th, we made a scaffold to secure the provisions and goods,

6 The outlet of the Clark Fork. Thompson’s Saleesh River designates three rivers: the Clark Fork, which flows into the east side of Lake Pend Oreille, its upstream tributary, the Flathead, and the Pend Oreille, which exits the lake to the west. 7 Coeur d’Alene. The traditional territory of this Interior Salish tribe included the Spokane River, and Coeur d’Alene Lake and its tributaries. Economic staples included trout fishing and camas digging, and, with the aquisition of horses, the bison hunt. Coeur d’Alene people traded at both Kullyspel and Spokane houses, and were allied with the Flathead, Spokane, and Kootenai. Thompson referred to these people as “Pointed Hearts” in his  journals; “Skeetshoe” represents the people’s tradition name for themselves, Schitsu’umsh. Gary B. Palmer, “Coeur d’Alene,” h n a i 12, 313–26. The encampment may have also included Kalispel, after whom the post erected nearby would be named. The Kalispel, an Interior Salish people, lived along the Clark Fork River, Lake Pend Oreille, and Pend Oreille River. Their traditional economy was based on fishing, hunting, and gathering, particularly of the camas bulb, which was to be found in several areas in which they lived (see iii.217; 163–4). Historically, the Kalispel showed only a loose sense of wider tribal identity. Sylvester L. Lahren, Jr., “Kalispel,” h n a i 12, 283– 96. The terms Kalispel and Pend Oreille are often used interchangeably; in his journals Thompson refers to the group as Kullyspell, Pend Oreille, Ear Bob, and Ear Pendant. Thompson’s story of his sojourn among the Kalispel in June 1811, at iii.243–6 (199– 201), contains information about tribal war traditions. 8 Kullyspel House, the construction of which is detailed below. The precise site of this post has not been determined, but it was located on the Hope Peninsula, on the east side of Lake Pend Oreille. When Thompson set off to explore the Pend Oreille River on 27 Septem­ ber, he left Finan McDonald in charge of construction. Kullyspel House operated for only

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helved our Tools ready to commence building; our first care was a strong Log building for the Goods and Furrs, and for trading with the Natives, our arrival rejoiced them very much, for except the four Kootanaes their only arms were a few rude lances, and flint headed Arrows, good Bowmen as they are, these arrow heads broke against a Shield of tough Bison hide, or even against thick leather could do no harm; their only aim was the face; these they were now to exchange for Gun, Ammunition and Iron headed arrows, and thus be on an equality with their enemies, for they were fully their equals in courage; but I informed them, that to procure these advantages, they must not pass days and nights in gambling, but be industrious in hunting and working of Beaver and other furrs, all which they promised: some few distant Indians, hearing of our arrival, came with a few furrs,9 but took only iron work for them, every thing else they paid no attention to, even the [iii.216] women preferred an awl or a needle to blue beads, the favorite of the sex for ornament. All those who could procure Guns soon became good shots, which the Pee a gan Indians their enemies in the next battle severely felt; for they are not such good shots, except a few; they are accustomed to fire at the Bison on horseback, within a few feet of the animal, it gives them no practice at long shots at small marks. On the contrary, the Indians on the west side of the Mountains are accustomed to fire at the small Antelope to the distance of One hundred and twenty yards, which is a great advantage in battle, where everyone marks out his man. On the 23rd we had finished the Store House, to make the roof as tight as possible, which was covered with small Logs, we cut long grass and work it up with mud, and filled up the intervals of the small Logs which answered tolerable well for Rain, but the Snow in melting found many a passage; in this manner we also builded our dwelling House; and roofed it, the floors were of split Logs, with the round side downwards, notched so as to lie firm on the Sleepers, and made smooth with the Adze; our Chimneys were made of stone and mud rudely worked for about six feet in height and eighteen inches thick, the rest of layers of grass and mud worked round strong poles inserted in the stone work; with cross pieces, and thus carried up to about four feet above the roof; the fire place is raised a little, and three to four feet in width by about fifteen inches in depth. The wood is cut about three feet in length, and placed on the end, and as it costs nothing but the labor of cutting we are not sparing of it.

a few short seasons. Nisbet, “‘A Place to Build a House On,’” Sandpoint Magazine (Summer 2009), http://www.sandpointonline.com/sandpointmag/sms09/david_thompson.html. 9 Possibly Spokane.

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[Examine the South Fork, and the lower Saleesh. Return. Basalt. Industrious.] [27 September–6 October 1809]1 ¶ September 27th. In order to examine the Country along the River below us, with four Horses, one of my Men, by name Beaulieu2 and an Indian Lad, set off. My view was to see if we cannot change our Route to cross the Moun­ tains, as at present we are too much exposed to the incursions of the Pee a gan Indians; we found the country along the River of a rich soil well clothed with grass as low meadows; the River about three hundred and fifty to four hundred yards wide, the current moderate, and many Fowl, the most numerous, was the Brent Goose,3 the [iii.217] smallest of the species of the wild goose, but equal to the others in flavor and taste. On the 29th we came to a Fall of the River,4 the carrying place only twenty yards. September 30th, as usual went down along the River, keeping mostly in the Woods: for firm ground, the Red Fir (from the color of the bark) is of very fine growth, tall and numbers of eighteen feet girth, some few were more, with the white Fir and Pine, Birch, Poplar and Aspin. The Hills distant and not high. At Noon we came to where the River is much expanded; here we saw the Tents of a few Indians,5 our Indian called to them, they came with a Canoe, and crossed him; he soon returned, and pine bark canoes with six Men, two Women and three Boys came to us. As usual an  old Man made a short speech, and made a Present of two cakes of root bread, (not moss) twelve pounds of Roots, two dried Salmon, and some boiled Beaver Meat which I paid for in Tobacco; These Roots6 are about the size of a Nutmeg, they are near the surface, and turned up with a pointed Stick, they are

1 The journals for 27 September–6 October 1809 are at a o . 22.2–6, and have been published in T.C. Elliott, ed., “David Thompson’s Journeys in the Pend Oreille Country,” w h q 23 (1932): 18–24 and Belyea, ed., Columbia Journals, 111–16. Thompson travelled down the Pend Oreille River nearly to Box Canyon above Metaline Falls, before the danger of navigating the lower river halted his advance. He made a second journey down the river the following spring (iii.224–6; 171–3). 2 For Beaulieu, see iii.184 (124). 3 Either the brant (Branta bernicla) or the cackling goose (Branta hutchinsii). 4 Albeni Falls. 5 Kalispel. According to Kalispel oral tradition, Thompson wanted to talk about the route immediately, but the Kalispel insisted he eat first; they also provided him with a new buckskin shirt to replace his ragged clothes. Nisbet, Mapmaker’s Eye, 76. 6 Camas, of which several species exist (Camassia spp.), was a staple root food for many Salishan tribes. In the 1847 ending, Thompson refers to camas by its Salishan name, Eet too way (ii.239; 279).

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farinaceous, of a pleasant taste, easily masticated, and nutritive, they are found in the small meadows of short grass, in a rich soil, and a short exposure to the Sun dries them sufficiently to keep for years. (I have some by me which were dug up in 1811 and are now thirty six years old, 1847) and are in good preservation, I showed them to the late Lord Metcalfe7 who eat two of them, and found them some thing like bread; but although in good preservation, they, in two years lost their fine aromatic smell. These poor people informed me there were plenty of Beaver about them, and the country, but they had nothing but pointed Sticks to work them, not an axe among them. I enquired of the Road before us, they said it was bad for Horses; then how is this River to where it falls into the Columbia, they said it was good, and had only one Fall to that River; I requested them to let me have a Canoe, and one of them to come with us as a guide, to which they readily assented, and to morrow morning we are to set off down the River. This account of the River below us differs very much from the description of this River by the Lake Indian Chief,8 whose, information I could alway depend [iii.218] on, he described the River above where it enters the Columbia to be a series of heavy Falls for one and a half day’s march, to the smooth water, the sides of the Falls steep basalt rocks. October 1st. This morning they came with an old useless Canoe, which I refused, and they soon returned with a good Canoe, we left the Indian in care of the Horses, until we should return. We descended the River till late in the afternoon, when heavy rain obliged us to put up for the night. The next day we descended the River for three hours. The River had contracted, and the current swift, full near four miles Per hour, this brought us in sight of a range of high rude Hills covered with Snow, I enquired of our Guide where the River passed, he said, he could not tell, he had never been on the River before; vexed with him, I saw plainly the description of the lower part of this River by the Lake Indian Chief was too true, and we had to turn about, having come in the Canoe about twenty six miles on a w n w course. The same fine Woods near the River with fine Larch. ¶ We came to where we had left our Horses, having killed seven Geese and two teal Ducks;9 the Indians gave us a good Antelope, so that we are rich, and on the evening of the fourth, we found ourselves with fifteen Geese, one Antelope, one Beaver, fifty pounds of dried Salmon, and the same of Roots:

7 For Thompson’s relationship with Charles Theophilus Metcalfe, governor of Canada, 1843–45, see I: xviii. 8 Ugly Head. 9 One of cinnamon teal (Anas cyanoptera), blue-winged teal (Anas discors), or greenwinged teal (Anas crecca).

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October 6th. In the afternoon arrived at the Saleesh House.10 All well thank God. All along our journey the River had plenty of Swans, Geese, Ducks, Cranes and Plover.11 We have come seventy five miles, which with twenty six, makes 101 miles that we have examined this fine River, and the country about it which some day will be under the Plough and the Harrow and probably by the Natives, who are a very different race of people from those of the east side, these latter seem utterly averse to every kind of manual labor, they will not even make a pipe stem their great favorite, which is the trifling work of a day, and takes them a month; those on the west side pride themselves on their industry, and their skill on doing any thing, and are as neat in their persons as circumstances will allow, but without Soap, there is [iii.219] no effectual cleanliness; this we know very well, who, too often experience the want of it, take Soap from the boasted cleanliness of the civilized man, and he will not be as cleanly as the Savage who never knew it’s use. [Go for the Goods, hard times. Building. Provisions. Seasons &c.] [7 October–30 November 1809]1 ¶ During my absence forty four Skeetshoo Indians came to the House, and traded near two hundred pounds weight of Furrs, and three Horses. October 7th. Having cut the Logs for the House, we began hauling them, to the place for the House. October 11th. I set off with Horses, two men and a Guide to meet the Canoes from the Rainy Lake with Goods for the Trade of the Natives. We went about ten miles to the top of the River Hills, the first part had very fine woods, the white Cedar was often four to five fathoms girth, clean and tall in proportion, the Larch and the Red Fir, very fine. On the 20th October we arrived at McGillivray’s River, having come about 201 miles over hilly countries, with many small Meadows, and finely wooded with the Red Fir, Larch, Pine,

10 Kullyspel House is intended. 11 Black-bellied plover (Pluvialis squatarola) or American golden plover (Pluvialis dominica). 1 Thompson’s journals for 7 October–2 December 1809 are at a o . 22.6–14. The journal entries for this period are published in White, ed., David Thompson’s Journals, 43–68. Those for 6–11 October and those for 30 October–2 November are published in T.C. Elliott, ed., “David Thompson’s Journeys in Idaho,” w h q 11 (1920): 102–3 and 165–6 respectively. Thompson followed the Salish “Road to the Buffalo” east along the Clark Fork River before journeying across to the Kootenay River, where he rendezvoused with James McMillan. He returned via the “Lake Indian Road” to Kullyspel House, and then set off east again to establish the post among the Flathead. See Map 3b (149).

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Poplar, Aspin and a few others. Mr James McMillan in charge of the Canoes with Goods for the trade, had arrived;2 here we separated the Goods for the different Posts to trade with the Natives; and with Horses transported the Goods over these hilly countries, very fatigueing to the Horses and ourselves. On the 9th of November, thank God we arrived at the place we had builded a Store, and were now to build a House for ourselves.3 Four of the Horses were left behind, knocked up with fatigue. We had experienced much bad weather in drizzling rain, and showers of Snow which soon melted, and had to dry every thing. We were all of us very hungry, having had very little on the Road; there were some Indians near us, of whom we tried to buy a horse for food, our own were too poor to be eaten, and we fasted, except a chance Goose or Duck amongst us, until the 14th, when Jaco, a fine half breed4 arrived and relieved us. From him we traded twenty eight Beaver Tails, forty pounds of Beat Meat,5 thirty pounds of dried meat, and now, we all, thank God, enjoyed a good meal. ¶ We continued to work at the House, the same day, three Saleesh young Men came to inform us, that the great Camp of the Saleesh Indians, with their Allies, were returned from hunting the Bison, and were two days march from us, had plenty of provisions, and had [iii.220] seen no enemies, so far this was good news, but it did not relieve us from want until the 24th, when eight Saleesh Men came, from whom I traded three packs of Furrs (a pack is 90 lbs weight) and thirteen hundred pounds of dried meat; they were from the great Camp, which, they said, was moving slowly towards us; hitherto we had been very unsuccessful in hunting the Antelope, altho’ there were many about us. An Indian remarked to me, “you have now got provisions for your hungry men for several days, now we shall kill the Antelope, and there will be want no more this winter,” which became true. Amongst Hunters who depend wholly on the chase, there some times comes a strange turn of mind; they are successful; and every thing goes well; a change comes, they either miss, or wound the Deer,

2 For n w c clerk James McMillan, see Appendix 3 (358). 3 Saleesh House, on the Clark Fork. Thompson spent two winters, 1809–10 and 1811– 12, at this post, which was strategically located along the route followed by several Plateau tribes to hunt bison and to winter in the Flathead Valley. For a thorough treatment of Thompson’s connection with Saleesh House, see Carl W. Haywood, Sometimes Only Horses to Eat: The Saleesh House Period 1807–1812 (Thompson Falls, m t : Rockman’s Trading Post, 2008). Haywood suggests that the “store” was simply a cache that Thompson had left when he stopped at the location on 14 October (137–40). 4 For Jaco Finlay, sometime n w c clerk and key Thompson collaborator, see Appendix 3 (356–7). 5 For “Beat Meat,” see iii.228b (177).

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without getting it; they become excited, and no better success attends them, despondency takes place, the Manito of the Deer, will not allow him to kill them; the cure for this is a couple of day’s rest; which strengthens his mind and body. It is something like the axiom of the civilized world, that Poverty begets Poverty. November 30th. We had not finished building our Houses; this month has been very mild weather, two thirds of it with light drizzling rain with a chance shower of Snow, the Leaves of the Trees are all fallen, and the River clear of ice.6 [Weather. Birch Rind. Mr Courter’s death. Peeagans &c. Journal. Birds of pas­ sage. Duties.] [3 December 1809–17 April 1810]1 ¶ December 3rd. At length I got lodged in my House and put up my Thermometer; the mean cold of the day at 7½ am. 2 pm and 9 pm +22. December 4th +23. December 6th +30 December 8th +19 Ice now drifting in the River, and much ice along shore. December 11th. +26, the River clear of ice, mild weather returned, December 17th mean +37. December 19th. Thermometer rose to +43 December 24th, mean temperature +41 December 31st, hitherto this month has been mild weather, with much light drizzling rain; how different from the east side of the Mountains, where the largest Rivers and the Lakes have now thick ice on them; it may be enquired what can be the cause of this great difference of [iii.221] climate on the same parallel of Latitude, it appears equally inexplicable as the great difference of heat on the opposite sides of a Continent. The mean of the Thermomet[e]r for the month of December from 7½ am to 9 pm +27, the lowest point +13 and the highest +44. 1810 January, this month passed without any thing worth notice, although at times the nights and mornings were cold, yet the ducks kept about, the River had drift ice, but not to prevent a canoe crossing: We made a Glacier of shore ice, and placed 1260 lbs of Antelope Meat in it. The Thermometer, the lowest point was –4, the 6 Thompson excised a parenthetical notation here, which read: “(having unfortunately broken my Thermometer, by the falling of a Horse I do not know the temperature of the air, which I much regret).” 1 Thompson’s journals for 3 December 1809–17 April 1810 are at a o . 22.15–33, and are published in White, ed., David Thompson’s Journals, 68–107. During this winter at Saleesh House, Thompson compiled two vocabularies of the Salishan language spoken in the vicinity of the post (a o . 23.47–8; 63–84; Mattina and Taylor, “Salish Vocabu­ laries”). During the winter Thompson visited several tribal encampments in the vicinity of the post, including those of the Kootenai, Kalispel, and Flathead.

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highest +39, the mean heat of the month +23. February. By weighing we found the average weight of the meat of an Antelope to be fifty nine pounds when fleshy, but when fat to be sixty five pounds. By observations found The Latitude of this, the Saleesh House to be 47∙34'∙35" north, and Longitude 115°∙22'∙51° west of Greenwich. The range of the Thermometer for the first twenty two days, was, the lowest point –11, the highest +48, the mean temperature +31. From this date no further attention could be paid to the Thermometer, from my being absent on various duties,2 the greater part of the Month was spent in looking for Birch Rind to make two Canoes, for the transport of the Furrs, Provisions &c. At the latter end of this month although, myself, several others with six Iroquois Indians, (who had come this far to trap Beaver,)3 assisted in looking for Birch Rind fit for large Canoes, we found none; it is a curious fact that climate has, a great influence on the thickness of the Rind of the Birch Tree, in the mild winters of this country the Rind is thin, and we had to go to the tops of the Hills in rocky situations to look for it. ¶ On the evening of the 24th, the Indians informed me, that the Pee a gans had attacked a hunting party, killed Mr Courter (a trader and Hunter from the United States)4 and one Indian, and wounded several others. My Hunter hearing that two of his brethren were wounded, requested to go, and see them which I readily granted, my Guide deserted and went to a distant camp for safety; but I soon procured another. On the 26th in the afternoon came to twenty one Tents of Saleesh Indians, who, received us with their usual kindness; they seemed [iii.222] to think, that the imprudence of Mr Courter, by going on the War Grounds, with a small party to hunt the Bison and set traps for the Beaver, which were numerous, was the cause of his death; and the accidents to the Indians; during my time the Traders and Hunters from the United States

2 Thompson was away from Saleesh House on 23 February–6 March, 8–14 March, and 17–25 March. 3 For Iroquois hunters and trappers, see I: 278. Several Iroquois would later settle among the Flathead, to whom they introduced Roman Catholicism (Malouf, “Flathead and Pend d’Oreille,” 306). 4 Charles Courtin, a Canadian trader who had adopted United States citizenship in order to operate in the Upper Missouri region. Courtin, having wintered with the Flathead, was travelling up the Clark Fork with a bison hunting party when he was killed at the Hell Gate Canyon. Alvin M. Josephy, Jr, The Nez Perce Indians and the Opening of the Northwest (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1965), 660–3; John C. Jackson, “Old Rivet,” Columbia 18, no. 2 (Summer 2004): 17–23. In his journals, Thompson records his settling of Courtin’s outstanding affairs; on his maps he labelled the upper reaches of the Clark Fork “Courters River.”

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were most unfortunate, there seemed to be an infatuation over them, that the Natives of the Plains were all skulkers in the woods, and never dared show themselves on open ground, and they suffered accordingly, being frequently attacked in open ground and killed by the Pee a gans until none remained.5 ¶ From these Indians I traded about thirty pounds of dried meat, and twenty eight split and dried Tongues of the Bison. Our Horses being very tired I staid with them the rest of the day, and enquired for Birch Rind, they say, there is plenty of Birch Wood in the Brooks which are in the Hills, and the month ended without any success in Birch Rind for a Canoe. March 1st, at a camp of Koo ta naes, and traded a good Horse for Tobacco and Ammunition; on the 10th while at the Saleesh Camp, an alarm came of the tracks of Pee a gans being seen near the Camp, every thing was now suspended, scouts went off and came back reporting having seen a body of Cavalry about three miles from us. About one hundred Men now, mounted their Horses proud of their Guns and iron headed Arrows to battle with the Enemy; they soon returned, having seen these Cavalry to be the Kootanaes under their old Chief who had quitted hunting the Bison, and were returning to their own country; but gave me, as well as the old Men, great pleasure in seeing the alacrity with which they now went to seek the enemy, when before, their whole thoughts and exertions were to get away from, and not to meet, their enemies. ¶ I now in a small Canoe with two Kully spell Indians set off for the House, and on the 15th arrived, almost constant bad weather, Rain and Showers of Snow, the next day collected the Horses, and on the 17th set off for the Saleesh Camp to bring the Furrs and Provisions to the House. On the 19th at Noon arrived at the Saleesh Camp, Monsieur Bellaire6 whom I had left in charge had traded 544 lbs of dried meat of the Bison, much wanted for the [iii.223] voyage in the summer; March 20th. My men, whom I had left to look for Birch Rind for a Canoe, at length found enough for one large Canoe and have now nearly made it, but the bad weather prevents the inside work. Tied up about 1650 lbs of Furrs, and about 1300 lbs of dried provisions to be taken to the 5 Several St Louis–based traders were active in the Upper Missouri region during this period, and in 1810 a post was established at the Three Forks, headwaters of the Missouri. As Thompson writes, violent conflict between these traders and the Piegan was frequent, and by 1813 the trade was largely abandoned. Eric Jay Dolin, Fur, Fortune, and Empire: The Epic History of the Fur Trade in America (New York: W.W. Norton, 2010), 183–8. 6 Registre Bellaire, a free hunter who passed the winter of 1809–10 at Saleesh House; Thompson encountered him again in August 1811 at Kettle Falls (White, ed., David Thompson’s Journals, 65n).

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House by the Canoe and by Horses. March 24th. Numerous flocks of Geese have passed to the northward as well as Ducks, but the Swans remain here; for how long we cannot say. Most of these Geese from my knowledge of the northeastern countries have to proceed to between the parallels of 58 to 62 degrees north, and three to five hundred miles eastward of the Mountains, there to lay their eggs and rear up their young, and late in Autumn with their young return to these mild climates to pass the winter. In a straight line the flight of the Geese from New Orleans is 2700 miles. Who thus unerringly guides the wild Geese and Ducks, over this great space, crossing the rocky Mountains at both seasons, the Indian readily answers, the Manito to whom the Great Spirit has given the care of the Geese and Ducks &c the civilized world has it’s Manito called Instinct an undefinable property of Mind.7 The Geese and Ducks which remain here are all now paired, repairing, or making their Nests for laying their Eggs. The Swans the same, but this is a most cautious bird, they work at the nest only in the night, I never saw them at it in the day, and they are to be found at some small distance from the nest; even when the female is sitting on the eggs, the male is not near her until his turn comes to take charge of the eggs, which are from three to seven, and so well hidden, they are not found so often as the Eggs of other Fowl. On opening a female she had eleven Eggs. ¶ On the 25th we arrived at the House; the Indians are suffering from Colds, from the almost constant drizzling Rains, and some of us are not much better, but we now plainly, as well as the Indians, see in this climate, the great advantage of woollen, over leather clothing, the latter when wet sticks to the skin, and is very uncomfortable, requires time to dry, with caution to keep it to it’s shape of clothing. On the contrary, the woollen, even when wet, is not uncomfortable, is readily dried and keeps it’s shape, which quality they admire, the [iii.224] Indians now fully appreciate the use of woollen clothing, and every one is glad by means of trade, to change his leather dress, for one of the woollen manufacture of England.8 March 30th. 6 am +25. 2 pm +43 9 pm +32 I have now collected all the Furrs and Provisions safe in the House. On the 31st, the Thermometer rose to +46. Thus ended this Month of much travelling by land and by water; the impression of my mind is, from the formation of the country and it’s climate, it’s

7 Thompson makes a similar reflection in the 1850 version (I: 35). 8 Trade goods, including Thompson’s at Saleesh House, typically included woollen broadcloth manufactured in England, referred to in inventories as “stroud,” after the Gloucestershire town in which it originated (White, ed., David Thompson’s Journals, 147n).

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extensive Meadows and fine Forests, watered by countless Brooks and Rills of pure water, that it will become the abode of civilized Man, whether Natives or other people; part of it will bear rich crops of grain, the greater part will be pastoral, as it is admirably adapted for the rearing of Cattle and Sheep. (these fine Countries by the capitulation of the Blockhead called Lord Ashburton now belong to the United States.)9 April. various duties for the Voyage before us, got the Canoe ready and sent off to the Kully spel Lake with Furrs and Provisions, the weather variable, but very mild. April 9th. 5 am +38 2 pm +52 9 pm +42 small Rain. [proceed on the Voyage to Lac La Pluie &c. Basalt Falls of the Saleesh River. Snow &c. Journey to McGillivray Carrying Place.] [18 April–16 May 1810]1 April 18th. 5 am +38 Clear 2 pm +71 hazy 9 pm +38 calm, getting all ready to set off the morrow 19th we left the House to proceed on our Voyage to exchange the Furrs for Goods &c the 25th part of this day was passed in observations for Latitude Longitude and Variation of the Compass, of no use to the general reader. The same on the 26th, when we had the good fortune to kill one Crane, thirteen Geese and one Duck. April 27th. Proceeded on discovery down 9 By the terms of the 1846 Treaty of Washington, the boundary between United States and British territory west of the Continental Divide was set at the 49th parallel, a settlement that left the sites of Kullyspel, Saleesh, and Spokane houses in the United States. Alexander Baring, Baron Ashburton, was responsible for negotiating the northeastern boundary, settled by the 1842 Webster-Ashburton Treaty; he was not involved in the Treaty of Washington negotiations. For Thompson’s letters on the Oregon Question, see Volume III. 1 Thompson’s journals for 18 April–16 May 1810 are at a o . 22.33–41. The following sequences have been published: for18–23 April in White, ed., David Thompson’s Journals, 107–11; for 21–4 April in T.C. Elliott, ed., “David Thompson’s Journeys in Idaho,” w h q 11 (1920): 166–7; for 24 April–1 May in T.C. Elliott, ed., “David Thompson’s Journeys in the Pend Oreille Country,” w h q 23 (1932): 89–93; for 1–7 May in Elliott, ed., “David Thompson’s Journeys in Idaho,” 167–9; and for 6–16 May in White, ed., David Thompson’s Journals, 113–17. Thompson left Saleesh House on 19 April and travelled down the Clark Fork, arriving at Kullyspel House on 21 April. Here he made arrangements for the summer, sending Finan McDonald to Saleesh House, and assigning Jaco Finlay to establish Spokane House. From 24 April–1 May, Thompson made his second exploratory journey down the Pend Oreille, hoping to reach the Columbia, before returning to Kullyspel House to prepare the season’s fur shipments. He left Kullyspel House on 9 May, and arrived at the Kootenay River on 16 May. See Map 3b (149).

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the Spokane River2 to 2∙∙25' pm, when finding the River bounded by high craigs, of contracted space, with strong rushes of current, small Falls, and Whirlpools, we put ashore to examine the country below us. Of late a great change had taken place, the remains of the heavy snows of Winter, which is very deep in these countries is every where on the ground giving every thing a wintry appearance; we landed on the left side which appeared the best, went up a high steep bank of rocks and earth, and then through small, close, woods, for one mile in deep snow which sometimes bore us up, but often sunk in it to [iii.225] the middle; we were obliged to haul ourselves out by the branches of the Trees, having crossed the Carrying Place, we had a steep bank to go down; from the top, I surveyed the country before me, with the assistance of the Indian; a bold range of high Mountains covered with snow bounded the left side of the River, and also formed it’s banks in rude craigs: the right side was of high steep Hills of rock, and ranged away to a great distance. My Guide who has been here pointed out the country; about three miles below us was a Fall,3 that fell over steep Rocks, the height of a large tree (say 80 to 100 feet) but could not be approached in this season, the Snow was too deep; in the Summer they left the Canoes a short distance above the Fall, and by hands and feet got along the steep Rocks to the Fall, beyond which no Indian had ever gone, except a very few to gather red ochre,4 which is of a very fine quality, and in great plenty among the Mountains. The road he described as highly dangerous, passable only to light, active, men, and they obliged frequently to go on hands and knees, and thus get up the high steep rocks; which he assured us continued for two and a half day’s march beyond the great Fall; when they came on the Columbia River. The Spokane River for this distance is a terrible Cataract, bounded on each side by high Craigs, and unnavigable; those who voyage this way make a long carrying place to a small River, which runs nearly paralel to the Columbia,5 and falls into it below the Cataract;6 this River he said to be too shoal for us, although so near the Great Falls, he assured us, it would take a whole day to arrive there, including the Carrying Place we were on; this I readily believed, as the Carrying Place alone woul[d] require four hours of active men. This range of rude, high, rocky Hills gave me a view of the structure of the country which I had not before, I never to myself, could account for the

2 Pend Oreille (Thompson’s “Saleesh”) is intended. 3 Metaline Falls. 4 Oxidized iron, which the Kalispel used in the manufacture of red paint (Haywood 176). 5 Colville River. 6 Kettle Falls, at which Thompson would arrive on 19 June 1811.

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small quantity of Snow at the west foot of the Mountains along the whole of the Kootanae and Saleesh countries for the length of about 400 miles; these high Hills intercepted all the heavy vapours from the Pacific Ocean, and the great valley between them and the west foot of the Mountains have only the light vapours which pass above these Hills, the breadth of this fine valley is irregular, and may be estimated at one hundred miles; the depth of snow on these Hills in Winter must be very great; when [iii.226] we found so much, so late in the season, after such heavy thaws, I now perceived the Columbia River was in a deep valley at the north end of these rude Hills, and it’s west side the high rolling lands of Mount Nelson, round which it runs. Attentively surveying the country, and considering all the information I had collected from various Indians, I concluded that we must abandon all thoughts of a passage this way, and return by our old Road, till some future opportunity shall point out a more eligible road, which I much doubt;7 ¶ Near 5 pm began our return and put up at 7½ pm, and I observed for Latitude. Killed one Swan, one Crane, two Geese and found sixteen goose eggs in different Nests. The Crane was fat. In many places there is much snow along the beach, and it is deep in the woods. Such is the nature of this region. May 1st. Came to my Men who are finishing a Canoe, and told them to look for more Birch Rind and white Cedar to make another Canoe; we continued our journey to 9½ pm, the River always three to five hundred yards wide; Our hunt to day was one Antelope three Geese and one Duck. The great depth of Snow on this end of the Road, and the weak state of the Horses, put me in mind of a Rivulet which we had to cross on the Carrying Place to McGillivray’s River; and by proceeding up it, shorten the distance for the Horses, and avoid the worst part of the deep snow; we found the sortie of the Rivulet,8 and on the 3rd by proceeding up it came to the Road; On the 16th, with much suffering and hard Labor we got all the Furrs to McGillivray’s River where our Canoes of last year were laid up and which we had to repair, for which purpose all we could procure was nine feet of second rate Birch Rind;

7 By “our old Road,” Thompson indicates the route via the “Great Road of the Flat Heads,” Kootenay River, Canal Flats, Columbia River, and Howse Pass. Although a setback, this was a key moment in Thompson’s evolving understanding of the geography of the Plateau. 8 Pack River, which Thompson used in order to access the “Great Road of the Flat Heads.”

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[Journey. cross the Mountains. descend to Fort Augustus.] [17 May–23 June 1810]1 ¶ May 17th. We got the Canoes repaired, and in the afternoon with forty six packs of Furrs, and eight bags of Pemmecan they went off for the Rocky Mountain defiles, Mr James McMillan, one Man and myself with sixteen Horses went by land. On the 20th, the Canoes arrived with half Cargo, they crossed us and the Horses to the Saleesh Carrying Place to the Saleesh River; and then ­returned for the rest of their cargoe of Furrs, with which they arrived. On the 9th  June, thank God, we arrived safe at McGillivray’s Carrying Place, which leads to the scource of the Columbia River; and crossed all the Horses, they are in poor [iii.227] condition, the grass scant, and bruised in the many rapids we have crossed to this place: we now go direct for the defiles of the Rocky Mountains. When we landed, we saw the fresh tracks of Pee a gan Scouts, they had this morning broken a branch of an Aspin Tree, and peeled the bark, on examining the tracks, found they had gone up the River to recross the Mountains, had we been a few hours sooner, we should have had to fight a battle, which, thank God, is thus avoided. June 16th. Early came to the Carrying Place of the Mountains; Our Hoard strongly built of Pine Logs, and covered with Pine Bark, we found cut through by a Wolverene, whom we killed; he had eaten twenty five pounds of Pemmecan, half of a dressed leather Skin, three pairs of Shoes, and cut to pieces seven large Saddles; and broken the Pine Bark covering to pieces. This animal is every where a devil for mischief. Left Mr McMillan and four Men in charge of the Furrs, and to wait fresh Horses from the east end of the Defile; We were in hopes of seeing Men and Horses here to cross the Furrs, but suppose the Snow is too deep; but necessity compels me to proceed to the east end of the Defile for fresh Horses; with seven Men and nine Horses, seven out of the sixteen, having knocked up and been left; on the 18th we crossed the Height of Land, and our jaded Horses got free of the Snow; Early on the 19th came to the Men in charge of the Horses, they were waiting the Snow to almost disappear. Giving them all the dried Provisions I had, sent them off with all the fresh Horses to Mr McMillan, who is in charge of the Furrs. 1 Thompson’s journals for 17 May–23 June 1810 are at a o . 22.41–7. Entries for 17 May– 13 June are published in White, ed., David Thompson’s Journals, 117–26. Thompson and his party shepherded the furs up the Kootenay, down the Columbia to the Blaeberry, and across Howse Pass. Thompson then went ahead of the brigade, travelling down the North Saskatchewan and arriving at the n w c ’s freshly established New White Mud House on 23 June. Here he was reunited with Charlotte and three of his children. He was originally intended to go down to Montreal with them on rotation.

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¶ We went to where the large Canoe was laid up, found it very little damaged, repaired it, and with three Men, Pembok a Chippeway Indian;2 an hour after Noon we embarked on the rapid, sinuous, stream of the head of the great Saskatchewan River; and put up at the lower end of the Kootanae Plains; as we are now in the land of the Bison we hope no more to be in want of Provisions. Pembok went a hunting and killed a Bison Bull of which he brought us about twenty pounds, bull meat is not regarded, it is seldom fat, and always tough. June 20th. Early we gummed the Canoe, made a seat for the two men; Boisverd3 steered the Canoe, the two men paddled, the Indian sat in the middle of the Canoe, and I took the Bow [iii.228] as the most experienced on rapid Rivers. The melting of the Snow in the Mountains had increased the current to a torrent, on every rock, snag, or root of a tree the water was like a fall, the men paddled merely sufficient to give the Canoe steerage way; we were descending with careless gaiety, when within four inches of the canoe, a large sawyer of 18 inches diameter arose, which gave us a fright that put an end to our cheerfulnes[s], for a blow from such a tree would have dashed the canoe to pieces. A Sawyer, for want of a greek name is a large tree torn from the Banks by the current, and floated down to some place too shoal to allow the Root to pass, here it rests, but the tree itself is in the current below it, it’s buoyancy makes it float, but being fast the current buries it, to a certain depth, from which the elasticity and the lightness of the wood causes it to rise like the spring of a Bow; again it is buried, and again rises, and thus continues to the great danger of every thing that comes in it’s way, until the water lowers, and becomes too shoal. I once saw a Bison Bull across a small Sawyer, it had come up and taken him under the Belly, his weight kept it from much play, he was swiming with all his might his fore legs on one side, and his hind legs on the other, and the Sawyer dodging him up and down gave us a hearty laugh; had it been a Deer we might have relieved him, but the Bison is so savage, that he is never pitied, get into what mischief he will.4 Our hunt to day, a Bison Bull, one Red Deer, and wounded a Mountain Sheep, we camped at the foot of the high Craigs of Limestone, to be free of an attack from the Pee a gan Indians. On the evening of the 22nd June, arrived at Fort Augustus; now in ruins;5 this is the

2 The Ojibwa hunter Pembok had been with Thompson on the Upper Columbia in late May and early June 1809 (a o . 23.20–38 passim). 3 For the voyageur Augustin Boisverd, see Appendix 3 (355). 4 Thompson describes the sawyer in the 1850 version, during his writings on the Plains; see iv.129 (I: 184). 5 See note on iii.212 (158).

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third year since this Fort has been deserted, it is situated on a high dry bank, as well built as possible with Logs of wood, and now in ruins; it is a strange fact that of all pine log buildings they are in ruins a few months after they cease to be inhabited, however dry the ground and the climate. [Journey. Bisons. alluvials to Cumberland House. dried Provisions. Pemmecan. Lake Winepeg & Saskatchewan. to the Rainy Lake. Woman prophetess &c.] [22 June–22 July 1810]1 ¶ [iii.228a] We had now full five hundred miles to descend this noble River. (Sas.katch.e.wan) where it passes through the great Plains, with woods only in places, the very country of the Bison, the Red Deer and the Antelopes as we descended many herds of the Bison were crossing as the whim took them. They swim well, though slowly, and however troublesome the Flies, they never like the Deer shelter themselves under water, but roll themselves on the ground to get rid of them; It is remarked that all land Animals when killed in the water do float; and all aquatic, as the Beaver, Otter and Musk Rat, do sink in the water when shot, and have to be laid hold of as soon as possible, or they are lost;2 At this season the Bison Bulls are fatter than the Cows, we preferred them, and when swiming are shot in the head close under the ear, one of them so shot to our surprise sunk like a stone and we had to kill another; thus we held on to where the Forests close on the River, and the Bison is no longer seen, nothing now to amuse us, but myriads of Musketoes and Horse flies to vex us, and allow no rest night nor day. This turbid River has formed immense alluvials of about two hundred miles in width to the Cedar Lake, through which it passes in several Channels; this very rich soil is much covered with Reeds and rushes, but where the lands have gradually risen and are no longer overflowed, young Forests of Ash, and other Trees cover the ground, and where this has taken place the Moose Deer have taken possession. On the west side of these alluvials is Cumberland Lake, on the east bank of which is situated Cumberland House, in Latitude 53°∙∙56' 45" North Longitude 102–13 West. This House was the first inland trading post the Hudsons Bay Company made, remarkably well

1 Thompson’s journals for 23 June–22 July 1810 are at a o . 22.47–53. He spent 23– 28  June at New White Mud House with n w c partner Alexander Henry, before embarking down the Saskatchewan. On 4 July he arrived at Cumberland House, on 15 July at Bas-de-la-Rivière, where he left his family, and on 22 July at Rainy Lake House. 2 Whether an animal sinks or floats depends on its density compared to that of water, a measure expressed by specific gravity.

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situated for the trade of fine Furrs; it serves as the general Depot for all the dried Provisions made of the meat and fat of the Bison under the name of Pemican,3 a wholesome, well tasted nutritious food, upon which all persons engaged in the Furr Trade mostly depend for their subsistence during the open [iii.228b] season; it is made of the lean and fleshy parts of the Bison dried, smoked, and pounded fine; in this state it is called Beat Meat; the fat of the Bison is of two qualities, called hard and soft; the former is from the inside of the animal, which when melted is called hard fat; (properly grease) the latter is made from the large flakes of fat that lie on each side the back bone, covering the ribs, and which is readily separated, and when carefully melted resembles Butter in softness and sweetness. Pimmecan is made up in bags of ninety pounds weight, made of the parchment hide of the Bison with the hair on; the proportion of the Pemmecan when best made for keeping is twenty pounds of soft and the same of hard fat, slowly melted together, and at a low warmth poured on fifty pounds of Beat Meat, well mixed together, and closely packed in a bag of about thirty inches in length, by near twenty inches in breadth, and about four in thickness which makes them flat, the best shape for stowage and carriage. On the great Plains there is a shrub bearing a very sweet berry of a dark blue color,4 much sought after, great quantities are dried by the Natives; in this state, these berries are as sweet as the best currants, and as much as possible mixed to make Pemmecan; the wood of this shrub, or willow is hard, weighty and flexible, but not elastic, and where ever it can be procured always forms the Arrow of the Indian, the native name is Mis-sars-cut; to which mee-nar is added for the berry; we call it by the native name, but the french who murder every foreign word call the Berry, Poires, and Pem-me-carn; Pee mit ti gar. I have dwelt on the above, as it [is] the staple food of all persons, and affords the most nourishment in the least space and weight, even the gluttonous french canadian that devours eight pounds of fresh [iii.228c] meat every day is contented with one and a half pound Per day; it would be admirable provision for the Army and Navy. ¶ It is at Cumberland House all the Pim me can, and dried provisions of all kinds procured from the great Plains are brought down the Sas katch e wan and deposited here, and which forms the supply for the furr Traders going to, and coming from, all the trading Posts; By receiving the turbid water of the Saskatchewan it has remarkable fine Sturgeon, a fish that requires such water

3 Pemmican is described in the 1850 version at 27i (I: 56) and 27w (I: 68). 4 Saskatoon serviceberry (Amelanchier alnifolia), which Thompson refers to as “arrow wood” during his Columbia journey (iii.257; 213, iii.259; 215).

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to be in perfection. The Cedar Lake is fast filling up with alluvial matter, but has yet twenty eight miles of width, which we crossed, this Lake takes it’s name from the small Cedar Wood growing on it’s banks, and which is not found further north, or eastward, the shores of this Lake is of Lime stone on both sides; from this Lake there is a descent of five miles of Rapids to Cross Lake, which has a width of three miles, and a length of nine miles in rapids and Falls, is the discharge into Lake Winepeg (Sea Lake) the last two miles is a carrying place; the whole of this is Limestone, and forms it’s eastern termination; coasting sixty eight miles of the north end of this Lake, the River again forms, but the whole of the country is now of granitic formation, and continues such to the vicinity of Hudsons Bay; From the Lake Winepeg it proceeds 107 miles forming Lakes in places to the eastern extremity of the granitic formation, it now forms a bold, wide rapid River of 177 miles in length to Hudsons Bay,5 besides it’s Rapids has twenty eight Falls, with 8183 yards of carrying every thing at these Falls and the banks of the River; the descent of the River in this last 177 miles is 1580 feet. From where it is first navigable for a Canoe in the Mountains to it’s entrance into the Sea it’s length is 1725 miles, and this River drains an area of country of 425,529 square miles, the western parts to the Mountains are very fine countries. ¶ This was formerly my route from, and to, Hudson’s [iii.228d] Bay,6 but our course is along the west side of this large Lake for 194 miles to the sortie of the Winepeg River, the shores of all this distance is of Limestone, and the interior country a fine soil. The area of this Lake is full 14000 Square Miles. Here is another Depot of Provisions of the Pimmecan and other dried Provisions from the Red, the Swan, and Dauphine Rivers; which flow into this Lake on it’s west side.7 The Winepeg River has it’s scources on the north side of the heights of Lake Superior, small streams, which find and make, Lakes, and accumulate water, some of considerable size, as the Rainy Lake, and Lake of the Woods. This range of country has a great descent, the River as it proceeds from Lake to Lake had many Falls and carrying places; we ascended the River Winepeg 130 miles, carrying over it’s 33 falls 5691 Yards with a descent of 314 feet, to the Lake of the Woods, over which we went to the Rainy River, and up this fine River, to near the Rainy Lake a distance of 82 miles; where is an old established trading Post and Depot of Merchandize and Provisions of Maize &c,

5 The Nelson River, which Thompson considered part of the Saskatchewan. 6 I.e., during his years with the h b c , 1784–97. 7 For this post, see I: 179n10.

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and where, thank God, we arrived safely of the 22nd of July.8 Although this whole distance is a granite formation, yet the soil is a rich loam, tending to clay, and yields a good return of Wheat and Barley, of Cabbages &c so far as these are sown, which are always in small quantities, as the business of the country does [not] embrace agriculture, and there are no Mills for making Wheat into flour. ¶ The day after my arrival a Lady Conjuress made her appearance she was well dressed of twenty five years of age, she had her Medicine Bag, and bore in her hands a conjuring stick about 4½ feet in length 1½ inch at the foot, and three inches at the top, by one inch in thickness, one side was painted black, with rude carved figures of Birds Animals and Insects filled with vermillion; the other side was painted red with carved figures in black, she had set herself up for a prophetess, and gradually had gained, by her shrewdnes, some influence among the Natives as a dreamer, and expounder of dreams, she recollected me, before I did her, and gave me a haughty look of defiance, as much as to say I am [iii.228e] now out of your power. Some six years before this she was living with one of my Men as his wife, but became so common that I had to send her to her relations; as all the Indian Men are married, a courtesan is neglected by the Men and hated by the Women, she had turned Prophetess for a livelihood, and found fools enough to support her:9 there is scarce a character in civilized society that has not some thing like it among these rude people.

8 At Rainy Lake House it was decided that Thompson would return west. Specific instructions have not survived. 9 This woman appears to have been known to Thompson during 1804–06, when he traded in the Muskrat Country northeast of Lake Winnipeg. Her activities at Rainy Lake might be associated with the waabanowiwin movement, described on iii.87–9 (38–40) and in the 1850 version on iv.192–6 (I: 231–4).

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[Goods for 4 Canoes. return. my Men stopped. Peeagans pursue us. Find my Men.] [late July–20 October 1810]1 ¶ Having now made up an assortment of goods, where with to load four Canoes for the furr trade of the interior country, we left this Depot; and by the same route we had come proceeded to the Saskatchewan River, and continued to Cumberland House, where we took dried Provisions to keep us until we should come to where the Bisons are; after which we lived by hunting them to the upper end of the Plains; to where the River passes through Forests to the Mountains, here engaged two native men to hunt for us, the Red Deer and Bisons of the Woods. The manner of furnishing the Men with Provisions, was

1 No journal exists for 23 July–28 October 1810. The journey of Thompson and the Columbia brigades up the North Saskatchewan took place in the context of constant and hostile Piegan surveillance; having suffered significant losses in a battle with the Flathead and their allies during the summer (iii.170–1; 111–12), the Piegan were determined to prevent the passage of trade canoes to their enemies. In the absence of a journal by Thompson, the story of these weeks must be derived from the journal of Alexander Henry for the fall of 1810: Barry Gough, ed., The Journal of Alexander Henry the Younger, 1799–1814 (Toronto: Champlain Society, 1988–92), II: 470–90. Thompson and the brigades arrived at Henry’s New White Mud House on 6 September. The canoes proceeded upriver on 7 September, and Thompson followed overland with William Henry and two Iroquois hunters on 11 September. The brigades’ last contact with Thompson was on 15 September at the abandoned Old White Mud House. The canoemen proceeded upriver but, fearing the consequences of running the Piegan blockade, took refuge at Rocky Mountain House on 24 September. Thompson and his party, having first lost their way, discovered both the watchful presence of the Piegan and the brigades’ abandoned camp; assuming that the canoes had retreated downriver, they retraced their steps to a site near the Brazeau River, where they concealed themselves. Alexander Henry arrived at Rocky Mountain House on 5 October to find the brigades in limbo; William Henry arrived at the post on 12 October, and informed his cousin of Thompson’s whereabouts. On 13 October Alexander Henry visited Thompson at his camp, then on 16 October sent the canoes down to him under cover of darkness. The stage was now set for the brigades to proceed north by way of the Athabasca River, and so avoid the Piegan blockade. In commenting on this episode, historians have either condemned Thompson for cowardice or praised him for prudence. For the former attitude, see A.S. Morton, A History of the Canadian West to 1870–71, rev. Lewis G. Thomas (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1973), 463–9; Glover, Introduction, liii–lxi; for the latter, see Nisbet, Mapmaker’s Eye, 88; Jenish, Epic Wanderer, 163–4. For another version of this episode, see iii.171–3 above (112–13).

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by hunting those animals, and bringing their meat by Horses to the Canoes a supply for full three days; when we appointed a place to meet them with a fresh supply; thus the Canoes proceeded to within twenty miles of the east foot of the Mountains; we had given them a full supply for three days, and Mr William Henry, the two Indians and myself proceeded to the foot of the Mountains, where we killed three Red Deer, made a Stage and placed the meat on it in safety to wait the Canoes, this was on the 13th October 1810; and we expected the Canoes to arrive late on the 16th or early on the 17th at latest, but they did not make their appearance; our oldest Hunter of about forty years of age, as usual rose very early in the morning, and looking at the Stage of Meat, said to me, “I have had bad [iii.228f] dreams; this meat will never be eaten;” he then saddled his Horse and rode off. Somewhat alarmed at his ominous expression, and the non arrival of the Canoes I told Mr Henry and the Indian to proceed thro’ the Woods down along the River in search of the Canoes, and see what detained them, with positive orders not to fire a shot but in self defence; about eight in the evening they returned, and related, that a few miles below us they had seen a camp of Pee a gans on the bank of the River, that a short distance below the camp, they had descended the bank to the River side, and found where the Canoes had been, they had made a low rampart of Stones to defend themselves, and there was blood on the stones; they went below this and fired a shot in hopes of an answer from the Canoes, but it was not returned: I told them they had acted very foolishly, that the Pee a gans would be on us very early in the morning, and that we must start at the dawn of day and ride for our lives; on this we acted the next morning, and rode off, leaving the meat: the country we had to pass over was an open forest, but we had to cross, or ride round so many fallen trees that active Men on foot, could easily keep up with us; the Pee a gans had very early arrived at the Stage of meat and directly followed the tracks of the Horses and would in the evening have come up with us, but providentially about one in the afternoon snow came on which covered our tracks, and retarded them; about an hour after, as they related, they came on three grizled Bears direct on the track (they were smelling the tracks of the Horses) they were [iii.228g] fully perswaded that I had placed the Bears there to prevent any further pursuit; nor could any arguments to the contrary make them believe otherwise and this belief was a mercy to us; we rode on through the Woods until it was nearly dark, when we were obliged to stop; we remained quiet waiting our fortune, when finding all quiet, we made a small fire, and passed the night with some anxiety; my situation precluded sleep, cut off from my men, uncertain where to find them, and equally so of the movements of the Indians, I was at a loss what to do, or which way to proceed; morning came and I had to determine what course to take, after being much perplexed whether I

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should take to the defiles of the Mountains and see if the Men and Horses were safe that were left there; or try and find my Men and Canoes, I determined upon the latter as of the most importance; on the second day we found them about forty miles below the Indians, at a trading Post lately deserted;2 here after much consultations, we fully perceived we had no further hopes of passing in safety by the defiles of the Saskatchewan River; and that we must now change our route to the defiles of the Athabasca River which would place us in safety, but would be attended with great inconvenience, fatigue, suffering and privation; but there was no alternative. [send for Horses. Commence the Journey for Athabasca River. Journey to cross the Mountains. Canadian gluttony.] [28 October 1810–4 January 1811]1 ¶ We therefore directed the Men to proceed through the woods to the defiles of the Mountains and bring down the Horses to take the Goods across the Country to the Athabasca River, and on the 28th October they arrived with twenty four Horses and we were now in all twenty four Men;2 having furnished ourselves with leather Tents and dressed leather for shoes; we loaded our Horses in proportion to their strength from 180 to 240 pounds weight [iii.228h] each Horse, and arranged the Men, four to hunt and procure provisions; two Men to clear a path thro’ the woods, the other taking care of the Horses, and other duties; with Thomas an Iroquois Indian as Guide; our road lay over the high grounds within about thirty miles of the Mountains; the

2 Boggy Hall. 1 Thompson’s journals for 29 October 1810–4 January 1811 are at a o . 25.1–18,  and are published in Belyea, ed., Columbia Journals, 117–34. Between 29 October and 29 November, the party travelled overland from the Saskatchewan to the Athabasca, and then proceeded up the Athabasca until 4 December. They stopped at Brule Lake from 4–30 December, before continuing toward Athabasca Pass. 2 While Thompson does not provide a personnel list in either in the Travels or his journals, the names of these men may be gleaned from his journal entries through November and December. They are: Battoche, Bercier, Bourré, Baptiste Bruneau, Canada, Joseph Côté, Baptiste D’Eau, Baptiste Delcour, François Desjarlaix, Antoine Du Nord, Michel Kinville, La Course, La Fontaine, Baptiste L’Amoureux, Baptiste Le Tendre, Méthode, Louis Mousseau, Pierre Pareil, Pichette, Thomas, René Vallade, Vaudette, Villiard, and Yellow Bird. Twelve continued from Brule Lake towards Athabasca Pass on 30 Decem­ ber: Battoche, Côté, D’Eau, Desjarlaix, Du Nord, L’Amoureux, Le Tendre, Pareil, Thomas, Vallade, Vaudette, and Villiard.

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Woods are mostly of a kind of Cypress, of small clean growth and not close, with occasional cutting away a few trees, we should have made several miles a day, but the forests are so frequently burned, and occasions so many wind falls, that the Horses make very slow progress, thus the dense forests are destroyed and meadows formed. We went eight miles in six and a half hours, and put up, without any supper. The country tolerable good with Pine and Aspin woods. October 30th. The Hunters, thank heaven killed two cow Bisons and a grizled Bear (young). We went six miles and camped, as we had to collect the meat, the ground was wet, the Horses fatigued and heavy loaded, October 31st. as usual the weather tolerable, we spent three hours clearing a path through the woods, which enabled us to make a march of eleven miles, our hunt to day was one fat Antelope. November 1st. a fine cloudy day, Thomas the Guide with two men passed the day examining the country, which they found passable, but no success in hunting. November 2nd. A fine warm day, having for near three hours cleared a path through the woods, we went ten miles, in this distance we crossed the Pembinaw River of forty yards in width, but shoal: this name is a corruption of Nee pin me nan, (Summer Berry)3 Observed for Latitude and Longitude. The Horses in going thro’ the wood often deranged their loads, and,4 [iii.229] as they came; the wet ground of to day, with burnt fallen wood fatigued the Horses, and we camped early, and thus we continued, with the usual occurrences and mishaps to the 29th of November, when we came on the Athabasca River; up which we ascended to the afternoon of the 4th of December; here our Guide told me, it was of no use at this late season to think of going any further with Horses and part were sent to the Mountain House,5 but from this place prepare ourselves with Snow Shoes and Sleds to cross the Mountains: accordingly the next day we began to make Log Huts to secure the Goods, and Provi­ sions, and shelter ourselves from the cold and bad weather; the Thermometer on our march had descended to –32 which is 64 degrees below the freezing point and by means of this intense cold, the marshes, and morasses were frozen over, which enabled our Horses to pass over them with safety, and as yet, we have not more than six inches snow on the ground.6

3 This is the Cree word for the Squashberry, or Highbush Cranberry (Viburnum edule). 4 There is a slight disjunction in the syntax here; one line at foot of iii.228 is blank, where a note reads “Page 229.” 5 Rocky Mountain House. 6 On 21 December 1810, during the party’s time at Brule Lake, Thompson wrote a personal letter to Alexander Fraser at Montreal, reflecting, “I am getting tired of such constant hard journeys; for the last 20 months I have spent only bare two months under the

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¶ Our whole attention for the present was turned to hunting and procuring provisions; having now made Snow Shoes, and Sleds, on the 30th day of December we commenced our journey to cross the Mountains and proceeded up the Athabasca River, sometimes on it’s shoals and ice, and at times through the woods of it’s banks, the Soil was sandy and a Gale of Wind drifted it to lie on the low branched pines, of wretched growth, for Snow does not lie on Sand Hills; On the 31st December we proceeded but slowly and I had to reduce the weight of the Loads of the Dogs to less than two thirds, and make a Log Hoard to secure what we left. This, the work of two hours the Men took five hours to finish, during which time they cooked twice a four gallon Kettle full of Meat, which they devoured, although they had had a hearty breakfast, in fact a french Canadian has the appetite of a Wolf, and glories in it; each man requires eight pounds of meat Per day, or more; upon my reproaching some of them with their gluttony, the reply I got was, “What pleasure have we in Life but eating.” A French Canadian if left to himself, and living on what his Master has, will rise very early make a hearty meal, smoke his pipe, and lie down to sleep, and he will do little else through the day; to enumerate the large animals that have been killed, and I may say devoured by my men would not be credible to a man of a regular life,7 yet these same hardy canadians, as future years proved to me, could live upon as little as any other person [iii.230] in their own houses in Canada a few ounces of Pork, with plenty of coarse bread and Potatoes is sufficient for the day, and contented, yet the same Men when with me on government surveys, where the allowance was one pound of mess Pork (the best)8 one and a half pound of good fresh Biscuit and half a pint of pease, did not find it too much, and the evening of each day left nothing.9 Thus ended the year. 1811 January 1st. the Thermometer –22. Our Hunters were fortunate in killing two young Bulls, and a Mountain Sheep; we marched all day to 4¼ pm when we camped, placing the branches of the Pine under us, and a few small branchy Trees to windward, this was all our protection from the bitter cold. January 2nd. Thermometer –20 collected the meat of the hunt of yesterday, and staid all day roughly splitting and drying what we could to take with us, as meat in this state, the weight is much lessened but not the nourishment. I now lessened the shelter of a hut, all the rest has been in my tent.” Masson, ed., 2:41–2. For this letter, see Volume III. 7 Thompson’s journals contain several expressions of this theme. On 2 January 1811 he wrote, “my Men did not forget to destroy all the Marrow Bones, as if they were as many Wolves” (a o . 25.17–18). 8 Salted and barrelled pork. 9 Thompson refers here to his career as a surveyor in Upper and Lower Canada.

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Dog Sleds to eight, the men had beaten two of them to be useless; a Canadian never seems to be better pleased than, swearing at, and flogging, his Dogs. It is quite his amusement, careless of consequences. January 3rd. arrangements for the journey. January 4th. As usual the Men early up cooking a plentiful breakfast, they are stimulated to this by the sight of the snowy Mountains before us, and are determined to put themselves in a good condition for fasting, with which the passage of the Mountains threaten them. January 4th. Thermometer –26 very cold having secured the goods and provisions we could not take, with us by 11 am set off with eight Sleds, to each two dogs, with goods and Provisions to cross the Mountains, and three Horses to assist us as far as the depth of Snow will permit. We are now entering the defiles of the Rocky Mountains by the Athabasca River, the woods of Pine are stunted, full of branches to the ground, and the Aspin, Willow &c not much better; [Journey. Mammoth. large track of an animal. height of land. Glaciers &c. Men desert.] [5–26 January 1811]1 ¶ Strange to say, here is a strong belief that the haunt of the Mammoth, is about this defile, I questioned several, none could positively say, they had seen him, but their belief I found firm and not to be shaken. I remarked to them, that such an enormous heavy Animal must2 [iii.231] and leave indelible marks of his feet, and his feeding this they all acknowledged, and that they had never seen any marks of him, and therefore could show me none. All I could say did not shake their belief in his existence. January 6th. We came to the last grass for the Horses in Marshes and along small Ponds, where a herd of Bisons had lately been feeding: and here we left the Horses poor and tired, and notwith-

1 Thompson’s journals for 5–26 January 1811 are at a o . 25.18–25, and are published in Belyea, ed., Columbia Journals, 134–41. Crossing the Continental Divide on 10 January, the party arrived at the Columbia on 18 January. Thompson at first intended to proceed south up the river toward Kootanae House, but on 23 January decided to retreat north to the site that would become known as Boat Encampment, at the junction of the Wood and Canoe Rivers with the Columbia. 2 The word “and” at the head of iii.231 introduces a slight disjunction in this sentence. In fact, this is a seam in the manuscript. Page iii.230 was written in July 1847; it was originally followed by thirty-two more manuscript pages, which were later removed; the thirty pages which survive are reproduced below as the 1847 Conclusion (273–98). The contents of these pages were rewritten, beginning on 16 October 1847 with iii.231.

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standing the bitter cold, lived through the winter, yet they have only a clothing of close hair, short and without any furr. January 7th. Continuing our journey in the afternoon we came on the track of a large animal, the snow about six inches deep on the ice; I measured it; four large toes each of four inches in length to each a short claw: the ball of the foot sunk three inches lower than the toes, the hinder part of the foot did not mark well, the length fourteen inches, by eight inches in breadth, walking from north to south, and had passed by about six hours, we were in no humour to follow him; the Men and Indians would have it to be a young mammoth and I held it to be the track of a large old grizled Bear; yet the shortness of the nails, the ball of the foot, and it’s great size was not that of a Bear, otherwise that of a very large old Bear, his claws worn away; this the Indians would not allow.3 Saw several tracks of Moose Deer. 9 pm Thermometer –4 January 8th. A fine day. We are now following the Brooks in the open defiles of the secondary Mountains; when we can no longer follow it, the road is to cross a point of high land, very fatigueing, and come on another Brook, and thus in succession; these secondary Mountains appear to be about 2 to 3000 feet above their base, with patches of dwarf pines, and much snow; we marched ten miles to day; and as we advance we feel the mild weather from the Pacific Ocean. This morning at 7 am Thermometer +6 at 9 pm +22. One of my men [iii.232] named Du Nord beat a dog to death, he is what we call a “flash” man a showy fellow before the women but a coward in heart, and would willingly desert if he had courage to go alone; very gluttonous and requires full ten pounds of meat each day, and as I am constantly ahead cannot prevent his dog flogging and beating: We saw no tracks of Animals. ¶ January 9th. Thermometer +32. Southeast wind and snowed all day which made hauling very bad, we could proceed only about four miles, this partly up a brook and then over a steep high point with dwarf pines, we had to take only half a load and return for the rest; the snow is full seven feet deep, tho’ firm and wet yet the Dogs often sunk in it, but our Snow Shoes did [not] sink more than three inches; and the weather so mild that the snow is dropping from the trees, and every thing wet; here the Men finished the last of the fresh and half dried Meat, which I find to be eight pounds for each man Per day. Thermometer +22. ¶ January 10th. Thermometer +16 a day of Snow and southerly Gale of wind, the afternoon fine, the view now before us was an ascent of deep snow, in all appearance to the height of land between the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans, it was to me a most exhilarating sight, but to my uneducated men a dreadful

3 For Thompson’s attempts to grapple with the existence of this creature, see I: liii–liv. The Athabasca Beast is mentioned again at iii.306–7 (255–7).

