The Voice of the Trobairitz: Perspectives on the Women Troubadours [Reprint 2016 ed.] 9781512805444

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The Voice of the Trobairitz

UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA PRESS MIDDLE AGES SERIES Edited

Henry

by E D W A R D PETERS

Charles Lea Professor of Medieval University

of

History

Pennsylvania

A complete listing of the books in this series appears at the back of this volume

The Voice of the Irobaintz Perspectives on the Women Troubadours

Edited by WILLIAM D. PADEN ttWl UNIVERSITY O F PENNSYLVANIA P R E S S Philadelphia

Copyright © 1989 by the University of Pennsylvania Press All rights reserved Printed in the United States of America

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication

Data

The Voice of the trobairitz : perspectives on the women troubadours / edited by William D. Paden. p. cm. — (University of Pennsylvania Press Middle Ages series) Bibliography: p. Includes index. ISBN 0-8122-8167-5 1. Provençal poetry— Women authors—History and criticism. 2. Women and literature—France, Southern—History. 3. Troubadours. I. Paden, William D. (William Doremus), 1941II. Series. PC3308.1765 1989 849'. 1009' 9287—dc20 89-4920 CIP Design: Adrianne Onderdonk Duddeti

Contents

Introduction

PART I

I

Preliminary

Considerations

1. Toward a Delimitation o f the Trobairitz Corpus 31

FRANÇOIS ZUFFEREY

2. Las trobairitz soiseubudas 45

FRANK M. CHAMBERS

PART II

The Voice of the Trobairitz

3. Notes Toward the Study of a Female Rhetoric in the Trobairitz 63

J O A N M. FERRANTE

4. Was Bieiris de Romans Lesbian? Women's Relations with Each Other in the World o f the Troubadours ANGELICA RIEGER

73

5. "Tost me trobaretz fenida": Reciprocating Composition in the Songs o f Castelloza AMELIA E. VAN VLECK

95

6. Suffering Love: The Reversed Order in the Poetry o f Na Castelloza H. J A Y SISKIN AND JULIE A. STORME

113

7. The Sirventes by Gormonda de Monpeslier KATHARINA STÄDTLER

129

Contents

vi

8. Derivation, Derived Rhyme, and the Trobairitz SARAH KAY

157

9. Lombarda's Reluctant Mirror: Speculum o f Another Poet TILDE SANKOVITCH

PART IN

183

Reception

10. The Troubled Existence o f Three Women Poets PAOLO CHERCHI

197

11. Images o f Women and Imagined Trobairitz in the Béziers Chansonnier GENEVIÈVE BRUNEL-LOBRICHON

211

Checklist o f Poems by the Trobairitz Bibliography Index

239

255

Contributors

265

227

Introduction

But what I find deplorable, I continued, looking about the bookshelves again, is that nothing is known about women before the eighteenth century. I have no model in my mind to turn this way and that. . . . Virginia Woolf, 1929

Since Virginia Woolf wrote A Room of One's Own, we have learned a great deal about women in the Middle Ages. We know more about their legal status, about their situation in the family, about their writings. We know that in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries women did not have a room of their own, but then neither did men; although the castles of the nobility were spacious, not even the lords enjoyed privacy, and the scriptoria in nunneries and monasteries were public like all other inhabited spaces. We have learned most about women in areas that are well documented and consequently well studied, areas such as England, northern France, and Italy. Although we know less about southern France, we have learned that this region differed from adjacent ones in significant respects, such as feudalism and urbanization. The real life of medieval women in the south of France remains difficult for us to recapture, but we have made a start with a number of soundly based regional studies. Our growing historical knowledge sheds light on the society which produced the poetry of the trobairitz. Did women have a Renaissance? The question bears directly on medieval women because the concept of the Middle Ages was invented by men during the Renaissance and the Reformation. Men of the Renaissance rediscovered the inspiration of classical antiquity; men of the Reformation rediscovered the truth of Christ; both movements discovered the period intervening between their present time and their newly appreciated sources—the medium aevum, which was consequently destined to neglect and low esteem by its inventors. 1 The traditional doctrine that Renaissance women enjoyed greater individual freedom than their me-

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dieval predecessors, a doctrine expressed by Jacob Burckhardt in his classic Civilization of the Renaissance in Italy,2 merely transcribes the selfesteem o f the Renaissance thinkers who invented the Middle Ages. Accordingly, the doctrine must be questioned by historians whose view of the Renaissance has become more detached. If we should conclude that women did not have a Renaissance, then they cannot have had a Middle Age in anything like the usual meaning o f the term. A case can be made that the tripartite structure of Antiquity, the Middle Ages, and the Renaissance, undoubtedly based upon male experience, does not correspond to the historical experience o f women. Joan Kelly, who first raised the question, answered it in the negative. Basing her study on the contrast between medieval France in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries and Renaissance Italy in the fourteenth through sixteenth centuries, she argued that "women as a group, especially among the classes that dominated Italian urban life, experienced a contraction o f social and personal options," "a new repression o f the noblewoman's affective experience" (20, 22). Focusing on courtly love as expressed in Occitan lyric, in the Latin treatise De Amore by Andreas Capellanus, and in the French romances, Kelly stressed that the metaphorical vassalage o f the lover signified service and fidelity, not domination, and that the lady entered a relation o f mutuality, not subordination. Kelly pointed out the partial harmony between courtly love and Christianity, which elevated passionate love by purging it o f sexuality, although she did not take seriously the claim that courtly love was asexual as well. She further argued that courtly love supported the male-dominated social order o f feudalism, despite the conflict between sexual liberation in courtly love and the patriarchal demand for female chastity, because it benefited men as courtly lovers while enabling them to inherit fiefs through their wives. In Renaissance Italy, on the other hand, women were placed under the male cultural authority of tutors who espoused "classical culture, with all its patriarchal and misogynous bias" (35). The courtly lover became a poet-scholar who worshiped the memory of a beloved preferably long dead, as Dante mourned for Beatrice, Petrarch for Laura, and Vittoria Colonna for her husband. If a living woman loved, she must love her husband and him alone. In a response to Kelly, David Herlihy expanded the discussion to embrace history from the early Middle Ages through the Renaissance. B y many social indicators—access to property, power or knowledge—the position o f women deteriorated across the long centuries o f the Middle Ages.

3

Introduction Women in fact fared better in barbarian Europe o f the sixth or seventh centuries than they did in the cultured Europe o f the fifteenth or sixteenth. (1)

Herlihy supports this view with a study o f Christian saints from the earliest times to 1500. O f the more than three thousand saints, the greatest number lived during the earliest periods; but there was a resurgence that began around the millennium, peaked during the "long thirteenth century" (A. D . 1151-1347), and declined to a new low after that. Overall, the ratio o f male saints to female is about five to one. This ratio peaked in an era o f startling patriarchy among the blessed, 1 0 0 0 - 1 1 5 0 , when there were more than twelve male saints to one female saint; then it dipped precipitously to less than four in 1151-1347, and continued down to less than three in 1348-1500. Furthermore, Herlihy's calculation o f what he calls "density," or the number o f saints divided by the number o f years in the period, shows that women were more likely to become saints during the "long thirteenth century" than later, and that they were about three times more likely to be canonized than they had been in preceding periods since 750. Although Herlihy does not himself emphasize this high point in the feminine achievement o f beatitude, we may observe in anticipation o f our later discussion that it corresponds to the period o f the trobairitz. Turning to women and the family, Herlihy points out that the high frequency o f female saints in the early middle ages corresponds to a privileged status in earthly society. From around the millennium on, this status suffered by the introduction o f a new patrilineal kinship system. The noble family was newly understood as a descent group constituted o f fathers and sons, and "daughters lost their traditional claim to an equal share with their brothers in their parents' property" (13). At the same time the Gregorian reform imposed stricter ethical standards on the nobility, and "monogamy became established as the unquestioned rule o f western marriage" (14). " B y most social indicators, women, especially elite women, were losing status, power, and visibility as the Middle Ages progressed" (15). Herlihy finds one area o f exception to this generality in what he calls "the charismatic sector." He concludes his argument as follows: Catherine o f Siena, Joan o f Arc, and many other charismatic women o f the epoch were individualists in the full meaning o f the word, trusting in their interior voices, critical o f the male-dominated establishment and the manner it was leading society. Charismatic women appear with extraordinary fre-

4

William D. Paden quency in the late-medieval world. In at least one sector of social and cultural life, women had a Renaissance. (16)

Despite their numbers, however, if charismatics were the only women who had a Renaissance, the traditional periodization of Western culture seems in need of further reconsideration. The time of immediate concern in this book, the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, was one of social and economic expansion throughout western Europe. The demographic surge that provided the impetus for this expansion was never observed directly, but chroniclers recorded such side effects as more drastic famines, heavier traffic on roadways, and renewed construction of churches, many of which stand today. The growth in population was possible because of improved nutrition, which resulted from better techniques of cultivation, especially cultivation of legumes such as the humble field pea (White 76). Perhaps it reflected cyclical changes in the climate, which was relatively cold after the fall of Rome but grew warmer from the eighth through the thirteenth centuries before cooling in the fourteenth century, warming once more around 1400-1550, and then plunging into the "little ice age" which lasted from about 1550 to 1850 (Alexandre, Brochier). Around 1200, Languedoc was as densely populated as the region of Paris or Flanders; the countryside of Languedoc, especially in comparison with that of Gascony to the west, threatened to pass the threshold of rural overpopulation (Higounet). The situation of women during this period was influenced by conflicting ideologies. In the eyes of the church, women were equal to men with respect to grace and salvation, but unequal in the stories of creation and original sin (Shahar 22). Eve had been created from Adam's rib; as Peter Lombard explained, "God did not make woman from Adam's head, for she was not intended to be his ruler, nor from his feet, for she was not intended to be his slave, but from his side, for she was intended to be his companion and his friend" (Power 34). Eve's role in the Fall caused the sorrow of mankind, but salvation was achieved through Mary. The fall of Eva was reversed in the "Ave," the "Hail, Mary" of the Annunciation. In the vivid language of the misogynous tradition, woman was called, among other unflattering epithets, a sack of dung, but a more generous spirit such as Saint Bernard of Clairvaux, who felt the necessity for a principle of nonviolence to compensate for the daily cruelty of the world, exalted femininity in worship of the Virgin. In an encounter with Eleanor of Aquitaine in 1144, Bernard of Clairvaux promised that after

5

Introduction

seven years of childless union the queen would bear a child by her husband, Louis VII of France, if she would exert her wifely influence upon the king in favor of peace. Louis learned of this exchange, and peace was achieved. When Louis demanded that Bernard make good his promise, the abbot repeated his words. Within the year Eleanor gave birth to a daughter, and immediately sent to thank the man of God (Leclercq 65-67). The esteem for women expressed by Saint Bernard in various writings remained exceptional among his general concerns, which he naturally defined, monk that he was, in a male perspective. As the Benedictine scholar and admirer of Saint Bernard, Jean Leclercq puts it (22), when Bernard addressed the monks of Clairvaux as their abbot he was no more misogynous than the Lord. With the gradual entry of vernacular languages into cultural discourse, secular society began to express a view of life which showed considerable independence of church teaching. The role of women in vernacular poetry has been the focus of discussion of "courtly love," a term and concept created by Gaston Paris in 1883. In a study of a French romance by Chrétien de Troyes, Le Chevalier de la Charrette, Paris adapted the expression amour courtois f r o m scattered medieval occurrences and launched it on its prestigious twentieth-century career (see Boase). According to this view, the lady loved by the troubadour was the wife of the troubadour's lord, who, in the absence of her husband on campaign or crusade, attracted a swarm of admirers to her castle. The passion that she inspired in them is often said to have been platonic. The supposed invention of courtly love in the twelfth century has been considered an epoch-making event in the history of civilization, an event that formed a watershed between uncourtly Antiquity and modern times. 3 The courtly thesis dominated discussion for many years, but it eventually provoked an antithesis in the f o r m of revisionist doubts about specific elements of the doctrine. The weakest point was the claim that courtly passion was intrinsically chaste. This claim has been criticized in elaborate detail by Moshé Lazar, w h o distinguished among the fin'amors of the troubadours, passionate love as in the romance of Tristan and Isolde, courtly love within marriage as in romances by Chrétien de Troyes other than Le Chevalier de la Charrette, and the more general notion of courtliness or cortezia. While it is true that the eroticism of troubadour expression rarely becomes explicit since the troubadours wove their sensuality into artful ambiguities (Paden, " Utrum copularentur"), we no longer feel able to disregard its pervasive overtones. A second point

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William D. Paden

of contention is the social standing of the troubadour's lady, which becomes explicit in very few of the texts (Paden et al., " T h e Troubadour's Lady"). If we bring to the texts the assumption that medieval w o m e n were compelled to choose between marriage and the n u n n e r y — a n assumption that can be questioned on the basis of a study such as the one by Verdon (see below)—it still remains possible that the troubadours sang of w o m e n w h o were not yet married, or of marriageable widows. It is not implausible that the troubadours sang of an ideal type, a poetic fiction that could be personified as a w o m a n of flesh and bone whether she was married or not. But the texts of the troubadours do not identify the lady, just as they rarely make explicit the nature of the troubadour's feeling toward her. T h e songs make a spectacle of the speaker, not of his beloved. Finally, Peter D r o n k e has argued that courtly love, far f r o m an invention of the twelfth century, is a universal tendency, a secteur du coeur humain that has found expression independently in literatures as widely scattered as those of ancient Egypt and medieval Georgia as well as in medieval Latin and the vernaculars (Medieval Latin). Like the language of the church, troubadour discourse tells us less than has sometimes been supposed about the condition of real medieval w o m e n . Marriage was regarded by neither church nor nobility as an end in itself, much less as a means for the fulfillment of romantic love. For Saint Paul, marriage was better than fornication but less w o r t h y than virginity; it became institutionalized within the church as a sacrament as late as the eighth century, and the role of the church in solemnizing union gained general acceptance as late as the twelfth century (Duby). For the nobility, marriage was a means by which great houses strengthened their social and political alliances. T h e church insisted, against the wishes of authoritarian noble fathers, that marriage required the consent of bride and g r o o m (consensus facit nuptias, Shahar 83), but in reality this principle was often strained because young w o m e n were dependent u p o n their families for their dowry. Within marriage, sexuality was never recognized by the church as an end in itself but as a means to procreation; to make love for the sake of pleasure with one's spouse was considered as sinful as it would have been to make love with someone else. Various means of contraception were k n o w n f r o m antiquity, at least to the celibate authors of medical treatises, but seem to have been little practiced by married couples before the early fourteenth century; at that time, however, authors in England, N o r mandy, Savoy, and Spain complained of increased usage of coitus interrup-

7

Introduction

tus, the sin of O n a n — a complaint w h i c h was perhaps echoed b y D a n t e in Paradiso.4 N o r was a b o r t i o n frequently employed. Partly for these reasons, the rate of illegitimate birth was high. A l t h o u g h useful instructions for m i d w i v e s circulated in the thirteenth century, "including m u c h a b o u t manual rectification of incorrect presentation of the f o e t u s " (Biller 14), the circumstances of childbirth m u s t have frequently been such as to strike a m o d e r n parent w i t h h o r r o r . T h e mortality rate of n e w b o r n children has been estimated as " s o m e t h i n g perhaps in the order of o n e or even t w o in t h r e e " (McLaughlin 111); it may have been the loss of so m a n y infants that caused the surprising lack of maternal or paternal t e n derness t o w a r d children in the f e w sources w h e r e , w i t h our t w e n t i e t h century outlook, w e m i g h t expect to find it. S o m e noble families b e c a m e quite large. Eleanor of Aquitaine, after having t w o daughters in fifteen years of marriage to Louis VII of France, presented her second h u s b a n d , H e n r y Plantagenet (Henry II of England), w i t h eight children in f o u r t e e n years, five boys and three girls. W h e n Eleanor died at a b o u t the age of e i g h t y - t w o (the year of her birth is uncertain), she had outlived b o t h her husbands, f o u r of her five sons, and f o u r of her five daughters. H e r e x perience of repeated bereavement m u s t n o t have been extraordinary. O u r m o s t direct access to the experience of medieval w o m e n lies in their o w n writings. T h e y w r o t e m o r e and were better educated t h a n has sometimes been t h o u g h t . A m o n g the nobility, male literacy was largely restricted to the eldest son of the king, w h o could be expected to inherit the divine office of his father, and y o u n g e r sons of kings o r of other n o b l e m e n w h o were destined for the clergy. Eldest sons w h o b e c a m e squires and then knights remained largely illiterate. T h e daughters of the nobility, o n the other hand, were trained to read the psalter in Latin, and enjoyed a higher level of literacy than their b r o t h e r s ( G r u n d m a n n ) . W o m e n were educated at h o m e b y private tutors, in nunneries, or in schools r u n b y parish priests; in the thirteenth century, w h e n the develo p m e n t of universities (which w o m e n did not attend) required a relatively organized preparation for boys, the education of w o m e n suffered (Shahar 1 5 7 - 5 9 ) . D r o n k e and Wilson recently surveyed the w r i t i n g s of medieval w o m e n f r o m early times to late, and f o u n d m u c h to p o n d e r . D r o n k e characterized the women's w r i t i n g s he analyzed as follows:

The women's motivation for writing at all . . . seems rarely to be predominantly literary; it is often more urgently serious than is common among men writers; it is a response springing from inner needs, more than from an

8

William D, Paden artistic, or didactic, inclination. There is, more often than in men's writing, a lack of apriorism, of predetermined postures: again and again we encounter attempts to cope with human problems in their singularity—not imposing rules or categories from without, but seeking solutions that are apt and truthful existentially. Hence the women whose texts are treated here show excellingly a quality (literary, but also "metaliterary") of immediacy: they look at themselves more concretely and more searchingly than many of the highly accomplished men writers who were their contemporaries. This immediacy can lend women's writing qualities beside which all technical (lawlessness is pallid.5

This assessment is echoed in Perkal-Balinsky's study of the trobairitz' poems in dialogue with troubadours: she finds a more personal quality in the women, a quality which she explains as a result o f their "willingness to deviate f r o m accepted social behavior, or perhaps the rules o f the game, in an effort to attain the intimate pleasures in a love relationship" (46). To conclude this survey o f recent work on the general situation o f medieval women, we may turn to a study by Sharon Farmer. She accepts the consensus that the status o f women evolved f r o m privilege to dependency: The decline in the status of women was largely due to the emergence, towards the middle of the eleventh century, of the system of primogeniture, which served to protect the power and wealth of the nobility by consolidating landed property. Daughters and younger sons were excluded from patrimonial inheritances, and the dowry, formerly the woman's to dispose of as she wished, fell increasingly under the husband's control. Moreover, noble marriage was a matter of strategy, in which women served as pawns—or, as anthropologists would say, media of exchange—in the negotiation of alliances between lineage groups. In normal circumstances, men dominated women. Only widows, or wives whose husbands were away on crusade, retained a measure of independence and influence.6 Despite this overall decline, however, Farmer claims that "the position of women was more c o m p l e x " than historians have realized (520). She studies a countercurrent a m o n g scholastic and monastic authors w h o " b e g a n to recognize the moral and spiritual potential o f women's persuasion" exercised upon their husbands. We have seen an early example o f such wifely persuasion in the exchange between Eleanor o f Aquitaine and Saint Bernard. T h e authors studied by Farmer "called attention to the fact that wives could now take certain independent economic actions which benefited both their husbands and the church" (521).

9

Introduction Emphasis on the spiritual influence of wives seems to have reemerged in scholastic circles during the course of the twelfth century, and it intensified in the final years of that century. It was accompanied, moreover, by portrayals of women who exercised independent economic influence rather than acting through their husbands. (526)

The chronology of this development returns us once more to the trobairitz. In the south of France women could inherit fiefs, as Eleanor inherited Aquitaine. Ermengarde of Narbonne ruled the lands she inherited f r o m her father for more than half a century. Marie of Montpellier inherited the city of her birth—in the absence of a male heir, that is, an heir of the better sex (melior sexus), as it had been identified in an earlier declaration of law by Louis VII. Marie's father died in 1204, when she was about twenty-two years old, and she was recognized for several years as lord of the city. In principle, however, a husband controlled the inheritance of his wife, so that Pedro of Aragon, Marie's third husband, was able to compel her against her will to assign her own fief as her daughter's dowry, as Marie attested under duress (Switten). Mundy's study of testaments and marriage contracts in Toulouse between 1150 and the 1280s sheds light on the lives of women in all social classes. M u n d y shows that women often married older men, and outlived their husbands in a ratio of five cases out of six. Men bequeathed real estate to their sons, but almost always money to their daughters because a woman was excluded f r o m inheritance of real property once she had been provided with a dowry. This proviso of customary law stimulated men to endow their daughters in order to preserve the patrimony intact. The marriage contract required two sums of money, the bride's dowry, or dos, and the groom's brideprice, or dotalicium, usually about one-third as large. Despite the principle of canon law that consent makes marriage, women were sometimes forced to accept men they did not wish to marry in order to satisfy their family and to gain a dowry; likewise, young men could be forced to satisfy their fathers in order to get the dotalicium—but for them the price was not as high. U p o n the death of either spouse the survivor received both dos and dotalicium. The system was designed to protect widows, and in fact enabled those in the elite to live independently; but one-third to one-half of the widows in the documents were obliged to eke out their income by working or by depending on their children. Many women sought to become the heirs

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William D. Paden

or the co-heirs of their husbands, despite the general pattern of real inheritance in the male line. Some husbands made special provision for their wives in their wills; t w o husbands made arrangements against the eventuality that their widows might remarry and wish to free themselves of their children. Verdon studied a cartulary, a collection of legal acts, that was c o m piled by the bishopric of Limoges during the thirteenth century. H e found forty acts by w o m e n acting alone or with their children. Thirteen are acts of homage or other business by individual w o m e n w h o are positively identified as unmarried, or w h o m Verdon presumes to have been unmarried because there is n o mention of a husband. Despite their small number, these acts suggest that w o m e n could play an economic role before marriage, if they married at all. Such evidence contradicts the assumption voiced by other scholars that w o m e n of the nobility faced the sole alternatives of marriage or life as a nun. T h e unmarried w o m e n w h o are mentioned range in social class f r o m the viscountess of C o m b o r n , w h o does homage to the bishop for the castle and the castellany of C o m born with its dependencies, to La Guibort (in French Guibourc), w h o does homage for four setiers (48 bushels) of rye, presumably an annual income. Since, in principle, husbands administered the property of their wives, it is surprising that three married w o m e n executed deeds of h o m age without their husbands. Eight widows acted without their children, showing that they had in fact inherited real property after having received their dowries, perhaps because there were no surviving male heirs. In addition to their dowries, w o m e n might receive donations f r o m their husbands at the time of marriage or later, donations that were called oscla (in classical Latin oscula, "kisses"). Women also had the right to bequeath fiefs to their sons. Wives had sufficient independence within marriage to appear in acts together with their kinsmen, usually their brothers, m o r e often than with their husbands. O n the other hand, they appeared with their husbands to do homage for fiefs inherited by the w o m e n . Husbands often did homage for goods inherited by their wives. Verdon shows clearly that males sought to marry above their social status. (For Europe in general this was possible because fathers sought to marry off all their daughters but only their eldest sons; hence the marriageable sons had their pick of the daughters, and the unlucky daughters were destined for the nunnery.) In Limoges it was exceptional for the daughter of a knight (dominus) to marry a knight, according to the acts of the cartulary. Rather, the daughters of knights often married squires

11

Introduction

(idomicelli); occasionally the daughters of squires did the same. Several clerics are identified as married (clerici uxoratt), one of t h e m to the daughter of a squire. These synchronic analyses are supplemented by diachronic studies. T h e increasing subjection of w o m e n to men has been documented for Languedoc in general by D u h a m e l - A m a d o and for Béziers in particular by Gramain-Derruau. Most impressive is Aurell i Cardona's study of the deterioration in the status of aristocratic w o m e n in Provence f r o m the tenth century to the thirteenth. As he shows, a long process led the aristocratic w o m a n f r o m an originally privileged situation to the legal status of a minor. At the beginning, the high aristocracy counted some twenty families, a vast clan clustered around the count, w h o would strengthen his alliances with other families by marrying his daughters to their sons. In this system of hypergamy (that is, in which the wife was superior to her husband), w o m e n participated in the legal commitments of their husbands by adding their seals immediately after the men's. T h e strong p o sition of w o m e n deteriorated somewhat during the period f r o m 1030 to 1180 as the clan structure yielded to the patrilinear system. T h e dowries granted daughters became less valuable than they had been, and were consistently smaller than the inheritances of sons. T h e period f r o m 1180 to 1230 witnessed a renaissance in the situation of w o m e n , w h o briefly regained the rights they had enjoyed in the tenth century. Cartularies f r o m the city of Aries, in particular, provide documentation on this "parenthèse dorée," or golden interlude, as Aurell i Cardona calls it. H e illustrates this development with the case of Guilhema Garcin, the daughter and wife of wealthy townsmen. When her husband made out his last will in 1172 it was she w h o received most of his p r o p e r t y — n o t merely in usufruct (to enjoy during her lifetime) but to dispose of as she chose. Guilhema also inherited lands in the C a m a r g u e f r o m her father. As a w i d o w she administered her fortune in complete liberty. N o r is her case exceptional: a m o n g twelfth-century acts in one cartulary f r o m Aries, 146 were executed by men acting alone, and 33 by w o m e n acting alone. A r o u n d 1200, w o m e n acted as guardians of their descendants, received and gave homage for their fiefs, were named executrices of wills, and received inheritances equal to those of their b r o t h ers. In their wills they disposed of their goods as they wished. Some w o m e n left property to their husbands in usufruct, as husbands usually did to their wives, specifying what would become of the legacy u p o n the death of the first beneficiary.

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From 1230 on, noblewomen in Provence lost all the prerogatives they had enjoyed a few decades earlier. Under the impact o f Roman law they lost all judicial function, and they lost economic power through the disappearance o f the brideprice formerly paid by the husband or his family, the exclusion o f women from inheritance once they received their dowry, and their loss of any power o f decision over the goods o f the married couple. The husband gained the powers o f the Roman paterfamilias. At Marseilles, the minority o f children lasted until the age o f twenty-five, and daughters o f whatever age were treated as though they were minors. Their consent was not required for marriage, despite the consensual principle o f canon law. Women no longer served as witnesses to legal acts. The adoption o f Roman law served the interests o f the count, who was able to strengthen his rights at the expense of the nobility, while incidentally restricting the rights o f women. At the same time, marriages were increasingly contracted in a relation o f hypogamy, that is, one in which the woman was the social inferior o f the man; her access to a higher rank was made possible by the dowry paid by her family. Aurell i Cardona regards the shift from hypergamy to hypogamy as the fundamental explanation for the deterioration in the status o f aristocratic women. The subject of women's names in the Midi has been discussed by several o f these scholars. Aurell i Cardona observed that as a corollary to the establishment o f patrilineal kin structure, patronyms replaced mother's names in the identification of individuals. He explains the earlier use o f matronyms, which was typical o f acts o f the tenth century, as a means to disambiguate among males with the same name, observing that the variety o f women's names far surpassed that of men's: "Here as elsewhere, the world o f women shows more imagination, even fantasy, in the choice o f names" (15). (Aurell i Cardona does not discuss who chose the names o f daughters—perhaps their mothers?—or the names o f sons.) Verdon studied the first names o f noblewomen in the cartulary o f Limoges in contrast with those of women whose social status is not mentioned, and concluded that the names o f the noblewomen show greater diversity. One name which he found frequently among both noblewomen and others is Almos or Almuos, which is a form o f the name o f the trobairitz Almuc de Castelnou. In his study o f charters from Toulouse, Mundy found that women took the last name o f their husbands, or, if the husband did not have a last name (as the convention o f last names was still in the process o f development), the name o f his craft or

13

Introduction

business. The first names of women were more varied than those of men: among the married couples mentioned in Mundy's sources there are twenty-five different first names of men, and fifty-eight of women. The women's first names are more colorful, evoking distant countries, rank, or personal qualities. A m o n g the trobairitz, Mundy's remark applies to Castelloza, whose name is quite rare, and suggests a meaning such as "Castle Lady" (see Paden et al., " T h e Poems of the Trobairitz Na Castelloza," 158-59). The term "trobairitz" has not hitherto been naturalized in English. It combines the root of trobar, "to compose," with the suffix -airitz, expressing a feminine agent in contrast to masculine -ador. Thus trobairitz means "a woman w h o composes." Trobairitz and trobador correspond, as do other Occitan words such as emperairitz and emperador (from Latin imperatricem and imperatdrem , "empress" and "emperor"). 7 Trobairitz is very rare in medieval Occitan. It does not occur in lyric poetry, in the grammatical treatises, or in the biographies of the trobairitz or troubadours; it seems to be found only once, in the thirteenth-century romance Flamenca. The heroine of the romance becomes involved in a clandestine exchange of two-syllable messages with the knight w h o will become her lover; at one point, when her maid thinks of the perfect response, she congratulates her as a bona trobairis, a "good trobairitz." 8 (As the exchange continues to develop, it will eventually reproduce a passage f r o m a canso by a twelfth-century troubadour.) 9 Despite the rarity of the term, however—which surpasses the rarity of the trobairitz—it fulfills a logical and useful function in contrast with the word "troubadour." English has assimilated "troubadour" in the literal sense since the early eighteenth century and in the figurative sense since the early nineteenth ("one w h o composes or sings verses or ballads . . . "). 10 Today's interest in women poets of all ages has created a need for "trobairitz" in English, a need which is felt particularly by the scholars w h o have contributed to this book. The word will be treated here as a naturalized English term. 1 1 A m o n g the trobairitz are three countesses: the Comtessa de Dia, perhaps named Beatritz; Garsenda, comtessa de Proensa; and Maria de Ventadorn, wife of Count Eble V. The first of these seems to have enjoyed her title by inheritance f r o m her father (Monier); the other two, by marriage. Both of the trobairitz w h o have left more than a single song apiece, the Comtessa de Dia and Castelloza, refer in their songs to their

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William D. Paden

husbands, and we have historical traces of the husbands of Almuc de Castelnou and Gaudairenca. O n the other hand, since Alais and Iselda ask Carenza whether they should marry or become nuns, they must have been unmarried; and since the vida of Tibors makes no mention of a husband, she may have been unmarried as well. Shahar (166) assumes that any w o m e n w h o wrote during this period must ipso facto have been noble; Jeanroy (Poésie lyrique 1:314-15) arrived at the same conclusion regarding the trobairitz, reasoning that since they c o m m a n d e d the respect of the authors of the vidas and razos, they cannot have been joglaresas, female entertainers like the disreputable male joglars. T h e trobairitz we k n o w represent the east and the center of the Midi, but not, for w h a t ever reason, the regions lying to the west. 12 T h e chronology of the trobairitz phenomenon is not easily grasped. It is uncertain whether a number of trobairitz are real or fictional; it is difficult to assign dates to several whose names we know; it is all the more difficult to date compositions that are anonymous. O n e may, h o w ever, generalize that the trobairitz seem to have been active f r o m around 1170 to around 1260. We have no evidence of trobairitz during what may be called the first and second generations of the troubadour period ( f r o m 1100 on), or during the last generation (to 1300). In the Appendix to this Introduction the reader will find an argument, based on statistical evidence, that the chronology of the trobairitz is not merely a reflection of the chronology of the troubadours. There must be some reason or reasons w h y the trobairitz appeared in history later than their male counterparts and disappeared sooner. We may speculate, then, as to what caused the trobairitz to enter the scene and to exit as they did. We have seen several historical movements that correspond m o r e or less closely: the frequency of w o m e n saints d u r ing the "long thirteenth century" according to Herlihy; the emergence of the doctrine of wifely persuasion a m o n g male clerical writers late in the twelfth century according to Farmer; the "golden interlude" in Provence around 1180 to 1230 according to Aurell i Cardona. Aurell i Cardona alludes to the songs of the troubadours, "which reverse the relations of fidelity in favor of the lady," and which "reached their peak of popularity in the courts of the c o u n t y " at this time. Geneviève BrunelLobrichon extends the conclusions of Aurell i Cardona to the trobairitz, reasoning that " f o r this brief period, the privileged status of the aristocratic w o m a n in Provence must have been marked by fin'amors . . . , which allowed the magnificent and singular blossoming of trobairitz

15

Introduction

songs in w h i c h the superiority of the w o m a n is expressed in another m a n n e r " (in this v o l u m e , 220). T h e applicability of Aurell i C a r d o n a ' s conclusions to the trobairitz is limited, however, b y the fact that o n l y the C o m t e s s a de Proensa and T i b o r s are k n o w n to have had associations w i t h Provence. Interestingly e n o u g h , several Occitan albas, or d a w n - s o n g s , present female protagonists w h o are passionately expressive. 1 3 A l t h o u g h s o m e of these texts are difficult to date, Poe observed in a recent study that all the albas that can be dated were c o m p o s e d " f r o m the late t w e l f t h t h r o u g h mid-thirteenth centuries," 1 4 that is, precisely d u r i n g the period of t r o bairitz activity. A l t h o u g h the n u m b e r of albas is t o o small to p e r m i t statistically m e a n i n g f u l conclusions, it is difficult to resist connecting the albas and the trobairitz as t w o c o n t e m p o r a r y aspects of an underlying, enhanced female expressiveness. T h e history of the pastorela, or pastourelle (in French), in w h i c h the speaker narrates his encounter w i t h a shepherdess and his a t t e m p t to seduce her, provides indirect s u p p o r t for this view. T h e p r o t o t y p e of the genre was c o m p o s e d b y M a r c a b r u (fl. 1130-49), and was imitated b y Gui d'Ussel (fl. 1195-96) and Gavaudan (fl. 1195-1211); b u t p r o d u c t i o n in Occitan was then interrupted until the series of pastorelas b y Guiraut Riquier, w r i t t e n in 1 2 6 0 - 8 2 , and other late texts. 1 5 T h a t is, w e have n o pastorelas f r o m 1220 to 1260, w h i c h w e have called Period IV (see the A p p e n d i x to this Introduction). After an initial overlap in the p r o d u c t i o n of pastorelas and the activity of trobairitz d u r i n g Periods II and III, the pastorelas cease to appear while the trobairitz continue; then in Period V the trobairitz apparently cease to write, and the pastorelas begin again. A l t h o u g h the historical process is m o r e complicated than a simple alternation between c o m p o s i t i o n of pastorelas and c o m p o s i t i o n by trobairitz, one may speculate that there may have been a degree of tension b e t w e e n these t w o . Perhaps the feminist view of the French pastourelle recently p r o p o s e d b y Gravdal provides the key to understanding the role of the pastorela in this process. 1 6 T h e classical f o r m of the genre is predicated u p o n the a s s u m p t i o n that a m a n w h o happens to meet a shepherdess in a rustic setting will naturally a t t e m p t to seduce her, an a s s u m p t i o n that may have seemed objectionable to w o m e n then as now, w h e t h e r the seducer succeeds o r fails. It is n o t implausible to relate the hiatus in p r o d u c t i o n of Occitan pastorelas to persuasive disapproval by w o m e n . Perhaps the historical relation of the pastorela and the alba is essentially one of alternation, as the position of w o m e n in Occitan culture evolved

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through the golden interlude (corresponding to the alba and the trobairitz) between periods of deepening subjection (corresponding roughly to the pastorela).