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sight, they had no scientific object in view, their feelings were of the place they were; our guide Thomas told us, that although we could barely find wood to make a fire, we must now provide wood to pass the following night on the height of the defile we were in, and which we had to follow; my men were the most hardy that could be picked out of a hundred brave hardy Men, but the scene of desolation before us was dreadful, and I knew it, a heavy gale of wind much more a mountain storm would have buried us beneath it, but thank God the weather was fine, we had to cut wood such as it was, and each took a little on his sled, yet such was the despondency of the Men, aided by the co[w]ard Du Nord, sitting down at every half mile, that when night came, we had only wood to make a bottom, and on this [iii.232a] to lay wherewith to make a small fire, which soon burnt out and in this exposed situation we passed the rest of a long night without fire, and part of my men had strong feelings of personal insecurity. On our right about one third of a mile from us lay an enormous Glacier, the eastern face of which quite steep, of about two thousand feet in height, was of a clean fine green color, which I much admired but whatever was the appearance, my opinion was, that the whole was not solid ice, but formed on rocks from rills of water frozen in their course; westward of this steep face, we could see the glacier with it’s fine green color and it’s patches of snow in a gentle slope for about two miles; eastward of this glacier and near to us, was a high steep wall of rock, at the foot of this, with a fine south exposure had grown a little Forest of Pines of about five hundred yards in length by one hundred in breadth, by some avalanche they had all been cut clean off as with a scythe, not one of these trees appeared an inch higher than the others. My men were not at their ease, yet when night came they admired the brilliancy of the Stars, and as one of them said, he thought he could almost touch them with his hand; as usual, when the fire was made I set off to examine the country before us, and found we had now to descend the west side of the Mountains; I returned and found part of my Men with a Pole of twenty feet boring the Snow to find the bottom; I told them while we had good Snow Shoes it was no matter to us whether the Snow was ten or one hundred feet deep, on looking into the hole they had bored, I was surprised to see the color of the sides of a beautiful blue; the surface was of a very ligh[t] color, but as it descended the color became more deep, and at the lowest point was of a blue, almost black. The altitude of this place above the [iii.232b] level of the Ocean, by the point of boiling water is computed to be eleven thousand feet. Sir George Simpson.4 Many

4 In fact, this figure comes from Sir George’s cousin, Lieutenant Æmilius Simpson, a naval officer who traversed Athabasca Pass in 1826. “Journal of a Voyage Across the Continent

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reflections came on my mind; a new world was in a manner before me, and my object was to be at the Pacific Ocean before the month of August, how were we to find Provisions, and how many Men would remain with me, for they were dispirited, amidst various thoughts I fell asleep on my bed of Snow.5 ¶ Early next morning we began our descent, here we soon found ourselves not only with a change of climate, but more so of Forest Trees, we had not gone half a mile before we came to fine tall clean grown Pines of eighteen feet girth, the descent was so steep that the Dogs could not guide the Sleds, and often came across the Trees with some force, the Dogs on one side and the Sled on the other, which gave us some trouble to disentangle them; after a hurried day’s march down the mountain we came, on a Brook and camped on the Snow, it being too deep to clear away. January 11th. the weather bad, though mild, we continued our descent, but steep only in two places, and at length came on a tolerable level country; and camped at the junction of two brooks here Thomas came to us, he had, thank Heaven, killed two Buck Moose Deer, very much wanted; I gave the Men some Pemmecan for supper, and limited the quantity; part of them grumbled, although they are sure that early the morrow they will have two large Deer to eat; in the last thirty six hours they have devoured fifty six pounds of Pemmecan, being one fourth of all we have: we have come about nine miles. January 12th. A day of Snow, all we could do was to bring the meat of the two deer, split and partly dry the fleshy parts. January 13th. Thermometer +14. Sent the Men to collect and bring forward the Goods left on the way; which they brought except five pounds of Ball [iii.233] which being in a leather bag was carried away by a Wolverene.6 Thus we continued day after day to march a few miles, as the Snow was too wet and too deep to allow the Dogs to make any progress; on the 26th, we put up on the banks of the Columbia River; my Men had become so disheartened, sitting down every half mile; and perfectly lost at all they saw around them so utterly different from the east side

of North America in 1826,” b.223 / a / 3, h b c a . As a contemporary published account of Simpson’s calculations has not been found, it is possible that Thompson received this information by word of mouth. The elevation of the pass is 5,751 feet (1,753m). 5 Thompson’s journal account of crossing the divide is spare: “We then went 1m to the height of Land, where we descended about 1¼m & camped at 3½ pm” (a o . 25.20). He thus transforms the literal cresting of Athabasca Pass into a narrative high point of his Travels (see Belyea, ed., Columbia Journals, 260–1). 6 A cache of 114 musket balls discovered at Athabasca Pass in 1921 may be those that the wolverine carried off. R.W. Cautley, “Characteristics of Passes in the Canadian Rockies,” Canadian Alpine Journal 12 (1922): 158–62. They are now on display in the Banff Park Museum.

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of the Mountains, four of them deserted to return back; and I was not sorry to be rid of them, as for more than a month past they had been very useless, in short they became an incumbrance on me; and the other Men were equally so to be rid of them.7 [the Climate. River. Snow. gigantic trees. Forests. Moose &c. climate.] [27 January–22 February 1811]1 ¶ Having now taken up my residence for the rest of the winter I may make my remarks on the countries and the climates we have passed. On the east side the snow is light and about two feet in depth; on the west side which is open to the winds from the Pacific Ocean and the distance short the snow loads the Mountains and the low lands northward of about 150 miles below the head of the Columbia River, (southward of which there is [a] wide valley with very little or no snow.) On the east side the Climate is severe. December 24. 1810. 7 am –32, being 64 degrees below the freezing point. 9 pm –22 December 25th. 7 am Thermometer –30 9 pm –22 December 26th 7 am –34 9 pm –24. This is a sample of many bitter days. On the west side of the Mountains. January 17th. 7 am +30 only two ­degrees below the freezing point 9 pm +34 January 18th. 7 am +35 9 pm +34, the 19th. 7 am +36 9 pm +36, steady rain, showing a difference of climate in these cold months of upwards of sixty degrees in favor of the west side; these days are chosen as being the last remarks on the state of the Thermometer on the east side, and the first, and nearest in point of time on the west side. The east side of the Mountains is formed of long slopes very few in this defile that are steep; but the west side is more abrupt, and has many places that requires steady [iii.234] sure footed Horses, to descend its banks in the open season: one is tempted to enquire what may be the volume of water contained in the immense quantities of snow brought to and lodged on, the Mountains, from the Pacific Ocean, and how from an Ocean of salt water the immense evaporation constantly going on

7 In his journal entry for 26 January, Thompson enumerates his men. D’Eau, Du Nord, and Le Tendre deserted, Desjarlaix returned east ill, and Côté and Pareil were sent east with letters for Alexander Henry, while L’Amoureux and Vallade remained. Thomas and Vaudette had left with letters on 13 January. The whereabouts of Battoche and Villiard are not mentioned. a o . 25.24–5. 1 Thompson’s journal of 27 January–28 February 1811 is at a o . 25.25–32. During this time he and his party remained at Boat Encampment, completing their winter hut on 12 February.

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is pure fresh water; these are mysterious operations on a scale so vast that the human mind is lost in the contemplation.2 ¶ Our residence was near the junction of two Rivers from the Mountains with the Columbia; the upper Stream which forms the defile by which we came to the Columbia, I named the Flat Heart,3 from the Men being dispirited; it had nothing particular. The other was the Canoe River; which ran through a bold rude valley, of a steady descent, which gave to this River a very rapid descent without any falls; yet such was the steady slope of it’s current that by close examination I estimated it’s change of level to be full three feet in each one hundred and twenty feet, it’s breadth thirty yards, the water clear over a bed of pebbles and small stones. Moose Deer and Beaver were plentiful and the mildness of the climate, and large supply of water induced many of them to build slight houses, or to live in the banks of the River and it’s many Brooks; these two streams, at the foot of the hills have formed a wide alluvial, on which are forest Trees of enormous size; the white Cedars were from fifteen to thirty six feet girth; clean grown and tall in proportion, numbers were of the largest size, and in walking round them they appeared to have six or eight sides. The Pines were from eighteen to forty two feet in girth, measured at ten feet above the ground, which the snow enabled us to do, they were finely formed, and rose full two hundred feet without a branch, and threw [iii.235] off very luxuriant heads; the white Birch was also a stately Tree, tall and erect, but none above fifteen feet girth and these were few; what appeared remarkable these gigantic Trees did not intermix with each other the Birch was distinct from the others, neither Pine nor cedar grew among them; next to the Birch was the Cedar; with scarce a Pine amongst them, and then the Pine Forest with very few Cedars; these Forests did not extend beyond these alluvials; on the east side of the Mountians the Trees were small, a stunted growth with branches to the ground; there we were Men, but on the west side we were pigmies;4 in such forests what could we do with Axes of two pounds weight; we sought for Elm and Ash as congenial to the soil, but found none.

2 Thompson takes up the theme of the Rocky Mountains in three of his essays – “The Mountains of every Continent” (309–15), “Travels of David Thompson” (316–21), “Appendix” (322–38) – and the question of states of water in a fourth, “Water” (346–9). 3 Wood River. 4 This passage, with its echoes of the “Voyage to Lilliput” section of Jonathan Swift’s Gulliver’s Travels, recalls Thompson’s 1796 experience on the island of dwarf pines in Wollaston Lake (iv.90–1; I: 141–2).

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¶ On the 27th January we set to work to clear away the Snow to the depth of three feet almost as firm as Ice, and with Boards split from the Cedar Trees made a Hut of about twelve feet square in which we were tolerably comfortable; our great anxiety was to procure provisions, on visiting the ground between the River and the Mountains not a track was seen, but on the long descents of Mount Nelson we found Moose Deer, each was, as it were shut up in a pound formed of hard snow, from which they could not move, it was formed of a rude circle among Willows and young Aspins; and were thus shot on the spot, all those we killed were fleshy but none fat, but we were most thankful for this plentiful supply. On examining the head of the Moose, the brain was found to lie wholly between the lower part of the eyes and the upper gristle of the nose; in a narrow cavity the brain of a three year old Doe Moose, measured half a pint full measure, and I estimated the brain to be the one, seven hundred part of the full weight of the deer, the nostrils seemed to communicate [iii.236] direct with the brain, and as this Deer always feeds in thickets, that allow no range of sight, Providence has admirably formed his senses of hearing and smell for self preservation.5 From the mildness of the climate we had hopes of finding part of the banks of the River with very little snow, but we found the snow deep, and very firm, the River open and only a chance bridge of ice and snow across it; as in all appearance we had to stay about three months we agreed to build a Hut and make it a shelter from the weather which we effected by the twelfth of February; and were thus protected from the many showers of wet snow and rain, and enabled to dry our clothes. On the 17th, two men whom I had sent across the Mountains returned with two sled loads of Goods and dried provisions, and a Na hath a way Indian, by name the “Yellow Bird” to hunt for us;6 our hunting grounds are the Canoe River and it’s branches, the Snow is much wasted and in this fine valley the Moose Deer can move freely about. On the 19th a day of heavy snow which again is three feet in depth, and so wet that we cannot use our Snow Shoes, the snow on the trees pouring down like heavy rain.7 On the 22nd at 7 am Thermometer +32 at 2 pm +42 at 9 pm +31 Wind South Southwest. The Thermometer is placed in a box on the north side of a large tree, five feet above the Snow, if another was placed forty, or 5 The measurements of this moose are drawn from the journal entry of 12 February 1811 (a o . 25.29); the reflection on the purpose of the nostrils was added. 6 In his journal for 17 February, Thompson records the arrivals of four men: Pareil and Côté, who had gone off with letters on 26 January, and Villiard and the Cree hunter Yellow Bird. a o . 25.30. 7 The contents of the surviving pages of the 1847 Conclusion begin with events of 20 February 1811, on ii.233 (273).

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more feet above the Snow, clear of it’s effects, I have no doubt the Thermometer would be full five degrees higher, as the Snow on the higher part of the Trees thaws quicker than that on the lower branches. Sent two Men with Letters to cross the Mountains, the netting of the fore, and hind, parts of the Snow Shoes are cut out, and only the middle remains which is full enough in the present state of the Snow. [Birch Rind & Canoe, Cedar Wood. Canoe built, proceed up the River. Up the Columbia, engage Iroquois.] [1 March–9 May 1811]1 ¶ [iii.237] On the first day of March, the Men I sent with Letters to cross the Mountains returned, having found the Snow too deep and wet; the Hunter has found several places where the Wolves have destroyed the Moose Deer, where shut up in the deep snow. A bald headed Eagle, a Rook, and many small Birds about us. Having now examined the White Birch in every quarter, for Birch Rind where with to make a Canoe for our voyage to the Pacific Ocean, without finding any even thick enough to make a dish; such is the influence of a mild climate on the rind of the Birch Tree, we had to turn our thoughts to some other material; and Cedar wood being the lightest and most pliable for a Canoe, we split out thin boards of Cedar wood of about six inches in breadth and builded a Canoe of twenty five feet in length by fifty inches in breadth, of the same form as a common Canoe, using cedar boards instead of Birch Rind, which proved to be equally light and much stronger than Birch Rind, the greatest difficulty we had was sewing the boards to each round the timbers as we had no nails we had to make use of the fine Roots of the Pine which we split.2 On the 16th April we had finished the Canoe and got all ready for our voyage.

1 Thompson’s journals for 1 March–13 May 1811 are at a o . 25.32–40; 43–8. Those for 27 February–13 May are published in White, ed., David Thompson’s Journals, 127–62. The corresponding pages in the 1847 Conclusion are ii.233–4 (273–4). After the construction of a cedar canoe at Boat Encampment, on 17 April Thompson, Pierre Pareil, Joseph Côte, and René Vallade embarked up the Columbia, arriving at the source lakes on 14 May. 2 The decision to construct a canoe of cedar planks, rather than of birch, was a turning point in facilitating Thompson’s travels in the Columbia region. He would go on to build at least eight more cedar canoes over the next eighteen months. A replica of this craft has been constructed from Thompson’s notes by boatbuilder Bill Brusstar; his experience suggests that the boards were laid flush and sewn with spruce root cords. Nisbet, Mapmaker’s Eye, 94–5.

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We have killed seventeen Moose Deer, but a part of the meat was lost in not being able to bring it to the Hut, and some being killed among steep rocks from whence we could not get the meat, all the Skins were useless, there being no women to dress them; so that all the Provisions we had procured for the voyage was only 220 pounds weight. Although a very great quantity of snow had thawed, yet the many heavy showers of Snow kept it to the same depth, and the River had still the same appearance as when we [iii.238] first saw it in January; the River about two hundred yards in width running clear, with steep banks of snow on each of about three and a half feet; which had a most dreary appearance; Our voyage to the Sea was to proceed down the River, but having only three Men, (Pierre Pareille, Joseph Coté and René Valade) being the only Men that had the courage to risque the chances of the Voyage, we were too weak to make our way through the numerous Indians we had to pass; so few men would be a temptation to some of them to take from us what little we had; while twice this number well armed would command respect; in order to augment my number of men I had to proceed up the River and to the Saleesh Country to where I knew I should find the free Hunters, and engage some of them to accompany me, this gave us a long journey of hardship and much suffering, but by the mercy of good Providence ensured the success of the voyage.3 ¶ On the 17th April we embarked our Provisions and Baggage with our Snow Shoes, and proceeded up the River we found the Current very strong with many pieces of Rapids, which we ascended with the Pole and tracking Line, seven of these Rapids were so strong that two of us had to walk in the water with the Canoe, while the other two Men in snow shoes tracked it up by a line; at sun set we found a few bare stones in the mouth of a Brook on which we sat down all night, having come nine miles. On the 18th, cold and benumbed we set off, but the Rapids were so strong we advanced only five miles and camped on the Snow, but made a fire on large logs of cedar. April 19th, we [iii.239] proceeded five miles of strong rapids, in places we had to carry the cargo, such as it was, to where the River expanded to a small Lake which was frozen over,4 and we had to camp, we anxiously wished to clear away the snow to the ground; but found it five and a half feet deep, and were obliged to put up with a fire on logs and sit on the snow. On the 26th we had hauled and carried the Canoe and Bagage to the River, where having come seven miles, camped on the snow, during this time we had killed two Swans, the female had

3 Here Thompson gives one reason for not proceeding directly to the mouth of the Columbia. 4 Kinbasket Lake.

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twelve small eggs, yet I have never found more than five eggs in their Nests, nor have I seen more than seven young ones with them. On the 27th having gone five miles, we found the River with too much ice to allow us to proceed, and we had to wait with patience on our beds of snow for the ice to clear away; hitherto the Forests were of the ordinary size of three to twelve feet girth, of Cedar, Pines, Birch, Aspins, Alders and Willows; hunting procured a few Geese and Ducks, but not sufficient to maintain us, and we had to take some of our dried provisions. On the third of May we proceeded a short distance and on the fourth met a Canoe with two Nepissing Indians (their country is near Montreal in Canada) and the next day the Grand Nepissing and three Iroquois Indians, they are all on their way to the Valley of the Canoe River to trap Beaver, and hunt Moose Deer; three of these I engaged to assist in the Canoes and hunt for my Men, and by them wrote to Mr William Henry who is in charge of the Men and Goods; and engaged Charles a fine, steady Iroquois to accompany us as Bowsman, being an excellent Canoe Man;5 We passed a large Valley bearing North 70° East, having a fine navigable River for twenty miles, being the junction of three branches;6 we camped as usual on the snow, our legs and feet benumbed walking the Canoe up the strong Rapids, and when on shore with wet feet and shoes walking in Snow Shoes. The Grand Nepissing tells me that for these three years past he has killed, one year at the little Lake below us two [iii.240] hundred Beavers, at a place above five hundred Beavers and at the Canoe River five hundred Beavers, without any other labor than setting his steel traps with the Castorum of the Beaver, as before described, such is the infatuation of this Animal for Castorum.7 May 7th As we proceeded the country became more open, the Rapids not so frequent nor so strong, we killed one Swan, three Geese and a Teal Duck but since we left our Hut have not seen the track of a Deer, or any other Animal. May 8th. We had many strong Rapids and in the evening came to a Hut we had built on the banks of this River, at the sortie of the defiles of the Mountains by the Saskatchewan River, the distance between them being one hundred and twenty miles, this was our usual route 5 By 1811 many independent Iroquoian and Algonquian hunters and trappers frequented the Upper Columbia. It is indicative that Thompson’s guide to Athabasca Pass, Thomas, was Iroquois. The two men encountered on 3 May are named in the journal as the Little Nipissing and Apesearshish; the Grand Nipissing and the Iroquois Louis and Charles arrived the next day. Thompson engaged the Grand Nipissing as hunter, Louis as steersman, and Charles as foreman. a o . 25.43–4. Charles would stay on with Thompson for the journey to the mouth of the Columbia. 6 Possibly Bush River. 7 For castoreum, see note on iii.108 (59).

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from the east side to the west side of the Mountains;8 there are now many fowl, but we killed only one Goose, May 9th, proceeding up the River at length we had the pleasure of camping on ground clear of snow, but the Mountains have all the appearance of winter, and we are not likely to have much more snow, as Mount Nelson now shelters us from the heavy Snow Showers of the Pacific Ocean; saw with pleasure the tracks of two Red Deer. [Scource of the Columbia. McGillivray’s River. Road to Indian camp. trade Horses. hilly country. Brooks &c.] [14–27 May 1811]1 ¶ On the 14th, we came to the head of the Columbia River 268 miles from our winter Hut. I could never pass this singular place without admiring it’s situation, and romantic bold scenery which I have already described;2 other Rivers have their scources so ramified in Rills and Brooks that it is not easy to determine the parent stream, this is not the case with Columbia River, near the foot of a steep secondary Mountain, surrounded by a fine grassy Plain, lies it’s scource in a fine Lake of about eleven square miles of area,3 from which issues it’s wild rapid Stream, yet navigable to the sea, it’s descent is great – by a close estimation it’s head is 5960 feet above the level of the Pacific Ocean, it’s length 1348 miles, and drains an area of Country of 319.083 square miles, it’s descent is an average of four feet six inches Per mile, including [iii.241] it’s Falls, except the lower part of the River, every inch may be said to be of rapid current. From the head Lake to McGillivray’s River is a carrying place of two miles over a level plain, this River comes from the centre of the primitive Mountains with a rapid stream through it’s whole course it is a deep volume of water of about 150 yards in breadth. (Note May 9th Kootanae Lake; “there are many Cormorants,4 we killed one, they are very fishy tasted and their eggs

8 Howse Pass, which Thompson used 1807–10. 1 Thompson’s journals for 14–27 May are at a o . 25.48–53, and are published in White, ed., David Thompson’s Journals, 162–72. The corresponding pages in the 1847 Conclusion are ii.234–5 (274–5). Thompson and his party crossed Canal Flats on 14 May, journeyed down the Kootenay River and then across to the Clark Fork, arriving on its banks on 27 May. 2 Thompson describes the site of Kootanae House on iii.211a–b (156–7). 3 Columbia Lake. 4 Double-crested cormorant (Phalacrocorax auritus). The description of this cormorant, which was shot by Vallade, is drawn from the journal entry for 9 May 1811, and so is slightly out of chronological order (a o . 25.46).

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almost as bad as those of a Loon;5 it’s eyes a fine bright green the eye ball a deep black, the eye lids and about them a light light blue, the head and neck of a glossy black, with a bunch of feathers on each side of the back of the head.)6 We descended this River for about two hundred and forty miles to a Path that leads to the Saleesh River.7 In this distance the scenery is very varied; well wooded banks, rude steep rocks, fine Meadows for several miles, then closing to sixty yards of Basalt Rocks, again expanding to 350 yards; the current always strong and frequently dangerous from eddies and whirlpools, yet only one carrying place at a dangerous Dalle, of three fourths of a mile; we procured only one Red Deer by hunting, and both the Columbia and this River no fish, the current is too rapid, and the shores and bottom too hard; ¶ On the 19th in the morning we came to the path that leads to the Saleesh River,8 here was fortunately a Tent of Kootanae Indians who informed us the great camp had moved from this place only three days ago, and that we should find them on our road; I directly sent off two men9 to follow after them and procure Horses to carry the Goods we had to the Saleesh River; as we could proceed no farther by water, we laid up our Canoe in safety for future use, and arranged every thing to be taken by Horses, in the afternoon of the next day, the two men returned with four Kootanae Indians and seven Horses; with their furniture of Saddles, lines and saddle cloth of the Bison [iii.242] hides, we went two miles, and put up at sun set; the next day having gone five miles we came to the camp of the Kootanaes, and traded five Horses, with their furniture and twenty dressed leather skins of the Red Deer; for shoes and clothing, which was mostly paid for in Tobacco and Ammunition; Ignace an Iroquois Indian10 was in this camp I engaged him as Steersman for the voyage before us, with a Kootanae as Guide and Hunter we proceeded, and on the 27th came to the Saleesh River, a distance of seventy four miles across the country; and [as] usual had several bold Brooks to cross, over which we had to fell large trees for Bridges, and carry every thing, with mishaps incident to such narrow bridges;

5 Common loon (Gavia immer). 6 In his journal for 14 May, Thompson notes the presence of h b c men nearby (a o . 25.48). These men were under the command of trader Joseph Howse, who had wintered at Flathead Lake. 7 For this route, see note on iii.214 (160). 8 This tribal route, which Thompson called the “Kootanae Road,” linked the Kootenay River to the Clark Fork via the Fisher and Thompson rivers. 9 The men sent were Charles and Pareil. 10 Ignace had traded at Saleesh House during winter 1809–10 (White, ed., David Thompson’s Journals, 86–7n57).

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at the last of the[se] Ignace carrying two rolls of Tobacco, preferred wading across the Brook to passing on a single tree, when almost across he stumbled the rolls of Tobacco fell (each seventy pounds) and were swept away by the torrent, we had to make a small raft and search for them, fortunately the River was very high and stopped the current, here we found them, and carried them back.11 Our Hunter had killed only three Antelopes and those amongst Craigs that we got but little of the meat and we had to kill two Horses for food, and then a fine Mare, we went to the Saleesh House in hopes of seeing Mr Finan McDonald, and those with him, but saw neither him nor a Letter.12 [Journey to the Ilth koy ape Falls. War Council. War before, and now with Guns. Shaw pa tins &c.] [27 May–18 June 1811]1 ¶ We had now to build a Canoe and proceed down this River to the Path that leads to the Columbia River; we had to look for white Cedar; which having found, we split out Boards, but the fire having injured the bark, the wood was brittle and could not be bent to the required shape and we had to [find] a tree uninjured by fire; of which we made our Canoe, and finished it on the 5th of June, on the banks of a small River, where the Indians had a Weir for fish; on all the Streams that come from, or form Lake[s], there are Weirs at which the

11 According to Thompson’s journal, this incident occurred on 28 May. a o . 25.53. Ignace appears to have been accident prone; on 4 July he was knocked out of his canoe on the Columbia (iii.256; 213). 12 According to tribal informants, McDonald had gone downstream on the Clark Fork in order to avoid a possible encounter with Piegan (a o . 25.51), whom he had fought alongside Flathead warriors during summer 1810. 1 Thompson’s journals for 27 May–18 June 1811 are at a o . 25.53–7. Several sequences have been published: those for 27 May–3 June in White, ed., David Thompson’s Journals, 172–4, for 4–9 June in T.C. Elliott, ed., “David Thompson’s Journeys in Idaho,” w h q 11 (1920): 169–72; for 7–14 June in T.C. Elliott, ed., “David Thompson’s Journeys in the Pend Oreille Country,” w h q 23 (1932): 173–6; for 10–16 June in T.C. Elliott, ed., “David Thompson’s Journeys in the Spokane Country,” w h q 8 (1917): 183–7; for 17–19 June in T.C. Elliott, ed., “David Thompson’s Journeys in the Spokane Country,” w h q 9 (1918): 11–14. The corresponding pages in the 1847 Conclusion are ii.235–6 (275–6). Leaving Saleesh House on 28 May, Thompson and his party rode west to Kullyspel House, then down the Pend Oreille. They continued overland to Spokane House, arriving on 14 June, before proceeding toward the Columbia.

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Natives catch Mullets, grey Carp,2 and small Trout; the grey Carp is a tolerable good, much like the red Carp of Canada;3 but all the Streams that have no Lake are [iii.243] without fish: having killed a fifth Horse to take with us, we embarked, and were soon in the Saleesh River; but how very different from what it was in the Autumn of 1809.4 Then it had a gentle current of 350 to 500 yards in width in places bordered by fine Forests, in other places by rich Meadows of considerable extent, with plenty of Swans, Geese Ducks and Plover; all the time we have been here the water has been rising at the rate of two feet each day, the River now presented a great width agitated by eddies and whirlpools, it’s apparent height above the level of Autumn was about thirty feet, rushing through the woods in a fearful manner, every Island was a dangerous Fall, and strong eddy at the lower end; we saw the risque before us, but we were all experienced men and kept the waves of the middle of the River, one place appeared so formidable that we put ashore, and carried every thing for two and a half hours: we continued under the mercy of the Almighty and at sun set put up; each of us thankful for our preservation; as the morrow did not promise any thing better, and necessity urged us on, my poor fellows, before laying down said their prayers, crossed themselves, and promised a Mass to be said for each, by the first Priest they should see. The Country was inundated to the foot of the Hills, and to the Hills all the Antelopes had retired, so that we could procure nothing by hunting and had to live on Horse Meat: and meeting with a Tent of Indians we traded an old Horse for meat to live on. ¶ On the 8th June we arrived at the Long Carrying Place that leads across the country to the Ilth koy ape Falls of the Columbia River by the way of the Spokane River.5 A small camp of Kullyspell Indians being near I hired two of them to go to the Spokane House on this River, and inform Mr Finan McDonald who is there to come to us and bring Horses to convey our Goods and Baggage to his place; in the mean time I conversed with these [iii.244] Indians on their forms and proceedings on going to War, as I saw some of them with white earth on their heads, which is the first step;6 I found them in all this to differ very little from the Indians on the east side of the Mountains; those who attempt to get 2 Probably white sucker (Catostomus commersoni). 3 Probably longnose sucker (Catostomus catostomus). 4 The journey of 27 September–6 October 1809, described at iii.216–18 (163–5). 5 This tribal route, which Thompson refers to as the “Kullyspell Road” in his ­journals (a o . 25.57) affords access between the Pend Oreille and the Columbia. It thus avoids the lower Pend Oreille, which Thompson had twice attempted unsuccessfully to descend. 6 Thompson explains his understanding of the significance of white earth in his journal entry for 8 June 1811: “Every Warrior puts white Earth on his Head as a kind

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up a War Party, begin quietly to put white earth on their heads, upon doing of which each morning and evening they pretend to cry for a short time, naming their Relations and friends who have fallen in battle; if the Tribe is inclined to war, this number will augment, until they find themselves strong enough to make the Chief call a council; if the Tribe is not inclined to war; after a few days the white earth is no longer made use of. When the Chief calls a council, which is generally composed of all the steady Men from about twenty five years and upwards the affair is coolly discussed, and the subject is mostly of their Men who have been slain by their enemies, and too often with their wives and children, with encroachments on their hunting grounds; or a desire to enlarge them; if War is resolved on, the first step is to send two Men who can speak well, to the next friendly Tribe, to discourse with the Chief and the old Men on the subject, in which care is taken not to mention the resolution taken, but the discourse to be on the injuries they have received; and that if they wish to revenge them their Tribe will be confederate with them. If this offer is approved, the Chief calls a Council, and if not approved by the Tribe, although as a Tribe they take no part in it, yet as many Warriors as please may march to the assistance of the War tribe, and thus all the friendly Tribes are solicited, and those who do not declare for the War Tribe send many Warriors to assist them. The Tribes that join form but one Council, and elect a leading Chief of tried conduct and experience; the intended expedition is now [iii.245] calmly discussed; the number of their men and their leaders, of their Guns and Ammunition and iron headed Arrows and Spears; if this is not satisfactory, the change is made to Horse stealing, but if otherwise, the line of March is now determined; and they proceed; there is one peculiarity with these Natives which is but seldom done with the Indians on the east side of the Mountains, a Vow to shed blood before they return, which often places them at a loss how to act; if they find no enemies, which sometimes happens, as blood must be shed when they commence their return, the Chiefs hold a Council, when some friendless young Man is killed; or a small part of his scalp is cut away, but if there is no person with them on whom this may be safely done, two of the principal Chiefs cut their arms to make the blood flow, with which they mark a Tree to apprise their enemies how far they have been in search of them, with strange figures denoting defiance. Since the introduction of fire arms, their battles are decided more by their effects, than the number of Men; a very old Indian told me, when a young man he made a heavy war club, with which he felt himself confident of victory,

of Mourning for those who are to fall & Penance for himself that the Great Spirit may give him Success.” a o . 25.55.

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they formed a very large party against the Pee a gans, and hoped for success, when for the first time their enemies had two Guns and every shot killed a Man, “we could not stand this, and thought they brought bad spirits with [them], we all fled and hid ourselves in the Mountains, we were not allowed to remain quiet, and constant war parties now harassed us, destroyed the Men, Women and Children of our Camps and took away our Horses and Mules, for we had no defence until you crossed the Mountains and brought us [iii.246] fire arms, now we no longer hide ourselves but have re gained much of our country, hunt the Bisons for food and clothing and have good leather Tents.”7 ¶ June 12th. Mr Finan McDonald and the Men arrived with thirteen Horses to carry all we have to the Columbia River, June 13th we came to seven tents of Kullyspel Indians, as the Antelopes have all gone to the high hills, the Natives are obliged to make wiers for fish, mostly Mullets and grey Carp and thus wait the arrival of the Salmon from the Sea now daily expected; they gave us a few Carp, very acceptable as our Horse meat is done; On the evening of the 14th we arrived at the Spokane House on the River of that name,8 where I left a small assortment of Goods to continue the trade; there were forty Tents of Spokane Indians,9 with Jaco, a half breed;10 as Clerk, we remained here two days; I observed for Latitude 47°..47'..4" North Longitude 117°..27'..11"West Variation 21 degrees East, on conversing with the Natives I learned they were preparing to form a large War Party, in company with the Kullyspel and Shaw pa tin Indians, against the Teek a nog gin Indians,11 a defenceless Tribe to the

7 This passage, in which a Kalispel elder recalls the introduction of firearms into the Piegan arsenal, is the obverse of Saukamappee’s narrative of the same development (iv.267–8; I: 292). 8 Spokane House was located on a tongue of land at the junction of the Spokane and Little Spokane rivers. Founded by Jaco Finlay in 1810, it had the longest duration of any of the n w c posts established under Thompson’s direction, and after the closing of Kootanae, Kullyspel, and Saleesh Houses, served as the depot for the Upper Columbia district. Spokane House fell into disuse upon the 1821 union of the n w c and h b c ; in 1825 it was replaced by Fort Colville at Kettle Falls. 9 The traditional lands of the Spokane, an Interior Salish group, are along the Spokane River and Hangman Creek. The Spokane subsisted through the salmon fishery, gathering of edible plants, the deer hunt, and, after the acquisition of the horse, the bison hunt. John Allan Ross, “Spokane,” h n a i 12, 271–82. 10 Jaco Finlay. 11 Probably Okanagan. This episode is consistent with Okanagan oral traditions, which tell of Spokane raids on their settlements at the mouth of the Okanagan River. L.V.W. Walters, “Social Structure” in Leslie Spier, ed., The Sinkaietk or Southern Okanagon of

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south westward of us; I was very sorry to find all I could say, or preach to them against warring on defenceless Natives was of no avail, proud of their Guns and iron shod arrows, they were anxious to try these arms in battle. As I could not break up the War Party, which was at some distance from me, my endeavour was to change it’s direction; accordingly I made up a small present of Tobacco and Vermillion for each of the Chiefs; which I sent by two respectable Spokane Indians, with a Speech, reminding them of the defenceless state in which three winters ago I found them, hiding themselves [iii.247] from their enemies, living on roots and fish, in the same state in which the poor Teek a nog gans now were, and whom I should soon visit and let them have guns and iron heads for their arrows, that if they were the brave men they pretended to be, they would go against the Pee a gans, and their allies who had destroyed very many of them; this had the effect of about fifty warriors marching to the assistance of the Saleesh and Kootanae Indians who were encamped against the Pee a gans and their allies, and the others went to the Columbia for the Salmon fishery. June 18th. Our path as usual lay across several Brooks,12 with the labor of making bridges of trees over those we could not ford, and I noticed a great change in the soil which hitherto has been a light sandy loam, to day a fine vegetable mould on a rich clayey loam very fit for agriculture. [Arrive at the Falls. Salmon. remarks. superstition. Cedar &c. Degarlaix drowned. the Dalles. Canoe finished.] [19 June–2 July 1811]1 ¶ On the afternoon of the 19th June, thank God, we arrived safe at the Ilth koy ape Falls of the Columbia River;2 here for the country, was a considerable

Washington (Menasha, w i : George Banta, 1938), 79–81. On 6 July 1811 Thompson travelled past the mouth of the Okanagan River without encountering members of the tribe. 12 Thompson followed the “Ilthkoyape Road,” which led to the valley of the Colville River and thus to the Columbia. 1 Thompson’s journals for 19 June–2 July 1811 are at a o . 25.57–61. The corresponding pages in the 1847 Conclusion are ii.236–8 (276–8). These days were passed at Kettle Falls, preparing for the journey down the Columbia. 2 Kettle Falls, which served as an annual summer rendezvous for several tribal peoples of the Plateau; by Thompson’s time, they were joined by many Iroquois and free traders. Drawn by the salmon fishery, those who gathered at Kettle Falls also engaged in trade, exchange of information, and discussion of matters of mutual concern. According to T.C. Elliott, in the Interior Salishan language spoken there, “Ilth-kape” signifies “kettle” and and “Hoy-ape” means “net” (Tyrrell 466n). The residents of the village were

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Village of the Natives who have given their name to these Falls; which are about ten feet of descent in a steep slope, in places broken; This Village is built of long sheds of about twenty feet in breadth by from thirty to sixty feet in length, they were built of boards which some how they had contrived to split from large Cedars drifted down the River, partly covered with the same and with Mats, so as to withstand the Rain; each Shed had many cross poles for smoke drying the Salmon as they have no salt; the number of Men were about [space] so that we count the population at [space] Souls;3 the Sheds were clean and comfortable, and their persons would have been clean, but they had no soap, and could wash with only simple water; The Men were of common size with tolerable good features, straight, well limbed for activity, their eyes of a mild cast, black and inclining to a deep hazel; their hair long, lightly black, and not coarse. ¶ [iii.248] The Women had no beauty to spare, and wanted the agile step of those that dwell in tents. The arrival of the Salmon throughout this River is hailed with Dances and many ceremonies which I was five days too late to see; and therefore cannot say what they are; but deep attention is paid by them to what they believe will keep the Salmon about them; for this purpose the Beach of the River is kept very clean, no part whatever of the Salmon is allowed to touch the River after it is brought on shore, the scales, the bowels &c are all cleaned on the land a few yards from the River, for experience has taught them the delicate perceptions of this Fish, even a Dog going in the edge of the water, the Salmon dash down the Current, and any part of one of them being thrown into the water, they do not return until the next day, especially if blood has been washed; in spearing of them if the fish is loose on the Spear and gets away, the fishing is done for that day. The spearing of the Salmon at the Fall was committed to one Man for the public good, of course the supply was scant until the fish became sufficiently numerous to use the Seine Net, the third day we were here, the Spearman in going to the Fall with his Spear came close to the bleached skull of a Dog, this polluted his Spear. He returned to his shed, informed them of the accident, and to prevent the fish going away he must purify himself and likely a mix of Colville and Lakes, Interior Salish tribes who spoke a common language. The Colville occupied the area around Kettle Falls, while the Lakes resided just upriver, on the Arrow Lakes. It is estimated that some 5 / 8 of the Colville diet was composed of salmon. Dorothy Kennedy and Randall T. Bouchard, “Northern Okanagan, Lakes and Colville,” h n a i 12, 238–52. 3 Thompson provides these figures in his notebooks, where he reckons the number of men to equal 150, giving a total population of 1050 (a o . 26.verso of cover). He calculates the entire tribal population of the Lower Columbia as 13,615.

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his Spear, this was done by boiling the bark of the red Thorn,4 the steam of which on himself and the head of the Spear began the process, when the heat had moderated, his face and hands and the Spear were washed with it and by noon he was ready and proceeded to the Fall. On our arr[i]val the Chief presented us with a roasted Salmon and some Roots, but what was [iii.249] this small supply to nine hungry men,5 and as we found the Village had no provisions to spare we had to kill a Horse for provisions, this was a meat I never could relish, but my Canadians had strong stomachs, and a fat Horse appeared to be as much relished as a Deer. ¶ At this Village were Natives from several of the surrounding Tribes, as a kind of general rendezvous for News, Trade and settling disputes, in which these Villagers acted as Arbitrators as they never join any War party. Anxious to acquire a knowledge of the Country, it’s soil, forests and animals I spent a day conversing with them; and learned this Village was the highest up the River, that no Indians hunted more than a few miles above them, that all the rest of this River to it’s scource, except a few Kootanaes had no natives on it, such was the effects of the harassing incursions of the Pee a gans and their allies. The country to the northward was sandy with much rock on the surface which, by their description seemed to be Trap Rock6 the Trees few and scattered, and these of dwarf Pines and Cedars, there were no animals until Winter set in when the Antelopes come down to the low grounds. This accounts for their being poorly clothed; they have but few Horses, and their Canoes are half of the hollow trunk of drift Cedar or Pine, reduced by fire to the thickness and length they require, patched up at both ends; of the country below us they could give no farther information than to the next Village. Our great object was to procure information where good clean Cedar and White Birch could be found, as the Country appeared to have none of either, for two days some of the Natives with my men, in different directions examined the country for materials to make a Canoe, but found none; and I was at a loss what to do. On our Road to this place we had seen a hummuck of Cedar, it appeared of bad 4 A variety of hawthorn (Crataegus spp.). 5 By “Chief,” Thompson denotes the salmon tyee, who directed the fishery for the season. This man’s great-great-granddaughter, Christine Quintasket (who went by the name Mourning Dove), names him as See-whehl-ken. Drawing on oral tradition, she states: “As a good host, he gave [Thompson’s men] the finest salmon.” She also notes that Thompson was unable to pronounce See-whehl-ken’s name, and so called him “Big Heart.” Jay Miller, ed., Mourning Dove: A Salishan Autobiography (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1990), 149. 6 A form of igneous rock.

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growth, full of Branches, and [iii.250] the Fire had passed; and it was seven miles from the River, but as a last hope necessity again compelled us to examine it, and by dint of searching we found materials for a Canoe, by pieces from different trees; which we hauled to the River and constructed a Canoe. ¶ I looked upon a part of the precautions of the Natives as so much superstition, yet I found they were not so; one of my men, after picking the bone of a Horse about 10 am carelessly threw it into the River, instantly the Salmon near us dashed down the current and did not return until the afternoon; an Indian dived, and in a few minutes brought it up, but the fishery was over for several hours: the greatest number speared in one day was only eleven, their weight was from fifteen to thirty pounds; they were finely formed, but not fat though well tasted, from the Pacific Ocean to this place is about 740 miles. The River at these Falls is about 300 yards wide, and from the immense numbers that ascended these Falls from Sun rise to it’s setting might have employed at least thirty spear men, and why only one was employed I never could learn; Both sides of the River are bordered with Hills of four or five degrees of altitude, and I remarked the leaping of the Fish up the Falls was regulated by the appearance of the Sun on these Hills, and not by it’s actual rising and setting. It is a firm belief of the Natives of this River, that of the myriads of Salmon that annually leave the salt water Ocean and enter fresh water Rivers, not one ever returns alive to the sea; they all proceed to their respective spawning places, accomplish this, and soon after (a few weeks) die of exhaustion; that such is the case of those who come to, and beyond these Falls there can be no doubt, as after the spawning season the shores are covered with them, besides all that are carried away by the stream. It does not appear they take any nourishment after they leave the sea as [iii.251] their stomachs are always empty, probably from finding in fresh water no nourishment suitable to them; it is affirmed no Salmon spawns twice; if so, at what age does a Salmon acquire the power of spawning, the life and habits of this fish has something curious; some of them are spawned above a thousand miles from the sea, in fresh water, in which they are nourished; and continue to be so to the sea; here a change takes place and they now find their support in salt water; until they acquire the power of spawning, when they enter fresh water Rivers which now has no food adapted to them, ascend to the very place where they became alive, there deposit their spawn, and die on their way to the sea. They leave the Ocean never to return to it. Whatever the history and the habits of the Salmon may be, they form the principal support of all the Natives of this River, from season to season. The Dogs that with impunity eat all other fish in raw state, die of eating Salmon in this state, which may also be the case with other carnivorous animals, as we never saw any feeding on them; but when cooked the Dogs eat with safety.

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¶ On the second of July we finished our Canoe, during this time we had only one Salmon each day, and we had to live on horse meat. On the 29th June a Canadian and two Indians arrived, they bring the melancholy news of the death of the Wife and Child of the former; and of Francois Dejarlaiz, his Wife and four Children, all drowned in one of the Dalles of the Saleesh River, with the loss of all their property:7 this is another instance of the difference of the navigation of the Rivers on the west and east sides of the Mountains, on the latter the Rapids are plainly seen, and the Falls give distant warning by their heavy sound; but the Dalles of the Rivers on the west side as they pass through the Basalt Ridge make no noise, the narrow channel between their steep walls has a treacherous smoothness which lulls suspicion until the swift current hurries the Canoe on the fatal whirlpools and eddies, from which there is no retreat.

7 The Canadian is named in Thompson’s journal as Louis Paquia (a o . 25.61). François Desjarlaix was one of several members of his extended family who participated in the fur trade. Thompson prepared a n w c contract with him on the Upper Saskatchewan on 20  July 1809 (a o . 23.44). Heather Devine, The People Who Own Themselves: Aboriginal Ethnogenesis in a Canadian Family, 1660–1900 (Calgary: University of Calgary Press, 2004), 81–4.

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Overleaf: Thompson describes his July 1811 visit to Cape Disappointment as the culmination of his work as a surveyor (see 230–1). (Page iii.276, David Thompson Papers, M S 21, Thomas Fisher Rare Book Library, University of Toronto)

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[Voyage to the Ocean. Camp at a Village. converse on the country &c. condi­ tion of the people. dances. religion.] [3–4 July 1811]1 ¶ [iii.252] Having prepared ourselves, and every thing about us as well as circumstances permitted, and half a Horse for our support, we got ready for our voyage to the Pacific Ocean, the River before us wholly unknown to us, and all information only a day’s journey of Rapids direct before us:2 by Observations I found the Latitude of these, the Ilth koy ape Falls to be 48°..38'7" N Longitude 117°..48'49" west, and the Variation 20 degrees East. (The names of my men were Michel Bourdeaux, Pierre Pareil, Joseph Coté, Michel Boulard, Francois Gregoire; with Charles and Ignace, two good Iroquois Indians, and two Simpoil Natives for Interpreters.3 We placed the Horses in the care of the Chief of the Village. After praying the Almighty to protect and prosper us on our voyage to the Ocean, early on the third of July we embarked and descended the River for near seventy miles, and in the evening came to the Village of the Simpoil Indians.4 In the above distance we had several strong

1 Thompson’s journals for his journey from Kettle Falls to the mouth of the Columbia, 3–15 July 1811, are at a o . 27.82–69. They have been published in T.C. Elliott, ed., “Journal of David Thompson,” Oregon Historical Quarterly 15 (1914): 39–63, and in Belyea, ed., Columbia Journals, 142–55. The version in the 1847 Conclusion is at ii.238–51 (278–87). 2 For a discussion of this voyage, and of the differences between the journal and the two Travels versions, see the Historical Introduction (xxx–xxxviii). 3 Pierre Pareil and Joseph Côté had been part of the group of twenty-four who had struck north from the Saskatchewan on 29 October 1810. The Iroquois, Charles and Ignace, had both been engaged in May. The free traders François Grégoire and Michel Bourdeaux (for whom see Appendix 3; 355–6) were taken on at Saleesh House and Kettle Falls respectively. This is the first time in the Travels that Thompson mentions his long-time collaborator, Michel Boulard, for whom see Appendix 3 (355); he would be traded to the Pacific Fur Company for the Hawaiian Naukane (Coxe). The two Sanpoil were engaged at Kettle Falls. 4 Sanpoil, whose village was located on the Sanpoil River. From 3–7 July, Thompson travelled along a stretch of the middle Columbia inhabited by eight associated Interior Salish peoples: Sanpoil, Nespelem, Okanagan, Methow, Chelan, Entiat, Wenatchee, and Sinkayuse. The salmon fishery, root gathering, the deer hunt, and, especially downriver, the mountain goat hunt, were the mainstays of the economy. Thompson and his men were the first whites to travel through their land. By one estimate, the total population of these groups in 1805 was 2,500. Jay Miller, “Middle Columbia River Salishans,” h n a i 12, 253–70.

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Rapids which required all our skill and activity at one of which we had to carry every thing for near three fourths of a mile, the water is high in the River, the current very strong, with many small whirlpools and, eddies, but not dangerous. At fifty six miles we passed the junction of the Spokane River, which comes from the south eastward by a long series of unnavigable Falls; the whole of this day the country has a pleasing appearance, in places thinly wooded, but the greater part meadow of short grass, very fine for sheep, the grounds high and dry; above and below the Spokane River the banks were often of perpendicular Rock, of trap and basalt of a black grey color, in places reddish, these banks had a curious appearance to the height of about three hundred and fifty feet, they retired from the River, by a perpendicular step of twenty to thirty feet, then a level table of ten to twenty feet, from which rose another steep step, and level table to the top of the bank. ¶ [iii.253] The width of the River may be estimated at about five hundred yards, deep, and a rapid current. Having pitched our tents, by my two Simpoil Natives I sent for the Chiefs of the Village; to come and smoke, they came, and the Men followed in single file, and all sat down round the tent; the Chief made a short speech, saying he was glad to see us, and then made a present of two, half dried Salmon, and about half a bushel of Roots of two kinds, the one called Ka mass5 a white root, of a slight bitter taste which becomes a favorite, and is agreeable to the stomach; the other is a kind of small onion,6 which is dug out of the ground near the surface in a soft rich soil of loam, then washed and baked in a smothered heat, when from white, they become of a rich dark brown and very sweet, they are nourishing, but eaten too freely without moss bread are apt to loosen the bowels, and these two served for the rough bread and cheese of the country. I have already remarked this bread is made from the long black moss, like hair that grows on the red Fir Trees.7 Four pipes were now lighted and the smoking enjoyed as a feast, the Chief made a long speech in a loud singing voice, and each sentence responded to by the others by Oy, Oy; the Speech being ended and interpreted to us, was thanks for our arrival, and hoping we would bring to them Guns, Ammunition, Axes, Knives, Awls, and not to forget Steels and Flints with many other articles, they were able and willing to hunt, and would be able to pay for every thing they wanted, but at present they had only their hands to procure food and clothing, and much

5 See note on iii.217 (163). 6 In the 1847 Conclusion, Thompson specifies this as Eet too way, another variety of camas (ii.239; 279). 7 On iii.202 (144).

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more to the same purpose, all too true. I then explained to them my object to know how this River was to the sea, and if good, very large Canoes with Goods of all kinds would arrive, by which they would be supplied with Clothing and all they wanted if they were industrius hunters. The two Simpoil Indians were now called upon to tell them all the News they had collected; at the end of every three, or four, sentences, they stopped and the Chief repeated the same aloud, so that all could hear and was [iii.254] answered by Oy Oy. We noticed that the News whether good or bad, was pronounced in the same tone of voice. ¶ Smoking for the present being over; permission was asked for the Women to come and see us, which being accorded they soon came with their children, and made us a present of Roots and Berries; and sat down around the Men, smoking commenced for a short time, each Man took three hearty whiffs as the calumets passed, but the Women were allowed only one whiff which they made a long whiff. The Chief now proposed they should all dance, to this we assented; the Men formed two slightly curved lines with the women close behind them; they had no instruments and the only music was the song of a man painted Red and Black, his hair stuck full of Feathers, his voice was strong and good, but had few notes; during the song which lasted about eight minutes, the dancers moved very slowly forward with an easy motion, and without changing their position danced back to the place they had left. At the end of the song, each person sat down in the place where the song left them; the Chief made a speech of about two minutes; the Song commenced and the dance, and in this manner continued for about an hour when they ended and they retired to their Lodges; and left us to our repose, which we much wanted: ¶ The next day to acquire a knowledge of the Country I remained until near Noon; the information was, the country around them was much the same as that we had passed, to the foot of the Hills; whither all the Deer had gone for green grass and water; that they were not willingly confined to the banks of the River, but would follow the Deer, if they had Guns, or if their arrows were shod with iron; in the hills the ground was too uneven to surround the Antelope, and in winter when they come to the low grounds, and we surround them, the heads of our arrows break when they strike against a bone and [iii.255] they escape;8 I found that all these Natives in their un armed state had the same way of hunting the Deer, by surrounding them, for this purpose the least number required is thirty active Men and Lads, but the more the better; they scatter themselves early in the morning, and as much as possible guide the Antelopes to the level plain agreed upon; the rude circle is gradually lessened in a gentle

8 Here the narrative slides briefly into a first-person Sanpoil voice.

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manner so as not to alarm them; and the Deer meeting each other seems to give them confidence, until the signal is given; where the weapons are flint headed arrows which more frequently wound than kill, the Deer soon brake through the circle of Men and escape; and the same from the noise of the Gun; but the iron headed arrows carry silent certain death to the tender Antelope: the number thus encircled are from twenty to sixty; out of which the flint headed arrow kill but few, but the iron shod arrow more than half of the number, this is the only method by which they procure clothing: their Lodges are made of light poles covered with matts made of rushes, sufficient for this season, but a poor defence against the weather of winter; their wood for the fire and all other purposes is procured from the Trees drifted down the River in freshets, and left on the shore, and when too long they burn through the Log, or Pole to the desired length, and their whole time is taken up in expedients for self preservation. This is the only village of this tribe, their language is the same as the Saleesh Indians, they are full sixty Men of families, and the number of souls about 420. They are of the middle size, their features good, and would be better; if they had more nourishment; for want of which they are slightly made, can bear fatigue but not steady labor; the Women and Children were treated with kind attention, and under all their wants they were cheerful and contented, and I hope we shall soon be able to supply their wants; for at present two thirds [iii.256] of their food is roots and berries, the few Salmon they get is from a Wier across a Brook of fifteen yards wide, they are small and poor, they did not know the use of the Net or Seine. Of their Religion I had no time to learn much they seemed to acknowledge a Great Spirit who dwelled in the clouds to be the master of every thing, and when they died their Souls went to him; the Sun, Moon and Stars were all divinities, but the Sun above all; and that he made the Lightning, Thunder and Rain, their worship was in dancing, and the last dance they gave me was for a safe voyage and return to them. [Villages of other tribes. remarks & religion. descend & remarks.] [4–6 July 1811] ¶ At noon we left this poor but friendly people, and proceeded down the River for six hours, the first four hours the country was bold high grassy hills, which at length came on the River in steep banks, with isolated rocks, and steep cliffs all having a ruinous appearance, the ravines were many steep, narrow and rocky,1 the descent of the Rains had not left a grain of earth, these cliffs con-

1 Nespelem Canyon.

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tracted the width of the River, the waves ran high with many whirlpools and eddies, in one place the Steersman2 who was standing to guide the Canoe lost his balance and fell out of the Canoe, but we recovered him, we carried along part of a dangerous rapid; at 6 pm we tried to find a place to pitch our cotton tents, but after an hours search, we had to sit on the rocks and leave the Canoe in the water. To stem this current is impossible, and although the River is very high, yet some three years past, by the Trees lodged among the Rocks, the water must then have been twelve feet higher than at present. ¶ July 5th. A rainy morning, having broken two of our paddles from driftwood we split out four paddles and made two for present use; and then embarked, in a short distance we came to a heavy Rapid, the high waves of which obliged us to put ashore, and carry every thing full two miles; while we were doing this a Chief with about sixty men, their women and Children came to, and helped, us over the Carrying Place.3 [iii.257] This being done, the Chief for himself and his people made a present of five Horses, five good Salmon well roasted, a bushel of arrow wood berries, which are sweet, wholesome and nourishing; about two bushels of various roots, some of which I had not seen before, and the dried meat of four small, very fat, animals, which I took to be Marmots;4 the two latter with the five Horses I requested the Chief to take in charge until we returned;5 for what we kept I paid three feet of tobacco; fourteen plain and stone rings, eighteen hawks bells,6 six feet of a string of blue beads, nine feet of gartering, four papers of vermillion,7 four awls and six buttons, which they thankfully accepted; such is the barter of these countries with the Natives; heavy rain obliged us to pass the day here. This Tribe is called Ins pa e lis,8 as they procure the Salmon from the River, and not from a Weir on a Brook, the Salmon are larger and in good condition, and from their clothing the Deer are more plentifull than with the Simpoils, they are a finer people, several of the Men were six feet in height; the face rather oval, the eyes black, the nose straight and prominent, the cheek bones moderate, teeth and mouth good, the chin round, on the whole their appearance is manly, mild, open and friendly. The Men were ornamented with a few shells, the women more profusely, in their ears, round the neck, and hanging to 2 Ignace. 3 Whirlpool Rapids. 4 Yellow-bellied marmot (Marmota flaviventris). 5 As it happened, Thompson was never to return to this part of the Columbia. 6 Falconers’ hawk’s bells were used to ornament clothing. 7 Vermilion was used for red paint. 8 Nespelem.

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their girdles;9 the tint of the skin was not so dark as that of a Spaniard, some of the Women daubed their faces with red ochre. Their Language is a dialect of the Saleesh; my canadian interpreter (Michel Bourdeaux) could not understand them, altho’ they understood him, my two Simpoils now became our interpreters, by whom I learned they have sufficient Deer in winter for their support and clothing if they were better armed; they have good blankets made of Bear, of Musk Rat, or the black tailed Antelope,10 which are [iii.258] cut into narrow strips, and neatly interwoven each blanket was of one of these animals, and not mixed. They describe their country as high, dry, and hilly, with short grass, the rock showing itself in many places, with but few trees, and those of Fir, stunted and scattered; such a country appears fit for only sheep, deer, and horses; but has many Brooks of clear water: their manner of hunting is the same as already described.11 After smoking some time, they prepared to give us a Dance that we may have a safe voyage to the sea and in like manner return to them. The Chief made a short prayer, after which the dance commenced of the Men and Women, each separate, to the music of their singing, which was pleasingly plaintive, their voices full and clear and not too loud; each line of Men and Women had a clear space of three or four feet, within which they danced; at first the step was slow, and the singing the same, but both gradually increased, the step of the dance very quick as if pursuing, or being pursued. This lasted for about eight minutes, when a pause of two minutes took place; a prayer was made, and the dance and singing repeated twice; the whole was strictly a religious ceremony, every face was grave and serious, almost to sadness; the prayers of the Chief was accompanied with holding up his hands to heaven, and so far as I have seen the people on the west side of the Mountains, their Religion appears simple and rational, without sacrifices or superstition, and offer a most extensive and hopeful field for the labors of Missionaries to bring them to the knowledge of the heavenly Redeemer of Mankind. They went to their Lodges, and sent us a Salmon for which I paid six inches of tobacco. The Rapid of this carrying [iii.259] place is in several ridges, rushing down a descent of full thirty feet; and the Salmon ascend it with ease. July 6th. a rainy morning; early several Men with a few Women came and smoked a while, the Women had bracelets of Shells and fillets of the same

9 Dentalium shells, an article obtained through trade with coastal tribes. 10 A subspecies of mule deer (Odocoileus hemionus). 11 I.e., by means of encirclement, described on iii.255 above (211–12).

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round the head. At 6½ am we embarked and in less than four hours came to a Tribe and Village called Smeath how e;12 as usual we put ashore, and I sent the Simpoils to invite them to come and smoke with us, they found them consulting what they should make a present of; for the stranger must have a present made to him, or them. My reason for putting ashore and smoking with the Natives, is to make friends with them, against my return, for in descending the current of a large River, we might pass on without much attention to them; but in returning against the current, our progress will be slow and close along shore, and consequently very much in their power; whereas staying a few hours, and smoking with them, while explaining to them the object of my voyage makes them friendly to us. The Men, Women and Children now came dancing, and singing a mild, plaintive song to which they kept time, when close to us, they twice said Oy Oy and sat down around us; one of them directed the Women and Children to sit near the Men; the pipes were lighted, and they all smoked with avidity the Men taking from three to six whiffs, some swallowing the smoke, but the Women were allowed only one whiff. They now gave us three well roasted Salmon, and half a bushel of Arrow Wood Berries, very acceptable to us, for which I paid them. I learned that from the time of the arrival of the Salmon, all the fish that are taken for a certain time must be roasted, not boiled; the Chiefs then assemble, and after some ceremonies, the Salmon are allowed to be boiled, or cooked for the rest of the season, as the people choose. The appearance of this [iii.260] tribe is the same as the last, except the Women being more profusely ornated13 with shells; their knowledge of the River extended no farther than to the next village, where we would learn the state of the River beyond them. At Noon we left them and soon came to a bold Rapid of two miles in length,14 the waves being too high for our Canoe we had to carry, the Chief and four young men came with Horses and helped us to the foot of the Rapid for which I gave them eight inches of Tobacco, which was thankfully accepted; this carrying place took us to 2½ pm we then descended a strong current for full three and a half hours, and camped on the left for the first time, the right being steep rocks. The country and banks of the river high, bold hills, very rude; with steep cliffs; we could have passed hours in viewing the wild scenery, but these romantic cliffs always indicated danger to us from the stream being contracted and

12 Methow, at the mouth of the Methow River. 13 From the verb “to ornate,” meaning “to ornament, adorn, embellish.” Oxford English Dictionary, 2nd edn, 10:940, s.v. “ornate.” 14 Methow Rapids.

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forming whirlpools, very disagreeable companions on a River; on a Cliff we saw a Mountain Sheep looking down on us, which we longed to eat, but could not be approached. We had to kill two Rattle Snakes that would not get out of our way.15 [Villages. descend & remarks. another Interpreter.] [7 July 1811] ¶ July 7th. Having descended ten miles, we saw several Men on horseback proceeding to the westward, two of them rode to the River side, we went to, and smoked with them, and each of us held on our ways. I learned that they were sent from a Village to apprise them of our coming. Having continued for four miles, we came to two long Lodges of the same structure as those we have passed, sufficiently well covered with rush matts; one of these Lodges was two hundred and forty feet in length; the other sixty feet in length; each by thirty feet in breadth; all these measurements are by stepping the lengths at three feet each step. By their account the name of this tribe is Sin kow ar sin;1 they are about one hundred and twenty families, and from the Women and Children must be about eight hundred Souls; the Language is still a dialect of the Saleesh, but my Simpoil Interpreters find several words [iii.261] they did not understand; when we passed, and put ashore below them, they were all dancing in their Lodges, to the sound of their songs, for hitherto we have not seen a musical instrument even of the most rude kind along this River. We sent to them to come and smoke, five steady looking men came, sat down near us and smoked, but although many of the Natives we had passed viewed us with some suspicion, as at a loss what to make of us, these Men much more so, nor could their countenances conceal that they did not know what to make of us; all the other Villages had been apprised of us by some who had smoked with us, these had only heard of us by report; except what they learned from the two horsemen; no speech, as usual, was made, and the Simpoil Indians who accompanied us, explained to them all they saw with us. After smoking a few pipes, I requested all the other men to come, which they did, but in an irregular manner, and it was twenty minutes before they could be made to sit down, smoking com-

15 Northern Pacific rattlesnake (Crotalus oreganus oreganus). See Thompson’s extended discussion of this reptile on iii.290–4 below (243–7). 1 Bruce Rigsby and Michael Finley suggest that this represents Sәnkwáxcәn, the Sinkayuse village located at Rock Island Rapids. “Priest Rapids: Places, People, and Names,” Journal of Northwest Anthropology 43 (2009), 61.

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menced, and they offered us a small present of Roots and Berries, their attention was strongly fixed on our persons, especially on those who had let their beards grow; on our dresses which were wholly of woollen or cotton, their clothing being of leather, on our Guns, Axes Knives and making of a fire to which last they paid great attention, they appeared delighted with the use of the Axe in cutting and splitting of the drift wood; I now explained to them by the Interpreters the object of my voyage down the River, that it was to procure for them articles and clothing such as they saw with us, besides many others, equally wanted by them, all this passed in conversation with one and another, there was no Chief to speak to them; a fine looking man came and sat down close to me with strong curiosity in his face; after eyeing me all over, he felt my feet and legs to be sure that I was something like themselves, but did not appear sure that I was so, a very old Man now came to thank me for visiting them and that he had the pleasure of smoking good tobacco before he died; at length being satisfied that we came as friends, and the intention of doing them good, they brought to us two Salmon, for which I [iii.262] paid them; they then lifted up their arms and hands towards the skies praying for our safety and to return to them: ¶ Their appearance was much the same as those we had passed, but having more nourishment their persons were more full in form and many of the men were handsome, with a manly look, the Women I could not call any beautiful, but many were pretty, good looking with mild features, the children well formed and playful, and respect with kind attention to each other pervaded the whole; tho’ at present poor in provisions, they were all in good health, and except the infirmities of old age, we have not seen a sick person, partly from using much vegetable food, and partly from a fine dry temperate climate. They describe their country to the southward to be high dry and barren, without animals; to the northward the lands are good with Antelopes, the Mountain Sheep (Big Horn) and Goats, of which their clothing is made, and of the fine long wool of the latter they make good rude blankets. They had also a few Bison Robes which they must have traded from other Tribes; all these allowed them to be better clothed than any tribe we had yet seen. We saw no weapons of war with them, and like all the other Tribes they may be said to be unarmed; and like them also they were all as cleanly as people can be without the use of Soap, an article not half so much valued in civilized life as it ought to be. What would become of the Belle and the Beau without it and also all linen, and cotton; I have often known the want of it, and had to use fine blue clay as a substitute. ¶ As we were about to leave these people with their prayers for our safety, a fine looking man came to us and requested a passage in our Canoe for himself

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and Wife, to a tribe below us of which he was a Chief, he remarked to us, that the Simpoil Indians could not interpret for us much farther down the River, as the Natives spoke a different language, which both himself and his Wife well understood, and that he would then become our Interpreter,2 glad of the offer [iii.263] we gave them a passage with their little baggage, after descending seven miles we put ashore to boil Salmon, for while with the Indians our whole time is occupied in talking and smoking with them, and keeping guard on all that is passing, for with people to whom we are utterly unknown a trifling accident might produce serious effects. Here was a place for a winter campment, it was of the form of a long Lodge, the earth a dry light soil excavated to the depth of one foot, clean and level, the floor of earth, over which the Lodge is erected. Having descended the current for twenty one miles we camped for the night. To this distance the Banks of the River have become much lower, but all the bays opposite the Points of the River have steep banks of trap rock, about forty to fifty feet, the points are of fine meadow, and when the water subsides to it’s usual level must be extensive: the current more moderate, yet has many whirlpools, on the whole this day the River and country has a more pleasing appearance than usual, but without woods, except a few scattered dwarf red Fir. [Villages. descend & remarks. Chief excited. Seine &c. Shawpatins.] [8 July 1811]1 July 8th. Having proceeded seven miles we came to a Village of sixty Two families, the rapid current drove us half a mile below the village before we could land;2 the Chief, a middle aged, manly looking man on Horseback now rode down to examine us, he appeared very much agitated, the foam coming out of his mouth; wheeling his horse back wards and forwards, and calling aloud, “who are you. what are you.” Our custom was to leave one, or two, men in the Canoe to keep it afloat, the rest of us drew up near the shore, about three 2 Thompson is approaching the head of Priest Rapids, the boundary between the Salishan and Sahaptin language families. The two Sanpoil interpreters probably returned upriver at this point. The Sahaptin interpreter and his wife were probably from the village of Wayám at Celilo Falls, and would remain with Thompson until he passed the Columbia Dalles on 12 July. 1 From 8–12 July Thompson travelled through a stretch of the Columbia inhabited by Sahaptin-speaking peoples. On this day he encountered the Wanapum and Yakama. H. Schuster, “Yakima and Neighboring Groups,” h n a i 12, 327–51. 2 This Wanapum village at the foot of Priest Rapids was known as P’ná.

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feet from each other all well armed, myself in the front apparently unarmed; this Chief sometimes appeared to make a dash at us, we then presented our guns and he wheeled his horse; in about a quarter of an hour he became composed, my native interpreter, who stood with us now spoke to him in a manly manner telling him who we were, and what we came for, to which he listened with attention, then called out “oy, oy.” He was now joined by a well made, stout, short, old [iii.264] man, his hair quite white, he was on foot and came with a message. We invited him to come with his people and smoke, upon which he set off on a gallop, the old man on foot keeping near him, having repeated to the people what we had said and to come forward and smoke, he returned at the same pace, the old man keeping close to him to our admiration, he was naked and barefooted, and we could not help saying to each other, which of us at his age will be equally active.3 The Man came and smoking commenced, a present of four Salmon, and two of a small species, with Berries were made, of the latter we took only part. By the interpreter I told them what I had to say, the Chief repeated the words in a loud voice, which was re-­repeated by a man in a louder voice. The women now came forwards singing and dancing which they continued all the time the men were smoking: The Men were well formed, but not handsome, tho’ their features were regular, they were poorly clothed; and the women equally so, two of them were naked, but not abashed; they all had shells in their nostrils some had fillets round the head and bracelets of shells round the wrists, or arms, but want of clothing made them appear to disadvantage. These people are altogether distinct from those we have seen, and are of the Shawpatin, or as it is sometimes pronounced, Sar ar pa tin nation, of which there are several tribes, and speak a Language peculiar to themselves, it appeared soft, with many vowels, and easy of pronunciation; it is the native language tongue of the Interpreter. These people, as well as those of the last Village, are making use of the Seine Net, which is well made from wild Hemp,4 which grows on the rich low grounds. The net appeared about full six feet in breadth by about thirty fathoms in length. It was trimmed and worked in the manner we use it, which gave them a supply for the day, and a

3 Drawing on Wanapum oral tradition, Click Relander identifies the fast runner as Shuwapso, an early tribal dreamer prophet. Drummers and Dreamers: The Story of Smowhala the Prophet and His Nephew Puck Hyah Toot, the Last Prophet of the Nearly Extinct River People, the Last Wanapums (Caldwell, i d : Caxton, 1956), 45–6. Rigsby and Finley suggest that this figure may be the “priest” after whom fur traders named the system of rapids. 4 Indian hemp (Apocynum cannabinum).

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few to dry but fish however plenty can never compensate the want of Deer, Sheep, and Goats for clothing, and [iii.265] frequently a change of food. ¶ We left these people and proceeded forty miles to 5½ pm when seeing a large camp before us we put ashore; four Horsemen came to us, and having smoked I told them to invite the Men to come and smoke, they came and sat down in an orderly manner, the pipes went round; and the often repeated speech was made of my going to the Sea, to procure all the Articles they were so much in want of, and return to them, and for which they must be industrious hunters in the winter season, and procure furrs for payment; all this was readily promised, they said somewhere near their campment would be a good place for us to make a Lodge and trade with them, as the large River close below them5 led to a fine country and skirted the distant Mountains we saw; that they had a very mild winter, the depth of Snow they showed was about eight inches, they had sometimes more but soon melted away. They represented to us, that they had plenty of Deer, two of the species very small,6 with small Trout and other Fish for the winter, with dried Salmon; all the above in long detail was repeated by three Chiefs, after each other, in a loud voice; they made us a present of four Salmon, for the first time fat, and gave a little oil on the Kettle when boiled, they had neither roots nor berries; while the Salmon season continues they live wholly by the Seine Net. The name of this Tribe is Skaem en a,7 they are Shawpatins, and number one hundred and fifty families, and are not less than about one thousand souls, they were all tolerably well dressed, many of the women had not a shell in their nostril; and less ornamented than those we have seen. They were healthy, and as clean as people can be without Soap. The Men were generally above the middle size, rather tall, well made for activity, their features good, mild yet manly; many of the women would pass for handsome if better dressed. They were decent, modest and well behaved, and both sexes kind and attentive to each other, and to their children, most of the latter poorly clothed, or naked. [iii.266] After giving a dance for a safe voyage, at 9 pm they left us and we passed a quiet night. [Shawpatins. Shawpatin River. the Chief.] [9 July 1811]

5 The Snake River. 6 Probably smaller subspecies of white-tailed deer and mule deer. 7 Yakama.

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¶ July 9th. Having gone half a mile we came to the junction of the Shaw pa tin River with the Columbia,1 the water is high in both, the former is about five hundred yards in width, strong current and turbid water, the natives say, when the water is low it is a series of rapids; close below the confluence the Columbia is between eight and nine hundred [yards] in width. In the distance of three miles we passed twenty families seineing of Salmon, at two miles lower down we came to about twenty families, with whom was the Chief of all the Shawpatin Tribes;2 he received us in manners superior to all the other Chiefs; he appeared about forty years of age, say six feet in height of a mild manly countenance, good features and every way a handsome man, clean and well dressed; we found him an intelligent friendly man, he made no speeches, but discoursed with us as man with man; I found my Interpreter to be a person much noticed by him; he had several active men about him who acted as Couriers to the other Tribes; others as soldiers without arms. While we were there two old Chiefs made their appearance, upon which he sent some of them about one hundred yards to meet them; upon explaining to him the object of our voyage, he entered into all our views in a thoughtful manner, pointing out to us their helpless state, and that under their present circumstances they could never hope to be better, “for we must continue in the state of our fathers, and our children will be [the] same, unless you white men will bring us Arms, Arrow shods of iron, axes, knives and many other things which you have and which we very much want;” we informed him we had armed all the Natives, particularly the Saleesh and Kootanaes and that as soon as possible we should do the same to all his people, that the way we brought the Goods at present obliged

1 The Snake River. In his journal entry for 9 July 1811, Thompson writes: “Here I erected a small Pole with a half sheet of Paper well tied about it, with these words on it: Know hereby that this Country is claimed by Great Britain as part of it’s Territories and that the n w Company of Merchants from Canada, finding the Factory for this People inconvenient for them, do hereby intend to erect a Factory in this Place for the Commerce of the Country around” (a o . 27.74); the claim-staking is also described in the 1847 Conclusion (ii.245; 284). For the Sahaptin inhabitants of this area, see: Stern, T. “Cayuse, Umatilla, and Walla Walla.” h n a i 12, 395–419. 2 Meriwether Lewis and William Clark had encountered the Walla Walla chief Yellepit at the junction of the Snake and Columbia in October 1805 and again in April 1806. During their first encounter, the explorers presented the chief with a Thomas Jefferson peace medal and a small American flag; Thompson records having viewed these items in his journal entry (a o . 27.74). Gary Moulton, ed., The Journals of the Lewis & Clark Expedition. Volume 5: July 28–November 1, 1805 (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1988), 307n1.

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us to cross high Mountains, and through hostile [iii.267] people, that we now sought a short safe way, by which all the Articles they wanted would come in safety. He requested we would make a Lodge for trading at the junction of the Rivers and many of the Natives would readily find their way to that place:3 he viewed all we had with great attention, but the women were most delighted with the Kettles, the Axe, the Awl and the Needle; and I remarked in all their speeches, they never mentioned Tobacco, or woollen clothing as necessaries although highly desired, yet they were pleased when any thing was paid for, to see blue beads, Rings and other trifles for the women form part of the payment. This Chief whom with his small party had come there to have space for fishing, had separated themselves from the others, were actively employed in cleaning, splitting and preserving the Salmon by smoke, using all the precautions which I have already noticed; he made a present of two good Salmon, for which I paid him two feet of Tobacco: he remarked to me, that they were obliged to be very industrious during the Salmon season, as it was their principal dependance throughout the year; for their only way of hunting the Deer was by surrounding them, which seldom gave all of them meat enough; Hitherto the country has lowered much, and along the River when the water is low there must be much fine meadow, but on the upper banks, and to the foot of the Hills the land is too dry, the grass short and not tender, a hard soil with the trap rock in places, how far it is fit for the plough I cannot say, the climate is very fine and even in this month of July the heat of the day is always tempered by the westerly winds which rise about 10 am, and gradually increase to a Gale at 10 pm, then abate, and by 2 or 3 am a fine calm and heavy dew, but at times the Gale continued all night; ¶ I remarked to the Chief the utter want of Forest Trees, nothing to be seen but a chance dwarf Fir, and their whole dependence was on drift wood, that in other countries there were Forests of various Trees which would require more than one Moon to cross them, he said that they had no Forests, that it was only in the countries of the [iii.268] Saleesh Tribes he had seen Forests of one or two day’s journey; that it was more than three winters since he had been there, that the south part of that country belonged to them, of late they had left it on account of the hostility of the Snake Indians of the Straw Tent Tribe,4 but if armed, they would again possess that country, “from which, even from here, we

3 n w c traders Donald McKenzie and Alexander Ross founded Fort Nez Percés, just below the confluence of the Snake and Columbia rivers, in 1818. 4 Northern Shoshone, Bannock, or Northern Paiute.

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are not far; for in one day’s march we come to the Mountains5 which there, are low; the next day we cross them, and the third day are where we hunt the Bisons,6 for which we have plenty of good Horses;” but they had no bison clothing among them. Throug[h] the whole of these Tribes I have seen no weapons of war, rarely a Bow and Arrows, and those fit for only small Deer; not a single stone axe, and small sharp stones for knives without handles, they certainly have no turn for mechanics, an Esquimaux with their means would soon have stone tools and Kettles to hold water and boil their fish and meat; whereas all these Tribes do not appear to have any thing better than a weak small basket of Rushes for these necessary purposes. Most of the musical instruments of the eastern Natives are made of parchment, or raw hide dried as the tambour, drum and rattle; and even allowing the skins of animals to be too valuable for such purposes, yet the hoofs of the small deer might be made into an agreeable Rattle as with the Indians on the east side of the Mountains; the whole of their Music is their own voices which costs neither time nor labor. [descend the River. Villages. Seining &c. dances. drift Wood. the country.] [9–10 July 1811] ¶ We embarked and proceeded thirty two miles down the River, and passed about eighty families in small straggling Lodges;1 at one of which of ten families we put ashore to smoke with them, but they were terrified at our appearance. My men staid on the beach, and I went forward a few paces unarmed, and sat down with a pipe and stem in my hand. They sent forward two very old men, who lying flat on the ground in the most pitiful manner; crawling slowly, frequently lifted their heads a little as if imploring mercy; my Native Interpreter would not speak to them, and all the signs I could make gave them no confidence; close behind the men three women crawled on their knees; lifting up their hands to me, as if [iii.269] supplicating for their lives; the men were naked and the women nearly the same, the whole a scene of wretched destitution, it was too painful, they did not smoke with us, I gave to each of the men two inches of Tobacco, and left them. They appeared as if outcasts from the others; all those we have passed to day appeared idle, we saw none of them employed with the Seine, when I spoke to the Interpreter when we camped to learn the

5 The Blue Mountains. 6 Along the Upper Snake River. 1 These Native people, and those encountered on 10 July, were members of the Sahaptinspeaking Umatilla.

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state of these people, he gave me no answer, and both himself and his Wife did not wish to be spoken to about them.2 In the afternoon, when the River ran to the West Southwestward a high Mountain, isolated, of a conical form, a mass of pure Snow without the appearance of a rock, appeared, which I took to be Mount Hood; and which it was; from the lower part of the River this Mount is in full view, and with a powerful achromatic Telescope I examined it; when clear, the Snow always appeared as fresh fallen, it stands south of the Columbia River, near the shores of the Pacific Ocean, and from six thousand feet and upwards one immense mass of pure snow; what is below the limit of perpetual Snow, appears to be continually renewed by fresh falls of Snow, its many Streamlets form Rivers, one of which the Wil ar met,3 a noble River through a fine country falls into the Columbia River.4 ¶ July 10th. A fine morning having gone twenty one miles, we came to eighty two families, they were well arranged for the Salmon fishery, their Seine Net was about eight feet in width with strong poles at each end and good lines, and about fifty fathoms in length; they had also dipping Nets with strong hoops, and about five feet in depth. Their Canoes, as usual with all the Tribes, made of the hollow Trees drifted down the River; I measured one of them thirty six feet in length, by three feet in width; We staid about an hour with them, smoking and talking, but they had no information to give us; proceeding seven miles we put ashore at two Lodges containing eighty families; with whom we staid two hours; after smoking had commenced they made us a present of three Salmon, for which I paid two feet of tobacco, they then gave us a Dance to their singing, superior to any dance, and the Song [iii.270] more varied in the notes, to which the dancers kept time with an easy graceful step, for which all the Natives are remarkable, the youth of each sex formed a separate curved line, the elderly people behind them, the dancing and singing were regulated by an old Chief, and ended by a short prayer for safe return. On enquiring why they always preferred the curved, to the straight, line in dancing, the answer was, that a curved line gave them the pleasure of seeing each other, and that every one behaved well, which a straight line did not allow: in none of their dances that

2 For the development of this episode from the journals through the two Travels accounts, see the Historical Introduction (xxx–xxxiv). 3 Willamette River. 4 In his journal entry for 10 July, Thompson notes that he heard news this day of the arrival of the p f c ship Tonquin’s arrival at the mouth of the Columbia, an event that had occurred in late March (a o . 27.72).

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I have seen do they intermix with each other, but each person keeps steady to the first place: slowly dancing a few steps forward, and backwards without any change of the body, at the end of each dance, which may last a few minutes, they sat down, in doing so, both sexes with an easy motion, sunk to the ground, none of us could do the same, we were too stiff. After leaving these friendly people we went to two men who were seining Salmon, and bought two fish, shortly after at 6 pm we put up, very much fatigued with a heavy gale of head wind which drifted the sand like dust. From information, and from what we have seen the country though much lowered, is still a high dry country, covered with short grass, now faded for want of rain, the banks of the river are all of this kind of grassy ground, gently sloping from the interior, which is an undulating plain to the foot of the distant hills, and the soil of every where appears poor and sandy, it may do for sheep, but what we see is not fit for any other animal, and we never see an animal of any kind; the few Trees are as usual stunted red Fir, the only Tree that will grow on these dry grounds, and the Natives wholly depend on the drift wood for all purposes. The Night being clear I observed for Latitude and Longitude; of which I make a constant practice, to correct the survey of the River and to give a true geographical position to every part, though of no importance to the general reader; and [iii.271] therefore not noticed. [Columbia River. great Village. Dalles. Mr Ogdens. see Seals.] [11–12 July 1811] ¶ July 11th. A fine morning, having proceeded three miles we came to a Village of Sixty three families; with whom we staid smoking for near an hour; and went on our way, over many strong Rapids,1 some of them required all our skill to avoid being upset, or sunk by the waves; we passed two Villages but could not put ashore; At 2 pm we came to a Village of about three hundred families.2 We put ashore close below them; they gave us a very rude irregular dance to discordant singing; several respectable Men came, and tried to keep order, which they barely maintained, we saw no person who appeared to act as a Chief, no speeches were made, and as my stock of Tobacco was diminishing every day, I allowed smoking to only the respectable men; they were all poorly

1 Celilo Falls, which were submerged by the high waters of the Columbia when Thompson passed. 2 Wayám, the principal village at Celilo Falls. For the Sahaptin inhabitants of the Dalles, see: E. Hunn and D. French, “Western Columbia River Sahaptins,” h n a i 12: 378–94.

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clothed, and the women more so than the Men, and this sex in decency, modesty, and cleanliness, fell short of the upper country women: like all the Natives along this River their living was the Salmon fishery with the Seine and Dipping nets. Had they been clean and well dressed, both sexes would have had a good personal appearance; they informed me they had heard of white people from the sea, and warned us all to beware of the Dalles and Falls which were close below us; the soil was light and like what we had passed: at night the old Men with some trouble got them all to retire to their lodges, and after smoking a few pipes left us to pass a quiet night. ¶ July 12th. We were now at the head of the Dalles, to which there is a carrying place of a full mile.3 I have already mentioned the Dalles of the Saleesh and Spokane River;4 these Dalles were of the same formation, steep high walls of Basalt Rock, with sudden sharp breaks in them, which were at right angles to the direction of the wall of the River, these breaks formed rude bays, under each point was a violent eddy, and each bay a powerful, dangerous, whirlpool; these walls of Rock contract the River from eight hundred, to one thousand, yards in width to sixty yards, or less; imagination can hardly form an idea of the working of this [iii.272] immense body of water under such a compression, raging and hissing, as if alive. (Some twenty two years after I passed in 1811. Mr Peter Ogden one of the Partners of the Hudsons Bay Company on his way to Fort Vancouver came to these Dalles in a Canoe with eleven men; Mr Ogden put ashore and walked down, he advised the Men to carry the Canoe with the Baggage over the carrying place, the road of which is near the bank; the water being low, they preferred running the Dalles; they had not gone far, when to avoid the ridge of waves, which they ought to have kept, they took the apparent smooth water, were drawn into a whirlpool, which wheeled them round into it’s vortex, the Canoe with the Men clinging to it, went down end foremost, and were all drowned; at the foot of the Dalles search was made for their bodies, but only one Man was found, his body much mangled by the Rocks).5 Last evening when the old Men quitted us, they promised to send us Men and Horses to take every thing over the carrying place, but after waiting for them some time, we set to work and crossed every thing over a tolerable good path to a small sandy bay; here we had the pleasure of seeing many grey colored Seals,6 they were apparently in chase after the Salmon, we fired several shots

3 Bypassing the lower Dalles, the “Long Narrows” of Lewis and Clark. 4 For the Dalles of the lower Pend Oreille, see iii.217–18 (164) and iii.224–5 (171–2). 5 For this incident, see iii.200–1 (142). 6 Harbour seal (Phoca vitulina).

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at them to no purpose. About one mile more of Rapids, of which we carried two hundreds yards, finished the Falls and Rapids of this River; the Country in  appearance has improved, the grass somewhat green, and a few Trees in places, my Interpreter with his Wife left us at the great Village,7 but his own people are higher up the River. I paid him as well as I could for his services, which were of great service to us, but he said he would accompany us to the sea, if he understood the language of the Natives. He was a fine steady manly character, cheerful often smiling but never laughing; he once remarked to me, when he saw my men laughing heartily, that Men ought not to laugh, it was allowed only to Women. [Columbia River. the Natives &c.] [12–13 July 1811] [iii.273] As a change is now to take place,1 I may remark in justice to the character of the Natives we have passed, that however numerous and poor, not a single insult or aggrestion was even attempted; every thing we had was highly valuable to them, yet not a single article was stolen from us; they never offered us women, as is too much the custom of the Indians on the east side of the Mountains; every thing, and every part of their conduct, was with decency and good order; they all appeared anxious to possess every article they saw with us, but by fair barter, and no doubt, a few years hence will find them cultivating the ground, and under the instruction of Missionaries. Having proceeded sixteen miles, we saw the first Ash Trees2 with Willow and Aspin a most agreeable change from bare banks and monotonous plains; continuing nine miles we saw two Mountains to the westward, each isolated and heavily capped with Snow;3 on each side of the River high hills are seen, their summits covered with Snow. Both sides of the River have woods of Aspin, Cedar, Ash, and Willow, but none of a fine growth, they are full of branches; having descended forty miles, the greatest part fine steady current, we came to a Village of Houses built of Logs; the people of which are called Waw thlar

7 I.e., Wayám. 1 I.e., from Sahaptin to Chinookan culture. For the Chinookan inhabitants of the region below the Dalles, see: D. and K. French, “Wasco, Wishram, and Cascades,” h n a i 12: 360–77. 2 Oregon ash (Fraxinus latifolia). 3 Mount Hood and Mount Adams.

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lar;4 on the left bank is a Village of Log Houses, the people of which are named Wee yark eek.5 At the desire of the Chief of the Waw thlar lar we camped near his Village at 5 pm and bought two good Salmon. These people are a distinct race from those above the Dalles, they are not so tall, but strongly built, brawny, fat people, the face round, the eye black, or hazel, the hair brown, that of the Women and Children light brown, the cheek bones not too high, the Nose full and rather flat, the mouth rather large, the lips thick, the teeth good and the neck short; except a few of both sexes who were clothed, they were all naked, the female sex had scarcely a trace of the decency and modesty of the upper country women, some of them offered their favors, but they were so devoid of temptation, that not one [iii.274] pretended to understand them; what a change in a few miles. The Chief came and invited me to his House, which was near to us, it was well and strongly built of Logs, the inside clean and well arranged, separate bed places fastened to the walls, and raised about three feet above the floor, which was of earth, and clean; a number of small poles were fixed in the upper part on which were hanging as many Salmon, drying and smoking as could be placed, for the Salmon are fat and good on their first arrival, they were now losing much of their good condition; the Salmon that enter the Columbia River are of five species as pointed out to me by the Natives, the smallest are about five pounds in weight; and the largest from fifty to fifty five pounds weight; the Natives say, that no two species enters the same stream to spawn, and that each species enters a separate River for that purpose; one of the smaller species was named quinze sous, which amused the fancy of my men, it being the name of a small silver coin. I staid about an hour in the House, he kept talking to me, pointing out the arrangements of his house, and making use of as many english words as he had learned from the ships when trading with them, some of them not the best. The fire place was on the left hand side of the door, for which some earth had been taken away to keep the wood steady on the fire; there was no aperture for the smoke, in order to give the Salmon the full benefit of it. The fire place was surrounded with rush Mats, the whole appeared comfor[t]able to naked people, but to me was intolerably close and warm, I was glad to breathe fresh air, and get to my Men. The last five, or six,

4 Probably Lewis and Clark’s “Wah–clel-lah” (h n a i 12: 376; Gary Moulton, ed., The Journals of the Lewis & Clark Expedition. Volume 6: November 2, 1805–March 22, 1806 (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1990), 490; Volume 7: March 23–June 9, 1806 (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1991), 57. 5 Probably Lewis and Clark’s “Ye-huh” (h n a i 12: 376; Moulton, ed., Journals of Lewis & Clark, vol. 5: 357n4, 490).

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Villages we have passed, as well as these people appear to live wholly on Salmon, without Berries, Roots, or any other Vegetable, yet all appeared healthy, and no cutaneous disorders were perceived. For the first time since we entered this River we had the pleasure of cutting standing Trees for fuel; the drift wood was good, but so much sand adhered to it as blunted the edges of our axes, and to sharpen them we had only a file; for the last few miles, there has been sufficient woods along the River side; ¶ [iii.275] I was anxious to learn the state of the River below us, but could learn only by signs that there were Falls and Carrying places. July 13th. We staid till 9½ am but could not procure a Guide for the Rapids and Falls.6 We proceeded three miles of which we carried one mile of a steep Rapid; we continued our course and camped at 8½ pm. We passed several Houses on each side the River, they all appeared constructed as I have already described; at one of them we put ashore and traded a few half dried Salmon; and a Native in his canoe came to us and gave us a Salmon; we camped a short distance above Point Vancouver, from which place to the Sea the River has been surveyed by Lieutenant Broughton R.N.7 and well described by him. [arrive at Astoria. Astoria. Remarks &c. Country. River. Woods &c.] [14–16 July 1811] ¶ July 14th we continued our journey, amused with the Seals playing in the River; on the 15th, near noon we arrived at Tongue Poin which at right angles stretches it[s] steep rocky shores across the River for a full half a mile, and brought us to a full view of the Pacific Ocean; which to me was a great pleasure, but my Men seemed disappointed; they had been accustomed to the boundless horizon of the great Lakes of Canada, and their high rolling waves; from the Ocean they expected a more boundless view, a something beyond the power of their senses which they could not describe; and my informing them, that direcly opposite to us, at the distance of five thousand miles was the Empire of Japan added nothing to their Ideas, but a Map would. The waves 6 The Cascades of the Columbia. 7 William Robert Broughton (1762–1821), a member of the 1791–95 expedition of George Vancouver, explored the lower Columbia in October 1792 as commander of the h m s Chatham. His observations were published in Vancouver’s A Voyage of Discovery to the North Pacific Ocean and Round the World (1798). Thompson had copied several passages from Vancouver’s voyages into one of his notebooks (“Extracts from a Voyage of Discovery round the World by Captain George Vancouver, regarding the North West Coast of America, 1790, 91, 92, 93 & 94,” 970p v22 e1: 2r–26r, v p l ).

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being too high for us to double the Point we went close to the River bank where there is a narrow isthmus, of one hundred yards, and carried across it; from thence near two miles to the fur trading Post of Mr J J Astor of the City of New York; which was four low Log Huts, the far famed Fort Astoria of the United States;1 thi place was in charge of Messrs McDougall and Stuart who had been Clerks of the North West Company;2 and by whom we were politely received: They had been here but a few months, and arriving after a long voyage round Cape Horn, in the rainy season without sufficient shelter from Tents, had suffered from Ague [iii.276] and low Fever, from which most of them had recovered.3

1 Thompson’s journals for his stay at Astoria, 15–22 July 1811, are at a o . 27.69–67, and are published in Belyea, ed., Columbia Journals, 155–7; those for 16–22 July are at: T.C. Elliott, ed. “Journal of David Thompson,” Oregon Historical Quarterly 15 (1914), 105–6. See the 1847 Conclusion, ii.249–51 (287–9). Three of the p f c clerks associated with Astoria wrote accounts of their experiences, which offer points of comparison with Thompson’s journals and Travels: Gabriel Franchère, Relation d’un voy­ age à la côte du nord-ouest de l’Amérique septentrionale, dans les Années 1810, 11, 12, 13, et 14 (Montreal: C.B. Pasteur, 1820; Eng. trans. 1854); Ross Cox, Adventures on the Columbia River (London: Henry Colburn and Richard Bentley, 1831); and Alexander Ross, Adventures of the First Settlers on the Oregon or Columbia River (London: Smith, Elder and Co., 1849). At the instigation of Astor himself, Washington Irving collected material about the Astoria venture, publishing the fruits of his research in Astoria (1836). The manuscript journal of Duncan McDougall (see note 2 below) has been published as Annals of Astoria: The Headquarters Log of the Pacific Fur Company on the Columbia River, 1811–1813, ed. Robert F. Jones (New York: Fordham University Press, 1999). 2 Astoria partners Duncan McDougall, David Stuart, and Robert Stuart all joined the p f c in 1810 and travelled to the mouth of the Columbia aboard the Tonquin. McDougall, the senior partner, had been employed by the n w c since 1801, and in 1813 he negotiated the sale of Astoria to his old firm, which he then rejoined, becoming a partner in 1816. David Stuart, who travelled up the Lower Columbia with Thompson, went on to establish Fort Okanagan and winter among the Shuswap. Robert Stuart (David’s nephew) travelled overland to St Louis and New York in 1813, and later became an employee of the American Fur Company. Upon his arrival at Astoria, Thompson wrote a letter to the p f c partners, reaffirming the business agreement between their firms; this gesture was reciprocated by McDougall, Stuart, and Stuart the following day. For these letters, see Volume III. 3 The p f c vessel Tonquin set sail from New York City on 6 September 1810; after a stop at the Hawaiian islands, it reached the mouth of the Columbia in late March. Construction of the post commenced in mid-April.

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This place was about seven miles from the sea, and too much exposed to the undulations of the waves; the quality of their goods for trade very low, but good enough for the beggarly Natives about them, of the same race I have described,4 and with few exceptions, appeared a race of worthless, idle, impudent Knaves, without any thing to barter, yet begging every thing they saw, they were all accustomed to trade with the Ships, mostly of the United States, and had learned a great part of the worst words of their Language. The next day in my Canoe with my Men I went to Cape Disappointment, which terminates the course of this River,5 and remained until the tide came in; at ebb tide we noticed the current of the River riding in waves over the surface of the sea for about four miles; on all the shores of this Ocean, the agitation of the sea is constantly breaking against the rocky shore with high surges, and my men now allowed the great volume of water forming these high surges to be far superior to those of any Lake. Thus I have fully completed the survey of this part of North America from sea to sea, and by almost innumerable astronomical Observations have determined the positions of the Mountains, Lakes and Rivers, and other remarkable places on the northern part of this Continent; the Maps of all which have been drawn, and laid down in geographical position, being now the work of twenty seven years.6 I may now give some general description of this River. From its scource in Latitude 50°–12'..6" North [Longitude] 115°∙∙39'∙∙30" West to Cape Disappointment in Latitude. 46∙∙18∙∙10 North 123∙∙43∙∙6 West the distance in a straight line is about South 64 West 630 statute miles; it’s scource is 5960 feet above the level of the tide waters of the Pacific Ocean, including it’s Falls and many strong Rapids some of them of thirty feet descent in two miles; did the River descend in a straight line, it would be at a change of level of 9 feet, 5½ inches Per mile, such a change of level could not [iii.277] be ascended; but Providence in this country of Hills and Mountains has formed a bold vally

4 The Native peoples at the mouth of the Columbia are Chinookan. The two principal groups are the Chinook, who occupied the north bank and had their main village on Baker Bay, and the Clatsop, who resided on the south bank. Michael Silverstein, “Chinookans of the Lower Columbia,” in h n a i  7: Northwest Coast, ed. Wayne Suttles (Washington: Smithsonian Institution, 1990), 533–46. At iii.278–80 below, Thompson describes his visit to the Chinook village. 5 Cape Disappointment is located on the north side of the Columbia’s mouth. In his journals, Thompson does not record visiting the cape, but rather describes viewing it from Scarborough Head, some four miles distant. 6 By the phrase “sea to sea,” Thompson means from Hudson Bay to the Pacific Ocean. This culminating statement nicely sums up Thompson’s career as a surveyor and cartographer, while eliding his work as a fur trader.

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through which it holds it’s course, between Mount Nelson and the Rocky Mountains, and which gives it a length of 1348 miles; making an average change of level of four feet five inches Per mile, and is ascended with toil and hard labor. In the winter season there is very little snow on the ground for near 770 miles from the sea, and does not lie long; but for the next 400 miles the snow comes on the ground early in December, becomes three to four feet in depth of very compact snow and does not dissolve until the latter end of April; the next 180 miles to the head of the River is almost without snow during winter; throughout the whole of the River the climate is mild and the upper Lakes are open, and have many Swans and Ducks during the winter, of the former there is a large species of which I killed several, weighing from thirty two to thirty five pounds; the inside fat filled a common dinner plate. The Geese are all birds of passage and do not return till the middle of March, at which time the Rooks and a variety of small Birds make their appearance. Of the anomlies of this River not the least curious are it’s Woods and Forests; I have already described the Forest of gigantic Trees, at the junction of the Canoe with this River,7 more remarkable for the size of it’s Pines and Cedars than it’s extent, which may be about six square miles, above which there are no forests, only patches of woods, and single Trees, mostly of Fir with some Aspins; below the Forest of the Canoe River, the Columbia has very common woods, to the Ilth koy ape Falls, 740 miles from the sea; in this distance down to Point Vancouver, the banks of the River and the interior country are bare of Woods, except a chance straggling Tree of Fir. From the last named place to the Sea, there are Woods, they cannot be called Forests, but of common growth; the largest Oak8 measured only eighteen feet girth, with about thirty feet of clean timber, the rest was in branches. On Tongue Point a Pine at ten feet above the ground, clean grown, measured forty eight feet girth, and its length in proportion; another Pine, thrown down by the wind, measured one hundred and seventy three feet in length, here it was broken off by the steep rock bank on which it fell, and at this length was [iii.278] three feet in diameter without a branch; close behind Astoria I measured a very tall Pine forty two feet girth; the Raspberry stalk measured eighteen to twenty one feet in height, and the size of a man’s arm; the Raspberries were rather larger than common, of a sweet insipid taste, without the least acid.9

7 Twice, on iii.117 (62) and iii.234 (191). 8 Garry oak (Quercus garryana). 9 The plant’s size and the taste of its fruit likely indicate salmonberry (Rubus spectabilis). Eugene N. Kozloff. Plants of Western Oregon, Washington, and British Columbia (Portland, or: Timber Press, 2005), 319, plate 527.

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[Natives. deform the head. Slaves. War. Remarks. Channel on North side of Rivers.] [15–22 July 1811] On the east side of Cape Disappointment is a Bay, part of which is called Gray’s Bay;1 in which is situated the village of the Chin ooks; whose Chief was the noted Kom kom le,2 a friend of the white men, and who by influence and example kept order as much as possible, he was a strong well made man, his hair short of a dark brown, and was naked except a short kilt round his waist to the middle of the thigh; his Wife was a handsome Woman, rosy cheeks, and large hazel eyes, and being well dressed with ornaments of beads and shells, had a fine appearance, both were in the prime life; she had a fine boy of about nin[e] months old, in their kind of cradle, a flat board at the head of which a narrow board projected, under which was a soft, but firm, compress against which the head of the child was firmly placed so as to flatten the skull, and throw the brain backwards, leaving the forehead only about an inch in height above the eye brows; all the infants I saw were not treated this way, only those families that aspired to some distinction; another Tribe to the northward, on the contrary, apply a thin board to each side of the head, and thereby compress the forehead to be as high as possible above the eye brows, and form a long narrow face; the latter appeared like so many Don Quixote’s with a melancholy cast of the countenance;3 the broad faces of the former, had either an air of ferocity, or a broad grin; both sufficiently distorted to be the ideal of ugly. A short time before my arrival, the Gentlemen of Astoria informed the Chief Kom kom lé had met a War Party in their war canoes, and after a long conference had induced them to retire to their Village; when he saw them advancing he left his Village in a small Canoe with three Slaves, and proceeded towards them, then going ashore, he called to them, and they came to him, he squatted down on the ground, and made a long [iii.279] speech to them, which pacified them; this war party of about a dozen of large Canoes was to revenge an insult 1 Here Thompson refers to the entire north side of the Columbia River, opposite Astoria. 2 According to his journal, Thompson visited the Chinook village on 18 July 1811. Concomly (Chinook qánq li) was a secondary chief until he allied himself with American traders, eventually arranging the marriage of his daughter to Duncan McDougall. As Thompson notes, Concomly’s authority came to extend well beyond his own village. Silverstein, “Chinookans of the Lower Columbia,” 541. Thompson’s presentation here seems to imply that he met Concomly and his wife, although the Chinook chief is mentioned in neither the 1811 journal nor the 1847 Conclusion. 3 Miguel de Cervantes’ hero has traditionally been regarded as an exemplar of melancholy.

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one of their young men had received at Kom kom le’s Village, from another young man in a quarrel at gambling; such, or the affair of a Woman is the cause of their feuds, which too ofte[n] terminate in loss of life. In a Bay near the sea, on the left side of the River is the Village of the Klats ups, of the same race as the opposite Village; and as far as I could see Kom kom le appeared to act as their Chief, at all conferences squatting down on the ground, an attitude very different from that of the Chiefs of the interior country, who always stand erect when they address their people, or strangers. Almost the whole of the people of this Village were naked except a rude kilt round the waist, the few women that were dressed looked much better than those who were naked; from what I could see and learn of them, they are a very sensual people. They had a few Sea Otters4 on which they set a high value, more than they were worth, and although Astoria had been settled a few months, yet they had been unable to settle any steady rate of barter, either for furrs or provisions, every Sturgeon, or Salmon had to be again valued in barter; a great part of this fault lay in the very low quality of the goods, especially the cotton goods, and all their Tobacco was in leaf and of the lowest price, the Natives were displeased with several of their articles. These People had many Slaves, all that I could learn of them was, that they were prisoners taken in their marauding expeditions along the sea shore, most of them youths when taken; they appeared as well off as their masters, except their paddling the Canoes, and hauling the Seine Net, in all which their Masters took a share of the labor. For their war expeditions th[e]y have Canoes well arranged for this purpose, made of Trees drifted down the River; these Canoes were all of Pine, some of them fifty feet in length, by four to five feet in breadth; they had fashioned them to be high at the stern but much more so forward; which was decked about ten feet, and rose sloping to the height of full three feet above [iii.280] the rest of the Canoe, the extreme end of which is flat, with  a width sufficient for two men to stand on; on this deck, the warriors stand for attack, or defence, each armed with one, or two, long spears. Their defensive armour is made of well dressed buck Moose Skins which are well tied over the shoulders, and hang loose before them, and in this manner are well calculated to deaden the force of the arrow, or the thrust of the Spear; with both of these weapons they are dextrous, and have courage to use them; I saw no fire arms among them; which appears the Ships seldom trade with the natives, and which, for want of a regular supply of ammunition they do not value; the case will now be otherwise.

4 Enhydra lutris.

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¶ My surveys for fifteen years on the east side of the Mountains forced on my attention, the deepest channel, and the most navigable part of the Rivers, which I was frequently ascending and descending; all the great Streams northward of the Missisourie take their rise in the Mountains and flow northeastward, either into Hudsons Bay, or the Arctic Sea: these are the Saskatchewan and it’s great branches into the former; the Athabasca and Peace River with their tributaries into the latter sea. Besides the above many Rivers descend to Hudson’s Bay, from the interior numerous Lakes, all their courses are north of east; in all these numerous Rivers, the best channel, and the best navigable water is constantly on the left side, or, as it may be truly called, the north side of the River; it is along this side the Canoes and Boats always ascend; and very rarely on the right, or south side, and this only for a short distance; even this is caused by the above Law which detains the greatest volume of water on the north shore; for it is in this deep water the drift Trees with their Roots loaded with earth, and often stones; float down, and some chance one is stopped along the bank, or some inequality of the bottom; sand and gravel collect around it, and thus becomes a shoal, perhaps an Islet; this tendency of the deep water to the north shore of Rivers that have an easterly direction is so universal, and invariable that it may be classed the Law of Rivers flowing eastward but of Rivers whose general course is south to north, [iii.281] or from north to south, as the Mississippe, there was no such law acting on the waters of the River, the only steady difference noticed was, the deepest water more frequently on the east side than on the west side. As I was acquainted with no large River that ran from east to west, I was at a loss to know how far this Law would be found in Rivers flowing in this direction; this opportunity the Columbia River afforded me, as well as it’s branches; and on my passage up it, from the Sea to the Mountains, our ascent of the Current and Rapids as well as the Carrying Places to the Falls, were wholly on the north side of the River. I have often thought what could be the cause of this invariable Law, but all my reasonings on this fact has only led to inefficient theories, and if not accounted for by some more learned man, must be placed with the unknown cause, which, on the same parallel of Latitude, gives to the west side of the Continents a much warmer Climate and finer countries than the east side. Perhaps the attention of some of the curious in these matters may be directed to see how far this Law guides the waters of the great Rivers in their neighbourhood; both in the United States, and in other parts of the world.5 The Lakes have generally, the deepest water and the highest and steepest banks on the east side.

5 In the northern hemisphere, the sun shines with greater intensity and duration on a river’s north bank than its south. As a result, vegetation tends to grow more thickly on the shad-

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¶ Having procured a few Articles to assist me in buying provisions, for which I gave my note, and found the Latitude of Astoria to be 46°∙∙13'∙∙56" North, the Longitude 123°∙∙36'-16" West of Greenwich, and the Variation 20 degrees East, we prepared for our return up the River. With Mr McDougal I exchanged a Man, by the name of Michel Boulard,6 well versed in Indian affairs, but weak for the hard labor of ascending the River, for a powerful well made Sandwich Islander, (whom we named Coxe, from his resemblance to a seaman of that name;) he spoke some english, and was anxious to acquire our language, and would act as Interpreter on board our Ship from England to this River.7 [leave Astoria. Measure an Antelope. Mr Stuart. Natives rude. Boisverd’s Wife. prophetess. in danger. Natives menace us. & danger. Natives turbulent. get from them.] [22–29 July 1811] On the 22nd July, in company with Mr David Stuart and three small wood Canoes, eight Men, with an assortment of Goods for trade with the Natives, we left Astoria with a prayer to all merciful Providence to grant us a [iii.282] safe journey;1 with the exception of Coxe, my men were as before, two Iroquois Indians, four Canadians, with Coxe, seven Men.2 We were all eight well armed, each man had a Gun and a long knife, except Coxe, who had one of my Pistols, of Mortimer’s make of eighteen inches barrel,3 carrying a ball of eighteen to the pound: for I remembered the menacing looks of many of the Natives. On the contrary Mr David Stuart and his Men were in a manner unarmed, and the Natives who were all well armed viewed them with a kind of contempt.

owed south bank, and the deepest channel is formed on the north. Tyrrell 508n2. 6 For Boulard, see Appendix 3 (355). 7 For the Hawaiian labourer Naukane (Coxe), see Appendix 3 (356). 1 Thompson’s journals for his journey from Astoria to Spokane House, 22 July–11 August 1811, are at a o . 27.67–56, and are published in Belyea, ed., Columbia Journals, 157– 67. The journal for 22 July–13 August is in T.C. Elliott, ed. “Journal of David Thompson,” Oregon Historical Quarterly 15 (1914), 106–24. See the 1847 Conclusion, ii.251–7 (289–95). 2 Alexander Ross, who was a member of David Stuart’s party, describes the initial stages of the journey in his Adventures of the First Settlers on the Oregon or Columbia River. 3 The London gunmakers Harvey Walklate Mortimer, Senior and Junior. This Fleet Street firm operated from the mid-eighteenth century to 1923. Peter Rivière, “London Gun Makers Represented in the Pitt Rivers Museum Collections,” Pitt Rivers Museums, http://england.prm.ox.ac.uk/englishness-London-gunmakers.html.

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We proceeded on our journey, and on the 25th came to a party of the Natives seining of Salmon, each haul they caught about ten, they gave us surly looks, and nothing we could offer, could induce them to let us have a single fish; We camped a short distance below Point Vancouver; the River has much subsided, yet the water is still high, and the fine low points and meadows inundated. The next morning one of my [Men] shot an Antelope, it was fleshy, but not fat, it appeared to be of a species I had not noticed, finely formed, it’s measure was, from the nose to the insertion of the tail, five feet five inches, the length of the tail fourteen inches, the height at the fore leg, three feet, three and a half inches; at the hind leg, three feet six inches; round the breast three feet four inches; the back of a fawn color the throat, breast and belly, were white: the Horns had each three branches, and eight inches from tip to tip, the meat well tasted.4 On the 27th a blind Chief in his Canoe with two Slaves to work it, came and smoked with us, he was the only person I had seen thus afflicted. Some time after two Canoes came to us, they had scowling looks, Mr Stuart requested them to bring us some Salmon, which they promised, but they did not keep their word; the surly looks of those we passed today led us to suspect an attack on us; we continued our voyage with all the exertion we could make against a strong current, to get past this people as fast as possible; when we camped, we kept our Canoes, in the water [iii.283] ready for self defence. July 28th. A fine morning; to my surprise, very early, apparently a young man, well dressed in leather, carrying a Bow and Quiver of Arrows, with his Wife, a young woman in good clothing, came to my tent door and requested me to give them my protection; somewhat at a loss what answer to give on looking at them, in the Man I recognised the Woman who three years ago was the wife of Boisverd, a canadian and my servant; her conduct then was so loose that I requested him to send her away to her friends, but the Kootanaes were also displeased with her; she left them, and found her way from Tribe to Tribe to the Sea. She became a prophetess, declared her sex changed, that she was now a Man, dressed, and armed herself as such, and also took a young woman to Wife, of whom she pretended to be very jealous: when with the Chinooks, as a prophetess, she predicted diseases to them, which made some of them threaten her life, and she found it necessary for her safety to endeavour to return to her own country at the head of this River.5 Having proceeded half a mile up a Rapid, we came to four men, who were waiting for us, they had seven Salmon, the whole of which they gave us as a

4 Columbian white-tailed deer (Odocoileus virginianus leucurus). 5 For the berdache Qánqon (Boisverd’s wife), see Appendix 3 (359).

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present; I was surprized at this generosity and change of behaviour, as we were all very hungry, at the head of the Rapid we put ashore, and boiled them; while this was doing, the four men addressed me; saying, “when you passed going down to the sea, we were all strong in life; and your return to us, finds us strong to live, but what is this we hear,” casting their eyes with a stern look, on her; “is it true that the white men,” (looking at Mr Stuart and his Men) “have brought with them the Small Pox to destroy us; and also two men of enormous size, who are on their way to us, overturning the Ground, and burying all the Villages and Lodges underneath it; is this true and are we all soon to die.”6 I  told them not to be alarmed, for the white Men who had arrived had not brought the Small Pox, and the Natives were strong to live, and every evening were dancing and singing; and pointing to the skies, said “you ought to know the Great Spirit is the only Master of the ground, and such as it was in the day of your grandfathers [iii.284] it is now, and will continue the same for your grandsons;” At all which they appeared much pleased, and thanked me for the good words I had told them; but I saw plainly, that if the man woman had not been sitting behind us, they would have plunged a dagger in her. This day to 2½ pm we had to ascend heavy rapids, with several carrying places, which we soon managed, but Mr Stuarts log Canoes could not be carried, they had to be dragged over the rough rocky paths of every carrying place, besides the labor of getting them up the banks which took much time and delay; but I could not think of leaving them exposed to the villainy of the Natives. Mr Stuart had to hire the Natives, who were collecting around us, to help his Men to get the log Canoes over the Carrying Places. About 10 am, they demanded payment; and would give no more help until paid; at least three times the number demanded

6 The Natives’ anxiety was likely compounded by the fact that at least two epidemics of smallpox had already affected the Northwest Coast by this time. The first was a “virgin soil” outbreak that affected the Pacific Northwest as far north as 60º; it may have been spread from coastal traders in the 1770s or may have been part of the great epidemic of 1780–84. The second occurred during the early part of the first decade of the 1800s, and affected the Central Coast, between 45º and 50º North. Its effects were recorded by, among others, Lewis and Clark, and Simon Fraser. Qánqon was apparently not the only figure to employ the menace of smallpox; according to Washington Irving, p f c partner Duncan McDougall threatened Chinookan tribes with the disease “corked up” in a small bottle. See Irving, Astoria, 1:191; Robert Boyd, The Coming of the Spirit of Pestilence: Introduced Infectious Diseases and Population Decline among Northwest Coast Indians, 1774–1874 (Vancouver: u b c Press, 1999), 21–49; Jack Nisbet, “The Devouring Disorder,” Visible Bones: Journeys Across Time in the Columbia River Country (Seattle: Sasquatch, 2003), 93–108.

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that had helped to carry the goods and drag the canoes, Mr Stuart hesitated who to pay, but Dagger in hand they were ready to enforce their demands, and he had to distribute leaf Tobacco; to ten times the value of their services; it appeared to us, they were determined to pick a quarrel for the sake of plunder. Every man was armed with what we called the double Dagger, it is composed of two blades, each of six to eight inches in length, and about a full inch in width, each blade sharp pointed with two sharp edges; each blade is fixed in a handle of wood, in a right line with each other, the handle being between both blades, it is a most formidable weapon, and cannot without great danger be wrested from the holder; several of them took a pleasure with a whet stone sharpening each edge to flourish their daggers close to our faces, one fellow several times came this way to me; as if meditating a blow, I drew a Pistol and flourished it around his breast, and I saw no more of him. There were several respectable looking men who did not approve of their wild behaviour, and at times spoke a few words to them, which seemed to have some effect. We had yet the great Rapid and Dalles to ascend, and the Natives appeared to afford no more help, and keep Mr Stuart where he was at the foot of the Rapid; we both of us [iii.285] saw our danger, and that we must go on as fast as possible to get clear of these people; We expressed our surprise that we who had come so far should meet with such hard treatment; that we came to supply their wants, and not to kill, or be killed, and if they continued to threaten our lives, they must not expect to see us again; upon this they called to the young men, to go and assist Mr Stuart up the Rapids and over the carrying places, which they willingly and readily did; but there was a large party that rendered no assistance; we soon ascended the Rapids with the line, and carried over the worst places to the head of the Dalles, where we put our Canoe in the water, and in it placed our baggage ready to set off, this we had done sooner than the Natives expected, and we were waiting to learn how Mr Stuart was getting forward; our place was on a level rock of basalt which formed the rim of the River, and nearly on a level with it, so that we could not be surrounded. As this was the last place where we could be attacked at a disadvantage in position, I was anx[i]ous to see what these people would do; our arms were in good order and each of us in his place; about fifteen yards from us, running parallel with the River, was a bank of gravel, about twenty feet in height steep, except opposite to us, where it was broken into a slope. This bank formed the edge of a plain, we were scarcely ready before a number of them, came over the plain to the sloping part of the bank, each armed with a double Dagger, a Bow and three Quivers of Arrows, they formed three rows on the slope, from the top to half down the bank, the Arrows were all poisoned, as we afterwards learned; each man had one arrow to the bow, and three more in the hand that held the

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Bow, their bringing so many Quivers of Arrows was meant to intimidate us; the notch of the arrow was on the bow string but not drawn, I directed my men, who formed a line of three feet from each other to direct a steady aim a[t] the most respectable men, and not vary their aim; on casting my eye on Coxe, the Sandwich Islander, he had marked out his man with his large Pistol, which he held as steady as if it had been [iii.286] in a Vice, my orders were, as soon as they drew the arrow to fire on them, but not before; in this anxious posture we stood opposed to each other for full fifteen minutes, (it seemed a long half hour) when the upper rank began to break up, and in a few minutes the whole of them retired, to our great satisfaction; for a single shower of arrows would have laid us all dead; we heartily thanked God. Mr Stuart soon after came, and by hard exertion we got every thing he had over except one Canoe, we then went about half a mile, and camped late, very thankful that we were once more together. On talking over the events of the day, we hardly knew what to make of these people; they appeared a mixture of kindness and treachery; willingly rendering every service required, and performing well what they undertook, but demanding exorbitant prices for their services, and dagger in hand ready to enforce their demands, fortunately they were contented with Tobacco of a cheap quality. They steal all they can lay their hands on, and nothing can be got from them which they have stolen: we noticed, that the party which came on the bank of gravel to attack us, were all men of from thirty to fifty years of age, and were from near the sea; as my party were well armed and little to do but take care of ourselves, we were marked to be the first to fall. Mr Stuart and party would then be easy work; still there were some few kind men among them, and more than one man came close to us with his dagger, and in a mild voice warned us of our danger, and to be courageous; and two men in a canoe told us, a large party were determined to kill us, and to keep a good watch, which we did all night, but none came near to us. July 29th. very early brought the canoe that was left behind; we loaded and at day light set off; fortunately for us the ground for upwards of five miles was inundated, two canoes with each two men came up to, and followed us, keeping close behind us, these called aloud, and were answered by a Party on shore keeping on the edge of the overflowed grounds; and thus following us, and calling to each other for the five miles, at the end of this distance was a Point of Pine Woods, with [iii.287] dry banks, very fit for an attack, as the current obliged us to keep close to the shore, so far as the water would allow us, the calling to each other became more frequent, which also plainly showed us where they were; when within three hundred yards of the Point to their disappointment, we sheered off from the shore, and crossed the River, which here is a thousand yards in width, and thus set ourselves free from these Scoundrels.

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Their determination was to kill and plunder us, but they were equally determined that not one of them should be killed in so doing; there was no Chief among them, each man appeared to be his own leader; whatever conduct in canoes they may have as warriors I do not know, but on land they were bungling blockheads. Thankful to the Almighty for his kind protection of us, we proceeded about one mile and put ashore to boil Salmon, glad that we should now proceed in peace. After proceeding a few miles, we recrossed the River and soon after camped; enjoying the hopes of meeting with our former friendly Indians. Soon after a Canoe with four Men came, and passed the night with us, they are going to the Shawpatin’s to trade Horses, they informed us of what I have already related, and that the instigators were Natives near the Sea. As usual we had to pick up pieces of drift wood to make our fire. [proceed. basalt. Columbia Dalles. basalt. proceed. Measure of a Salmon: Muscle Rapid.] [30 July–4 August 1811] ¶ July 30th. We came to a Lodge of Shaw pa tin Indians with whom we smoked, and thanked God we were once more with friendly Natives in whom we can place confidence.1 We have passed much Oak, but have not seen any of a fine growth. July 31st2 the first five miles the River had banks of Basalt, mostly in rude pillars and columns, close behind which, and in places attached were ruinous like walls of the same; some of the columns were entire for forty feet, these were generally fluted; others in a dilapidated state, the fracture always horizontal, in blocks of one to three feet, the color was a greyish black, the whole had a ruinous appearance, they were the facings of a sterile, sandy, plains, with short, scanty dry grass, on which a sheep could hardly live. Near 9 am we came to the Upper Dalles, above which is a long heavy Rapid, to avoid these [iii.288] unnavigable places, there is a carrying place on the left side of five miles. We sent the Indian Interpreter to the Village at the head of the Rapids to assist us over; and bring us some Salmon, at 1 pm several of the Natives came with Horses and brought us some Salmon; and in three hours time we got all across; and some time after the canoes also; as we were getting every thing in order for the morrow, one came and informed us, that some of the Chiefs with their men were coming to seize our Arms, and keep them, we directly got ready for the defensive; and soon saw a straggling party coming toward to us;

1 Here Thompson recrosses the divide from Chinookan to Sahaptin culture. 2 On this day Thompson and his crew separated from David Stuart’s p f c party.

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when near us and seeing us ready to defend ourselves, they made a halt, afte[r] some sharp words on each side; they retired; we had to keep watch all night it was very stormy and drifting the sand; they kept walking about, and with all our watching they stole from us fifteen feet of the line for tracking the Canoe up the current. These people are part of those of the large Village that behaved so rudely as we passed on our road to the Sea.3 ¶ I have already remarked that the Dalles of all the Rivers on the west side of the Mountains are formed of Basalt; these last, which we call the great or upper Dalles, had the Natives been more peaceably inclined, I intended to have passed a few hours in examining them, but what I did see led me to believe that the imagination may have full play to form to itself the ruins of buildings, temples, fortifications, tables dykes, and many other things in great variety; I am aware geologists give an igneous origen to basalt; this is a theory I could never bring myself to believe; what is of igneous origen, must have been in a fluid state, and could never have cooled down in isolated fluted columns, and many other forms that have sharp edges; there is not the least vestige of volcanic action, no hot springs are known, nor salts of any kind; I have calmly examined Basalt Rocks over many hundred square miles, and every where they have the same indestructable appear[an]ce, neither heat nor frost, weather, or water seem to act upon them, what is broken, or shivered, does not decay, nor form rounded debris. [iii.289] Every where they present the same sterile, barren rock, alike denying sustenance to man; or beast. ¶ August 1st. We had some difficulty to get the Interpreter to embark, which having done we set off, thankful to Heaven for having passed the last of these troublesome people, a short distance above the Village we came to an Isle, which was held sacred to their dead, there were many sheds under which the dead bodies were placed, all which I wished to examine, but my Interpreter begged of me not to do it, as the relations of the dead would be very angry;4 we passed about one hundred and seventy men in several parties, into which they have now divided themselves for to have full space for seining Salmon, upon which they are all employed, as all these were friendly we stopped a short time and smoked with them, having proceeded twenty six miles, the banks of 3 On 11 July; see iii.261 (216–17). 4 Broughton gave this basalt knob on the north bank of the Columbia the name Mount Coffin. It was for centuries the site of traditional Chinookan canoe burials; the body of the deceased would be wrapped in blankets, placed in a canoe with personal property, and covered with a larger inverted canoe. Jack Nisbet, “Mount Coffin,” Visible Bones: Journeys Across Time in the Columbia River Country (Seattle: Sasquatch, 2003), 109–30.