If it is true that sociocultural changes as sweeping as those outlined here shook the Midi during the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, they can scarcely have left no trace at all in the poetry of the troubadours—even though any such traces have been obscured by the longstanding supposition that for two centuries troubadour poetry remained essentially static. I shall conclude these speculations by sketching some such possible traces. The degradation of women was amply expressed by Guilhem de Peitieus in his "law of con" and his other bawdy songs, while he also formulated the subtler antifeminism of courtly love in a song such as " A b la dolchor del temps novel." The latter strategy was refined by Bernart de Ventadorn to the point of placing the lady on a pedestal and worshipping her in narcissistic devotion to his own perfection. With Bertran de Born, however, one may perhaps claim to detect in at least some songs a new interest, and even dignity, accorded to women. 1 7 Such is the case, I believe, in Bertran's song of youth and age, "Belh m'es quan vey camjar lo senhoratge." 1 8 Within a framework of an introductory stanza and a tomada, Bertran reflects in successive stanzas on the figures of an old lady, a young lady, a young man, and an old man. As he rings the changes on his theme in relation to men, most of the virtues of the young are simply negated in the vices of the old: a young man is poor and pawns his property, an old man is rich and pawns nothing; a young man is extravagant in hospitality, an old man is stingy with his friends; a young man likes to flirt, an old man does not. The preceding stanzas on women, which of course serve to introduce those on men, move in the more positive (and counter-naturalistic) direction f r o m old to young. An old lady has ugly skin; she has either no lover or two lovers, sometimes a lover of u n w o r thy standing (avols horn) or a lover within her castle—all to her discredit. She may dabble in magic and talk too much. In contrast: Jov'es domna que sap honrar paratge, et es joves per bos fagz—quan los fa. Joves se te quan a adreg coratge e vas bon pretz avol mestier non a; jove se te quan guarda son cors belh et es joves dona quan be-s capdelh. Jove se te quan no-y cal devinar, qu'ab belh jovent se guart de mal estar.

17

Introduction [Young is a lady who knows how to honor nobility, and she is young from good deeds, when she does any. She stays young when she has a nimble heart, and does not use base schemes to gain good repute; she stays young when she keeps her body beautiful, and a lady is young when she behaves properly. She stays young when she doesn't care to gossip, when she avoids being cross with beautiful youth.]

Bertran praises the young lady for qualities of nobility, goodness, character, and temperament—as well as personal appearance—which seem more diverse and more independent of simple economic considerations than the criteria he applies to the advantage or disadvantage o f men. In this song the woman's life may be felt to seem more attractive and interesting than the man's. There is a passage in Peire Cardenal that is perhaps suggestive of hypergamy. The satirist depicts las amairitz, "amorous" or "licentious women," as defending themselves against criticism of their escapades with every kind of sly excuse: Las amairitz, qui encolpar las vol Si razonon a for d'en Isengri: L'una fai drut quar esta'n grant aujol, L'autra lo fai quar paubreira l'auci; L'una a vieil marit e es tozeta, L'autra es granz e a pauc garsi; L'una non a sobrecot de bruneta, L'autra n'a dos e fai lo atressi. [If someone criticizes licentious women, they defend themselves in Sir Isengrim's style. One takes a lover because she has a great inheritance, the other does it because poverty kills her; one has an old husband though she is a girl, the other is large and has a little boy; one has no mantle of dark cloth, the other has two and does it all the same.] Prop a guerra qui l'a en mieg son sol, Mas plus prop l'a qui l'a a son coissi. Can lo maritz a la moiller fai dol, So es guerra peior que de vezi, Qu'ieu en sai tal que, s'era part Toleta, Non a moiller ni paren ni cozi Que ja disses: que Dieu sai lo trameta. Mas, can s'en vai, lo plus iratz s'en ri." [He has war close who has it on his land, but he has it closer yet who has it on his pillow. When a husband displeases his wife, that is war worse than with a neighbor; for I know a man who, if he were beyond Toledo, has no wife or kinsman or cousin who ever would say, "God send him here!" But when he leaves, the saddest one laughs.]

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Peire is impartially critical of w o m e n in the first stanza and m e n in the second. T h o u g h only the grant aujol ("a great inheritance") explicitly suggests higher standing o n the part of the wife, it seems clear t h r o u g h o u t the passage that these wives are u n d e r n o husband's t h u m b — p e r h a p s n o t only for generic reasons of satire, b u t because of evolving social reality. With Guiraut Riquier the pastorela reenters Occitan, w h e r e it will also be cultivated b y Cerveri de Girona, Paulet de Marseille, G u i l h e m d ' A u t p o l , Gautier de M u r s , J o a n Esteve, and others. B e t w e e n 1291 and 1295, there was written in Barcelona an Ensenhamen de la donsela, o r "Instruction o f a Young G i r l , " by the Catalan A m a n i e u de Sescars. 20 A m a n i e u says that once in the m o n t h of M a y a gracious m a i d e n — w h o , as w e learn later on, was n o less than a marquise, Na marqueza21—begged h i m to advise her h o w to lead a g o o d life, since she lacked g o o d j u d g m e n t ( " n o soy senada si c u m mestier m ' a u r i a , " vv. 82—83). Protesting that she was ten times wiser than he, the poet nevertheless p r o d u c e d an exact and detailed regimen. She m u s t be an early riser, w a s h her face and hands, clean her nails, and b r u s h her teeth. She m u s t attend her lady as soon as she rises, b u t not before the head of the household (the capdel) is up, if he has slept w i t h his wife. 2 2 In church she m u s t n o t let her glance wander, if she can help it ("si gandir y p o d e t z , " v. 209), or m a k e t o o m u c h noise. A f t e r church she may have f u n w i t h her friends: E si voletz bastir solatz de iocx partitz, no-Is fassatz descauzitz, mas plazens e cortes. (vv. 230-33) [And if you want to amuse yourself with joes partitz, don't make them coarse, but pleasant and courteous.] T h e joe partit is an Occitan genre, often s y n o n y m o u s w i t h the partimen, in w h i c h t w o speakers take sides in a discussion of a point o f a m o r o u s casuistry. It appears, then, that in the w o r l d of A m a n i e u de Sescars y o u n g w o m e n m i g h t be encouraged to b e c o m e trobairitz, w h i c h makes it all the m o r e puzzling that w e have n o record that any of t h e m did so in this late period. A m a n i e u continues w i t h advice o n h o w a girl should talk t o her admirers, and suggests topics suitable for joes partitz. If she wishes to have an admirer, an entendedor (v. 345), she m u s t n o t choose h i m for rank o r wealth but for pretz and dreg paratie (merit and true nobility, v v . 349, 353). In closing, A m a n i e u sends his c o m p o s i t i o n to his lord, the K i n g of

19

Introduction

Aragon, and to the noblemen of the court, asking t h e m w h o , in their opinions, are the best donas and donzelas, so that his student may learn f r o m their example. Can we learn f r o m the ensenhamen any reason w h y in its time the trobairitz had ceased to write? We could cite the authoritarian tone of the male preceptor (somewhat m o r e authoritarian than the tone Amanieu takes in another ensenhamen to a squire), reinforced as it is by the family authority of the capdel and the political authority of the king. If Na marqueza and others like her did amuse themselves with joes partitz, perhaps their poems were j u d g e d u n w o r t h y of parchment; or possibly Amanieu's advice was old-fashioned, and the joc partit was a parlor game no longer enjoyed by w o m e n . If we can, indeed, take this text of Catalan provenance as evidence for Occitan culture at all, then we can easily imagine h o w the oppressive structure of h y p o g a m y may have stilled the voice of the trobairitz. In the essays that follow, twelve American and European scholars view the trobairitz in perspectives ranging f r o m philological to B a k h tinian, Derridean to feminist. Four of the essays have been translated for this volume. All of t h e m are published here for the first time. T h e first t w o essays survey the corpus that may be attributed to the trobairitz. François Zufferey finds forty-three texts, including all the poems in dialogue between a man and a w o m a n , even those w h o may have been fictitious. H e does not, however, include the canso attributed to Beatritz de Romans because for him it seems to speak with the voice of a man. Zufferey's census includes eleven cansos, three sirventes, sixteen tensos, three partimens, seven exchanges of coblas, two baladas, and one letter. Frank M . Chambers focuses on the genres in dialogue, attempting to distinguish fictional trobairitz f r o m real ones. In his case-by-case analysis, he finds circumstantial reasons to doubt the reality of the female speaker in fifteen of the poems discussed by Zufferey and in one which Zufferey does not mention (Chambers's no. 13). O n the other hand, Chambers grants the reality of trobairitz identified by name in the text of the poem (his nos. 1 through 6) or in the rubric of a manuscript (no. 7). Combining Chambers's conclusions with Zufferey's, then, we have twenty-seven poems by trobairitz; or if we add Beatritz de Romans, as Angelica Rieger advocates, twenty-eight. As for the imaginary ladies, Chambers concludes that all except two of them "stay well within the code of courtly behavior." It also emerges f r o m his remarks that their

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principal function (with the exceptions of Chambers's nos. 11, 16, and 17) may be seen as providing encouragement for their male Pygmalions, within the bounds of modesty or beyond them. Joan M. Ferrante asks whether there is a female rhetoric in the poetry of the trobairitz and answers with a tentative yes. Comparing the trobairitz cansos with those of a group of near-contemporary troubadours, she finds that the trobairitz make much greater use of direct address, especially for the lover, while the troubadours address other men more often than their ladies. The women use negative words more frequently and consistently. Relative to "verbs of current reality" (in the present), the women use more "contrary-to-fact verbs" (in the subjunctive or the conditional) and more verbs in the past tenses. Their rhyme schemes tend to be simple, although Castelloza and the Comtessa de Dia produce more elaborate structures. Lombarda plays on feminine forms of names as a means of asserting her distinctive voice. Overt remarks on the role of women occur in Castelloza, and in several tensos the trobairitz are critical of the artificial rhetoric of the troubadours. Angelica Rieger confronts a view that has been expressed casually by several scholars: that the canso of Beatritz de Romans expresses lesbian desire. If this were true, she points out, the poem would be unique in Old Occitan. A new edition of the poem provides the basis for three hypotheses: either it is lesbian, or corrupt passages in the text require emendations that remove all lesbian suggestion, or, rather than lesbian, it expresses affection—tender rather than erotic—in a manner that was conventional between women at the time. In support of the third hypothesis, Rieger marshalls evidence f r o m a variety of sources to show "that Bieiris adopts an entirely normal, even conventional, colloquial tone which was proper between women of equal social position." The poet refers discreetly to the admirer of Maria, the lady to w h o m she speaks, so discreetly that the role played by this man in the relation between the two women remains indecipherable. But Rieger concludes that the interpretation of the poem as lesbian springs from later evolution in the tone of affection considered normal between women, and not f r o m medieval evidence. Amelia E. Van Vleck studies the implications of composition in the poetry of Castelloza. She finds that Castelloza prompts her addressee to respond, and thus to assume the usual role of the troubadour and to restore the powerless trobairitz to the powerful, but speechless, role of the adored domna. Her songs are a "complex of speeches" involving

21

Introduction

"several alternate discourses," including possible reproaches f r o m a third party, responses f r o m her lover, her own inarticulate utterances, and pleas for love by knights and ladies. Van Vleck interprets Castelloza's line, "Tost me trobaretz fenida," as a double-entendre meaning both "Soon you will find me dead" and "Soon you will compose for me a tomada," or indeed an entire song. She finds evidence that the addressee of a poem might indeed compose a response to it, and suggests that this would be especially plausible if—as seems to have been the case— Castelloza's intended audience were a broad one including trobairitz and troubadours. H. Jay Siskin and Julie A. Storme take a different view of Castelloza, relating her unhappiness to the complexity of her language. She expresses the compulsive nature of her masochism through a preponderance of negatives, and does so on the syntactic level by progressing f r o m an established condition to a contradictory result. Similarly, the familiar metaphor of love as feudal service would logically lead, under conditions such as Castelloza describes, to renunciation of allegiance—but Castelloza never renounces her lover. In her negative universe, the principle of reversal leaves no alternative to suffering; she reverses her actions and her emotions, negating joy and hope. She undermines the syntactic distinction between hypothesis and reality and creates a poetic world in which reality eludes the reader. The lover is passive, and the only central figure is Castelloza herself. In her reversed order, "suffering and self-effacement become positive expressions of the self . . . ; she thus transforms her negative world into a positive self-image," and self-denigration becomes "an expression of self-esteem." Katharina Stadtler provides a translation of the sirventes by G o r monda de Montpellier, which reverses the polemical thrust of Guilhem Figueira's attack on Rome within an identical metrical form. Gormonda's "reevaluating m e t h o d " puts Guilhem's rhyme-words into contexts antithetical to his. Invoking both secular and religious values, Gormonda opens with praise for Rome and blame for Rome's enemies; she refutes Guilhem's political incriminations, then attacks heresy on religious grounds, and finally looks briefly to the future. Stadtler elucidates G o r monda's arguments with detailed historical analysis and concludes with a suggestion that the trobairitz may have written for an audience of Dominicans. Sarah Kay studies derived rhyme, in which two or more rhyme forms are derived f r o m the same root. After outlining the effects of

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William D. Paden

which this technique is capable, she reviews the scattered references made to it in grammatical treatises and in troubadour verse, concluding that it is uncertain to what degree the technique was employed self-consciously. T w o trobairitz used derived rhyme, the Comtessa de Dia and Lombarda. Kay proposes a new stanza-order for the Comtessa's " A b j o i et ab joven m'apais," and interpets the song as "self-undermining in that it licenses the expression of individual desire and self-determination only at the m o m e n t when the individual becomes indistinguishable f r o m society at large," that is, f r o m a society dominated by men. In Lombarda's exchange of coblas with Bernart Arnaut d'Armagnac, the trobairitz penetrates the troubadour's technical display with the "simple language . . . of female rhetoric," and "insists on knowing if Bernart loves h e r . " Tilde Sankovitch sees "Lombarda's Reluctant M i r r o r " in the perspective of feminist psychoanalysis. For her, Lombarda withdraws f r o m the typical function of the domna as passive mirror of the troubadour's quest for his o w n perfection, in this case the quest of her interlocutor Bernart Arnaut. T h r o u g h a technique of "subversive imitation," she first undermines the ploy by which Bernart pretends to name himself Lombard in subjection to her, and then "fracturejs] the mirror [which he offers . . . ] to recuperate, f r o m the shards, her n a m e . " Thus she deconstructs the model of identity in troubadour songs, accepting neither the role of domna nor that of the male speaker but asserting her o w n presence and self-perception. T w o essays look beyond the trobairitz at their counterparts in Italy and at the m e m o r y of t h e m that lingered in early modern France. Paolo Cherchi traces the "troubled existence," the birth and difficult survival or demise, of three Italian w o m e n poets w h o may have lived during the thirteenth century—or at least w h o did so in the opinion of critics w h o wrote especially during the Romantic period. Gaia da Camino, m e n tioned in the Divine Comedy, surely lived, but she w r o t e no extant poetry. Nina Siciliana is n o w regarded as the apocryphal invention of a sixteenth-century anthologist. O n l y La C o m p i u t a Donzella remains, with her three sonnets, t w o religious and one secular. Cherchi's investigation sheds light on the problematic distinction between real and fictional trobairitz studied by Zufferey and by Chambers, and on the larger issue of the problematic perception of medieval w o m e n by m o d e r n scholars. Geneviève Brunel-Lobrichon discusses a chansonnier f r o m the late seventeenth or early eighteenth century, n o w held at Béziers, which is an abbreviated copy of troubadour manuscript I. It contains miniature p o r -

23

Introduction

traits of three trobairitz: Castelloza, Azalais de Porcairagues, and the Comtessa de Dia (see plates). The first depicts its subject as a figure of piety, the second as a prostitute, and the third as a feminine version o f a Roman orator. These three faces of the trobairitz give us "a shattered image in which the three sides o f the luminous and fascinating prism have fallen flat. . . , moving witnesses of a brilliant past. " Following the essays the reader will find a checklist o f poems by the trobairitz, a bibliography, and an index. Timothy Watson translated the articles by Rieger and Stàdtler from German, and Ann Williams translated those by Brunel-Lobrichon and Zufferey from French. I am grateful to Merritt R. Blakeslee, who provided valuable additions to the bibliography, and to Michael F. Dacey for his help in applying the chi-square test.

appendix: The Chronology of the Trobairitz Because the number of troubadours varied over time, first growing larger and then somewhat smaller, and because the number o f trobairitz whose poems can be even vaguely dated is small, it is possible that the apparent restriction o f their activity to the period of the greatest number o f troubadours is merely a random effect o f chance—that, in fact, about one Occitan poet in twenty tended to be a woman throughout the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. To test this view, which in statistics would be called the null hypothesis, we must specify both the number o f troubadours and the number o f trobairitz in appropriately defined periods. I suggest adopting periods o f forty years and assigning individuals to given periods according to the midpoint o f their known poetic careers.23 The periods correspond to the activity o f some o f the best-known troubadours: Period I (1100-1140): Guilhem de Peitieus Period II (1140-1180): Bernart de Ventadorn Period III (1180-1220): Bertran de Born Period IV (1220-1260) : Peire Cardenal Period V (1260-1300): Guiraut Riquier The number o f troubadours active in each period may be determined from the "Liste biobibliographique" published by Jeanroy in his Poésie

24

William D.

Paden TABLE 1

Total Troubadours per Period

Period

Number (percent)

II III IV V Total

5 (2%) 24 (7%) 121 (37%) 94 (29%) 80 (25%) 324 (100%)

TABLE 2 Chronology of Individual

Trobairitz

Period II Azalais de Porcairagues, fl. c. 1173 Period III Almuc de Castelnou, beginning o f the 13th c. Comtessa de Dia, attested in 1212 Comtessa de Proensa, married in 1193, widowed in 1209, entered a religious order in 1225 Gaudairenca, wife o f Raimon de Miraval, who was active 1191 — 1229 Isabella, first third o f the 13th c. Iseut de Capio, exchanged coblas with Almuc de Castelnou Lombarda, attested in a charter o f 1206; exchanged coblas with Bernart Arnaut, Count o f Armagnac 1 2 1 9 - 2 6 Maria de Ventadorn, died shortly after 1225 Period IV Azalais d'Altier, addressed in a canso by U c de Saint-Circ, who was active c. 1 2 1 7 - 5 3 Castelloza, early 13th c. Clara d'Anduza, perhaps contemporary o f U c de Saint-Circ; perhaps addressed by Azalais d'Altier Gormonda de Montpellier, fl. c. 1229 Guilhelma de Rosers, participated in a partimen with Lanfranc Cigala, who was active c. 1 2 3 5 - 5 7 D o m n a H . , fl. 1 2 2 0 - 4 0 Tibors, first half o f the 13th c.

lyrique ( 1 : 3 2 6 - 4 3 6 ) , with corrections by Riquer in Los trovadores.

The

results are shown in Table 1. As for the trobairitz, we must set aside those w h o cannot be dated at all (Alais and Iselda, Beatritz de Romans, Carenza) and those w h o are probably fictitious (see the essay by Chambers in this volume). Because o f the latter consideration I shall omit Alamanda, but I shall include D o m n a H. with most scholars ( p a c e Chambers). The datable trobairitz, according to the information marshalled in the Checklist, are listed in Table 2. The information in Table 2 yields the totals shown in Table 3.

25

Introduction

TABLE 3

Total Trobairitz per Period

Period

Number (percent)

I

0

II III IV V Total

TABLE 4

1 (6%) 8 (50%) 7 (44%) 0 16 (100%)

Trobairitz Observed and Expected, per Period

Period

Observed

Expected

I II III IV V

0 1 8 7 0

0.2 1.2 6.0 4.6 4.0

TABLE 5

Trobairitz Observed and Expected in Combined Periods

Periods

Observed

Expected

I, II, V III, IV

1 15

5.4 10.6

It is evident that there are relatively more trobairitz than troubadours in Periods III and IV, and fewer in Period V. (We may add that we know the names of 107 men who composed poetry in Occitan during the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, but of no women at all.)24 To assess the significance of this observation we may employ a statistical technique called the chi-square test.25 To do so we must calculate how many trobairitz would have been active in each period by the null hypothesis, that is, how many we would expect if their numbers were proportional to those of the troubadours. For statistical purposes, Table 4 gives the expected figures to one decimal place. However, since the test requires that the expected number be at least five in all categories but one, we are obliged to combine Periods I, II, and V. It is then appropriate to combine Periods III and IV as well. We arrive at the array in Table 5. According to the chi-square test, differences this large will occur by chance 2 percent of the time. This statistical evidence supports the claim, at the 98 percent significance level, that the chronology of the trobairitz is not merely a reflection of the chronology of the troubadours.

26

William

D.

Paden

N otes 1. See the study by Burrows, w h o argues that since its original meaning has become obsolete the term " M i d d l e A g e s " should be abandoned. 2. Burckhardt 292: "To understand the higher f o r m s of social intercourse at this period, w e must keep before our minds the fact that w o m e n stood o n a footing of perfect equality with m e n . " 3. For a discussion of " L ' a m o u r , cette invention du X l l e siècle," see D a v e n son 9 6 - 1 0 8 . 4. See Biller, w h o refers to Genesis 3 8 : 9 and Paradiso 15.106-08. 5. Dronke, Women Writers x; cf. Wilson x i x - x x i . 6. Farmer 518, referring, a m o n g others, to Duby, Medieval Marriage 6; Duby, The Knight, the Lady and the Priest, 9 9 - 1 0 6 , 235; David Herlihy, "Land, Family and Women in Continental E u r o p e , " in Stuard, Women in Medieval Society, esp. 3 1 - 3 4 . See also Bloch, chapter 2: " K i n s h i p " (64-91). 7. T h e Latin accusative f o r m s are the etyma of the Occitan words; the n o m i native forms are imperator and imperatrix. T h e e t y m o n o f trobar has been m u c h discussed; recently, the case has been strengthened for Arabic tarab " s o n g , " p r o nounced trob in the Arabic vernacular of southern Spain (Menocal). 8. Flamenca says, Margarida, trop ben t'es près e j a iest bona trobairis. [Margarida, you have done very well, and already you are a g o o d trobairitz. ] Ed. Gschwind vv. 4576-77; Gschwind glosses trobairis as " f e m m e qui sait t r o u ver, imaginer." Bec observes that "le terme paraît bien lié à u n effet de style" ("Trobairitz occitanes" 60). 9. Peire Rogier, "Ges n o n puesc en b o n vers fallir" (P-C 356,4, ed. N i c h o l son no. 6), stanza 6. See Limentani 276. 10. See the Oxford English Dictionary, which also documents the f o r m s " t r o u badourish, troubadourishly, troubadourism, troubadourist," b u t not "trobairitz." 11. T h e language o f the trobairitz and troubadours is referred to in this b o o k either as Occitan, by some contributors, or as Provençal, by others. T h e latter term has been used m o r e widely by scholars since the nineteenth century, w h e n m o d e r n study of the troubadours began, but has the disadvantage that it seems to refer to Provence, which is a specific region lying to the east o f the Rhône, rather than to southern France in general. " O c c i t a n " has n o such deceptive connotation, and enjoys increasing acceptance despite its air of neologism. In fact b o t h terms, and others as well ( " L i m o u s i n , " "Romance"), date f r o m the thirteenth century (Gonfroy). " O c c i t a n " relates to the distinction m a d e by Dante, in his De vulgari eloquentia, between the lingua d'oc (Occitan, in which the w o r d meaning "yes" is oc), the lingua d'oïl (modern French oui), and the lingua di si (Italian). 12. According to Jeanroy's "Liste par régions des troubadours d o n t la patrie est connue" (Poésie lyrique 1 : 3 2 1 - 2 5 ) . Jeanroy lists trobairitz b y regions as follows: Limousin, Marche (Maria de Ventadorn); Auvergne, Velay, Gévaudan,

27

Introduction

Vivarais (Almuc de Castelnou, Castelloza, Iseut de Capio); Dauphiné, Viennois, Valentinois (Comtessa de Dia); Provence (Garsende de Forcalquier, comtesse de Provence; Tibors); Languedoc, comté de Foix (Azalais de Porcairagues, Clara d'Anduza, Gormonda de Monpeslier, Lombarda). He does not list trobairitz in the following areas where he lists troubadours: Poitou, Saintonge, Périgord; Quercy, Rouergue; Gascogne, Comminges, Agenais, Bordelais; Roussillon, Catalogne; Italy. 13. Anonymous, "En un vergier sotz fuella d'albespi" (P-C 461,113); Cadenet, "S'anc fui belha ni prezada" (P-C 106,14); Raimon de las Salas, "Dieus, aidatz" (P-C 409,2). These texts are conveniently assembled in Woledge 3 5 8 - 6 8 . 14. "New Light" 148. In her study o f the anonymous alba "Ab la gensor que sia" (P-C 461,3), however, Poe has suggested that this anomalous poem may be the work of the fourteenth-century scribe o f manuscript C ("The Lighter Side" 88, 101-03). 15. Another Occitan pastorela, "Quant escavalcai l'autrer" (P-C 461,200), was apparently composed around 1 2 1 8 - 2 0 in Italy. See Paden, The Medieval Pastourelle. 16. I have argued in a forthcoming study that Gravdal exaggerates the importance o f rape in the pastourelle. 17. Compare Kay's skepticism concerning another poem by Bertran de Born, as expressed in her footnote 19. 18. Ed. Paden, Sankovitch, and Stablein no. 24; ed. Gouiran no. 38. 19. P-C 335,30, ed. Lavaud no. 56, vv. 1 - 1 6 . "Difficile à dater avec précision, la pièce doit appartenir à la première partie de sa carrière poétique" (Lavaud 365). 20. Riquer 3 : 1 6 5 3 - 5 4 . For the text (P-C 21a,II) see Sansone, Testi didatticocortesi 2 2 9 - 9 0 . 21. V. 485. Perhaps, however, we should read Na Marqueza, taking Marqueza as a proper name rather than a title; cf. the proper name Marquesia, cited by Mundy among other feminine first names suggestive o f rank or wealth, names such as Castellana, Comtors, Riqua (120). 22. " N o y devetz anar tro-1 capdel s'er levatz," vv. 1 4 6 - 4 7 . Capdel: "chef, commandant, seigneur; maître, patron; possesseur," PD. 23. I have used the same technique for discussing troubadour chronology in my study, " T h e Role of the Joglar." The figures given below for troubadours active in the various periods differ slightly from those in my earlier article because I here distinguish troubadours from trobairitz. 24. The apocryphal "Dona de Vilanova" is not an exception but a nineteenth-century hoax. See Zufferey, Bibliographie xxiii, 87. 25. See Muller 9 5 - 1 0 3 , Siegel 4 2 - 4 7 .

28

William D. Paden

Places identified with various trobairitz

i Preliminary Considerations

FRANÇOIS ZUFFEREY

1

Toward a Delimitation of the Trobairitz Corpus

The idea that we develop about the Provençal women poets of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries will vary depending upon the scope we attribute to their production. The corpus of their work may appear to have become permanently set, if we consider that Meg Bogin, in her edition of 1976, reproduced more or less exactly the collection published by Schultz-Gora in 1888.1 In reality, however, Provençalists know that the outlines of this corpus remain imprecise in more than one place because of the uncertain status of some poems, most of which involve composition by anonymous ladies. These blurred areas are what I propose to examine by reviewing the various lyrical genres that were cultivated by the trobairitz.

«»

I. Cansos

Only four names of the women who became famous through the grand chant courtois are attested to us with some certainty. 1. From the Comtessa de Dia, the most famous of all, four songs (P-C 46, 1 - 2 and 4-5) have come down to us. The first two, at least, must have had a certain amount of success, if we can judge by the number of manuscripts that transmit them. 2. Castelloza, a lady from Auvergne, ranks second with three songs (P-C 109, 1—3), but she is also probably the author of a fourth poem: "Per joi que d'amor m'avegna" (P-C 461,191), which immediately fol-

32

François Zufferey

lows her a n o n y m o u s corpus in chansonnier N. Whatever uncertainty may remain about its attribution, it is difficult to understand the hesitations concerning this song expressed by Schultz-Gora (4). T h e song should in any case be considered an integral part of the trobairitz corpus. 2 3. As for Azalais de Porcairagues, she is represented by only one composition (P-C 43,1), which can be read in six chansonniers. 4. Last, Clara d ' A n d u z a is k n o w n to us through only one song (P-C 115,1), preserved solely in manuscript C. 5. It could be tempting to add a fifth trobairitz to these four: B e a tritz de R o m a n s . Indeed, chansonnier T (Paris, Bibl. Nat., fr. 15211) contains on folio 208v the p o e m " N a Maria, pretz e fina valors" (P-C 93,1 = 16a,2), 3 which is attributed there to a certain nabietris deroman,4 Linguistically this rubric creates no problems. T h e f o r m Bietris for Beatritz is well attested in O l d Provençal (for example in chansonnier R),5 and since the scribe of T writes folcet[t] deroman (fols.l82v-183v), everything points toward the designation of a lady (na) named Béatrice de Romans. 6 As the p o e m is addressed to one Marie, we may have here the sole example in O l d Provençal of a love p o e m sent by a w o m a n to another w o m a n . It would be unfair to claim, with René Nelli, that "les philologues ont essayé, bien sûr, de réduire ce 'scandale' " (301). If Schultz-Gora, w h o had included the poem in his 1888 edition, took pains some years later to demonstrate that Na Bieiris could result f r o m a deformation of N'Alberis (in which he sees Alberico da Romano), it is not because of the shocking nature of the song, but rather because nothing in the text confirms that the love at issue is lesbian. From the codicological point of view, it may be observed that the p o e m in question is found in bad company, since it is followed on the same page and the next one by t w o compositions whose attribution is incorrect, in the section serving as a transition between the corpus of Gui d'Ussel and that of Peire Rogier. 7 In addition, it is likely that if the rubric which interests us here had been missing, n o one would have thought of attributing the song to a w o m a n : in all probability it would have been included in the corpus of Gui d'Ussel. And, in fact, u p o n reading the poem, we have the impression of hearing the Limousin troubadour sing the praises of Maria de Ventadorn, as in the p o e m " E n tanta guisa-m m e n ' A m o r s " (P-C 194,6). 8 Here are the links that can be established between the two compositions: 9

33

Toward a Delimitation

of the Trobairitz

Na Bietris de Romans

Gui d'Ussel 11 12 13 15

Bona dompna, pretz e valors, E cortesi'ab gen parlar, Huoill rizen, amoros e clar . . . Et agratz, don non avetz par . . .

(. . .) 23 Per qe . . . devetz . . . 24 . . . fugir feignens prejadors.

Corpus

1 4 6 7

Na E-l E-l Ce

Maria, pretç e fina valors . . . gintç parlars e l'avinens solas . . . ducç esgart e l'amoros se[m]blan son e vos, don non avetç egansa . . . (• • • )

19 Vos prec . . . 20 Ce non ametç entendidor truan.

E v e n if such intertextual relationships are n o t conclusive concerning the attribution of the p o e m , it will be agreed that the discourse of N a Bietris has a frankly masculine resonance and that one m u s t have quite a healthy imagination to see the prayer in lines 1 9 - 2 0 as that of " u n e féministe convaincue" w h o is a t t e m p t i n g to t u r n Lady Maria away f r o m " t o u t a m a n t . . . de sexe masculin" (Nelli 305 n. 1). It therefore seems difficult to m e to follow the copyist of T i n his attribution of " N a Maria, pretz e fina valors," a l t h o u g h I have n o wish to d e n y the existence of a trobairitz b y the n a m e of Béatrice de R o m a n s . 6. In addition to these five poetesses w h o s e names w e k n o w , w e m u s t n o t forget that an A n o n y m o u s L a d y c o m p o s e d the canso: " Q u a n vei les praz verdesir" ( P - C 461,206), w h i c h is transmitted in a gallicized f o r m b y chansonnier W. T h i s text brings the n u m b e r of cansos to eleven (thanks to the f o u r t h by Castelloza), if w e agree to set aside the c o m p o sition b y Bietris.

«»

II.

Sirventes

E v e n t h o u g h three varieties of sirventes b y trobairitz have c o m e d o w n to us, u n f o r t u n a t e l y n o n e has had the h o n o r of entry in the anthologies dedicated to their w o r k . 1 0 1. T h e first is the planh of an A n o n y m o u s L a d y o n the death of her lover: " A b lo cor trist environat d ' e s m a y " ( P - C 461,2). T h e slightly u n usual codicological status of this complaint has given rise to the h y p o t h e sis of a Catalan origin. Indeed, the p o e m , w h i c h appeared on the flyleaf at the beginning of the chansonnier by Bernart A m o r o s , 1 1 may be read m o r e completely o n folio 6v of the Barcelona manuscript, Bibl. C e n t r . , 1744 (formerly in the collection of Baldiri Carreras; M a s s ô Torrents G). We may n o t e in passing that the metrical scheme is the same as that of the controversial p o e m by Bietris de R o m a n s (Frank n u m b e r 407).

34

François Zufferey

2. It was also an A n o n y m o u s Lady w h o must have written the second sirventes: " N o pose mudar no diga mon vejaire" (P-C 404,5), even though it is attributed to the troubadour Raimon Jordan by chansonnier C and by two citations in the Breviari d'Amor of Matfre E r m e n gaud, w h o used a source close to the tradition of C. It was above all the last two lines: Car domna deu az autra far onransa, E per aisso ai n'eu dit ma semblansa; [For one lady must show respect for another, And for this reason I have given my opinion;] which rightly suggested to Appel ("Zu Marcabru" 419, 421 n. 1) and then tojeanroy (review of Kjellman 115) that this protest against the antic trobador of the school of Marcabru w h o spoke ill of women must be the work of a trobairitz. 3. The third sirventes, "Greu m'es a durar" (P-C 177,1), preserved by the Languedocian chansonniers C and R, is the answer by G o r m o n d a de Monpeslier to Guilhem Figueira's violent diatribe against Rome. Although Schultz-Gora (16) omitted this poem because it had already appeared in the edition of Guilhem Figueira that we owe to Emil Levy, we must be careful not to forget that women like Gormonda did not hesitate to take pen in hand to express their moral (if not political) convictions.

« » III. Genres in Dialogue A.

TENSOS

A m o n g the genres in dialogue, the tenso is by far the most problematic in regard to the actual participation of women. When these poetical jousting matches—which could be fictitious—bring ladies into play, the criteria which serve to determine whether or not the speaker is real are largely subjective. It will not be surprising, therefore, to see opinions diverging f r o m one critic to another, and to find occasional contradictions in the work of a single philologist. This is notably the case of Alfred Jeanroy, w h o treats the tenso between Isabella and Elias Cairel as real at one point in La poésie lyrique des troubadours:

35

Toward a Delimitation of the Trobairitz Corpus Dans d'autres pièces . . . la participation de dames est sûrement attestée par les textes mêmes:. . . Elias Cairel [s'adresse] à une domna Isabela . . . (1:312)

and another time as fictitious: Voici quelques autres dialogues qui sont, selon toute apparence, purement fictifs. . . . Elias Cairel se fait demander compte de son inconstance par une dame Isabelle, qui l'accable de doux reproches ressemblant fort à des promesses . . . Assurément il n'y a là qu'un jeu. Mais, il a été parfois si bien joué que la critique s'y est trompée: sur la participation réelle de femmes aux pièces que je viens de mentionner, elle n'a pas fait, que je sache, les réserves qui s'imposaient. (2:257)

The criterion that guided Schultz-Gora in his choice was the presence or absence of the lady's name in the rubric. 12 Even though the German Provençalist did not uphold this principle rigorously, one cannot fail to emphasize the arbitrariness of discrimination founded on anonymity. Moreover, the existence of some trobairitz has sometimes been doubted by critics even though they are clearly named. 1 3 For this reason it seems obvious that other, more rigorous criteria must be defined to distinguish the fictitious tensos f r o m real debates. For m y part, I shall merely give an inventory of the poems about which it would be appropriate to undertake a comparative study. 1 4 1 shall group them in two categories, according to whether the person w h o is supposed to have proposed the tenso is a woman or a man. 1 5 In four poems, a lady or maiden is presented as the initiator of the debate: 1. [P-C 46,3 = 389,6] Anonymous lady (the Comtessa de Dia?) and Raimbaut d'Orange: "Amies, en gran consirier"; 2. [P-C 252,1 = 133,7] Isabella and Elias Cairel: "N'Elias Cairel, de l'amor"; 3. [P-C 306,2] Anonymous lady and M o n tan: "Eu veing vas vos, seigner, fauda levada"; 4. [P-C 461,56] Anonymous maiden and anonymous lady: "Bona domna, tan vos ai fin coratge." In this category, only poem 3, which Nelli describes as "le poème le plus licencieux de toute la littérature occitane" (199), has not been included in editions of the trobairitz.

36

François Zujferey

The number of tensos in which a troubadour initiates dialogue with a lady, usually to ask her for advice,16 amounts to twelve: 5. [P-C 10, 23] Aimeric de Peguillan and an anonymous lady: "Domna, per vos estauc en greu tormen"; 6. [P-C 15a, 11] Albert de Saint Bonet and an anonymous lady: "Bela domna, si-us platz," o f which only the first line is preserved in the table o f chansonnier B; 7. [P-C 87,1] Bertran del Pojet and an anonymous lady: "Bona domna, d'una re que-us deman"; 8. [P-C 231,1] Guillem Rainol d'At and an anonymous lady: "Auzir cugei lo chant e-1 crit e-1 glat"; 9. [P-C 231,4] Guillem Rainol d'At and an anonymous lady: "Quant aug chantar lo gal sus en l'erbos"; 10. [P-C 242,69 = 12a,1] Guiraut de Borneill and Alamanda: "S'ie-us quier conseill, bel'amig'Alamanda"; 11. [P-C 269,1 ] Joan de Pennas and an anonymous lady: " U n guerrier, per alegrar"; 12. [P-C 296,1a = 16,10] Marques and an anonymous lady: "Domna, a vos me coman"; 13. [P-C 372,4] Pistoleta and an anonymous lady: "Bona domna, un conseill vos deman"; 14. [P-C 392,7] Raimbaut de Vaqueiras and a Genoese lady: "Bella, tant vos ai prejada"; 15. [P-C 409,3] Raimon de las Salas and an anonymous lady: "Domna, quar conoissens' e sens"; 16. [P-C 409,5] Raimon de las Salas and an anonymous lady: "Si-m fos grazitz mos chans, eu m'esforsera." In this group only three poems, numbers 9 , 1 7 1 2 (see Véran 7 9 - 8 4 ) , and 15, 18 have been included in the trobairitz anthologies. B. PARTIMENS The three partimens have been luckier, in that their authenticity has scarcely been challenged. It is a question of the following poems: 1.

[P-C 249a, 1 = 426,1] Domna H. and Rofm: "Rofin, digatz m'ades de cors";

37

Toward a Delimitation

of the Trobairitz

Corpus

2.

[ P - C 282,14 = 200,1] Lanfranc Cigala and Guillelma de Rosers: " N a Guillelma, maint cavalier aratge";

3.

[ P - C 295,1 = 194,9] Maria de Ventadorn and Gui d'Ussel: " G u i d'Uisel, b e - m peza de v o s . "

All of these debates may be read in the editions dedicated to the trobairitz.

C. EXCHANGES OF

COBLAS

For the i n v e n t o r y of exchanges of coblas I shall use a codicological order, beginning w i t h chansonnier H. T h i s manuscript (Rome, Bibl. A p o s t . Vat., lat. 3207) contains o n folios 43 t h r o u g h 57 a section presenting t w o characteristics: o n the one hand, the genres in dialogue d o m i n a t e , and o n the other, w o m e n take u p a p r e p o n d e r a n t a m o u n t of space and their compositions have the h o n o r of being preceded b y miniatures. 1 9 A n exchange of coblas between Bernart A r n a u t d ' A r m a g n a c and L o m b a r d a , a lady f r o m Toulouse, appears at the beginning of this section. She answers her interlocutor in these terms: 1.

[ P - C 288,1] " N o m volgr' aver per B e r n a r d N a B e r n a r d a . "

A f t e r a sequence of three tensos and one partimen b r o k e n u p b y t w o lacunae, chansonnier H contains one half-leaf (fol. 45) of w h i c h there remain only the first c o l u m n recto and the last verso. At the t o p of the first c o l u m n is transcribed a stanza w i t h an adjoining miniature w h i c h indicates to us that it m u s t be the w o r k of a trobairitz. 2 0 Nonetheless, since the lacuna preceding folio 45 deprives us of the razo w h i c h m u s t have introduced the stanza, w e d o n o t k n o w w h e t h e r it is a cobla esparsa o r an A n o n y m o u s L a d y ' s answer to a friend or lover in the f r a m e w o r k of an exchange of coblas. T h e codicological context seems, in any case, to substantiate the latter solution. Given that the p o e m has n o t been included in the trobairitz anthologies and that it has only been edited once in an unsatisfying m a n n e r (Kolsen " 2 5 " 289, 3 0 3 - 0 4 ) , I will present it here in its entirety along w i t h a translation: 2.

[ P - C 461,81] Dieus sal la terra e-1 pa[is] On mos es ni estai! (ms. uos es)

38

Francois Zufferey

4

8

On q'eu sia, mos cors es lai, Qe sai no n'es om poderos; Aissi volgr'eu qe-1 cor lai fos, Qi qe sai s'en fezes parliers. Mais n'am un joi qe fos entiers Q'el qe s'en fai tan envejos.

[May God protect the land and the country where my friend is to be found! Wherever I may be, my heart is there, for no one here possesses it; I wish my body were there too, even if it were talked about here. I prefer a joy that would be complete to the man who seems so jealous.]21

Immediately after this cobla, still in the first column of folio 45, a commentary presents the composition by Tibors, a lady from Provence: 3.

[P-C 440,1] "Bels dous amies, ben vos puosc en ver dir."

This poem, of which only the first eight lines and the beginning of the ninth are readable (the rest appearing on the missing column), has generally been considered as a fragmentary canso. Only Frank ( 1 : X X and 2:180) sees in it the beginning of a salut d'amour made up of decasyllables in rhymed couplets. This analysis is obviously erroneous, since lines 5 and 6, with rhymes in -es (veses) and -is (pentis), can under no circumstances form a couplet. In addition, the razo clearly specifies: "e fetz aqestas coblas e mandet las al seu amador," which necessarily implies a stanzaic structure. Supposing that each couplet22 was composed of nine lines, the metrical formula could be the following: 10a 10a 10b 10b 10c lOd lOe lOe [lOd]

and would conform to rhyme-scheme number 187 in Frank. The number of stanzas remains to be seen, as does whether or not the lover answered Tibors. The available space in the two missing columns makes the hypothesis of an exchange o f two coblas likely, but this is only a supposition. After an anonymous poem 23 (no. 151 in the edition by Gauchat and Kehrli), in the final column of folio 45 appears the request addressed by Iseut de Capion to Almois de Castelnou, followed by the latter's answer: 4.

[P-C 253,1] "Domna N'Almucs, si-us plagues"; [P-C 20,2] "Domna N'Iseutz, s'ieu saubes."

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Toward a Delimitation of the Trobairitz Corpus

Another manuscript, chansonnier Q , preserves a conversation between several women. We find two sisters, Alais and Iselda (though only one is supposed to speak), w h o ask advice f r o m a lady named Carenza: 5.

[P-C 12,1] " N a Carenza al bel cors avinen"; [P-C 108,1] "N'Alais e N'Iselda, ensenhamen."

O u t of all the exchanges of coblas, only the one between the C o r a tessa de P r o e n s a — w h o has been identified as Garsenda de Forcalquier— and Gui de Cavaillon may be read in two chansonniers (F and T): 6.

[P-C 187,1] "Vos que-m semblatz dels corals amadors."

Finally, I see no reason not to add to this list the dialogue, after a separation, between an A n o n y m o u s Lady and U c Catola (or Marcabru?). Chansonnier D" alone transmits this composition: 7.

[P-C 451,2] " N o ' m pois mudar, bels amies, q'en chantanz."

This gives us a total of seven poems involving ten women, two of w h o m are anonymous. D o u b t remains as to the exact nature of t w o coblas (nos. 2 and 3) because of the incomplete state of chansonnier H.

« » IV. Other Genres Along with the principal lyrical genres (cansos, sirventes, and genres in dialogue), in order to do justice to the trobairitz we should mention that the wife of the troubadour Raimon de Miraval, a certain Gaudairenca (P-C 169), was also a poet when she chose, as we learn f r o m a razo in chansonnier H : "Bela era et avinens, e sabia ben trobar coblas e dansas" [She was beautiful and attractive, and knew well h o w to compose coblas and dances] (Boutière and Schutz 380). Unfortunately, none of these dance songs has come down to us. O n the other hand, we have no a priori reason to deny that certain of the anonymous dansas and baladas, a list of which was compiled by Frank (2:70), were composed by poetesses. Once again, however, we must take care not to confuse (to adopt Bee's formulation) "une féminité génétique (avec un auteur dont on sait pertinemment qu'il est une femme), et une

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François Zufferey

féminité textuelle, à savoir une pièce, dans la très grande majorité des cas amoureuse, et dont le 'je' lyrique est une f e m m e (l'auteur pouvant être assez fréquemment un h o m m e ) " ('"Trobairitz' et chansons de f e m m e " 235-36). As for cases of "féminité textuelle," if we consider that an explicit reference in the poem to the act of composition carried out by the lyric " I " makes plausible the hypothesis of a female author, then t w o baladas transmitted in chansonnier Q could enrich the corpus of the trobairitz: [P-C 461,69] " C o n d e t a sui, si cum n'ai greu cossire," in which we note at verse 31: " E n aqest son faz coindeta balada . . . , " and [P-C 461,201] " Q u a n t lo gilos er f o r a , " in which we read at verses 4 - 6 : "Balada cointa e gaia / faz. . . . " Things are somewhat different in the ballad of the Q u e e n of April: [P-C 461,12] " A l'entrade del tens clar," where the " w e " of the refrain, which includes not only the lady and her lover (un legeir bachelar, v. 27) but also the young people w h o have come to dance (pucele ni bachelar, v. 11), contrasts with the third person f o r m s used by an author w h o holds himself deliberately on the exterior of his description. It is the same for the famous dawn-song: [P-C 461,113] " E n un vergier sotz fuella d'albespi," where this time the " w e " of the lovers in stanzas 3 and 4 is contained within stanzas spoken by the " I " of the lady (2 and 5), and the lady also seems to speak the refrain, while the poet, speaking in stanzas 1 and 6, observes the same distance in regard to the scene depicted. N o t h i n g in this composition of nested Chinese boxes or in the preceding ballad suggests that the author was a w o m a n . To conclude and to return to firmer ground, in the epistolary genre we may cite the letter by Azalais d'Altier addressed to Clara (d'Anduza?). In so doing, we have reviewed all of the literary production by trobairitz, at least what has been preserved for us. 24

41

Toward a Delimitation of the Trobairitz Corpus

What should we remember f r o m this overview in relation to the collective editions dedicated to the trobairitz? T h e cansos remain the largest group, with eleven poems, since we should add the fourth composition by Castelloza and the one by the a n o n y m o u s lady, and take away the p o e m attributed to Na Bietris de Romans, or at least relegate it to an appendix. Beside these texts, in the absence of the dansas by Gaudairenca, we may put a few chansons de femme: t w o baladas (perhaps three and an alba), and the letter of Azalais d'Altier. T h e three sirventes, despite their small number, nonetheless make up a non-negligible quantity (especially if we take into account the length of the one by G o r m o n d a de M o n p e s lier—220 lines), and there is no reason to banish t h e m f r o m the corpus. As for the "genres inférieurs, n'exigeant q u ' u n médiocre effort (tenson, partimen, cobla)" according to Jeanroy (1:315), they make up an i m p r e cise group of variable extension, except for the three partimens. T h e n u m ber of exchanges of coblas—including the fragment by T i b o r s — s h o u l d be enlarged by two, and thus rise to seven (two of which are incomplete). It would seem rash to specify the exact number of tensos in which w o m e n really might have participated. In order to solve this problem, it will be necessary to take into particular consideration the place held by each of the sixteen poems in question in the chansonniers that dedicate a special section to the genres in dialogue. And I would like to add that a return to the manuscripts can only be helpful for assembling a new critical edition of the trobairitz.

Notes 1. The only item lacking is the final anonymous poem (P-C 461,204), which is not, in any case, the work o f a woman but rather that o f a troubadour. Schultz-Gora edited the text for the first time, since it alluded to the trobairitz Guilhelma de Rosers. 2. O n the attribution of this piece to Castelloza, see D. Rieger, "Die trobairitz in Italien" 211-12; Paden et al., "Castelloza" 163-65; Bruckner 252n. 3. This poem is generally considered to be a canso, even though it is made up o f only two coblas followed by two four-line tornados. In line 22, the author designates the composition as mas (mes ms.) coblas. 4. One must, in fact, read bietris and not bierris (Diez 485, Mahn 3:331) or bieiris, as others have done. Bertoni (I trovatori d'ltalia, 67) hesitated between bieiris and bietris, before opting for the first solution. However, to convince oneself that the correct reading is -tr-, it is sufficient to compare the -ir- sequence in the rubric Peire rogier on folio 209r. A horizontal stroke in front of the r distinguishes t from i.

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Zufferey

5. The form Bietris presents t w o phonetic evolutions: the simplification of the affricate -tz to -s and the adjustment e—a > i—a > i—e. It is therefore unnecessary to bring into play a difference in treatment for the subject case and the object case (Schultz-Gora 16). O n the other hand, I am unaware h o w C a m proux explained to Bogin (177) "the linguistic process through which Beatrice might become Bieiris." 6. Perhaps referring to Romans-sur-Isère (dép. de la Drôme), but this is only a hypothesis. 7. They are poems P - C 96,10, attributed to Blacatz instead of Blacasset, and P - C 9,11, included in the section by Peire Rogier, although in all likelihood it belongs to Aimeric de Belenoi. 8. Which appears on folio 207 of chansonnier T. 9. For the poem of Gui d'Ussel, I follow the edition by Audiau 3 4 - 3 6 , and for N a Bietris, that of Bertoni, I trovatori d'Italia 265. 10. With the exception of the sirventes by Gormonda, which Véran included in his collection (196-205). 11. Jacques Teissier transcribed it on page 1664 of his copy, where he points out: "era scritto inanzi al principio del originale nelle carte che si soglion lasciar bianche per conservare i libri cosi imperfetto." 12. "Wir werden auch hier die Beteiligung von Frauen so lange zurückweisen müssen, als in den Ueberschriften keine N a m e n überliefert werden" (4). 13. For instance, Jeanroy, in regard to Alamanda: "Je n'hésite pas non plus à rayer de la liste des 'trobairitz,' en dépit de la jolie historiette racontée dans une razo, la donzela Alamanda, à qui Giraut de Borneil demande de plaider sa cause auprès de sa dame justement courroucée" (1:312). 14. Pierre Bec proposes to "revenir sur cette question dans un prochain travail" (Cahiers de civilisation médiévale 22 [1979]: 262, additional note 2). [Cf. Chambers's essay in Part 1 of this volume.—Editor's Note] 15. In each of these categories, I shall follow the order in which the poem appears in P-C. 16. Whence the term conselh, by which it is designated in the rubrics of certain chansonniers such as L, fols. 42r, 48v. 17. Even though Alamanda's existence was challenged by some critics, such as Jeanroy (see above, n. 13). 18. This poem is not exactly a tenso, since it is divided into t w o parts. T h e first three couplets, spoken by the poet, are answered by the last t w o stanzas, put in the m o u t h of the lady. 19. T h e section is quite incomplete, as the fourteen and one-half leaves that are preserved are supposed to be divided into four gatherings (VII to X) that should be quaternions, as may be seen f r o m the first complete gatherings. Therefore, seventeen and one-half leaves are missing. Along with some tensos and partimens, we find mostly exchanges of coblas, possibly mixed with coblas esparsas, and accompanied sometimes by a commentary. 20. As the editors of the chansonnier, Gauchat and Kehrli, rightly saw (560). 21. That is to say, m y husband. Kolsen adds a fair amount of complication to the end of the stanza; at line 8 he prints : " Q u ' e l que sens fai tan enueios," and

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Toward a Delimitation

of the Trobairitz

Corpus

translates the last two lines: "lieber habe ich eine solche Liebe (Freude, Liebesfreude), die sich zu einer vollkommenen gestaltet, als die, welche der Verstand zu einer ganz widerlichen macht." 22. The copyist of H must have transcribed at least two of them, if we may judge by the plural "aqestas coblas." 23. Which does not concern the production of the trobairitz, at least in what we can read of it, but which could quite well be a troubadour's answer to a lady. 24. I leave aside the problem caused by the existence of a second Comtessa de Dia and by the legendary Blanchemain, referring the reader to the work of Thomas.

FRANK M. CHAMBERS

2

Las trobairitz

soiseubudas

In his poem beginning "Dompna, puois de mi no-us cal" (P-C 80,12), Bertran de Born tells his lady that since she has dismissed him from her presence, if he cannot find another who is her equal in merit, he would rather have no druda at all. Naturally, no other could combine all the virtues o f the one he loves; therefore, he has decided to go from one noble lady to another, begging each in turn to lend him some admirable quality in which she excels, and out o f these contributions he will form a composite domna soiseubuda as close as possible to the perfection of his beloved. In a somewhat similar manner, a number o f troubadours created as interlocutors for their tensos imaginary ladies whose opinions satisfied the poets' requirements. In the following pages, I shall examine briefly the whole field o f fictitious opponents in poetic debates, and then narrow the discussion to those cases in which the opponent is a woman. Three poets begin on the highest level and discuss their problems directly with God: the Monge de Montaudon in "Autra vetz fui al parlamen" (P-C 305,7) and "L'autrier fui en paradis" (P-C 305,12), Guilhem d'Autpol in "Seignors, aujatz, qu'avetz saber e sen" (P-C 206,4), and Rostanh in "Bels segner Dieus, s'ieu vos soi enojos" (P-C 461,43). Peirol takes a step downward and chooses Love for his interlocutor in "Quant Amors trobet partit" (P-C 366,29). Others descend lower still, to animals and objects not customarily thought o f as endowed with speech: horses, in three poems, "Carn-et-ongla, de vos no-m voill partir" (P-C 184,2), by a Count o f Provence, and two pieces by Bertran Carbonel, "Ronci, cen vetz m'avetz fag penedir" (P-C 82,13) and "Si anc nul temps fui ben encavalcatz" (P-C 82,14); and a cloak in "Mantel vil de croi fil" (P-C

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Frank M. Chambers

192,3) by Gui de Cavaillon. Guilhem de Saint-Didier, on the contrary, introduces an invented partner in discussion w h o is presented as a h u m a n being in " E n Guillem de Saint Deslier" (P-C 234,12), which consists of a dialogue between Guilhem and a man identified only as Don 'Sir.' Don comes to Guilhem and says that he has had a dream, which he would like to have explained. Guilhem interprets the details of the dream as allegorical allusions to various aspects of love. This poem, outwardly a tenso in arrangement and in the characters involved, is m o r e like an ensenhamen in content. In a tenso, the participants voice conflicting views o n the subject proposed for discussion, whereas here Don has n o views at all, only questions. In addition, Don is a very shadowy figure, about w h o m all we k n o w is that he has had a dream. A i m o Sakari mentions the efforts of Bertoni to identify this person, and comments, "Chercher l'interlocuteur de Guillem est de la peine perdue; la tenson est sûrement fictive" (128), an opinion with which I am in complete agreement. T h e domnas soiseubudas w h o are the subject of this essay are, like the other fictitious characters we have mentioned, to be sought in genres made u p of dialogue: tensos, partimens, and exchanges of coblas. It was taken for granted that these types of verse were composed by t w o individuals w h o addressed each other back and forth. We have seen, however, that this rule was sometimes violated and both sides of the argument were presented by one poet. Unfortunately, absolute certainty is difficult to obtain in such matters, and scholars disagree about the reality or fictitiousness of several female collaborators. Jean-Charles Huchet, in "Les femmes troubadours ou la voix critique," goes to the extreme of denying the existence of any trobairitz, not only in the genres dialogués, but in cansos and other f o r m s as well. H e says that the vidas where they are mentioned and the manuscripts in which their poems have come d o w n to us were written much later than the time when the troubadours themselves lived, and therefore this testimony is not to be trusted. I am not convinced by his arguments to the point of rejecting all the trobairitz as male inventions, but some of them surely were. T h e remainder of this article will be devoted to a survey of all the poetic dialogues nominally including w o m e n , with an attempt to decide in every case, sometimes subjectively, whether the female interlocutor was real or invented, and to see if any generalizations can be made about the trobairitz soiseubadas. It seems reasonable to assume that when the lady is identified by name in the p o e m itself her authorship is probably genuine, especially if

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Las trobairitz soiseubudas

she is a person known to history or is the author of other poems. This criterion validates the following compositions beyond any serious doubt, except to extremists like Huchet: 1. Maria de Ventadorn and Gui d'Ussel, "Gui d'Uisel, be-m peza de vos" (P-C 295,1), a partimen. 2. Isabella and Elias Cairel, "N'Elias Cairel, de l'amor" (P-C 252,1), a tenso. 3. Bernart Arnaut d'Armagnac, "Lombartz volgr' eu esser per na L o m barda" (P-C 54,1) and Lombarda, " N o m volgr' aver per Bernart na Bernarda" (P-C 288,1), an exchange of coblas. 4. Lanfranc Cigala and Guilhelma de Rosers, " N a Guilielma, maint cavalier arratge" (P-C 282,14), a partimen. 5. Iseut de Capio, " D o m n a n'Almucs, si-us plagues" (P-C 253,1), and Almuc de Castelnou, " D o m n a n'Iseutz, s'eu saubes" (P-C 20,2), an exchange of coblas. 6. Alaisina Yselda and Carenza, " N a Carenza al bel cors avinen" (P-C 12,1), a brief tenso consisting of one cobla by each participant and one tomada by each. All the other dialogues with a woman as one of the speakers call for individual attention. In most of them, the woman is addressed simply as Domna. 1. Comtessa de Proensa, "Vos qe-m semblatz dels corals amadors" (P-C 187,1), and Gui de Cavaillon, "Bona dompna, vostr'onrada valors" (P-C 192,6), an exchange of coblas. The authors are not named in the texts, but are identified by a heading in one of the two manuscripts (F) that preserve them. This identification could be due to the statement in Gui's vida that he was believed to have been the lover of Countess Garsenda, wife of the C o u n t of Provence. The content of the coblas resembles that of other exchanges between a male troubadour and a lady (genuine or fictitious), and they might equally well have been ascribed to any man and any w o m a n of gentle birth. Therefore, F's attribution to Gui and the Comtessa is either a sheer invention of its compiler, or he had some external reason for making it—possibly the vida; but even so, w h y pick on this particular pair? Manuscript F does not contain any other poems by Gui de Cavaillon, and nothing in the poem would suggest him rather than some other

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Frank M. Chambers

troubadour. I agree with everyone w h o has discussed the authorship of these coblas that the identification of both partners is justified. 8. Guiraut de Bornelh and Alamanda, "S'ie-us quier conseill, bell' amig'Alamanda" (P-C 242,69), a tenso. Guiraut requests advice and help f r o m a donzela named Alamanda; her mistress, also Alamanda by name, has dismissed h i m f r o m her sight because he had paid too much attention to another, and n o w he wants to get back into her good graces. Alamanda justifies her lady's conduct, but finally relents and agrees to help Guiraut if he promises to amend his behavior in the future. In spite of the fact that Alamanda is named in the p o e m itself as well as in the vida of Guiraut de Bornelh and by Bernart Arnaut in his exchange of coblas with Lombarda (no. 3 above, w h o s e metrical pattern is modeled closely on this poem), and that she is accepted as legitimate by many scholars, her status has been questioned by a number of others. Appel puts the p o e m under the heading fingierte Tenzone (Chrestomathie 129—30); and Chaytor (144), Jeanroy (PL 1:312), Boutiere-Schutz (45), and Riquer (1:506) are convinced that the entire poem was written by Guiraut. As Riquer says, "Es evidente que todo el debate es obra de Giraut de Bornelh, que lo ha redactado con gracia y con una leve ironia" [It is obvious that the entire debate is the work of Guiraut de Bornelh, w h o composed it with grace and delicate irony], and it must be placed a m o n g the best songs of this "master of the t r o u badours." For an amateur (and that is what Alamanda would have been) to write such flawless verses as these would demand extraordinary aptitude—and luck; I must agree, reluctantly, with the authorities just named, and place her a m o n g the trobairitz soiseubudas. At most, she could have discussed some such situation with Guiraut and perhaps inspired this graceful poem. 9. Donzela and Domna, the tenso beginning "Bona domna, tan vos ai fin coratge" (P-C 461,56). T h e situation here has been compared with that which might have existed between the t w o Alamandas (no. 8); Donzela pleads with Domna to forgive a lover w h o , the lady says, "a son cor fol e leu e volatge," and "a fag vas me tal falhimen / don ges no-s pot escondir ni defendre"; but after some urging f r o m Donzela, she eventually says that if he wishes to regain her favor, he must be cheerful and courteous and not hold

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Las trobairitz soiseubudas

grudges, to which the maid replies that she shall have him so, an ending that seems to satisfy the lady. It has been suggested that this tenso is actually the work o f the two Alamandas; others have said that it was simply written under the influence o f the Guiraut-Alamanda tenso. Perhaps not even this explanation is necessary; chance alone could account for the coincidence. At all events, I think the poem was probably c o m posed by one person, possibly a man, since much emphasis is put on the lover's sufferings, and Donzela

takes his side very enthusiastically.