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the river the same barren basalt, and the plains much the same, we camped at 7 pm, and with searching about found bits of wood enough to boil the Kettle. August 2nd. Early set off, and proceeded twenty six miles, in this distance we passed one hundred and fifty five men, with their families, they were all employed with the seine, and with success; in the early part of the day, measured a Salmon four feet, four inches in length; and it’s girth two feet four inches, this is of the largest species; but not the largest I have seen; the banks of the same material, but much higher; the first bank about one hundred feet broken, into several steeps; then about eight hundred feet, in rude like walls, retiring behind each other, and rising with narrow table bits of rough grass, the country on each side rude and hilly without woods for several miles, and destitute of Deer, or the wild Sheep of the Mountains. August 2nd. Having advanced a full mile we came to a Rapid, which from the very many shells, we named the Muscle Rapid;5 these shells are very frequently found on the beach, as well as on the rapids, but always empty; on the shoals in the River, the Natives find them alive, but do not consider them good to eat, and only hunger obliges them to use them for food, and yet I could [iii.290] not learn the eating of them is attended with any bad effects other than they are a very weak and watery food without nourishment.6 It is with some regret we proceed past several parties of the Natives, they are all glad to smoke with us, and eager to learn the news; every trifle seemed to be of some importance to them, and the story of the Woman that carried a Bow and Arrows and had a Wife, was to them a romance to which they paid great attention and my Interpreter took pleasure in relating it. August the 3rd and 4th. the appearance of the country much better; the banks of moderate height with low points of good meadow land; the interior country though still bare of Woods is level without hills, the grass good and very fit for Sheep. [Rattle Snakes. Hog. for child birth.]1

5 Probably Indian Rapids, Squally Hook. 6 Species of the genus Anodonta. Native tribes traditionally employed freshwater mussel shells in the manufacture of tools and jewellery; as Thompson notes, the mussel itself served as a food source in time of need. Ethen Nedeau, Allan K. Smith, and Jen Stone, Freshwater Mussels of the Pacific Northwest, United States Fish and Wildlife Service, http://www.fws.gov/columbiariver/mwg/pdfdocs/Pacific_Northwest_Mussel_Guide .pdf. 1 Thompson writes of the rattlesnake in the 1847 Conclusion at ii.254–6 (291–3).

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¶ That hateful reptile the Black Rattle Snake2 continues to be very numerous, what they feed on I cannot imagine, small birds there are none, and the track of a Mouse in the sand is not seen, yet when killed their inside is full of fat, his visage is of a dirty black, as broad as it is long, high cheek bones, and eyes starting out of their sockets like those of a crab, the very face of the devil; of all Snakes they are supposed to be the most poisonous, and we dread them accordingly. On going ashore our custom always is, to throw part of our paddles on the grassy ground, and although we think we can see every thing on the short, scanty grass, yet by doing so we are almost sure to start one of these Snakes that we did not see. Every morning we rose very early, while the Dew was falling and tied up our bedding as hard as we could, these were two Blankets, or one with a Bison Robe; and when we put up for the night, did not untie them until we laid down, by which time they were all withdrawn to their holes in the sand, for they always avoid Dew and Rain; they are fond of getting on any thing soft and warm. One evening, seeing a convenient place, and a little wood we put up rather early, and one of the Men undid his blankets and laid down, the fish was soon boiled and we called him to supper, he sat up, but did not dare to move, a Rattle Snake had crept in his blanket and was now half erect, within six inch[e]s of his face threatening to bite him, he looked the very image of despair. [iii.291] We were utterly at a loss how to relieve him, but seeing several of us approaching he set off and left us. ¶ When any animal comes near him, he retires about ten feet, then places himself on the defensive, with one third of his length on the ground, the rest of the body is erect, with his head forward ready to dart. His teeth is clean and white; in the lower jaw are two curved fang teeth of about one fourth of an inch in length; each of these has a fine groove in the inside, and a bag of poison at it’s root, of a black color, containing a quantity equal to a drop of Spirits, these fang teeth are moveable, and lie flat in his mouth, until he is to seize his prey, or defend himself, they are then erected, and when he bites, the fang teeth presses on the bag of poison which rushes through the groove into the wound, and the animal is poisoned; these teeth are loose in the socket, and readily drawn out by his biting a bit of soft leather; or cloth. The Hunters assured me that a full grown snake biting in a fleshy part, unless instantly cut out, and well sucked, is fatal in three, or four minutes. I saw a Hunter who had been slightly bitten in the calf of the Leg, the part was quickly cut out and sucked, he had no other injury than a stiff leg, with very little sensation in it, he said it was like a leg of wood, but did not prevent him from hunting; at the tail of each is a rattle,

2 See note on iii.260 (216).

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which he sometimes uses to warn animals that he is ready for mischief; it is said he adds a rattle every year but this is fable, for of the many that are killed, the greatest number of rattles I have seen was thirteen, and this number is rare; I have heard of fifteen rattles, but Snakes having this number must be very scarce. We sometimes cut willows of about six feet in length, get round a large one, and flog him, the length he darts to bite is only fifteen to eighteen inches, so that we were safe; in this case the Snake coils himself round a willow, keeps darting his head with a quick motion, and the rattle moving with great quickness and making a surprising noise. Mice and small birds appear to be it’s food, a single bite is given, and he coils to wait it’s effect, when dead the victim is smoothed and softened with the saliva, and then swallowed head [iii.292] foremost, the fang teeth lying flat in his mouth. ¶ The only Natives that use poisoned weapons, are the scoundrels that possess this River from it’s mouth up to the first Falls; to collect the poison, aged Widows are employed, in each hand they have a small forked stick of about five feet in length, with these the head and tail of the Snake is pinned fast down to the ground; then with a rude pair of pincers the fang teeth are gently extracted so as to bring the bladders of poison with them; these bladders are carefully placed in a muscle shell brought for this purpose, the Snake is then let loose, and is accounted harmless; the aged Women thus proceed until a sufficient quantity is collected, and then placed in one muscle shell; the arrow s­ hods, whether of iron, or flint, being well fixed to the arrow shaft, for about half an inch in length, is dipped in the poison and carefully set to dry, when dry it has the appearance of dark brown varnish; when fresh the scratch of an arrow thus poisoned is fatal. The late Mr Alexander Stuart in a skirmish with the Natives near the sea in an attempt to plunder him, was wounded in the shoulder with one of these arrows, five years after it had been dipped in the poison, and which to appearance was worn off, yet it affected his health, and was supposed to have hastened his death.3

3 Alexander Stewart joined the n w c in 1796, and eventually became a partner in 1813. In November of that year he went to Astoria with Alexander Henry the Younger. The incident in which Stewart was wounded occurred on 7 January 1814 at the Dalles. According to Franchère’s account of the episode, Stewart was attempting to retrieve a pack that had been taken by a member of a Chinookan party, when he was struck by two arrows; he then shot dead the man he was pursuing. He recovered from a subsequent severe illness, and lived until 1840. W.S. Wallace, ed., Documents Relating to the North West Company (Toronto: Champlain Society, 1934), 499; Franchère 155–8.

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¶ There are four species of the Rattle Snake, three of them are common in some parts of Upper Canada,4 all of them have very short rattles and if taken in time their bites can be cured; but the black Rattle Snake is found on the upper part of the Missisourie, and along the Columbia River, on the warm sandy soils of these Rivers, where they are too numerous. When near the Missisourie, I remember starting a bull bison, headlong he ran over some sand knowls, where a number of these reptiles were basking in the sun, they bit him with good will, he ran on kicking and flinging up his hind feet, but did not fall as far as I could see him. These Snakes have always much fat in their insides, which is of a fine white color, which the Hunters say possesses a peculiar quality; when they [iii.293] are fatigued and the joints stiff, by this fat being rubbed round the knees and ankles, they become supple, and free from stiffness; one of them ­related, that being very tired he made a free use of it, which weakened his joints for two days that he could hardly stand, and never more made use of it; the opinions of the Hunters were that the use of it brought on a weakness of the Knee and Ankle. The Rattle Snake fears no Animal but the Hog. This voracious brute is it’s master: as soon as the Hog sees a Snake, with a peculiar grunt he sets off full speed. The snake exerts itself to get away, but the Hog soon comes up with it, and directly placing one of his fore feet on, about the middle of the, Snake, holds it fast; in an instant he bites off the tail about near two inches above the Rattle, which he throws away and seizing the bitten end in his mouth, devours it, the snake writhing in agonies, holding itself straight from the Hog to get away, not once turning to revenge itself, when within about two inches of the head, the Hog drops the rest with the head. What can be the cause of this powerful antipathy, which is far stronger than the love of life, to which even the dreadful venomous Rattle Snake yields it’s life, without the slightest defence; in this respect the Indians justly look on the Hog as a Manito. I have never yet seen the doctrine of antipathies explained, yet it’s action and effects are ­strangely powerful. ¶ The civilized world is well acquainted with the superstitions on Vipers, of which it may be said, there is no end. The Indians, and also the white Hunters have their superstitions; and every part of a venomous Snake has it’s use, or certain properties; and there is one that I have more than once seen tried and each time produced it’s effect. This is the Rattle of the Snake; those who have

4 Some thirty species of rattlesnake are now recognized, all of which are native to the Americas. Historically, two species have been found in Ontario: the Massasauga rattlesnake (Sistrurus catenatus), now endangered, and the timber rattlesnake (Crotalus horridus), now extirpated.

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seen the rattle, or a good drawing of it, know it is in shape like a thin oblong clear skin bladder, each [iii.294] slightly connected with each other, in each is a small circular hard substance about the size of the head of a large pin; when a Woman is in hard labor, and her situation doubtful, one or two of the rattles is bruised very fine, mixed with a little water and given to the woman, which very soon relieves her; among the Indians I remember five cases and each successful; and they informed me they never adminerster it, but in cases of necessity; how it is supposed to act I could never learn. The skin is used to cover the sinew part of the Bows which are strengthened with sinews, each bow requires two skins, as only the widest part can be made use of; the flesh is sometimes eaten, and is said to be in taste like an eel; it’s poison I have already noticed, I do not know of any experiments made on it, or any use to which it is applied, except the poisoning of weapons; it’s antipathy to the Hog so well known has caused the Hunters to procure the large teeth of full grown Hogs; form a band of them, which is tied close below the knee, and sometimes another at the ankle, of each leg. This is held to be full security against all kinds of venemous snakes; and so far as is known, no person thus fortified has ever been bitten by a Snake. On this part of the Continent venomous Snakes are not known northward of the fiftieth parallel of Latitude. [Shawpatin River. Natives. Spokane Road. Horses. road to Spokane house.] [4–10 August 1811]1 August 4th. and 5th. Two fine days, we proceeded sixty miles, strong current and Rapids; for the whole of this distance the sides of the River are of Basalt Rock, in all it’s wildest forms, a fine field for the imagination to play in, and form structures from a Castle to a Table. Parts are in pillars much shattered, other parts show fluted columns, like those of an organ; rising above each other, and retiring to the height of three hundred and fifty to four hundred feet, on the top of which are [iii.295] sandy plains, as already described. The Columbia is here nine hundred yards in width, with a powerful current, and if a River of it’s simple action could force a passage through Rocks, in how many places may it be said this River has done it. Yet every intelligent man must confess that the headlong current of this River has no where opened a passage, but every where adapts it’s width and depth to the vallies and chasms (the Dalles) of this basalt formation; which has been opened by the Deity. We were now at

1 The journal entries for 9–13 August have been published in T.C. Elliott, ed., “Journeys in the Spokane Country,” w h q 8 (1917), 261–4.

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the junction of the Shaw pa tin River with the Columbia, (by the United States named Lewis and Clarke’s River) a distance of three hundred and thirty four miles from the sea: From the above place to the Ilth koy ape Falls, is four hundred and three miles, the whole of this distance we knew by experience to be little else than a series of heavy rapids from their descent, which would occasion us heavy work and much carrying, even if we could ascend the River, which appeared very doubtful; for altho’ the water had lowered about ten feet, yet it was still high and the low points overflowed.2 We had passed One hundred and twenty Men at their occupation of seining Salmon, and were now at Lodges containing two hundred Men with their families, they were all of the Shawpatin tribe, and this place their principal village,3 they are a fine race of Men and Women and with their children very cleanly in their persons and we no longer had to see naked females, many were well clothed, all of them decently with leather, and in cleanly order, it was a pleasure to see them, we camped with them, and as usual entertained us with singing and dancing for an hour: here I traded a Horse for my Indian Interpreter, and otherwise paid him for his services, and he remained with his people. We smoked and talked until late. They were pleased with the account of the exertions [iii.296] we were making to supply them with the many articles they want, and the hopes of a Vessel with goods coming by sea the next year: but that at present I must proceed to the Mountains for Goods; all these natives have the good sense to see that to assist me is to forward their own interests. The junction of this River with the Columbia is in Latitude 46°–12'–15" North Longitude 119°..31'–33" West Variation 18 degrees East. ¶ August 6th. We left this friendly Village with hearty wishes for our safe return, and ascended a strong current to Noon of the 8th. The water was high, the tops of the Willows just above water: the width of the River between four and five hundred yards, the land moderately high, the banks sloping, but all sandy, sterile, with coarse hard grass in round tufts, equally bare of Birds and Deer as the lands we have passed. We were now at the Road which led to the

2 Rather than continue ascending the Columbia, Thompson decided to take a short cut, proceeding up the Snake and overland to Spokane House; he was pressed, as he had arranged to meet brigades from the east on 1 October. 3 The Sahaptin people at this site belonged to several particular tribes, including Nez Perce. According to Alexander Ross, these are the people who called Thompson “Koo-Koo-Sint,” or “The man who looks at the stars” (Adventures, 128–9). It is here that Thompson had staked the n w c claim on 9 July (iii.266; 221).

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Spokane River,4 having come fifty six miles up this River; we had smoked at four small Villages of whom we procured Salmon of the lesser species, of about three to five pounds weight. They were well tasted and in good condition, but to cook them we were still dependent on drift wood, for these sterile grounds produce no Trees. At the Road was a Village of fifty Men with their families; they were anxiously waiting our arrival, they had sung and made speeches until they were hoarse, and danced till they were tired; we sat down and smoked; told the news, and then informed them that as I had to go to the Mountains north eastward of us, and the course of this River being southward, I could proceed no farther in my canoe; that my Men would require horses to carry our things on our intended journey, for which I would pay them on my return from the Mountains; to all that I said they listened, at times saying “Oy Oy we hear you;” [iii.297] they retired, and shortly after made me a present of eight Horses and a War Garment of thick Moose leather such as I have already described:5 but saddles and other furniture, they had none to spare us; and we had to make use of our clothes for these purposes. On the 9th we laid up the Canoe for future use, it was very leaky as there being no Trees we could procure no Gum for the seams; while we were doing this the old Men came to us, and after smoking, said, “the Chiefs and the Men below us are good people, but whatever they give they expect will be paid, but this is not to make a Present, which is a gift without payment such as we have made to you;” this was all very good, but I knew they could not afford to make Presents, and gave to each Person who brought me a Horse, for the value of ten beaver skins in goods, payable at any of the trading Posts, which being explained to them, they were much pleased, though they could not comprehend how a bit of paper could contain the price of a Horse. Having finished a series of Observations I  found the Latitude of this place to be 46°–36' ..13" North Longitude 118°49' ..51" West, and the Variation 19 degrees East. In the afternoon we left this place, and also on the 10th, went north eastward twenty eight miles, we crossed several Brooks, and at length, thank heaven, got clear of the sterile, sandy ground with wretched grass, of the basalt formation which in this distance often shows itself above ground with many sharp splinters which cut the feet of the Horses; in taking my leave of the Basalt Rocks, I may safely say, that,

4 This tribal route led northeast from the junction of the Palouse River with the Snake, across country and along Rock, Deep, and Coulee creeks before emerging on the Spokane River. On his maps, Thompson indicates this route as the “Shawpatin and Pilloosees Road.” 5 Above, on iii.280 (234).

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although I have paid attention every where, to find some traces of an igneous origen yet I have not found any, no ashes, no scoriae,6 and every spring of water cold, for my part I have no belief in it’s supposed origen, but believe that as the Deity has created all the other various rocks, so he has likewise [iii.298] created the several square hundred miles of Basalt Rocks of the Columbia River and adjacent countries. In geographical position it appears to lie about midway between the Mountains and the Ocean, and in a direction nearly parallel to the Mountains. In the great deserts of this formation nothing is heard but the hissing of the Snakes, nothing seen but a chance Eagle like a speck in the sky, swiftly winging his way to a better country: but these countries are free from the most intolerable of all plagues, the Musketoes, Sand and Horse Flies; they are not found in arid, and very dry countries. The number of Natives along the banks of the Columbia River may be estimated at 13,615 souls, reckoning each family [paste-on] to average seven souls. This estimation is not above the population; the manner in which this estimation was made was by counting the number of married men that smoked with us, and also that danced, for we remarked that all the Men of every village, or lodge came to enjoy smoking Tobacco; they speak of Tobacco as their Friend, especially in distress, as it soothes and softens their hardships. [iii.298] Their subsistence appears to be about ten months on fresh and dried Salmon, and two months on berries, roots, and a few Antelopes; those on the upper part of the River, once a year cross the Mountains to hunt the Bison, and thus furnish themselves with dried Provisions and Bison Robes for clothing, during which they are too frequently attacked by the Pee a gans and their Allies; their Horses stolen and some of themselves killed and wounded, but as soon as these Natives are armed, this warfare will cease. [Spokane House. good soil. Number of Natives. Journey to Ilth koy ape Falls, build a Canoe. arrange with the Natives for trade.] [11 August–2 September 1811] ¶ On the 11th. We had a complete change of soil, a fine light loam, with Brooks and Pond[s] of Water, bushes of willows first made their appearance with a number of small birds, some few singing, a few ducks were seen, then hummocks of Aspins; the grass green and tender, on which our Horses fed with avidity; but saw no Deer; having gone about forty miles, we arrived, thank

6 Scoria is porous volcanic rock.

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God, at the trading Post on the Spokane River.1 Provisions having fallen short and our Guide assuring us we should see no Deer, nor Indians to supply us, we had to shoot a Horse for a supply. At the House we remained till the 17th, the Salmon caught here were few, and poor. Several Indians of the Kullyspell and Skeet shoo tribes came to see us, but finding we had not brought a supply of goods, they [iii.299] returned; my Canadian Interpreter2 spoke their language fluently, and for hours they would sit listening with deep attention to all he related; frequently asking questions of explanation, they could not well comprehend how the Salmon could live in the Lake of Bad Water, as they called the Ocean; but since he had seen them come from that Lake they believed him; like all the Natives of these countries their greatest enjoyment seemed to be, to  sit smoking and listening to news. On our passage up, however busy the Natives were in fishing, they always gladly left their Nets to smoke and learn our adventures. Being informed that we were now on our way to the Mountains for a supply of Goods for trade, they said they would take courage, and as soon as the furr of the animals became good they would apply themselves to hunting. This trading Post is in Latitude 47..47..4 North Longitude 117..27..11 West, variation 19 degrees East. Leaving this trading Post, to meet the Men and Goods, which are expected from the east side of the Mountains we had to proceed to the Columbia River, to the Ilth koy ape Falls there to build a Canoe, and ascend the River, on the 20th we arrived, having come sixty eight miles, over a fine country of open Woods, and Meadows with Ponds and Brooks of Water; all fit for cultivation and for cattle.3 We were well received, and with these people were a number of Oo ka naw gan Indians4 and eight Men of the Spokane tribe: they gave us a dance, accompanied with singing, regulated by the old Men, each party seemed to wish to outvie each other in the easy motions and graceful attitudes

1 Thompson arrived at Spokane House on 13 August. On 17 August he proceeded toward Kettle Falls, where he arrived on 20 August. The journals for 11–20 August are at a o . 27.57–55, and are published in Belyea, ed., Columbia Journals, 167–70. Entries for 14–20 August are published in T.C. Elliott, ed., “Journeys in the Spokane Country,” w h q 9 (1918), 15–16. See the 1847 Conclusion, ii.257–8 (294–5). 2 Michel Bourdeaux. 3 Thompson left Kettle Falls on 2 September, and journeyed up the Columbia to the mouth of the Canoe River, arriving on 18 September. The journals for 20 August– 18 September 1811 are at a o . 27.55–49, and are published in Belyea, ed., Columbia Journals, 169–77. See the 1847 Conclusion, ii.258 (295). 4 See note on Okanagan, iii.246 (201–2).

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of the dance, in which some of them made use of their Arms, gently waving them, keeping time to the tune of the Song, which was plaintive, and the Dance alternately advancing and retiring. We were obliged to go about seven miles for Cedar Wood, and very little of it good for our purpose, and it was the second day of September that we finished the Canoe [iii.300] and were ready to continue our journey. During this time we were visited by parties from several tribes, all anxious to learn the news, and when they may hope for my return with goods for to supply their wants, especially Guns, Axes and Knives; but they had no Provisions to trade with us but a few pounds of dried Salmon, and we had to subsist on Horse meat, which I could never relish and contrived to maintain myself by shooting a few Ducks and Pheasants; for the Antelopes were only beginning to leave the hills, and I had no ammunition to spare. ¶ Cartier the head Chief of the Saleesh Indians,5 with about twenty men of his tribe also came, these people are the frontier tribe, I strongly requested him to collect his tribe with their allies, the Koo ta naes, Spokane and Skeet shoo Indians who were not far off, he replied, “you are well aware when we go to hunt the Bison, we also prepare for war with the Pee a gans and their allies; if we had ammunition we should already have been there, for the Cow Bisons are now all fat; but we cannot go with empty Guns; we do not fear War, but we wish to meet our Enemies well armed;” all this I knew to be true and reasonable, and reserving only a few loads of ammunition I gave him the rest, with a Note to Mr Finan McDonald who was at a Post on the lower part of the Saleesh River,6 to supply them with all he could spare. They set off, with a promise to meet me with Provisions at the upper Saleesh House7 in two Moons hence: When we had been six days here, a quarrel arose among the people of this Village, in which one Man was killed, and several of them wounded.8 I wished to see the manner in which they treated the dead: but could not well do it, as my Interpreter heard them whispering to each other, anxious to know which party I would support, and any attention, though from mere curiosity, would be construed as favorable to the party of which he was, all of which I most carefully avoided; but my Interpreter by pretending to be looking for some trifle to trade, saw all that passed; the body was9 5 For the chief Cartier, see iii.169 (110). 6 Kullyspel House. 7 Saleesh House. 8 According to Thompson’s journal, this event occurred on 26 August; on 29 August he reports “The Indians here still in dread of each other & do nothing” (a o . 27.54). 9 Pages 301 and 302 are missing; they described events from 2–18 September, during which time Thompson and his party ascended the Columbia River from Kettle Falls

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[Coxe. Ice &c. Canoe River, it’s descent. Beaver &c. The Goods arrive. Mr McMillan.] [18 September–13 October 1811]1 [iii.303] meaning; he had lived wholly on an Island,2 and knew it’s extent, but had no idea beyond it, as we proceeded up the River,3 and passed the great Branches, the stream became lessened, and not so wide, as he did not know from what cause, every day he expected to get to the end of it; as we approached the cold increased, and the first shower of snow, he was for some time catching in his hand, and before he could satisfy his curiosity it was melted: the next morning thin ice was formed, which he closely examined in his hand, but like the snow it also melted into water, and he was puzzled how the snow and ice could become water, but the great Mountains soon settled his mind, where all became familiar to him. On examining every where to find a Letter, or some marks from some of my people, whom I expected here,4 nor from my Iroquois I hung up a letter for the latter, as I conceived the Men with Goods had passed by the Canoe River, which was near the Road of the Defile, and proceeded up it’s strong current in a valley of the Mountains, in the direction of North 42° West for forty eight miles the work of three and a half days, with seven men in a light canoe; which was thirty one working hours, being at the rate of one and a half mile Per hour, and this wholly by Poles shod with iron; the paddle was no use in this very

toward their rendezvous with the brigades. Events of these days included passing the mouths of the Pend Oreille and Kootenay Rivers, observation of the comet Flaugergues, and negotiation of the Dalles of the Upper Columbia. The index indicates the contents of the two missing pages: “the dead. Columbia. strong current. Columbia.” 1 Having not encountered brigades from the east on his arrival at the Canoe River on 18 September, Thompson continued up the Columbia. Learning that William Henry and the canoes had indeed arrived, he returned downriver to the rendezvous, arriving on 23 September. On 29 September he set off to cross the mountains by the Athabasca Pass for additional goods, and on 4 October reached William Henry’s cache on the Athabasca River. He arrived back on the Columbia on 13 September. Thompson’s journal for 18 September–13 October 1811 is at a o . 27.49–43. The entries for 18–23 September are published in Belyea, ed., Columbia Journals, 176–8. See the 1847 Conclusion, ii.258 (295). 2 Coxe, from the island of Hawaii. 3 The Upper Columbia 4 The junction of the Canoe River with the Columbia; the letter was written in Mohawk (a o . 27.49).

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rapid current; we often estimated it’s descent in many places to be three feet in forty yards. Such velocity of water has always a bottom of Rock, or large gravel. This River was about thirty yards in width and two feet in depth; the canoe drew only four inches of water; the Poles can be used only in shallow water, and in four feet do not advance much; those for a canoe are about eight feet in length and can ascend a very strong current. The descent for these forty eight miles cannot be less than ten feet Per mile, or four hundred and eighty feet, every person is acquainted with the change of velocity in streams swollen by heavy rains or the melting of snow. I have [iii.304] dwelt longer on this subject than I intended, from the many works I have seen limiting the navigation of Streams to those that do not exceed a velocity of four miles Per hour, and a descent of 20 inches Per mile; this is all right for the heavy craft of Europe, and for deep Rivers; it may seem strange yet it is strictly true, that the streams from the great mountains, in their vallies, are navigable to light vessels, and have few, or no Falls; while all those that rise in hilly countries have many Falls which have to be passed by carrying places, of such are all the Rivers that fall into the great Lakes of Canada. The valley of this River with it’s stream diminished to a Brook is computed by the Hunters to be near one hundred miles in length, with a breadth never exceeding one mile; the Moose Deer and Beaver have been, and are yet so abundant throughout this Valley, that the Hunters call it the “sack of Provisions;” the paths of the former, from the low Hills on one side crossing to the other side are five to six feet in width and worn a foot deep in the ground; almost all our Meat, while in this quarter, came from this River. The Beaver were very numerous; and were yet plentiful; the grand Nepiss­ ing5 informed me that in this River he had taken by traps eight hundred and fifty Beavers, and should pass his winter in the Valley with two Iroquois his companions. But another year of trapping will in a manner exterminate them, such is the infatuation of this animal for it’s castorum; The great difference of climate, and also the formation of the country has changed, in part, the habits of this animal, the mildness of the former does not oblige them to build houses; and the country has few lakes, and those banked with rock; the very unequal heights of water in the Rivers could not be provided against, for except their houses were built for the lowest state of the water, they would often be dry, and if for this state of the water, they would often be several feet under water; the Beaver therefore seeks the little shelter he wants in the banks, [iii.305] the roots of trees, and other chance places, and prepares very little aspin young trees for winter food, and thus like other animals adapts itself to the climate of it’s resi-

5 For the Grand Nipissing, see iii.239 (195).

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dence. As we were sitting round our camp fire, at a loss whether to proceed, or to return, for a North West course did not lead across the mountains, the season was fast advancing, thank kind Providence two Men in a small canoe came up to us, they informed us that the day after I hung up the Letter they had arrived with the Goods on Horses from across the Mountains and were there waiting orders under the charge of Mr William Henry; this good news was joyfully received, and early the next morning we were in our canoes and in a few hours ran down the forty eight miles we had ascended, and came to the Men and Goods;6 after a glad meeting, we found they were making a canoe of very bad Birch Rind which could never be made water tight; the men left the work, and split out thin boards of white cedar wood, of which a canoe was made; in the mean time the canoe we had was loaded with the goods, and nine men, and sent down the Columbia to the Ilthkoyape Falls to the care of Mr Finan McDonald for the supply of the lower posts on McGillivray’s, the Saleesh and Spokane Rivers.7 We had to cross to the east side of the Mountains for the rest of the goods and Provisions, the snow so deep at the height of land, that with difficulty the Horses got through it; and in one place they had to pass the night up to their bellies in snow, and the next morning were so discouraged, it was some time before we could get them to a steady walk: but on the 13th of October all was completed and the Horses sent back to winter on the east side of the Mountains. The Thermometer was at +22 and ice forming, and the water in the River lowering; and we had yet several hundred miles to pass to the most distant Post. [Mammoth, by hunters. Mountain Carrying Place. Remarks. Rein Deer. Arrive at Ilth koy ape.] [6 October–18 November 1811] I now recur to what I have already noticed in the [iii.306] early part of last winter, when proceeding up the Athabasca River to cross the Mountains,1 in company with Men and four hunters. On one of the channels of the River we came to the track of a large animal, which measured fourteen inches in length by eight inches in breadth by a tape line. As the snow was about six inches in depth the track was well defined, and we could see it for a full one hundred

6 This meeting occurred on 23 September 1811. 7 The posts are Kullyspel, Saleesh, and Spokane houses (although none of these is on the Kootenay, Thompson’s McGillivray’s River). 1 At iii.230–31 (186–7).

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yards from us, this animal was proceeding from north to south. We did not attempt to follow it, we had no time for it, and the Hunters, eager as they are to follow and shoot every animal made no attempt to follow this beast, for what could the balls of our fowling guns do against such an animal. Report from old times had made the head branches of this River, and the Mountains in the vicinity the abode of one, or more, very large animals, to which I never appeared to give credence; for these reports appeared to arise from that fondness for the marvellous so common to mankind; but the sight of the track of that large beast staggered me, and I often thought of it, yet never could bring myself to believe such an animal existed, but thought it might be the track of some monster Bear. On the sixth of October we camped in the passes of the Mountains,2 the Hunters there pointed out to me a low Mountain apparently close to us, and said that on the top of that eminence, there was a Lake of several miles around which was deep moss, with much coarse grass in places, and rushes; that these animals fed there, they were sure from the great quantities of moss torn up, with grass and rushes; the hunters all agreed this animal was not carnivorous, but fed on moss, and vegetables, yet they all agreed that not one of them had ever seen the animal; I told them that I thought curiosity alone ought have prompted them to get a sight of one of them; they replied, that they were curious enough to see him, but at a distance, to search for him, might bring [iii.307] them so near that they could not get away; I had known these men for years, and could always depend on their word, they had no interest to deceive themselves, or other persons. The circumstantial evidence of the existence of this animal is sufficient, but notwithstanding the many months the Hunters have traversed this extent of country in all directions, and this Animal having never been seen, there is no direct evidence of it’s existence, yet when I think of all I  have seen and heard, if put on my oath, I could neither assert, nor deny, it’s  existence; for many hundreds of miles of the Rocky Mountains are yet

2 There is a slight rupture in strict chronology here, as Thompson reverts to 6 October. After arriving back on the Columbia on 13 October, Thompson waited for a brigade until 21 October, when he proceeded down the Columbia to Kettle Falls, where he arrived on 30 October. He then made a brief round-trip journey to Spokane House for men and horses, then continued eastward, arriving on the Pend Oreille on 13 November and at Saleesh House on 19 November. The journals for 6 October–18 November 1811 are at a o . 27.45–37. Those for 31 October–10 November and 11–19 November are published in T.C. Elliott, ed., “Journeys in the Spokane Country,” w h q 9 (1918), 103–6 and 169–73 respectively. See the 1847 Conclusion, ii.258 (295).

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unknown, and through the defiles by which we pass, distant one hundred and twenty miles from each other, we hasten our march as much as possible.3 October 7th. We came to a scaffold of meat which the Hunters had made, three of us leading horses very carelessly approached it; but quickly wheeled about, as we saw it in possession of a large Bear, who showed us his paws and teeth in proof that he was the lawful owner, but not liking the Horses he walked off, and we quietly took what he had left. This day the Hunters were fortunate in killing two cow Bisons and four Mountain Sheep, all in good condition; we marched only eight miles, and camped to split and dry the meat by smoke; we continued with much bad weather, hunting for our livelihood to the 13th, on which day we arrived at the Columbia River; the next day I sent Men with the Horses to the east side of the Mountains, where the Horses are to pass the winter, the grass there is scant but there is not much snow, whereas the snow here in the winter is very deep and the country too rude to allow the Horses to pass to where there is less snow and plenty of grass. We waited here to the 21st October in hopes of seeing a Canoe come down the River as I had received a Letter informing me that such would be the case.4 During this time the weather became severe, ice formed all along the shores of the Rivers, the Thermometer fell to Zero, and we had near three hundred miles of this [iii.308] River to descend to meet the Horses at the Ilth koy ape Falls, we found ourselves obliged to leave this place, and having hung up a Letter, on the 21st we embarked, and proceeded down the River, the snow on the shores was two feet in depth, and deeper in the woods: in the afternoon on one of the dry shoals of the River we came to a herd of eight Rein Deer, they were not shy, and we shot a good Doe, and might have killed two, or three more. The Hunters often mentioned to me they had seen Rein Deer, but I doubted if they were of the same species that is found around Hudson’s Bay and the interior country; upon examination I found no difference: the question is from whence do they come, as they are not known in any part of these countries except the vicinity of the Canoe River, by the head of which they probably have a pass to the east side of the Mountains.5

3 For the Athabasca Beast, see I: liii–liv. 4 This was the brigade of John MacDonald of Garth, John George McTavish, and James McMillan, which arrived at Saleesh House on 24 November. 5 Mountain caribou. Recent genetic studies have revealed that these isolated herds are a hybrid of barren-ground and woodland caribou; the animals display traits characteristic of both subspecies. Allan D. McDevitt et al., “Survival in the Rockies of an Endangered Hybrid Swarm From Diverged Caribou (Rangifer tarandus) Lineages,” Molecular Biology 18:4 (February 2009): 665–79.

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On the 24th we passed the two Narrows, called Dalles,6 below the second, the River expanded, with slack current, all which for near half a mile was covered with snow, mixed with water, through which we had to force our way with the Poles, but became so compact, that we had to carry the last three hundred yards, it was cold work, the snow on the shore being full two feet deep; an Indian and his family came to us, he had been working Beaver, when the Snow became too deep; we enquired if the Snow was more than usual, he said he did not know, as he had never left the Village at this season, but now many of them would leave it to hunt furrs, to trade with us.7 The next day we had to carry four hundred yards on account of the snow covering the River; we came to some families who had fresh Salmon; but they were very poor, necessity made them eatable; all this day the Snow as we descended the River became less, and on the 27th, there was none on the shores, and very little in the woods, flocks of Geese were about us and a few Ducks to us all most agreeable. On the 30th we arrived all safe thank kind Providence at the Ilth koy ape Falls, and found the Village wholly deserted, they had separated for hunting, to procure clothing [iii.309] of leather. We had expected to meet Men and Horses to convey the goods across the country to the trading Posts, but seeing no person; the next day we went off on foot for the Spokane House, and on the third of November we arrived, very tired having seen nothing worth notice; and having procured Horses we proceeded for the place we had left and on the sixth arrived at the Columbia. In all our late journeys we found a great difference in travelling to what we had in the spring of the year, then the Brooks were swollen every one a torrent, dangerous to pass; now every Brook we could ford with safety; the water low, and no overflowed ground. On the evening of the 13th we arrived at the Saleesh River, Geese and Ducks were about, the weather mild like April, the grass green, and every thing as pleasing as this month could present: The two Men I had sent to the Lake Indians to inform them of my arrival, returned and said they found them all gambling, and doing nothing else, and left them at the same; upon which I sent them word that if they wished to procure Guns, Kettles, and other articles they must hunt and procure furrs and dry provisions, or they would get nothing, it had the desired effect; and we proceeded by land up this fine River.

6 Death Rapids and the Little Dalles. 7 This comment indicates how the imperatives of the fur trade begin to change the annual cycle of tribal activity on the Columbia.

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[to the Saleesh house. Remarks. Provisions. finish the house. Examine the South Branch. Hunting. the Thermometer.] [19 November–31 December 1811]1 ¶ We arrived at the Saleesh House,2 which we found in a ruinous state, here we learned our steady enemies the Pee a gans had sent a War Party to intercept us, thinking we must pass by the head of the River; they had come on a Tent of Kootanae Indians, and disregarding the Peace between them had put every one to death; such is the peace they make: and meeting three of the Iroquois hunters, stripped them naked and robbed them of all they had. The House was situated in a small bay of the river, close to us was a spur of the hills which came on the River in a cliff of about sixty feet in height, beyond which to the south eastward the country opened out to a great extent of fine meadow ground, the scene of many a battle; the Saleesh Indians with their allies, when hard pressed, always made for this rock as their natural defence, and which had always proved a shield to them, and they [iii.310] showed us, the bones of their enemies slain at different times in attempting to force this pass; to me it appeared easy to become master of it, to proceed further up the River was to be still more exposed. On the 24th. we were agreeably surprised by the appearance of Messrs John George McTavish and James McMillan in company with fifteen men, and ten horses carrying about twelve hundred pounds weight of merchandize for trading furrs.3 As the season was late an assortment of Goods to load six Horses was made up and Mr Finan McDonald having fortunately found the Saleesh Indians about twenty five miles higher up the River, had traded a large canoe load of dried Provisions, and now also arrived, which enabled Mr John G McTavish and the Men with the Horses and Goods to proceed to the lower settlement on this River,4 there to winter and trade with the Natives. The season, though late continuing mild and open. Mr Finan McDonald with an assortment of Goods went

1 Thompson’s journals for 19 November–31 December 1811 are at a o . 27.37–32. See the 1847 Conclusion, ii.258–9 (295). The entire journal of Thompson’s second winter at Saleesh House, 11 November 1811–23 March 1812 is published in White, ed., David Thompson’s Journals, 175–222. From 20–24 December, Thompson ascended the Clark Fork. 2 On 19 November 1811. 3 For n w c partner John George McTavish and clerk James McMillan, see Appendix 3 (359, 358). These men had been sent from Rainy Lake House with John McDonald of Garth, in order to supply Thompson; McDonald of Garth had stayed behind at Kootanae House. 4 Spokane House.

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up the River to trade provisions, and he returned with all they could spare; all the dried provisions are of Bison meat, and must be carefully kept for the voyage of next summer; so that for the winter we depend for subsistence on the Antelopes; they are in sufficient numbers, but the hunting is precarious. When the ground is soft with rain in the open Cypress Woods they are easily approached, but sometimes the ground is white with snow and a slight frost, the tread of the Hunter is heard, and approach is almost impossible, but when several hunters are out, the Antelopes in running from one Hunter come in the way of another, and are shot: We continued repairing, in some cases rebuilding our Houses, and by the 16th December we were all under shelter, and strange to say, the Roofs kept out the Rain, but the melting of a smart shower of snow dropped through in many places. On the twentieth the Antelopes became numerous. They all came from the lower part of the River, the Snow having become [iii.311] too deep on the Basalt Hills on the south side of the Columbia, through which McGillivray’s the Saleesh and Spokane Rivers pass in Falls and Cataracts: these Hills as I have already noticed intercept the winds from the Pacific Ocean, and receive all the Snow, which obliges all the Animals to go to the eastward, where there is very little snow: and which makes these countries the favorite resort of the Indians and the Deer during winter. ¶ As we were all anxious to find a place of greater security for a trading post, on the afternoon of the 20th. with an Indian and one Man with three Horses we set off to examine the south branch of this River, the confluence of which is a few miles above the House; when we had gone about four miles we came to the three Tents, in one of which was a fine old Indian whom we had named “le bon Vieux,”5 smoking with him, we explained the object of our journey; looking at our Horses he told us they were too poor for the country of the south Branch, which was hilly and required strong Horses, and sent a young man to bring three of his Horses, which he lent to us for the journey; sending ours to feed and rest; In the afternoon of the next day we came to a few Tents, the Men were all away hunting the Deer by surrounding them, in the evening they arrived with eight deer, they would have killed a few more if they had more Men, as they were only twenty two Men and Lads; whereas thirty Men are required for this mode of hunting; and although they have several fine active young women, they are never employed in hunting, but restricted to what are considered feminine duties. Having examined the country for full thirty miles; we found the River to be about eighty to one hundred and fifty yards in width about three feet deep, and a strong current, flowing thro’ a hilly country,

5 “Le Bon Vieux,” a Kalispel elder, aided Thompson at several points during the years 1809–12.

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clothed with good short grass and open woods of Cypress and Firs, with Aspins in the low grounds and from the top of a Hill the country to the south east ward, from whence the River came, appeared the same [iii.312] and hilly lands, and from what we saw, the Hills came boldly on the River and left no space of low ground; and on the twenty fourth we returned to the House. The weather was so mild the Deer were approaching the Hills, Swans, Geese and Ducks were in the River; and we had to send Men and a Canoe to the great Camp for Deer, they brought eighteen Antelopes, which were most welcome, and the rest of the Month was spent in hunting, and building a large Canoe of Cedar Wood; and thus the year closed thank God, with our being all well, notwithstanding much exposure to the weather and frequent want of food. The lowest point of the Thermometer was +10 on the 17th day.

December 7 am 9th 2 pm 9 pm 10th 7 am 2 pm 9 pm 11th 7 am 2 pm 9 pm 12th 7 am 2 pm 9 pm 13th 7 am 2 pm 9 pm 14th 7 am 2 pm 9 pm 15th 7 am 2 pm 9 pm 16th 7 am 2 pm 9 pm 17th 7 am 2 pm 9 pm

Thermometer +26 December +36 18th +28 +20 19th  26  22 +14 25th  22  20 +20 26th  30  20 +27 27th  30  28 +28 28th  24  27 +28 29th  29  26 +20 30th  27  14 +10 31st  20  12

7 am 2 pm 9 pm 7 am 2 pm 9 pm 7 am 2 pm 9 pm 7 am 2 pm 9 pm 7 am 2 pm 9 pm 7 am 2 pm 9 pm 7 pm 2 pm 9 pm 7 am 2 pm 9 pm 7 am 2 pm 9 pm

+ 9 1812 January  17 January 1 7 am  17 2 pm +17 9 pm  30 2nd 7 am  24 2 pm +34 9 pm  36 3rd 7 am  29 2 pm +27 9 pm  34 4th 7 am  29 2 pm +28 9 pm  31 5th 7 am  28 2 pm +28 9 pm  32 6th 7 am  28 2 pm +28 9 pm  30 7th 7 am  28 2 pm +28 9 pm +28 8th 7 am +28 2 pm +26 9 pm  29 13th 7 am  26 2 pm 9 pm

+18  21  16 + 8  12  10 + 4  15  10 + 5  15   7 + 3  10   6 + 1  16  10 +12  20  16 +10  20  14 +27  38  30

The rest of this month steady mild weather with much small Rain.

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[Hunting. Pee a gans offer peace. Council. War & Peace. Saleesh Council of War. battle.] ¶ [iii.313] The Pee a gans and their allies, for these two years past,1 had been anxiously watching the progress of the tribes on the west side of the Mountains in procuring Arms and Ammunition, and their boldness in hunting the Bison on part of their old lands. The Pee a guns was the frontier and most powerful tribe and covered their allies from any attack; they were safe, and no retaliation could be made on them, the Pee a guns bore the brunt of the war. Deeply sensible of this five respectable Men had approached the camp on horseback and called to the Saleesh for five old Men to meet them as they wished for Peace: this was accorded, and on meeting, the Pee a gans briefly explained to them, that their people had held a great council, and were desirous of making peace with them and their allies, upon which they were invited to the camp, a Tent provided for them, into which they entered, their Horses were taken to pasture, the best of provisions set before them, and smoking in common pipes took place; in the mean time the Saleesh held a private council, in which they agreed to return the answer, that they would willingly make a sure peace, if it could be depended on, but the affair was of too much consequence for them to decide and they must take the sense of their allies, at the same time remarking that they saw none of their allies with them. The Pee a gans replied “our Allies do more harm to us than to you, for on pretence of making an inroad on you, they often steal our Horses,” and after some conversation an answer was to be given at the end of the time of one Moon; the evening passed away in amicable enquiries after the wounded and the missing, particularly the Women and children; the Saleesh spoke to them that the white men had told them, that it was a disgrace to them to kill Women and Children, and if War should continue they would make prisoners of them, but not destroy them. The next morning their horses were brought some dried Provisions given them and they returned. ¶ [iii.314] After some consultation, messengers were sent to the different tribes accustomed to hunt the Bison in company with the Saleesh, requesting them to send some of their Chiefs to the Council to be held near the House of the white Men, to consider whether they would be for Peace, or continue the War. From every tribe several of the most respectable Men came, and were now

1 I.e., since 1809.

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assembled.2 Of the Shaw pa tins only two came, but they were remarkably fine tall, good looking, well dressed Men, they said their tribe was hunting near their enemies and could spare no more, and that they came with the mouth of their people. We were invited to attend, with Michel the Interpreter and two men, we took our place; Michel informed us that from the expressions he heard he expected a severe contest of opinions; The Saleesh Chief3 spoke first, briefly reminding them for what purpose they were assembled, to allow the aged Men to speak first, and each tribe to speak truly the mouth of their people, he then sat down in his place, next to the old men, the smoking continued for a few minutes in silence, when an old Spokane throwing aside his robe showed a breast well marked with scars, and in a tone of bitterness, said, “So our enemies have proposed peace, how often have they done so, and when ever we trusted to their mouths, we separated into small parties for hunting the Bison, and in this situation they were sure to attack us, and destroy the Women and children, who is there among us that has not cut off his hair several times, and mourned over our relations and friends, their [flesh] devoured, and their bones gnawed, by Wolves and Dogs, a state of peace has always been a time of anxiety, we were willing to trust and sure to be deceived; who is there among us all that believes them;” then waving his [h]and over the old men, continued, “we were foremost in the battle; but now [iii.315] we can only defend the Tents with the Women and Children. Do as you please, I now sleep all night, but if you make peace I shall sleep in the day, and watch all night.” ¶ Several of the old men followed, in much the same feeling of insecurity, yet wishing for peace, if it could be depended on; for they were now too old for active warfare; several from the other Tribes all made speeches and spoke freely, yet calmly of the line of conduct to be followed by them, then the Saleesh Orator in his usual flowery, declamatory language, which seemed to make no impression: after some conversation, the Saleesh Chief rose up, and made a long, and animated speech, following the harangues of each Tribe, and concluded by saying, “you all know we are the frontier tribe, the enemies must break thro’ or elude us, before they can attack you, it is our Horses they steal, and our Men that are slain in battle, far more than any other people, as a proof of the truth of what I say, we have now twenty Tents of Women who have no husbands, with their children whose fathers are in the land of Spirits and as many tents of aged Women whose Sons have fallen in battle; the different

2 This council took place on 29 February 1812 (a o . 27.25). The account in the 1847 Conclusion is at ii.259–60 (296–7). 3 Cartier.

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speakers have all noticed the arrival of the White Men among us for these three years bringing us Gun[s], Ammunition and shods of iron for the heads of our arrows. Before their arrival we were pitiful and could not defend ourselves, we are as well armed as our enemies, and our last battle has obliged them to give up to us great part of our lands for hunting the Bison. Now we do not fear to war with them, but it is a hard life to be constantly watching, and the lives of our Women and Children liable to be destroyed; to prevent this harassed state of life I am very willing to make peace, but who are we to make peace with. It is the Pee a gans only to offer us peace, none of their allies were with them, and peace [iii.316] with the Pee a gans, will not prevent their allies from making war with us. We wish for Peace, but we do not see how we can obtain it. Let us hear what the Chief of the White Men says, he is well acquainted with all the people on the other side of the Mountains, his mouth is straight, he will tell us who they are, and what can be our hopes of peace.” ¶ My reply was, “You are all of the belief that the Great Spirit has made the ground to look green, and hates to see it red with the blood of Men and war is the cause of the ground being red; the enemies you have against you, are the three tribes of the Pee a gans; they have all the same mouth,4 the next to them are the people of the Rapids, they are on the Missisourie. Eastward of those named are the Sussee Koon, they are not many, and no one learns their speech, then the Assini Koon, they are very numerous, and speak well;5 over all these people the Pee a gans have no control, and cannot prevent their making war on you, so that your making peace with the tribe which proposes peace to you, will not ensure your being in safety from the other tribes for they do not offer to make peace with you; my advice is, that you do not make peace with only one Tribe, and leave yourselves exposed to the inroads of all the others and let your Answer, that you claim by ancient rights the freedom of hunting the Bison, that you will not make War upon any of them but shall always be ready to defend yourselves;” ¶ The Chief said my advice was good; but the Men in the prime of Life, remarked, that if they promised never to make inroads on them, this would place the Tents of their Wives and Children in safety and leave the Men to war on whom they pleased, as their Tents would be safe; “we are now as well armed as they are; while we had no Guns, nor iron heads for our arrows, we had to yield to them, and were called cowards. We must therefore show ourselves on their lands, as they have been seen on our grounds, and for which purpose we are

4 The Piegan, Blood, and Blackfoot 5 The Gros Ventres, Sarcee, and Assiniboine respectively.

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ready. Silence ensued [iii.317] for a few minutes; when the Chief again took up his speech. “You have all heard what has been said, and from the Chief of the white Men we know the names and numbers of our enemies; and learn there can be no hopes of peace, it has been truly said, our enemies have often been seen on our lands and left their marks in blood, we are not now as we were then, and those that are for war, shall have a fair field to show themselves in, for in the summer at the time the Bull Bisons become fat, we shall then not only hunt upon the lands we claim, but extend our hunting on the lands of the Pee a gans, which will be sure to bring on a battle between us, and you may all prepare yourselves for that time, and our answer to the Pee a gans shall be ‘that as we are now, such we will remain.’” They all signified their assent by repeated Oy Oy Oy, and after smoking they quietly went to their Tents, the next day Messengers were sent to their allies, to notify them of what had passed, and that war must be prepared for. ¶ The next day the Chief, the Orator and some old Men, came to the House and discoursed a long time; their opinions were not all the same, but all came to the same conclusion, that they could not make a peace that would place them in safety and give them the freedom of hunting in small parties; “you see the hearts of our men are sore. We have suffered so much from those on the east side of the Mountains that we must now show ourselves to be men, and make ourselves respected, we shall muster strong, but although the Shawpatins are many and good Warriors, they cannot send many men to our assistance, as they are the frontier tribe on the south, and next to them is the great tribe of the Snake Indians of the Straw Tents, who are their enemies.” We advised them to be cautious, saying “you cannot afford to lose many men, and you have already about forty Tents of Widows and aged Women to maintain.” Time passed on, August came,6 when the Bull Bisons are fat, the [iii.318] Chief kept his word, and at the appointed time a strong party was formed, and marched to the hunting of the Bison. With these people when they went on the Bison grounds two or three men were sent to assist the Chief in encourageing them to make dried provisions, and do what they could to prevent gambling, in which they lose much time. The two Men now sent were Michel Bourdeaux the Interpreter, and Michel Kinville7 who also spoke the language, they were the sole survivors of about three hundred and fifty free hunters almost all of them of french origen; the hunting was carried on with cautious boldness into the lands of their enemies, this insult brought on a battle; the Saleesh and their allies had chosen

6 I.e., August 1812, by which time Thompson had gone down to Montreal. 7 For Bourdeaux, see Appendix 3 (355–6); for Kinville, see note on iii.120 (66).

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their ground, on a grassy ridge with sloping ground behind it, horses were not brought into action, but only used to watch each others motions; the ground chosen gave the Saleesh a clear view of their enemies, and concealed their own numbers. The action was on the green plains, no Woods were near; the Pee a gans and their allies cautiously advanced to the attack, their object being to ascertain the strength of their enemies before they ventured a general attack, for this purpose they made slight attacks on one part of the line, holding the rest in check, but no more force was employed against them than necessary, thus most of the day passed, at length in the afternoon, a determination was taken to make a bold attack and try their numbers, every preparation being made, they formed a single line of about three feet from each other, and advanced singing and dancing, the Saleesh saw the time was come to bring their whole force into line, but they did not quit their vantage ground; they also sung and danced their wild war dance; the Peagans advanced to within about one [hundred] and fifty yards, the song and the dance ceased, the wild war yell was given, and the rush forward; it was gallantly met, several were slain on each side, and three times as many wounded, and with difficulty the [iii.319] Pee a gans carried off their dead and wounded, and they accounted themselves defeated; In the assault both Michel Bourdeaux and Michel Kinville were shot dead, they were the last of those free hunters, I deeply regretted them, I found them brave faithful and intelligent. The combatan[t]s were about three hundred and fifty on each side, the loss in killed and wounded made them withdraw to where they could hunt in safety. War in the open plains between the Natives is very different from War in the woods; in the former they act as a body in concert in all their movements, in the Woods it is almost Man to Man. [Saleesh Country. Lake. Peagans destroy the free hunters.] [25 December 1811–early March 1812] Christmas and New Years days came,1 and passed we could not honor them, the occupations of every day demanded our attentions; and time passed on, employed in hunting for a livelihood, on the 15th January the ground was entirely bare of snow even on part of the Hills, and the rest of the month had

1 There is a reversion in chronology here, as Thompson returns to late December 1811. The journals for 25 December 1811–12 March 1812 are at a o . 27.33–22. From 15 February–4 March, Thompson made a trading journey to tribal winter encampments and made explorations to the southeast and to Flathead Lake. See the 1847 Conclusion, ii.260–2 (297–8).

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many rainy days; Swans were numerous; and many flocks of Geese with a few Ducks. In February with an Indian and a Man I examined the country to the north eastward, it was hilly, with sufficient woods of Aspin Cypress and some Pines and Firs with Cedar in places, having several Brooks of good water will become a fine country for raising Sheep, Cattle and Horses. A few days afterwards we made an excursion to the Saleesh Lake, and beyond it, the Lake is a fine sheet of water of about twenty miles in length by three to four miles in width; the haunt in all seasons of aquatic fowl, the country around especially to the eastward and southward for many miles very fine; and will become a rich agricultural country, for which it’s mild climate is very favorable; on the fine grounds many battles have been fought, the bones of the slain mark the places. These meadows are admirably adapted for hunting the Antelope by surrounding them, but this mode is not attempted with the Red Deer, they are too bold to be encircled, though frequently driven over high steep banks; it was from about the Lake most of our winter provisions came. At the end of the month several Indians of a Tribe we had not yet seen came to trade,2 they informed us, that near the time of one Moon past the Meadow Indians (the Pee a gans and their allies) had [iii.320] attacked a Fort built at the head of the south branch of the Missisourie River;3 the account they gave was, that a number of free hunters had come up the Missisourie River to trap Beaver and proceed to the Snake Indian country, but that tempted by hunting the Bison, and making dried provisions they had built a Fort on the above River, and had been successful in trapping Beaver and hunting; they had extended their hunting excursions beyond the bounds of prudence, and their shots had been heard by the Indians of the Plains, these ever watchful people ever alive to what is passing soon found by their scouts, that a strong house was built on their lands; they had for several years been hostile to the Trappers who destroyed the Beaver on their lands and had shot several of them; for the loss of the Beaver deprived them of the means of supplying by trade their wants; they formed a strong party and approached the fort, they first made themselves masters of the port holes of the bastions, and then cut down two of the Stockades, but was prevented from entering by a heavy fire from the house, the battle continued 2 These were Nez Perce, a Sahaptin tribe whom Thompson had likely encountered at the junction of the Columbia and the Snake (see iii.295–6; 248). 3 In spring 1810, two Piegan attacks on posts the upper Missouri had left eight traders dead, but no known incident correlates to the timing and details of the account re­ lated  by the Nez Perce. Their report is also recorded in Thompson’s journal entry of 29 February 1812 (a o . 27.25–24), and in the 1847 Conclusion at ii.260 (297). For a discussion of the 1810 attacks, see Peake, ed., Travels, 499–501.

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for some time and the Meadow Indians retired; my informant said he had lately been there, and found the House through the door and the windows marked by many round balls, and the Stockades with very many rifle balls; these Men had ten killed whom they buried in a pit which they filled with stones and set a single Cross on it; they then retreated to the camp of the Snake Indians, where they arrived in a famished state. He knew nothing of their wounded; nor the loss of the Meadow Indians, they had taken away to the perogues,4 four of them he described as long and about five feet in width; in which the Indians descended the River. All these free Hunters come infatuated with the idea that the Indians are cowards, and that they themselves are the bravest of Men, for which they have dearly paid. For these four years I have occasionally sketched off various parts of the bold, lofty scenery of the Rocky Mountains about twenty different views, part on each side of the Mountains, and also Mount Nelson, which stands alone in native grandeur, I believe the only drawings that have been made of these Mountains, but North America being [iii.321] an obscure part of the world, especially the interior of Canada they would not pay a lithographic publication;5 [Set off to cross the Mountains &c. Measure & weight of a Bison. Arrive at Isle a la Crosse. Voyage continued to Montreal.] [13 March–September 1812]1

4 A pirogue is a dugout canoe. 5 Of the approximately twenty mountain sketches that Thompson made during the years 1809–12, ten survive, housed at the Thomas Fisher Rare Book Library. Four of these were made in the vicinity of Saleesh House and Flathead Lake, and six in the area of Kootanae House and the Columbia source lakes (see Appendix 2 below, 353–4). Recently, Norman Jacobson has carefully examined these mountain sketches, and, based on their perspectives, has determined the locations from which most were made. Norman Jacobson, “David Thompson Completes his Field Sketches in His Last Busy Week in Saleesh Country,” Archaeology in Montana 52:2 (2011), 33–53. In September 1845, while in New York City, Thompson presented his mountain sketches to several propective publishers, with no success. The bookseller William A. Colman told Thompson that “he seemed to think, there was too much in the Market already” a o . 84.8. 1 Thompson’s journals for 13 March–28 April 1812 are at ao. 27.22–14. Those for 29 April– 26 June 1812 are at ao. 25.65–84, those for 6 May–2 June 1812 are at ao. 28.48–29, and those for 27 July–5 September 1812 at ao. 30.2–12. The journals for 14–15 March have been published in whq 11:172–3; for 16–24 March in whq 9:284– 7; and for 25–29 March in whq 10:17–20. Upon departing Saleesh House on 13 March, Thompson travelled down the Clark Fork, through Lake Pend Oreille, down the Pend

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¶ By the 13th March the season, apparently was sufficiently advanced to hope that we should have a safe voyage to Lake Superior, there to exchange the Furrs for Merchandize; and praying good Providence to protect us, we embarked, and went down the Saleesh River to the carrying place road, to the Columbia River, over this Road the cargoes of the canoes were transported by Horses; on the 30th early we perceived a small Kettle and one of our best Horses had been stolen by a young man; the same day we came to three Tents, and to the Men related what had happened, remarking to them, this was the first theft we had known among them; they appeared much hurt at a theft ­being committed by any of their people, and said he had acted very badly, the Horse and Kettle were not their property and they could not take them from him, but would show us his Tent; in the evening we camped, and two Men came to us and staid all night. Early in the morning I sent two Men with the two Indians who guided the Men to the Tent but did nothing more, the Men made him give up the Horse and the Kettle, and gave him a few kicks to disgrace him; the Natives who heard of this theft thought it a disgrace to the tribe but never thought they had a right to punish it, that belonged to the injured person or party. ¶ Up to the 22nd of April we had been employed in carrying all the Furrs, Provisions and Baggage to the Ilth koy ape Falls of the Columbia River, and building two Canoes of Cedar boards, and two of Birch Rind, which with the two Canoes left here, placed six Canoes at our service, on the 22nd two of the Canoes were loaded with twenty five packs, two with twenty packs, each and two with sixteen packs, in all One hundred and twenty two packs, each weighing ninety pounds; and each canoe three hundred pounds of dried provisions, with five men to each Canoe, to proceed up the Columbia River to the carrying place leading across the Mountains. We had hoped that we should find the shores of the River clear of Snow, but on the 28th, we found the snow six inches in depth, and the next day, the snow increased to four [iii.322] feet in depth, and so solid, we sunk only about four to six inches when walking on it, and although the weather was mild, yet such a depth of snow was disheartening, for after a hard day’s work, we had to lie down on the snow, our feet and legs, benumbed by leading the canoes up the rapids; but there was no help we had to march on. On the fifth of May we arr[i]ved at the Mountain Carrying

Oreille River and across to Spokane House. He then proceeded to Kettle Falls, ascended the Columbia, crossing by Athabasca Pass, then travelled from the Athabasca River overland to the Saskatchewan.