10. Raimbaut d'Aurenga, "Amies, en greu consirier" ( P - C 389,6), a tenso between Amic and Dona, appearing in the manuscripts under the heading Raimbaut d'Aurenga. There is no indication that the Comtessa de Dia had any part in the authorship, although she was long considered to have composed the Dona stanzas. Two reasons that have been suggested for this attribution are the similarity o f incipits between this poem and one o f her unquestioned compositions, "Estat ai en greu consirier" (P-C 46,4), and the words in her vida, " E t enamoret se d'En Rambaut d'Aurenga, e fez de lui mantas bonas cansos" [And she fell in love with Sir Raimbaut d'Aurenga, and made about him many good cansos] (Boutiere-Schutz 445). Pattison, in his edition o f Raimbaut (157), and Riquer (2:791), along with most other recent scholars, are convinced that the tenso is the work o f Raimbaut alone. T h e lady opens the discussion with the complaint that Amic is making her suffer all the pains o f love; in later stanzas, his excuse is that he avoids seeing her because o f lausengiers, who would ruin her reputation if they saw him near her. She replies that she herself has no such fears, and he is being unnecessarily solicitous o f her honor; actually, instead o f thinking o f her reputation, he is staying away because he is fickle and has ceased to love her. He in turn blames lausengiers for giving her this opinion o f him, and insists that he is no deceiver. In the

tornadas,

they reach the conclusion that she will believe him because she wants to think him loyal, and he pledges himself to have eyes for no other woman. 11. Raimon de las Salas, " S i - m fos graziz mos chanz eu m'esforcera" (P-C 409,5), three coblas by a man, and then two by a woman (neither addressed by name); it has been called a canso or two half-can-sos.1 T h e rhyme-sounds are the same in all five stanzas. T h e first two complain o f the lady's indifference to the man, and his sufferings as the result o f her attitude; they refer to her in the third person. In the third

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Frank M. Chambers

stanza, he speaks directly to the lady and says h o w good it would be if she would show some kindness to him. In her reply (the last t w o coblas), she says that she belongs to him completely, although certain annoying and hateful persons make it necessary for her to be circumspect; even so, she will come to h i m if he tells her to. It seems highly likely that the lady was invented by Raimon to provide a novel conclusion to his canso. 12. Bertran del Pojet, "Bona domna, d'una re que-us deman" (P-C 87,1), a partimen between Bertran (who is named in the text), and the usual Domna. Bertran asks the lady: If a true friend of yours loves you so m u c h that he pays n o attention to any other w o m a n , will you love h i m or let him suffer? T h e lady asks in return w h o this person is, for she is afraid that Bertran is a false messenger, and she will not give him her answer until she knows w h o m he represents. Bertran only answers that he is sad for his friend, w h o loves her faithfully. T h e lady: If he were so m u c h in love, he would show it by his behavior. Bertran: Lady, I am your true friend; accept me. Lady: Amic Bertran, ben es joc comunals q'eu am celui q'es mon amies corals; e l'amics, voil qe sia, sabez qals: fins e fezels, vertaders e non fals, ni trop parlers, ni janglos, ni gabaire. (Text of ms. O) T h e expression joc(s) comunals is interesting: "It is fair play for me to love the man w h o loves me sincerely; and you k n o w what (sort of person) I want m y friend to be, loyal and faithful, true and not false, not too talkative, nor windy, nor boastful." This represents the male point of view; it suggests that it is Bertran w h o puts these words into her m o u t h , and that he alone composed this p o e m . Pillet-Carstens call it a "fingierte Tenzone," and it is so designated in Boutiere-Schutz's note to Bertran's vida (514). 13. Lanfranc Cigala, "Entre m o n cor e me e m o n saber" (P-C 282,4), a tenso between the poet on the one hand and his heart and m i n d on the other, presented as a dream. T h e poet says that lovers are responsible for their o w n sufferings, but his heart blames Love, and his mind says that ladies are to blame.

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Lanfranc is not convinced by their arguments, and maintains once m o r e that lovers are fickle, so that ladies, seeing their unfaithfulness, are slow in bestowing their favors in order to distinguish the sincere lover f r o m the deceiver. At this point, the lady appears in the dream and thanks the poet for having spoken well of ladies; if all lovers were like him, n o n e would be unhappy, but the wise man has his joy while the fool drinks his folly. Her words, spoken in a dream, are indisputably of Lanfranc's o w n composing. Shall we say in many other cases of women's intervention in troubadour poems not professedly representing dreams, "La vida es sueño, y los sueños sueños son?" 14. Raimon de las Salas, " D o n n a , qar conoissenza e senz" (P-C 409,3), a tenso between Raimon (identified in both text and heading) and a lady (not otherwise identified in the text, and not mentioned at all in the heading). Raimon asks this lady for advice on a hackneyed subject: he loves a person of such nobility and merit that he does not dare to tell her of his pain; what shall he do? His interlocutor encourages him in the traditional manner not to be afraid, but to ask this lady for her love. R a i m o n is convinced that this is the proper course of action, and vows to follow it; the lady w h o has given him this counsel wishes him well. Kolsen (Trobadorgedichte 63), Pillet-Carstens, and Frank (2:170) agree in calling this a fictitious tenso, as I did in m y edition (Chambers, " R a i m o n de las Salas" 37); we have already reached a similar conclusion for another p o e m b y Raimon (no. 11 above). 15. Pistoleta, "Bona domna, un conseil vos deman" (P-C 372,4), a tenso between t w o persons identified in the text only as Domna and Seingner, although its attribution to Pistoleta is assured by the testimony of a majority of the manuscripts. T h e basic situation is the same as in the preceding p o e m (no. 14), but the development is different. T h e man asks his interlocutor if he should tell his lady he loves her, or should he keep silent for fear of a brusque rejection? She replies that he should tell the lady about his love; she will not hit him, but will answer h i m courteously, even if she is not interested, and he will k n o w where he stands. After some discussion back and forth, he says he will reveal his love to the person concerned, and begs his adviser to intercede for him. She asks, naturally enough, w h o the

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lady is, and he replies: "You are the lady I love; forgive m e for speaking so boldly." T h e r e is general a g r e e m e n t a m o n g those w h o have dealt w i t h this text that it is a fictitious tenso; N i e s t r o y (13), Pillet-Carstens, Jeanroy (Romania 19:394, note), Frank (2:162), and others listed b y Niestroy. This seems a very reasonable conclusion. 16. Marques, " D o n a , a vos m e c o m a n " ( P - C 296,1a). This p o e m was f o r m e r l y ascribed to Albert M a r q u i s of Malaspina ( P - C 16,10), b u t this identification of M a r q u e s has been discredited b y Bertoni (50, 1 5 9 - 6 0 , 469), Pillet-Carstens, Jeanroy ( P L 1:334). A c c o r d ing to Pillet-Carstens, M a r q u e s here is a p r o p e r name, n o t a title ( M a r ques). T h e p o e m is a n o n y m o u s in the only manuscript w h e r e it appears. It begins as a dialogue between Dona and Amies, but the last t w o stanzas have Marques instead of Amies. T h e distribution of the t w o roles is u n usual: of the six verses in each stanza, the first t w o are addressed to Dona, 3 and 4 to Amies (or Marques), 5 to Dona, and 6 to Amies (Marques). As far as content is concerned, in the first five stanzas the t w o speakers are in complete agreement: they love each other dearly, and the w o m a n promises to d o whatever the m a n wishes; b u t the t o n e of the last t w o stanzas is quite different. Stanza 5 ends w i t h these c o m f o r t i n g w o r d s of Dona: " A m i c x , ye'us retenc bayzan"; b u t here are eoblas 6 and 7: VI

—Dona, doncs a vos mi ren De mas jonchas humilmen. —Marques, en trop d'onramen Cujatz pujar veramen. —Dona, qu'ie-us am finamen. —Marques, e tu fas no-cen.

VII

—Domna, mot ay gran talan Qu'ie-us tengues a mon coman. —Marques, be-m n'iray gardan, E dizetz folia gran. —Dona, ja no-y agras dan. —Marques, no me-n plieu en tan!

[VI "Lady, therefore I surrender to you humbly with my hands joined in prayer." "Marques, you truly expect to rise to too much honor." "Lady, I love you truly." "Marques, then you are making nonsense." VII "Lady, I have a great wish to have you at my command." "Marques, I shall protect myself from you, and you are saying great foolishness." "Lady, you would have no harm by it." "Marques, I don't promise myself that!"]

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Notice that these are the only two stanzas in which the name Marques is used instead of Amies, and also that tu and the corresponding verb f o r m s are used twice in these two coblas: "e tu fas no-cen" and "ja no-y agras d a n . " I have n o explanation for these anomalies; was a stanza omitted that would have accounted for Dona's change of attitude? At any rate, it seems most unlikely that t w o persons could have collaborated on a p o e m with such elaborate and unusual stanzaic structure; Amies (or Marques) must have written the whole p o e m — o r should we admit the possibility that Dona w r o t e it all? 17. Raimbaut de Vaqueiras, " D o m n a , tant vos ai preiada" (P-C 392,7), a tenso between a man w h o is addressed as jujar (i.e., joglar) and a w o m a n w h o is addressed as domna, or bella or bella domna. T h e authorship of Raimbaut de Vaqueiras (or Raimbaut and la domna) is indicated in the manuscript headings. Linskill, Raimbaut's editor, points out (104) the similarity between this poem and a pastorela; like the knight in that genre, the male speaker here tries to seduce a young w o m a n , w h o resists his advances very successfully. He addresses her in courtly fashion, praising her beauty, her good breeding, and her " m e r i t . " She replies in her native Genoese and in a very different tone—familiar, coarse, appropriate for a member of a class lower than that of the lady the man describes. At the end, however, the man becomes m o r e explicit in his request: "Allow me to show you h o w a Provençal does the deed, w h e n he is m o u n t e d . " T h e w o m a n takes this metaphoric reference to horsemanship literally, not as the speaker had intended it, and replies, " G o to Lord Obizzo, w h o will perhaps give you a pack-horse, as you are a minstrel" (Linskill's translation, 102). It seems evident that this was Raimbaut's main purpose in writing; he needed a horse (a c o m m o n gift to troubadours), and he asks for one in this indirect manner after having put Obizzo Malaspina in a good h u m o r with the incongruous dialogue that led u p to this conclusion. There can be no doubt that Raimbaut alone was responsible for the entire composition, which is one of his best pieces. O n e can picture him reciting it before the court, taking both roles himself, and doubtless being rewarded with much laughter and applause, and possibly a horse as well. 18. Rofxn and D o m n a H . , "Rofin, digatz m'ades de cors" (P-C 249a, 1 = 426,1), a partimen between two people w h o are so identified in some manuscripts, although in the text of the p o e m the female participant is addressed only as domna.

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Various suggestions have been made about the identity of Domna H., but no one seems to doubt that she was a real person. Rofin himself is u n k n o w n ; this may be only a senhal, inspired by rofian " p a n d e r , " " p i m p . " Domna H. poses this question to Rofin: A lady has t w o suitors, both of w h o m she admits to her bed on condition that they swear to go n o further than hugging and kissing; one disregards his oath and goes all the way, while the other keeps his promise; which one acted better? Rofin answers that the man w h o kept his promise did the right thing, and should be rewarded by the lady. Domna H., following the rules of the game, has to defend the other alternative: the lady should reward the suitor w h o showed his love by enjoying it fully; the other man was a coward. Essentially the same alternatives are presented by Aimeric de Peguilhan in a partimen beginning "N'Elias, conseill vos deman" (P-C 10,37) but in this case the interlocutor is a man, Elias d'Uissel; Elias chooses the path of sensuality, and Aimeric is left to defend virtue. If the participants in the present p o e m had been called only Rofin and domna, the w o m a n would in all likelihood have been considered fictitious; the H., however, seems to suggest a w o m a n of some respectability w h o wishes to cloak her identity behind an initial. I would like to propose another possibility, remote t h o u g h it may be: Rofin (whoever he was) chose this method of lending a certain piquancy to a p o e m entirely of his o w n making by having a "veiled lady" propose a risqué topic for a partimen and offer a strong defense of the m o r e sensual of the alternatives involved.

19. Montan, " E u veing vas vos, seingner, faoda levada" (P-C 306,2).

This is a tenso with still another domna w h o opens the discussion by saying she has heard that M o n t a n is an expert at sexual games. She boasts of her o w n endowment and expertise along those lines, and challenges h i m to a joust to see which of t h e m is really better equipped and m o r e knowledgeable in such matters. Montan accepts the challenge w i t h e n thusiasm, and the remainder of the poem consists of further boasting on both sides. This tenso has been labeled fictitious by Pillet-Carstens and Frank (2:148), but Jeanroy called it simply a "tenson obscène" (PL 1:398). There can be little doubt that M o n t a n was solely responsible for the scabrous little piece, which may have been presented with the collaboration of a joglaresa before a stag party like the companhos of William IX.

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20. Aimeric de Peguilhan, "Domna, per vos estauc en greu turmen" (P-C 10,23). Beginning as a tenso between Senher and Domna, this poem ends as a two-stanza argument between Amic and Amor. The distribution o f roles is somewhat similar to that in "Dona, a vos me coman" (no. 16); both poems divide every stanza between the participants, though in a slightly different manner; according to Aimeric's system, each has a single line at a time. For three stanzas, Senher pleads with Domna to grant him the mercy that would ease his torment; but she refuses, like many a cruel lady in troubadour cansos. Then, under the new name Amic, Senher turns to Love for help, first upbraiding him for his indifference. Love replies that he led him to the worthiest of women, but hints that another lady might be more receptive. When the suitor rejects this suggestion, Love says that he might yet win his lady sufien et ab servir. The introduction o f Love as a speaker, and the stichomythic format as well, justify the editors (Shepard-Chambers 135) in calling this tenso, or these two half-iefwos, a fictitious discussion composed by a single author. 21. Joan de Pennas, " U n guerrier per alegrar" (P-C 269,1), a tenso, or "guerrier" ('combat') on the subject o f love, as Joan announces in the opening stanza. The participants, addressed as Guerier and Guerieira, express great admiration for each other: "I cannot find a man of greater intelligence or a finer lover;" "You are the flower o f beauty, and I do not know . . . a more beautiful lady in Tarascon who strikes more effectively with the dart o f love." All the same, Guerieira is reluctant to give concrete evidence o f her love, for fear o f the lauzengador maldizen. To this, Guerier replies that a lady who loves her honor should have no fear o f slanderers. The localization o f the lady at Tarascon may be a sign that she really existed and took part in the tenso; Jeanroy (Poésie lyrique 1:391) and Meyer (Derniers troubadours 95) seem to accept it as a genuine discussion between two people, but Pillet-Carstens call it a "fingierte Tenzone." I am inclined to agree with the latter opinion, largely because o f the narrative introduction and the words " J wish to begin a guerrier," which sound like the beginning o f a canso: Un guerrier per alegrar vuelh comensar car m'agensa,

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Whether the lady was a real trobairitz or not, the remarks ascribed to her here are the conventional ones expressed by male troubadours in many a canso. 22. Guilhem Rainol d'At, " Q u a n t aug chantar lo gal sus en l'erbos" (P-C 231,4), a tenso between Seingner and Domna. After evoking several bird-songs, most of them not noted for their beauty (the crowing of a rooster, the cries of a magpie, a jay, a blackbird), the poet continues: Farai un vers ses prec e ses somos. Ma domn'es tan bell'e cortes'e pros que-m fai loirar plus que falco lanier.

This narrative introduction, like that of " U n guerrier per alegrar" (no. 21), and the declaration "I shall compose a vers" imply that what follows is not a joint venture of Guilhem with a lady, but, as Kolsen says (Dichtungen 61), "eine fingierte Kanzone," or, more accurately, "eine Kanzone in Gesprächsform." Frank (2:130) calls it a "romance parodique." This j u d g m e n t is supported by a number of details that suggest a h u m o r o u s parody of the genre—Seingner: " M y lady makes me tamer than a hunting falcon;" Domna: "You are lucky; w h e n I see a vain y o u n g man coming, I run to the barn and hide;" Seingner: "I have never taken part in a tournament since you ordered me not to; I prefer to eat cheesecake, and bread dunked in broth;" Domna: "Let's sell the striped pig and buy some fine clothes for Miquel the shepherd; people will take him for a knight" (I translate so twice as " t h e " here; see Smith-Bergin 83); Seingner: "I'd rather see Miquel hanged." T h e whole poem strongly suggests a domestic quarrel between husband and wife (Riquer 3:1240), on a barnyard level, in which the function of both trobairitz soiseubuda and her male opponent is to amuse the audience by feeding material for jokes back and forth to each other.

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23. Guilhem Rainol d'At, "Auzir cugei lo chant e-1 crit e-1 glat" (P-C 231,1), a dialogue whose participants, like those of Guilhem Rainol's other poem (no. 22), are identified as Seingner and Domna. Kolsen (Trobadorgedichte 37) calls the composition a "Kanzone (in Gesprächsform)," Frank (2:130) a "tenson (fictive?)," Jeanroy (Poésie lyrique 1:381) and Pillet-Carstens a tenso with a lady. There is little doubt that it is fictitious, although the text and the allusions are so uncertain that it is difficult to characterize the relation of the speakers to each other. The poem begins with a rumor implying that the man had lied about his lady (?), whereas he loves her "more than fish in rosemary." The lady wishes she had cut off the nose of the person w h o started such a rumor, and w h o (she says) has a "puta color de Sarrazin." Seingner reproaches her for speaking ill of a lady w h o is "rie' e de gran parentat," and also an accomplished spinner of thread. Domna is vexed to hear this woman's lineage and skill at spinning compared with her own, and counters, "I also have a good knight for a protector, and you are not so badly off in At: I covered you with a well-laundered sheet." Seingner: "You will be rewarded for not putting (men) in a sack full of holes. . . . If I were richer, you would have a mirror, elegant toilet articles, and a ribbon to tie up your hair." Pois disseran tuit li plus avezat: "Quals es aquist?" qant vos vengras d'orat, "ben, vos plevisc, bell, amest sobrefin!"

I do not understand this, or the following stanza, in which Domna tells how she climbed onto the rampart and fell down sick ("sick with love, " swooned?) on a cushion. "I knew it was your fault," she says, "but I forgave you." He replies: Domna, ben fon saubat et azalbat lo luns mati com fes la caritat; quant portest guans e borsa de cendat, a las meillors aguest lor pretz baissai que tot un jorn n'esteron al latin. Si fossetz lai, on vos fon destinât, foratz al bois part Sancta-Trinitat, al port de Sore, en terra de sanguin.

What deed of charity did Domna perform? Does n'esteron al latin mean "were bewildered by it" (French perdre son latin)? The allusions in the last

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three verses escape me completely. At all events, one can say that Domna's remarks in this poem, as in the previous one, are on a far lower level than those of courtly ladies, of which they are clearly a parody. In conclusion, I shall try to categorize the roles played by the imaginary trobairitz in the dialogues we have been examining. First of all, their reply to this question: If a man loves a w o m a n , should he let her nobility and her merit intimidate him into suffering in silence, or should he pluck up courage and plead his case openly with her? The domnas of Raimon de las Salas (no. 14) and Pistoleta (no. 15) both declare that the lover should speak up without hesitation; he has nothing to lose but the torture of uncertainty, and he has the possibility of winning great happiness. But h o w does the lady react when the man approaches her with his declaration? Bertran del Pojet's domna (no. 12), when asked if she will give her love to a man (unidentified) w h o loves her truly, begins by instituting some preliminary probing, which turns out to be satisfactory; the man in question is the one standing before her. K n o w i n g this, she answers that it would be only fair for a lady to love one w h o loves her, if he is sincere, faithful, and circumspect; this ending seems a happy one for her as well as for him. T h e Genoese domna of Raimbaut de Vaqueiras (no. 17) gives a very different answer; but it is clear that the man w h o is flattering her with fine phrases is a very different kind of suitor. All he wants is to seduce her, and she, like a sensible shepherdess in a pastorela, gives him short shrift: " G o find yourself a horse somewhere else," she says. O n c e the drudaria is established, its course is not always s m o o t h . In four poems, one participant complains of the other's coldness and inaccessibility, a well-worn troubadour theme w h e n the plaintiff is a man, as in Raimon de las Salas's "Si-m fos graziz" (no. 11), Aimeric de Peguilhan's " D o m n a , per vos" (no. 20), and Joan de Pennas's " U n guerrier" (no. 21); but in Raimbaut d'Aurenga's tenso (no. 10), it is the w o m a n w h o makes this charge. All the sufferings of love, she says, are on her side; this is a new development in O l d Provençal dialogue poems, but not unlike the woman's complaint in the O l d French chansons de toile. B o t h the man and the w o m a n blame the lausengiers, or tale-bearers, for the apparent coldness they see; these people would spread scandalous r u m o r s against the lady if they saw her with her lover. An attempt is made in Lanfranc Cigala's dream-ienso (no. 13) to fix the responsibility elsewhere: the dreamer's heart and mind tell him that Love and ladies, respectively, are to blame. H e stoutly rejects their arguments and maintains that the

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lovers themselves are at fault. They are notoriously fickle and untrustworthy, so it is no wonder that their ladies prudently hesitate to yield to their pleas for intimacy. The function o f the lady in this piece, when she appears, is to applaud her champion for his defense o f women. Another poem, Marques's "Dona, a vos me coman" (no. 16), poses something o f a problem. At the outset, the two partners seem to share a reciprocal affection for each other; then suddenly, in the last two stanzas, domna upbraids the man for his presumption in daring to offer her the homage she has apparently encouraged up to that point. It would seem that an intermediate stanza, in which the man's aspirations become sensual to an unseemly degree, has been lost. And finally, in two poems (nos. 8 and 9), the intervention o f a donzela is requested or actually used in an attempt to effect a reconciliation between a lover and his lady. Only two o f our poems involve what might be considered impropriety on the part o f the lady. One is the partimen between Rofin and Domna H. (no. 18), which, as we have seen, is not generally accepted as fictitious, although the lack o f a real name for the female participant (she is called only Domna in the text) makes it a possible candidate for inclusion in this study. Here, Domna defends a mildly scabrous position, namely, that a lover does well to disregard his promise to stop short o f sexual intercourse when his lady exposes herself to the possibility o f such behavior on his part. One might say that the rules of the partimen oblige her to take this alternative, since Rofin has chosen the other; but the fact remains that she herself brought the question up in the first place, knowing full well that this might happen. The only really obscene tenso involving a woman is that in which the male participant is Montan (no. 19), and this is one o f the most pornographic poems in troubadour literature. Notice that here also, as in the case o f Domna H., it is the woman who broaches the matter for discussion. Montan's poem differs from that o f Domna H. in that it is a coarse parody o f the courtly tenso, in which the "love" involved is only raw sexuality. The two poems o f Guilhem Rainol d'At, "Quant aug chantar" (no. 22) and "Auzir cugei" (no. 23) are also parodies, but o f a very different kind. In them, the courtly style is brought down, not to the level of obscenity, but to that of bourgeois household matters, such as domestic animals, eating, dress, spinning, toilet articles, and the like—presented in a comic, very familiar style. Taking all these considerations into account, one sees that the role of the domna soiseubuda is, with few exceptions, not strikingly different from what one might expect o f courtly ladies in general. The Montan poem

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and those by Guilhem Rainol d'At are completely untypical of the others, and one might say that D o m n a H. somewhat exceeded the bounds of propriety as they existed in courtly society. The lady in Raimbaut d'Aurenga's poem w h o says that she is the one w h o suffers in love is probably a simple transposition by a male writer of the standard masculine cliché into a female context, but authentic trobairitz sometimes voice similar sentiments. All the other domnas stay well within the code of courtly behavior, whether this code was imposed by men or whether support for it came from women as well.

Note 1. [Or a tenso, by Zufferey in this volume—Editor's N o t e . ]

Ii The Voice of the Trobairitz

JOAN M. FERRANTE

3

Notes Toward the Study of a Female Rhetoric in the Trobairitz

Is there a female rhetoric in the poetry of the trobairitz? When I first considered this question, I expected the answer to be no. But when I went over the material I had collected in order to begin to answer the question, I discovered that the answer seemed to be yes, albeit a hesitant yes. One would have to make a far more extensive survey than I have done to be able to draw such a conclusion, and even then the available material is so sparse that such a conclusion would still be tentative. Nonetheless, I offer my findings here as one step in that direction. There are various ways one might tackle the question: a study of the vocabulary of the trobairitz, compared with representative contemporary male poets; a study of the imagery; a comparison of the use of traditional conventions; 1 a study of style; the use of negatives; the use of the second person; the use of different tenses or moods of verbs; rhyme schemes; grammatical plays based on feminine forms; direct references to male and female patterns of behavior; a particular stance taken in relation to male rhetoric, to the game of courtly love. I have not attempted to cope here with the topics of vocabulary, imagery, or style, which are very important but too vast for this study. I will, however, say something about the others, bearing in mind that with such a small body of extant poetry, any statistics may be meaningless. 2 I have attempted to compare certain aspects of the trobairitz poems with those of a small group of troubadours. My control group, so to speak, was chosen from poets writing at the same time as the women or just before, Bernart de Ventadorn and Peire d'Alvernhe from one generation, Arnaut Daniel from a second, Peire Cardenal and Sordello from a third, representative I think, but certainly not comprehensive. 3 I used

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only the love-poems (the cansos) of the poets, male and female, for m y statistical study; I will say something about the women's tensos at the end, but a propos of r h y m e and tone. I took the statistics several times and they varied each time, but since the variations were slight, I can vouch for their overall validity, if not for each specific number. That is w h y I have frequently resorted to fractions, which at least give the right proportions. Probably the most rewarding area I looked into was the use of direct address, of the second person as compared to the first or third. In this there is a striking difference between the w o m e n and the men. T h e trobairitz use the second person, specifically addressing the lover as "amies," in all but one of their cansos (the Comtessa de Dia's "Fin joi me don'alegranssa"). T h e y often do so m o r e than once, the Comtessa in four of the five stanzas of " A chantar m ' e r de so q'ieu n o volria," Clara in all four stanzas, and Castelloza frequently, in five of six stanzas in one poem, in four of seven in another, in five of five, and in three of five in the others. T h e w o m e n rarely use the second person for anyone but the lover; the Comtessa addresses the "gelos mal parlan" in one envoi and her messenger in another, Azalais a joglar, and Castelloza another woman. A m o n g the male poets, the use of the second person is far less frequent and by n o means restricted to the object of the poet's love. Bernart addresses the lady directly in only one stanza in thirteen of his forty-one cansos (and five of those are in the envoi); he addresses her in m o r e than one stanza in eleven poems (in t w o stanzas in eight of them, of which five are envois, in three stanzas twice, with a high of four stanzas in one poem, no. 24). H e also uses the second person to address the audience in sixteen poems (two of which are directed to his enemies), as well as the song (twice) or the singer (thirteen times), not to say Love, Amors, in six poems, Cortesia in one, and Orgolhs in one. Whereas Bernart addresses the audience in fewer than two-thirds as many poems as those in which he addresses the lady (16/27), and the singer in half as m a n y (13/27), these various other addressees figure in half again as many poems as does the lady (39/27). Peire d'Alvernhe uses the second person once to another poet, once to Love, twice to the audience (three times in one poem), but never to a lady except t h r o u g h the voice of the nightingale, his bird messenger, and in four of his ten poems he does not use it at all. Arnaut, in the seventeen cansos, addresses the lady in four poems, three times in one, twice in

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Notes Toward the Study of a Female Rhetoric in the Trobairitz

another, Love three times, the song itself five times, and the audience six times, one of those to the lauzengier. Peire Cardenal, in ten love-poems (I exclude the brief dialogue, no. 8), most of them of only one cobla, addresses the lady once and the audience once. Sordello addresses the lady in eight of his twelve love poems, only once in five of those (four in the envoi); in the other three poems, the address to the lady dominates the poems. This is certainly a higher proportion of address to the loveobject than in the other male poets' works, but still not comparable with the women's. It seems, therefore, not unreasonable to conclude that the women are more given to the direct approach. They address the object of their feelings, while the male poets are as likely to address their fellow men as their ladies. The difference in the use of negative words is less striking, but still fairly suggestive. Most of the women use a higher number of negatives than the men, and there are few stanzas in their poetry in which at least one negative does not appear. By negative words, I mean non, ni and anc when they are used with non, niens, and nulhs. O f the women's cansos, half (six) have at least one negative word every 2 or 2.5 lines, four more have one in every 4 or 5 lines, only one has as few as one in 12 lines, while two are heavily negative, nine words in 8 lines (Tibors) and twenty in 28 lines (Clara). Every stanza but one (and two envois) of the C o m tessa's four poems contains negatives, all but one and the envoi of Azalais's six stanzas, all but two stanzas of Castelloza's four poems, and all four of Clara's stanzas. The number of negatives per stanza is generally low, with only one in ten stanzas, two in thirteen, three in eight; four, five, six, or seven in only three stanzas; nine negatives in one, and eleven in one. That is, the negatives tend to run through the poems, rather than to dominate one or more stanzas, as they sometimes do in the men's poetry. The men occasionally have one or more heavily negative stanzas, but they do not use the same proportion of negatives and they all have a higher proportion of stanzas without any negatives. 4 It seems that the women are somewhat more negative in their expression than the men. O f course, like the men, they sometimes use negatives to assert particularly strong feelings: Tibors: "ni anc no fo qu'ieu non agues talan" ("never have I been without desire"); Castelloza: "ni drutz de negun paratge/ per me non fo encobitz" ("no lover of any rank has been desired by me"). But more often they use them to express frustration or deprivation: the Comtessa: "vas lui n o ' m val merces ni cortesia/ ni ma beltatz

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ni mos pretz ni m o s sens" ("nothing works with him, not mercy or courtesy, not m y beauty or m y prestige or m y sense"). 5 Since the same sense of frustration has been said to lead w o m e n to use the subjunctive or optative more than their male counterparts, I also looked at the frequency of use of certain verb forms: the present indicative, the subjunctive and conditional, the various past tenses, and the future. T h e relative frequency of use of all tenses is the same for men and women, insofar as all of them use the present most, the subjunctive and conditional 6 next, the past next, and the future least. However, the ratio of one tense to another differs between men and w o m e n . As against some 273 occurrences of the present tense in the women's poems, there are some 99 subjunctives; in other words, m o r e than one-third as m a n y contrary-to-fact verbs as verbs of current reality (and if one were to take account of the negatives operating with the present tense, the ratio would be closer still). A m o n g the men, Bernart has some 442 subjunctives against some 1,706 presents, about one-fourth as many. Peire d'Alvernhe, 92 subjunctives against 352 presents, slightly more than one-fourth; Arnaut, 144 subjunctives to 672 presents, m o r e than one-fifth; Peire Cardenal, 34 subjunctives to 138 presents, about one-fourth; and Sordello, 82 to 455, less than one-fifth. So, although one cannot say that w o m e n prefer the contrary-to-fact mode, they certainly use it m o r e than the m e n do. T h e y also seem to use the past tenses m o r e frequently: 58 pasts to 273 presents in their poems (that is, a ratio of 0.21), as against Bernart's 209 to 1,706 (0.12), Peire d'Alvernhe's 50 to 352 (0.14), Arnaut's 97 to 672 (0.14), Peire Cardenal's 25 to 138 (0.18), and Sordellos 34 to 455 (0.07). This reinforces the sense that the w o m e n are concerned with real relationships, relationships that have a past. 7 T h o u g h the w o m e n may use the subjunctive, wishing for something that is not so, and the past, lamenting something that once was, they are not tentative in their tone or in their voice. They find the devices that best express their needs. T h e y do not adopt complicated r h y m e schemes (which may be connected with the fact that they address themselves to their lovers rather than to the audience or their fellow poets). Most of the trobairitz poems are quite simple combinations of t w o to four r h y m e sounds. O n l y one, Castelloza, uses a dissolute rhyme, in one poem, and only once per stanza. (I do not include Tibors' fragment, which is not a complete stanza.) That means, since most of their poems are unissonans, that what variety in sound there is comes in the rhyme sounds, usually

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four per stanza. O f the twenty poems (cansos and tensos), fourteen are unissonans, eleven have four rhymes per stanza, four have t w o per stanza, three have five, and two have three. O n the other hand, there is some play with consonance or assonance, particularly in the tensos, which ties the different rhymes together. (This is a technique Arnaut also uses, but he does it to tie dissolute rhymes together.) 8 Castelloza and the Comtessa de Dia play with sounds m o r e than the others, Castelloza with inner rhymes and with plays on r h y m e words with the same root. T h e Comtessa plays with related sounds (anssa, aia, an, men) in "Fin joi me don alegranssa," the aia words "esglaia " and "gaia" picking up the aia sound f r o m the first men word, " g a i a m e n . " She also uses rimas deriuatius, paired words that do not r h y m e but have the same root: "apais," "apaia," "gais," "guaia," "veraia," "verais," "estrais," "estraia" (in " A b joi et ab joven m'apais"). 9 This technique gives her some interesting possibilities, such as juxtaposing " m a i s " ( " m o r e " ) with " m ' a i a " ("that he have me"). Since one expects a derivative rhyme, the unexpected meaning is more emphatic, particularly since it follows a line with much inner rhyme: " m o u t mi plai, quar sai, que val mais/ eel qu'ieu plus desir que m'aia." T h e Comtessa varies this close connection between the a and b rhymes only once in the poem, with a w o r d that is not the same root or sound, using "avinenssa" instead of "valenssa" after "valen." Since this is the only such occurrence in the p o e m , it calls attention to the difference in meaning between the w o r d she uses and the w o r d she chooses not to use: "ja pois li pro ni li valen/ n o ' n dirant mas avinenssa," ("the good and w o r t h y will say nothing but agreeable [or suitable] things") of a lady w h o loves openly, "agreeable" but not ascribing real worth, not "valenssa." Is this a way of implying that others may not share her view of the part she thinks the w o m a n should play in love? There is another aspect of this particular r h y m e scheme w o r t h n o t ing, the play on masculine and feminine forms, particularly in the first stanza with the adjectives "gais/guaia" and "veraia/verais." Since her lover is gay, she is gay; since she is true to him it would befitting for h i m to be true to her, "be's taing qu'el me sia verais," but n o assurance that he is. Having established the masculine/feminine pairing, the Comtessa plays off it with her verbs: "qu'anc de lui amar non m'estrais, / ni ai cor que m'en estraia" ("I have never stopped loving him nor do I have the heart to stop"), both forms "masculine" and "feminine," so to speak, referring to her love for him. Then she continues: "eel qu'ieu plus desir que m'aia,/ e eel que primiers lo m'atrais/ Dieu prec que gran joi

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l'atraia" ("the one I most desire that he have me, he w h o first attracted me, I pray God that great joy may attract him"). Here the "masculine" form ("atrais") describes his effect on her, the "feminine" ("m'aia," "atraia"), the possible, the desired but not at all certain effect she may have on him. The clear assertion of a feminine voice may also be found in the Lombarda poem, in the play with the feminine form of names, emphasized by their importance as rhyme words. The man says he would like to be a Lombard because of Lombarda ("Lombards volgr'eu esser per na Lombarda"), since no German or Guiscard pleases him as much; but the woman changes the identity f r o m a national to a personal one, " n o ' m volgr'aver per Bernard na Bernarda/ e per n'Arnaut n'Arnauda appellada" ("I would not want to be called Bernarda for Bernard or Arnauda for Arnaut"). That is, presumably, she does not want to give up her o w n identity to be subsumed under a man's; he would change his location to be near her, but she does not want to lose her identity to become his. H e calls her a "mirail de prez" (a "mirror of value"); she wants to k n o w what mirror he looks in and reminds him of the disruptiveness of failing to see in a mirror, that is, of not seeing what is there, or what he should see, in a stanza in which she plays on the words "descorda/acord/desacorda," "record/recorda," and "acord/acorda," the orda words being the rhyme words, while ord is the inner rhyme. Huchet's comment on this word-play is that it shows how the poem generates the feminine f r o m the masculine (85), but it also shows how fragile the harmony between male and female can be. His defect (not seeing) destroys ("descorda") her harmony ("mon acord"). But in the last line of the stanza, "en bon acord totz mons pensars s'acorda," the "feminine" f o r m is the verb, the active force creating the "masculine" noun, the state of being. If the female voice can be asserted through such grammatical play, it can also be heard more directly in comments about what is expected of women. Thus Castelloza (I): . . . A mi esta gen, si ben dison tuig que mout descove que dompna prec ja cavalier de se, mas cil c'o diz non sap gez ben chausir; [It pleases me, even though everyone says that it is very improper for a lady to plead her own cause with a knight . . . but whoever says that does not know how to discern well at all;]

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and again (III): Mout aurei mes mal usatge a las autras amairitz, c'hom sol trametre mesatge, es ieu tenc me per gerida, . . . c'aissi'm cove; [I shall have set a very bad example for other women in love, because it is the man who usually sends the message . . . yet I consider myself cured . . . because this way is right for me.] Women can also assert the female voice by attacking the male voice, the rhetorical posture adopted by the poet/lover in the courtly love game. This can be a ticklish area, because it is something male writers use from very early on in Provençal poetry. 10 In the pastorelas where, unlike the cattsos, the woman is allowed to speak for herself and answer the man's pleas for her love, she usually does so by cutting through his rhetoric and getting straight to the reality of the situation. This use of the woman to ridicule the extremes of the poet's own postures has a healthy tradition in literature written by men through the Middle Ages and the Renaissance, f r o m the earliest pastorelas, the dialogues in Andreas Capellanus, the debate poems of Italian poets, through Boccaccio, Castiglione, and Shakespeare. It probably reflects the reality of life at court much more closely than the distance between the poet and the idealized figure of the canso lady does. As Andreas notes, noble women are quick to censure and ridicule the words and deeds of men (ed. Walsh 158—59). The chances are that women did make fun of courtly love rhetoric, even if they encouraged it, precisely because it was so removed f r o m the reality of life. If this debunking characteristic of women in men's poetry is a reflection of life—a big " i f " but highly plausible—then it would not be surprising to find women speaking the same way in their own poetry. To some extent, that is what Castelloza does when she says it may not be proper for women to court, but that is what the situation demands, so she will. It certainly is what the women do in the tensos. When Maria de Ventadorn debates with Gui d'Ussel on equality between lovers, he claiming that between lovers there can be no seignory, she that the lady must retain a certain power, being " d o m p n a " and "amiga" while the man can be "amic" but not "seignor" in the love situation, she is throwing the whole rhetoric of the courtly love game in his face. He

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says they must be equal if they have " m a d e one heart of t w o " ("faich un cor de dos"), relying on the very unrealistic cliché. H e implies that if they are not equal, it is unjust because he is required to love more loyally ( " O vos diretz, e no-us estara gen,/que-l drutz la deu amar plus leialmen"), whereas he had earlier said that if she feels more love, she should show it ("s'esdeven que l'am plus finamen, / e-1 faich e-1 dich en deu far aparen"). In other words, it is all right for her to love m o r e but not for him. H e also says that if she is false, she should hide it with a "bel semblan," suggesting that as long as he gets what he wants, it does not m a t ter what she feels or does. But Maria points out that to win the lady the man promises to serve her as her man, her vassal ("mans jointas e de genolhos"), echoing a position Bernart de Ventadorn offers to take; if he has promised himself as a servant but then, when he gets her, acts as her equal, he is a traitor ("ieu lo j u t g e per dreich a trahitor,/ si-s rend pariers ei-s det per servidor"). Underlying this remark is the truth that promises are all part of the game, of the rhetoric of love, meaningless in the reality of an affair. Perhaps D o m n a H. is making a similar point in a contrary way when she argues that the man w h o breaks his w o r d not to do m o r e than hold hands and kiss is a bolder lover than the one w h o refuses to swear because he is afraid he cannot keep his word. She is simply acknowledging the fact that no matter what the man says about his desires, what he wants is total satisfaction; this recalls the lady in Andreas w h o says men can talk about amor purus and amor mixtus, but what they want is amor mixtus. O t h e r tensos focus on other aspects of the game or the opposing reality: Isabella shows u p the man's pretence, having h i m admit that he praised her not for love but for his o w n h o n o r and profit ("s'ieu en dizia lauzor/ . . . no-1 dis per drudaria, / mas per honor e pro qu'ieu n'atendia"). Alamanda tells the man w h o has lost his lady, w h o happens to be her lady, h o w the game is played ("s'ela-us ditz d'aut puoig que sia landa,/ vos la'n crezatz,"—"if she tells you that a high mountain is a plain, you must believe her") and implies that she is m o r e concerned to stay in her lady's good graces than to help him back into them; he betrays his o w n fickleness by his readiness to look elsewhere for what she will not give him (the help he wants), just as he presumably did with the lady he claims to love ("D'autra amistat ai talan qu'ie-us enquiera, / si no-us calatz"). And in what is perhaps the most cynical poem of all about malefemale relations, though it is concerned with marriage and not with the love-game, Carenza tells the t w o girls w h o wonder about marrying and

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Trobairitz

having babies that if they want their qualities to be properly appreciated (and they are the qualities of a courtly lady, "ensenhamen, / pretz e beltatz, joven, frescas colors/ . . . cortezi' e valors"), they had best marry Christ. One cannot, of course, know if the poems we still have of the trobairitz are representative of all the women composing in Provençal, or even if they are representative of the works of these women. We cannot know if these poems were preserved because they were the most popular of their kind, or because they were different from the conventional products. But they are all we have, so we are forced to draw whatever conclusions we can from them, however hesitantly. And from this preliminary survey of some aspects of their style and techniques, I would say that there is evidence of a somewhat different rhetoric among the women, a much greater tendency to address the lover directly, to refer to a past state that no longer obtains, a more negative expression of feeling, if not attitude, through both the persistent use of negatives and the greater use of contrary-to-fact verb forms, and at the same time an assertion of the female voice in wordplay and rhymes, and in the attacks on the conventions of the courtly game.

Notes 1. As Huchet points out (78), the spring opening occurs only once among the women poets, and then in an inverted form; he discusses various aspects of their style and characterizes their poverty of expression not as a weakness, but as "une marche vers le silence" (84). Shapiro suggests that the Comtessa internalizes the process of encomiastic description of the lady (566), and also notes the high incidence of direct address to the lover among the women poets (570). 2. Bee notes that the average number of poems for the women is not all that different from that of most of their male counterparts, since there are only some two dozen poets for whom we have twenty poems or more ("'Trobairitz' et chansons de femme" 236). He credits Tavera ("A la recherche des troubadours maudits" 146) with the observation. Dietmar Rieger points out that the manuscripts indicate a greater interest in the vidas of the trobairitz than in their poems; of the twenty-four manuscripts containing women's poems, eight have only one, three only two ("Die trobairitz in Italien"). 3. I have consulted the editions by Lazar for Bernart de Ventadorn, by Del Monte for Peire d'Alvernhe, by Wilhelm for Arnaut Daniel, by Lavaud for Peire Cardenal, and by Boni for Sordello. For the trobairitz, I used the Schultz texts as reprinted in Bogin and the edition by Paden et al. for Castelloza. I have not included Azalais's poem to Clara because it is neither a canso nor in stanzaic form.

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4. Bernart de Ventadorn in his 41 cansos, which are normally f r o m 6 to 8 stanzas long, has 10 negatives in one stanza, 8 in 3, 7 in 3, 6 in 9, 5 in 16, 4 in 30, 3 in 31, 2 in 59, 1 in 56, and 48 full stanzas and 25 envois with n o negatives at all. T h e r e are negative w o r d s in 1 of every 2 lines in 9 of his 41 cansos; roughly 1 in 3 in 5 of them, 2 in 5 in 3 poems, 1 in 4 in 3, 1 in 4.5 in 2, 1 in 5 in 9 poems, 1 in 6 in 4, 1 in 7, 10 and 12 in one p o e m each, and 1 in 11 in 2 poems. Peire d ' A l vernhe has n o heavily negative poems, 1 occurrence in 5 or 6 lines in 6 poems, slightly m o r e in 2 others (2 in 7, 5 in 17), and fewer in the remaining 2 (1 in 7, 1 in 9). H e has 16 full stanzas and 4 envois with n o negatives, 20 stanzas and 2 envois w i t h only 1, 12 with 2, 12 w i t h 3, 3 stanzas w i t h 4 negatives, and 2 w i t h 6. A r n a u t Daniel has 2 stanzas w i t h 8 negatives, 1 w i t h 9, 1 with 10, one heavily negative p o e m (32 in 45 lines), the rest m u c h less so (1 negative in 2 lines in 3 poems, 3 or 4 in 10 lines in 4 poems, 1 in 4 or 5 lines in 6 poems, 1 in 6, 7, or 8 lines in 3 poems). A r n a u t has n o negatives at all in 17 full stanzas and in 8 envois, only 1 in 12 stanzas and 6 envois, 2 in 28 stanzas and 3 envois, 3 in 22 stanzas, 4 in 9, 5 in 8, and 6 in only 2 stanzas. Peire Cardenal has one heavily negative poem, w i t h almost 1 per line (51 negatives in 53 lines and stanzas with 15, 16, and 18 negatives); the rest are rather light, 1.5 per 10 lines, 2 in 9, 1 in 8, 1 in 7, as m u c h as 3 in 7 in only one, and n o n e in the 9 lines of t w o others. Sordello has as m a n y as 8, 7, or 6 per stanza only once each, 5 per stanza 3 times, 4 twice, 3 and 2 fifteen times each, 1 nine times (plus 3 envois or refrains), and none at all in 11 stanzas and 8 envois; he has 1 in 3 lines 4 times, 2 in 5 twice, about 1 in 4 three times, 1 in 6, 10, and 13 lines once each. 5. [ O n negativity in Castelloza see Siskin and Storme in Part 2 of this volume.—Editor's N o t e ] 6. I deal with these t w o together since b o t h indicate something that is n o t so. Henceforth w h e n I say subjunctive, I mean b o t h subjunctive and conditional, and I d o not distinguish m o o d and tense in m y text in order to simplify m y expression. 7. Paden suggests that the man suffers before love, the w o m a n after, because the cultural model of love calls for the man to be active, the w o m a n passive (" Utrum copularetitur"). 8. In the Alais, Iselda, Carenza tenso, the sounds are en, ors, enza, os, with vowel and one-consonant sounds connecting n o n - r h y m e s . Alamanda's p o e m , which is in coblas doblas, connects three of her a rhymes this way (anda, onda, uda), while the b r h y m e stays the same t h r o u g h o u t . In the L o m b a r d a exchange, which is in coblas singulars, the a rhymes are arda, agna, ada, orda, the b rhymes er, ez, az, es. 9. [See also the essay o n derived r h y m e b y Sarah Kay in Part 2 of this volume.—Editor's Note] 10. See m y " M a l e Fantasy and Female Reality in C o u r t l y Literature" for a fuller discussion of the points alluded to in this section.

ANGELICA RIEGER

4

Was Bieiris de Romans Lesbian? Women's Relations with Each Other in the World of the Troubadours

" N a Maria, pretz e fina valors," the only surviving poem of Bieiris de Romans, is among the most frequently discussed love-songs of troubadour lyric poetry, and one may well ask w h y so much research has been undertaken on a poem that certainly does not belong a m o n g the masterpieces of its age. Composed by a woman and addressed to another, it acquires a special position not only within the works of the trobairitz but within the entire Occitan literature of the thirteenth century. Since the troubadour typically speaks to the domna, it is clear that the inversion of this configuration in the poems of the trobairitz may be regarded as a marginal phenomenon; that the masculine element should be eliminated, however, so that the lyrical dialogue takes place exclusively between one w o m a n and another, is an extraordinary rarity. Other than in Bieiris's canso, this is the case in only four other Old Occitan pieces. Three of these are tensos, genuine dialogues between two or three female interlocutors: the exchanges between Almuc de Castelnou and Iseut de Capio, Carenza and Alaisina Iselda, and an anonymous domna and her donzela. The fourth concerns a salut, a letter whose author, Azalais d'Altier, appears as the ambassadress of a male "client," striving to gain his reconciliation with the addressee of the letter, domna Clara. 1 But only Bieiris turns directly to another woman with a canso, the typical genre for a love-poem. While the structure of the text and manuscript tradition do not allow for any certainty, the way is open to speculation that the modern reader is witness here to a medieval lesbian relationship. In order to give the discussion a sound foundation, we should begin with the question of the historical reality of lesbian relationships in the

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Occitan Middle Ages. Unfortunately, historians supply little information on the matter. 2 Yet John Boswell's work, Christianity, Social Tolerance and Homosexuality, comprehensive in both time and geography, describes the phenomenon o f homosexuality as belonging to the Hellenic-Roman culture group, giving examples, however—all in L a t i n — f r o m the early Christian and early medieval periods, and goes on to describe the later marginalization o f homosexuality, even in literary tradition, together with the growing intolerance and sanctioning on the social plane f r o m the thirteenth century onward: 3 Given the complexity of the political scene at the time and the infinite variety of response, it is startling how completely and dramatically the gay artistic tradition was broken off. A few poems exemplifying this tradition survive from the first half of the thirteenth century, including what may be the sole extant example of medieval love poetry written in the vernacular language by one woman to another.4 This statement concerning none other than Bieiris shows that with regard to lesbian love in the thirteenth century one comes up against considerable difficulties o f documentation, indeed that research goes round in circles. T h e evidence we have turned up by falling back on reality is exactly the p o e m that we had hoped to illuminate—which is far f r o m a reliable document. S o we direct our search once more to the literary phenomenon in order to assess the position o f homosexuality within troubadour poetry. It is well known that the latter is characterized by a latent ambiguity. 5 A m o n g other things, this is made apparent in the terms used for the beloved lady: although the troubadour's predominantly " n o r m a l " address for his lady is (ma) domna or bona/bella domna, it is often replaced by the grammatically masculine f o r m mi dons as in the f a m o u s canso o f Bernart de Ventadorn, " C a n vei la lauzeta m o v e r " : Pus ab midons no-m pot valer precs ni merces ni-1 dreihz qu'eu ai, ni a leis no ven a plazer qu'eu l'am, ja mais no-1 o dirai.6 [Since prayer or mercy or the right that I have cannot help me with my lady, and it doesn't please her that I love her, I shall never tell her.] Here it is still clear f r o m the context o f the language that the beloved person is female ("leis"), but there are cases in which this cannot be de-

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termined w i t h certainty, as in Guillem de Cabestany's tornada f r o m " L o d o u s cossire": En Raimon, la belheza e-1 bes qu'en midons es m'a gen lassat e pres.7 [Sir Raimon, the beauty and the good that are in my lady have gently bound and captured me.] H e r e the gender becomes clear only f r o m the situational context (if it were a m a n one w o u l d hardly praise his "belheza"), b u t nevertheless in this instance o n e may rule o u t the possibility of a h o m o s e x u a l relationship w i t h certainty. Such masculine address for a real w o m a n may seem strange to the m o d e r n reader; stranger still, however, if the social context required such a playful inversion of the convention, midons could have been used to refer to a real m a n in a h o m o s e x u a l relation. T h e same holds true for masculine senhals of the ladies addressed, for example, " M o s Belhs D e p o r t z , " 8 and here t o o the a m b i g u i t y of the address may o n o c casion be played u p o n at great length, as in Peire Vidal's canso "Bels Amies cars, ven s'en vas vos estius." 9 A l t h o u g h the senhal "bels A m i e s cars" is identified b y Avalle as a " p s e u d o n i m o forse di Eudossia di C o n s t a n t i n o p o l i , " 1 0 the fact that Peire's complaint a b o u t the indifference of his beloved, " N a V i e r n a , " is addressed to a lady, becomes apparent only because he uses the t e r m "sisters" for b o t h of t h e m : Per que devetz nom de serors aver qu'ambas essems vos fai Dieus mais valer. (vv. 40-41) [So that you must be called sisters because God makes you take precedence together.] E v e n if the related w o r d i n g in praise of the " A m i c " befits a w o m a n better than it does a m a n , as, for example: E volh vos tan, bels Amies car, vezer, qu'a penas puesc sai mos huelhs retener, (vv. 13-14) [And I want to see you so much, handsome, dear Friend, that I can hardly keep my eyes here,] the first of the t w o quotations is the only sure g r o u n d for supposing that the " a m i c " concerns an " a m i g a , " and that the choice of senhals is p r i m a r -

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ily intended to emphasize the poet's friendly attachment to the w o m a n addressed, for he could actually confess his lovesickness to a male confidant as well. T h e s e examples may suffice to illustrate that a l t h o u g h the masculine senhals used b y the t r o u b a d o u r s could be interpreted at first glance as expressing a covert homosexuality, this poetry is n o t generally h o m o sexual b u t (and this is of great importance) plays constantly u p o n linguistic ambiguity in ways that n o w and then b e c o m e visible even in manuscript transmission. This is m a d e particularly apparent in the o b scene cobla dobla ( P - C 461,241) w h e r e the sole manuscript, G , replaces the refrain: E [lo fotaire] ditz que mal mor e peiz viu qui non fot la qui ama (vv. 8-9) [And (the fucker) says he dies badly and lives worse who does not fuck her whom he loves] or E ditz qui non fot que mal viu noit ejorn la que ama (vv. 17-18), [And he says that he lives badly who does not fuck her night and day whom he loves,] w i t h " l e qui a m a , " w h i c h means literally "him w h o m he loves;" to w h i c h Pierre Bee puts the provocative question, "Faute de g r a m m a i r e o u tendance homosexuelle?" (Burlesque 169) B e f o r e w e look into the possible h o m o s e x u a l tendencies in Bieiris's canso w e m u s t also ascertain w h e t h e r , apart f r o m these ambiguities, there are any other examples in t r o u b a d o u r p o e t r y w h e r e h o m o s e x u a l i t y a p pears quite explicitly. A n o t h e r cobla dobla ( P - C 461,127) has been h a n d e d d o w n to us in w h i c h the t h e m e is touched u p o n directly, i n d e p e n d e n t of the question of the sex of its author. We will cite only the first of the t w o coblas, as the second, exclusively devoted to f o o d , has n o t h i n g to d o w i t h o u r study. Ges no m'eschiu nuls per no mondas mans ab mi manjar ni de seder ades, q'hanc ab mas mans no fis faitz descortez, ni toll ieu l'ars qi sol far las putans.

77

Was Bieiris de Romans Lesbian? Ben ai tochada ganba blanc'e lissa, pitz, tintinas e trezas e mentos de toseta joven mas no de tos— abanz fos eu crematz sor la cenisa!"

5

[No one on account of my unwashed hands should refuse to eat or sit down readily with me, for I have never done anything unpleasant with my hands, neither have I learned the art that whores practice. I have indeed touched the white smooth leg, the breasts, nipples, plaited hair and the chin of a young girl, but not of a boy— I would rather be burned beneath the ashes!]

In this case it is obviously a male author w h o wishes to give proof of his moral integrity in that he vehemently denies having had any homosexual experience. Apart f r o m the insight that in the world of the troubadours male, and indeed female, homosexuality was not exactly held in high esteem—after all, the anonymous poet wishes to be burned (like a heretic) rather than touch a boy—this cobla places such conduct on the same level as whoring, and designates the entire matter as "faitz descortez." The possibility of a lesbian poem thus cannot be denied on the grounds of a complete absence of homosexuality in troubadour poetry. Because a lesbian interpretation of " N a Maria, pretz e fina valors" does not at all fit the traditional image of the domna in Old Occitan poetry, the very possibility has naturally made scholars uncomfortable. Nelli's comment on the reaction of critics is entirely accurate when he says, "Les philologues ont essayé, bien sür, de réduire ce 'scandale'" (301). We shall only glance at the manner in which they organized this attempt. Bieiris's first commentator, Sainte-Palaye, evaded comment most elegantly by making the amorous trobairitz the ambassadress of a male lover: "Elle loue une autre dame, dans une piece, ou elle semble parier au n o m d'un amoureux qui fait sa déclaration d ' a m o u r " (3:379). Schultz-Gora, the first editor of a collection of trobairitz texts, originally described the love-song as "von der Bieiris de Romans im zärtlichsten Tone an eine andere D a m e gerichtetes" (6). Under pressure f r o m critics, however, he subsequently revised this j u d g m e n t and attempted, by means of a philological tour de force, to make a troubadour out of the trobairitz, an "Alberics" out of "Bieiris." 1 2 For Schultz-Gora's successors the problem was reduced to the question of whether the author was really a woman or, as seemed more likely, a man; not until almost a

78

Angelica Rieger

hundred years later was the discussion again taken u p by Bogin, Nelli, and Bee (in Burlesque et obscénité). Even Bogin, w h o vigorously defends the lesbian interpretation, does not avoid the discussion of Bieiris's controversial female authorship (176— 77, 99—100 in the French edition). Nelli presents a broad range of possible interpretations of the poem; although he takes no definite position, it becomes clear f r o m his remarks that he would like to attribute the canso to a woman. 1 3 In contrast, Bee reaches the conclusion that a definite classification on the basis of purely philological evidence is impossible, but argues that the poem is interesting only if it is truly by a w o m a n : S'il est l'oeuvre d'un homme, il est quelconque, s'il est l'oeuvre d'une femme, il serait le type même d'un contre-texte particulièrement séditieux, ou plus simplement ludique: dans les deux cas un texte de rupture. 14

In spite of these differing approaches and interpretations, study of the p o e m has, as yet, failed to bring about any clarification. C o n s e quently, it does not appear to me to be of interest to continue the discussion of the gender of the author of " N a Maria, pretz e fma valors." In m y opinion, the record of the manuscript speaks for itself and attests quite adequately that the author was female, so that henceforth I shall take this as given. Yet the question remains whether the author was lesbian. As I pointed out in m y introductory remarks, neither the literary tradition nor the social situation speaks for such an interpretation. It is possible that we may get an answer f r o m a contrastive comparison of the text with the four poems cited earlier that involve exclusively w o m e n , though any (homo)erotic content is excluded f r o m them by the thematic context. But first let us turn once more to the one sure document, the text itself. 15 T h e poem's transmission is not particularly good. Manuscript T is not a m o n g the most reliable, being full of Italianisms and providing us only with the heading "nabieiris de roman" 1 6 over a very corrupt text. In this manuscript one could doubt even the attribution, since in another place a song that is definitely by a trobairitz, " A chantar m ' e r " (P-C 46,1) by the Comtessa de Dia, is ascribed to the troubadour U c de Saint-Circ. From this circumstance, t w o possible conclusions may be drawn with regard to Bieiris: 1.

T h e author did not take m u c h note of the poet's gender, and just as the poem attributed to U c is by a w o m a n , the one attributed to Bieiris could be by a man.

79

Was Bieiris de Romans Lesbian?

Or, what seems more plausible to me: 2.

If the scribe attempts to assign to a troubadour a p o e m clearly c o m posed by a trobairitz, w h y should he then invent a w o m a n just for Bieiris's canso?

The latter consideration implies that for him the existence of the trobairitz lay beyond any doubt. In the following edition o f the text I have altered the T version as little as possible and have carried out only the most necessary corrections. I wish to direct the reader's attention from the outset to the critical passages, lines 12 to 16 and the second tornada. I

II

III

Na Maria, pretz e fina valors e-1 gioi e-1 sen e la fina beutatz, e l'acuglir e-1 pretz e las onors e-1 gent parlar e l'avinen solatz, e la do us cara, la gaia cuendanza, e-1 dowz esgart e l'amoros semblan que son en vos, don non avetz egansa, me fan traire vas vos ses cor truan. Per que vos prec, si-ns platz, que fin'amors e gausiment e douz umilitatz me puosca far ab vos tan de socors que mi donetz, bella domna, si-Mi platz, so don plus ai d'aver gioi esperansa; car en vos ai mon cor e mon talan e per vos ai tot so qu'ai d'alegransa, e per vos vauc mantas vez sospiran. E car beutatz e valors vos onransa sobra totas, qu'um no-«s es denan, vos prec, si-Mi plafz, per so que-us es onransa que non ametz entendidor truan.