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Place;2 a light Canoe and five men had come down the River to help us, here I left the Canoes to dry the Packs of Furrs and get every thing in good order to cross the Mountains so soon as the Snow permitted; having made for ourselves Bears Paws which are rough made snow shoes round at each end, with three hunters set off to cross the Mountains to the east side. These Hunters informed me, that although the Columbia River had no Beaver, yet all the Brooks and Streams that flowed into the River had many Beavers. On the 8th at noon we gained the height of land, having with great labor ascended the hills which were under deep snow, mixed with icicles from the droppings of the Trees, which made very severe walking; a short distance after we began our ascent we crossed a Brook where the Beavers had been walking on the snow, one of them had been surprised and destroyed by a Wolverene. On the east side we had made a hoard of Meat, on which we depended for a supply but found it broken up, and the Meat destroyed by a large grizled Bear, and we had to march on without provisions. The mild weather causes heavy avalanches of Snow in the Mountains, which, thank good Providence we escaped. [paste-on] At the height of land, where we camped in January last year and where my Men expressed their fears of an avalanche coming on them, and which then appeared to me not likely to happen from the direction I supposed they would take, we found an avalanche had taken place, and the spot on which we then camped was covered with an avalanche, which had here spent it force, in heaps of snow in wild forms, round which we walked. [iii.322] On the 11th May, early the Men sent forward arrived with three Horses which relieved us of carrying our baggage, and the same day arrived at the House of Mr William Henry, who had every thing in good order. ¶ We now set to work to get a Canoe ready, making paddles, poles, and Gum for the Voyage, but having no provisions and sick of horse meat, sent off the Hunters, who brought four sheep, an animal peculiar to these Mountains, and by the Americans named Big Horn. This was enough for our present supply, and being now on the lands of the Bison and Red Deer, we trusted to our Guns for a future supply; agreements were made with the Hunters to supply the people with meat at the rate of the value of three beaver skins for a Bison or Red Deer in such articles [iii.323] as they wanted. On the 13th we embarked on our voyage to Fort William on Lake Superior; on the 20th we arrived at the sortie of the Slave River into this, the Athabasca River; having come before a strong current 340 miles; the lower we proceed the more the country is just clearing from winter, a few willows budding tolerable days, but keen frosty

2 Athabasca Pass.

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nights; we were much delayed by the floating ice in the River, and as usual lost time in taking Observations for Latitude, Longitude and the Variation of the Needle whenever the weather permitted; continuing our Voyage by the early part of June we had shot many Swans, Geese and Ducks, on examining them, very few had eggs in them ready to lay, whereas on the west side of the Mountains all these Fowl had their nests made, and were sitting on their eggs in the very early part of March; which proves, that in every respect, the climate on the west side of the Mountains is full three months in advance of the climate on the east side. On the fourth of June we put ashore to hunt and killed two Bison Bulls. I have already remarked that all the Bisons that take to the Woods, become much larger than those of the plains,3 these were so, their horns from tip to tip, measured two feet, and on the curve twenty eight inches, and when fat must weigh at least two thousand pounds. On the evening of June 6th we arrived at the old trading Post of Isle a la Crosse,4 famous for it’s fine White Fish, which is a Fish peculiar to the northern Lakes of this Continent; only part of this Lake was open; from the Beaver River a short distance, of this part the ice on the shore was three feet thick, the weather cold to shivering; one of my poor fellows remarked, that we had been travelling from the beginning of March to part of June, and were more deeply in winter than when we began the Voyage, the great difference in climate struck me very forcibly; especially on the future cultivation of these countries; yet this very place, a few days after the ice has left the Lake has a fine warm summer, Barley, Oats, and some times Wheat come to maturity, and good gardens of all the common vegetables: for the Lake moderates the frosts and cold of Autumn. Between fifty and sixty small Canoes of Che pa wy ans were [iii.324] here, these people have worked their way from the rocky regions of the cold North, southerly to this place, this present race have learned to build small Canoes of Birch Rind, and almost every way imitate their neighbours the Na hath a way Indians; who are also progressing to the southward. We waited three days for the ice to break up and give us a free passage, which took place late on the ninth; and early on the tenth, in company with nine loaded Canoes each carrying twenty five packs of furrs, each weighing ninety pounds. On the thirteenth we went among some low grass islets in hopes of finding eggs, the nests were

3 On iii.122–3 above (69–70). 4 Montreal-based traders were active at Ile-à-la-Crosse on the Upper Saskatchewan by 1776; an h b c post was established in 1799. In Cree the site is Sakitawak, “where the rivers meet.” It was here that Charlotte Small was born in 1785, and where she and Thompson married in 1799.

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mostly made, but as yet no eggs laid. On the evening of the seventeenth we had the first Musketoes, the intolerable plague and curse of all the countries on the east side of the Mountains, and on the evening of the next day, thank good Providence arrived safe at Cumberland House. From hence to Lake Superior has been already described.5 On the twel[f]th of July we arrived at Fort William,6 the trading depot of the North West Company, here we had a respite in some manner from the torment of Musketoes and Midges: much as I suffered, the Men suffered still more, they had to bear them and work hard, and at night no sound sleep; smoke was of no avail against them, they could bear more than we could. On the fifteenth a vessel arrived with the news that War had been declared by the United States, against Great Britain7 and we were warned to be on our guard; this made us all look very serious, for the whole returns of the Company were yet here, getting ready to be sent to Montreal; every thing was expedited every exertion made to get the Furrs sent off, in which we were well seconded by the Men, who alarmed at the chance of being made prisoners, and thus deprived of seeing their families and enjoying their wages were most anxious to arrive at Montreal: we had only a short distance to dread being captured, being the Falls of St Maries and the Straits to Lake Huron, once in this Lake we held ourselves to be safe, by passing to, and down, the Ottawa River; in which thank good Providence we succeeded, and by the middle of August with the Men and Furrs we were safe in Montreal.8

5 The route from Cumberland House to Rainy Lake is described at iii.228c–d (178–9). 6 At their annual meeting at Fort William this summer, the n w c ’s wintering partners resolved that Thompson would be given £100 and his share of company profits for the next three years, during which time he was to finish and deliver his charts and maps. Wallace, Documents, 272. 7 The War of 1812–14 had officially begun on 18 June, when President James Madison endorsed Congress’s declaration of war against Great Britain. 8 The date of Thompson’s arrival at Montreal cannot be narrowed down to less than a week. Thompson’s journal of the voyage concludes on 5 September, when the party was still travelling on the Ottawa River (a o . 30.12), and his account of Montreal expenses begins on 13 September (a o . 30.23).

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Editor’s Note: The following pages, written in July and August 1847, originally followed page iii.230 of the Travels. Beginning in October 1847, Thompson wrote a new account of his activities from January 1811 forward, and removed this earlier, briefer version of events. Unique material is indicated in footnotes. [20 February–8 June 1811] [ii.233]1 in snow shoes, and without them we cannot move a step. February 20th. To this date, the mornings and evenings have been cold. Thermometer as low as –20 below zero, but the days fine. This day a heavy thaw came on, 7 am +30, 1 pm +52 9 pm +32. The snow thawed off the Trees, and wasted much; cannot walk about. Having to build a Canoe for our future journey, we had very fine white Birch Trees near us but the climate had given very thin Rind, useless for Canoes. I found our only hope was to make one of thin cedar boards and as we had no nails, sew it with the roots of the Pine Tree. The month of February ended with mild weather, frequent Rains and the snow wasting. March 5th. Spring begins to appear, an Eagle, a Hawk, with Rooks and small Birds about us, on the 7th the Hunters sent up the Canoe River killed four large and two young Moose Deer, thank Heaven for this supply. 29th. The Men sent for the Meat of the four old Moose and two young, returned with about 300 lbs of half dried meat, all they could bring from the badness of the road of wet snow and water. One of the Hunters killed three young Moose Deer, but we could not bring the meat, and thus ended the month of March. By  many Observations for Latitude, and Longitude, the place of our Hut is in  Latitude 52°∙∙8'∙∙1" North. Longitude 118°∙∙18'∙∙18" west of Greenwich. Variation 18 East. April 16th. We finished our Canoe of Cedar Boards, clinker built and light to carry, in length twenty five feet and breadth 42 inches, sharp at both ends, collected our little goods, and provisions ready to set off the morrow for the head of this river; On the 17th began our voyage, (and pray God to prosper us.) We know nothing of the River before us, the River was quite free of ice, but the banks on each side, showed solid snow of three to three and

1 The first two excised pages, 231 and 232, have not survived. Thompson and his party are at Boat Encampment.

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a half feet in depth, a most desolate appearance, but when the strong current, or rapids obliged us to tow the Canoe, the Snow was so firm that we did not sink in it; the only men that now remained with me, for a voyage to the Pacific Ocean, were René Vallade: Pierre Pareil; and Joseph Coté, these brave men were the only men whom no dangers could turn from their duty, all the others deserted with DuNord or requested leave to recross the Mountains: after a hard day’s work we came to a rill of water, where the stones were bare of snow, these we collected, and placed them, so as to sleep on them [ii.234] the best we could. In the evening of the 18th, we came to a wide part of the River, like a small Lake which was frozen over, and obliged us to put up on six feet depth of hard snow, we could do nothing but get a little fire wood, tired and benumbed in the cold water, as we have often to drag the Canoe up the rapids walking in the water. Night came on with sleet and snow, against which we had no shelter; and we suffered. The Geese are now passing flock after flock, but too high for a shot. On the 23rd Vallade killed two good Swans of the large species, the Female had twelve eggs within her; this is curious, for I have never found more than five eggs in a nest, or seen the Swans with more than five to seven young Swans. The Indians say, the lesser Swan has seven to nine, but I have never seen it. Finding the ice not likely to thaw, we hauled the Canoe, and every thing else over the ice to the open water, on the evening of the 26th, my poor, brave, men getting dispirited with hardship and suffering, but we found we could not proceed any distance as the River was covered in places with ice, and we had to camp on the Snow which measured six feet in depth and so solid, our feet hardly marks it. May the 4th. We carried every thing about 400 yards, we had not gone far when we met Charles and Louis, two good Iroquois, with the Grand Nepissing Indian a first rate man, Charles I engaged to be my Bowsman to the sea, and the other two to go to my Men with the Goods, to hunt for, and help them, gave them a Letter on a piece of split Wood to Mr William Henry who is in charge. We were now four good men and myself: May 8th came to the end of the defiles which lead to the Saskatchewan River, which is 120 miles on the Columbia River above our present route by the Athabasca River. May 9th. Killed a Cormorant, of which there are plenty, it’s eyes of a fine green, the eye ball, deep black, the eyelids, and around them of a light blue, the head and neck of a fine glossy black, with a bunch of feathers on each side the back of the head. May 13th. Every thing in the vallies green with young leaves, found a Goose Nest with six eggs, the young feathered and in two days would be clear of the egg. May 14th, at length we arrived at the scource of the Columbia, and carried over the carrying place to McGillivray’s River, where we camped at 9 pm. during this voyage hereto, as usual, have made several Observations for Latitude, Longitude &c

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of no use to the general reader. Saw two half breed Indians; they inform me all the Kootanae’s, with the white Hunters were on their way to join the Saleesh [ii.235] Indians; and to where we shall have to follow them. May 19th. At 10 am came to the Road which leads from this River to the Saleesh River, here was a Tent of Kootanae’s who informed the great camp had moved only three days ago; I directly sent of[f] Charles and Pareil, to go after them and procure Horses to convey the Goods, Baggage &c to the Saleesh River in the afternoon of the 20th they returned with four Kootanae Men, and seven Horses, we laid up our Canoe in safety for future use; and got all ready and set off, but it was late, we went two miles and camped. On the 21st we came to the Kootanae Camp and traded Horses with their furniture to take us to the Saleesh River, where we arrived on the 29th, and put up to build a Canoe. ¶ This journey has been attended with many mishaps, and dangers from the Rapid Streams we had to cross, and the Bridges we had to make, and notwithstanding the exertions of our Hunters, who killed only three Antelopes, in high rocky Hills, from whence they could not be carried, we had to kill three Horses for food, with part of the last a good Mare we came to our campment: Ignace, a steady Iroquois seeing a shoal place at the last Brook, attempted to carry two Rolls of Tobacco across, each ninety pounds, but happening to stumble among the Stones, the current threw him down, he got rid of the Tobacco, and scrambled ashore, the torrent carried the Tobacco down like two chips, fortunately the Saleesh River was so high, that it backed the water of this torrent, and there we found the two Rolls of Tobacco; On the 5th of June, with much delay we finished our Canoe, on the banks of the Weir River, having been obliged to kill a fourth Horse for food; and a fifth one to take with us. We were soon on the Saleesh River, but how different from the fine easy current, with meadows on each side and plenty of aquatic fowls. The water had been rising at about two feet in the twenty four Hours, and we entered the Saleesh River, apparently from twenty to thirty feet above the level of Autumn, it was rushing through the Woods, on every Tree like a Cataract, the River was agitated by Eddies and Whirlpools. The danger was great, but we were all experienced canoe men, and necessity urged us forward, with the Almighty to preserve us. The Islands were all under water, each a dangerous cataract; a dangerous place obliged us to put ashore and make a Road to carry every thing which took us 2½ hours, it was now late and we put up, each of us thanking God, for our preservation on such dangerous eddies and whirlpools. As the morrow did not promise any thing better, my poor fellows, before lying down, crossed themselves, blessed themselves, and prayed [ii.236] to the holy Virgin for protection. On the 8th June we came to the Carrying Place which leads to the Columbia River, we were happy to escape from the Eddies and Whirlpools of the Saleesh River, which has now

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risen so high, that the country is inundated to the foot of the high Hills, nothing to be got by hunting, and we had to kill an old Horse for food.2 [12 June–2 July 1811] June 12th Mr Finan McDonald and men arrived with thirteen Horses to carry all we have, to the Columbia River, on our road thereto, we found at the several great Brooks which have small Lakes at their head, the Natives making Wiers for the catching of Fish, mostly Mullets and black Carp, far superior to the common kind: but I remarked, that all those Brooks and Streams that come from the Hills and form no Lakes, have no Fish in them. June 16 we got some Carp from the Indians, our Horse Meat is done. June 17th. Learning that the Skeet shoo, and Sar as par tin Indians with some Spokanes were forming a war party on the Teik a nog gans, a tribe to the south west of them, but without any Arms than flint headed Arrows, I sent Tobacco to the leading Chiefs, with a speech reproaching them as Cowards for making war on a defenceless tribe, putting them in mind, how lately I had relieved them from the same defenceless state; and if they were the brave Men they pretended to be, they would join the Saleesh Warriors against the Pee a gan’s, their formidable enemies; it had the effect of preventing them going to war with this defencelis tribe, and adding about fifty warriors to the Saleesh and Kootanae Indians. June 18th. Our Road, as usual went across several Brooks, and I noticed a great change in the soil, which hit[h]erto has been a light sandy, loam, to day, a fine vegetable mould on a rich clayey loam, very fine for agriculture. On the afternoon of the 19th, thank God, we arrived all safe on the Banks of the Columbia River, at the Ilth, koy ape Falls, and the Natives sent a present of a Salmon; to me, a most agreeable change from Horse Meat. Here we have to build a large Canoe of Cedar Wood, or Birch Rind, to navigate the River to the Pacific Ocean. June 20th. Spent the early part of the day, conversing on the country about and below us, but found, they knew very little of more than fifty miles around them; then on Cedars and Birch Rind for a Canoe, they could not comprehend making a Canoe other[wise], [ii.237] as all the Canoes they have in use, are the hollow half trunks of decayed Trees, patched up at each end; I sent three Men and an Indian to examine a Cedar Forest about seven miles from us, who returned in the evening, having seen no wood fit for making a Canoe. We had to kill

2 Here Thompson wrote: “The weather is bad and dark and I cannot read June 8th it must be referred to better weather,” with the date “July 27” indicated in the margin. This is the only place in the manuscript at which the author refers to the conditions of its composition.

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another Horse for food, the fisheries just maintain the Indians and their families, but nothing more at present. June 21st. The Chief informed me, he had seen Cedar on the top of a high Hill; with the Chief, and three men, I set off and came to the place, and found only three Cedar Trees full of branches, utterly useless, so little do these people know the materiel we want; this took us nine hours of hard walking; I was at a loss what to do, the Natives assuring me there was not a Cedar Forest nearer than two days march, beyond which the Forests were many. June 22nd. Our horse meat was going fast, and we had done nothing; Sent three men to examine the Brooks for Birch Rind, and four men with myself went to examine the forlorn hope of the 20th. After traversing this small forest, we fortunately found Cedar Trees sufficient to make a Canoe, we commenced, the necessary work. The men sent to look for Birch Rind returned, they had seen many fine Trees, but the Rind too thin for Canoes; of which they brought samples; and the Indians assured me they knew of no better Birch Rind; good enough for dishes, but not for Canoes. June 29th. We now learned that the spearing of the Salmon was attended with many ceremonies, most of which are at the arrival of the Salmon at these Falls, but which we did not see, as we arrived at the middle of the season, the spearing of the Salmon at the Fall was entrusted to one Man and this day he did not take his place until near Noon, upon enquiry, I learned, that his spear had come in sight of the Bones of the head of a Dog, long since dead, to spear Salmon with such a polluted Spear would have driven all the Salmon away. He therefore scraped the bark of the red Thorn, boiled it, washed the Spear Head in it, and his face and Eyes; thus removing the pollution of the old bones of a Dog’s Head. The Salmon were well tasted, though not fat, they were well made, and their weight from fifteen to thirty pounds. The Salmon in the Columbia River, and some of it’s Branches, is a peculiar fish, and precautions must be used to prevent it’s leaving it’s spawning ground, and although the Natives, have, what appeared to me, superstitions on this fish, as they have on many other things, yet experience taught [ii.238] us, that the Natives knew the habits of the Salmon better than we did, of which I made experiments, and confirmed to me, they were right; No part of a Salmon ought to be left in the water, if so, the Fish desert the place: On the spawning places of gravel, I placed the head and inwards of a Salmon, all that part was abandoned by the Salmon, on the removal of which, and disturbing the gravel, the Salmon returned as usual. The Natives are very careful to place the scales, and every part they do not use, several feet from the water; from the inspection of the stomach of a Salmon, in all it’s progress from the sea, to where it spawns (many hundred miles) it never takes any nourishment whatever, the highest spawning place in the Columbia River is thirteen hundred miles from the Sea, and their stomachs had nothing in them,

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and thus the annual myriads which leave the salt sea, find no nourishment in fresh water, make their way to their respective spawning places accomplish this, and then die of exhaustion, never to return to the sea from whence they came; here a curious question may be asked; in Europe, as in many parts of America, and the Columbia River, where the spawning places are not distant from the sea, do these Salmon all die; if not, what is the distance a Salmon can proceed to spawn and return in safety to the sea, and beyond which the Salmon must die, it is a curious question; the Indians of the Columbia River who are keen observers of the myriads of five species of this fish, believe that no Salmon spawns twice, he leaves the salt water Ocean never to return to it. At what age does a Salmon acquire the power of spawning as he can only spawn once in it’s life. July 1st. We get about one Salmon each day from the natives, they can afford no more and we had to kill a horse for our support. On the 2nd we finished our Canoe and got ready to set off the morrow. [3–6 July 1811] ¶ July 3rd. We were ready now to survey this River to the Pacific Ocean,1 and thereby open out a trade to the interior countries, very much wanted to relieve the distressed condition of the natives, who all appeared willing to be industrious, if they had the means, but as I have already remarked, Man, in his natural state is a most helpless being. My Men are, Michel Bourdeaux, Pierre Pareil, Joseph Coté, Michel Boulard; Francois Gregoire, with Charles and Ignace, two good Iroquois Indians. I had a few trifles with me to buy provisions, and prayed the Almighty to be kind to us on our unknown voyage before us. We set off at 6½ am and from the strength of the Current, as the water is very high we descended near seventy miles, when in the evening seeing [ii.239] a camp of Simpoil Indians, we camped a short distance below them; the River hitherto has a pleasing romantic appearance, in some places steep banks of Basalt Rock of about thirty feet in height with retiring steps of six to seven feet; These Indians did not come to us until we sent for them to come and smoke, the Chief then made a short speech, and the men all followed him in file, bringing a present of two half dried Salmon; and about half a Bushel of Roots and Berries. The Chief then made a speech in a loud singing tone, and the smoking continued with four pipes: until all the Tobacco I had for this purpose was done; The Simpoil Indian who came with me as Interpreter, now related all he had seen and heard; all which, at the end of each, three, or four, sentences, the Chief

1 For some differences between the two Travels versions of this journey, see the Historical Introduction (xxx–xxxviii)

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repeated aloud, and was answered by, “Oy, Oy.” The smoking being done, and the News told, by my Interpreters I explained to them my object of going to the sea, to fetch goods for trade, by a more safe and shorter route than the present, for which they appeared thankful. I noticed the News, whether good, or bad, of life, or death; were pronounced with the same tone of voice: a few pipes more, and they were told there would be no more smoking; they now asked permission for the Women to come and see us, and make us a small present, to this we agreed, they came with their children to see us, and by the Men, brought some bitter Roots, and Eet too way,2 a kind of onion, which when baked becomes of a dark brown color, with a sweet taste, but my men found they loosened the bowels too much sometimes with colic: they now gave us a dance, such as it was; the Men formed two lines in a curve, and the women behind them; they danced in this line advancing a few feet, and retiring back with a slow easy motion of the feet, the music was a song by a middle aged man for eight minutes, when all ceased; this monotonous dance, was repeated three or four times, and they retired to their Lodges, the last dance was for our preservation and safe passage over the Rapids. They cannot be called a handsome race of Indians, they are of the middle size, light, active neatly limbed, the women the same, the latter tolerably clothed, the Men but poorly; for fisheries give food, but no clothing, whereas hunting gives both; a Brook of fifteen yards, had a neat wier across, which caught them a few small Salmon, some were poor, others tolerable, but none fat. [ii.240] Their Lodges were light Poles tied together and covered with mats of Rushes, sufficient for this season; as soon as they can obtain Arms, and Iron Work, they will be better fed and clothed; The Simpoils are 62 Men or 434 souls. ¶ June3 4th. We remained till noon, but did not get an observation for Latitude, and learning the state of the country around us, which appears to be hills of short grass, with very little wood, I should say fine grounds for sheep. We set off and descended the River, which we found to have many strong Rapids, at four of them we had to carry what we had in the Canoe. The former part of this afternoon the river banks, though bold, had a fine appearance, only a chance Red Fir, no Woods, but the latter part the Hills came steep on the River contracted it’s stream, which caused violent eddies, and whirlpools, and the Rapids high waves. There were now many isolated rocks, and craigs which had a ruinous appearance, by no means pleasing to us, we lost an Hour looking for a campment, but found none we had to sit, or lean against rude rocks, and leave the Canoe in the water, I had to bleed Ignace the Steersman, by the waves

2 Camas. See note on iii.217 (163). 3 July is intended.

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he was tossed out of the stern of the Canoe and although he did not know how to swim, yet supported himself on the waves, until we turned back the Canoe, and took him in. It is wild work to navigate this River, in it’s present state, yet the Trees which we see lodged among the Rocks show us plainly that to have lodged them there, the water must then have been twelve feet higher than it is at present; to me it appears evident, in the present state of the Water no Canoe can come up it; and I shall not attempt it. From drift wood we split wood for four paddles, we have already broken two paddles. July 5th. A rainy morning, having made two paddles, at 6¼ am set off, but the rapids had such high waves, that we had to carry near two miles, while doing this, an Indian Chief, at the head of sixty men, with their women and children came to us, and helped us to carry every thing; they then made us a present of five Horses, five good roasted Salmon, well cooked, about a Bushel of Arrow Wood Berries, a sweet nourishing Berry, about two Bushels of other Roots, some of them I had not seen before, and the dried meat of four small very fat animals which I took to be the Marmot; the two latter I requested the Chief to take in charge with the Horses until we returned, which he promised. Heavy Rain came on, and we camped, paid the Indians for what we took of their present, three feet of Tobacco, fourteen Rings, plain and stone; eighteen hawks Bells, [ii.241] six feet of a string of blue Beads; nine feet of gartering four papers of red paint, four Awls, and six Buttons, such is the barter of these countries with the Natives. The five Horses I requested them to take back as of no use to us. This Tribe is called Ins pa’e lis, they are about sixty men of family, or about four hundred and twenty souls; they speak a dialect of the Saleesh Language, my Saleesh interpreter could not understand them, but they understood him, my Simpoil Indian spoke both dialects, and was of great use to me. Both Men and Women, appeared well formed, though few could be called handsome; they were fully of the middle size, many of the Men full 5 ft 10 In, they were tolerably well dressed, in blankets, of Bear, Musk Rat, or the skins of the black tailed Deer, cut into narrow stripes, and neatly interwoven, these blankets were of one Animal only, they were not mixed together. They described their country, as high, dry, and hilly, covered with short grass, in places the rocks on the surface, this cannot be an agricultural country, but may be pastoral, as there are many Brooks of fine water. The People all appeared heal[t]hy, and intelligent: mild in their manners, and decent in all their behaviour. They gave us a dance in which the women joined, which they repeated three times, each time commenced by a short speech, as usual they danced in a very small space, the dance of each was confined within three feet; the motion of the feet increased to great quickness, as if pursuing, or being pursued. I may notice the speeches at the Dances are short prayers and the Dance is always of a religious character,

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they show no pleasure in it, but all wear a serious countenance: Smoked a few pipes. They brought us a good Salmon, and then went to their Lodges. For the Salmon 6 inches of Tobacco. ¶ July 6th. The Indians very early came to us, smoked a few pipes, we embarked with their prayers for our safety; the first part was a strong Rapid of two miles, the latter part of which, for a full mile we had to carry every thing in the Canoe, the Chief and four Men came with Horses to help us, for which I gave them, two inches of Tobacco; thankfully accepted: the River was strong steady current to 10 am when we came to the Smeeth how é Tribe, we put ashore, as we landed they expressed their thanks by repeated “Oy, Oy,” I sent word [ii.242] to them to come and smoke, they looked over what they had, to collect some thing for a present. They now advanced and forming a ring sat down, and commenced smoking without ceremony; the Women and Children now came forward dancing to the measure of a mild, somewhat plaintive Song which they sang, and to which their fine voices gave a pleasing effect; when they came close to the men, an old Man directed them to sit on the outside of the men, with the children. The pipes went round, and were handed to the Women, but while the Men took from three to six whiffs, the Women were allowed only one whiff. I then explained the object of my voyage down the River which was thankfully accepted and they wished me a safe voyage; they told me, the River to the next Tribe was good; they knew no further, and they would inform me of what was beyond them, they now gave me their present of three roasted Salmon, and half a bushel of Arrow Wood Berries; for which I paid them two feet of Tobacco, six Rings, One fathom of gartering, six hawks Bells and two Awls: their appearance in every respect the same as those last seen, the Men tolerably dressed, and the women as usual fond of ornaments of shells, and fillets of white shells round the head; what gives me a pleasing idea of the Tribes I have seen, is, the kindness of the men to their wives and children. At Noon we left these friendly people, and proceeded on our voyage, as usual, this next Village was at the head of a strong Rapid of about two Miles in length, over which they helped us, and for which I paid them in Tobacco, it is the money of the country. We descended the River to six pm and camped, the River has several strong rapids with some fine, easy current. The country is rude, short grass, often coarse, the hills are mostly bare, the tops have a few scattered red Fir. [7–8 July 1811] July 7th. At 7 am we embarked, and having proceede[d] full ten miles we saw Cavalry going westward, two of them came to the River, we crossed to them,

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and smoked with them for half an hour, when we proceeded about four miles, and came to a large band of Indians at 10½ am, with whom we staid till near 2 pm. They were in two Lodges, one was two hundred and forty feet in length, the other sixty feet and thirty feet; in width, containing One hundred and twenty families; when we passed and landed below them they were all dancing in their Lodges; I invited them to [ii.243] come and smoke;1 five respectable Men came and smoked a few pipes, I requested them to call the others, which they readily did but it was twenty minutes before they could be made to sit down, and offered their little presents of Berries and Roots, they did not know what to make of us, every thing about us, in dress, appearance, our Arms, Axes, manner of making a fire, all struck them with surprize; I explained the intention of my voyage to the sea, for which they expressed themselves most thankful, and were proud that we had visited them, and extending their hands and arms to the skies, prayed a prosperous voyage, and safe return, for which we thanked them; A fine looking old Man; came, and sat down close to me, eyeing me from head to foot, then felt my feet and legs to see if I was like them; and did not seem satisfied. A very old Man then came, and thanked me for coming to them, and smoking good Tobacco before he died. A Chief of the countries below, offered to accompany us, as he understood the Language of those we had yet to visit, which I gladly accepted, and he, and his Wife came with us: they gave us two Salmon, and some Berries, for which I paid them. Of the country, they describe the southward as bare of Animals, but the north has Antelopes, Sheep, and Goats, of the fine wool of the latter, they make blankets, and other clothing. They had also a few robes of the Bison, I suppose by trade: the country is like that past, bold lands, with short grass, with some banks of Rock along the River; they very much wished to detain us all night; they are tolerably well clothed for the country. The Women with ornaments of shells in their hair, and on their clothing; several with fillets of shells round the head; they appeared cleanly and in good health; near two PM we embarked, and with hands lifted up to heaven, they prayed a safe voyage to us. We descended seven miles, and put ashore to boil Salmon, as while we are with the Natives they keep us occupied in talking and smoking: thus far the rapids are good and the current moderate, the banks in places steep basalt Rock. Here was one of their winter encampments, the ground was a light soil, and a foot in depth of earth taken away, the bottom even and clean, but of earth; having made a meal we set off, and having descended twenty one miles, we camped for the night. There was much [ii.244] basalt in steep banks, but not high, with low points

1 A marginal note reads, “Sin kow ar sin” (see note on iii.260; 216).

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of fine meadow, and this part has the most pleasing appearance we have seen, the meadows every where to the foot of the Rocks, but the current has yet many whirlpools. July 8th. As usual early proceeded on our Voyage, having gone seven miles, the last of which a strong Rapid; we came to Sixty Two Men, and their Families, and thank God, as usual well received. Their Tribe is called Skum mooin.2 They made us a present of four Salmon, and two of a very small species, with Berries, of the latter we took only part; the Current drove us about half a mile below the Village before we could land; the Chief on Horse back came to view us, riding backwards and forwards, to assure himself what we were; he was much agitated; when he appeared composed, the Indian, who with his Wife was with us; spoke to him. These people are of the Shaw pa tin Indians and speak a different Language from those whom we have seen; an old white headed Man, ornamented with the handle of a Tea Kettle about his head, otherwise naked now joined the Chief, who set off on a gallop to invite the people of the Village to smoke, the old man on foot followed him, and lost very little ground, we could not help admiring him, when the Chief returned with word, they would come, the old Man on foot followed the Horse within a few feet. The men all came, sat down and smoked, what I had to say to them, the last interpreter spoke in an audible voice, which the Chief repeated in a loud voice, and was again repeated in a loud voice by him; the women now advanced, singing and dancing two of them naked but not abashed; they sung and danced all the time the Men smoked; women all of them shells in their nostrils. As they have but few Antelopes so they are very poorly clothed; in their persons they are much the same as the other Indians we have passed but the want of clothing made the Women appear not equal to those well dressed. We set off and went forty miles, and sight the Shaw pa tin Mountains, and seeing a large camp of the Natives; called Ska ee man á, we put ashore and camped for the night. Four Horseman came and smoked with us. I then sent them to invite the others to come and smoke which they did, bringing a present of four Salmon; like the others, what I said was loudly repeated by three Chiefs; they are about One hundred and fifty men, and their Village must contain nine hundred souls, all maintained, on the fishery of Salmon; mostly by the Seine Net. They say the winter is mild, the Snow never more than [ii.245] eighteen inches, and does not lie long; they then have plenty of the Antelope Deer, two of which, they represent as very small: in the winter they have small Trout and other small Fish, which with the dried Salmon caught by the Seine; (the general mode of catch-

2 A marginal note reads, “to be placed below.”

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ing the Salmon) above their present wants, gives them a good livelihood during the winter, they have no Berries, nor Roots but Salmon in abundance; the Salmon they gave us, are the best we have had, and gave, for the first time, a little oil in the Kettle; and have the taste of Trout. The Men are tall and well made, and have the look of the Indians of the Plains, they were decently dressed, as well as the Women; the latter had not so many ornaments of shells, as those we last saw, and very few have shells in their noses. They gave us a dance to a pleasing plaintive song; and at 9 PM left us. Their Camp, or Village is about half a mile above the junction of the Shaw pa tin, with the Columbia River. [9–14 July 1811] July 9th. I erected a Pole at the meeting of the Rivers, and tied a Paper round it with these words. “Know all Men this Country belongs to Great Britain, and that the North West Company of Merchants from Canada will build a Factory here for the Furr Trade.” The Shawpatin River is about three hundred yards in width, strong current and muddy water, when the water is low, the Natives tell me, it has very many strong rapids. We went five miles and came to twenty families, and put ashore, here I met the principal Chief of all the Shawpatin Tribes; they are numerous; he was a stately good looking Man of about forty years of age, well dressed in the leather and skins of the country; his band was small, as he had separated for fishing; he had Couriers, which collected around him; and some who acted as Soldiers. He was intelligent, and friendly, and very much wished a trading Post at the junction of the Rivers: when we had discoursed, and smoked some time; he ordered the Women to advance, and sing and dance; which they did as usual; he gave us two Salmon, for which I paid him two feet of Tobacco. The helpless state in which all these Natives are, must be seen, to be believed, they live by mutual help, and exertion; all along this River, and part of others their only supply of wood, is the drift wood on the Beach, of all sizes; the agent they make use of is Fire, by which they cut the Poles they want for their Lodges, and other purposes to the required lengths; a  tedious process, I saw neither [ii.246] stone, nor bone axe among them, and the use of the wedge unknown, time and patience does every thing; they looked at our Arms, but did not know the use of them; but the Axe, they admired above every thing, the facility with which a Log of Wood was cut in lengths and split surprised and delighted them, they had sharp pieces of flint, or basalt for knives. They were all very anxious for trading Posts among them; even for clothing, they admired the facility with which our clothes dried without any change of shape; whereas in the drying of leather clothing, attention must be paid to make it keep it’s shape. We set off and went down the River for

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thirty two miles and put up, saw a high conical Mountain which appeared one mass of Snow, probably Mount Hood. The Land on both sides the River an undulating short grass ground, becoming more sandy. Passed about eighty families in straggling parties, at one of which we put ashore, they appeared to be about ten families, and frightened at our approach; they made two old Men follow each other, crawling on their bellies to approach us, I went, unarmed a few feet in advance of the men, to encourage them, but they crawled to my feet, every few yards, lifting up their heads, and looking me in the face, as if imploring mercy, the pipe I held in my hand was no assurance, when close to me it was lighted, we smoked, and handed it to them, they then sat up and smoked, but with fear in their countenances, all the Men and Women were a short distance behind, with anxious looks, as if ready to run away. We saw that our presence caused too much fear, we gave to each of the old men two inches of Tobacco, and left them. The Natives at the Shaw pa tin River informed me, they go in one day from this River to the foot of the Mountains, which are there low. The next day they cross them, and the third day are among the Bisons; but they fear the Straw Tent Snake Indians with whom they are at war. They had no Bison clothing among them. A clear night, and as usual Observations for Latitude &c. July 10th. A fine morning with a Gale a head, went eight miles and put ashore to observe for Longitude. Having gone thirteen miles more we came to eighty two men with their families they were well arranged for the Salmon fishery, their Seines had long poles at each end, and long dipping Nets with strong hoops. I measured a wood Canoe of thirty six feet [ii.247] in length by three feet in width. Went down seven Miles to eighty men and their families; staid two hours with them: smoking and talking of the country; but nothing new, they gave us three Salmon, for which I paid two feet of Tobacco. They gave us a Song and Dance superior to any of the others, the young of both sexes formed two curved lines, the old men behind them, they danced in an easy regular step backwards and forwards, keeping the line, they made much use of their hands and Arms while dancing, the Song and motion of an old Chief measured their steps &c. as the song lasted, the dance continued; sometimes for three, but not more than for ten minutes; at each stop they sat down where they were with an easy motion, in about one minute’s time; they rose to the dance with an easy motion. We went nine miles and put up near six pm, a heavy Gale of Wind all day, became a Storm which swept the water into spray, the Men fatigued. July 11th. We went three miles and came to a Village of Sixty three men, and their families, with whom we staid about two hours, then went three miles and put ashore to observe for Longitude and Time. We then went eleven miles, in

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which distance we passed a large Village, but the Rapids were many with heavy waves, that we could not put ashore till 2 pm, when we came to a Village of three hundred families who, as usual, gave us a rude dance, the respectable Men among them had much trouble to keep them in order, their behaviour was by no means equal to those we had passed. At night, with some difficulty they went to their Lodges, and we to sleep; the smoking was confined to the respectable men. These people have some knowledge of white Men, and so far it was not in our favor. We were now at the Dalles, or lower Rapids of the Columbia River; un navigable;1 they are exactly of the same formation as the Dalles of the Saleesh River, steep walls of Basaltic Rocks, contract the River, in places to sixty yards, or less, (it’s ordinary width five to six hundred yards) these steep walls, suddenly, and frequently have gaps, which form Bays, under the upper Point of this Bay is a violent eddy, and the bay a whirlpool, very dangerous to small craft; and thus continued to the end of the Dalles, which has a carrying place of one mile in length; the Natives of the Village had promised to lend us Horses to carry our baggage and provisions [ii.248] over the carrying place, but finding no Horses to help us. July 12th. We carried the Canoe and every thing a full mile to a small bay, from which we went a short distance to a Rapid and carried one hundred yards, here we boiled fish, gummed the Canoe and observed for Longitude and Time. There were many Grey Seals, apparently after the Fish in the Rapid and strong current: At ten am set off, and went down thirty one Miles, the country on both sides of the River changed for the better; there were now woods of Ash, Aspin Cedar, Willow and Alder, but full of branches, at 5 pm a Canoe of two men came to us. We smoked with them, and I requested of them to take a bit of Tobacco to their people; A Chief now came and wished us to camp near them, which we did, so far we found every thing changed. These people had rude Houses, in tolerable good order, I may say full of Salmon, drying, and smoking for winter use, which it appears is their principal support. Both Men and Women were naked, and the latter appeared as much at their ease, as if they were clothed to the ground. Some of them intimated their favors were at our service, we pretended not to understand them; they are of a race utterly different from the Natives of the interior country, who are made for activity; these were all of a different Language, of a middling stature, but fat, brawny and stout made, both sexes, they were tolerably cleanly. To me they appeared a sensual people, the gratification of their passions, their whole

1 In the margin here, Thompson wrote, “mm Mr Ogden’s canoe,” a story that would be inserted at this juncture in the 1848 version (226).

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enjoyment. The Chief spoke a few words of English, which he had learned from the Ships, and requested me to come into his house, which was in good order, regular places of sleeping for the family distinct from each other, and the upper part full of Salmon for winter use, yet none of these people had any cutaneous disorder, but were all healthy. The upper Indians had plenty of vegetable food in Berries and Roots, but for some time past these Natives have none, and yet appear equally healthy. I staid about an hour in their house, which I found intolarably warm, but suited to them naked. No presents of Salmon were made, and we traded two good Salmon for Tobacco. These people are called Waw thlar lar. Those on the left, or south bank are called We yark uk. July 13th. After much delay at nine am we set off, we went seven miles of which we carried one mile of a bad Rapid: we put ashore to boil Salmon, while we are quiet; an Indian [ii.249] came to us, and made us a present of a Salmon, no pay, we then went to two houses and traded some Salmon, we then held on, for six miles and camped a short distance above Point Vancouver. July 14. Early at three am set off and went thirty two miles, then to some houses and traded a few half dried Salmon, at past ten put ashore to breakfast and cook the Salmon, I may here remark, that the drift wood is what we depend on, and this regulates our meals. The Salmon when cooked can be eaten cold, we have neither bread, salt, nor pepper with our fish, glad to get enough as it is. We then descended about thirty two miles, and put up for the night, among Rocks, at an old campment of the Natives, we had to leave the Canoe in the water all night. [15–21 July 1811] July 15th. A fine day: Went about eighteen miles to Tongue Point, on the left side, in view of the Pacific Ocean, as the wind from Sea, made the waves too heavy for us to double it; we went close to the main shore, where the Point is narrow, and carried all across it about one hundred yards. We went one and a half mile to the boasted Fort Astoria, of four low log Huts in charge of Messrs McDougall, and Stuart, formerly clerks of the north west Company, who received us very politely, and here we intend to pass a short time to refresh ourselves. This trading Post is about eight miles from the Sea, and too much exposed to the action of the Wind and Waves, their assortment of Goods for the trade of Furrs, appeared of a low quality, but good enough for the beggarly Natives about them; the fact is, there are no Furrs, except a few Sea Otters, for them to trade. Thank God for our safe arrival. I have given a plain account of the incidents of our voyage. The Natives of the upper country, are very different from those at the lower Falls, and below the Columbia River to the Sea, and numerous as they are,

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they all received us kindly, and were friendly as far as lay in their power, to me they appeared to have much morality among them, in all their transactions ­between themselves, and towards us, every thing was strictly honest, although we often put up close to their Lodges, not a one, single woman ever came near us; which is a trait of character I have rarely seen; I could not help comparing in my mind the rigid morals of the Saleesh Indians, where Adultry is punished with death, and the licentious manners of those near the sea, the [ii.250] change was not gradual, but changed with the different races of the Natives; the licentious manners, and immorality of the seamen of Ships, especially those of the United States, who look on the Natives as little better than brute beasts, has a sad effect on the morals of the Natives on, and near, the Sea Coasts.1 ¶ On the right side of the Columbia River near the sea, is a Tribe called Chinooks, on the left, a Tribe called Klats ups. They appeared the same people under different names; of the trunks of Trees, mostly drifted down, they make large Canoes, some about fifty feet in length, and some for war with high prows, floored for a few combatants to stand on, with long spears, so as to be above the middle of any other canoe, their war garments were the thick dressed hides of the Moose Deer, which tied over their shoulders hung loosely before them, which, in this position, weakens the thrust of a Spear; these Canoes have from twelve to forty paddles, each man sitting close to the side opposite each other; a few of these are Slaves, or more properly prisonners taken in war, they appeared as well off in every thing as their masters, except they were more constantly hauling the Seine, or other fishing duties; the soil was rich, and the climate favorable, but nothing cultivated. ¶ It appeared a curious fact, that only the heads of the Columbia River, at the Mountains; and at it’s approach to the sea, should have fine Forests, with Trees of a gigantic size; at the foot of the Mountains I have already noticed the size of the Trees; and near the Sea, there are fine, but not so extensive Forests; b ­ ehind Fort Astoria I measured a clean grown Pine, ten feet above the ground, of forty two feet girth, and tall in proportion; on Tongue Point a Pine in like manner, measured forty eight feet girth, a decayed Pine thrown down by the winds, measured one hundred and seventy three feet, to where it was broken off on the steep craig on which it fell; and there it was it was three feet in diameter; I measured the Raspberry eighteen to twenty one feet in height, the stem the thickness of a man’s arm but the fruit was not in proportion, a little longer than common, sweet without any acid: the interval of the Columbia is a high dry country without a Forest, and for many miles at a time without a Tree; the cause appears to

1 This meditation on the bad moral example of sailors is unique to the 1847 Conclusion.

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be, the great humidity near the sea, and drizzling Rains all winter; which is also the state of the weather at the foot of the Mountains [ii.251] warmth and humidity in the climates can alone, produce powerful vegetation. In the summer season the Columbia River in the above interval of many hundred miles has no rain, but every clear night heavy dews. [22 July–2 August 1811] July 22nd. Arranged for setting off for the interior country, Mr David Stuart of Astor’s Company in three wood Canoes, and eight men, with goods accompanied me, to form a trading Post somewhere in the interior country. I shall not notice my daily route, but only a few circumstances which may occur. We were now working against a strong current and to put up, where we could, this night was amongst rude rocks, and it may be said we slept standing. In the night two of the Natives came to us, and having smoked, we requested of them to get us some Salmon, they went and brought us a little. July 23rd. We proceeded up the River, all the low lands on each side of the River are inundated, with much search, we found a place where we could put our Baggage ashore, and I may say we slept standing. July 24th. and 25th. Nothing particular, until 10 am of the 25th, we came to a Village of the Sea Indians, they have plenty of Salmon, and were seineing with a seine of sixty yards, and at each end a line of twenty yards, while we were looking on, every haul of the Seine caught about ten Salmon, yet no offers we could make tempted them to let us have a single Salmon. We put up below Point Vancouver, and fortunately traded some dried Salmon for Rings, Buttons, Hawks Bells and Tobacco at a dear rate, but we had a good supper. There are many tracks of the Antelope, and one was wounded. July 26th. Michel killed a good fleshy Antelope, but not fat. It’s length was 5 feet 5 Inches and the tail fourteen inches, the height of the fore leg 3 feet, 3½ Inches, of the hind leg 3 feet, 6 Inches, round the breast 3 feet, 4 Inches; it was of a fawn color; throat, breast and belly white, the Horns three branches, and eight inches from tip to tip. It is a beautiful lively animal, a pity to kill it, but smoked fish makes no broth. July 27th. We proceeded up the River, in the afternoon, a blind old Chief came to us and smoked; two Canoes passed us, and we requested them to bring us some Salmon from the Village which they promised, but did not come to us. I suspected something wrong, and we kept ourselves ready to act as circumstances may require. The night passed in quietness. [ii.252] July 28th. A fine morning, here one of those curious cases occured which is sometimes found in History. A Kootanae Woman came to my Tent for

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protection, she had been, by the custom of the country wife to Boisverd, my servant, but her conduct became such, that I wished him to send her away, which he did; a little woman of masculine spirit, she had travelled all the way from the Mountains to the Sea, as a Prophetis in ambiguous language predicting evil, of disease, and famine; she was now on her return, and begged of me to take her to her country. We went half a mile up a Rapid, and met four Men with seven Salmon, which they gave to us, at which I was surprised. As we were hungry we put ashore and boiled them, these men now anxiously enquired of us since we had come direct from the great sea, if it was true the small Pox was spreading from Village to Village, and that two gigantic Men of enormous stature were coming to overturn the ground and bury all the Villages and Lodges under the ruins; with truth I assured them that the small Pox was not known at the sea, nor in any village here to; at which they expressed themselves most thankful. With regard to the two enormous Men to overturn the ground, and bury the Villages and Lodges, I remarked to them, the Great Spirit made the world, and preserves it, such as it was in the days of their Grandfathers, such it would be in the days of their Grand Sons, this was thankfully received. ¶ The Natives willingly helped Mr Stuart, and his party over the carrying places, but demanded too much for their services; and Dagger in hand were ready to enforce their demands. I soon got all over, and my Canoe loaded ready to set off, but waited Mr Stuart; near us was a bank of about twenty feet in height, on this bank about forty of them assembled, with their Daggers, Bows and Arrows some of them with three quivers full, all poisoned; fortunately we were on the edge of a steep rock bank of the River so that we could not be surrounded, we were seven of us armed with Guns, and my Sandwich Islander Coxe, with a long Pistol; we stood three feet from each other, and each levelled his Gun at a respectable Native, their Arrows were in their hands, and one fitted to the Bow, my orders were to fire, the moment they drew the Bow; which kept them in awe, in this anxious position we remained near fifteen minutes; when seeing us determined to defend ourselves, the [ii.253] old men went away, and the others soon followed, and we were enabled to set off; and leave these people, they steal all they can, and nothing can be got back. We went near three  miles and put up, but kept watch all night, as it was intimated to us, they were determined to cut us off if they can find an opportunity; their favorite weapon is a double dagger, each is about nine inches in length, two edged, and sharp pointed, the hand is in the middle where the daggers are joined on a piece of round wood, the place of the hand; it is a formidable and treacherous weapon; and cannot be wrested out of their hands; they took a pleasure in coming close to us, sharpening them, with a whet stone.

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¶ July 29th. We had gone but a short distance when we saw two Canoes following us, in a hostile manner; and frequently calling to a party on land, but as the ground was overflowed they could not approach us, having gone five miles, we came near a Point of Pine, the land dry, a fine place for an Ambush, but we disappointed them by crossing the River, and proceeding up the opposite side, and thus got rid of these scoundrels. In the evening four men in a canoe came to us, they are on their way to buy Horses. July 30th. We came to a Lodge of Shaw pa tins, with whom we smoked, and thank God, we are now with friendly Indians in whom we can place confidence: we have passed much white Oak, but saw none of a fine growth. July 31st. At the upper Dalles, sent the Interpreter for Horses to cross the Carrying Place, and for Salmon, with which they came; and went four and a half miles to the upper end: we collected our things; when word came that one of the Chiefs, was collecting his men to seize our Arms; and keep them. This brought on some sharp words, and seeing us prepared to defend ourselves, they desisted; these are part of the three hundred families that behaved rudely as we passed down; we had to watch all night, stormy with a drifting sand, which gave them, the chance, of cutting and stealing fifteen feet of line that tied the Canoe. These are the last of these rogues. ¶ August 1st. Early passed the Isle which has the sheds of the dead, I wished to examine them, but the Interpre[ter] told me it would displease the Relations of those deposited here, shortly after came to a Village, or Lodge of fifteen Men, with whom we smoked; the Natives are separated into small parties to have full space for seineing the Salmon; shortly after [ii.254] we came to a party of twenty men, employed in the same fishing, then to one hundred and twenty men, with whom we staid an hour. Passed two Lodges, and camped at 7 pm, a great part of this day steep banks of Basaltic Rock, part of it appears in ruins; the country very sandy with poor dry grass, the sand drifted by the wind fills every thing, wood is so scarce that all the bits we could pick up, barely boiled the Kettle. August 2nd. Measured a Salmon, of four feet four inches in length, and girth two feet four inches; this is of the largest size, passed one hundred and fifty five Men with their families in different places, the Rocks still of Basalt, the first bank from the River is about one hundred feet, in several broken slopes, then rose about eight hundred feet, in slopes, above which a hilly grassy country, without wood to a great extent. [3–4 August 1811] ¶ August 3rd and 4th. The appearance of the country much better, the meadows have fine low Points, and every where the land moderate in height, and a fine appearance for Sheep: the black Rattlesnake very many, and we have to be

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constantly on our guard, the whole of this River from the Mountains is more or less infested with them; our practice is to tie up our beds very hard every morning, which are two Blankets, or one Blanket and a Bison Robe; and not to untie them until we lie down; for the Rattle Snake does not appear until about sunrise; and retires about sun set, they appeared to avoid the Dew, and Rain, and are always on dry sandy land; they are very venomous. The Hunters have assured me, that a full grown Snake, biting in a fleshy part, if not instantly cut out, and sucked, is fatal in three, or four minutes: I saw a Hunter who had been slightly bitten in the calf of the Leg; the piece was cut out and well sucked, he had no other injury than a stiff Leg, which he said was like so much wood, but did not prevent him hunting, or making a days march. I have killed many of them, but none with more than thirteen rattles; I have heard of fifteen rattles; when Man, or any Animal comes near, he moves about ten feet to one side, there stops, and places himself on the defensive; when he darts his head to bite, about one third of his length rests on the ground, and a Snake of three feet cannot dart his head more than about fifteen to eighteen inches, having given the bite, he instantly assumes his position ready for a second bite: however irritated he always acts on the defensive, with a small willow [ii.255] of six feet in length we have flogged them, to the highest irritation; in this state they would coil round a willow, incessantly darting the head a few inches, and the rattle of the tail going with a surprising noise and quickness. ¶ The teeth in the upper jaw, are white and sharp, the same in the lower jaw, with the addition of two curved fang teeth of about one fourth of an inch in length; each of these has a fine groove in the inside, which communicates with a small bag of poison of a black color; when the Snake bites, the fang teeth press on this bag, the poison rushes through the groove into the wound, and thus the animal is poisoned. Mice and very small birds appear to be his food, when he gives them a bite he lies still to see it’s effects, he then wets them with his saliva, thus prepared, he swallows them head foremost. The fang teeth are now laid flat in the mouth, which is their usual position, and are erected only for his prey, or defence; they are loose in the socket, and are easily drawn out with his biting soft leather, or cloth. The only Natives who use poisoned Arrows are the wretches whose country is between the lower Falls of this River and the Sea; to collect the poison, aged Widows are employed; they have two forked sticks of about five feet in length, with these they pin down the head and tail of the Snake, then with a rude pair of pincers, gently extract the fang teeth so as to bring away the two bags of poison, which are placed in a muscle shell; the Snake is then let loose, and is now, in a manner harmless; they thus proceed until a sufficient quantity is collected; the bag contains about a small drop of Spirits; about half an inch of the head of the arrow is dipped in the poison and carefully set to dry, it has then the

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appearance of dark brown varnish. When the poison is fresh, a scratch is mortal; the late Mr Alexander Stuart was wounded in the Shoulder by one of these arrows, five years after the arrow head had been poisoned, and part rubbed off, yet it affected his health and was supposed to have hastened his death; ¶ There are four species of the Rattle Snake, of which three of them are common in Upper Canada; but the black Rattle Snake, the most virulent of them is found on the upper Missisourie and the Columbia River; he fears no animal but the Hog. I remember starting a Bull Bison, headlong he ran over some sand Knowls, where a number of Snakes were basking in the Sun. They bit him with good will, he went on kicking, and throwing up his hind Legs as far as I could see him. Every animal avoids [ii.256] this snake but one; that is the Hog; and the snake seems to be his favorite food; as soon as he sees a snake he sets off after it full speed with a peculiar low grunt, the Snake moves away as fast as possible; but the Hog soon comes up to it, and directly placing one of his fore feet about the middle of the Snake, holds it fast, in an instant, the Hog bites the Tail off about one and a half inch above the rattle, which he throws away; he then seizes this end in his teeth, and devours the Snake alive to within less than two inches of the head, which he leaves; the whole time the Snake does not attempt to defend himself, even while being devoured, it keeps itself straight from the Hog: what a strange, powerful, antipathy the Snake must have to the Hog. The Missisourie Hunters have told me, that a string of the large teeth of the Hog, is a safe defence against his bite: tied close below the Knee. These Snakes are always fat, which is of a fine white color in the inside; it is said to possess a peculiar quality of relaxing the joints; this has been assured to me by several hunters; when much fatigued, they rub it on, and around the Knee and Ancle, which makes the joints supple; one of them said, that being very tired, he made a free use of it; which weakened his joints that for two days he could not stand, and never more made use of it; it appears, the opinion of the Hunters was, that the use of it brought on a weakness of the Knee and Ancle. [4–11 August 1811] August 4t[h] and 5th. for these two days, the sides of the River are Basaltic Rocks, in all their wildest form, imagination can make any thing it pleases of them, from a Castle to a Table. Part are in Pillars, much shivered, and part fluted, in places like an organ, rising in a sloping manner 350 to 400 feet in height; on the top of which are sandy plains, the immense body and hardness of this rock, with the current flowing thro’ it in a very deep channel of about nine hundred yards in width, must prove to every person, that nothing less than the finger of the Deity could have opened a passage for the River; the action of

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water for ages, would be nothing; even the chafing of the waves, with the current at four to five miles an hour, leaves the sharp edges of the fluted rocks; I am well aware, that Basalt in all it’s forms is said to be of volcanic origin; I have paid great attention to it for hundreds of miles in distance, and in great extent and yet could never find the least trace of volcanic [ii.257] action, not the least trace of Ashes of any kind, not a single hot spring is known to any Indian; if volcanic, what a vast extent of volcanic agency; what has become of it: Every thing under volcanic action appears to become fluid, or semifluid, in either of these states the matter when cooling will take a horizontal form, and never a sharp perpendicular wall, of several hundred feet in height. (MM. Thunder Point, Lake Superior)1 This great region of Basaltic Rocks, appears to be about half way between the Mountains and the Sea, and something parallel to them; I see no reason why the Deity should not form the Basalt as well as the Granite. ¶ We had passed three hundred and twelve Men, with their families in these two days, in different places seineing the Salmon, and were now at the junction of the Shaw pa tin River, and knowing the Columbia River, in the present high water, altho the water had lowered ten feet, to be impracticable to us to the Ilth koy ape Falls, I paid off my guide and interpreter; and proceeded up the Shaw pa tin River of near 5 hundred yards in width; we entered it on the 6th and proceeded up a strong current to past Noon, on the 8th, when we came to the Road, which crosses the Country to my trading Post on the Spokane River; hitherto, on both sides of the River, the land is very poor, sandy, and scant of grass, without any woods. We had passed 141 men with their families employed as usual; the latter of whom fifty Men, were here, they had danced till they were tired, and made speeches till they were hoarse. The Salmon of this River are small, but in good condition: The Natives made us a present of eight Horses and a War Garment; after observing for Latitude, Longitude and Variation of the Compass; August 9th. Continued my observations to past Noon; we then looked for the Horses, having laid up my Canoe; while doing this the Old Men advanced and smoked with us, remarking to us, “the Chiefs below us, are good people, but expect to be paid for every thing; we know the nature of a Present, and that it is not to be paid for;” but I gave to those who presented me Horses, a Note to pay for the Horses when the Canoes arrive with Goods. August 9th, 10th and 11th. We went about Sixty Seven Miles, the first two days the country sandy, with much basalt rock in the ground, and in many splinters, which hurt the horses feet; an immense Plain without any Woods, and Water scarce; the third day, the country was less rude, some rills of water, a chance Pine,

1 Thompson describes this basalt formation on Lake Superior on iii.98–9 (50).

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and the grass better; we [ii.258] had fasted all day, our Provisions were done, and our Guide telling us we had yet three days march to the Spokane House, we killed a Mare for Provisions: [12 August 1811 – 24 January 1812] ¶ August 12th. and 13th. After proceeding twenty four miles we came to the House early on the 13th, and thank good Providence all well; the country has very much improved; thin Woods of Aspin, Alder and Pines frequent, with Brooks and Ponds of Water, and plenty of good grass. We saw no Deer, nor any Natives, they were all on the sides of the Rivers fishing Salmon. To the 17th Indian business and as usual Observations for Latitude, Longitude &c, when in the afternoon I set off for the Columbia River, and having gone sixty eight miles on the 20th, thank kind Providence we arrived at the Ilth koy ape Falls; The Natives, with the Ook ka naw gans, and eight Spokanes gave us a Dance, then a Present of Berries and dried Salmon, for which I paid in Tobacco, and other Articles. Here we have to make a Canoe to proceed up the River; this employed us to the second of September, during which time, the Natives of these Falls, had a Quarrel, in which one Man was killed and several wounded. This place is a kind of meeting place for all the Tribes around, and Paths lead to it from several directions; On the above day we embarked to proceed up the River to the Mountains to meet the People and Canoes with Goods from the east side; which took place on the twenty third. We had to make another Canoe which we finished on the twenty ninth, and with the aid of the Horses, proceeded on for our wintering stations; at the last of which, the Saleesh House we arrived the nineteenth of November, thank good Providence. ¶ We learned the Pee a gan Indians had been prowling about for us, and had fallen on a Lodge of Kootanaes, and had killed two of them; such is the peace they make with those that are on the west side: they also met three Iroquois whom they stripped naked. We found the House in a ruinous condition, and spent many days in repairing it; as the Antelopes are numerous, with a few herds of Red Deer; we were no longer in want of Provisions: although the state of the weather made hunting precarious: On the 20th, with a Man, and an Indian Lad set off to examine the South Branch of this River, to remove ourselves further from the Pee a gans, but found the Hills too close on the River, which is about one hundred and fifty yards wide, by three feet deep; always mild weather, with frequent small Rain and showers of snow. These sometimes lie on the ground for a day, or two, a slight frost hardens the Snow, the cracking of which under foot, prevents the Hunters from [ii.259] approaching the Deer. January came with a few cold days of which the lowest point was +11 for a few

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hours. On the 15th the Thermometer rose to +36 no snow on the ground, and all the appearance of Spring. We have now made anothe[r] Canoe; to proceed up the River to collect Meat; on the 28[th] Mr McDonald and four Men in the Canoe brought eighteen Antelopes, of which we were much in want. Hunting is so precarious, those Deer were killed, by surrounding them, which requires about thirty men and active Lads; this is their favorite way of hunting the Deer, but does not answer with the headlong Bison. For these two days the wild Geese arriving in flocks. Swans have kept about all winter; by the 24th, we had traded two Canoe loads of dried and half dried Meat; for Provisions; we have to collect all we can for the voyage for Goods. [28 February – 4 March 1812] ¶ On the 28th and 29th Councils were held for to make Peace, or continue War, with the Pee a gans and their Allies; those who were for Peace candidly owned that no confidence could be placed in them; but the general argument was, “if we make Peace, whenever they find an advantage over us, they will kill us, we may make Peace with the Pee a gans, and they may observe it, but what can we do with their several Allies, we can make no peace with them; therefore the only way to secure ourselves is to continue the War, we shall then know what we have to do; when we go to hunt the Bison, we shall go, with the whole strength of the Tribe, and not in small parties, trusting to peace, which has cost the lives of many of our people, the white Men are with us, we are well armed, and must now go and work Beaver to buy ammunition; and send off young Men to warn the Shaw pa tins, and other Tribes of our determination;” they enquired of me what I thought; for said they, “you know all the people on the other side of the Mountains.” My answer was, “I know them all, and have traded with them. My opinion is, the Pee a gans would willingly make peace with you; their allies are, the Blood and Blackfeet Tribes, who all speak the same language, the Stone Indians, they are numerous, and great Horse thieves; and the Sussee, about seventy Tents, with the willow Indians about as many more; over all these, the Pee a gans have no countrol; therefore you have no choice; there is no necessity for you to seek War, but be prepared for it.” The old Men said, “You have spoken the truth, we love our Wives and Children, and would be glad to see them always in safety, but we will not [ii.260] leave the lands of our Fathers, nor give up the hunting of the Bison by which we have the greatest and best part of our Provisions.” ¶ The deliberations in these councils were carried on in a cool, calm thoughtful manner, no one interrupted another, their speeches were not long, and always something to the purpose, they had none of the showy nonsense so much

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admired in Canada and the States: they are altogether a different race of people from those on the east side of the Mountains. ¶ A few Natives arrived from the southward; they report that in the early part of this winter a number of Hunters and Trappers by the way of the Missisourie, had built a Fort on a branch of the Missisourie River, which some weeks ago was surprised by the Meadow Indians (Pee a gans and their allies) who made themselves masters of their light constructed bastions; and then cut down part of the Stockades, but the fire from the house was so heavy, that they could not advance, but fired into the house; they said the inside of the Stockades about the breach were full of rifle balls, and the House through the Windows full, of round balls, the action lasted some time; when the Indians retreated, taking with them four large Peroques, of five feet in width to their camp below, their killed and wounded were not known the white men buried ten in one pit, which they covered up with Stones and placed a Cross on it; then retired to the Snake Indians in a sad, famished condition; no mention of their wounded. ¶ Spent three days to the south eastward to see the Country around  the Saleesh Lake a fine Sheet of water of about twenty miles in length by three to four miles in breadth: the country all around appears of a rich soil, with fine grass; the Hills, at a distance, and beyond it the country appears open; for a consi­ derable distance, much frequented by the Red Deer; it appears a fine country for agriculture: [ii.262] These fine plains around the Lake, have been the place of many a battle between the Meadow Indians, and the Saleesh, and their allies; their bones are to be seen in many places, especially at high projecting Rocks, a short distance above the Saleesh House, this was a kind of pass, which one party was determined to force, the other to defend, but of late those Indians confine their battles to near the Mountains.1 [ii.260] On my route came to twenty Tents of Saleesh, they have a Wier across a bold Brook of fifteen yards, a species of Carp is caught of a bright grey color, small scales, in taste, form and size resembling the Red Carp of Canada; and they have also small speckled salmon Trout; they informed me that lower down there were sixty Tents of their Tribe, with twenty Tents of Widows and aged Women; all these latter pass most of their time in digging and preparing Roots, gathering of Berries and drying them, to which add the making of rush mats, to cover the Lodges, and to sleep on, and other ligh[t] work, for [ii.261] these people are kind to their women, and to near the sea

1 Marginal notations on ii.260 and ii.262 indicate that Thompson intended that this passage be placed here.

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in general. The manners of all these Tribes are simple and uniform, they are generally speaking, a quiet, good tempered, inoffensive people moral in their behaviour, especially the female sex, and form a strong contrast to the women near the sea, immodest and some of them proud of appearing naked, while these are decently clothed to the ground. (see my former remarks)2 ¶ With regard to Religion, from the details of my voyage to, and from, the sea, I had no time to know their belief; and from my long acqua[i]ntance with the various Tribes of Indians, I have always found it a matter of great difficulty, even with Indians of long acquaintance I could never learn their belief but by their expressions of sorrow in distress, or gladness on success. On our Voyage, their Dances, and wishes, with prayers for our safety appeared all directed to Heaven; the abode of the great Spirit, but in the common affairs of life, how far he condescends to notice them I could not learn, my general impression was, and is, that the care of this world, it’s seasons, Mankind and all the Animals, were by them believed to be under the care of Beings, greatly inferior to the Great Spirit, the Master of Life and Death, but far superior in power and knowledge to Mankind; the Sun and Moon are every where regarded as Divinities, and the Stars with high reverence. Every thing out of the ordinary routine of nature is regarded as the work of one of the inferior Beings. They believe in Ghosts, but get rid of them by burning the body of the person to whom it belongs. It had long been a serious question with me, whether the immortality of the soul, by the Deity, was inherent in Mankind, or not; and if the first, that Christianity has placed it on a sure foundation, and in a glorious light. A doctrine so pleasing to the human mind would readily be accepted; and transmitted from nation to nation and people to people; this great question was ever on my mind, all the Tribes on the east side of the Mountains believe it, but either directly, or indirectly, may have learned it from white men, and of course did not satisfy my enquiry; when on the voyage down the Columbia River I had the opportunity of putting the question to Lodges of Fishermen who had not heard tell of such beings as white Men, and their knowledge confined to their locality, yet [ii.262] when the Interpreter put the question, where they thought they would be after death, they always pointed to the skies, as the place of their future abode, and I could not investigate this question any further for want of a knowledge of the Language.3

2 In Thompson’s description of his 12 July visit to the Chinookan village of “Waw thlar lar” on ii.248 (286). 3 This discussion of tribal religious beliefs on the Lower Columbia is unique to the 1847 Conclusion. See note on iii.34a (6).