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216

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noble, framed miniature (rather than in an initial), as in manuscript H (Vatican, lat. 3207), which moreover has the particularity, significant for our topic, of including only representations of trobairitz.2 In the Béziers chansonnier, the illustrations o f the three ladies are executed on small pieces o f paper glued in at the beginning of the texts that they were supposed to illustrate. The distinctive feature to be pointed out in these three illustrations, in contrast to the nineteen engravings o f the troubadours, is that they are pen drawings, each one different in style but nonetheless to be examined as a series. Only the Provençal chansonniers A (Vatican, lat. 5232), H (Vatican, lat. 3207), / (Paris, Bibl. nat., fr. 854), and K (Paris, Bibl. nat., fr. 12473) include miniatures o f the trobairitz in question: Comtessa de Dia

Na Castelloza

Azalais de Porcairagues

(P-C 46)

(P-C 109)

(P-C 43)

A f. 167v" H f. 49 V 1 f. 141 K f . 126v°

A f. 1 6 8 v 3 — I f. 125 K f . 110v°

— — / f. 140 K f. 125v°

I shall discuss the image and the text chansonnier in relation to their source, script (see the Appendix to this essay). the Beziers copy, although corrupt, is exactly the readings o f I.

o f each trobairitz in the Beziers following the order o f the manuOne general remark is necessary: in no way original; it reproduces

The vida o f Na Castelloza, found on page 149 o f the Beziers chansonnier, is quite close to the text published by Boutiere and Schutz (333-34): N a Castelosa si fo d'Alverne, gentil domna, moiller del True de Maurona: e ama n'Arman de B r e o n e fets de lui sas cansos. E era d o m n a m o u t gaia e m o u t enseignada e m o u t bella. 4 [Lady Castelloza was from Auvergne, a noble lady, wife o f T h e True de Maurona; and she loved Sir A r m a n de B r e o n and made for (and about) him her love-songs. And she was a very gay lady, and very learned and very beautiful.]

Following this is the "chanson ou elle se plaint de l'absence de son ami" beginning "Mout aves faich lone estaie. . . . " 5 This is a canso o f five

217

Images of Women and Imagined Trobairitz in the Béziers

Chansonnier

coblas unissonans, each consisting o f t e n heptasyllabic lines w i t h masculine and feminine rhymes; the text fills pages 149 and 150 of the chansonnier. T h e illustration that was glued into the blank space left between the n a m e and the vida represents a standing lady, " C a s t e l o s a , " bare head slightly b o w e d as in prayer, her hands j o i n e d . At her feet a l a m b (a s y m b o l of Christ, purity, faithfulness?) lies on a cross placed on the g r o u n d . In the original chansonnier I (f. 125), N a Castelloza stands singing in a red g o w n inside of the initial. O n page 171 of the Béziers chansonnier, beneath the n a m e " N a s a lais de Porcairagues, " w e read the f o l l o w i n g vida (cf. Boutière-Schutz 341-42): Nasalais de Porcarages si fo de l'encontrada de Monspeilier, gentils dona e enseignada, et enamoret se d'En Guy Guereiat qu'era fraire d'En Guillen de Monspeilier; et la donna si sabia trobar, e fets de lui mantas bonas cansos. [Lady Asalais de Porcarages was from the region of Montpellier, a noble lady and learned, and she fell in love with Sir Guy Guereiat, who was brother of Sir Guillem de Montpellier; and the lady knew how to write poetry, and made for (and about) him many good love-songs.]

T h e only song by Azalais that has been preserved, " A r a e m e el freg t e m s v e n g u t , " includes six coblas doblas of eight heptasyllabic lines and o n e tornada of f o u r lines, and follows a scheme that A i m o Sakari called an " u n i c u m m é t r i q u e " ("A p r o p o s " 527, cf. Frank item 382:107). Azalais is represented as a standing frontal figure dressed in 3 l o n g l o w - c u t g o w n w i t h a high lace collar, her hair d r a w n back in a c h i g n o n . T h e c o s t u m e could be f r o m the sixteenth century. Lifting her full skirt to the knees, the courtesan reveals her pink-sheathed legs and the a m a z ingly high, stilted shoes of a prostitute, 6 C h a n s o n n i e r I represents Azalais frontally, standing and singing in a l o n g blue g o w n and green m a n t l e that reach the g r o u n d (f. 140). Finally, o n page 174 of the Béziers chansonnier, w e find the vida of the " C o m t e s s a de D i a " (cf. Boutière-Schutz 4 4 5 - 4 6 ) : La Comtessa di Dia si fo mouilier d'En Guillen de Peitieus, bella domna e bona; si s'ennamouret se d'En Rambaut d'Aurenga, et fets de lui mantas bonas cansos.

218

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[The Countess of Dia was the wife of Sir Guillem de Peitieus, a beautiful lady and good; and she fell in love with Sir Raimbaut d'Aurenga, and made for (and about) him many good love-songs.] T h e copyist then inserted a passage f r o m the r o m a n t i c love story of G u i l h e m A d é m a r and the C o m t e s s a de Dia, created by Jean de N o s t r e d a m e , that clever forger w h o belonged to the sixteenth century Provençal n o bility. 7 T h e text reads as follows: Nostradamus dist que ceste comtesse de Die estoit une dame fort sage et verteuse, de grande beaute, docte en la rithme provensale; qu'elle fust amoureuse de Guillen Adhemar, a la louange duquel elle a escrit plusieurs belles chansons, ainsy qu'il a este dit en la vie dudit Adhemar, après la mort duquel elle se fit religieuse au monastere de St Honore de Tarascon, ou elle mit par escrit plusieurs belles euvres, et entre autres lo Tractat de la Tarasca et qu'elle y mourut de doleir, l'an 1193.8 Following this, there is a c o p y of "la C h a n s o n ou elle fait des sohets de p o u v o i r poseder son a m i a son g r e " (the song w h e r e she expresses the w i s h to be able to possess her lover according to her w h i m ) . T h i s wellk n o w n canso is m a d e u p of three eight-line coblas doblas, and begins " E s t â t ai en consirer" (Frank i t e m 624:57). T h e large illustration chosen for the C o m t e s s a de Dia s h o w s her frontally, standing in a grandiloquent pose that may be considered t h e atrical. Set off against a conventional pastoral landscape, she wears a classical toga that is d r a w n u p over the right shoulder, and w h i c h , w i t h her rhetorical gestures, suggests a feminized version of a R o m a n orator. In chansonnier I, f . 141, the C o m t e s s a de Dia is s h o w n m o r e soberly as a frontal standing figure attired in a green g o w n and a red mantle. As A n gelica Rieger rightly points out, "Les attributs accordés à la C o m t e s s e de Die par [ / et K\, tels que le manteau p o u r p r e d o u b l é d ' h e r m i n e . . . la désignent n e t t e m e n t c o m m e la plus noble et la plus distinguée de t o u t e s " (393). She retains this same high status in the Béziers chansonnier.

H o w d o these illustrations c o n t r i b u t e to an u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f the trobairitz? First, as others before m e have pointed o u t , 9 the w o r d trobairitz is n o t m e n t i o n e d in Provençal lyric poetry, in the thirteenth- and f o u r t e e n t h century O c c i t a n o - C a t a l a n treatises, n o r in the vidas. T h e t e r m does a p -

219

Images of Women and Imagined Trobairitz in the Béziers Chansonnier

pear, however, around 1250 in the romance Flamenca (ed. Gschwind, v. 4577), in the text of the poem written by Flamenca and her two maidservants, when one of them, Margarida, composes [troba] an answer to the message f r o m Guillaume de Nevers, " M o r m i " ("I die"). From her enforced seclusion Flamenca in turn answers Guillaume, w h o has become a cleric and troubadour for her, by inventing lyrics with three female voices. Thus the trobairitz speaks out clearly in a world in which writing is essentially masculine. Her answers not only respond to Guillaume's complaint, "Ailas," but also sustain the debate until she grants the final agreement, "Plas m i . " As Huchet correctly shows, woman "est le moteur, le principe de l'écriture troubadouresque" (67). Moreover, it is as if the lady could not be satisfied to be the poet's muse. The "grandes dames" in rhetoric, enseignadas, as the vidas of the trobairitz say, left significant traces of the lyrical "authenticité" discussed by Tavera (144-45). Nonetheless, this feminine writing could not be conceived independently from the masculine system upon which it was grafted, and which it parrots and parodies. This is the source of the "dimension critique" analyzed by Huchet, this "dialogue intérieur qu'on décline au féminin et attribue aux 'trobairitz' " (79). Yet it remains true, despite the results of Tavera's close analyses, that the mystery lingers on in this literary game between fiction and reality, between "une féminité génétique"—to use Pierre Bee's expression— "(avec un auteur dont on sait pertinemment qu'il est une femme), et une féminité textuelle, à savoir une pièce, dans la très grande majorité des cas amoureuse, et dont le 'je' lyrique est une femme (l'auteur pouvant être assez fréquemment un h o m m e ) " ("'Trobairitz' et chansons" 235). T h e latter case is illustrated by the French chansons de femme and the Portuguese cantigas de amigo. Let us grant that the cansos and tensos attributed to the trobairitz were written by women, 1 0 and ask ourselves about the milieu which produced them. As Bee states, "Les trobairitz participaient du même monde courtois et aristocratique que les troubadours" ("'Trobairitz' et chansons" 239—40). They are domnas graced by the vidas with qualities such as gentils or ensenhadas, but rather than benefiting f r o m the ritual offin'amors, in which the poet-lover puts them on a pedestal and begs their favors, the system is reversed. In the three texts chosen for the Béziers chansonnier, we clearly find the model of the "troubadour mal-aimé" with the usual topoi (desire to possess the loved object, suffering in its absence, fear of

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abandonment), but reversed. T h e trobairitz are unhappily m a r r i e d — N a Castelloza and the Comtessa de Dia say so themselves. However, to a w o m a n in Provence, the world of their day (between 1180 and 1230) seems to have offered "une parenthèse dorée," to use the expression of Marti Aurell i Cardona, after the degradation of aristocratic women's status in the south, which had followed a favored period around the year 1000, and immediately before what has been called the "feudal crisis." During this "parenthèse dorée," about 1180—1230, "les chants des troubadours, qui inversent les rapports de fidélité en faveur de la dame, battent leur plein dans les cours du C o m t é " (22). According to the study of the Catalan historian, this was a period characterized by m a r riages in which the rank of the wife was superior to that of the husband (hypergamy)—a point in history rapidly eclipsed by the much longer lasting patriarchal system in which aristocrats married w o m e n of a lesser social rank than their o w n ( h y p o g a m y ) . " For this brief period, the privileged status of the aristocratic w o m a n in Provence must have been marked by fin'amors and have allowed (why not?) the magnificent and singular blossoming of trobairitz songs in which the superiority of the w o m a n is expressed in another manner. She has become active once again, in love as in writing. As Michel Zink observes, "Il y a confusion entre 'j'aime' et 'je chante' " (228), and the literary game reserved for men comes under the power of w o m e n , with all of the playful ambiguity of courtly lyricism creating a subtle dialectic between the register of the grand chant courtois and the popularizing one (Bec, " 'Trobairitz' et chansons" 261). A violent distortion can thus take place, which is clearly represented by our three illustrations of w o m e n and which tends either toward the pious or the burlesque. In the Béziers chansonnier, Na Castelloza brings to mind the former, whereas Azalais portrays the latter— on one hand the trobairitz is shown as being intensely devout, and on the other she appears as a prostitute. Between the " B o n n e D a m e , " for w h o m the ideal model is the Virgin M a r y and to w h o m h o m a g e with folded hands is due as to the one and only Lord, and the "mauvaise d a m e , " lustful and venal, corruptor of youth (Rouillan-Castex 310-11), there stands the image of beautiful language, of the rhetoric of years gone b y — a n allegory of one of the seven liberal arts, of the verbal game that characterizes fin'amors and of which the high point is joi. O u r illustrations are the reflection of a break between the different modes of a unique and complex reality. After the thirteenth century, as Julia Kristeva remarks, fin'amors lost "cette ambiguité propre au jeu et à

221

Images of Women and Imagined Trobairitz in the Béziers Chansonnier

la joie" (269). The Béziers chansonnier gives us back a shattered image in which the three sides of the luminous prism have fallen flat, so much so that instead of a mysterious and captivating volume, nothing is left but three two-dimensional illustrations, disfigured but touching witnesses of a brilliant past. However, this caricatured past did bear other fruits in feminine writing—I see sufficient proof of this in the magnificent text that another aristocratic woman from Provence, probably Philippa de Porcelet, devoted to the famous Beguine nun Douceline de Digne, the sister of the Franciscan Hugues de Digne, who preached to Saint Louis. 12 One woman writing the mystical love story of another: such a vida is unequaled in the northern vernacular. The critical voice will never again be silent. "L'amour provençal peut disparaître," concludes Sylvette Rouillan-Castex (329), but feminine writing of love has endured, more or less confined, hidden, to such an extent that these near-mythical names, transmitted by tradition, have been given an imagined and caricatured bodily form. From the idealized image carried by the chansonnier initials of the thirteenth century, we have come to the deformed portrait: the female poet still goes forth masked. In the history of their reception, the Béziers chansonnier is a privileged witness of the trobairitz.

APPENDIX:

Synoptic Transcription of Trobairitz Texts in the Beziers Chansonnier and in Manuscript I

Na Castelloza (P-C 109,3) Béziers, pp.

149-50

M o u t aves faich lone estaie amies pos de mi-us partits E es me greu e salvaie Car me iurets e me plevits Q u e als jorns de vostra vida N o n ae dompna mes m e E si d'autra vos parte M i aves mort'e traida car los [sic] ma esperansa que m'amasets sens doptansa Bels amies de fin eoratge vos ai amat pos m'abellitz

ljols.

5

10

125- 125v

M o u t avez faig Ione estaie amies pos de mi-us partitz Et es m e greu e salvaie car m e iuretz e - m plevitz Q u e als iorn„ de vostra vida N o n acses dompna mes m e Et si d'autra vos perte mi avetz e mort'e traida C a m los [sic] ma speransa que m'amassetz ses doptansa Bels amies de fin eoratge vos ai amat pos m'abellitz

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e sai que faitz ai follatge que plus m'en es escaritz Can non fis vos ganchida

15

e si-n fezes mal per be be-us am e no m'en recre . . . que benanansa puesc'aver sos vostr'amansa

20

E sai que faitz ai follatge que plus m'en es escaritz Can non fis ves [fol. 125v\ vos ganchida e si-n fezez mal per be be-us am e no m'en recre . . . que benanansa puosc'aver ses vostr'amensa.

[p. 150] Mout aurai mes mal usage A las autras amairits C'om sol trametre message Ei nos [sic] triats a chausits E s'ieu tenc me per guerida Amies a la mia fe Cane vos prec c'aissi-m conve que plus pros n'es enrigida S'ai de vos calc'aondansa de baisar o de coindansa Mal agr'eu son cor volage Vas vos mos fui camiairitz ni druts de alcun paratge per mi non fon encobits Ans son pensiv'e marida Car de m'amor non sove E si de vos ioi non ve Tost me trobaras fenida Car petit de malanansa Mor domna s'on no tal lansa.

25

30

35

40

Tôt lo maltrag e-1 damnage Que per vos m'es escarits vos fas grasir mon lignange [sic] E sobre tots mos marrits E s'anc fes ves mi s faillida 45 perdon la.us per bona fe E prec que aurets ausida Ma chanson qu.us fas fiansa Sai trobets bella semblansa.

Mout aurai mes mal usage A las autras amairitz C'om sol trametre message E moz triatz a chauzitz E s'ieu tenc me per guerida Amies a la mia fe Cane vos prec'aissi-m conve que plus pros n'es enriqida S'ai de vos calc'aondansa de baisar o de coindansa Mal agr'eu son cor volage Vas vos mos fui camiairitz Ni drutz de algun paratge per mi non fon encobitz Anz son pensiv'e marida Car de m'amor non sove E si de vos ioi no-m ve Totz me trobaretz fenida Car petit de malanansa Mor domna s'on no tal lansa. Tôt lo maltrag e-1 damnage Qwe per vos m'es escaritz Vos fatz grasir mon lignage E sobre totz mos marritz. E s'anc fes ves mi s faillida perdon la-us per bona fe E prec que auretz ausida Ma chanson que-us fatz fiansa Sai trobetz bella senblansa.

[One verse o f the final stanza is missing.]

223

Images of Women and Imagined Trobairitz

Azalais de Porcairagues (P-

in the Béziers

Chansonnier

43,1)

Bezters, pp. 171-72

IJol. 140

Ara eme el freg tems vengut Quel gel, el neus et la faingna e ill auselet estan m u t c'us de cantar s'afraingna e son sec li rams per plais que flors ni foilla non nais ni rosignols non i crida que lame e mai me resida

Ar em al freg temps vengut Quel gels el neus e la faingna e ill ausellet estan m u t C ' u s de chantar s'afraingna e son sec li rams pels plais Q u e flors ni fuoilla noi nais ni rossignols noi crida que lam e mai me ressida

Tant ai lo cors deseubut Per qu'eus suis a tots estraengna E sai que Torn a perdut Molt plus tot que non gasaigna Et s'ieu fail ab mots verais d'aurenga m e moc l'esglais Per que n'estauc esbaida En pert solats e partida D o m n a met moult mal s'amor Q u e ab ric h o m e plaideia Ab plus haut de vavasor et s'il o fai il foleia Quar lo dison en velai que ges per ricor non vai e domna que n'es chausida en tenc per envilanida Amic ai de gran valor Q u e sobre tots segnoreia e non a cor trichador Vas me que s'amor m'autreia Eu die que m ' a m o r l'eschai E eel que dis que non fai Dieus li don mal escarida Q u e m ' e n tenc fort per garida

5

Tant ai lo cors deseubut 10

15

20

25

30

Per qu'ieu sui a totz estraingna E sai que l ' o m a perdut m o t plus tost que non gasaingna E s'ieu faill ab motz verais D'aurenga me moc l'esglais per qu'ieu n'estauc esbaida E'n pert solatz e partida D o m n a met m o u t mal s'amor Q u e ab ric home plaideia ab plus aut de vavasor E s'il o fai il foleia Q u a r so dison en velai Q u e ges per ricor no« vai E domna que n'es chausida Entenc per envilanida Amie ai de gran valor Q u e sobre totz seingnoreia E non a cor trichador Vas me que s'amor m'autreia Eu die que m ' a m o r s l'eschai E eel que dis que non fai Dieus li don mal escarida Qu'ieu m'en teing fort per guerrida.

[p. 172] Bels amies de bon talan son ab vos tots iorns en gatge cortesa e de bel semblan

35

Bels amies de bon talan son ab vos totz j o r n en gatge cortesa e de bel senblan

224

Geneviève

Brunel-Lobrichon

sol non demandes outrage tot enveiren el assai qu'en vostra merce me metrai vos m'aves la fe plevida que non demandes faillida A Dieu coman bel Esgar E plus la ciutat d'aurenga E gloriet'e-1 cailar el seignor de proensa e tot quant vol m o n ben lai E lare en son faig l'assai celui perdei c'a ma vida E'n sarai tots iorns marida Ioglars que aves cors gai vers narbona portats lai Ma chanson ab la fenida lei cui iois e iovens guida.

40

45

50

sol non demandes outrage. Tost enveirem al assai qu'en vostra merce-m metrai vos m'avez la fe plevida Q u e non demandes faillida A Dieu coman bel esgar E plus la ciutat d'aurenga E gloriet'e-1 caslar El seingnor de proenssa E tot quant vol m o n ben lai E lare on son faig l'assai cellui perdei c'a ma vida E'n serai totz iorns marrida Ioglars que avetz cors gai ves narbona portatz lai ma chanson ab la fenida lei cui iois e iovenz guida.

Comtessa de Dia (P-C 46,4) Béziers, pp.

174-75

Estât ai en consirer per un cavalier qu'ai agut et voil sia tots temps saubut come eu l'ai amat a sobrier Ara vei que sui trahida car eu non li donei m ' a m o r on ai estât en grant error en leit et quant sui vestida

1,/oi

5

141

Estât ai en conssirer per un cavallier qu'ai agut E voill sia totz temps saubut C u m eu l'ai amat a sobrier Ara vei qu'ieH sui traida Q u a r eu no li donei m ' a m o r on ai estât en grant error en leit e quant sui vestida

[p. 17S]

Ben volria m o n cavaillier Tener un ser en meis bras nut qu'el s'en tengra per errebut sol cal ni fes conseillier quar plus m'en sui abellida non fis floris de blansaflor M o n cor l'autrei e m ' a m o r m o n sen mos oills e ma vida Bels amies avinens et bos quora-us tenrai en m o n poder et que iaguese un ser ab vos et que-us dese un bais amoros

10

15

20

Ben volria m o n cavallier Tener un ser en mos bratz nut Qu'el s'en tengra per errebut sol c'a lui fesse coseillier Quar plus m'en sui abellida non fis floris de blansaflor m o n cor l'autrei e m ' a m o r m o n sen mos oillz e ma vida Bels amies avinens e bos Quora-us tenrai en m o n poder E que iagues ab vos un ser E que-us des un bais amoros

225

Images of Women and Imagined Trobairitz in the Béziers

Sapchats que grant talent n'auria que-us tenguese en loc de marit ab so que m'agueses pleuvit de far tot so que volria.

Chansonnier

Sapchatz grant talent n'auria Qwe-us tengues en loc del marrit Ab so que m'aguesses plevit De far tot so qu'iew volria.

Notes 1. In his Discours sur les Arcs Triomphaux dressés en la Ville d'Aix, à l'heureuse arrivée de Mgr le duc de Bourgogne et de Mgr le duc de Berry (Aix, 1701), 21, quoted by Chabaneau 31. 2. See Anglade 595—96 for H. Na Castelloza and Azalais de Porcairagues do not appear in H, whereas the Comtessa de Dia seems to be represented by two miniatures on fol. 49 v . See also A. Rieger, "'Ins e-1 cor' " 3 8 9 - 9 2 . 3. The miniature represents a lady and a knight seated face to face; see A. Rieger, "Ins e-1 cor" fig. I. 4. See Paden et al., "Castelloza," especially 159-62, on the characters named in the vida and the mysterious troubadour Pons de Mérindol, probably invented by Pierre de Chasteuil-Gallaup; also my communication at Southampton, and Dronke, "Castelloza," especially 1 4 0 - 4 1 for this song. 5. See the Checklist for editions. Paden edits the texts from ms. N, in which all the poems o f Castelloza are anonymous. 6. See the Musée de la Chaussure in Romans. 7. Ed. Chabaneau-Anglade 3 1 - 3 2 . On the use made o fJean de Nostredame in our manuscript and in the milieu o f Pierre de Chasteuil-Gallaup, see my communication at Southampton. 8. [Nostradamus said that this countess o f Die was a very prudent and virtuous lady, o f great beauty, learned in Occitan poetry; that she was in love with Guillem Adhemar, in praise o f whom she wrote several beautiful songs, as it is said in the vida o f the said Adhemar, after whose death she became a nun in the monastery o f Saint-Honoré in Tarascon, where she wrote several beautiful works, among others the Tractat de la Tarasca, and that she died there o f grief in the year 1193.] See Riquer 2 : 7 9 1 - 9 3 . 9. Notably Bee, "Trobairitz occitanes" 60. 10. Dronke does not doubt it as for Castelloza (131-45). 11. On this question, see also Paden et al., " T h e Troubadour's Lady." 12. Text preserved in a single manuscript, Paris, Bibl. nat., fr. 13503; Brunei item 184. See the dissertation by Aurell i Cardona, "La famille de Porcelet et l'aristocratie provençale (972-1320)," revised and condensed as Une famille de la noblesse provençale au moyen âge: Les Porcelet.

Checklist of Poems by the Trobairitz

This checklist attempts to include the name of every known trobairitz, whether she has been considered a historical or a fictional woman, and the first line of every poem by a trobairitz which has been preserved. It gives biographical references, the genre of each poem, the manuscripts which contain it, and the principal editions (with the best generally available edition in boldface). For explanation of the sigla used here for manuscripts see P-C.

Alais and Iselda (or Alaisina Iselda) The names should probably be read N'Alais i na Iselda, "Lady Alais and Lady Iselda," in P-C 12,1 v. 21, and not as a single name, N'Alaisina Iselda, as some scholars read it. Alais and Iselda are identified within the text (v. 2) as two sisters. The objections raised by Bee, Mittelalterstudien 24-25 and Burlesque 204, do not withstand scrutiny: (1) the conjunction e, "and," is well attested in the form i in S-W 2.311, including several thirteenth-century sources; (2) the name Alais, though it represents a syncopation of Azalais, scans in two syllables, as here, in all the other passages where I have found it: Sordello, P-C 437,38 v. 70; Uc de Saint Circ, P-C 457,36 v. 1; and the response by Nicol de Turin, P-C 310,3 v. 2. Iselda is a form of Occitan Iseut, as in Iseut de Capio; in English, Isolde. Nothing further is known about the life of these women or this woman. Jeanroy 1:332; Bogin 178-79. Na Carenza al bel cors avinen (P-C 12,1) Cobla answered by Carenza (P-C 108,1). 1 ms.: Q.

228

Checklist of Poems by the Trobairitz Editions: Schultz-Gora 28. Veran 112-14. Bogin 144-45. Nelli 256-59. Bee, Mittelalterstudien 22-23. Bee, Burlesque 201-05. Perkal-Balinsky 133-37.

A lamanda For discussion of the fictionality or historicity of Alamanda see Chambers, item 8, Guiraut de Bornelh was active 1162-99 (Riquer 1:463-66). Jeanroy 1:333; Bogin 170. S'ie-us quier conseill, bel'amig'Alamanda (P-C 12a, 1) Tenso with Guiraut de Bornelh ( = P-C 242,69). 14 mss.: ABCDGHIKNQRS*Va. Razo in Boutiere-Schutz 43-46. Editions: Schultz-Gora 19-20. Kolsen, Sämtliche Lieder 366— 73. Veran 95-100. Riquer 1: 506-10. Bogin 102-07. PerkalBalinsky 47-59.

AImuc de Castelnou Beginning of the 13th c.; identified as Almodis, the wife of Guigue de Châteauneuf-de-Randon (arrondissement of Mende, Lozère), by Brunei, "Almois de Châteauneuf. " Jeanroy 1:336; Bogin 165-66. Domna n'Iseutz, s'ieu saubes (P-C 20,2) Cobla answering Iseut de Capio (P-C 253,1). 1 ms.: H + k. Razo in Boutière-Schutz 422-24. Editions: Schultz-Gora 25. Veran 72-74. Boutière-Schutz 422-24. Bogin 92-93. Nelli 247-49. Perkal-Balinsky 129-32.

Azalais d'Altier Addressed in a canso by Uc de Saint-Circ (P-C 457,4; Uc fl. "1217-53 env.," Jeanroy 1:434). Altier in the canton of Villefort, arrondissement of Mende (Lozère), according to Crescini. About 47 kilometers from Anduze (Gard); see Clara d'Anduza. Tanz salutz e tantas amors (P-C 42a, 1) Letter to a certain Clara, possibly Clara d'Anduza. 1 ms.: V. Editions: Crescini. Perkal-Balinsky 213-22. Partial ed. by Rieger in this volume. Ed. by Poe forthcoming.

229

Checklist of Poems by the Trobairitz

Azalais de

Porcairagues

Addressed in poems by Raimbaut d'Aurenga, who died in 1173; Portiragnes (canton and arrondissement of Béziers, Hérault) according to Riquer 1:459. Vida in Boutière-Schutz 341-42. Jeanroy 1:341; Bogin 166-67. Ar em al freg temps vengut (P-C 43,1) Canso. 8 ms. transcriptions:

CDaH'H2IKNd.

Editions: Schultz-Gora 16-17. Véran 116-21. Sakari, "Le Joglar" 184-97. Riquer 1:460-62. Bogin 94-97. Sansone 248-51. Perkal-Balinsky 145-52. Béziers ms. ed. by Brunel-Lobrichon in this volume. See also the note on a lost manuscript, below.

Beatritz de Dia (P-C 46). S e e Comtessa de Dia Beatritz de Romans On the attribution of P-C 93,1 see Zufferey, item 1.5, and the essay by Rieger. Romans (arrondissement of Valence, Drôme). Jeanroy 1:333; Bogin 176-77. Na Maria, pretz e fina valors (P-C 93,1) Canso ("mas coblas") sometimes attributed to Alberico da Romano (P-C 16a,2). 1 ms.: T. Editions: Schultz-Gora 28. Bertoni, I trovatori d'Italia 265-66. Bogin 132-33. Roubaud 326. Nelli 302-05. Bec, Burlesque 197-200. Perkal-Balinsky 157-60. Rieger in this volume.

Carenza Unknown; cf. Alais and Iselda. N'Alais i n'Iselda, ensenhamen (P-C 108,1) Cobla answering Alais and Iselda (P-C 12,1). 1 ms.: Q. Editions: Schultz-Gora 28. Véran 112-14. Bogin 144-45. Nelli 256-59. Bec, Mittelalterstudien 22-23. Bec, Burlesque 201-05. Perkal-Balinsky 133-37.

230

Checklist of Poems by the Trobairitz

C astelloza Early 13th c., Auvergne. Addressed Almuc de Castelnou in P-C 109,2. Vida in Boutière-Schutz 333-34. Jeanroy 1:355-56; Riquer 3:1325; Bogin 175; Paden et al., éd., 158-63. Amies, s'ie-us trobes avinen (P-C 109,1) Canso. 5 mss.: AIKNd. Editions: Schultz-Gora 23. Lavaud 2: 496-503, 3: 87. Véran 128-31. Bogin 118-21. Paden, "Castelloza" 170-73. Trans. Dronke, "The Provençal Trobairitz: Castelloza" 146-47. Ja de chantar non degr'aver talan (P-C 109,2) Canso. 5 mss.: AIKNd. Editions: Schultz-Gora 23-24. Lavaud 2: 502-09, 3:87-88. Véran 123-27. Riquer 3:1328-30. Bogin 122-27. Paden, "Castelloza" 173-77. Trans. Dronke, "The Provençal Trobairitz: Castelloza" 147-49. Mout aurez fag lone estage (P-C 109,3) Canso. 5 mss.: AIKNd. Editions: Schultz-Gora 24. Lavaud 2:510-15, 3:88-89. Véran 132-35. Bogin 126-29. Riquer 3:1325-30. Paden, "Castelloza" 177-79. Trans. Dronke, "The Provençal Trobairitz: Castelloza" 149-50. Béziers ms. edited by Brunel-Lobrichon in this volume. Per joi que d'amor m'avegna (P-C 461,191) Canso, anonymous in ms. 1 ms.: N. Editions: Lavaud 2: 516-21, 3: 89. Paden, "Castelloza" 180-82. Trans. Dronke, "The Provençal Trobairitz: Castelloza" 150—51.

Clara d'Anduza Anduze in the arrondissement of Alais (Gard); see Azalais d'Altier. Perhaps Clara d'Anduza is the dompna d'Andutz mentioned in a razo to a poem by Uc de Saint-Cire (Boutière-Schutz 244-47). Jeanroy 1:357; Bogin 176. En greu esmay et en greu pessamen (P-C 115,1) Canso. 1 ms.: C. Editions: Schultz-Gora 26. Véran 159-62. Bogin 130-31. Bee, Burlesque 193-96. Perkal-Balinsky 153-56.

231

Checklist of Poems by the Trobairitz

Comtessa de Dia Attested in a charter of 1212 (Monier); "fines del siglo XII o principios del XIII" (Riquer 2:791-93). Die (Drôme). Vida in Boutière-Schutz 445-46. Jeanroy 1:360; Bogin 163-64. Ab joi et ab joven m'apais (P-C 46,1) Canso. 8 mss.: ABDHIKTa. Editions: Schultz-Gora 17-18. Kussler-Ratyé 161-64. Véran 169-71. Riquer 2:794-95. Bogin 82-85. Kay in this volume. A chantar m'er de so qu'eu no volria (P-C 46,2) Canso. 14 mss.: ABCDGIKLMNRWab

+ K.

Editions: Schultz-Gora 18. Kussler-Ratyé 164. Véran 172-74. Riquer 2:800-02. Bogin 84-87. Amies, en gran consirier (P-C 46,3) See A n o n y m o u s Trobairitz Estât ai en greu consirier (P-C 46,4) Canso. 4 mss.: ADIK. Editions: Schultz-Gora 18-19. Kussler-Ratyé 173-74. Véran 167-68. Riquer 2:798-99. Bogin 88-89. Béziers ms. edited by Brunel-Lobrichon in this volume. Fin joi me don'alegransa (P-C 46,5) Canso. 1 ms.: D. Editions: Schultz-Gora 19. Kussler-Ratyé 174-75. Véran 17576. Riquer 2:796-97. Bogin 90-91. On the attribution of further works to the Comtessa de Dia by the seventeenth-century scholar Francesco Redi, see P-C pp. 42-43 and Monier 273. See also the note on a lost manuscript, below.

Comtessa de Proensa Identified by S. Stronski ("Garsende") as Garsenda de Forcalquier, daughter of Guillaume IV de Forcalquier, countess of Provence by her marriage in 1193 to Count Alfonso II; widowed in 1209, she entered a religious order in 1225. Mentioned in the vidas of Elias de Barjols and Gui de Cavaillo (Boutière-Schutz 215-16, 505-07). Jeanroy 1:369; Bogin 170-73.

232

Checklist of Poems by the Trobairitz Vos que-m semblatz dels corals amadors (P-C 187,1) Cobla answered by Gui de Cavaillon (P-C 192,6). 2 mss.: FT. Editions: Schultz-Gora 21. Véran 85-87. Riquer 3:1191-92. Bogin 108-09. Nelli 244-45. Perkal-Balinsky 68-71.

Garsenda. S e e Comtessa de Proensa Gaudairenca P-C 169. The wife of Raimon de Miraval (Raimon fl.1191-1229, Riquer 2:983), from Miraval-Cabardès (canton of Mas-Cabardès, arrondissement of Carcassonne, Aude). According to a razo Gaudairenca "sabia ben trobar coblas e dansas" (Boutière-Schutz 380), but no poems are attributed to her.

Gormonda de Monpeslier P-C 177,1 is dated 1229 by Städtler in this volume; about 1228 by Rieger, "Un sirventes féminin." Montpellier (Hérault). Jeanroy 1:372. Greu m'es a durar (P-C 177,1) Sirventes answering Guilhem Figueira (P-C 217,2). 2 mss.: CR. Editions: L e v y 74-78. Véran 196-205. Perkal-Balinsky 185207. Städtler in this volume. A. Rieger, "Un sirventes féminin."

Gräfin von Provence (P-C 187). S e e Comtessa de Proensa Guillelma de Rosers Her partner in the partimen, Lanfranc Cigala, flourished around 1235—57 according to Riquer 3:1359. She left Provence to go to Genoa according to an anonymous song (P-C 461,204, ed. Schultz[-Gora], Die provenzalischen Dichterinnen 31). Rougiers, canton of Saint-Maximin, arrondissement of Brignoles (Var). Jeanroy 1:374; Bogin 177-78. Na Guillelma, maint cavalher aratge (P-C 200,1) Partimen with Lanfranc Cigala ( = P-C 282,14). 6 mss.: IK MOPa'. Razo in Boutière-Schutz 571-75.

233

Checklist of Poems by the Trobairitz Editions: Schultz-Gora 27. Véran 144-48. Branciforti 172-80. Bogin 134-37. Perkal-Balinsky 96-104. See also the note on a lost manuscript, below.

H. (Domna) Fl. 1220-40 according to Schultz[-Gora], Die provenzalischen

Dichterin-

nen 15. Cf. Chambers, item 18. Bogin 178. Rofin, digatz m'ades de cors (P-C 249a, 1) Partimen with Rofin ( = P - C 426,1). 5 mss.:

IKOa'd.

Editions: Schultz-Gora 25-26. Véran 101-06. Bogin 138-43. Nelli 262-69. Perkal-Balinsky 8 0 - 8 8 .

Isabella First third of the 13th c. according to Jeanroy 1:386; cf. Bertoni, I trovatori d'ltalia 130-31. Bogin 173-74. N'Elias Cairel, de l'amor (P-C 252,1) Tenso with Elias Cairel ( = P - C 133,7). 2 mss.: Oa'. Editions: Schultz-Gora 22-23. Bertoni 471-72. Véran 153-57. Bogin 110-13. Perkal-Balinsky 72-79.

Iselda. See Alais and Iselda Iseut de Capio O n the date see Almuc de Castelnou; Chapieu, commune of Lanuéjols, arrondissement of Mende (Lozère), according to Jeanroy 1:386. Bogin 165-66. D o m n a n'Almucs, si-us plagues (P-C 253,1) Cobla answered by Almuc de Castelnou (P-C 20,2). 1 ms.: H + K. Razo in Boutière-Schutz 422-24. Editions: Schultz-Gora 25. Véran 72-73. B o u t i è r e - S c h u t z 422-24. Bogin 9 2 - 9 3 . Nelli 247-49. Perkal-Balinsky 129-32.

L ombarda Attested in a charter of 1206 (Chabaneau, Biographies 279 n. 4); exchanged coblas with Bernart Arnaut, Count of Armagnac 1219—26 (Jean-

234

Checklist of Poems by the Trobairitz

roy 1:343). The vida says she was from Toulouse (Boutière-Schutz 416-19). Jeanroy 1:394; Bogin 174-75. Nom volgr'aver per Bernard Na Bernarda (P-C 288,1) Coblas answering Bernart Arnaut (P-C 54,1)- 1 ms.: H + k. Editions: Schultz-Gora 22. Véran 90-92. Boutière-Schutz 41619. Bogin 114-17. Perkal-Balinsky 89-95. Perkal-Balinsky's text trans, by Sankovitch in this volume. Kay in this volume. See also the note on a lost manuscript, below.

M aria de Ventadorn Wife of Eble V, Count of Ventadorn; died shortly after 1225 according to Jeanroy 1:396. Ruins of the castle of Ventadorn are near Moustier-Ventadour (canton of Egletons, arrondissement of Tulle, Corrèze). Stronski, Légende amoureuse 41-44; Bogin 168-69. Gui d'Uisel, be-m peza de vos (P-C 295,1) Partimen with Gui d'Ussel ( = P-C 194,9). 9 ACDEHPRTa1 + K. Razo in Boutière-Schutz 212-14.

mss.:

Editions: Schultz-Gora 21. Audiau 73-75. Véran 138-402. Bogin 98-101. Perkal-Balinsky 60-67.

T ibors First half of the 13th c. according to Jeanroy 1:430. Her vida (BoutièreSchutz 498-99) says she was from Sarenom, that is Séranon, canton of Saint-Auban, arrondissement of Grasse (Alpes-Maritimes). Tibors is named as the judge of a partimen (P-C 449,1, ed. Mahn, Werke 3:213), and again by Guiraut d'Espanha (P-C 244,12, ed. Hoby). Bogin 162-63. Bels dous amies, ben vos puosc en ver dir (P-C 440,1) Fragmentary canso. 1 ms.: H + K. Editions: Schultz-Gora 25. Véran 76-77. Boutière-Schutz 49899. Bogin 80-81. Perkal-Balinsky 161-63.

Anonymous

Trobairitz

A l'entrade del tens clar (P-C 461,12) Balada. 1 ms.: X. Edition: Appel, Chrestomathie 86.

235

Checklist of Poems by the Trobairitz Ab lo cor trist environat d'esmay (P-C 461,2) Planh. 2 mss.: a; Barcelona, Bibl. Centr., 1744 (fol. 6v). Edition: Stengel vii. Amies, en gran consirier (P-C 46,3) Tenso with Raimbaut d'Aurenga (P-C 389,6), sometimes attributed without sufficient grounds to the Comtessa de Dia. 3 mss. : CDM. Editions: Schultz-Gora 28-29. Kussler-Ratyé 169-74. Véran 177-81. Pattison 155-58. Riquer 1:452-54. Bogin 146-51. Perkal-Balinsky 105-13. Auzir cugei lo chant e-1 crit e-1 glat (P-C 231,1) Tenso with Guillem Rainol d'At. 4 mss.:

D'HIK.

Edition: Kolsen, Trobadorgedichte 37-40. Bela domna, si-us platz (P-C 15a, 1) Tenso with Albert de Saint Bonet; only the first line is preserved. 1 ms.: B. Edition: P-C. Bella, tant vos ai prejada (P-C 392,7) See below: Domna, tant vos ai preiada. Bona domna, d'una re que-us deman (P-C 87,1) Tenso with Bertran del Pojet. 8 mss.:

CDIKOSTa'.

Edition: D e Lollis 708-10. Bona domna, tan vos ai fin coratge (P-C 461,56) Tenso by two Anonymous Trobairitz. 1 ms. : R. Editions: Selbach, Streitgedicht 102. Schultz-Gora 29-30. Véran 107-11. Bogin 152-55. Perkal-Balinsky 138-44. Bona domna, un conseill vos deman (P-C 372,4) Tenso with Pistoleta. 8 mss.:

D'IKLORS*T.

Editions: Niestroy 65. Véran 79-84. Perkal-Balinsky 114-22. Coindeta sui, si cum n'ai greu cossire (P-C 461,69) Balada. 1 ms.: Q. Editions: Appel, Balinsky 180-84.

Chrestomathie 86. Véran 61-64.

Perkal-

Dieus sal la terra e-1 pa[is] (P-C 461,81) Cobla. 1 ms.: H. Editions: Kolsen, "25" 289, 303-04. Zufferey in this volume.

236

Checklist of Poems by the Trobairitz Domna, a vos me coman (P-C 296,1a) Tenso with Marques. 1 ms.: R. Edition: Bertoni 469-70. Domna, per vos estauc en greu tormén (P-C 10,23) Tenso with Aimeric de Peguilhan. 10 mss.:

CDIKLMNRfa.

Edition: Shepard/Chambers 133-36. Domna, quar conoissens'e sens (P-C 409,3) Tenso with Raimon de las Salas. 5 mss.:

D'lKLd.

Edition: Chambers 37-40. Domna, tant vos ai preiada (P-C 392,7) Tenso of a Genoese lady with Raimbaut de Vaqueiras. 4 mss.: D°IKa>. Edition: Linskill 98-107. Riquer 2:816-19. En un vergier sotz fuella d'albespi (P-C 461,113) Alba. 1 ms.: C. Editions: Appel, Chrestomathie 90. Véran 68-70. Riquer 3: 1695-96. Hamlin 117-18. Perkal-Balinsky 176-79. Eu veing vas vos, segner, fauda levada (P-C 306,2) Tenso with Montan. 2 mss.: IT. Edition: Cluzel 160-62. Nelli 200-03. Bee, Burlesque 161-64. No-rn pois mudar, bels amies, q'en chantanz (P-C 451,2) Cobla answered by Uc Católa (?). 1 ms.: D". Editions: Bartsch, Chrestomathie 59-60. Dejeanne 219-20. No-m puesc mudar no digua mon veiaire (P-C 404,5) Sirventes attributed in ms. to Raimon Jordan. 1 ms.: C + a'a2. Editions: Kjellman 61-63. Riquer 1:576-77. Perkal-Balinsky 208-12. Per joi que d'amor m'avegna (P-C 461,191) See Castelloza. Quan vei les praz verdesir (P-C 461,206) Canso. 1 ms.: W. Editions: Bartsch, Chrestomathie 249-52. Véran 64-67. PerkalBalinsky 170-75. Quant aug chantar lo gal sus en l'erbos (P-C 231,4) Tenso with Guilhem Rainol d'At. 4 mss.:

D'HIK.

Editions: Kolsen, Dichtungen 61-66. Riquer 3:1240-42.

237

Checklist of Poems by the

Trobairitz

Q u a n t lo gilos er fora ( P - C 461,201) Balada. 1 ms.: Q . Edition: A p p e l , Chrestomathie 85. Si-m fos grazitz m o s chans, eu m'esforsera ( P - C 409,5) Tenso w i t h R a i m o n de las Salas. 4 mss.:

D'IKd.

Editions: Schultz-Gora 30. C h a m b e r s , " R a i m o n de las Salas" 4 3 - 4 6 . B o g i n 1 5 6 - 5 9 . Perkal-Balinsky 1 2 3 - 2 8 . U n guerrier, per alegrar ( P - C 269,1) Tenso w i t h Joan de Pennas. 1 ms.: f . Edition: Bartsch, Chrestomathie

353-56.

N O T E O N A LOST MANUSCRIPT In 1836 Félix Torres A m a t , bishop of Astorga, included the following entry a m o n g the a n o n y m o u s w o r k s catalogued in his Memorias para ayudar a formar un diccionario crítico de los escritores catalanes, published in B a r celona b y j . Verdaguer (p. 711): RECULL de trobadóras provenzals: "Nadalayda de Porcaragues, Na-Lombarda, Na-Guilleuma de Rosen, la Comptesa de dia." MS. en fol. de la bib. real. T h i s entry was r e p r o d u c e d b y Riquer, Trovadores 1:14, n o t e 5. U n f o r t u n a t e l y n o such manuscript was included b y J. M a s s ó T o r rents, Manuscritos catalanes de la biblioteca de S[m] M[ajestad] (Barcelona: Verdaguer, 1888), or by J. D o m í n g u e z B o r d o n a , Catálogo de los manuscritos catalanes de la Biblioteca Nacional (Madrid: Blass, 1931). In response to m y inquiries, representatives of the Biblioteca Nacional (Teresa Sim a r r o Martinez, letter of 1 N o v e m b e r 1987) and of the Biblioteca de Palacio (Consolación Morales, letter of 28 O c t o b e r 1987) have been u n able to report any f u r t h e r trace of such a collection. In a personal letter of 29 April 1988, M a r t i n de R i q u e r has i n f o r m e d m e that he is convinced that the manuscript exists, b u t that it is n o t , today, in the Biblioteca del Rey de España, del Palacio de O r i e n t e de M a d r i d . It may be a m o n g the uncatalogued manuscripts of the Biblioteca Universitaria de Salamanca, to w h i c h certain holdings of the Biblioteca del Rey were transferred in 1954, or a m o n g those of the Biblioteca Nacional.

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Abbreviations FEW:

Wartburg, Walther von. Französisches Etymologisches Wörterbuch. Bonn: Klopp, etc., 1928—. LR: Raynouard, François-Just-Marie. Lexique roman ou dictionnaire de la langue des troubadours. 6 vols. Paris: Silvestre, 1844. P-C: Pillet, Alfred, and Henry Carstens. Bibliographie der Troubadours. Halle: Niemeyer, 1933. PD: Levy, Emil. Petit dictionnaire provençal-français. Heidelberg: Winter, 1909. SW: Levy, Emil, and Carl Appel. Provenzalisches Supplement-Wörterbuch. 8 vols. Leipzig: Reisland, 1894-1924.

Studies of the Trobairitz Albert-Birot, Arlette. " D u côté de Clara d'Anduze." Mélanges de littérature du moyen âge et du XXe siècle offerts à Mademoiselle Jeanne Lods. 2 vols. Paris: Ecole Normale Supérieure de Jeunes Filles, 1978. 1 : 1 9 - 2 7 . Bec, Pierre. " 'Trobairitz' et chansons de femme: Contribution à la connaissance du lyrisme féminin au Moyen Age." Cahiers de civilisation médiévale 22 (1979): 2 3 5 - 6 2 . . "Trobairitz occitanes et chansons de femme françaises." Perspectives médiévales 5 (1979): 5 9 - 7 6 . Bénétrix, Paul. Les femmes troubadours: Notes d'histoire littéraire. Agen: Lenthéric, 1889. Bertoni, Giulio. "Il vestito della trovatrice Castelloza." Archivum romanicum 1 (1917): 2 2 8 - 3 0 . Blakeslee, Merritt R. "La chanson de femme, les Héroïdes, et la canso occitane à voix de femme: Considérations sur l'originalité des trobairitz." Forth-

240

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Coming in "Farai chansoneta nueva . . .": Essais sur la liberté créatrice (XlIe-XIIIes.). Mélanges . . .Jean Charles Payen. Ed. Jean-Louis Backès et al. Bruckner, Matilda Tomaryn. " N a Castelloza, Trobairitz, and the T r o u b a d o u r Lyric." Romance Notes 25 (1985): 2 3 9 - 5 3 . Brunei, Clovis. " A l m o i s de Châteauneuf et Iseut de C h a p i e u . " Annales du Midi 28 (1916): 4 6 2 - 7 1 . Chabaneau, Camille. "Sur un vers de N a G o r m o n d a . " Revue des langues romanes 19 (1881): 3 0 3 - 0 4 . Desazars, Baron. "Les premières femmes lettrées à Toulouse." Revue des Pyrénées 23 (1911): 5 6 - 9 1 . D r o n k e , Peter. " T h e Provençal Trobairitz: Castelloza." In Medieval Women Writers. Ed. Katharina M . Wilson. Athens: University o f Georgia Press, 1984. 1 3 1 - 5 2 . Faucheux, Christian. " E t u d e sémantique et syntaxique de l'oeuvre de la C o m tesse de D i e . " Signum 1.1 (1974): 1 - 1 7 and 1.2 (1974): 5 - 1 6 . Gégou, Fabienne. " E n lisant les vidas . . . Lumière nouvelle sur les trobairitz." Marche romane 33 (1983): 101-07. . " Trobairitz et amorces romanesques dans les 'Biographies' des t r o u b a d o u r s . " In Studia occitanica in memoriam Paul Remy. Ed. Hans-Erich Keller. Vol. 2. Kalamazoo, Michigan: Medieval Institute Publications, 1986. 4 3 - 5 1 . Giraudon, Liliane, and Jacques Roubaud, eds. Les trobairitz: Les femmes dans la lyrique occitane. Action poétique 75 (1978). Hölzle, Peter. " D e r abenteuerliche U m g a n g der Irmtraud M o r g n e r mit der T r o bairitz Beatriz de D i a . " In Mittelalter-Rezeption: Gesammelte Vorträge des Salzburger Symposions 'Die Rezeption mittelalterlicher Dichter und ihrer Werke in Literatur, bildender Kunst und Musik des 19. und 20. Jahrhunderts.' Ed. J ü r g e n Kühnel, Hans-Dieter M ü c k , Ulrich Müller. Göppinger A r beiten zur Germanistik, 286. Göppingen: Kümmerle, 1979. 4 3 0 - 4 5 . Huchet, Jean-Charles. "Les femmes troubadours ou la voix critique." Littérature 51 (1983): 5 9 - 9 0 . Jeanroy, Alfred. "Les femmes poètes dans la littérature provençale aux X l l e et XlIIe siècles." In Mélanges de philologie offerts à Jean-Jacques Salverda de Grave. Groningen: Wolters, 1933. 1 8 6 - 9 1 . . La poésie lyrique des troubadours. 2 vols. Toulouse: Privat, and Paris: Didier, 1934. N e w York: A M S , 1974. 1 : 3 1 1 - 1 7 . Kasten, Ingrid. "Weibliches Rollenverständnis in den Frauenliedern Reinmars und der Comtessa de D i a . " Gallo-Romanisches Monatsschrift 37 no. 2 (1987): 1 3 1 - 4 6 . Kristeva, Julia. Histoires d'amour. Paris: Denöel, 1983. Kussler-Ratyé, G. "Sur un passage de Alaisina Iselda et Carenza." Archivum romanicum 1 (1917): 227. Malinowski, J. " D o r m u n d a , d a m e quercynoise, poète du XlIIe siècle." Bulletin de la Société des études littéraires, scientifiques et artistiques du Lot 6 (1880): 5-19.

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Monier, Janine. "Essai d'identification de la comtesse de Die." Bulletin de la Société d'archéologie et de statistique de la Drôme 75 (1962): 2 6 5 - 7 8 . Paden, William D. "Utrum copularentur: O f cors." Esprit créateur 19.4 (1979): 70-83. Poe, Elizabeth Wilson. "Another salut d'amor? Another trobairitz? In Defense of Tanz salutz et tantas amors" [ P - C 42a, 1]. Forthcoming in Zeitschriftßir romanische Philologie 105 (1989). Rieger, Angelica. "'Ins e-1 cor port, dona, vostra faisso.' Image et imaginaire de la femme à travers l'enluminure dans les chansonniers de troubadours." Cahiers de civilisation médiévale 28 (1985): 385-415. . " U n sirventes féminin: la trobairitz Gormonda de Monpeslier." Actes du premier congrès international de l'Association Internationale d'Etudes Occitanes. Ed. Peter T. Ricketts. London: A . I . E . O . , 1987. 4 2 3 - 5 5 . Rieger, Dietmar. "Die französische Dichterin im Mittelalter: Marie de France— die 'trobairitz'—Christine de Pisan." In Die Französische Autorin vom Mittelalter bis zur Gegenwart. Ed. Renate Baader and Dietmar Fricke. Wiesbaden: Akademische Verlagsgesellschaft Athenaion, 1979. 2 9 - 4 8 . . "Die trobairitz in Italien: Zu den altprovenzalischen Dichterinnen." Cultura neolatina 31 (1971): 2 0 5 - 2 3 . Robbins, Kittye Delle. "Woman/Poet: Problem and Promise in Studying the 'Trobairitz' and Their Friends." Encomia 1.3 (1977): 1 2 - 1 4 . Sakari, Aimo. " A propos d'Azalaïs de Porcairagues." Mélanges de philologie romane dédiés à la mémoire de Jean Boutière. 2 vols. Liège: Soledi, 1971. 1:517-28. Santy, Sernin. La Comtesse de Die: Sa vie, ses oeuvres complètes, les fêtes données en son honneur, avec tous les documents. Paris: Picard, 1893. Schultz[-Gora], Oscar. "Nabieiris de roman." Zeitschrift ßir romanische Philologie 15 (1891): 2 3 4 - 3 5 . Shapiro, Marianne. " T h e Provençal Trobairitz and the Limits o f Courtly Love." Signs 3 (1978): 560—71. Städtler, Katharina. "Altprovenzalische Frauendichtung: Sozialhistorische Untersuchungen und Interpretationen." Diss. Universität Augsburg 1986. Forthcoming from Heidelberg: Winter, 1989. Stronski, Stanislaw. "Garsende, comtesse de Provence, trobairitz." Revue des langues romanes 50 (1907): 2 2 - 2 7 . . La légende amoureuse de Bertran de Born. Paris: Champion, 1914. Tavera, Antoine. " A la recherche des troubadours maudits." Senefiance 5 (1978): 135-62.

Editions of tfie

Trobairitz

Bec, Pierre, ed. "Avoir des enfants ou rester vierge? Une tenson occitane du XlIIe siècle entre femmes" [P-C 12,1]. Mittelalterstudien: Erich Köhler zum Gedenken. Heidelberg: Winter, 1984. 2 1 - 3 0 .

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Bogin, Meg. The Women Troubadours. New York: Paddington Press, 1976. New York: Norton, 1980. French translation by Jeanne Faure-Cousin with the collaboration o f Anne Richou. Les femmes troubadours. Paris: Denoël/ Gonthier, 1978. Catalan trans. Montserrat Abelló and Alfred Badia. Les trobairitz: Poetes occitanes del segle XII. Col.lecció Classiques Catalanes 3 - 4 . Barcelona: LaSal, 1983. Camproux, Charles. Review o f Bogin, The Women Troubadours. Revue des langues romanes 83 (1977): 4 1 7 - 2 6 . Crescini, Vincenzo. "Azalais d'Altier." Zeitschrift für romanische Philologie 14 (1890): 128-32. Dejeanne, Jean-Marie-Lucien. "Les coblas de Bernart-Arnaut d'Armagnac et de Dame Lombarda." Annales du Midi 18 (1906): 6 3 - 6 8 . Kussler-Ratyé, Gabrielle. "Les chansons de la Comtesse Béatrix de Dia." Archivum romanicum 1 (1917): 161-82. Levy, Emil. Review o f Schultz[-Gora], Die provenzalischen Dichterinnen. Literaturblatt für germanische und romanische Philologie 5 (1889): 178-84. Lore, Priscilla Metz. "Carnival and Contradiction: The Poetry o f the Women Troubadors." DAI 47 (1987): 2577A. University o f California, San Diego, 1986. Paden, William D., with Julia C. Hayes, Georgina M. Mahoney, Barbara J . O'Neill, Edward J. Samuelson, Jeri L. Snyder, Edwina Spodark, Julie A. Storme, and Scott D. Westrem, eds. " T h e Poems o f the Trobairitz Na Castelloza." Romance Philology 35 (1981): 158-82. Perkal-Balinsky, Deborah. " T h e Minor Trobairitz: An Edition with Translation and Commentary." DAI 47 (1987): 2577A. Northwestern University, 1986. Rieger, Angelica. Die liebende Frau als lyrisches Ich in der altokzitanischen höfischen Lyrik: Edition des Gesamtkorpus. To appear 1989. Sakari, Aimo. "Azalais de Porcairagues, le Joglar de Raimbaut d'Orange." Neuphilologische Mitteilungen 50 (1949): 2 3 - 4 3 , 5 6 - 8 7 , 174-98. Schultz[-Gora], Oscar, ed. Die provenzalischen Dichterinnen. Biographien und Texte nebst Anmerkungen und einer Einleitung. Leipzig: Fock, 1888. Genève: Slatkine, 1975. Also published in Einundachtzigste Nachricht von dem Friedrichs-Gymnasium zu Altenburg. Altenburg: Oskar Bonde, 1888. 1-36. Stanton, Domna C., ed. The Defiant Muse: French Feminist Poems from the Middle Ages to the Present. New York: Feminist Press, 1986. Véran, Jules, ed. Les poétesses provençales du moyen âge et de nos jours. Paris: A. Quillet, [1946],

Selected Studies of Women in Medieval Literature and Society Allen, Sister Prudence, R . S . M . The Concept of Woman: The Aristotelian tion, 750BC-AD 1250. Montréal: Eden Press, 1985.

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Alverny, Marie-Thérèse d'. " C o m m e n t les théologiens et les philosophes voient la f e m m e . " Cahiers de civilisation médiévale 20 (1977): 1 0 5 - 2 9 . Aureli i Cardona, Marti. "La détérioration du statut de la f e m m e aristocratique en Provence (Xe-XIIIe siècles)." Le Moyen Age 91 (1985): 6 - 3 2 . . "La famille de Porcelet et l'aristocratie provençale (972-1320)." Thèse de 3ème cycle, Université de Provence, 1983. . Une famille de la noblesse provençale au moyen âge: Les Porcelet. Avignon: Aubanel, 1986. Azzolina, Liborio. "La C o m p i u t a Donzella di Firenze." Antologia Siciliana 9 (1902): 3 - 4 2 . Bergeri, Fritz. Die von den Troubadours genannten oder gefeierten Damen. Beihefte zur Zeitschrift f ü r romanische Philologie, 46. Halle: Niemeyer, 1913. Bezzola, Reto R. "La transformation des m œ u r s et le rôle de la f e m m e dans la classe féodale du X l e au X l l e siècle." Les origines et la formation de la littérature courtoise en Occident (500-1200). Paris: C h a m p i o n , 1960. Part 2, vol. 2, pp. 4 6 1 - 8 5 . Biller, P. P. A. "Birth-control in the West in the Thirteenth and Early Fourteenth Centuries." Past and Present no. 94 (1982): 3 - 2 6 . B o r g o g n o n i , Adolfo. "La condanna capitale d'una bella signora." Studi d'erudizione e d'arte 2 (1878): 8 9 - 1 0 5 . . "Rimatrici italiane dei primi tre secoli." In his Studi di letteratura storica. Bologna: Zanichelli, 1891. 161-202. Burns, E. Jane. " T h e M a n Behind the Lady in Troubadour Lyric." Romance Notes 25 (1985): 2 5 4 - 7 0 . Casey, Kathleen. " T h e Cheshire Cat: Reconstructing the Experience of Medieval W o m e n . " In Liberating Women's History: Theoretical and Critical Essays. Ed. Berenice A. Carroll. U r b a n a : University of Illinois Press, 1976. 224-49. Chiari, A. "La C o m p i u t a Donzella." In his Indagini e letture . Florence: Le M o n nier, 1954. 1 - 7 . Dronke, Peter. Women Writers of the Middle Ages: A Critical Study of Texts from Perpetua (f203) to Marguerite Porete (fl310). Cambridge: C a m b r i d g e University Press, 1984. Duby, Georges. Le chevalier, la femme et le prêtre: Le mariage dans la France féodale. Collection Pluriel. Paris: Hachette, 1981. Trans. Barbara Bray. The Knight, the Lady and the Priest: The Making of Modern Marriage in Medieval France. N e w York: Pantheon, 1983. . Medieval Marriage: Two Models fiom Twelfth-Century France. Trans. Elb o r g Forster. Baltimore: Johns H o p k i n s University Press, 1978. D u h a m e l - A m a d o , Claudie. " U n e f o r m e historique de la domination masculine: F e m m e et mariage dans l'aristocratie languedocienne à la fin d u X l l e siècle." Cahiers d'histoire de l'Institut de Recherches Marxistes 6 (1981): 125-39. Egidi, F. "La C o m p i u t a Donzella e i 'fedeli d ' a m o r e . ' " Rivista Letteraria 10 (1938): 1 8 - 2 5 . Erickson, Carolly, and Kathleen Casey. " W o m e n in the Middle Ages: A Working Bibliography." Mediaeval Studies 37 (1975): 3 4 0 - 5 9 .