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Editor’s Note: These twelve pages cover the period 1784–86, and include a de­ scription of Hudson Bay, Thompson’s arrival at Churchill, his transfer to York, and his first winter at that post. Thompson wrote pages i.1–2 on 4 November 1845, and probably composed i.3–12 shortly thereafter. He rewrote much of the material in the 1845 Opening on pages iv.1–22 (I: 5–42) of the 1850 version. [i.title] Travels &c [i.1] Hudson’s Bay1 Hudson’s Bay extends from Latitude 52 degrees to 60 degrees north, it is in the shape of a horse shoe, and covers an area of 192.700 square miles. On it’s west side it receives Seal River, Churchill River (the Missi nippe) Nelson’s River (the Saskachewan) Hayes, Severn, Albany, and Moose Rivers, besides many lesser streams. On the east side Ruperts River, and several other Rivers, very little known. On the west side from Seal, to Churchill River (36 Miles) the land is a low marshy alluvial, of irregular breadth, but narrow, bounded by low granite rocks, seldom above 40 to 50 feet above the level of the sea. It’s south termination is Cape Churchill the south east point of that River. This granite region then takes a distant retiring line of from 20 to 30 miles from the Bay side. The distance from Churchill to Nelson’s River and to York Factory is about 150 miles in a South Southeastward direction the whole of this distance to the granite rocks, is a very low marsh of alluvial soil, in many places an impassable morass. About 10 miles south of Cape Churchill the small stunted Larch and Pines retire with the granite ridge, and are no longer visible from the Bay side and nothing is presented to the eye but dark moss, with a little short grass, and water in pools on one hand; and on the other at ebb tide, mud covered with innumerable boulders, bounded by the horizon, for no water is in sight. In this distance of 150 miles, but few dry spots can be found, especially as one approaches Nelson’s River; at this great river, the alluvial extends many miles inland from the Bay shore. The same low marsh, and one may almost say

1 For the description of Hudson Bay in the 1850 version, see iv.7–8 (I: 9–10).

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alluvial morass, continues on the west side to it’s southern end, to, and beyond, Moose River (Latitude 52 North) and winds round the Bay north eastward to and beyond Ruperts River. Throughout the whole of this extent from Latitude 60 degrees North down to 52o north; only at 20 miles in depth (a low average) this alluvial has an area of 11,200 square miles, [i.2] every where preserving the same character, sending into the Bay very many Rivulets and Brooks. In the open season, when journeying from one Factory to another, the line of shore is followed, and the Traveller may be said to be always from ancle, to knee deep, in water, moss, or mud, or all three together. A question may be asked how has this immense alluvial been formed, the answer from theory may be, from some torrent of water, in ancient times, from the northern ocean; which denuded the northern rocks and deposited what once covered them on the west and south sides of this Bay. But the very low, uniform level mixture of water, moss, mud, and drift wood, scarcely above the level of the tide, militades against this theory; shows it’s formation to have been the work of ages past as well as of the time present, caused by the flux, and reflux of the tides, throwing on the shores the drift wood, soil &c brought down by the many rivers with the deposit always left by the ice grounded on these low shores. The probability is that formerly, the Sea every where washed the granite boundary, now from 20 to 30 miles from the present shore of the Bay, for within the memory of old men, in many places the land, has gained from ¼ to ½ a mile on the sea, for more than two miles inland of the present shore, drift wood is found in tolerable preservation, which shows, the line of shore was once there. From low, to high, water marks, appears almost a level; and seems to cover, or leave the shore, at the rate of three miles an hour for it requires an able man to follow the ebb, or retreat from the tide; and from the top of any pile of drift wood on these low shores, at ebb tide the Sea is always out of sight.2 [i.3] The author lands, at Churchill Factory. Hudson’s Bay. &c &c3 In the month of May 1784, I embarked on the good ship Prince Rupert, and in the month of September, anchored in the entrance of Churchill River, a noble stream here about 2 miles in width; the Boat was soon ready, and we ascended the River to the distance of about 5 miles, which brought us to Churchill

2 Four blank lines at the foot of i.2 indicate a break in composition here. 3 The 1850 version of these passages, drawn from Thompson’s year at Churchill, is on iv.9–12 (I: 12–16).

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Factory, on the north side of the River, situated in a small bay, formed by a retiring ridge of rocks that terminated in a point on the river about ¼ of a mile below the factory. The buildings consisted of a very plain dwelling house partly of wood, and partly of brick of 80 feet in length, and two stories high partitioned into small rooms, after the form of cabins on board a ship. Opposite was a range of buildings of 110 feet in length by one story high, containing in separate apartments, the Stores. Provisions, and Merchandize for the trade of the factory, with a carpenter’s, blacksmith’s shops and two for cooking, baking &c the whole, with the dwelling house, covered with sheet lead. A small room was allotted to me, without the least article of furniture, but a hard bed for the night. My fellow clerks were in the same situation, they were not comfortable, but resigned, and I had to become so. In 10 days the cargo was loaded, by means of a sloop of 70 Tons, and the Long Boat, they had only one hour before high water, and one hour after to land the cargo. By this time, the ebb tide had left them aground to wait the next tide such is the shoalnes of these shores. While the Ship remained at anchor, from my parent and friends appeared only a few weeks distance, but when the ship sailed, and from the top of the rocks I lost sight of her the distance became immeasurable and I bid a long and sad farewell to my noble, my sacred country, an exile for ever.4 ¶ The country, soil, and climate in which we live, always has a powerful effect upon the state of society, and the movements and comforts of every individual; he must conform himself to the circumstances [i.4] under which he is placed, and as such we lived and conducted ourselves in the extreme cold climate, in which we are placed, all our movements were, more or less, for self preservation. All the wood that could be collected in the year allowed only a fire in the morning and another in the evening. By the middle of October every bird had left us, but the Raven,5 the horned Owl,6 and a lesser species,7 three of the Hawk,8 the Butcher Bird,9 Tom tit10 and two species of the Ptharmigan, the willow and Rock Grouse,11 the latter is less than the willow grouse, and not so good; the 4 One of the most personal sentences in the Travels; it has been published in the editions of both Hopwood (1) and Peake (I: 10). 5 Corvus corax. 6 Bubo virginianus. 7 Possibly the boreal owl (Aegolius funereus). 8 For hawk species in the Canadian Shield, see I: 83. 9 Canada or gray jay (Perisoreus canadensis). 10 For the identity of this species, see I: 42–3. 11 Lagopus lagopus and Lagopus motus respectively.

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feathers are the same. The rock grouse has a black ring of feathers round the eye; that of the willow grouse is red. On the 15 day of November this great river was frozen over; but there was no the[r]mometer to show the degree of cold. ¶ The animals that remained with us, were a very large species of the Hare,12 twenty two were snared during the winter, their skin is much stronger than the common hare, and the fur much longer, of a beautiful white; they are found only about the rocks of this place, and are not known to the southward, or the interior country, the ermine,13 martin,14 the weejack Fisher,15 Foxes,16 a very chance wolf,17 and the Polar Bear,18 these last are very troublesome, for about a full month, until the ice of the sea shore becomes firm, and frozen to a considerable distance, the floating ice is too weak for them, and the seals19 do not appear, but when the sea is frozen over for many miles, the seals become numerous and by some means have many holes in the ice, thro’ which they come up to bask in the sun &c and the Polarus Bear leaves us, to enjoy his favorite food, the seal. In the meantime he prowls along the shores, hungry and ready for every kind of mischief, and many a sad trick he plays us, for he is determined to get a belly full, no matter at whose expense. Some of these animals grow to a large size, the fore paw of a large male cut off at the first joint weighed 32 pounds, a very decent paw to shake hands with. Only one accident happened, it was late in November the snow about 2 feet deep. A she bear prowling about came on one of our grouse hunters; his gun snapped, and in turning to get away he fell, fortunately on his back, the bear hooked one of her fore paws in one of his Snow Shoes, and was dragging him along perhaps to her cubs, he had been dragged about 400 yards, before he recovered his senses when he pricked and primed his gun, and sent the load of shot, like a ball into her belly, she fell with a growl and left him, and he lost no time in getting up and running away, as fast as snow shoes would permit him. [i.5] The polar Bear can be tamed, a cub male was taken and became as tame and docile as a dog, but always on the watch for plunder, during the winter, every saturday afternoon, the steward gave the men their rations for the following week, and each man had a pint of molasses instead of small beer, and the Bear also got a small pint on his fore paws. One week in January the Bear 12 Arctic hare (Lepus arcticus). 13 Mustela erminea. 14 Martes americana. 15 Martes pennanti, for which the Cree name is also given. 16 Arctic fox (Alopex lagopus). 17 Canis lupus. 18 Ursus maritimus. 19 For Hudson Bay seal species, see I: 19.

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displeased the steward, and to punish him, when as usual, he presented his two fore paws for some molasses, he got none, Bruin sat very quiet until he saw the steward put every thing in order, and ready to go out, he then made a dash at the hogshead of the half frozen molasses, and thrusting his head and neck up to the shoulders into the molasses, bore off a large gallon, he went to the middle of the factory yard, there sat down and with first one fore paw, then the other, most deliciously brought the molasses into his mouth, whatever quarrels Bruin and the steward had afterwards, the latter took care to give Bruin his statutory allowance of Molasses. ¶ The state of society, the mode and manner of living is so much the very same at the northern settlements of Hudson’s Bay, that I shall say nothing on them until I arrive at York Factory. On the arrival of the annual ship in early September, orders were sent that I should proceed to York Factory, on Haye’s River, distant about 150 miles south of Churchill Factory.20 The Hudson’s Bay Company had established a very useful line of communication between their several Factories by means of what was called packet indians, these were of two indians, men, who left each factory with letters &c, to arrive at the next factory about the expected time of the arrival of the ship for such factory, and thus the safe arrival of the ships and the state of the factories were known to each other, and assistance was given as required. By the ship orders were sent that I should set off for York Factory. A Boat from the Factory crossed the two packet indians and myself to Cape Churchill, [i.6] and landed us, it was a fine day in September, but unfortunately as usual a gallon Keg of strong grog was given to these indians, who soon got drunk upon it, and left me to amuse myself the best way I could. We slept on the ground, with each a single blanket; the dew was heavy. Early in the morning we arose, and as usual set off on our march without breakfast and also without dinner continued our march to sun set, always on high water mark of the marsh and mud; a sad mo[no]tonous journey. Towards sunset as aquatic Fowl were plenty the two Indians shot 3 stock ducks21 and one grey goose22 which we had to carry to campment, such as it was, always on the bank of some marsh brook, where there was some thing like a little spot of dry ground. Drift wood was then collected and a good fire made, the ducks were then plucked and each of us, on a stick stuck in the ground placed his duck to roast, in the mean time the goose was got ready for the split, some drift

20 The 1785 journey from Churchill to York is described in the 1850 version on iii.9c–12 (I: 29–31). 21 Mallard duck (Anas platyrhynchos). 22 Canada goose (Branta canadensis).

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wood collected, and placed to windward to the height of about 3 feet, as a shelter to us and to keep the fire steady, as soon as the ducks were done each eat the one he had roasted, and when the goose was ready, it was divided among us three, without bread, or any vegetable, they were fat and full of juice yet were easy on the stomach, and having made a good supper, each wrapped himself in his blanket and passed the night, for six days was this our line of march along the sea shore at high water mark, and our single meal of 3 ducks and one goose. ¶ At ebb tide the sea is out of sight, and this distance covered with boulders of rock. Every day we passed from 12 to 15 polar bears asleep on the marsh, a short distance from the shore. They were 3 or 5 together, their heads close together and their bodies lying as radii from a centre. I enquired of the indians if the polar bears always lay in that form, they said, it was the common manner in which they lay; as we passed them, one or two, would merely [i.7] lift up heads and look at us; none ever rose to molest us. The indian rule is, to walk past them at a steady pace without noticing them. On the sixth day we had a deep creek to cross, and on the opposite side of the ford, was a large polar bear feasting on a beluga,23 we boldly took the ford, but when about half way across, he lifted his head, placed his fore paws on the beluga, and uttering a loud growl, showed us such a sett of teeth, which made us turn up the stream, and for fifty yards wade up to our middle before we could cross. All this time the bear eyed us, growling like an angry dog. ¶ Near sun set, on the seventh day we arrived at the mouth of the Nelson River, a large deep stream of two miles in width, we stopped on the banks of a creek, where they had laid up a small canoe for crossing the river, for which the wind was too fresh, and in this state we waited three days for a calm, which gave me an opportunity of seeing the indian superstition on the polar bear. On one of these days we noticed a Bear prowling about on the ebb tide, the indians set off to kill him as the skin could be taken to the Factory in the canoe. When the bear was shot, before they could skin him, cut off his head the tide was coming in, which put them in danger, they left the skin; and each indian laying hold of an ear of the head, brought with their utmost speed the head to land, for the tide was up to their knees, when they reached the shore on the first grass they laid down the head with it’s nose to the sea, which they reddened with a little ochre, and made a speech to the Manito of the Bears, that he would be kind to them, as they had performed his orders, the orders of the manito of the Polar Bear, are: “you may kill my subjects, on this condition, that you shall always place the head of the Bear on dry land, his nose to the sea,” and make the

23 Delphinapterus leucas.

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skin drift ashore which, at the Factory would sell for three pints of brandy, the manito had no intention they should get drunk, and the skin did not float ashore but was lost. [i.8] On the third day the wind moderated, and became calm, the Plover,24 Ducks & now followed the ebb tide; about noon the indians told me they would cause the wind to cease; and began a song, (which I did not understand,) for half an hour, when they said to me, “you see the wind calming, such is the power of our song;” I replied, “every bird knows the wind is calming, and so do we without your song, if your song had any power, why did you not sing on the first day we arrived.” They gave me no answer. The Ebb Tide being out and retired about 1½ mile from us, near sun set, each of us cut a bundle of small willows, and carried them with the Canoe near a mile ankle deep in mud, towards the sea, then laid the Canoe down, spread the willows under us and lay down to await the return of the tide, as soon as it reached us, we embarked, and proceeded to Nelson’s River, went up it a few miles, then crossed to the south shore and landed at a path of 4 miles in length, of mostly small pines, and marsh ground to York Factory, which stands on the north bank of Hayes’s River, a bold rapid Stream of ½ a mile in width which joins Nelson’s River about 5 miles below the Factory, the whole of this point is low marsh. The society and occupations of the Factories along the shore of Hudson’s Bay, are so much alike, that the description of one Factory may serve for all the others. I shall describe York Factory, being the principal Factory, and in point of commerce worth all the other Factories.25 The establishment is composed of a Resident, an Assistant, one or two Clerks, a Steward, and about 40 Men, over whom there is a foreman. [i.8 pasteon] All these men, as also those of Churchill and the other Factories round the Bay, are from the Isles of Orkney. They are engaged for three years at £6 each year, their wages do not begin until they land at the Factory, and ceases when they leave it. They are brave, hardy, and obedient, honest and frugal, of a sound moral character, the best people that can be found for the service, Englishmen have been tried, they soon return, neither the living, nor the climate agrees with them. Irish men were once tried. It is not likely they will ever be tried again, they were too improvident, and too fond of drinking; ¶ [i.8] The ship for the Factory arrives generally about the latter end of August, sometimes later; this depends on their passage through Hudson’s

24 American golden plover (Pluvialis dominica). 25 The 1850 version of these writings about Thompson’s winter at York is on iv.16–22 (I: 35–42).

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Straits which, in some years is sadly blocked up with ice. The Ship anchors in the mouth of the River about 5 Miles below the Factory. The whole attention of all hands [i.9] is turned to the unloading, and reloading the ship, the time of doing which depends on the weather from 10 to 15 days. The ship having sailed for London the regular occupations of the Factory now take place. 8 or 10 of the best shots among which are sure to be the Clerks, with the few Indians that may be near, are sent off to the marshes to shoot Geese, Cranes, Ducks &c, for the present supply of the Factory and to be salted for the winter. Axes are put in order, boats got ready with Provisions, and about 20 men sent up the river to the nearest forests, to cut down pine trees, branch them, lop off the heads, and carry them on their shoulders to the great wood pile, near the river bank. The trees are so small that a man generally carries two, or three, of them to the great Pile from whence by a big Sled hauled by the Men this pile of wood is dragged to the River. This employs them the whole winter. Accounts, Books, shooting &c employ the time of those at the Factory. Winter soon sets in, the geese hunters return, and out of them are formed two parties of 3 or 4 men, each party with a canvas tent, like a soldier’s bell tent, with the top cut off to let the smoke out. Fowling pieces, ammunition in powder and shot, with 20 Balls, and 3 weeks provisions of salted meat &c. The ice in the River is beginning to drive, already the shoal shore ice has extended ½ a mile or more to the sea. Boats are got ready, and we are landed on the south side, on this extent of ice, with 3 or 4 flat Sleds and a large dog, the Boats return and we are left to our own exertions. ¶ Our party consisted of 4 Men and an indian woman, we loaded the sleds, with the tent, our baggage, and some provisions &c leaving the rest for another trip, and proceeded to a large Brook, up which we went about ½ a mile to where the pines of the forest were of some size, and clean growth, tent poles were cut and placed to form a circular area of about 12 ft to 14 ft in diameter, and 10 to 12 ft in height. The door poles are the strongest, the fire place is in the centre, and our beds of pine [i.10] branches, with a log next the fire, our furniture a 3 gallon brass kettle, with a lesser one for water, and 2 or 3 tin dishes, spoons &c. A Hoard is next made of Logs well notched into each other of about 8 ft in length, 6 ft wide, at the bottom, 4 ft in height, and to the top narrowed to 2 ft to secure our game from the carnivorous animals &c and heavy Logs cover the top. Our occupations were angling of trout in the brook, snareing of hares, and shooting of Partridges,26 trapping Martins, Foxes Wolverenes27 &c; of the trout we caught about 10 dozen of 2 or 3 lbs weight;

26 I.e., ptarmigan. 27 Gulo gulo.

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they were readily caught with a common small hook and line, baited with the heart of a partridge, thro holes cut in the ice; as the cold increased and the thicknes[s] of the ice, they went to deeper water, where we could not find them. ¶ The Hares, when they go to feed, which is mostly in the night time, keep a regular path across which as a hedge, a pine tree with all it’s branches is thrown, but cleaned away at the path, a long pole is tied to another tree, in such a manner that the butt end shall over balance the upper end, to this end a snare of brass wire is tied by a piece of strong twine; this end of the pole is tied to the tree laid across the path of the hare by a slip knot, from which is suspended the snare, the lower part of which is 4 inches above from the path, and not more than 4 inches in diameter. The Hare comes bounding along, enters the snare, the slip knot is undone, the top of the pole is free, the butt end by it’s weight descends, and puss is suspended by the snare about 8 ft above the surface of the snow. The height is required to prevent them being taken by Foxes and Martens. The other hares that follow this path, have for the night a free passage, but the snare is reset until no more are to be caught. Where the hares are plenty hedges of pine trees, with their branches extend 200 yards or more in length. On fine moon light nights the hares move freely about, and from 18 to 20 caught in a night, but in bad weather 2 or 3 or none. The average may be 6 to 8 a night. Of all the furrs the furr of the hare is the warmest, we place pieces of it in our mittens, the skin is too thin to be used in any other manner. [i.11] The white partridge in the early part of winter arrive in small flocks of 10 to 15; but as the cold increases they become more plentiful and form flocks of 50 to 100. They live on the buds of the willows which grow, and cover the ground between the sea shore and the pine woods Southward of Haye’s River. They are shot on the snow as they are feeding; at first each man may average about 10 Per day but by the beginning of December, they become numerous and the average number Per man may be about 20 partridges, and as each of them weigh two pounds forms a good load to walk with in snow shoes to the tent, where the feathers are stripped off the bowels taken out put in the hoard to freeze, and in this state taken to the Factory. They now average one pound each. At night they burrow in the snow, and when the cold is intense do the same in the middle of the day. After the bitter cold of January is passed away, they congregate in large flocks and each man now bags 30 to 40 Per day; the weather now allowing us to load our guns; in the month of March they are netted, for this a large snow drift is chosen, level on the top, on which is placed a square net of twine of 20 ft square each side, well tied to 4 strong poles, when the rest is ready, one side (the front) is suppor[t]ed by two uprites of 4 feet in height, the back side poles being about 4 feet longer than the net. The back is also lifted up; a bag or two of fine gravel is laid under the centre of the net, mixed with willow buds taken out of the Partridges we have shot. These are

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gently dried in a pan over the fire to make them appear like fresh buds. At first we have some difficulty in starting and guiding the flocks to the net, but so soon as we can bring them within view of the gravel and buds under the net they eagerly run to them, and crowd one upon another, by means of a long line tied to the two uprights of about 20 yards in length the uprights are pulled away, and the net falls on them, we directly run and throw our selves [i.12] on the net, as the strong efforts of 40 or 50 of these active birds might make an opening in the net, we have now to take the neck of each partridge between our teeth, and crack it’s neck without breaking the skin and drawing blood, which if done, the foxes would destroy the part of the net on which is the blood, and which sometimes happens to our vexation and mending of the net. During the time of netting, not a single shot is fired; and although in the first days we may net about 120 Per day, at 3 or 4 hauls of the net, the partridges in a few days become so tame, they no longer form a flock but we are obliged to drive them, running before us to the net by 8 or 10 at a time, for every haul of the net, and thus in the course of a long day in March or April we do not net more than 40 to 60  Per day. In these months they have a pleasing call in the early and latter part of the day, of Ka bow, Kow-á-á. The Hens the same but in a low note. During winter, whatever may be the number of the flock at night, each bird singly burrows in the snow, they are of a brilliant white, if possible whiter than the snow, in the months of March and April, part of the feathers about the neck and fore part of the body change color, to brilliant glossy brown, chocolate &c upon a ground of brilliant white most beautiful, and thus are often stuffed and sent to London. No dove is more meek than the white Grouse, I have often taken them from under the net, and provoked them all I could, without injuring them, but all was submissive weakness. Rough beings as we were, sometimes of an evening, we could not help enquiring why such an angelic bird should be deemed to be the suffering prey of every carnivorous animal, they ways of Providence are unknown to us. There is another kind of Grouse, named the Swamp, or Pine Partridge,28 of dark brown feathers, feeds upon the leaves of the white Pine Tree, and its flesh tastes of the pine on which it feeds, it is not numerous, it is found sitting 10 or 12 feet from the snow on the branches of a pine tree, it is seldom shot, it is so stupid, or tame, that a snare at the end of a small pole is put round it’s neck, and thus hauled29

28 Spruce grouse (Canachites canadensis). 29 Page 13 has not survived. The subsequent draft of this material, found in the 1850 version, includes the sentence: “A snare is tied to the end of a stick put round it’s neck and pulled to the ground” (iv.22; I: 42).

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“ T H E M O U N TA I N S O F E V E RY C O N T I N E N T ” 1

[1] The Mountains of every Continent, are the Objects which most powerfully arrest the attention of the Traveller; these majestic bulwarks, placed on the Earth, as the boundaries of Nations and distributers of the Streams of Water, which form the Rivers and fertilize the countries they pass through, and enable Mankind to exchange the productions in which they abound for those they want, claim a close examination; for until we are enabled to know with tolerable accuracy, the position, direction, length, breadth of these stupendous masses of matter, we cannot comprehend the structure of the Countries adjacent to them; for upon their situation, direction and height much of the climate, fertility and communication of the surrounding countries depend. The primitive Mountains of every part of the globe bear resemblance to each other, in the vast rude piles of Rock of which they are formed; in some places bounded by Hills, and at other places springing out of the Plains in steep, pyramidal forms to the height of 4 or 5000 feet, yet every where presenting scenes of ruin and desolation; their lofty dark disjointed peaks, so abrupt that no Snow can lodge on them, doubtful if accessible only to the Eagle, makes the proudest Man shrink into his own littleness. The vast hollows between the Peaks are the receptacles of the immense Magazines of Snow and Ice from which the Rivers are supplied with Water, and these present the Traveller with a view so silent, so dreary, so cold and lifeless that he stands aghast as on the verge of Chaos. As he attempts to climb heights apparently more accessible; he finds himself often baffled, by too great an acclivity, or a rude, broken ledge ending in a point or bewildered amongst the piles of the debris of rock, the ancient and present ruins of the more elevated Mountains, by Lightning, Water and Frost, and other operations of the wasting hand of Time.

1 The study of mountains flourished in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, and Thompson’s geological terms and categories are derived from such influential works as Horace-Bénédict de Saussure’s Voyages dans les Alpes (1779–96) and Alexander von Humboldt’s Travels to the Equinoctial Regions of America (1814–29). This period also saw the development of an aesthetic of mountains, which came to be associated with the sublime. See Peter H. Hansen, The Summits of Modern Man: Mountaineering after the Enlightenment (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2013).

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[2] As his patient and manly intrepidity gains the heights, they present an awful aspect, frightful precipices and deep ravines, the roaring of Cataracts, the thundering rush of the Avalanches of Snow, the sudden change from calm sun shine to the howling of the Winds and sudden Tempests and fill his mind with anxious solicitude for his safety. Often sitting on an elevated Rock, the awful assemblage appeared to me, as the mighty Waves of part of an immense Ocean, forced against each other by the fury of opposing Hurricanes, and by the Word of Omnipotence suddenly arrested and consolidated in their wild forms. Of the primitive Mountains, there are Two orders, the Conic and the Chain. Of the first Order, is probably Mont Blanc in Europe and Mount Nelson in north America, at the head of the Columbia River. Their elevated Centres, appear as a Nucleus, round which in rude and irregular form, the lower Mountains diverge, and almost every where present apparent insuperable barriers to cross them. The general order of the Rocky Mountains of north America is the Chain: From the high centre Ridge, the Branches ramify at small Angles but nearly parallel to the main Ridge with rude Valleys between them, each Branch lowering in height as it recedes from the central ridge. Each Valley has its Brook, and open out many rude Passes by which these Mountains can be crossed. On examining the Map of Europe, the direction of the various Mountains appear so irregular, that it would be difficult to name any particular part, as the common Centre from which all the ramifications radiate. The Mountains of North America on their east side are apparently in position and direction far more [3] regular; and from this cause probably, the structure of the north east part of this Continent is also more regular than that of Europe. North of the Gulf of Mexico, the great Chain of Mountains are known by the name of the Rocky Mountains (so named by the Natives) and properly speaking, these Mountains (and its Branches,) are the only real Mountains in north America.2 The Ozark Mountains, westward of the Mississippe from Latitude 32˚ north to Latitude 39˚ north, and the Allegany Mountains dividing the Waters which fall into the Atlantic, from those flowing into the Mississippe, are only Hills, compared with the Rocky Mountains. (In several places on this part of the Continent (which will be noticed) there are elevated Lands, which rise so gradually, that they appear almost like a plain, or rude undulating Table Heights.)

2 Much of the information in this second part of the essay is derived from accounts of Lewis and Clark’s 1804–06 expedition to the Pacific, and from the narrative of Stephen Harriman Long’s 1819–20 journey up the Missouri and Platte Rivers. For Lewis and Clark, see the “Historical Introduction” (xvi); for Long, see iii.66 (19) and iii.211b (157).

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The east side of the Rocky Mountains from Latitude 32˚ north to Latitude 57˚ north sends out no Branches, but has almost everywhere, as viewed from the vast Plains a most imposing and grand appearance in a waving Line a vast continuous bulwark of Hills, behind Hills, in close succession, rising each, high above the other to the centre Ridge.3 From the Latitude 32˚ North Longitude 103 West (to Latitude 36-10 Longitude 104 West) to opposite Santa Fé the direction of the east side of these Mountains is North 13 West, 228 geographical Miles 264 Statute Miles4 from thence to Bull Penn5 (Latitude 42 North Longitude 106-15 West) the direction is North 17 West 366 Miles 426 Statute Miles; from thence to the sortie of the Missisourie River (Latitude 45-24 North [4] Longitude 111∙∙27 West) the direction is North 48 West 306 geographical Miles 356 Statute Miles thence to the sortie of the Bow River (Latitude 51 North Longitude 115∙∙25 West) the direction is North 25 West 368 Miles 428 Statute Miles, from hence to the sortie of the Saskatchewan River (Latitude 52∙∙27 North Longitude 115-50 West) the direction is North 10 West 89 geographical Miles 103 Statute Miles: from hence to the sortie of the Athabasca River (Latitude 53 North Longitude 117-45 West) the direction is, North 64 West 76 geographical Miles 88 Statute Miles and to the sortie of the Peace River (Latitude 56∙∙23 North Longitude 120-40 West) the direction is North 27 West 228 Miles 266 Statute Miles; the few Miles I could see beyond this was in the same course, and farther north there is no certain information of their direction.6 The general course of the east side of the Mountains from Latitude 32˚28' North to Latitude 56∙∙23 North is North 27 West 1610 geographical Miles 1870 Statute Miles. By the account of the natives, who have been as far as 58˚ North, the Mountains have the same continuous appearance and direction. If we examine the dividing Ridge of these Mountains, the very head Scources of the great Rivers, the directions will be, from the Scource of the Rio del

3 The following words were removed here: “crowned with Snow, out of which spring the majestic, giant, rude pyramidal and conic forms of abrupt Peaks of dark Rock, braving the ruining hand of Time, but on whose abrupt forms no Snow is seen.” 4 A statute mile measures 5280 feet, while a geographical mile (one minute of arc along the Earth’s surface) measures 6080 feet. 5 This basin in northern Colorado, known today as North Park, includes the headwaters of the North Platte River. It was formerly called the Bull Pen because of the herds of bison that once gathered there. See Edwin James, Account of an Expedition from Pittsburgh to the Rocky Mountains, I: 464. 6 Thompson traded near the confluence of the Peace and Smoky rivers between November 1802 and March 1804.

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Norte7 and Arkansaw Rivers in Latitude 37-20 North Longitude 105 West to the Scources of the Missisourie River North 40 West 522 geographical Miles hence to the head of the Saskatchewan River North 20 West 492 geographical Miles, hence to the Scources of the Athabasca River North 37 West 43 geographical Miles, thence to the head of Fraser’s River North 38 West 164 Miles and to the head of the Peace River North 26 West 129 Miles. The Scources of the Columbia River, are interlaced (if I may so say) with the Scources of the Missisourie, Saskatchewan, Athabasca and Fraser’s Rivers. The general direction of this great dividing Ridge which separates the Waters, that flow into the Gulf of Mexico, Hudson’s Bay and the [5] Arctic Sea, from the Streams that run into the Pacific Ocean from Latitude 32∙∙28 North Longitude 103 West to Latitude 56-28 North Longitude 122∙∙30 West is North 32 West 1344 Geographical Miles, but if the most western scources of the Rio del Norte and the Arkansa Rivers were taken, the general direction would be North 30 West differing only 3˚ from the general direction of the east side of the Mountains. The position of these Mountains from Latitude 32∙∙28 North to the sortie of the Missisourie in Latitude 45∙24 North were ascertained by Major Long and Captains Lewis and Clark and from thence to the sortie of the Peace River in Latitude 56∙∙23 North from my own Astronomical Observations for Latitude and Longitude and surveys between the observed places. The structure of the west side of the Rocky Mountains, or that side next the Pacific Ocean is dissimilar to the east side, or that side next the Atlantic Ocean, the east side as before related is like a continuous bulwark ascending to the centre Ridge without throwing off any Branches. The west sides of these Mountains are more steep and consists of fewer Ridges very irregular in direction, throwing out very many Branches, with intervening Vallies from a ¼ Mile to 5 Miles in width, and gradually lowering on high Lands inclining to the Pacific Ocean which also is bordered by a chain of Mountains. Some of these Branches appear equal in height to the centre ridge of the great Chain of Mountains, as Mount Nelson, at the head of the north West Scources of the Columbia River. A question naturally arises, of what use are these immense piles of Rock, did the great Creator place them as the Barriers between Nations, to keep separate the great families of the Earth. So think and act the nomadian Tribes of these Countries, and seldom cross the Mountains, but as Enemies to each other. But a more comprehensive view of the Mountains, prove them to be the well

7 The upper Rio Grande, which rises in the San Juan Mountains in southwest Colorado.

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ordered Work of a Being, all powerful, wise and most benevolent to Mankind, in thus creating for their use these [6] stupendous Heights, where the greatest quantity of surface, in Mountains and Hollows, in Hills and vallies taking up the least possible space on the Earth, for the detention of the Vapours, and forming them into vast Stores of Snow and Ice to be gradually thawed for the forming and supplying the Rivers so necessary to the fertility of the Earth and the health convenience and comfort of Mankind: The immense Glaciers appear as necessary as the vast reservoirs of Snow, the heat of Spring and Summer, some season’s rapidly melt the Snow, and the Rivers would then fail of their wanted quantity of Water, did not the Glaciers now assist in feeding the Streams, melting slowly, and only in July, August and part of September when most required, showing the solicitude of a benevolent and all wise Providence in thus furnishing a constant supply of Water to the Rivers, which otherwise would sometimes become dry, and cease to fertilize the Earth for Man and Beast. Nor is this all, for the great Rivers of America are all navigable to almost their very scources, as far as there is depth of Water to float a Canoe, by which great facility to Commerce is easily extended from one side of these Mountains to the other side. The exact Height of these Mountains above the level of the Ocean, as far as my information extends is not yet known. Major Long in his Map has given a vertical section of North America on the parallel of 39˚ North, on which he gives the Height of James Peak, at the scources of the Arkansa River at 10500 above the level of the Ocean, and another Peak at the scources of the Platte River at 11200 feet above the same level.8 Upon what calculations are the Heights of these Peaks. And he also assumes the level of the ancient Ocean to be 6000 feet above its present level. The highest part of the base of these Mountains appear to be from Latitude 47˚  North to 52˚ North, of which the belt of Land between the parallels of 49˚ North to 50˚ North appear to be the most elevated, of which it will be more fully treated, when shewing the courses of the Rivers. [7] The Plains extend from Latitude 31˚ North to Latitude 54˚ North, in length 1380 Geographical Miles 1600 Statute Miles and in breadth from 500 Miles to 855 Miles, being an extent of 902,547 square Geographical Miles 1,045,450 Statute Miles. In Summer a vast verdant Ocean, in Winter a boundless extent of Snow, where the lost Traveller perishes without hope; In several places there are

8 For this vertical section, see note on iii.211b (157). The second mountain, labelled “Highest Peak” on the accompanying map, is likely Long’s Peak; both peaks are in the Front Range (modern-day Colorado).

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elevated Grounds, which form Hills, with patches and small Forests of Wood, but for the extent they are few and far between. From the Latitude of 31˚ North to the Latitude 51˚ North (the sortie of the Bow River) the Plains may be said with few exceptions to extend to the foot of the Mountains from thence northward, the Rivulets that flow from the Mountains bear Woods along their Banks for several Miles extending in length obliquely north eastward to the Latitude of 52 (the sortie of the Saskatchewan) and this River carries extensive Forests along its banks to Longitude 10 [space] where it enters the great Plains. In Latitude 51˚ North the Box Wood is found and southward, but not north of this Latitude. The Woods on the east slope of the Mountains are mostly of the Pine Genus, generally of stunted growth and full of Branches to the Root and these Branches almost as sharp as Thorns the Leaf, hard, thick of a black green, but as the distance increases eastward from the Mountains, many fine groves of Pine are found, but seldom exceeding a fathom in girth. Cypress of a tall clean growth is in abundance, full of Branches, except a small head and so open, that a Horseman can ride among them. Very fine grass grow on these Cypress Lands. Fine Groves of Poplar and Aspin are frequent: North of the Missisourie River, Grass is plentiful, and the more so, and finer in quality as one advances northward to the Latitude of 54 and 55˚ North, beyond this the grass becomes coarse. Southward of the Missisourie, generally the grass is less in quantity, frequently very short and hard as you proceed southward, until the southern Plains may be said to be Deserts as found by Major Long &c, especially for about 300 Miles from the Mountains, eastward. [8] South of Latitude 34˚ North dip to the southward to the Gulf of Mexico. These Plains from Latitude 34˚ North to Latitude 39˚ decline to the East South Eastward to the Valley of the Mississippe River, from 39˚ North to Latitude 42˚ the inclination is a little south of East, from 39 North to 47 North they decline near the Mountains North Eastward, from 47˚ North to 49˚ North they decline South Eastward into the great Valley of the Missisourie River and north of 49˚ North the dip of the Land is constantly North Eastward. The great Valley of the Missisourie River from the Mountains in a [space] direction to Longitude [space] then bends into the Valley of the Mississippe in Latitude [space] Longi­ tude [space] and with it flows into the Gulf of Mexico. These Plains are watered by many Streams that finally fall into the Mississippe, the Missisourie and the Saskatchewan Rivers. Near the Mountains the Brooks are very numerous, but on the eastern part of the Plains, Water is scarce, often brackish and has many small salt Ponds of a purgative quality. The Traveller, if not previously acquainted where to find water may perish with Thirst a fate that sometimes happens to the Natives in a dry Summer:

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[9] It has been already remarked, that these great Plains stretch from Latitude 31˚ North to Latitude 54, in length from South to North 1380 Geographical Miles, or 1600 Statute Miles and from the east foot of the Rocky Mountains eastward from 500 to 837 Statute Miles in width being an extent of (902,547 Geographical Miles) 1,045,450 square Statute Miles or 669,088,000 English square Acres. From 31˚ North, to the Gulf of Mexico these Plains incline nearly due South. From Latitude 31˚ North to 38½ North the dip of these Plains is to the East South Eastward into the Valley of the Mississippe. From 38½ North to 42½ North they incline nearly due East and inclining to East South Eastward as they approach the above great Valley. North of 42½ North the Belt of Plains between the Black Hills, rising in Latitude 42˚ and Longitude 105 dip to the North Eastward and is occupied by the Yellow Stone River and its Branches. The Black Hills are about 350 Miles (Statute) in length in a North North Eastward direction and about 90 to 50 Miles width narrowing to the northward round the north end of these Hills the Yellow Stone River bends directing its Course into the great Valley of the Missisourie.9

9 The essay is followed by five short notes on unrelated topics: the discharge of the Congo River, beaver dams, Niagara Falls, the dates of steamers sailing from Halifax, and land taxation in Montreal. These items will be included in Volume III.

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T R AV E L S O F DAV I D T H O M P S O N

[1]1 The travels of the author, being over the northern part of north america, an obscure country, it appears necessary to describe the surface of this part of north america, very dissimilar to any of the countries in Europe, Asia, or Africa, to the more easy understanding the description of the travels in the several parts which are included in these countries. The Mountains of every Continent, are the objects which most powerfully arrest the attention of the Traveller; these majestic bulwarks placed on the Earth as the boundaries of nations, and distributors of the streams of water, which form the Rivers and fertilize the countries they pass through, and enable mankind to exchange the productions in which they abound, for those they want, claim a close examination; for until we know with tolerable accuracy, the position, direction, length and breadth of these stupendous masses of matter; we cannot comprehend the structure of the countries adjacent to them, for upon their situation, direction and height much of the climate, fertility and communication of the surrounding [2] countries depend. The primitive Mountains of every part of the Globe bear resemblance to each other; in the vast rude piles of rock of which they are formed, every where presenting scenes of ruin and desolation, their lofty, dark, disjointed peaks, so abrupt that no snow can lie on them, doubtful if accessable to the Eagle. The vast hollows between the peaks are the receptacles of the immense magazines of Snow and Ice, from which the Rivers are supplied with water, and these present to the traveller, a view so

1 Thompson had written the following paragraph, before making a fresh beginning to his essay: “The Travels of the Author, being over the northern part of north America, an obscure country, it is necessary to describe the surface of this part of north america, to the more easy understanding the descriptions of the travels in the several parts which are included in these countries. The surface of north america appears very dissimilar to any of the countries in Europe Asia, or Africa, from the gulph of Mexico to it’s most northern shores. This northern part of the continent, by the Rocky Mountains is divided into two unequal portions. On the east side these mountains appear a single continuous chain, throwing out no spurs of any consequence, but every where show, more, or less a bold ascent, springing up from the Plains, towering height above height to their greatest altitude, which is not uniform, in some places rising into lofty peaks, in other a broad undulating form.”

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silent, so dreary, so cold and lifeless, that he stands aghast as on the verge of chaos. As he attempts to climb the heights apparently more accessible, he find[s] himself baffled by too great an aclivity, or a rude ledge ending in a point, or bewildered amongst the piles of debris of rocks, the ancient, and present ruins of the more elevated Mountains, by Lightning, Water, Frost, and other operations of the wasting hand of time. As his patient and manly intrepidity gains the heights, they present an awful aspect of frightful precipices and deep ravines, the roaring of cataracts, the thundering rush of the avalanches of Snow, the sudden change from calm sunshine to the howling of winds, and sudden tempests, and fill his mind with anxious solicitude for his safety. Often sitting on an elevated rock, the awful assemblage appeared to me, as the mighty waves of part of an immense ocean forced against each other, by the fury of opposing hurricanes and by the word of Omnipotence suddenly arrested and consolidated in their wild forms. On examining the Map of Europe, the direction of the Mountains appear so irregular that it would be difficult to name any particular part as the common centre from which all the ramifications radiate. The Mountains of North America on their east side, are apparently in position and direction far more regular, and from this cause probably the structure of the east part of this Continent is also more regular than that of Europe. [3] North of the gulph of Mexico, the great chain of Mountains are known by the name of the Rocky Mountains (so named by the natives) and these are the only real Mountains in north america. The Oza[r]k Mountains westward of the Mississipe from Latitude 32 to 39 degrees north; and the Allegany Mountains dividing the waters which flow into the Mississipe, from those that fall into the Atlantic are only Hills compared with the Rocky Mountains. The east side of the Rocky Mountains from Latitude 32˚ North to Latitude 57˚ North sends out no branches eastward, but has, almost every where; as viewed from the vast plains, a most imposing and grand appearance, in a waving line, of a vast continuous bulwark of Hills behind Hills in close succession, rising each high above the other, to the centre ridge (of about 18,000 feet above the level of the Ocean. From the Latitude 32˚North Longitude 103˚West (to Latitude 36.10 North Longitude 104 West) to opposite Santa Fé the direction of the east side of these Mountains is North 13 West 264 Miles, from thence to Bull Pen (Latitude 42 North Longitude 106..15) the direction is North 17 West 426 miles. From thence to the sortie of the Missisourie River (Latitude 45..20 North Longitude 111..27 West) the direction is North 48 West 356 Miles; thence to the sortie of the Bow River (Latitude 51 North Longitude 115..25 West) the direction is North 25 West 428 Miles. From hence to the sortie of the

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Sas katch e wan River (Latitude 52.27 North Longitude 115··50 West) the direction is North 10 West 103 Miles. From hence to the sortie of the Athabasca River (Latitude 53 North Longitude 117-45 West) the direction is North 64 West 88 Miles, and to the sortie of the Peace River from the Mountains (Latitude 56.23 North Longitude 120··40 West) the direction is North 27 West 266 Miles the few miles I could see beyond this was in the same course, and farther north there is no certain information of their direction. The general course of the east side of the Mountains from Latitude 32.28 North to Latitude 56.23 North is North 27 West 1870 Statute Miles, by the account of the natives who have been as far as 58 North these Mountains have [4] the same continuous appearance and direction. ¶ If we examine the dividing ridge of the Rocky Mountains, the head scources of the great Rivers, the general direction of this great dividing ridge which separates the waters that flow into the gulph of Mexico, into Hudson’s Bay, and the Arctic Sea, from the Streams that run into the Pacific Ocean, the general direction is North 30 West differing only three degrees from the east side of these Mountains. The position of these Mountains from Latitude 32.20˚ West to the sortie of the Missisourie in Latitude 45··24 North were ascertained by Major Long and Captains Lewis and Clarke of the United States army, from hence to the sortie of the Peace River in Latitude 56.23 North from my astronomical observations and surveys between the observed places. The structure of the west side of the Rocky Mountains, the side next to the Pacific Ocean, is very different from the east side, which as before related appears like a continued bulwark, without throwing off any Branches, or Spurs. The west sides of the Mountains are more steep, and consi[s]ts of fewer ridges very irregular in direction, throwing out very many Branches and Spurs. Several seem to extend to the low chain of mountains which border the whole coast of the Pacific Ocean, especially north of the 49th parallel of Latitude. The vallies between these Branches and Spurs have each it’s Rivulet watering a space of a few hundred yards to five miles in width, gradually lowering into the great valley of the Columbia River. ¶ A question naturally arises, of what use are these immense piles of rock, has the great Creator placed them as Barriers between nations, to keep separate the great families of the Earth; so think and act the nomadian tribes of these countries, and seldom cross the mountains but as enemies. A more comprehensive view of the Mountains, prove them to be the well ordered [5] work of a divine Being, all powerful, wise, and most benevolent to mankind, in thus creating, and forming for their use these stupendous heights where the greatest quantity of surface in mountains and hollows, in Hills and vallies, take up the least possible horizontal space on the earth, for the detention of vapours,

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forming them into vast stores of snow and ice, to be gradually thawed for supplying the Rivers, so necessary to the fertility of the earth, the health, convenience and comfort of mankind. The immense Glaciers appear as necessary as the vast reservoirs of snow; the heat of spring and summer in some seasons rapidly melt the snow, after which the Rivers would fail of their wanted quantity of water, did not the Glaciers now assist in feeding the streams, melting slowly and only in July, August and September when most required, showing the solicitude of a benevolent and all wise providence in thus furnishing a constant supply of water to the rivers, which otherwise would become dry, and cease to fertilize the earth. The height of these Mountains above the level of the Ocean2 as far as my information extends, is not yet well known. Major Long, in his Map, has given a vertical section of north america on the parallel of 39 degrees north, on which he gives the height of James’s Peak at 10500 feet above the level of the Ocean, and another Peak, at the scources of the Platte River 11200 feet above the same level; and he also assumes the level of the ancient Ocean to be 6000 feet above it’s present level. The plains at the east foot of the mountains present several places for base lines, from which to measure the height of the mountains, but the unsettled state of the country prevented any attempt. From the second Kootanae Lake, scource of the Columbia River, I geometrically measured by a base line on the ice, the height of the pyramid of Mount Nelson, which gave 7020 feet above the level of the Lake; in order to [6] ascertain the level of this Lake above the Ocean, and of other places, I twice procured a Barometer to be sent to me, but the person who was entrusted with them, by his negligence allowed them to be broken, and thus the level of the Lake is known only by estimation, and may be about 5000 feet above the level of the Pacific Ocean. The Plains extend 31˚ North to Latitude 54 north, in length 1600 Miles, and in breadth from 500 to 835 miles, being an area of 1,045,450 Miles, in summer a vast verdant expanse, in winter a boundless extent of snow, where the lost traveller perishes without hope. In several places there are elevated lands, which form low hills, with patches and small forests of wood, Aspin, Pine &c and a few Oaks & Birch. From the Latitude 31 North to 51˚ North (the sortie of the Bow River) the Plains may be said to extend to the foot of the mountains; from hence northward the Streams from the mountains, bear woods along their banks for several miles, increasing in length and width obliquely north eastward to Latitude 52 North the sortie

2 For Thompson’s final attempt to grapple with this question, derived largely from this passage, see iii.211a–b (155–7).

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of the Saskatchewan this River, carries extensive forests on its north bank for [space] Miles, where it enters the great plains, and northward these Plains become gradually contracted and may be said to cease at 54˚ beyond which all is boundless Forest. South of Latitude 34˚ North the dip of the Plains is southward towards the gulph of Mexico, thence to the Latitude of 39˚ North decline East South Eastward to the valley of the Mississippe, thence to 47˚ North the dip is South Eastward to the valley of the Missisourie: from this to far northward the 56 degree the dip of the Plains and the Forest Lands is North eastward to Hudsons Bay and northward to the Frozen Ocean. The most elevated part of this Continent appears to be northward of the 49th parallel of Latitude, from this high region on the east side of the mountains descend the great Rivers Saskatchewan and Peace and Athabasca Rivers. The former rushes into Hudson Bay, under the name of Nelson River close north of York Factory: the latter unite [7] in the Athabasca Lake, and flow into the arctic under the name of McKenzie’s River. On the west, the Columbia River. The extent of the great Plains, with the forest lands north of them form the old continent, which in all it’s features and formation, is very distinct from the countries east of the great Plains, and no doubt, in ancient times was the border of the Ocean; it’s many salt ponds and salt springs along the east side appear the remains of this Ocean: on the higher level of the Plains these are not found, only a few ponds of purgative water and salt. From the gulph of Mexico northward the east side of these plains forms the west side of the Mississippe River to its head in Latitude [space] Longitude [space] this River is too well known to need a description. [space] Miles northward is a chain of large Lakes, which border this old continent to beyond the 60th degree of Latitude, the receptacle of all the Rivers that flow from the Mountains; all these Lakes were formerly of much greater extent than at present; the great quantity of sediment brought down by the Rivers, have formed an immense extent of alluvial ground, every year increasing and filling up these Lakes, the west sides of which are all of this rich alluvial and shoal on limestone; and the east side of a rock formation, mostly of the granitic order, with every where deep water, and from this east side to near the sea this rock formation continues, with very little soil, almost every where covered with Moss and Woods of a stunted growth, the whole space may be said to have three fifths of it’s surface of water in numerous Lakes and Streams, supplied by the deep snows of winter and the frequent rains of the open season, but the Streams that pour into Hudson’s Bay have made beyond the rock formation alluvials of low swampy marshy poor soil, for about 20 miles. [8] Of these great Plains the Mississourie River drains an extent of 442 239 square Miles, it receives its north west side very few streams, and none of any

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note. The upper Mississippe drains an extent of surface of 142 528 square miles, and the lower Mississippe below the junction of the Missisourie and extent of surface of 551 597 square miles, giving the total drain of the Mississippe and it’s tributary Streams from it’s head to the gulph of Mexico of an extent of surface, of 1 136 364 square miles, an extent of surface unequalled by any of the Rivers on the old continents of Europe, Asia, and Africa. The scource of the Columbia River, may be estimated, by it’s falls and current at full 5000 feet above the level of the Pacific Ocean. Mount Nelson, a secondary mountain, is 7000 feet above the head of the Columbia, making 12,000 feet, yet Mount Nelson, is fully 6000 feet, below the ridge mountains of the great chain, equal 18,000 feet. Again by the Athabasca passage across the mountains, on the height of this passage, by the point of boiling water, it is 11,000 above the Pacific, yet the summits of the Mountains appear fully 7000 feet above us, making 18,000 feet. Northward of the Bow River the mountains appear to have a continuity of surface by which the hardy goat might gain the summits of several. At the head of the Bow River, and several miles southward, the mountains have a different aspect, they appear to be of rude, rough, black rock, out of which about 3 or 4000 feet in height arise in rude grandeur, many tempest beaten rough pyramids from their black rock, they appear to be, of basalt the “wrecks of an ancient world,” yet [9] in all this distance, the indians know of nothing that indicates a volcanic origin: No snow ever rests upon them. Southward of this, the mountains are lower, and have many defiles down to the River Platte, where there is a safe wagon road to the southern branches of the Columbia River.3

3 The renowned Oregon Trail, which during its heyday in the 1840s and 1850s funnelled tens of thousands settlers from the Missouri to the Lower Columbia.

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APPENDIX

[The Mountains and their direction. the scources of the Rivers.] [1] The Mountains of almost every country, are the great Blessing of God to Mankind, in these stupendous elevations on the least horizontal surface, the Deity has placed the immense magazines of snow and ice, to form and maintain the innumerable rills, Brooks and Rivulets, which form the Rivers, directed by the finger of the Deity to fertilise the surface of the earth in their passages to the different seas into which they finally flow & there form harbors, and are lost. I have paid attention to the local, and geographical positions of the Mountains of Europe, of Asia, and Africa, the Deity has no doubt given them those positions where they can be of the greatest benefit Mankind, but they do not appear to have the uniform direction of the Rocky Mountains of North America, of which I shall now give the direction as determined by Surveys and Astronomical Observations. The directions of the east side of the Mountains from Peace River to its sortie from the Latitude 56··23 North. Longitude 120··48 West to the Athabasca River Mountains Latitude 53··10 North [Longitude] 117·45 West the Course South 27 East 228 Miles thence to the Saskatchewan River Latitude 52-27 North Longitude 115··50 West.the course is South 64 East 76 Miles to the Bow River Latitude 51··0 North Longitude 115··25 West the course is South 10 East 89 Miles.to the Missisourie River [Latitude] 45·24 North, Longitude 111·27 West the course is South 25 East 368 Miles. to the Bull Pen River Latitude 42··5 North Longitude 106-15 West the course is South 48 East 306 Miles. to Santa Fé, Latitude 36-10 [North] Longitude 104··0 West the course is South 17 East 356 Miles South Eastward of Santa Fé South 13 East 228 Miles. By the above, the mean course of the east side of the Mountains, is, from Latitude 56-23 North Longitude 120··48 West to Latitude 32··28 North Longitude 103·West is South 27 East 1619 Geographical Miles direct, equal 1927 Statute Miles. In this distance it sends out no branches or spurs worth rrk, but every where may be said to rise out of the immtent of grassy Plains. [2] The heights of land of the Rocky Mountains, or the dividing ridge, which sends the Waters to the Atlantic, or Pacific Oceans is not a continuous straight line, but a wavering ridge, now more east, or west. All that can be done, is to trace, as far as possible, the scources of the Rivers, and these vary very much, a

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high peak eastward of this line is often found it’s declivity is westward; and from thence run rills and brooks to the westward; On the other hand, a steep hill is on the westward of this line, it’s steep side, on which nothing can lie, is on the west, but it’s declivity, ravines, and gullies, are to the eastward, by which it’s melted Snow and Glaciers are discharged. I shall therefore give the direction of the central ridge, which divides the waters that flow into the different seas, as the best approximation I can make. By Captain Franklin,1 a branch of the Mountains continues on the west side of McKenzies River: it’s head waters are the Peace and Athabasca Rivers. Scources of the Peace River extend to the northward North 30 West 225 Miles. Ditto of the Peace River itself in Latitude 56·28 North Longitude 122-30 West, to Fraser’s River, running to the Pacific Ocean [Latitude] 54·32 North Longitude 120˚·30' West South 26 East 129 Geographical Miles From Fraser’s River to the Athabasca River in Latitude 52·23 North Longitude 118··0··West, the course is South 38 East 164 Miles. From Fraser’s River, to the Sas katch e wan River, in Latitude 51··49 North Longitude 116··45 West the course is South 37 East 43 Miles. To the sortie of the Missisourie River, Latitude 44·8 North Longitude 112··16 West the course is South 20 East 492 Miles. Thence to the Arkansa River Latitude 37·28 North Longitude 105··0 West the course is South 40 East 522 Miles Mean course of the heights of the Rocky Mountains, from Latitude 56··28 North Longitude 122·30 West to the Arkansas and Rio del Norte Rivers Latitude 37··28 North Longitude 105··0 West South 32 East 1344 Geographical Miles, equal to 1568 Statute Miles, but if the most western branches of these Rivers were taken the course would be about South 30 East. [Missisourie and Mississippe.] The drain of the Rivers of the northern part of America, is a curious subject of investigation: I have paid deep attention to this subject, and as far as our geograph knowledge extends, have the following approximation [3] 1 This is the first time that John Franklin (1786–1847), one of Thompson’s touchstone authorities, appears in his writings about mountains. During his second Arctic expedition, of 1825–27, Franklin travelled the entire length of the Mackenzie River. Sir John Richardson (1787–1865) contributed a geographical appendix to the published account of this journey, in which the Mackenzie and the Rocky Mountains are described. Sir  John Richardson, “Topographical and Geological Notices,” in Sir John Franklin, Narrative of a Second Expedition to the Shores of the Polar Sea (London: John Murray, 1828), i–lviii.

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of the drain of the Rivers, and the extent of the countries thus drained; a great part of which is from my personal knowledge, and the rest from the best authorities, it is a work never before attempted. I shall commence with the Missisourie River (this name in the Indian Language is the “great troubled, or  muddy River,”)2 from the sortie of it’s scources from the mountains, to it’s confluence with the Mississippe across which River it drives it’s rapid current from bank to bank, the extent of ground drained is in statute miles 442,239 square miles. This great River appears to me to hold it’s course on the eastern verge of the high table land from the Rocky Mountains, to it’s confluence with the valley of the Missisippe. Turtle Lake it’s head Waters is in Latitude 47··39-15 North Longitude 95·12'·45" West. This great River, one of the most magnificent on our Earth, takes its rise in a very fine country on the east side of the great plains; it’s scources are small Lakes, with numerous Brooks, which form it’s head waters, and at length swell it to a River. The upper valley of the Mississippe to it’s junction with the Mississourie River drains an area of 142,528 square miles: The drain of the Mississippe below the Missisourie, to the gulph of Mexico is an area of 551,597 square miles; thus the area of the lands drained by this great River and it’s numerous branches is, 1,136,364 square miles; in low water it’s discharge is 82,000 cubic feet each second of time; thus placing in the gulph of Mexico a body of fresh water equal to 17, 57 / 100 cubic miles annually, but including freshets and high water 19 1 / 3 cubic miles every year.3 [Saskatchewan. McKenzie’s Rivers.] The Saskatchewan River (so named by the Natives from it’s current being equal to a Man on a quick walk)4 this is a noble stream, it’s discharge is into Hudson’s Bay close north of York Factory, under the name of Nelson’s River; it’s southern branches along the east foot of the Rocky Mountains are close north of the Missisourie; it’s scources are wholly in the Mountains, from whence it flows eastward thro’ the beautiful great plains, the favorite ground [4] of the Bison, the Red Deer, and various other species of Deer. This River 2 For the etymology of Missouri, see I: 219–20. 3 Thompson’s calculation of the area drained by the Missouri and Mississippi rivers may be found in both the Travels 1850 version (iv.218; I: 250–1) and 1848 version (iii.96a; 47). 4 While the etymology of Saskatchewan is conventionally given as a Cree word for “swiftly-flowing river,” Thompson’s explanation indicates the metaphor at the heart of the term; Cree kise’skȧtāo means “He is a fast walker.” Watkins and Faries, Dictionary of the Cree Language, 219.

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drains an area of 428 590 square miles and the discharge of it’s water is about one fourth more than the St Lawrence River; by it’s branches in the Mountains it has several safe defiles which lead to the upper part of the Columbia River, but for the purposes of Trade the Indians on the east side of the Mountains are too hostile.5 The length of this River, from the Mountains to the sea is 1725 miles. McKenzie’s River so well known to the public, by Captain Franklin; it was first explored by Sir Alexander McKenzie, and named after him; (the native name being simply large River)6 it is formed of two branches, each of which take their rise in the Rocky Mountains: the southern branch is the Athabasca River, by the defiles of which I opened out the present passage across the Mountains to the Columbia River in 1810,7 the highest point of this passage, by Sir George Simpson, as shown by the point of boiling water is 11,000 feet above the level of the sea. It leads to the Columbia River about 298 miles below it’s head, from whence the passage by this river is direct to the Pacific Ocean. The northern branch is the Peace, it takes it’s rise in the Mountains, it’s defiles lead to Fraser’s River on the west side: it is a bold and rapid River, and with the Athabasca River form the Athabasca Lake, a large body of water, it’s discharge is the Slave River, into the great Lake of that name, out of which proceeds McKenzies into the Arctic Sea. The drain of this great River is an area of 479,998 square miles: in the great quantity of water flowing by this River, it is not much inferior to the Mississippe. Thus the fine Saskatch ewan River, with it’s equally fine southern branches, flowing through the finest countries is lost on the dismal shores of Hudson’s Bay and McKenzies River conducts the Athabasca and Peace River, which for several hundred miles water countries of a rich deep soil, into the Arctic Sea, both impracticable to shipping and to commerce. And I may here remark on the blunders of the french, in murdering all the native names; Athabasca is a word without a meaning. The native name is A tha pis tow or [5] is alluvial ground, from it’s very extensive alluvials in the Athabasca Lake.8 In like manner is named the Slave River and Lake; the native name is E arch e then oo,

5 The most heavily employed of these “defiles” was Howse Pass, over which Thompson travelled between 1807 and spring 1810. The note about “hostile” Natives alludes to the Piegan, who prevented Thompson from returning west via Howse Pass in the fall of 1810. 6 Dene Dehcho. 7 For Thompson’s crossing of Athabasca Pass in December 1810–January 1811, see the 1848 version of the Travels, iii.229–33 (184–90). 8 Cree ahthapaskaaw, “there are reeds here and there.”

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(other people) meaning “those lands are not ours.”9 The word Slave is Waw kan,10 a prisoner taken in war, but I retain the common names. [Missinippe. Churchill River. Fraser’s River.] “Drain of the Missinippe” (great water)11 or Churchill River. It’s most south western scource is the Beaver River, a fine moderate sized stream, which takes it’s rise near the mountains, flows through a fine country between the Sas katch e wan and Athabasca Rivers, and ends in the Trade Lake, the Missinippe as it’s name implies (great water) has it’s principal scources in the Manito Lake, as far north as 60 degrees. It’s area (the Lake) is full 18,800 square miles; the name of manito, or preternatural Lake is on account of sending the Black River, a stream of about 40 yards in width, but shoal, westward to the east end of the Athabasca Lake; and a bold River from it’s east side, south eastward into the Rein Deer’s Lake, through a country of rocks and moss without trees of any kind; the Rein Deers Lake sends out a River of about 75 miles in length by 120 to 200 yards in width; with several Falls and Rapids: The total drain of the Missinippe is 173,914 square miles, except the Beaver River the whole is a very poor country. On the stony region I have already mentioned, it enters Hudson’s Bay under the name of Churchill River, in Latitude 58·47½ degrees north, Longitude 94∙3 West by the Transit of Venus over the Sun. 1769. Fraser’s River on the west side of the Mountains, it’s scources in a manner amongst the scources of the Peace River; and it descends to the Pacific Ocean in Latitude [space] it’s course is through a rude country, in places unnavigable for several miles, which causes long carrying places; it was first explored by Sir Alexander McKenzie but the hostility of the natives did not permit him to advance but little more than halfway to the sea.12 [6] In the year 1808 Messrs Fraser and Stuart explored this River from the Mountains to the Sea, the River presented obstacles and difficulties, which required all their experience and

9 Uyu’cheyinew, a Cree term indicating non-Cree Native people. Watkins and Faries, Dictionary, 1. 10 Cree owuka’n, Watkins and Faries, Dictionary, 173. 11 Cree nipe’ “water,” with the prefix mise-, “great.” Watkins and Faries, Dictionary, 89, 220. 12 Mackenzie travelled down the Fraser River from 18–23 June 1793. According to Mackenzie, Natives warned him not to continue down the Fraser because of the dangers of the river, rather than out of hostility; they suggested that he follow the overland route that led him to the ocean at Bella Coola. Mackenzie describes his decision to abandon the Fraser in his 1801 Voyages, 258–61.

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firmness to overcome, since which it has several trading houses for the natives.13 This River drains a country of 54,839 square miles. [Columbia River.] The Columbia River is on the west side of the Mountains it’s scources are from the central ridge of the Rocky Mountains, equal in extent to the Saskatchewan and Missisourie, whose scources are in the same ridge. In 1800 I attempted to cross the Mountains, after I had begun the descent on the west side, the jealousy of the Pee a gan Indians for fear the Natives on the west side should obtain arms and ammunition became so hostile as to oblige me to return.14 In 1805 late in the year Messrs Lewis and Clarke explored the lower part of this River to the Sea, but it was not until early in 1807 that I could elude the Pee a gan Indians and cross the Mountains by the defiles of the Saskatchewan to the upper part of the Columbia River and for six years explored this River; it’s great branches, and built houses for trade. I have said the scources of the Columbia are in the Mountains, this is true only of it’s great branches. The scource of the Columbia is of peculiar formation. It’s scource is a Lake of nine miles in length by a full mile in width,15 it receives no stream whatever, is surrounded by a fine plain of short grass, it’s level is the same in all season’s and never freezes in winter, it sends out a small Rivulet of about 21 miles in length to a second Lake of about the same size:16 Swans and Ducks winter in it.

13 Between 28 May and 6 August 1808, n w c partner Simon Fraser (1776–1862) and clerk John Stuart (1780–1847) led a perilous return journey, by canoe and on foot, from Fort George on the upper Fraser to the river’s mouth. The expedition revealed the impossibility of using the Fraser as a trading route to the Pacific. In a note accompanying his “Great Map,” Thompson acknowledges his use of the survey data recorded by Stuart during the 1808 journey. 14 Thompson both mischaracterizes his mission and overstates his progress. On 5 October 1800, he left Rocky Mountain House with five voyageurs and two Native guides to meet a Kootenai trading band. While some Piegan did dissuade Thompson from this trading mission, and harrassed the Kootenai when they arrived, Thompson did not in fact cross the Continental Divide. After meeting the Kootenai near the headwaters of the Red Deer River, Thompson led them back to Rocky Mountain House, where they arrived on 20 October. The journal of this period is at a o . 13.89–96, and is published as “Journey to the Kootanaes” in Belyea, ed., Columbia Journals, 3–11. See also the Historical Introduction (xv–xvi). 15 Columbia Lake. 16 Lake Windermere.

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(I  passed two winters and one summer near this Lake; On it’s west side the plain is about one mile in width, from which rises abrupt a steep mountain of a dark color, of 4220 feet in height by measurement above the level of the Lake. They are about twenty miles in length, in summer they have not the least vegetation, and in winter no snow lies on them, this mountain has three conical forms on its top; I have a drawing of it, which I took from the Lake side [7] on the east in grandeur rises a secondary Mountain, isolated from all others, it’s top, a rude pyramid of black rock, capped with constant snow; I named it Mount Nelson, in honor of the naval hero. From the scources of the River, especially from the second Lake, it has a grand appear[an]ce, it’s distance is [space] it’s perpendicular height above the second Lake is 7220 feet, by geometrical measurement, it comes rolling down with grassy and partly wooded table lands to near the sides of the upper Lake, the scource of the Columbia, from the south end of this Lake, there is a fine plain of two miles, which is a carrying place to McGillivray’s River, the rapid current of which at five miles Per hour from the mountains rushes past. The course of the Columbia River is circuitous, running round Nelsons Mountain on one hand and the west foot of the rocky mountains on the other for about 300 miles, from whence it’s course is to the sea, thro’ countries partly rude, in many places fine, with many miles of basalt, of curious formation worth the attention of the geologist. The length of this River in it’s windings is 1348 miles, and it drains an extent of 316,804 square miles. It’s descent to the Sea, from it’s Scource, I estimate at 5960 feet including it’s Falls. [Lake Superior. Mines.] The River St Lawrence is too well known to need any description from me. I shall confine myself to remarks on the great Lakes, of which it is the drain. Lake Superior17 may be said to be it’s head water; this Lake lies in a deep hollow of the west part of the stoney region, it is every where surrounded by rocky hills, it’s northern side rises, on an average 850 feet, above the Lake, in places much higher; the east side is much the same; almost all of different shades of granitic rock: it’s heights are not many miles from the Lake, full of Ponds, and Brooks, among moss and Forests of small woods of Pines, Birch and Aspin. The

17 Both the 1850 and 1848 versions of the Travels contain extensive writings on Lake Superior: see iv.226–31 (I: 257–61) and iii.98–100 (50–2). This section on Lake Superior is transcribed in: Archibald Blue, “Copper at Point Mamainse,” Ontario Bureau of Mines, Report 3 (1893), 62–3.

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whole is a poor country not fit for cultivation. The south side is still higher, but the heights at many miles from the Lake. The sides of the Lake are mostly of sand, or Lime stone. The land on the south is much better than on the north side; but not very promising for cultivation. On the north side the Lake receives 30 Rivers from 20 to 100 yards in width, three of which, the St Louis River at the south west end of the Lake, the Nee pe go near the middle and, the Mishipacoton in the north east [8] corner of the Lake are considerable Streams, and 28 Brooks all of them with many Rapids, Falls and carrying places. On the south side are 40 Rivers from 20 yards wide and upwards, two are 120 yards in width with 41 Brooks, all of them have many rapids and falls, but have more water than those on the north side. The evaporation from this great Lake seems confined within it’s hills, is condensed before it can ascend above the hills, and returned to the Lake from frequent rains in numerous streams. ¶ It is sometimes agitated without any apparent cause, as I was surveying the Lake in 1822, the day was fine and calm (July) about 50 miles from the southwest end of the Lake, at noon, the Lake became much agitated, and the waves rolled on the shore as in a breeze of wind; I had to stop for about three hours. On looking at the Lake, about two miles from me, I saw a space of about 300 yards filled with a dark mist which came from the depths below in a rude column of about twenty feet in height, from whence it extended itself horizontally and was lost. As soon as this ceased, the waves subsided, and I proceeded on my journey. ¶ Lake Superior lies between Latitude 46·27 North and 48·58 North, and Longitude 84˚-15' West and 92˚·16' West, its greatest length is 386 miles, it’s breadth 179 miles; it’s circuit is 1617 miles, it’s area exclusive of Islands 25,057 miles, it’s level above the sea 625 feet. In the north east quarter there is much basalt; Pye Island is wholly of it; close to this Island the Lake has been sounded with 350 fathoms of line, no bottom; on the north side is Thunder Point, of Basalt, it rises perpendicular from the Lake 1120 feet, a great part in appearance is of a fluted form, here also a line of 350 fathoms found no bottom; hence this Point of Basalt must be at least 3225 in height from the bottom. Here then we have a certainty that the bottom of the Lake, is at least 1475 feet below the surface of the sea, but it is very probable that parts of the Lake are 600 fathoms in depth, if so, the bottom is 3000 feet below the surface of the Ocean. At the average depth of 200 fathoms, a low average, this lake contains about 6000 cubic miles of fresh water. In the severest winters, only it’s Bays are frozen over, which every gale of wind breaks [9] up, and causes much floating ice. ¶ When in 1798 as I was surveying this Lake, I went up the On to nog gan River. (by the United States called the Eagle River) to a mass of native copper but with my small axe I could not get a piece of it. It lay below a cliff on the

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lime stone shore of the river, and was much rounded by water. I have lately been informed that it weighs 3000 lbs. and has been taken to Washington at the expense of 5000 dollars. The same year on the survey, about 52 miles northward of the Falls of St Maries, near the Mah maize, there were five, or six canoes of Indians, who informed me, they were then at the old path of their grandfathers, who used to come here for pure copper for heads to their Lances arrows, axes, knives, and other necessaries; by their description the place was about five miles in the interior, I requested to be shown the place, but they said they did not exactly know it, and dreaded the Musquitoes. It appears, that in those days, the first settlement of this country, the ornaments of the Churches of Rome came from these two mines, in pieces of pure copper. In the survey of 1822 at the north east end of the great Point, now called Kee we naw, I found a small secure harbor, from which I took specimens of copper ore which I named Copperas Harbor: this place has since been worked with profit, as has also a considerable tract of country by the people of the United States, who by treaty have about three fourths of this great Lake by Lord Ashburton’s capitulation.18 On the British side eastward of Thunder Point towards Miship a coton River, there is an Archipelago of Islands, lying from west to east of about 100 miles in length, in this direction; for these two years past (1845–46) they have been closely examined, and the greatest part of this archipelago of Islands are found to be rich in copper ore, as also parts of the main shore, companies are now formed to work these extensive copper mines, with what success is yet to be known; but let us hope that several ships may be loaded with rich copper ore for the ports of England. There are scarcely any hopes this Lake will ever be [10] examined by scientific Men, they have too many hardships to encounter; they must carry their Provisions with them, live in tents exposed to the Rains and Storms of the Lake, and the worst of all, myriads of Musquitoes. Hopes of profit may cause localities to be explored, but that is all. [Lake Huron. Garrison destroyed.]19

18 By this term Thompson denotes the Webster-Ashburton Treaty of 1842, which defined the border between Lake Superior and Lake of the Woods. Going into negotiations, the British position, based partly on Thompson’s own work for the i b c , was that the boundary should run west from Fond du Lac. In the end, the parties agreed to a boundary along the Grand Portage–Pigeon River trade route. 19 The first two paragraphs of this description of Lake Huron are extracted in: James Cleland Hamilton, The Georgian Bay: An Account of Its Position, Inhabitants, Mineral Interests, Fish, Timber and Other Resources (Toronto: Carswell, 1893), 29–31.

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Lake Huron is next in order to Lake Superior, the discharge of this latter Lake is by the Falls of St Maries, or more properly rapids of about three fourths of a mile in length, their descent is fifteen feet, ten inches, which with the current below may give a difference of level of seventeen feet, down to Lake Huron; the sides of this Lake, are in places of moderate height, but a great part of it is low land, by a strait at Cabot’s Head, it may be said to be divided into two Lakes the eastern part is called the Georgian Bay; this Lake is remarkable for it’s great number of Islands, and Islets, of the former several are large, they lie along the north shore: but the Islets are in general small, of low rock, and very many not one hundred yards square. Lieutenant Collins,20 who was on the survey of this Lake counted 47,500 Islands and Islets, the Islets lie so close on the east shore, southward of the French River, that the main shore is not known: The north part of the east side has also much copper ore, it’s value is not yet known, but accounted the best mine. ¶ At the north west corner of this Lake, is the once far famed Island of Michil i mac a naw (the great Tortoise)21 from it’s shape; it commands the Strait to Lake Michigan; the French very early erected a Fort and a trading house;22 the Indians were then very numerous, the country every where abounded in game to and beyond the Mississippe, however dispersed in winter, the then numerous tribes of Indians, early in summer assembled on this Island, at times to upwards of two thousand men, a great trade was carried on, french manufactures exchanged for furrs, maize, maple sugar and some wild rice. The french fort was twice taken and destroyed by stratagem, the Indians alledged they had never [11] given permission to erect a Fort, which was only a few neat log houses surrounded by stockades of about twelve feet above the ground, sharp pointed, with two gates; it was the depository of the goods of the furr traders, from whence they drew the supplies they wanted, as the furr trade required. It was natural to the french garrison to keep their gates closed when such an overwhelming force was on the Island, but this the Indians did not pretend to understand, and it is curious to remark, that while the Indians destroyed the Fort, the furr traders in their temporary cabins, covered with Birch Rind, ex-

20 Philip Edward Collins was the chief assistant to Henry Wolsey Bayfield, Admiralty surveyor for North America, 1817–35. The two men conducted a survey of Lake Huron from 1817–21, during which time they crossed paths with Thompson’s own i b c party. 21 Ojibwa mishi-mikinaak, “big snapping turtle.” 22 Fort Michilimackinac was constructed by 1715, and passed to British control in 1761. The Ojibwa taking of the Fort during Pontiac’s Rebellion in 1763 is vividly described by Alexander Henry the Elder; see his Travels and Adventures in Canada and the Indian Territories Between the Years 1770 and 1776, James Bain, ed. (Edmonton: Hurtig, 1969), 77–83.

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posed to every turn of fortune were respected by the Indians, not the value of a copper was taken from them; the fact is, that, had the french garrison thrown open their gates, and allowed the Indians free admission to hold their councils, and consider the ground to be theirs, however builded upon, all would have been well, but the French brought garrison duty with them, which the Indians could not understand. At the cession of Canada to England, the British took possession of this Island, and it’s trade continued as before, tho’ the Indians were not so numerous from the Small Pox, yet the trade was considerable, especially in Maple Sugar, which was made into what is called Muscovado, a close imitation of the west india sugars, a great blessing to all the traders, and to many others. The area of Lake Huron is 14,862 square miles. ¶ Lake Michigan may be considered as the west part of Lake Huron, upon the same level, and separated by a bold strait, it’s area is 11,235 square miles. The lands about this latter Lake are good, now well settled and cultivated, many small streams flow into this Lake, but the withering influence of the people of the United States upon all trade with the Natives has annihilated the trade of Michil i mak e naw. It remains an Island and no more. The discharge of Lake Huron and it’s accumulated waters is the River St Clair, of about [12] twenty one miles in length, the land on each side has a gentle slope of good soil, now cultivated by successful farmers, it enters Lake St Clair by several shoal channels formed by it’s alluvials; Lake St Clair is a shoal Lake of low alluvial shores, in it’s south east corner the River Thames, watering a fine rich country of Upper Canada enters, and adds much rich alluvial. From Lake St Clair proceeds the very fine Detroit River, of gentle sloping banks of the richest soil, and gentle current, this fine River was very early cultivated by the French, they had a stockaded Fort, and it was a place of considerable trade with the natives.23 Even to this day the Deer are more numerous than elsewhere. This fine river discharges itself into Lake Erie, the most southern bend of the St Lawrence. [Lake Erie & its marshes. The Lake Fever.] ¶ The head of Lake Erie is, I may say, of immense alluvials, in low water most pestilential, as I know from sad experience.24 At a council board held by the

23 Fort Pontchartrain du Détroit was established by the French explorer Antoine de la Mothe Cadillac in 1701. 24 The events that Thompson describes here took place during the i b c survey of Lake Erie, in August–September 1819. The “ague” was likely malaria. Thompson’s journal for this period is at a o . 38.33b–67. See Francis M. Carroll, A Good and Wise Measure:

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Commissioners, Colonel John Ogilvie25 on the part of Great Britain; and General Peter Porter26 on the part of the United States; Captain Douglass,27 Professor of Mathematics at West Point, was Astronomer and Surveyor on the part of the United States; as I was on the part of Great Britain, after we had settled the operations that were to be carried on, from the sickly state of the country and the accounts I had received of the great marshes on each side of the head of Lake Erie, I proposed to Captain Douglass, that each of us should take a hasty survey of these extensive marshes upon the opposite shores, and give the number of square miles they contained, I had scarcely uttered the words, when General Porter sprang up, saying, “the Man that will dare to do it, is dead, dead.” There was silence. He knew by sad experience the dreadful effects of these marshes, we did not. Captain Douglas very gallantly said, “it is the cause of science; I will undertake to row [13] round the marshes on the south side, if you will do the same on the north side, and each of us will give the best estimate he can of the extent of these marshes.” To this I readily agreed. General Porter said, “gentlemen you may do as you please, but I would not give a cent for your lives.” ¶ Each of us proceeded on the rough estimate of the extent of these marshes: Captain Douglas rowed round his side, he had, with his boat’s crew to sleep two nights on the beach, but on the third day he arrived at the Detroit River, where he met the Steamboat proceeding towards Niagara, himself and his Men embarked, and were brought down to Black Rock, in a weak state, from which they slowly recovered. The report of Captain Douglas stated that from the distance they rowed, and the great depth of marsh to the main land, that this marsh contained an area of about 750 square miles, into this marsh the Sandusky and Maumee Rivers discharge their waters.

The Search for the Canadian-American Boundary, 1783–1842 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2001), 104–5. 25 British i b c Commissioner John Ogilvy (c. 1769–1819) had been a successful fur trader, and was instrumental in the 1804 merger of the n w c and the x y Company. He succumbed to fever on 28 September 1819. 26 United States i b c Commissioner Peter Buell Porter (1773–1844), a lawyer and veteran of the War of 1812–14, resigned his seat in the United States Congress to lead the i b c . He would later become secretary of war under President John Quincy Adams. 27 David Bates Douglass (1790–1849) taught at the United States Military Academy at West Point from 1815–31. The year after the events described here, he participated in Lewis Cass’s explorations of the south shore of Lake Superior.

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¶ Neither Colonel Ogilvie, nor myself had the least idea of the fatal effects of the miasmata28 of these marshes, accustomed to live in cold and dry climates. We camped too long on Point Pelé Island which has an area of [space] Acres, nearly the whole is marsh, surrounded by low shores, mostly sandy, very little above the level of the Lake; on the north side of the Lake I surveyed the extent of this marsh, part of it called the round O. It gave 120 square miles, part of which near the main shore affords much coarse hay: the whole shore next to the Lake was a narrow stripe of low sand, seldom twenty yards in width, and on a level with the Lake, which in high water must wash into it, but this was a season of very low water, the Lake had lowered about two inches and left about forty yards in breadth dry, which I examined. It was closely strewed with various water insects all dead which caused a horrid stench, the grasses, and other vegetable productions in this rich shoal alluvial [14] appeared as if oiled; I had with me a man who had lived several years in the Detroit River, and so much accustomed to fits of the Ague, that he thought nothing of them, he warned me of the danger I was in by examining these marshes, my men all caught the Ague, so that with a boat’s crew of six hardy men I was often reduced to two rowers the Men would fall on the bottom of the boat; as if thrown down. ¶ In the upper end of Lake Erie, are three fine Islands well wooded with maple, called the east, middle, and west Sisters, each contains about three hundred square acres of rich soil: to the west Sister I removed our camp, this fine Isle, is sixteen miles from land, yet I could not help observing the leaves of the trees to be faded and shrivelled; (early in September) here we thought ourselves safe, but we had brought disease with us. We could do nothing; all were ill of the Ague, and a low fever except myself and my servant Baptiste; the third morning I rose very weak, but no pain, I had the Lake Fever as it is called, I could only set up by leaning against a chest, Baptiste anxiously watching me; about three in the afternoon, this cold fit changed to a burning fever; upon which Baptiste remarked to me, that there was some hopes that I might recover, for the cold fit was certain death, fortunately the United States Steamboat for Detroit hove in sight, weak as we were, we got all ready, and in our boat pushed off to meet her, the Captain very humanely took us on board, I was so much exhausted, they laid me on the deck, burning with thirst. I requested some acid liquor, but the sickness had been so great, that they had expended every thing; they offered me water I refused it, and my feverish mind looked with contempt on Lake Erie, as not sufficient to allay my burning thirst.

28 The plural of “miasma,” here the term signifies “noxious emanations.” Oxford English Dictionary, 2nd edn, 9:710, s.v. “miasmata.”

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¶ On arriving at Amherstbourg to my sorrow I found Commissioner, Colonel John Ogilvie on his death bed, he had been taken with the cold fit, which continued on him, we had been long friends, it was evening and I lay down on the floor, close to his bed, early next morning Colonel Hawkins29 in command of the place sent two Surgeons for [15] me, I left Colonel Ogilvie, but on parting with him I found that already his arm was stiff, a few hours afterwards he died, a gentleman of high stern integrity; a martyr to what he considered his duty. The Americans were much wiser than us, brave as they are; they had no idea of contending with an invisible enemy who was sure to conquer. Baptiste my servant and two of my men died, the others slowly recovered, as to myself I was reduced so low that the two Surgeons who attended me, gave me over to the grave. James Hibborn, an artillery man attended me, the most distressing symptoms of the Fever were now leaving me, they came and enquired of him, if I was not dead, he said “no,” “well he must die to day.” This was close to my bed, the next morning they came, and enquired, is he not dead yet, the answer was no, “let us go and see him,” they found me, without any fever, but reduced to a mere skeleton. I could scarcely speak from weakness; but I had to see every thing packed up, and taken down to Montreal. Such are the sad effects of the immense marshes of the west end of Lake Erie. They are incurable, being on the same level with the Lake, as we advance over this stormy shallow Lake, it’s greatest depth being only fifteen fathoms, the banks on both sides rise to a considerable elevation, in places to 350 feet above the level of the Lake, and in places most ruinous banks, up which no person can ascend or descend as sad experience taught me, but all around this stormy Lake, whether the banks are high, or low, the soil is very rich, with the finest forests of various trees, as this rich country is cleared the Ague will disappear. [Lake Erie &c to the Falls of Niagara. The Falls. Indian & Canoe, it’s upper Rapids.] The sortie of this Lake is the Niagara River, so named by the Natives from it’s celebrated Fall, of about 153 feet in perpendicular height, but above this fall of water, there are Rapids of two miles in length, with a descent of sixty five feet, between bold rocky banks. I may relate what I know to be fact for I was on the ground. In the year 1818 while I was on the survey of this River a sad

29 Lieutenant-Colonel J.P. Hawkins of the 68th Regiment of Foot, Durham Light Infantry, commander of the British Army garrison at Fort Malden, Amherstburg. Dennis Carter-Edwards, Parks Canada Research Bulletin 100: The Brick Barracks at Fort Malden (October 1978).

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accident happened to say no worse of it, an Indian fully half drunk crossed from the american side, to a small sandy cove [16] on the british side, near the head of these powerful rapids, he hauled his canoe more than half ashore on the sandy beach, then lay down in it and fell asleep, this cove was near the public road, an american of the lowest miscreant order, saw the Indian sleeping in his canoe (in August) with the innate hatred of such miscreants, he went to the canoe, and pushed it into the water, it was soon on these rapids, the tossing of the waves soon awakened the poor Indian, he saw inevitable death before him, placing his canoe in good position for the waves of the rapid, he coolly took his flint and still, struck fire on some touchwood, lighted and smoked his pipe, with apparent apathy (he was seen by several persons, but no help could be afforded to him, he was soon hurried on to the fatal precipice of the Niagara Falls, on arriving at which, he laid down his pipe, covered his head with his blanket, and descended the Fall of about 153 feet, not a fragment of his canoe or himself were ever found.30 The learned Men of Europe have too often discussed the question of the safe navigation of Rivers at a given velocity of current, here is an instance of a canoe of birch rind of about fifteen feet in length by thirthy inches in width, descending in safety the rapids above the Niagara Falls of thirty two feet six inches Per Mile: the learned of Europe may form as many theories as they please, but sad experience has proved to me, it is only theory, how often in my life, with two, or three hardy canadians have I descend[ed] in my small canoe the mountain torrents; in going down a bold stream on the west side of the mountains, which I named the Canoe River, from having built my canoe there of it’s fine Cedar, the descent to it’s confluence with the Columbia, is not less than thirty feet Per Mile; at the same time descent alone does not give the current, in very low water, a child may play in the River, yet with the same descent when swollen with melted Snow or heavy Rains it becomes a formidable River with a

30 In stating that he was “on the ground,” Thompson vouches for the veracity that this event, although no mention is made of it in his journals for August 1818, when he was indeed at Niagara (a o . 40). The story of an inebriated yet stoic Native man going over the Falls in a canoe was in fact a common trope, dating to as early as the first decade of the nineteenth century, and it appeared in dozens of works of travel. As New York politician DeWitt Clinton recounted the tale in 1810, the villain was not a miscreant American, but rather a British soldier. Later in the nineteenth century, the Native protagonist of the tale shifted from male to female. See Jared Farmer, On Zion’s Mount: Mormons, Indians, and the American Landscape (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2008), 303–4; DeWitt Clinton, “Private Canal Journal, 1810,” in The Life and Writings of DeWitt Clinton, ed., William W. Campbell (New York: Baker and Scribner, 1849), 130.

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strong current, in short the greater [17] the volume of water, the greater the velocity of the current, as the Nile with only four inches of descent Per mile, yet it’s current is stated at six miles Per hour. [Lake fisheries.] The fisheries of Lake Superior and Lake Huron are productive in the very finest of fish, as White Fish and Trout, besides the herring and many other kinds. The white Fish is common to all the Lakes on the east side of the Mountains, but varies in size and quality with almost every Lake; in some Lakes the fish is poor and small and barely eatable; in other Lakes (they must be deep water) they are delicious fish, very nutritious, and wholesome. Several of furr trading Houses live wholly on them during winter (seven months) as I have done myself, their broth is good, their weights are from three to thirteen pounds the larger the better; the Trout are also very fine, and make a rich broth, the largest I have known are those of Lake Huron, they have been weighed fifty five pounds weight, but such are rare, the common weight is from ten to thirty pounds, not many are taken in nets, they are mostly taken by the hook and line in winter; and in summer speared by torch light. The white Fish, on the contrary are almost wholly taken in set nets of about fifty fathoms in length. They extend from a depth of two fathoms, or so, near the shore and lead out to deep water, two to five fathoms in depth is the most favorable water. Lake Erie has no fisheries, in a storm the fish have no shelter. [Lake Ontario. & St Lawrence.] The Niagara River enters Lake Ontario, this Lake is too well known to need my description beyond a few remarks, if we look to old chronicles it was called, “stormy Ontario,” the indian name of this Lake. The White Fish were confined by the Falls of Niagara to the upper Lakes, but for these twenty years last they are found in this Lake, but of the lesser species, and good; their weight may average five pounds. They are a blessing to mankind. All around this fine Lake is a fine healthy country with, in general a fertile soil, well paying the cultivator for his labour, the fevers and agues of Lake Erie are unknown, every man [18] works in confidence of health, the lower part of this Lake for several miles around Kingston, has a shallow soil on Lime Stone rock, and this continues on the Northeast side of the St Lawrence for full forty miles to, and below Gan na no que.31 Below this the soil is deep and fertile.

31 Here Thompson describes the Frontenac Axis of the Canadian Shield.

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¶ I may now give the area of the Lakes of Canada. Lake Superior, exclusive of it’s Islands has an area of 25,057 square miles. Lake Huron 14,862 square miles, Lake Michigan on the same level, an area of 11,235 square miles. Lake  Erie 8,560 square miles, and Lake Ontario 6,117 square miles, the total area of these Lakes is 65,831 square miles, an immense extent of surface of fresh water, except Lake Erie, the bottom of these Lakes are very many feet below the level of the tide waters of the sea: from Lake Ontario descends the River St Lawrence, and it is here it takes it’s name, below Kingston it spreads over a wide extent, much of which is very shoal, but on the north side has two, or three moderately deep channels, to the the thousand Isles, but which number 1749 of Islands and Islets, from hence to Montreal are among rapids, to which canals at great expence have been made, below Montreal to the sea, the River is navigable for ships, the elevation of the Lakes above the tide waters are Lake Ontario 231 feet, Lake Erie 565 feet, Lake Huron 596 feet and Lake Superior 625 feet. The drain of the River St Lawrence, including it’s Lakes, is 494,175 statute miles. I have thus placed before the reader the extent of land drained by the principal Rivers of North America, a curious subject, and which hitherto has never been attempted. [Law of Rivers on north side.]32 ¶ There is also another curious fact, which many years of navigating these Rivers have led me to notice, that on all the great Rivers the deep channel for full six Miles out of every seven Miles is on the north side of the River. this statement is perfly correct on all the Rivers the courses of which a [19] nearly east or West, and the more they deviate from this course, the less is this law observable; thus on the River Mississippe, which runs from North to South, I could find no such law, instead of which, the deep water was on the east side of the River, and the west side; often wide shallows; perhaps the learned Men of Europe, may notice how far this Law acts on their Rivers. There are anomalies in Rivers apparently against this Law, but actually caused by this law; thus we see the south side have the deep channel, and the north side shoal, for it is only the deep channel that can support and float down heavy trees with their branches, and Roots, which inclose earth and stones, and this too frequently is lodged in the deep channel, sediment of all kinds soon collect around it, and form a shoal, and sometimes change the channel.

32 This phenomenon is discussed in the 1848 Travels at iii.280–1 (235).

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“ T H E N AT I V E S O F N O RT H A M E R I C A”

[1] The Natives of North America, are composed of several races of people, speaking different languages; and sufficiently distinct from each other to be known by their physiognomy’s, and personal appearances. The question is, “from what other part of our world has this continent been peopled.”1 Asia has justly been regarded as the cradle, and nursery of the human race; history speaks of the migrations of mankind being always from the east to the west; and very rarely in the contrary order; and leading off to the north or south; as fortune directed; from Asia to Europe, or to Africa; they could migrate without Ships, they had no Ocean to pass, only inland seas to go round. From the west coasts of Europe and Africa there is an Ocean of some three thousand miles to cross to the east coasts of America, about four centuries ago an unknown world. The natives of the east coasts of America are decidedly of Europe, or north Africa, but no historian has derived them from the west of the old world. The learned of Europe, without expressing a doubt on the subject, people America from Asia, not considering that if the Atlantic Ocean of three thousand miles in width, presented an inseparable barrier to be peopled from Europe that the Pacific Ocean of five thousand miles in width presented a more formidable barrier but this difficulty is readily got over by pointing to Behring’s Straits, between the most northern coasts of Asia and America, in the narrowest part, said to be only seventy miles in width; that such a strait could be easily crossed in fine weather by people possessing boats, or large canoes, there can be no doubt; but to cross in such numbers as to people the largest continent on our globe, is a different thing; for to believe this theory it is necessary we enquire, who, and what [2] are the people on the west side of these Straits; and is the country so fertile, as to support a population that can send out colonies. To the first we may safely say that to this day the inhabitants of the west side are

1 Thompson’s hypothesis, that the Americas were peopled from Europe and North Africa rather than Asia, is based largely on evidence of the westward movements of Native peoples within the historical period. These observations are integrated into a Biblical genealogy which holds that all humans are descended from Noah, and a severely foreshortened chronology; in one of his notebooks, Thompson records his belief (conventional for his time) that between 4,004 and 5,872 years elapsed between the Creation of the world and the birth of Christ (a o . 76.65).

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not sufficiently versed in the arts to cross a Strait of seventy to one hundred miles in width. Like all people that live on the sea coasts, they have boats for fishing; but are too poor in materials to build vessels for sea. The country they live in is one of the most barren that people can live on; and can only maintain, in poverty, a scattered population. It is evident that such a people, with such a country could not colonise America. But it may be said, that some populous nation southward of Siberia may have done so: from Siberia to China are the vast plains of Tartary,2 none of the hordes of Tartary have ever engaged in navigating the Seas, they are almost wholly a pastoral people, depending for their subsistence on their flocks and herds; they are of singular physiognomy, they have frequently migrated in vast hordes, but always from east to west; therefore it is not probable they ever sent a colony to America, and where the Tartar countenance is not known. In like manner we may dispose of the Isles of Japan and the nation of the Chinese. I do not believe the inhabitants of any part of the world to be indigenous they are all the descendants of the Patriarch Noah, however widely dispersed, and diversified in appearance. The population of America will be found to have proceeded from east to west like the other continents and not from Behring’s Straits, from west to east. On this subject what may be said of the northern part of this continent, may also be [3] said of the southern part, and in order to acquire some knowledge from whence the population of this continent came, it may be useful to take a view of it’s Natives as they are at present, what their migrations have been from the personal knowledge of the white people, and from the accounts of the Natives themselves and their traditions. This must be a general view without entering into particulars. The coasts of Labrador, of all the Islands northward, and the shores of the continent northward of Churchill River in latitude 58 degrees, and round the continent to Behring’s Straits are in the possession of a singular race of people called Esquimaux who gain their livelihood from the sea; and the estuaries of the rivers, up which they proceed no further than the first rapids, or falls. They use small canoes for fishing, and boats for the removal of their families, both of which are made of seal skin. Their country having no trees, for their boats, and all other purposes for which wood is required, they are dependent on drift wood. Of this numerous people very few have fire arms, their weapons being Bows and Arrows, Spears and Darts. They are confessedly of european origen, and very probably their ancestors were from west Greenland which is distant, only about four hundred miles from the most eastern islands,

2 The Great Eurasian Steppe, arcing from the Caspian Sea to the Pacific.

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and lands they yet live on, but except the northern coasts, they have peopled no part of this continent. The interior countries of which the Esquimaux possess the coasts, have a race of Indians utterly distinct from the former,3 tall in their persons with prominent feature[s], and oval form of face, grave in their demeanor, they possess the country from the latitude of 56 degrees north to the extremity of the continent, and westward to the east foot of the Rocky [4] Mountains. They all point to Churchill River as the place from which they formerly extended themselves northward and westward; and frequently made war on the Esquimaux. The country they possess is mostly barren from the eastward to the west side of the great Lakes, westward of which, the country is good for hunting, but every where too poor to allow them to live otherwise than scattered by a few families. By the traders of Hudson’s Bay they are called “Northern Indians,” they all speak the same language, or dialects, readily understood by each other. By the southern Indians4 retiring to the south, they have for the last fifty years possessed the country to about the parallel of fifty five degrees. There can be no dispute that their migrations have been from east to west since the western and southern part have taken place within the memory of the Fur Traders. Had they asserted that they came from the northern part of this continent and proceeded southward we should then infer they came from Greenland which, many centuries ago had a mild climate and extensive fisheries but claiming their ancient place of abode to be the north west side of Hudson’s Bay, precludes their having come from Greenland. They have nothing of the high moral courage and fortitude of their southern neighbours, the Nahathaway Indians, but even when they have provisions to trade, will pinch up the back of their hands to show how poor they are, at the same time crying like children. Every thing they say and do indicates they came from a wretched country. Their own weapons for hunting, or defence, are weak and rude; their Bows are of larch wood their arrows of willow. All the natives of this continent, in the use of the Bow, hold it upright, which position gives to the arms their full strength, and the right eye in a line with the arrow to direct it. [5] But these northern Indians use the Bow in a horizontal position, the left hand under the Bow, and the thumb and tips of two fingers on the string, which is drawn to the breast, and which cannot send the Arrow with the full force of the Bow, it’s flight is comparatively short, and weak; but by practice they are good marksmen. If we

3 Dene. 4 Cree (Thompson’s “Nahathaway”).

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knew of any ancient northern people that made use of the Bows in this position, it might guide us to the origen of these people.5 ¶ I have seen and surveyed much of their country and from what I could learn from themselves, they were originally on the very northern and eastern part of this continent, probably from west Greenland; the large tract of country eastward of the Rein Deer and Manito Lakes to the sea coasts, called the “Barren Lands,” a country of moss and rocks, with a very few stunted pines, was their ancient abode, and which to this day, they call their country; on these barren lands they proceeded southward to the latitude of Churchill; the Nahathaway Indians who then lived to the southward and westward of them retiring graduall[y] to better countries, left them to take peaceable possession of the countries they now have for their hunting grounds down to the fifty fifth parallel of latitude and westward to the Rocky Mountains; thus plainly showing the movements of these numerous Indians have been from north to south, and from east to west, and not in a contrary direction, which must have been the case, had they come from Asia. ¶ The nation of Indians next in order, are the Nahathaway Indians they extend over a great space of country in Tribes under different names, and speaking dialects of the same language; the parent race is the most northern; and is so acknowledged as far as their [6] dialects are spoken; the vocabulary of the Delaware tongue of the Indians of that river by Heickewelder, is a dialect of the Nahathaway language.6 (Note. On my survey of the Red River and adjacent countries, I came to the trading house of Mr Baptiste Cadotte,7 a native, well educated in Canada, and who spoke the Oojibaway tongue (a dialect) when conversing with these Indians at his house, they understood me, but Mr Cadotte did not, at which he was surprised and enquired of them, how they came to understand me, when he did not; to which the old men replied, we understand him because he speaks the language of our fathers, and they dwell far to the midnight of us (northwestward). Upon comparing the nouns, verbs, and other parts of speech, he found they were the same softened in pronunciation substituting the letter y for th as Ne ther (me) for Ne yer, (and other consonants in the same manner.)8 5 The Dene manner of holding the bow is mentioned in the 1850 Travels at iv.113–14 (I: 165). 6 Thompson refers to the Algonquian language family, which includes Blackfoot, Cree, Ojibwa and Lenape (Delaware). For John Heckewelder (1743–1823), see note on iii.136 (85). 7 For n w c trader Jean-Baptiste Cadotte fils, see I: 323. 8 This episode with Cadotte and the Ojibway men is recounted in the 1850 version of the Travels at iv.203 (I: 239).

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¶ This nation when the fur traders extended their trade far into the interior countries were found at the great Slave Lake, in the latitude of sixty degrees, and beyond, and then possessed all the west side of Hudson’s Bay, and of James’s Bay, and from hence their eastern boundary was the sea to the Delaware River, this was also their most southern point; to the westward they held the country to within about two hundred miles of the Rocky Mountains as far south as the Saskatchewan River, thence all the wooded countries to the west side of Lake Superior, the River St Lawrence, and a considerable extent westward from the sea to the Delaware River. All the St Lawrence and to the last named river have become british provinces, or parts of the United States [7] thus this great extent of country is no longer in their possession, but the most northern parts from the severity of the climate they have left to their northern neighbours, and by the Saskatchewan River extended themselves westward to the Rocky Mountains, and to the western extremity of the woods that border the great plains; thus all the movements of this, once, great, and powerful people, have been from east to west; so far as they could force tribes of other Indians to recede westward from before them. They are now very much reduced in numbers, and without power, or influence. But as this once powerful people are not indigenous, where is the country from whence they came, for even in the state of hunters, they are semi civilised they have a religion morals and manners. ¶ Like all the Natives of northern America they firmly believe in the immortality of the soul, and also that every animated being whom the great Spirit has made is also immortal, with a future state of rewards and punishments. The reward of the good, is a fine climate, a beautiful country, the animals numerous, and their hunting always successfull: the punishment of the wicked is for ever to wander in perpetual darkness.9 But all this is but belief, for as they know not the promise of God to mankind through our blessed Saviour, it influences their conduct, only when their passions and desires are absent, yet it is a trait of character to guide us in learning the country from whence they came. All the ancient nations of the northern parts of Europe had much the same belief of a future state, and as the Nahathaway Indians have all proceeded from North to South, and from East to west; it is highly probable they came from Europe by the way of Iceland and Greenland to the north [8] east part of this continent. The confederates of these Indians were, and are yet, the Sussee, the Rapid, the Stone Indians10 with the three tribes of the Pee a gan Blood and Blackfeet

9 For Thompson’s treatment of the Cree belief in the immortality of the soul, see the 1850 Travels, iv.42–3 (I: 100–1). 10 The Tsuu T’ina, Gros Ventre, and Assiniboine respectively.

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Indians; they were all confined to the left bank of the Saskatchewan and lower parts to the first Lakes. The Snake Indians,11 once the most numerous and powerful nation of this part of the continent possessed the right bank of the Saskatchewan down to the Eagle Hills, and the great plains to and beyond, the Missisourie River; and with their allies, the Saleesh, Shawpatin and Kootanaes to the east foot of the Rocky Mountains; From time, beyond all tradition, the Nahathaway’s, with their confederates have carried on unceasing hostilities against the Snake Indians and their allies; with no decisive success. The arrival of the English in Hudson’s Bay, and the French in Canada, first gave fire arms for furrs, to the Nahathaway’s and their many tribes, their confederates also became partially armed; every battle showed the decisive superiority of fire arms, and iron headed arrows and spears; their shields of thick bull hide was no defence against a ball. Every battle they lost a part of their country and successively driven from the right bank of the Missisourie, a distance of about six hundred miles; and to the foot of the Rocky Mountains; and at length driven across the Mountains, where they yet live. As these latter lost their countries by the fortune of war, the confederates advanced and took possession of the fine countries they had gained, covered with herds of the Bison, the Red Deer, and Antelope: thus [9] a great movement of the confederates was made from east to west, to the foot of the Mountains. To enter into similar movements of other Nation[s] would be too tedious. Enough has been said to prove this continent was not peopled from Asia by Behring’s Straits. The east coast of north america, for many years past have had a population of British origen; of highly civilized people, yet all their movements are in the same direction of east to west, neither rivers, nor Mountains have arrested their progress westward to the Pacific Ocean a barrier of five thousand miles of water in width. The diurnal rotation of the Earth is from west to east, but the movements of all the nations of the world have been in a contrary direction, and never with the rotation of the Earth. There is a powerful physical cause to the above movement; it is well known the east sides of all the Continents are much colder and more sterile than the west sides; therefore every movement of a people leads them to a milder climate and more fertile soil. Thus from the parallels of forty three degrees, for about six months the ground in Canada is covered with snow and the Rivers and Lakes frozen over, on the same parallels of Latitude westward of the Mountains to the sea shore they have an open winter the same takes place between the east shores of Asia and the west coasts of Europe. Where are the people who would leave the warm climate and fine soil of the Pacific Ocean to freeze and starve on the

11 Shoshone.

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dismal shores of Hudson’s Bay, Labrador and Canada. I have been thus tedious that the learned of Europe may no longer continue in the errour they have adopted, of the peopling of America from the north of Asia by Behring’s Straits. This continent is frequently spoken of as a new world, with a new people, these expressions must be limited to the time they became known to us, [10] for there can be no doubt all the continents are equally ancient, and all peopled as soon as the increase, and dispersion of the descendants of Noah could form colonies. The building of the tower of Babel, by the Hebrew chronology was 2233 years before Christ, to defeat the command of God to replenish the ear[t]h: “the punishment of which was “the confusion of tongues”12 and perhaps, (I speak with reverence,) to render the great families that combined in that impious act more dissimilar from each other, and more migratory. The features were changed to that of the Tartar, the Hindoo the Chinese Ethiopian and Negro; the posterity of Shem, and part of that of Japheth retaining the original form. When Columbus discovered America, the north and south parts were well peopled from the arctic circle to Cape Horn, and from the Atlantic to the Pacific Ocean’s, and also all the neighbouring Islands, Empires and Republics, with powerful Chiefs every where governed the people; this proves an ancient population. The fine climate and fertile shores of the Mediterranean Sea, with it’s Islands, very early attracted colonies, and formed a maritime people; their Ships soon settled the Islands that lie of the south of Europe and the north of Africa; and these Islands extended their population to the Isles south westward over those calm seas until the population reached the continent. That the Caribbee Islands were very early peopled may be inferred from the fossil bones of a Man found imbeded in the hard limestone rock.13 Of the greater part of the many years between the confusion of tongues and the birth of Christ we have no other history of mankind than that of the Hebrews and their neighbours. The great archipelago of Islands in the north Pacific Ocean have a race of men of a robust make and coarse features, but none of them resemble either the Tartar or the Chinese. To me it appears evident that northern america has been peopled from the north of Europe; and the rest from the south of Europe the Mediteranean and the north of Africa.

12 Genesis 11:1–9. 13 In 1813 a purported “fossil human skeleton” collected in Guadeloupe by British governor Alexander Cochrane was presented to the British Museum. Charles König, “On a Fossil Human Skeleton from Guadeloupe,” Philosophical Transactions 104: 107–20 (1814). Here, “fossil” simply indicates an object dug out of the earth.

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WAT E R

[1] It is an old question, “What is the natural, or pure, state of what we call Water” is this state fluid, or solid.”1 The inhabitants of warm countries see it only as a fluid; those who live in high latitudes see it more frequently, and for a greater length of time, in a solid state, as ice and snow. Water to be fluid must be combined with caloric, and as the latter is increased becomes expanded into steam it’s most fluid and active state. But this is not pure water, for when by the action of the atmosphere the caloric is abstracted; it takes the form of ice; which thus appears to be the natural state of water. In the range of a few degrees of the thermometer it readily assumes the fluid, or solid state. The great magazines of water which Providence has piled upon the Mountains for the supply of the rivers are all in the solid form of ice and snow, it’s unalterable state, until combined with heat to liquefy it, and form a fluid, the state in which we see it when the warmth of the atmosphere is above the freezing point; and is now subject to evaporation and other accidents to which ice and snow are not, the latter is therefore the pure and natural state of water. ¶ We naturally expect the ice of fresh water to be also fresh, and experience proves it is so; and by analogy, that the ice formed of sea water will be as salt as the sea from which it is frozen; but it is not so; the ice formed from sea water is equally fresh as the ice of fresh water. This fact is known to every whale ship, and all others that frequent high latitudes. The sea ice when thawed is always fresh water, and constantly [2] used as such; no sea man expects to find salt ice. We know that to distill fresh water from sea water is a slow and difficult process; yet by a few degrees below the freezing point, the cold atmosphere can form fresh ice from sea water, wholly clear of it’s salt and nauseous taste, and that in immense quantities.

1 In addressing this question, Thompson employs the caloric theory of heat transfer. According to this theory, which was widely held from the late eighteenth to the midnineteenth centuries, heat is imparted to matter by the addition of a weightless gas called caloric. Thompson considers ice to be the “pure” state of water because of the absence of caloric gas. See Robert Fox. The Caloric Theory of Gases: From Lavoisier to Regnault. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1971.

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This is a mystery I could never comprehend.2 It would thus appear the most effectual method to obtain fresh water from sea water would be, to procure the requisite degree of cold to congeal the sea water. Field ice is supported by the sea in a horizontal position the immense extent of ice in this form that surrounds the east sides of the continents in high latitudes; are not only a great obstruction but also dangerous, to ships unless skilfully conducted. It has been a question whether the field ice of Europe, Asia and America is on the increase; or not. That it has accumulated in the northern Atlantic sea is certain. For Iceland, formerly populous, cultivated and the seat of learning; can now barely subsist a few inhabitants; the ice covers it’s shores, and Groenland; so named from it’s verdure, has for many years been desolate, it’s fisheries destroyed; it’s vegetation perished, and it’s inhabitants all dead by famine; caused by a belt of ice, of several miles in width, having surrounded the coasts of this island. Two centuries ago, Behring’s Straits, between the north coasts of Asia and America were supposed to be open, since which they have been closed with ice, and every succeeding navigator finds these Straits more, and more, closed with ice. [3] We must therefore conclude that the field ice on the east sides of the continents is on the increase, however slow it’s progress may be.3 There are causes at work to destroy this increase as the waves of the Ocean; the high tides, and violent currents in the straits; always aided by the gales of Wind. Ice is also seen under another form called Ice Bergs: these are great masses in a vertical position floating in the sea a day, or two’s sail from land. It is well known that field ice is so nearly equall in weight to it’s bulk of water that whatever it’s thickness may be, only two or three inches floats above the surface of the water unless covered with snow: but these Ice Bergs often show a height of thirty to eighty feet of solid ice above the surface of the sea: the question arises, what is the depth of ice below the surface that can support this elevation, and weight, it must be very great. Several years ago, an ice berg was driven to, and grounded, close to one of the northern isles of Scotland, which perished the vegetation and interrupted the fisheries for a mile around it: a few years past, one grounded on the banks of Newfoundland in fifty fathoms water,

2 This phenomenon is due to the differing crystalline structures of salt and ice. As salt water freezes, the water molecules take on a hexagonal form. The salt molecules, which are arranged cubically, are excluded from the ice, and form pockets of brine. 3 These examples are evidence of the effects of the Little Ice Age, a protracted period of global cooling that lasted from the mid-fourteenth century until about Thompson’s own time.

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with the same effect on the fishery; this does not appear to be caused by the cold of the ice; but by the fresh water thawed from the ice mixing with the sea water, makes it to a certain distance unfit for the fishes that live wholly in sea water: for these masses are under constant thaw from the sea being full twenty degrees in temperature above the freezing point. How these vertical masses of ice are formed, and where, is a question I have never seen answered beyond supposition. Neither Captain Ross4 or Parry5 solve this question, nor as far [4] as I know the commanders of the whale ships have not informed us. The common supposition that they are formed on high steep coasts, aided by a stream of water pouring down the rocks, which falling on the thick field ice, accumulate in size and weight until the field ice can no longer support the mass which is thus loosened from the steep coast and precipitated into the sea. That these masses of ice are of great bulk and depth may be proved by the weight of ice they support above water.6 ¶ To one of these which had a fine rill of water running down it, the ships long boat was taken and from the rill, all the empty casks were filled with pure water. They have been found floating almost as far south as New York, where they suddenly disappear; this is caused by the upper part wasting more than the  lower; their equilibrium, is changed, and their vertical position now becomes horizontal, which prevents their being seen by Ships; and thus become as dangerous as sunk rocks. A very few years ago, three of the New York packet Ships were successively lost on their passage to Liverpool without any apparent cause, this class of Ships is remarkable for being first rate merchantmen, well found and ably commanded; the line of passage from New York to Liverpool, is where the Ice Bergs disappear, by changing their vertical to a horizontal position in the sea, and in this state are not seen until the ship strikes upon them, and is wrecked and the crew all perish: such was probably the fate

4 Sir John Ross (1777–1856) commanded voyages in search of the Northwest Passage in 1818 and 1829–33, publishing accounts of both journeys. In 1850, scant years after Thompson wrote this essay, Ross ventured to the Arctic again, this time in search of the lost third expedition of Sir John Franklin. 5 Sir William Edward Parry (1790–1855) made four Arctic voyages between 1819 and 1827, and authored narratives of each. For a brief biography, see I: 329. 6 Icebergs are formed when large pieces of ice break off of the edges of glaciers or ice sheets, a process called calving. Calving occurs when fractures in the ice are subjected to the pressure of ocean currents or meltwater.

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of the New York packet ships, and others lost and never heard of.7 The Ice bergs are of a rude conical form above water, from 50 to 200 fathoms in length, by 100 yards in diameter.

7 The first packet line, Black Ball, inaugurated the New York–Liverpool route in 1818, and within a decade several shipping firms were operating monthly transatlantic packet ships. Two of these ships went missing in late 1844: The United States, of the Red Star Line, sailed from Liverpool for New York on 26 November, and the Black Ball Line’s England embarked on 1 December, on the same route. Neither was seen again, and by March 1845 the two vessels were given up for lost. The case received much attention in newspapers on both sides of the Atlantic, and although the number of ships and direction of travel differ from those indicated by Thompson, this is likely the incident to which he refers. Melvin Maddocks, The Atlantic Crossing (Alexandria, v a : Time-Life, 1981)

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A P P E N D I X I : P RO S P E C T U S

“Prospectus,” Montreal Gazette, 9 October 1846, 4. This advertisement appeared in the Montreal Gazette from 9 October 1846 to  24 March 1847. For a discussion of its significance, see the Historical Introduction (xxiii–xxiv).

prospectus. to be published, as soon as a sufficient number of Subscribers are obtained to justify the undertaking, the travels of david thompson, during Twenty-eight consecutive Years, in the Northern parts of this Continent; of which twenty-two years were employed in the Exploration and Survey of Countries not then known, or the Survey and Examination of Countries known to the Fur Traders, and six years at several Trading Posts. The last six years of his Travels were in different parts of the Rocky Mountains, the discovery of the noble source of the Columbia River, and its course to the Pacific Ocean, and also its great branches. Settlements of the North West Company were made by him four years before any person from the United States settled on the Columbia River. These Travels extend from latitude 44 degrees north to latitude 60 degrees north, being 1110 miles from south to north; and from longitude 83 degrees west to 126 degrees west, that is, from Lakes Huron and Superior, in Canada, and from Hudson’s Bay to the Pacific Ocean, being nearly 2000 miles from east to west. The Geological Formations of these extensive Countries have been carefully noticed, with the Mountains, and the Rivers flowing from them to their respective seas, with their great Alluvials and Lakes. This will not be a dry detail. Many curious facts will, for the first time, be given to the public, which will interest the reader. The extent of the Forests and of the great Plains, with the Animals, Birds, Fishes, &c., peculiar to each section, will be noticed. And also the various Tribes of Indians which inhabit these Countries, their several Languages, their Religious Opinions, Manners and Mode of Life, the place and extent of their Hunting Grounds, and the changes which have taken place by the fortune of War, or other causes, will be given. The above countries underwent a personal Survey, with good instruments, and the positions of numerous places were determined by astronomical observations, the Journals of which are complete, and contain the remarks and

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vicissitudes of every day, and thus form a curious and extensive collection of all that can fall under the observation of a Traveller. The Work will be published in two crown 8vo, or three duodecimo volumes, and the cost not to exceed Fifteen Shillings, currency: If sufficient encouragement is received, the First Volume will be issued about the early part of February next. Gentlemen desirous of becoming Subscribers will please to address david thompson St. Elizabeth-street, or robert w.s. mckay, Bookseller and Publisher, No. 127, Notre Dame-street, Montreal. Oct. 9. 189

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A P P E N D I X 2 : M O U N TA I N S K E T C H E S

During the years 1809–12, Thompson created at least twenty coloured sketches, or elevations, of mountain ranges in the Columbia region. Ten sheets of these sketches have survived, and are housed at the Thomas Fisher Rare Book Library, ms 21, Item 5. Four of the elevations were made in the vicinity of Saleesh House and Flathead Lake (two single sheets and one composite of two sheets), and six in the area of Kootanae House and the Columbia source lakes (one composite of three sheets, one composite of two sheets and one single sheet). The sketches form a stunning visual complement to Thompson’s narrative of his years across the Continental Divide. Through careful on-site research, Norman Jacobson has determined the locations from which the surviving sketches were made. His research is published in: “David Thompson Completes his Field Sketches in His Last Busy Week in Saleesh Country,” Archaeology in Montana 52:2 (2011), 33–53. The sketches, with Thompson’s titles and publication information are as follows: Sketch 2411: “Saleesh Mountains South of the Lake”; Fisher Folder 1. Location: Mission Mountains, south of Flathead Lake, Montana Date: 1810 or 1812 Sketch 2412: Untitled; Fisher Folder 1. Location: MacDonald Peak and Mission Mountains, south of Flathead Lake, Montana Date: 1810 or 1812 Sketches 2413 and 2414: “Southward of the Saleesh Lake No. 4.” (2413) and “Rocky Mountains finish Southward south of the Saleesh Lake No. 5” (2414); Fisher Folder 2. Location: Mission Mountains, south of Flathead Lake, Montana Date: 1810 or 1812 Publication: Tyrrell, ed., David Thompson’s Narrative, endpapers, as “Mountains South of Saleesh or Flathead Lake, Montana”; Nisbet, Mapmaker’s Eye, 126–7, back cover.

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Sketches 2415, 2416, and 2417: “Nelson’s Mountains Southward”; Fisher Folder 3. Location: Nelson Mountains, west of Columbia source lakes, British Columbia. Date: 1809 Publication: Tyrrell, ed., David Thompson’s Narrative, endpapers, as “Nelson Mountains West of the Head of the Columbia River”; Nisbet, Mapmaker’s Eye, 53 (2417 only). Sketch 2418: “Nelson’s Mountains. No. 3 from the Hoard”; Fisher Folder 3 Location: Nelson Mountains, west of Columbia source lakes, British Columbia. Date: 1809 Sketches 2419 and 2420: “Mountains No 1, great Mountains east side of and near the Kootanae Lakes” (2419), and “the second of the eastward Mountains great Mountains near the Kootanae Lake, east Side of do” (2420); Fisher Folder 4 Location: Rocky Mountains, east of Columbia source lakes. Date: 1809 Publication: Tyrrell, ed., David Thompson’s Narrative, endpapers, as “Rocky Mountains East of the Head of the Columbia River”; Sandra Alston and William Moreau, “The age of guessing is passed away”: An Exhibition to Mark the David Thompson Bicentennial (Toronto: Thomas Fisher Rare Book Library, University of Toronto, 2007), front cover (2419), back cover (2420).

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APPENDIX 3: BRIEF BIOGRAPHIES

a u g u s t i n b o i s v e r d (fl. 1806–13) was an n w c engagé. At Rocky Mountain House by 1806, he went with Thompson across the mountains in 1807. In spring 1808, Thompson sent him and Michel Boulard to the Flathead and Kootenai to encourage them to trap beaver, and during this time Boisverd took the Kootenai berdache Qànqon (cf.) as a country wife. Boisverd, whom Thompson refers to as his “servant,” was seriously injured by a fall from a horse in April 1810, and in June went east with Thompson to Rainy Lake House. Boisverd returned to work in the n w c Columbia Department 1811–13. a o . 18–23, ff; North West Company Ledgers, 1811–21, f.4, h b c a . m i c h e l b o u l a r d (fl. 1800–21), an n w c engagé, collaborated with Thompson over a long period. He must have had significant contact with the Kootenai by 1800, for in October of that year he served as Thompson’s translator in the journey to meet a tribal party. Boulard went across the divide again in 1806 with Jaco Finlay, and was engaged annually during the years 1807–11, during which period he frequently traded with and delivered messages to tribal peoples. By the terms of a contract of 11 September 1807, he received 400 livres to serve as an interpreter. Thompson complained of Boulard’s lack of industry, and in the Travels described him as “well versed in Indian affairs, but weak for the hard labor of ascending the [Columbia] River” (iii.281). Perhaps for this reason, in July 1811 Boulard was traded to the p f c for the Hawaiian Naukane (cf.). Boulard continued to be active in the Columbia region for at least another decade. Belyea, ed., Columbia Journals, 55, 65, 283; Nisbet, Sources, 83, 93, 98–9; “Michel Boulard,” b c Metis Mapping Research Project, http: /  / www .ubc.bcmetis.ca / h b c _bio_profile.php?id=MzMx. m i c h e l b o u r d e a u x   /   b o u r d o n (d. 1823) was possibly from the Detroit area, and ventured west with the independent trader Charles Courtin. He was active as a hunter and fur trader among the Flathead when Thompson first encountered him and several of his companions in late 1809 or early 1810. Bourdeaux’s close association with the Flathead is suggested by the fact that he served as Thompson’s interpreter, and by his joining in Flathead battles against the Piegan in 1810 and 1812. Bourdeaux participated in the 1811 journey to Astoria, acting as hunter and interpreter with several Salishan-speaking tribes along the middle Columbia. Thompson states that Bourdeaux was killed in the

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1812 encounter with the Piegan; in fact, he continued to work as an interpreter and hunter, and was notably employed by the h b c in 1822 to trade in the Snake River country. He died in a skirmish with a Piegan party on the Salmon River in 1823. John C. Jackson, Children of the Fur Trade: Forgotten Métis of the Pacific Northwest (Missoula, m t : Mountain Press, 1996; Corvallis, o r : Oregon State University Press, Northwest Reprints, 2007), 9–12; Merle Wells, “Michel Bourdon,” The Mountain Men and the Fur Trade of the Far West, LeRoy R. Hafen, ed. (Glendale, c a : Arthur H. Clark, 1966), 3:55–60. White, ed., David Thompson’s Journals, 92n72. c o x   /   n a u k a n e (d. 1850) served the Hawaiian king Kamehameha. In early 1811, several of his compatriots were hired by the p f c when the Tonquin stopped at Hawaii en route to the mouth of the Columbia, and Naukane was sent as royal observer. On board ship, he came to be known as John Cox. In late July 1811, Thompson traded the voyageur Boulard (cf.) for Cox, who then spent the winter at Spokane House. Cox acted as a guide, recruited more Hawaiian labourers, and took a Chinook wife. He continued to be employed by the h b c after 1821, primarily at Fort Vancouver, where he worked as a swineherd. It was there in 1846 that the artist Paul Kane made a portrait of him subtitled “Old Cox, a Sandwich Islander who was present at the death of Capt Cook.” According to Alexander Ross, Thompson regarded Cox as “a prodigy of wit and humour.” Nisbet, “Old Cox,” North Columbia Monthly 16.3 (July 2009), 8; Ross, Adventures, 114. j a c q u e s - r a p h a ë l ( j a c o ) f i n l a y (c. 1768–1828) was the son of James Finlay, a Scottish-born n w c trader, and an Ojibwa woman. In n w c service by 1798, he worked at first along the Saskatchewan, attaining the post of clerk in 1804 (as a Métis, he could rise no higher in the firm). In 1806, having established a post on the Kootenay Plains above Rocky Mountain House, Finlay was chosen by John McDonald of Garth to cross Howse Pass and so prepare the way for Thompson to venture west. About this time, he prepared the first map of the Upper Columbia drainage, and began to work as a free trader, although he returned periodically to n w c service. In 1809 Finlay acted as Thompson’s guide in the Flathead country, and in 1810 was engaged as his clerk and interpreter. That summer he established Spokane House, a site with which he would be closely associated until his death there in 1828. Despite the fact that Finlay is mentioned only twice in the 1848 Travels, his collaboration was indispensable to Thompson; Jack Nisbet aptly writes that the relationship between the two men “spills over any attempt to qualify it – peers and rivals; comrades and explorers; boss and laborer; pen man and point man.” Finlay

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brief biographies 357

was the father of a large family, and his descendants may be found throughout the tribal peoples of the Columbia Plateau. Eric J. Holmgren, “Jacques-Raphaël Finlay,” in George W. Brown et al., gen eds., Dictionary of Canadian Biography (d c b ), vi:253–4; Jackson, Children, 33–41; Nisbet, Visible Bones, 203–29. a l e x a n d e r h e n r y the y o u n g e r (d. 1814), a n w c clerk, was one of several members of his family involved with the Montreal fur trade (for his cousin William Henry, see below). Henry spent most of his early career trading in the Red River region, particularly at Pembina. In 1808 he was moved west to the Saskatchewan, and, after 1811, across the Divide. In 1813 he was sent to the mouth of the Columbia to oppose the Astorians, and it was there the following spring that he and n w c partner Donald McTavish drowned when their open boat capsized. Henry is best known for the journal that he kept from 1799–1814, a document that provides the only other witness for Thompson’s activities during the fall of 1810, when he was waylaid on his own journey to the Columbia’s mouth. Barry M. Gough, “Alexander Henry,” d c b , v:418–19. w i l l i a m h e n r y (1783–1864), son of Alexander Henry the Elder, was an n w c clerk. He entered service in 1801, beginning his career in the region of the Red River and Lake Winnipeg before being moved farther west. By 1810 he was in charge of Cumberland House, and that fall he accompanied Thompson as he evaded the Piegan blockade in order to cross the mountains. In 1811 Henry established himself on the upper Athabasca River, where he operated a post known simply as Henry’s House, from which he supplied Thompson on the upper Columbia. Henry went on to work in the Oregon Country and at Lesser Slave Lake before retiring to Montreal, where he became a surveyor and engineer. James Bain, “Editor’s Note,” in Henry the Elder, Travels and Adventures, xxxvi–xxxix; Coues, New Light, I: 253. j a m e s h u g h e s (1772–1853) entered n w c service in 1791, and was a wintering partner by 1802. He spent almost his entire career on the North Saskatchewan, at such posts as Fort George, Rocky Mountain House, and Fort Augustus, where he served as chief factor. Hughes and Thompson led the unsuccessful 1801 expedition to cross the Rocky Mountains (see Volume III). Hughes retired from the fur trade in 1821, but re-engaged as an h b c clerk 1830–33. Wallace, Documents, 458–9. f i n a n m c d o n a l d (1782–1851), an n w c clerk, acted as Thompson’s second-in-command during the years 1807–12. McDonald was born in

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Aberdeenshire, and his family emigrated to Glengarry, Upper Canada, when he was a child. He joined the n w c in 1804. Having crossed Howse Pass with Thompson in 1807, the following year McDonald proceeded to the Kootenay River, where he established a warehouse above Kootenai Falls. Thompson relied heavily on McDonald, and at one time or another placed him in charge of each of the first four n w c posts that were established west of the Divide: Kootanae, Kullyspel, Saleesh, and Spokane houses. McDonald continued to work in the Columbia basin after 1812, transferring to the h b c upon union in 1821. He married the daughter of a Kalispel chief, and had a number of children in the west, but McDonald himself retired to Glengarry in 1827. Ross Cox left a vivid description of McDonald: “[I]n height he was six feet four inches, with broad shoulders, large bushy whiskers, and red hair ... a most extraordinary and original character. To the gentleness of a lamb he united the  courage of a lion.” Cox, Adventures, 349, 353; Nisbet, “Finan,” North Columbia Monthly 14.4 (September 2007), 6; Tyrrell, ed., 378–9. j o h n m c d o n a l d o f g a r t h (c. 1771–1866) was an n w c partner. He joined the firm in 1791, and as a clerk he oversaw the establishment of both Fort Augustus and Rocky Mountain House before becoming a wintering partner in 1800. From 1811–14 he was active in the Columbia region; in 1811 he brought supplies to Thompson, including, as is ruefully described in the Travels, a damaged mountain barometer. After his 1814 retirement, McDonald settled in Glengarry with his wife Nancy Small, sister of Thompson’s wife, Charlotte, (although he left Nancy to remarry in 1823). He is the author of a set of “Autobiographical Notes” detailing his life in the fur trade. Larry Green, “John McDonald of Garth: The Last Nor’Wester,” Alberta History 47.4 (Autumn 1999), 2–12. j a m e s m c m i l l a n (c. 1783–1858) was born in Scotland, and by 1804 had joined the n w c as a clerk. He worked closely with Thompson during the years 1807–12, crossing the Divide with him in 1807, shepherding furs and trade goods across the mountains, and passing winters at Kootanae and Saleesh Houses. In 1810–11, he monitored the activities of the n w c ’s Joseph Howse at Flathead Lake. McMillan succeeded Thompson as the n w c ’s chief trader, based at Spokane House, and continued to work west of the Divide until 1829, joining the h b c upon union in 1821. He married the Clatsop woman Kilakotah, and had several country-born children. These he left behind when he took up a post at Red River in 1830. McMillan retired to Scotland in 1839. Gregory Thomas, “James McMillan,” d c b , viii: 583–4.

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j o h n g e o r g e m c t av i s h (c. 1778–1847) was born in Scotland, and by 1798 had been recruited into the n w c by his distant cousin Simon McTavish. As a clerk, he worked at Montreal, James Bay, and on the Peace River, and in late 1811 was part of the team that brought trade supplies to Thompson. In 1813 McTavish negotiated the sale of the p f c ’s Fort Astoria to the n w c , and in the same year he became a partner in the firm. McTavish continued to rise in the n w c , and, after 1821, in the h b c , eventually becoming chief factor at York Factory before settling in Lower Canada in later life. Sylvia Van Kirk, “John George McTavish,” d c b , vii: 577–8. q à n q o n (c. 1790–1837) was, according to Kootenai tribal tradition, born along the Lower Kootenay River. In 1808 she became the country wife of the n w c voyageur Augustin Boisverd, but was soon sent away by Thompson. Upon returning to her Kootenai community, she claimed to have been transformed into a man, and to have attained great spiritual powers; she assumed male dress, armed herself with a bow and arrow, and sought female spouses. Qànqon and her wife arrived at Astoria in June 1811, and the following month Thompson encountered her there, as related in the Travels. During her life she took on several roles – Claude Schaeffer calls her a “Courier, Guide, Prophetess, and Warrior” – and her reputation as a supernatural healer persists among the Kootenai. Qànqon was killed in 1837 while she was attempting to broker peace between the Flathead and Blackfoot. Claude E. Schaeffer, “The Kutenai Female Berdache: Courier, Guide, Prophetess, and Warrior,” Ethnohistory 12.3 (Summer 1965), 193–236. u g l y h e a d   /   k w i ƚ i ƚ n u q m i ’ k ȼ i k (fl. 1807–10) was a chief of the Lower Kootenai. He was instrumental in enabling Thompson to extend trade and exploration south from the source of the Columbia. Appearing at Kootanae House in late September 1807, Ugly Head (so named for his curly hair) showed Thompson the route across Canal Flats to the Kootenay River. In May 1808, while Thompson was visiting a Lower Kootenai encampment, the chief arranged a trading visit with nearby Flathead, and later that month he guided Thompson back to Canal Flats from his harrowing explorations along the lower Kootenay. In November 1809, Ugly Head arrived at the newly built Saleesh House, and stayed to hunt for the men of the post. Thompson praised Ugly Head’s “manly character,” and his reputation for strong diplomatic skills and a good memory endures among his descendants. He was married to a woman named Rattlesnake Eyes, his constant companion. Belyea, ed., Columbia Journals, 227; Nisbet, Mapmaker’s Eye, 47.

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A P P E N D I X 4 : TA B L E O F N AT I V E G R O U P S

linguistic family Tribal Name (Canada / United States)

Alternate or Former Name

Thompson’s Name (journals only)

algonquian Cree Nipissing Piikani / Blackfeet Kainai Siksika

Piegan Blood Blackfoot

Nahathaway Nipissing Piegan, Meadow Blood Blackfeet

athapaskan Tsuu T’ina

Sarcee

Sussee

chinookan Chinook Clatsop

Chinook Klatsup Wawthlarlar Weeyarkeek

salishan-coeur d’alene Coeur d’Alene salishan-kalispel Bitterroot Salish Pend Oreille, Kalispel Spokane salishan-okanagan Colville Sinixt Sanpoil Nespelem Methow Sinkayuse Okanagan

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Skeetshoe, Pointed Heart Flathead

Lakes

Saleesh Kullyspell, Ear Pendant, Ear Bob, Pend Oreille Spokane Ilthkoyape Ilthkoyape Simpoil Inspaelis Smeathhowe Sinkowarsin Ookanawgan, Teekanoggin

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iroquoian Iroquois kootenay Ktunaxa / Kootenai Ktunaxa / Kootenai sahaptian Wanapum Yakama Umatilla

Iroquois Upper Kootenay Lower Kootenay

Yakima

Walla Walla Nez Perce

shawpatin Skummooin Skaemena “eighty families in small straggling lodges” Green Wood

siouan Assiniboine Nakoda

Stoney

uto-aztecan Northern Shoshone

Snake

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Kootanae Lake, Flat Bow, Rapid Flat Bow

Stone Swampy Ground Stone Snake, Straw Tent Snake

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BIBLIOGRAPHY manuscript material by thompson Archives of Ontario, Toronto David Thompson Fonds, f443 Notebooks 1–84 (96 volumes, including notebooks numbered 3a, 28a, 34a, 48a, 48b, 49a, 59a, 61a, 61b, 66a, 70a, and 73a), three unnumbered notebooks, field books 1–9 (11 volumes, including field books numbered 4b and 6b) Travels, pages 27a–zd “Map of the NorthWest Territory of the Province of Canada,” 1812–1815, f443–6 Library and Archives Canada, Ottawa “Journey to the Rocky Mountain, June 1801,” David Thompson Papers, mg a8, Volume 43 The National Archives of the United Kingdom (formerly pro), London David Thompson to Sir James Alexander, 9 May 1845, fo5 / 441: 101–2 Royal Commonwealth Society Library, Cambridge University Library, Cambridge, UK “Narrative of the Establishment on the Scources of the Columbia,” mss62 Thomas Fisher Rare Book Library, University of Toronto David Thompson Papers, ms21 Vancouver Public Library, Vancouver “Extracts from a Voyage of Discovery round the World by Captain George Vancouver, regarding the North West Coast of America, 1790, 91, 92, 93 & 94,” Northwest History Collection, 970p v22 e1, 2r–26r “Account of an Attempt to Cross the Rocky Mountains,” Northwest History Collection, 970p v22 e1, 26v–32v other manuscript material Hudson’s Bay Company Archives, Provincial Archives of Manitoba, Winnipeg Officers’ and Servants’ Account Book: Servants’ Commissions, 1787–1802, a.16 / 111: 18 Carlton House (Three Points), Post Journal, 1795–96, b.29 / a / 1 Lieutenant Æmilius Simpson. “Journal of a Voyage Across the Continent of North America in 1826,” b.223 / a / 3 North West Company Ledgers, 1811–1821, f.4 / 32

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Charles S. Shaw to J.B. Tyrrell, 21 May 1917, Joseph Burr Tyrrell Papers, mg30 d49 published works Alston, Sandra, and William Moreau. “The age of guessing is passed away”: An Exhibition to Mark the David Thompson Bicentennial. Toronto: Thomas Fisher Rare Book Library, University of Toronto, 2007 Belyea, Barbara, ed. Columbia Journals. Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1994 – “The ‘Columbian Enterprise’ and A.S. Morton: A Historical Exemplum.” BC Studies 86 (Summer 1990): 3–27 Bieder, Robert E. Science Encounters the Indian, 1820–1880: The Early Years of American Ethnology. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1986 Bigsby, J.J. “Notes on the Geography and Geology of Lake Superior.” Quarterly Journal of Science, Literature, and the Arts 18 (1825): 1–34, 228–69 Binnema, Theodore. Common and Contested Ground: A Human and Environ­ mental History of the Northwestern Plains. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2004 Blue, Archibald. “Copper at Point Mamainse.” Ontario Bureau of Mines, Report 3 (1893): 62–3 Boyd, Robert. The Coming of the Spirit of Pestilence: Introduced Infectious Diseases and Population Decline among Northwest Coast Indians, 1774–1874. Vancouver: u b c Press, 1999 Brightman, Robert. Grateful Prey: Rock Cree Human-Animal Relationships. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993 Brown, George W., David M. Hayne, Frances G. Halpenny, Ramsay Cook, John English, and David A. Wilson, gen. eds. Dictionary of Canadian Biography. 15 vols. to date. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1966– Carroll, Francis M. A Good and Wise Measure: The Search for the CanadianAmerican Boundary, 1783–1842. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2001 Catalogue of Books in the Montreal Library. [Montreal: J. Starke, 1842] Cautley, R.W. “Characteristics of Passes in the Canadian Rockies.” Canadian Alpine Journal 12 (1922): 158–62 Clinton, DeWitt. “Private Canal Journal, 1810.” In The Life and Writings of DeWitt Clinton. Edited by William W. Campbell. New York: Baker and Scribner, 1849 Cormier, Louis-P., ed. Jean-Baptiste Perrault, marchand voyageur, parti de Montréal le 28e de mai 1783. Montreal: Boréal Express, 1978Coues, Elliott, ed. New Light on the Early History of the Greater Northwest: The Manuscript Journals of Alexander Henry and David Thompson. 3 vols. New York: Francis P. Harper, 1897

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Cox, Ross. Adventures on the Columbia River. London: Henry Colburn and Richard Bentley, 1831 Davis, Richard. “History or His / Story? The Explorer Cum Author,” Studies in Canadian Literature 16.2 (1991): 93–111 Devine, Heather. The People Who Own Themselves: Aboriginal Ethnogenesis in a Canadian Family, 1660–1900. Calgary: University of Calgary Press, 2004 Dolin, Eric Jay. Fur, Fortune and Empire: The Epic History of the Fur Trade in America. New York: W.W. Norton, 2010 Elliott, T.C., ed. “Journal of David Thompson.” Oregon Historical Quarterly 15 (1914): 39–63, 104–25 – ed. “David Thompson’s Journeys in the Spokane Country.” Washington Historical Quarterly 8 (1917): 183–7, 261–4; 9 (1918): 11–16, 103–6, 169–73, 284–7; 10 (1919): 17–20 – ed. “David Thompson’s Journeys in Idaho.” Washington Historical Quarterly 11 (1920): 97–103, 163–73 – ed. “The Discovery of the Source of the Columbia River.” Oregon Historical Quarterly 26.1 (March 1925): 23–49 – ed. “David Thompson’s Journeys in the Pend Oreille Country.” Washington Historical Quarterly 23 (1932): 18–24, 88–93, 173–6 Fahey, John. The Flathead Indians. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1974 – The Kalispel Indians. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1986 Falconer, Graham. “Genetic Criticism.” Comparative Literature 45.1 (Winter 1993): 1–21 Farmer, Jared. On Zion’s Mount: Mormons, Indians, and the American Landscape. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2008 Fox, Robert. The Caloric Theory of Gases: From Lavoisier to Regnault. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1971 Franchère, Gabriel. Relation d’un voyage à la côte du nord ouest de l’Amérique sep­ tentrionale, dans les années 1810, 11, 12, 13, et 14. Montreal: C.B. Pasteur, 1820 Gallatin, Albert. A Table of Indian Languages of the United States. Np, 1826 – “Synopsis of the Indian Tribes of North America.” Transactions and Collections of the American Antiquarian Society 2 (1836): 1–422 Green, Larry. “John McDonald of Garth: The Last Nor’Wester.” Alberta History 47.4 (Autumn 1999): 2–12 Hafen, LeRoy R., ed. The Mountain Men and the Fur Trade of the Far West. 10 vols. Glendale, ca: Arthur H. Clark, 1965–72 Hamilton, James Cleland. The Georgian Bay: An Account of Its Position, Inhabitants, Mineral Interests, Fish, Timber and Other Resources. Toronto: Carswell, 1893 Hansen, Peter H. The Summits of Modern Man: Mountaineering after the Enlightenment. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2013

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INDEX

Where terms used by Thompson differ from those in familiar usage, Thompson’s term is provided in square brackets. 49th parallel as boundary, 18n6, 36n6, 171n9 Acton House, 116n4 Agriculture: potential of Columbia Plateau, 165, 170–1, 251, 267, 276, 297; potential of Lower Columbia, 227; Great Lakes, 328–9, 332, 337; potential of Plains, 33–4, 67, 131; at Rainy River, 179; potential of Red River, 36–7; on Saskatchewan River, 271 Albany River, 299 Albeni Falls (Pend Oreille River), 163 alcohol, 130, 151; brandy, 305; rum, 25, 97 alder, 195, 286, 295; speckled alder, 10; thinleaf alder, 143 Algonquian language family, 5, 85, 95, 119, 342 Allegheny [Alleghany] Mountains, 310, 317 Allen, Paul, xxxii Ameille, François, 125 Amherstburg, 335 animal intelligence, 125 antelope (generic term for deer west of Rocky Mountains), 74n3, 136, 142, 168, 199, 201, 204, 217, 252, 282–3, 289, 295; food source, 144, 168, 250, 260; freezing meat, 154, 167; as gift,

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161, 164, 261; hunting, 110, 145–8, 162, 166, 173, 184, 198, 260, 275, 289; hunting by encirclement, 211–12, 267, 296; trade item, 145. See also deer, pronghorn Arctic Ocean, 235, 325 ash, 176, 191; green ash, 24, 34, 36, 38, 41, 44, 45, 48; Oregon ash, 227, 286 Ash House, 24 Ashburton, Lord, 171, 330 aspen, 16, 24, 44, 57, 71, 90, 117, 127, 143, 147, 163, 166, 174, 184, 186, 192, 195, 227, 232, 250, 261, 267, 286, 295, 314, 319, 328; and beaver, 41, 58, 254; and moose, 10; wood smoke, 41, 137 Assiniboine [Stone], xxvi–xxviii, 24, 25, 85, 98, 264, 296, 343; horse theft, 97–8; and Sioux, 27, 97 Assiniboine [Macdonnell’s] House, xxvi– xxviii, 22, 25, 32, 33 Assiniboine [Stone Indian] River, 22–3, 26, 33, 34–5, 67 Astor, John Jacob, xi, 230 Astoria, xi, xx, xxii, xxxvi–xxxviii, 230–4, 236, 287–9, 359 Athabasca Beast, 186–7, 255–7 Athabasca Pass, xi, xx, 61n3, 156, 186–90, 255–6, 269–70; elevation, 156, 188, 321 Athabasca region, xiv, xv Athabasca River, xx, 76, 183, 184–6, 235, 255–6, 270–1, 274, 311–12, 318, 320, 322–3, 325–6, 357; name, 325 aurora borealis, xxxiii, 97, 119 avalanche, 188, 270, 310, 317

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372

index

badger, 68, 74–5, 126 Bannock (tribe), 222 Barbour, James, 81 barley, 179, 271 barometer, 155–6, 319 basalt, 242, 249–50, 321, 329; Columbia River; 142, 206, 210, 226, 239, 241, 243, 247, 250, 260, 278, 282, 286, 291, 293–4, 328; knives, 284; Kootenay River, 143, 197; Lake Superior, 50, 329; Pend Oreille River, 164 bass, white, 76 basswood, 34, 36, 38, 41, 48 Battoche, 183n2, 190n7 bear, 9, 214, 257, 280; black, 48, 65, 69; grizzly, 69, 100–1, 113, 182, 184, 187, 270; polar, 302–3, 304–5 Beaulieu, Joseph, 124, 141n1, 146, 163 beaver, 48, 52–3, 56–9, 68, 76, 90, 164, 176, 191, 254–5, 270; castoreum, 59, 195, 254; in Cree tradition, 7–8, 57– 8; dams, 57–8; dens, 57–9; diet, 41; fur packs, 147; hunting, 91; meat, 41, 163; as standard of trade, 23, 26, 47, 48, 249, 270; tails, 166; trade, 40; trapping, 59, 162, 168, 195, 254, 258, 267, 296 Beaver Lake, 67 Beaver River, 123, 271, 326 Bedford House, 16 Bellaire, Registre, 169 Belyea, Barbara, xxi Bercier, 183n2 Bering Strait, 81, 82, 120, 339, 340, 344–5, 347 Biddle, Nicholas, xxxii birch, 15, 16, 45, 90, 143, 163, 195, 319, 328; at Boat Encampment, 191, 273; building material, 331; in canoe

26834_Thompson.indd 372

construction, 15, 54, 55, 63, 150, 152, 158, 168–9, 173, 193, 204, 255, 269, 271, 276–7, 336; in Cree tradition, 8; grave covering, 96; tents, 86; torches, 44; vessels, 46, 89–90 bison, 25, 29, 37, 39, 48, 68, 69–73, 74, 104, 108, 118, 125–6, 128, 131, 139, 152, 175, 176, 181, 186, 285, 324, 344; beat and dried meat, 70, 166, 169, 177, 185, 250, 260, 265, 267; blood, 130; bone tools, 29; dung, 107, 131; economic significance, 70; and fire, 72; fresh meat, 41, 70, 130; grease, 130, 159; and grizzly bear, 101; hide, 28, 72, 89, 92, 98, 147, 177, 197; hide saddles, 98, 197; hide shield, 105, 162; hunting, 19, 20, 23, 26, 70–1, 91, 94, 99, 102, 111, 151, 152, 159, 162, 166, 168–9, 175–6, 181–2, 184–5, 201, 223, 250, 252, 257, 262–5, 267, 270, 271, 296; and insects, 117; pemmican, 159, 174, 177, 189; population, 104; pound, 71, 104; range, 70; and rattlesnake, 246, 293; robes, 28, 72, 87, 93, 101, 102, 104, 119, 217, 244, 250, 282, 292; tongues, 169; and wolf, 72–3; wood bison, 69–70, 181, 271 Blackfoot, 85, 98, 129, 264, 296, 343 Black Hills, 315 Blood, 85, 98, 115–16, 129, 264, 296; beliefs, 116 Blue Mountains, 223 Boat Encampment, xx, 62–3, 191–4, 232, 253, 273, 336 Boggy Hall, 183 Boisverd, Augustin, 175, 237, 290, 355, 359 Boucher, Baptiste, 111–12 Boulard, Michel, 209, 236, 278, 355

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index 373

Bourdeaux, Michel, 66, 111, 209, 214, 236, 251–2, 263, 265–6, 278, 280, 289, 355–6 Bourré, 183n2 Bousquet, Charles, 48 Bow River, xvi, 61, 122, 311, 314, 317, 319, 321, 322 Broughton, William Robert, 229, 242n4 Bruneau, Baptiste, 183n2 cabbages, 179 cactus, 67 Cadotte, Jean-Baptiste, fils, xxviii–xxix, 21n5, 38, 40, 342 Cadotte’s post, 38, 41, 342 Cahokia, 19n9 camas [eettooway], 163–4, 210, 279 Cambyses, 107 Canada (engagé), 183n2 Canadian Shield, 56, 76, 178, 299, 320; Frontenac Axis, 337; lakes, 75–6 Canal Flats [McGillivray’s Carrying Place], xvii, xix, xx, 141, 148, 159, 174, 196, 274, 328 canoes, 46–7, 54–5, 150, 175; accidents, 142, 213, 226, 279–80, 336; birchbark, 15, 54, 55, 150, 158, 255, 269, 276; cedar, 55, 63, 193, 269, 276, 336; Chinookan, 234, 288; Colville and Lake, 204, 276; construction, 15, 63, 148, 158, 168, 173, 198, 204–5, 206, 252, 255, 261, 269, 270, 273, 275–6, 278, 295–6; Cree, 82, 98; Dene, 82, 121, 271; Flathead, 160; Inuit, 340; Kalispel, 163, 164; Kootenai, 144–5; log, 238; Lower Columbia, 224; Montreal, 54–5; north, 55; Ojibwa, 20, 22, 44; Piegan, 268; poling, 159, 194, 253–4; portaging, 54; Sahaptin,

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285; towing, 159, 274; tracking, 77, 152, 194, 242; winter storage, 152 Canoe River, 191–2, 195, 232, 253, 257, 273, 336 Cape Churchill, 299, 300, 303 Cape Disappointment, xi, xxii, xxx, xxxvi–xxxviii, 231, 233 caribou, barren-ground [Rein Deer, Ugly Deer], 12–14, 16, 84, 91; great herd of 1792, 13–14; hunting, 13; mountain caribou, 12n2, 257; woodland caribou [Ugly Moose], 12 Cartier, 64, 110, 252, 263–5 Cass [Red Cedar] Lake, 45–6 cedar, 143, 145, 146–7, 160, 165, 178, 194–5, 204, 227, 267, 286; at Boat Encampment, 62, 191, 193, 232; as building material, 192, 203; as canoe material, 55, 62–3, 173, 193, 193n2, 198, 204–5, 252, 255, 261, 269, 273, 276–7, 336; northern white, 45, 46; western red cedar, 62 Cedar Lake, 75–6, 176, 178 Celilo Falls (Columbia River), 225, 286 Chaboillez, Charles, 35n5, 36 Chaboillez House, 36 Charles (Iroquois bowsman), 63, 195, 197n9, 209, 236, 274–5, 278 Cheyenne, xxvii–xxix, 19–21 Chinook, xxxvi–xxxvii, 233–4, 237, 288 Chinookan peoples, xx, 227–9, 231, 237–41, 286–8, 289–91; weapons, 239, 245, 290, 292–3 Chipewyan, 82–5, 97, 120–1, 271, 341– 2; and Cree, 82, 84; and Inuit, 82; land, 83, 120; language, 85; manners, 83; origins, 82, 120–1; physical appearance, 82; religious belief, 84–5; weaponry, 83

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374

index

Churchill Factory, 300–3, 305 Churchill River, 299, 326, 341 Clark, William. See Lewis, Meriwether Clark Fork [Saleesh] River, xi, xvii, xx, 63, 109, 160–1, 167, 197–9, 252, 255, 259, 260–1, 269, 275, 295–6 Clatsop, xxxvii, 234, 288 Clearwater River, 41, 43 climate, east and west of Rocky Mountains, 120, 152, 158, 167, 172– 3, 187, 189, 190, 235, 271, 344 coal, 68, 122–3 Coeur d’Alene [Skeetshoo], 161–2, 165, 251–2, 276 Colen, Joseph, 13, 17 Collins, Philip Edward, 331 Columbia Lake, xvii, 153, 156–7, 159, 196, 232, 319, 327–8 Columbia River, xi, xiv, xvii, xx, xxxviii, 44, 62–3, 137, 140–2, 152–3, 156–9, 164, 172–3, 189–99, 201–2, 204, 209–43, 247–8, 251, 253–5, 257–8, 260, 269–70, 273–4, 276, 278–94, 295, 298, 310, 318–20, 325, 327–8, 336; cascades, 229, 239; climate, 231; Dalles, 142, 226–7, 239, 241–2; forests, 232, 288–9; length, 230–1; Native population, 250; salmon fishery, 202–5, 212, 219–22, 224–6, 234, 237–8, 241–3, 248, 250, 279–85, 296, 297, 289, 290–1, 294–5; source and source lakes, 135, 141, 148, 153, 157, 174, 196, 274, 312, 321 Columbus, Christopher, xiii, 345 Colville, xix, 202–5 Colville River, 172 La Compagnie de la Nouvelle France, 53 Concomly, 233–4 Cook, James, xiv, 356

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Cook, William Hemmings, 13 copper, 51–2, 329–31 copperas, 51 cormorant, 196–7, 274 Corps of Discovery. See Lewis, Meriwether and William Clark Côté, Joseph, 183n2, 190n7, 192n6, 193n1, 194, 209, 236, 274, 278 cottonwood [poplar], 117, 143, 163, 166, 314 Courtin, Charles, 168, 355 crane, xxxiii, 39, 44, 161, 165, 171, 173, 306 Crane, The (Chipewyan hunter), 83–4 Cree [Nahathaway], xxvi–xxvii, 5–9, 84–97, 98, 101, 103, 106, 271, 342– 3; astronomy, 94; and Chipewyan, 82, 84, 341; dance and music, 88; dogs, 90; dwellings, 89, 93–4; games, 95; gender roles, 92; hunting, 9, 90–1, 92, 94; justice, 121–2; language, 85 (see also Algonquian languages); marriage, 91–2; and Métis, 88–9; moons, 94; numeracy, 108; Plains Cree, 85–97; and Shoshone, 344; sleds, 90; territory, 95, 342; utensils, 89–90; weapons, 88. See also Cree religious belief Cree religious belief, 5–9, 86–8, 96–7, 130; and aurora borealis, 97, 119; death rites, 95–6; flood narrative, 7–8; immortality, 96–7; Kisemanitōw, 7–8, 86; Macimanitōw, 86; manito, 7, 8–9, 86, 92, 94, 96, 167, 170; shaking lodge, 87; sweat lodge, 87–8; Wīsahkēcāhk, 7–8, 58, 86, 94. See also Ojibwa religious belief Cross Lake, 178 crow, American [rook], 29, 158, 193, 232, 273

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index 375

Cumberland House, 176–7, 181, 272, 357 Cumberland Lake, 176 Dauphin River, 67, 178 Davis, Richard, xxxv Death Rapids (Columbia River), 258 D’Eau, Baptiste, 183n2, 190n7 deer (generic term), 19, 20, 25, 29, 65, 69n5, 72, 92, 98, 116–17, 121, 125– 6, 136, 143, 154, 175–6, 189, 211, 213–14, 220, 222, 260–1, 295, 324, 332; hide, 39, 104, 119; hunting, 94, 166–7, 211–12, 222, 260, 296. See also Wapiti deer, Columbian white-tailed, 220, 237 deer, mule, 214, 220 deer, white-tailed [jumping deer], 68, 73–4 Delaware River, 5, 85, 95, 119, 343 Delcour, Baptiste, 183n2 dentalium, 213–15, 219, 281–4 Desjarlaix, François, 183n2, 190n7, 206 Detroit River, 332–4 Dog Den Butte [Dog Tent Hills], 27, 28, 33 dogs, 32, 90, 114–15, 125, 203, 277, 306; as food source, 148; and porcupine, 123–4; and salmon, 205; and skunk, 126–7; sled dogs, 62, 185, 186–7, 189 Douglass, David Bates, 333 duck (generic term), 41, 44, 46, 153–4, 165–7, 170–1, 173, 195, 199, 232, 250, 252, 258, 261, 267, 271, 305–6, 327; mallard [stock duck], 154, 303– 4; teal, 164, 195. See also merganser Duck Mountain [Nut Hill], 57, 67 Du Nord, Antoine, 183n2, 187–8, 190n7, 274

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eagle, 15, 250, 273, 309, 316; bald eagle, 144, 154, 193; moon, 94 Eagle Hills, 67, 344 Eeapistim, 96 Egyptians, 107 elm, American, 34, 38, 41 ermine, 302 Falconer, Graham, xxv–xxvi Falls Creek (Kootenay River), 143 Fidler, Peter, 25n10  Finlay, Jacques Raphael (Jaco), xvii, xviii, xix, 135n4, 166, 171n1, 201, 356–7 fir (generic term), 45, 48, 136, 144, 160, 214, 222, 232, 261, 267; “red fir,” 143, 148, 163, 165, 210, 218, 225, 279, 281; “white fir,” 163 firearms, 71, 88, 92, 104, 162, 200–1, 236 fisher, 48, 69, 123, 302 Flathead [Saleesh], xix, 64, 109–11, 121, 153, 160–2, 166, 168, 169, 194, 221, 252, 259, 261, 274–5, 288, 344; council, 262–5, 296–7; fishing weirs, 198– 9, 297; and Piegan, 66, 111–12, 202, 262–6, 276, 297; use of firearms, 162 Flathead [Saleesh] Lake, xvii, xviii, 111, 267, 297 fleas, snow, 17n1 Fond du Lac post, 49 Fond du Lac River, xxxvi, 16 Fort Augustus, 103, 158–9, 175–6, 357–8 Fort Michilimackinac, 331–2 Fort Pontchartrain du Détroit, 332 Fort Prince of Wales, xxxvi Fort Vancouver, 226, 356 Fort William, 270–1 fox, arctic, 302, 306–8 fox, red, 48, 69, 96, 123 Fox, The (Ojibwa), 42

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376

index

Franchère, Gabriel, xxxvi–xxxvii, 230n1, 245n3 Franklin, John, xiii, xxxiii, xxxv, 82, 323, 325 Fraser, Simon, xvi, 238n6, 326–7 Fraser River, xvi, 312, 323, 325–7 free traders, xviii, xxi, 63, 65–6, 68, 194, 265–6, 267–8, 274 French Canadian voyageurs, 9–10, 18, 23, 32, 33, 54, 101, 106, 177, 186–8, 229, 336; diet and appetite, 37, 74, 127, 154, 177, 185, 189, 204; measuring of distances, 18, 45; religious expression, 130, 199, 275 fur trade, xi, xvi, xviii, xx–xxi, 52–6, 169, 174, 177–8, 181, 251–2, 263–4, 269; American traders, 168–9; and Coeur d’Alene, 165; along Columbia, 210–11, 217, 220–2, 248, 278–9; employees, xviii, xxi; and Flathead, 166; goods, 90, 151, 213, 222, 280; and Kootenai, 258; Missouri River, 267–8; across mountains, 112, 165–6, 255, 258–9; transport of goods, 158–9 Gallatin, Albert, 81 Gaultier de Varennes, Pierre, Sieur de la Vérendrye, xiv genetic criticism, xxv–xxvi glacier (icefield), 61–2, 188, 313–19, 323 glacier (meat storage), 154, 167 Glover, Richard, xxi, xxiv, xxxv–xxxvi goat, mountain, 136, 138, 152, 217, 220, 282, 321 goose, 41, 44, 88, 115, 153, 153n3, 155, 161, 163–6, 169–70, 171, 173, 195–6, 199, 232, 258, 261, 267, 271, 274, 303–4 gooseberry, northern, 142 Grand Nipissing, 195, 254, 274

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granite, 294; Canadian Shield, 76, 178, 179, 320; Hudson Bay, 299, 300; Lake Superior, 50, 328 Gray’s Bay, 233 “Great River of the West,” xiii “Great Road of the Flat Heads,” xvii, xix, 63, 160, 173–4, 197 Great Slave Lake, 5, 17, 67, 95, 343 Gregoire, François, 209, 236, 278 Gros Ventres [Rapid, Willow], 19, 85, 264 grosbeak, pine, 154 grouse, 48, 88, 308 Hair Hills, 67 hare, 48, 302, 306–7 hawk, 88, 154, 273, 301 Hawkins, J.P., 335 hawthorn, 204, 277 Hayes River, 77, 299, 303, 305, 307 Haywood, Carl, xii hazelnut, 24, 36, 38, 75 Hearne, Samuel, xiii, xxvi, xxxiv–xxxv Heckewelder, John, 85, 342 hemp, 147, 219 Henry the Elder, Alexander, 331n22 Henry the Younger, Alexander, 176n1, 181n1, 190n7, 357 Henry, William, 112, 113, 181n1, 182, 195, 253n1, 255, 270, 274, 357 Henry’s House, 270 Herodotus, 107 Hidatsa, 30–1 hog, 246–7, 293 Hopwood, Victor, xxiv horsefly, 116–18, 176 horses, 24–5, 28, 70–2, 74, 96–101, 103, 105, 108–9, 111–18, 127, 136, 145–7, 151–3, 160, 164–6, 169, 174, 182–4, 186–7, 190, 197, 200–1, 204–5, 213, 249, 255, 257, 258, 260; as food

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source, 136–7, 150, 158, 198–9, 204, 206, 209, 251–2, 270, 275–6, 277–8; theft, 128, 144, 250, 262–3, 269, 270; trading, 248, 275; wild horses, 99– 100, 136, 154–5 Houle, Louis, 26 Howse, Joseph, xviii Howse Pass, xvii, xix, xx, 135, 150–2, 15–9, 174, 195–6, 274 Hudson Bay, 14, 55–6, 77, 82, 120, 178, 235, 299–300, 303, 324, 341, 343, 344 Hudson Bay Lowlands, 77, 299–300 Hudson’s Bay Company (hbc), xviii, xix, xxxvi, 17, 130, 176, 226, 303, 305–6, 341; Orkney labourers, 97–8 Huggemowequan, 10–11 Hughes, James, xvi, 159, 357 ice, 35; icebergs, 347–9 Ignace, 197–8, 209, 213, 236, 275, 278–80 Ile-à-la-Crosse, 271 Illinois Country, 65 Ilthkoyape Road, xx, 202, 269, 276 Interior Salish, xx; council, 262–5; fishery, 276 International Boundary Commission, xxxviii, 332–5 Inuit, 81–2, 120, 223, 340–1 Iroquois, 59, 63, 88, 168, 195, 254, 259, 278, 295. See also Charles; Ignace; Louis; Thomas Irving, Washington, xxi, 65n5, 156n8, 230n1 Jenish, D’Arcy, xii juniper [cypress], 146, 184, 261, 267, 314; common juniper, 70; Rocky Mountain juniper, 143 Jussomme, René, 22–3, 24, 30

26834_Thompson.indd 377

Kalispel, xix, 161n7, 163–4, 169, 199– 201, 251, 260; fishing weirs, 201; and Piegan, 201 Kettle [Ilthkoyape] Falls, xx, 172, 199, 202–6, 209, 232, 248, 251–2, 255, 257–8, 269, 276, 294–5 Keweenaw Peninsula, 52 Kinbasket Lake (Columbia River), 194, 274 Kinville, Michel, 66, 183n2, 265–6 Kootanae Appee, 102–3, 109, 129, 139, 140 Kootanae House, xvii, xviii, xx, 99–100, 135–41, 152 Kootanae Road, xx, 197, 275 Kootenai, xv, xix, 116, 139–41, 154, 161–2, 169, 197, 204, 221, 237, 252, 274–76, 344; Upper Kootenai [Kootanae], 144–5; Lower Kootenai [Lake], 144–6, 153, 258; canoes, 144– 5; and Piegan, 202, 259, 295 Kootenai Falls, 143 Kootenai Falls post, 137 Kootenay Lake, 141, 143, 196 Kootenay Plain outpost, 135 Kootenay Plains, 175 Kootenay [McGillivray’s] River, xvii, 63, 141–3, 148, 153, 157, 159, 160, 165– 6, 173, 196–7, 255, 260, 274 Kosdaw, 15 Kullyspel House, xvii, xviii, 161–2, 165, 252 Kullyspell Road, xx, 199 La Course, 183n2 La Fontaine, 183n2 La Gasse, xvi, xix L’Amoureux, Baptiste, 183n2, 190n7 Lachine Rapids, 54 “Lady Conjuress,” 179

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index

Lake (tribe), 202–5 Lake Athabasca, xxxvi, 15, 16, 67, 76, 123, 320, 325–6 Lake Champlain, 55 Lake Erie, 332–5, 338 Lake Huron, 52, 54, 272, 331–2, 337–8 Lake Michigan, 55, 332, 338 Lake Ontario, 337–8 Lake Pend Oreille, xvii, 160, 171 Lake St Clair, 332 Lake Superior, 33, 43, 47–9, 50–2, 54–6, 178, 269–71, 294, 328–30, 337–8; ­dimensions, 50; geology, 50–1 Lake Winnipeg, 35, 37, 56, 67, 178 Lake of the Woods, 18, 42, 45, 67, 178 larch, western, 143–4, 147, 164–5 Le Blanc, xvi, xvii, xix Le Bon Vieux, 260 Lenape [Delaware], 85, 342 Le Tendre, Baptiste, 183n2, 190n7 Lewis, Meriwether and William Clark, xvi, xvii, 135, 221n2, 238n6, 310n2, 312, 318, 327; Corps of Discovery, xvi; and Umatilla, xxx, xxxii–xxxv lichen, 144 limestone, 178, 329–30, 337 Little Dalles (Columbia River), 258 Little Nipissing, 195n5 Liverpool, 348 Locke, John, 6n4 locust, Rocky Mountain, 117–18 Long, Stephen Harriman, xxxiii, 19n9, 156–7, 312–14, 318–19 Louis (Iroquois hunter), 195n5, 274 lynx, 48 McCrachan, Hugh, 23, 32–3 McDonald, Finan, xviii, 111–12, 137, 148, 153n2, 159, 160, 198, 199, 201, 252, 255, 259, 276, 357–8

26834_Thompson.indd 378

McDonald of Garth, John, 151, 155–6, 257n4, 259n3, 358 Macdonnell, John, xxvii, 22, 25, 32–4 McDougall, Duncan, xxxvi–xxxvii, 230, 236, 238n6 McGillivray, Duncan, xv–xvi, 17n4 McGillivray, William, 17, 155 McIntosh, John, 81, 120 Mackenzie, Alexander, xiv, xv, xvi, 17, 325–6 Mackenzie River, 17, 320, 325 MacLaren, I.S., xxvi, xxxiv–xxxv McMillan, James, xviii, 166, 174, 257n4, 259, 358 McTavish, Donald, 151, 357 McTavish, John George, 257n4, 259, 359 McTavish, Simon, xv magpie, 154 maize, 29–30 mammoth, 68, 186–7 Mandan-Hidatsa, 20, 22, 25, 27, 28–33; appearance, 30; ceremonies, 29–31; clothing, 30; dwellings, 28; food, 29 villages, 28–9, 31–2 Manito Hills, 34 maple, 45; douglas maple, 143; Manitoba maple, 45, 46, 48; maple sugar, 46, 48; sugar maple, 46, 48 marmot, 213 marten, 48, 302, 306 Ménard, 28–9 merganser [fishing duck], 154 Metaline Falls, 172 Metcalfe, Charles Theophilus, 164 Méthode, 183n2 Methow, 215, 281 Methow Rapids, 215 Métis, 88–9 Michilimackinac, 331–2 midges, 272 miles, 18, 45

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mink, 48, 69 Mission [Beaulieu] Creek, 146 Mississippi River, 18, 21, 29, 37, 43, 45, 47, 49, 55, 66, 235, 314, 320, 324, 328; drainage, 47, 321 Mississippian culture, 19 Missouri River, 19, 21–2, 27, 28, 32, 47–8, 65, 68, 95, 98, 114, 135, 246, 267, 320, 324 Mohawk, xxi Mont Blanc, 310 Montreal, xx, 52, 53, 272 moose, 37, 41, 63, 68, 73, 75, 89, 118, 176, 187, 191–3, 254; clothing, 234, 249; hunting, 10–12, 91–2, 122, 189, 192–5, 273 Moose River, 299, 300 Morton, A.S., xxi mosquitoes, 36, 56, 77, 93, 116–18, 176, 272 moss bread, 144–5, 146, 210 Mount Adams, 227 Mount Coffin, 242 Mount Hood, 224, 227 Mount Nelson, 63, 99, 156, 173, 192, 196, 231, 268, 310, 312, 319, 321, 328 mountain lion, 142–3 mountains, 60–2, 187, 309–19, 322–3; sketches, 268 Mousseau, Louis, 183n2 Moyie: Lakes, 147; River, 146 mules, 105, 108–9, 114 mullet, 199, 201, 276 musket balls, 189 muskrat, 68, 145, 176, 214 mussel, 243 nacre, 128 Native peoples, xviii–xix, 53, 60, 66; ­appearance, 118–19; beaver hunting,

26834_Thompson.indd 379

56–7; beliefs, 121, 130; bison hunting, 70–2; character, 107–8, 128; contrasted with Europeans, 128, 170; ­diversity, 81; gambling, 155; industry, 165; injuries, 48; languages, 81, 119– 20; listening to news, 251; musical expression, 223; numeracy, 108; oratory, 141; origins, 120, 339–45; population, 104; relationship with free traders, 65–6; and salmon, 137; use of rattlesnake, 247; warfare and weaponry, 19–21, 104, 114, 265–6. See also individual tribes Naukane [Coxe], 236, 240, 253, 356 Nelson River, 56, 77, 178, 299, 304–5, 320, 324 Nespelem, 213–15, 280–1; song and dance, 214 Nespelem Canyon, 212 New York City, 56, 81, 348 Nez Perce, xxxiii, 267 Niagara: Falls, xxix, 335–7; River, 335–7 Nipissing, 59, 195 Nisbet, Jack, xii North West Company, xv–xvi, xviii, xix, xxi, 17–19, 46, 120, 138, 151, 230, 272, 284, 287 oak, 241; bur, 24, 34, 36, 37, 38, 41, 44, 48; garry oak, 232 oats, 271 ochre, red, 172 Ogden, Peter Skene, 142, 226 Ogilvy, John, 333–5 Ojibwa, xxvii–xxix, 20–1, 36, 38–44, 46, 47, 48, 101, 152; and Sioux, 47; spearfishing, 44; waabanowiwin movement, 38–40, 41, 179n9; windigo, 42–3 Okanagan, 201–2, 251, 276; dance, 251–2

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index

Ontonogan River, 51 Orator, The, 64, 110–11, 263, 265 Oregon Country, xxi, xxxviii Oregon Trail, 321 Osage, 68; River, 68 Ottawa River, 54, 272 otter, 128, 176; river otter, 76; sea otter, 234 owl, 88, 301 Ozark Mountains, 310 Pacific Fur Company, xi, xx, xxi, xxxvi– xxxvii, 230, 289 Pacific Ocean, 157, 209, 224, 229, 231– 2, 274, 276, 278 Pack River, 160, 173 packet ships, 348–9 Paddy, 15 Paiute, Northern, 222 Paquia, Louis, 206n7 Parenteau, 159 parhelion, 153 Pareil, Pierre, 183n2, 190n7, 192n6, 194, 197n9, 209, 236, 274, 275, 278 Parry, William Edward, 348 Peace River, 68, 76, 83, 123, 235, 311– 12, 318, 322–3, 325–6 Peake, Sean, xxiv Pembina [Summer Berry] River (Manitoba), 36 Pembina [Summer Berry] River (Alberta), 184 Pembok, 150, 175 Pend Oreille [Saleesh] River, xvii, xix, 160, 163–5, 170–2, 174, 199, 206, 226, 255, 258, 260, 275–6, 286 perch, 119 Persians, 107 pheasant, 252 Pichette, 183n2

26834_Thompson.indd 380

pickerel, 76, 119 Piegan, xi, xix, xx, xxvi–xxvii, 85, 95, 98–115, 127–31, 135, 202, 204, 250, 262, 327; beliefs, 103, 115; burial customs, 115, 127; character, 127–8; chiefs, 128–9; elderly, 114–15; and Flathead, 66, 111–12, 162, 169, 252, 262–6, 276, 296; feasts, 130–1; food, 130–1; and fur traders, 112–13, 135, 163, 168–9, 174, 175, 182–3, 267–8, 297; gambling, 131; hair and skull, 106–7; horses, 98–101; and Kootenai, 138–41, 144, 259, 295; lands, 98; ­language, 98, 119; marriage customs, 102–3; numeracy, 108; pipe stems, 101; and Shoshone, 95, 98, 105–6, 109, 113–14; smallpox epidemic, 103–4; and Spanish, 108–9; surveillance of Kootanae House, 137, 138– 41; use of firearms, 162; warfare and weaponry, 104–6, 108–9, 129 pike, northern, 44, 76 pine, 41, 48, 62, 89, 93, 117–18, 137, 147, 152, 160, 163, 165, 184, 186–9, 195, 232, 267; at Boat Encampment, 61, 191, 193, 232; as building material, 136, 161, 176; as canoe material, 63, 160, 193; western white pine, 144, 148; white pine, 16, 125 Plains, 61, 66–8, 131; animals, 68–75; area, 66–7; fire, 72 plover, 88, 165, 199 P’ná, 218–20 Point Mamainse, 51–2 Point Vancouver, 142, 229, 237 Poonokow, 103 poplar, 117, 163, 166 porcupine, 123–5; quillwork, 124–5 Porcupine Hills, 51 pork, mess, 185

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porphyry, red, 101, 140 portages, 54 Porter, Peter, 333 Priest Rapids, 218n2 Prince Rupert, 300 pronghorn [antelope], 13, 37, 68, 74, 97–8, 102, 129, 176 ptarmigan, 301–2 Qánqon, 237–8, 243, 289–90, 359 Quebec City, 52, 53 raccoon, 37, 41, 48 rainbow, 117 Rainy Lake, 36, 67, 178 Rainy Lake House, xi, xx, xxviii–xxix, 21, 112, 150–1, 159, 165, 178–9, 181 Rainy River, 21, 36, 48, 150, 178 Ram River, xvi Rat River [Musk Rat Rivulet], 35; n w c post, 35 rattlesnake, northern Pacific, 216, 243–7, 250 raven, 154, 301 Red Deer River, 139 Red Lake, 41, 44–5 Red Lake River, 43–4 Red River, 21, 29, 34–8, 40, 55, 66, 68, 89, 178 Reindeer Lake, 16, 83 religion, 31, 130, 214, 298; origins of, 6, 121, 298 Riding Mountain [Dauphin Hills], 67 rivers, 60, 254; channels, 235; east and west of Rocky Mountains, 206; of Plains, 68; water, 76 Rocky Mountain House, xv, 115–16, 184 Rocky Mountains, 60–2, 66, 190–1, 268; elevation, xxxiii, 155–7, 313, 319 Roseau [Reed] River, 36

26834_Thompson.indd 381

Ross, Alexander, xxxvii Ross, John, 348 Ross, Malchom, 16n7, 17 Roy, Vincent, 38 Roy’s post, 38 Rupert River, 299–300 Sacajawea, xxxiii Sahaptin interpreters, downriver journey, 217–8, 219, 221, 223–4, 227; upriver journey, 248 Sahaptin peoples, xx; 201, 219, 241, 248, 250, 263, 265, 276, 283; beliefs, 121; character, 227; dance, 224–5; language, 218–19; material culture, 223. See also individual tribes St Lawrence River, 44, 55 St Louis River, 49–50, 55 Sakatow, 128, 139–40 Saleesh House, xi, xvii, xviii, xx, 109– 10, 166–71, 198, 252, 259–67 salmon, 119, 136–7, 160–1, 163–4, 201, 205, 210, 213–15, 217–19, 224, 228, 241, 251–2, 258, 276, 277–8; Columbia fishery, 202–5, 212, 219– 22, 224–6, 234, 237–8, 241–3, 248, 250, 279–85, 289–90, 291, 294–7; diet, 229; predation by seals, 226; rites, 203–4, 205, 277; species, 228, 243, 249 salmonberry, 232 salt, 35, 38; salt ponds and springs, 68 Salt Rivulet, 35 Sand Lake, 47–8 Sand Lake House, 48 Sand Lake River, 47–8 Sanpoil, 209–12, 278–9; song and dance, 211, 279 Sanpoil interpreters, 209–11, 214–16, 218, 278–9, 280

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index

Sarcee, 85, 97, 264 Saskatchewan River, 68, 75, 76, 97–8, 11–13, 122, 126, 135, 150, 152, 158, 175–6, 177–8, 181, 195, 235, 271–2, 324–5; headwaters, 137, 158, 175, 183 Saskatoon serviceberry, 177, 213, 215 Saugemauqua, 40 Saukamappee, 100, 105–6, 115 Sault Ste Marie, 33, 50, 52, 272 Savanna Portage [Swamp Carrying Place], 47, 48 sawyer, 175 Sayer, John, 18, 45–6; Sayer’s post, 46–7 seal, harbour, 226–7, 229 Seal River, 299 See-whehl-ken, 204n5, 209 Severn River, 299 “Shawpatin and Pilloosees Road,” xx, 248–9 sheep, bighorn, 130, 136, 152, 159, 175, 185, 216–17, 257, 270 Sheshepaskut, xxvii–xxix, 20–1, 41, 44 Shoshone, xix, 95, 98, 222, 265, 267–8, 285, 297, 344; and Piegan, 105–6, 109, 113–14, 116 Shuwapso, 219n3 Siberia, 68 silver, 108–9 Simpson, Ӕmilius, 188 Sinkayuse, 216–18, 282 Sioux, 20, 24, 27, 29, 33, 47, 97; language, 119 skunk, 68, 126–7 Slave River, 270, 325–6 sled travel, 35, 184, 185, 189 Small, Charlotte, xxxviii, 6, 89n1, 271n4 smallpox, 27, 103–4, 238, 290, 332 Smoke River, 67, 123

26834_Thompson.indd 382

Snake [Shawpatin] River, xx, 220–1, 248, 284; landscape, 248; Thompson’s claim, 220n1, 284 snow, 37, 188, 253, 269; snow water, 34, 37 snowshoes, 32, 83, 184–5, 187–8, 192, 193, 270 soap, 165, 217 Souris [Mouse] River, 24, 27, 33, 34, 67 Spanish, 65; and Piegan, 108–9 Split Lake, 77 Spokane (tribe), xix, 201–2, 25–2, 263, 276; dance, 251–2, 295 Spokane House, xvii, xviii, xx, 199, 201, 251, 255–9, 295 Spokane River, xx, 199, 210, 255, 260 spruce: black, 16; white, 15–16 squirrel, 75, 88 Stewart, Alexander, 245 storm formation, 157 sturgeon, 44, 76, 177–8, 234; lake sturgeon, 44; white sturgeon, 44 Stuart, David, xx, 230, 236–40 Stuart, Robert, 230 sucker [carp], 119, 144, 199, 201, 276 sun, 153 swan, 41, 153–4, 155, 165, 170, 173, 194–5, 199, 232, 261, 267, 271, 274; tundra swan, 155 Swan River, 67, 178 tamarack [larch], 45, 48, 88 Tapahpatum, 11, 43, 122 temperature; Athabasca Pass, 190; Boat Encampment, 192–3; Saleesh House, 167–8, 261 Tetaharsky, xxxiii Thames River, 332 Thickwood [Forest] Hills, 67

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Thomas (Iroquois guide), 183–4, 188–9, 190n7, 195n5 Thompson, David: –  character: attitude to alcohol, 151; as astronomer, 9–10, 11; as explorer, xix; as mapmaker, 33, 36; relationship with Native peoples, xviii–xix, xxi; ­reputed occult power, 9–11, 92, 113, 140, 182; reliability, xxxv–xxxvi; religious opinions, 47, 61, 130, 214, 247, 250; as surveyor, xxxviii, 231; as writer, xxv–xxxviii, 276 –  life: activities in Columbia Plateau 1807–10, xvii–xix, 135–74; approach to mountains, fall 1810, 112–13, 181–4; arrival at Pacific, xi, xii; Athabasca journey, 1796, 15–16; circuit of 1797–98, 17–18, 22–52; Columbia journey, 1811, xi, xii, xx– xxi, xxx–xxxviii, 209–51, 278–94; crossing of Athabasca Pass, 1810–11, xx, xxxv, 62–3, 184–90; crossing of mountains, establishment of Kootenae House 1807–08, 135–41; ; explorations of spring 1808, 141–8; first approaches to Rocky Mountains, 1800 and 1801, xv–xvi, xix, 327; hbc career, xv, xxxvi, 17, 300–8; nwc career, xv, 17–19; retirement, xxxviii Thunder Point, 50 tobacco, 2, 25, 101, 103, 140, 163, 169, 197–8, 202, 213–17, 220, 222–5, 234, 239–40, 250, 262, 265, 275–6, 278, 280–2, 284–6, 287, 289, 295 Tongue Point, 229, 230, 232 Touchwood Hills, 67 Treaty of Paris (1783), 18, 45 Treaty of Washington, 171

26834_Thompson.indd 383

trout, 119, 146, 199, 220, 283, 297, 306, 337 Turtle Hill, 24–6, 32, 67 Turtle Lake, 45 Tyrrell, J.B., xxi, xxiv Ugly Head, xix, 138n14, 145–8, 164 Umatilla, xxx–xxxvi, 223–4 United States, 65 Vallade, René, 183n2, 190n7, 194, 274 Vancouver, George, xvii, xx, 229n7 Vaudette, 183n2, 190n7 vermillion, 202, 213 Villiard, 183n2, 190n7, 192n6 vole, meadow [field mouse], 75 Walammottinin, xxxiii walleye, 44 Wanapum, 218–20, 283 wapiti [red deer], 37, 41, 68, 73, 89, 91, 136, 154–5, 176, 196–7, 295, 297, 324, 344; hunting, 99, 102, 11–13, 147, 152, 159, 175, 181–2, 267, 270; population, 104 War of 1812–14, 272 Ward, John, 126 water, 190–1, 346–9; caloric theory, 346 Wawthlarlar village, 227–8 Wayám, 225–7 Webster-Ashburton Treaty, 330 Weechansk, 42–3 Weeyarkeek village, 228 Weir River, 275 “Western Sea,” xiv wheat, 179, 271 Whirlpool Rapids, 213 whirlpools, 141–2, 216, 226, 275, 279 White Bison, 116

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index

whitefish, 76, 271, 337 Wild Horse Creek [Skirmish Brook], 148 wild rice, 21–2, 34, 46, 48 Wild Rice River, 43 Willamette River, 224 willow, 9, 63, 90, 142–3, 186, 192, 195, 227, 250, 270, 286, 292, 305, 307, 341 Windermere Lake, 153–4, 156–7, 160 Winnipeg River, 178 wolf, grey, 25, 48, 69, 91, 96, 114, 123– 4, 302; and bison, 72–3; hunting, 99; and moose, 193 Wollaston [Manito] Lake, 16, 326

26834_Thompson.indd 384

wolverine, 59, 69, 123, 174, 189, 270 Wood [Flat Heart] River, 191 woodpecker, 154 wool, 170 xy Company, xv, xvi, 151n8 Yakama, 220, 283–4 Yellepit, 221–3, 284 Yellow Bird (Cree hunter), 183n2, 192 Yellowstone River, 315 York Factory, 13, 14, 17, 36, 77, 299, 303, 305–8

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