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Farmer, Sharon. "Persuasive Voices: Clerical Images of Medieval Wives." Speculum 61 (1986): 517-43. Ferrante, Joan M . " T h e Education of Women in the Middle Ages in Theory, Fact, and Fantasy." In Beyond Their Sex: Learned Women of the European Past. Ed. Patricia H . Labalme. N e w York: N e w York University Press, 1980. 9 - 4 2 . . "Male Fantasy and Female Reality in Courtly Literature." Women's Studies 11 (1984): 6 7 - 9 7 . . Woman as Image in Medieval Literature From the Twelfth Century to Dante. N e w York: Columbia University Press, 1975. D u r h a m , N o r t h C a r o lina: Labyrinth Press, 1985. Fossier, Robert. "La f e m m e dans les sociétés occidentales." Cahiers de civilisation médiévale 20 (1977): 93-104. Gold, Penny Schine. The Lady and the Virgin: Image, Attitude and Experience in Twelfth-Century France. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1985. Gramain-Derruau, Monique. "Villages et communautés villageoises en Bas Languedoc occidental (vers 950—versl350): l'exemple biterrois." U n published thesis for the Doctorat ès lettres, Université de Paris I, 1979. Report on the defence by Tricard, J. "Les villages du Biterrois au moyen âge." Annales du Midi 92 (1980): 120-26. Gravdal, Kathryn. "Camouflaging Rape: The Rhetoric of Sexual Violence in the Medieval Pastourelle." Romanic Review 76 (1985): 361-73. Herlihy, David. "Did Women Have a Renaissance? A Reconsideration." Medievalia et Humanistica 13 (1985): 1 - 2 2 . Kamuf, Peggy. "Marriage Contracts: T h e Letters of Heloise and Abelard." Fictions of Feminine Desire: Disclosures of Heloise. Lincoln: University of N e braska Press, 1982. 1 - 4 3 . Kelly, Joan. "Did Women Have a Renaissance?" In Becoming Visible: Women in European History. Ed. Renate Bridenthal and Claudia Koonz. Boston: H o u g h t o n Mifflin, 1977. Reprt. in Women, History and Theory: The Essays of Joan Kelly. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1984. 19-50. Kirshner, Julius, and Suzanne F. Wemple, eds. Women of the Medieval World. O x ford: Blackwell, 1985. Krueger, Roberta L., and E. Jane Burns. "A Selective Bibliography of Criticism: Women in Medieval French Literature." Romance Notes 25 (1985): 375-90. Leclercq, Jean. La femme et les femmes dans l'oeuvre de Saint Bernard. Paris: Téqui, 1983. Lejeune, Rita. "La f e m m e dans les littératures française et occitane du X l e au XlIIe siècle." Cahiers de civilisation médiévale 20 (1977): 201-17. Leube-Fey, Christiane. Bild und Funktion der dompna in der Lyrik der Trobadors. Heidelberg: Winter, 1971. Lucas, Angela M . Women in the Middle Ages: Religion, Marriage, and Letters. N e w York: St. Martin's Press, 1983. McLaughlin, Mary Martin. "Survivors and Surrogates: Children and Parents f r o m the N i n t h to the Thirteenth Centuries." In The History of Child-

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Other Works Cited Abel, Elizabeth. Preface. In Writing and Sexual Difference. Ed. E. Abel. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1980.

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Toja, Gianluigi, ed. Arnaut Daniel: Canzoni. Firenze: Sansoni, 1960. Topsfield, L.T., ed. Les poésies du troubadour Raimon de Miraval. Les Classiques d ' O c . Paris: Nizet, 1971. Trucchi, F. Poesie italiane inedite de dugento autori. Prato: Raineri Guasti, 1846. Valli, L. Il linguaggio segreto di Dante e dei 'fedeli d'amore.' R o m e : Biblioteca di Filosofia e Scienza, 1928. Van Vleck, Amelia E. "Style and Stability in T r o u b a d o u r Lyric o f the Classic Period (1160-1180)." DAI 44 (1983): 165A. University of California, Berkeley, 1983. Walsh, P. G., ed. Andreas Capellanus on Love. London: D u c k w o r t h , 1982. White, Lynn, Jr. Medieval Technology and Social Change. O x f o r d : Clarendon Press, 1962. Wiacek, Wilhelmina M . Lexique des noms géographiques et ethniques dans les poésies des troubadours des Xlle et XlIIe siècles. Les Classiques d ' O c . Paris: Nizet, 1968. Wilhelm, James J., ed. The Poetry of Arnaut Daniel. N e w York: Garland, 1981. Woledge, B. " O l d Provençal and O l d French." In Eos: An Enquiry into the Theme of Lovers' Meetings and Partings at Dawn in Poetry. Ed. A r t h u r T. Hatto. T h e Hague: M o u t o n , 1965. 3 4 4 - 8 9 . Woolf, Virginia. A Room of One's Own. San Diego: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1929. Zink, Michel. " M u s i q u e et subjectivité: Le passage de la chanson d ' a m o u r à la poésie personnelle au XlIIe siècle." Cahiers de civilisation médiévale 25 (1982): 2 2 5 - 3 2 . Zufferey, François. Bibliographie des poètes provençaux des XlVe et XVe siècles. P u b lications Romanes et Françaises, 159. Genève: Droz, 1981. Z u m t h o r , Paul. " D e la circularité du chant (à propos des trouvères des XII* et XIII' siècles)." Poétique 2 (1971): 1 2 9 - 4 0 . . Langue, texte, énigme. Paris: Seuil, 1975. . Merlin le prophète: Un thème de la littérature polémique de l'historiographie et des romans. Lausanne, 1943. Rprt. Genève: Slatkine, 1973.

Index

Occitan poems are indexed under the name of the author or under " A n o n y m o u s " and the incipit. Information in the Checklist of Poems by the Trobairitz has not been indexed except for reference to the article on each poem. Abel, Elizabeth, 186 Accorsa, 204 Address, direct, 20, 6 4 - 6 5 , 71 n. 1, 106, 108 Aimeric de Belenoi, "Ja no creirai" (P-C 9,11), 42 n. 7 Aimeric de Peguilhan, " D o m n a , per vos estauc" (P-C 10,23), 36, 55, 58, 236; " E n a m o r " (P-C 10,25), 157-58, 174, 175 n. b; "Mangtas vetz" (P-C 10,34), 163-64; "N'Elias, conseill" (P-C 10,37), 54; " S e s mon aplec" (P-C 10,47), 174, 175 n. b; " S i com l'arbres" (P-C 10,50), 185 Alais and Iselda (or Alaisina Iselda), " N a Carenza" (P-C 12,1), 14, 39, 47, 72 n. 8, 94 n. 24, 227-28; life, 24, 227 Alamanda, "S'ie s quier conseill" (P-C 12a, 1), 36, 48, 49, 59, 70, 72 n. 8, 228; life, 24, 42 n. 13, 170, 228 Alba (dawn-song), 15-16, 27 n. 14, 40, 125 n. 2 Alberico da Romano, 32, 77 Albert de Saint Bonet, "Bela d o m n a " (P-C 15a,1), 36, 235 Albert, marquis o f Malaspina, 52 Alexandre, Pierre, 4

Alexios IV, Byzantine emperor, 140 Alfonso VIII, king o f Castile, 142-43 Allacci, Leone, 200, 209 n. 1 Almqvist, Kurt, 180 n. 20, 181 n. 26, 181 n. 28 Almuc (or Almois) de Castelnou, " D o m n a n'Iseutz" (P-C 20,2), 38, 47, 73, 87, 91, 108, 228; life, 12, 14, 24, 27 n. 12, 228 Amanieu de Sescars (or des Escas), " E n aquel m e s " (P-C 21a, Ensenhamen II), 18-19, 93 n. 20 Amauri de Montfort, 145-46 Andreas Capellanus, 2, 6 9 - 7 0 Anglade, Joseph, 93 n. 9,153 n. 12,164, 179 n. 2, 179 n. 4, 179 n. 5, 179 n. 6, 179 n. 7, 180 n. 14, 212, 225 n. 2, 225 n. 7 Anonymous, " A l'entrade" (P-C 461,12), 40, 234 Anonymous, " A b la gensor" (P-C 461,3), 27 n. 14 Anonymous, " A b lo cor trist" (P-C 461,2), 33, 235 Anonymous, "Amies, en gran consirier" (P-C 46,3). See Raimbaut d'Aurenga Anonymous, "Auzir cugei" (P-C 231,1). See Guillem Rainol d'At

256

Index

Anonymous, "Bela d o m n a " (P-C 15a,1). See Albert de Saint Bonet Anonymous, "Bella, tant vos ai prejada" (P-C 392,7), 235 Anonymous, "Bona domna, d'una re" (P-C 87,1). See Bertran del Pojet Anonymous, "Bona domna, tan vos ai" (P-C 461,56), 35, 48-49, 59, 73, 85, 91, 235 Anonymous, "Bona domna, un conseill" (P-C 372,4). See Pistoleta Anonymous, "Coindeta sui" (P-C 461,69), 40, 235 Anonymous, "Dieus sal la terra" (P-C 461,81), 37-38, 235; text and translation, 3 7 - 3 8 Anonymous, "Domna, a vos me coman" (P-C 296,1a). See Marques Anonymous, "Domna, per vos estauc" (P-C 10,23). See Aimeric de Peguilhan Anonymous, "Domna, quar conoissens' " (P-C 409,3). See Raimon de las Salas Anonymous, "Domna, tant vos ai preiada" (P-C 392,7). See Raimbaut de Vaqueiras Anonymous, "Dompna qe d'autra" (P-C 461,94), 84 Anonymous, "En un vergier" (P-C 461,113), 27 n. 13, 40, 236 Anonymous, "Eu veing vas vos" (P-C 306,2). See Montan Anonymous, "Flors de paradis" (P-C 461,123), 153 n. 9 Anonymous, "Ges no m'eschiu" (P-C 461,127), 7 6 - 7 7 Anonymous, " N o - m pois mudar, bels amies" (P-C 451,2). See U c Catola Anonymous, "No-m pues mudar no digua" (P-C 404,5). See Raimon Jordan Anonymous, " P e r j o i " (P-C 461,191). See Castelloza Anonymous, "Quan Proensa" (P-C 461,204), 41 n. 1 Anonymous, "Quan vei los praz" (P-C 461,206), 33, 236 Anonymous, "Quant aug chantar" (P-C 231,4). See Guilhem Rainol d'At Anonymous, "Quant escavalcai l'autrer" (P-C 461,200), 27 n. 15 Anonymous, "Quant lo gilos" (P-C 461,201), 40, 237

Anonymous, "Si-m fos grazitz" (P-C 409,5). See Raimon de las Salas Anonymous, " U fotaires" (P-C 461,241), 76 Anonymous, " U n guerrier" (P-C 269,1). See Joan de Pennas Appel, Carl, 34, 48, 110 n. 8, 111 n. 11 Arnald-Amauri, abbot of Citeaux, 144, 150 Arnaut Daniel, "Lo ferm voler" (P-C 29,14), 107, 184-85; style, 63-64, 6 6 67, 72 n. 4 Audiau, Jean, 42 n. 9 Audience of the trobairitz, 107-08, 151 Aureli i Cardona, Marti, 11-12, 14-15, 220, 225 n. 12 Avalle, D'Arco Silvio, 75, 93 n. 9, 93 n. 10 Azalais d'Altier, "Tanz salutz" (P-C 42a, 1), 40, 73, 87-91, 228; life, 24, 228; partial text and translation, 87—88; life, 24, 228 Azalais de Porcairagues, "Ar em al freg temps" (P-C 43,1), 32, 64-65, 106-08, 109-10 n. 4, 111 n. 12, 229; transcription from Béziers ms. and ms. 1, 2 2 3 24; life, 23, 24, 27 n. 12, 229; vida in Béziers ms., 217, 220 Azzolina, Liborio, 204-05 Balada (ballad), 19, 3 9 - 4 0 Barberino, Francesco da, 204, 206-08 Barbi, M., 202 Barbieri, Francesco Maria, 181 n. 22, 198 Bartsch, Karl, 93 n. 20, 153 n. 8, 153 n. 9 Beatritz de Dia. See Comtessa de Dia Beatritz de Romans, " N a Maria" (P-C 93,1), 19, 20, 32-33, 73-94, 229; text and translation, 79-80; form of her name, 32, 41 n. 4, 42 n. 5, 78, 93 n. 16; life, 24, 42 n. 6, 229 Bee, Pierre, 26 n. 8, 39, 42 n. 14, 71 n. 2, 76, 78, 86, 91-92, 93 n. 14, 93 n. 16, 93 n. 17, 94 n. 24, 95, 107-08, 219-20, 225 n. 9 Benvenuto da Imola, 198 Berenger de Palazol, "S'eu sabi' " (P-C 47,10), 111 n. 16 Bergeri, Fritz, 93 n. 8 Bergin, Thomas G., 56, 175 n. a Bernard of Chartres, 160

257

Index

Bernard of Clairvaux, Saint, 4—5, 8 Bernart Amoros, 33 Bernart Arnaut d'Armagnac. See Lombarda Bernart de Ventadorn, "Ab joi" (P-C 70,1), 111 n. 11; "Amies Bernartz" (PC 323,4), 101, 105-06; "Ara no vei" (P-C 70,7), 159, 174; "Bel m'es quan" (P-C 70,9), 161-62, 174; "Can vei la fior" (P-C 70,42), 180 n. 14; "Can vei la lauzeta" (P-C 70,43), 74-75, 185; style, 63-64, 66, 72 n. 4; mentioned, 16, 23, 70, 186 Bernart de Venzac, "Bel m'es dous chans" (P-C 323,6), 111 n. 16 Bernart Marti, "D'entier vers" (P-C 63.6), 110 n. 7 Bertacchi, G., 209 n. 5 Bertoni, Giulio, 41 n. 4, 42 n. 9, 46, 52, 125 n. 1, 125 n. 2, 155 n. 32, 206, 209 n. 7 Bertran Carbonel, "Ronci, cen vetz" (P-C 82.13), 45; "Si anc nul temps" (P-C 82.14), 45 Bertran d'Avinho, "Bertran, si fossetz" (P-C 405,16), 169 Bertran de Born, "Belh m'es quan" (P-C 80.7), 16-17; "Dompna, puois de mi" (P-C 80,12), 45, 185; "Rassa, tan creis" (P-C 80,37), 180 n. 19; references to Guiscarda, 170; mentioned, 23, 27 n. 17, 193 n. 2 Bertran del Pojet, "Bona domna, d'una re" (P-C 87,1), 36, 50, 58, 235; in a miniature, 212 Bettarini, R., 209 n. 4 Biagi, G., 198 Bieiris de Romans. See Beatritz de Romans Biller, P. P. A., 7, 26 n. 4 Blacasset, "Per merce" (P-C 96,10), 42 n. 7 Blacatz. See Blacasset Blanchemain, 43 n. 24 Bloch, R. Howard, 26 n. 6 Boase, Roger, 5 Boccaccio, 69, 206 Bogin, Meg, 31, 42 n. 5, 71 n. 3, 78, 80, 107, 125 n. 1, 126 n. 12, 171, 190 Bondie Dietaiuti, 203-04 Boni, Marco, 71 n. 3

Bonnet, Marie-Jo, 92 n. 1 Borgognoni, Adolfo, 202, 204, 205 Boswell, John, 74, 92 n. 4 Boutière, Jean, and Alexander Herman Schutz, 39, 48, 49, 50, 83, 93 n. 19, 169, 170, 171, 175 n. b, 181 n. 25, 181 n. 26, 193 n. 3, 193 n. 6, 216-18 Bradley, Sister Ritamary, 184 Brochier, Jacques-Elie, 4 Bruckner, Matilda Tomaryn, 41 n. 2, 109 n. 3, 111 n. 15, 125 n. 2 Brunei, Clovis, 225 n. 12 Brunel-Lobrichon, Geneviève, 14-15, 22-23 Bullough, Vern L., 92 n. 1 Burckhardt, Jacob, 2, 26 n. 2 Burrows, Toby, 26 n. 1 Cadenet, "S'anc fui belha" (P-C 106,14), 27 n. 13 Camproux, Charles, 42 n. 5, 155 n. 34 Canso (love song), 19, 20, 31-33, 41 n. 3, 49, 64 Cantù, Cesare, 203 Carenza, "N'Alais i n'Iselda" (P-C 108,1), 39, 70-71, 73, 86, 229; life, 24, 229 Castelloza, "Amies" (P-C 109,1), 96-99, 230; "Ja de chantar" (P-C 109,2), 9 9 102, 111 n. 14, 230; "Mout aurez fag" (P-C 109,3), 102-04, 106, 124-25, 230; transcription from Béziers ms. and ms. I, 221-22; "Per j o i " (P-C 461,191), 3 1 32, 104-06, 109 n. 2, 125 n. 2, 230; art, 20-21, 31-32, 64-69, 71 n. 3, 95-111, 113-27, 186; life, 13-14, 23, 24, 27 n. 12, 220, 225 n. 10, 230; vida in Béziers ms., 216-17 Castiglione, 69 Cathala-Coture, Antoine de, 152 n. 2 Cathars, 129, 148 Catherine of Siena, Saint, 3, 204 Cerveri de Girona, "Entre Caldes" (P-C 434,7b), 18; "EntreLerida" (P-C434,7c), 18; "Entre-ls reis" (P-C 434a,22), 175; "Pois amors" (P-C 434a,49), 175; "Si per amar" (P-C 434a,61), 175 Chabaneau, Camille, 153 n. 8, 155 n. 32, 181 n. 26, 212, 225 n. 1, 225 n. 7 Chambers, Frank M., 19-20, 22, 24, 51, 55, 93 n. 8, 175 n. a, 181 n. 25, 181 n. 28, 193 n. 6

258

Index

Chanson de la croisade albigeoise, 150, 152 n. 2 Chanson de toile (Old French women's song), 58 Chasteuil-Gallaup, H u b e r t de, 211 Chasteuil-Gallaup, Pierre de, 2 1 1 - 1 2 , 225 n. 4, 225 n. 7 C h a y t o r , H . J . , 48 Cherchi, Paolo, 22 Chiari, A., 208 C h i a r o Davanzati, 205 Childbirth, 7 Chrétien de Troyes, 5 Christine de Pisan, 204 Chronique de Reims, La, 130 C h r o n o l o g y of the trobairitz, 14, 23—25 Clara d ' A n d u z a , " E n greu e s m a y " ( P - C

Croce, Benedetto, 209 n. 3 C r o p p , Glynnis M . , 93 n. 18, 125 n. 4, 126 n. 5 Crusade, Albigensian, 129, 138, 1 4 1 - 4 3 , 1 4 9 - 5 0 ; first, 154 n. 25; third, 154 n. 25; f o u r t h , 1 4 0 - 4 2 , 154 n. 25 Curtius, E. R., 188

115.1), 32, 6 4 - 6 5 , 230; life, 24, 27 n. 12, 83, 230 Cobla ( a u t o n o m o u s stanza), 19, 3 7 - 3 9 , 41 n. 3, 49 C o l o n n a , Vittoria, 2 C o m b o r n , Viscountess of, 10 C o m p i u t a Donzella, La, 22, 2 0 3 - 0 9 C o m t e de Proensa, " C a r n - e t - o n g l a " ( P - C 184.2), 45 C o m t e s s a de Dia, " A b j o i " ( P - C 46,1), 20, 22, 1 6 5 - 6 9 , 173, 174, 231; text and translation, 1 7 6 - 7 7 ; " A chantar m ' e r " ( P - C 46,2), 7 8 - 7 9 , 167, 231; " A m i e s , en g r e u " ( P - C 46,3 = 389,6), 49; "Estât ai" ( P - C 46,4), 49, 231; transcription f r o m Béziers ms. and ms. 1, 2 2 4 - 2 5 ; "Fin j o i " ( P - C 46,5), 231; art, 31, 6 4 65, 67, 71 n. 1, 127 n. 15; life, 13, 23, 24, 27 n. 12, 220, 231; vida f r o m B é ziers m s . , 2 1 7 - 1 8 ; in miniatures, 225 n. 2

D e Lollis, Cesare, 180 n. 20, 181 n. 25 D e Sanctis, Francesco, 202—04 Debenedetti, Salvatore, 202 Dejeanne, Jean-Marie-Lucien, 110 n. 5, 170, 171, 181 n. 25 Del M o n t e , Alberto, 71 n. 3 Derrida, Jacques, 116, 192 Desazars, Baron, 180 n. 20 Description of the lady, 71 n. 1 Diez, Friedrich, 41 n. 4, 138, 153 n. 11,

C o m t e s s a de Dia, a hypothetical second poet of this name, 43 n. 24 C o m t e s s a de Proensa, "Vos q u e - m s e m blatz" ( P - C 187,1), 39, 4 7 - 4 8 , 232; life, 13, 15, 24, 27 n. 12, 231 Conselh (poem of advice), 42 n. 16 C o n s e n t in marriage, 6, 9, 12. See also Marriage Contini, G., 2 0 8 - 0 9 Contraception, 6 C o u r t l y love, 2, 5 - 6 , 16, 6 9 - 7 0 , 172, 186 Crescimbeni, G. M . , 1 9 9 - 2 0 1 Crescini, Vincenzo, 94 n. 25

Dansa (dance song), 39 D a n t e Alighieri, 2, 7, 22, 26 n. 4, 26 n. 11, 188, 1 9 8 - 9 9 , 202, 206 D a n t e da Maiano, 1 9 9 - 2 0 2 D a u d a Pradas, " D e lai o n " ( P - C 124,7), 161, 174 Davenson, Henri, 26 n. 3 D e Bartholomaeis, Vincenzo, 152 n. 6, 153 n. 8

1 5 4 n . 26 Doctrina d'acort, 179 n. 4, 179 n. 5, 179 n. 6 D o m i n i c a n order, 21, 152 Donatz proensals, 182 n. 30 Douceline de Digne, 221 Dowry, 8 - 1 2 Dragonetti, Roger, 111 n. 17, 111 n. 20, 179 n. 1 D r o n k e , Peter, 6, 7 - 8 , 26 n. 5, 125 n. 2, 126 n. 9, 127 n. 13, 183, 225 n. 4, 225 n. 10 D u b y , Georges, 6, 26 n. 6 D u h a m e l - A m a d o , Claudie, 11 Eble V, count of Ventadorn, 13 Education of w o m e n , 7 Egidi, F., 207 Eleanor of Aquitaine, 4 - 5 , 7, 8, 9 Elias Cairel, " A b r i l " ( P - C 133,1), 174. See also Isabella Elias d'Ussel, 54 Elias de Barjols, " C a r c o m p r i " ( P - C 132,7), 174

259

Index

Elias Fonsalada, " E n cor ai" ( P - C 134,2), 160, 174 Emiliani Giudici, Paolo, 202, 209 n. 2 Ensenhamen (instruction), 83 E r m e n g a r d e of N a r b o n n e , 9 Eudoxia of Constantinople, 75 Farmer, Sharon, 8 - 9 , 14, 26 n. 6 Fenida (final stanza), 1 0 3 - 0 4 Ferrante, Joan M . , 20 Feudal m e t a p h o r for love, 21, 1 1 5 - 1 6 Flamenca (romance), 13, 26 n. 8, 8 4 - 8 6 , 219 Folquet de Lunel, "Si c o m " ( P - C 154,6), 175; " T a n fin'amors" (P-C 154,7), 175 Foster, Jeanette H o w a r d , 92 n. 1 Frangipani, R o m a n o , cardinal, 145, 149 Frank, Istvân, 33, 3 8 - 3 9 , 5 1 - 5 2 , 54, 5 6 - 5 7 , 153 n. 8, 153 n. 9, 1 7 4 - 7 5 , 175 n. c, 2 1 7 - 1 8 Frederick II H o h e n s t a u f e n , 138, 141, 1 4 7 48, 150 Gaia da C a m i n o , 22, 1 9 8 - 9 9 Garsenda. See C o m t e s s a de Proensa Gatien-Arnoult, Adolphe Félix, 164, 179 n. 2, 179 n. 4, 179 n. 5, 179 n. 6, 179 n. 8, 179 n. 9 Gaucelm Faidit, " A b consirier" ( P - C 167,2), 138; " U n a d o l o r s " ( P - C 167,64), 174 Gauchat, Louis, and H . Kehrli, 38, 42 n. 20, 181 n. 22 Gaudairenca, 14, 24, 39, 232 Gautier de M u r s , 18 Gavaudan, " A la p l u s " ( P - C 174,1), 174; " D e z a m p a r a t z " ( P - C 174,4), 15; "Ieu n o sui" ( P - C 174,5), 174; "L'autre dia" ( P - C 174,6), 15; " L o m e s " ( P - C 174,7), 174; " L o vers" ( P - C 174,8), 1 6 2 - 6 4 , 174 Genesis (Book o f ) , 26 n. 4 G h e r a r d o da C a m i n o , 1 9 8 - 9 9 Ginguené, Pierre Louis, 201 Giovanni da Seravalle, 198 Giraut de Bornelh, " A be chantar" ( P - C 242,1), 174; " A m o r s " ( P - C 242,9), 174; glove-songs, 100. See also Alamanda G o d , as interlocutor, 45 Godefroy, Frédéric, 182 n. 30 Goldin, Fredrick, 184, 186, 193 n. 1

G o n f r o y , Gérard, 26 n. 11 G o r m o n d a de Montpellier, " G r e u m ' e s " ( P - C 177,1), 21, 34, 42 n. 10, 1 2 9 - 5 5 , 232; text and translation, 1 3 0 - 3 7 ; life, 24, 27 n. 12, 232 Gouiran, Gérard, 27 n. 18, 180 n. 11, 180 n. 19, 181 n. 22, 181 n. 28 G r a b m a n n , M . , 155 n. 33 G r a m a i n - D e r r u a u , M o n i q u e , 11 Gravdal, K a t h r y n , 15, 27 n. 16 G r e g o r y IX, pope, 147 G r i m o a r t Gausmar, " L a n q u a n " ( P - C 190,1), 110 n. 7, 1 5 9 - 6 0 , 174 G r u n d m a n n , Herbert, 7 G s c h w i n d , Ulrich, 26 n. 8 Guarnieri, Gino, 193 n. 4 Gubar, Susan, 185 Guerrier (combat song), 55 Gui d'Ussel, " E n tanta guisa" ( P - C 194.6), 3 2 - 3 3 ; "L'autrier cavalgava" ( P - C 194,15), 15 G u i de Cavaillon, " M a n t e l vil" ( P - C 192,3), 4 5 - 4 6 . See also C o m t e s s a de Proensa Guida, Saverio, 175 n. a, 179 n. 3, 179 n. 10 Guilhelma de Rosers, " N a Guillelma" ( P - C 200,1), 37, 47, 2 3 2 - 3 3 ; life, 24, 232 G u i l h e m Ademar, "Al p r i m " ( P - C 9,5), 174; legend, 218 Guilhem Anelier de Tolosa, "Vera merces" ( P - C 204,4), 158, 175 G u i l h e m d'Autpol, "L'autrier" ( P - C 206,3), 18; "Seignors, aujatz" ( P - C 206,4), 45 G u i l h e m de Cabestany, " L o d o u s cossire" ( P - C 213,5), 75 G u i l h e m de Peitius, "Farai un vers" ( P - C 183.7), 106; mentioned, 16, 23, 54 G u i l h e m de Saint-Didier, "Belh m ' e s " ( P - C 234,5), 174; " D o m n a " ( P - C 234,7), 107; " E n G u i l l e m " ( P - C 234,12), 46; "Pois t a n t " ( P - C 234,16), 157, 174, 175 n. b G u i l h e m Figueira, " D ' u n sirventes far" ( P - C 217,2), 1 3 7 - 5 1 ; text, 1 3 0 - 3 7 . See also G o r m o n d a de Montpellier G u i l h e m Peire de Cazals, " A t r o p g r a n " ( P - C 227,5), 175 G u i l h e m Rainol d'At, "Auzir cugei" ( P - C 231,1), 36, 5 7 - 5 8 , 5 9 - 6 0 , 235; " Q u a n t aug chantar" ( P - C 231,4), 36, 56, 5 9 60, 236

260

Index

Guilhema Garcin, 11 Guiraut d'Espanha, " D o n a , si t o t " ( P - C 244,1), 161, 175; "Si la belha" ( P - C 244,14), 175; "Si-1 d o u s " ( P - C 244,15), 175 Guiraut de Borneil. See Giraut de Bornelh Guiraut de Calanso, " A r a s'es" ( P - C 243,4), 174 Guiraut Riquier, " L o m o n s p a r " ( P - C 248,52), 160, 175; " S e i g n ' e n j o r d a " (PC 248,77), 181 n. 24; pastorelas, 15, 18; mentioned, 23 Guiscarda de C o m b o r n , 170 G u i t t o n e d'Arezzo, 2 0 5 - 0 6 H . , D o m n a , " R o f i n , digatz" ( P - C 249a,1), 36, 5 3 - 5 4 , 59, 60, 70, 233; life, 24, 233 Hagan, P., 154 n. 13 Hzli-canso, 49 H e n r y II, king of England, 7 H e n r y H o h e n s t a u f e n , 150 Herlihy, David, 2 - 4 , 14, 26 n. 6 H i g o u n e t , Charles, 4 Hill, R. T., 175 n. a Histoire littéraire de la France, 152 n. 3, 153 n. 8, 153 n. 11 H o b y , O t t o , 175 n. a Homosexuality, male, 74—77. See also Lesbianism H o n o r i u s III, pope, 143, 147 Horse, as interlocutor, 45; as gift, 53 Huchet, Jean-Charles, 4 6 - 4 7 , 68, 71 n. 1, 99, 211, 219 H y p e r g a m y , 1 1 - 1 2 , 17, 19, 220 H y p o g a m y , 12, 220 Inheritance, 2, 8—12. See also Kinship Innocent III, pope, 129, 1 4 0 - 4 1 , 143, 149-50 Inquisition, 142 Irigaray, Luce, 1 8 3 - 8 6 , 192 Isabella, " N ' E l i a s Cairel" ( P - C 252,1), 3 4 - 3 5 , 47, 70, 204, 233; life, 24, 233 Iselda. See Alais and Iselda Isengrim the fox, 17 Iseut de Capio, " D o m n a n ' A l m u c s " ( P - C 253,1), 38, 47, 233; life, 24, 27 n. 12, 233 Jaufre Rudel, " Q u a n lo rius" ( P - C 262,5), 107

Jauss, H a n s Robert, 153 n. 7 Jean Renart, Lai de l'ombre, 171 Jeanroy, Alfred, 14, 23, 26 n. 12, 3 4 - 3 5 , 41, 42 n. 13, 48, 52, 54, 55, 57, 175 n. b, 179 n. 3, 181 n. 28 Jedin, H u b e r t , 142, 147, 148, 154 n. 19, 154 n. 21, 154 n. 22, 155 n. 31 Joan de Pennas, " U n g u e r r i e r " ( P - C 269,1), 36, 5 5 - 5 6 , 58, 237 Joan Esteve, "El d o u s t e m p s " ( P - C 266,5), 175; pastorelas, 18 Joan of Arc, 3 Joe partit (casuistical dialogue), 1 8 - 1 9 Joglar (entertainer), 14, 27 n. 23 J o h n of Salisbury, 160 J o h n , king of England, 140 Joi ( j o y of love), 99, 117, 184, 220 Jones, A n n Rosalind, 183 Kay, Sarah, 2 1 - 2 2 , 27 n. 17, 182 n. 29 Kelly, Joan, 2 Kinship, patrilineal, 3, 8, 11, 12. See also Inheritance Kjellmann, Hilding, 94 n. 21 Klein, Karen Wilk, 154 n. 19, 154 n. 21 Kolsen, Adolf, 37, 42 n. 21, 51, 56, 57, 94 n. 22 Köhler, Erich, 153 n. 7, 179 n. 3 Kristeva, Julia, 1 8 4 - 8 5 , 220 Kussler-Ratyé, Gabrielle, 165, 180 n. 16, 180 n. 17 Küster, H . J., and R. J. C o r m i e r , 92 n. 3 Labande, Léon H o n o r é , 155 n. 28, 155 n. 29 Lanfranc Cigala, " E n t r e m o n c o r " ( P - C 282,4), 50, 5 8 - 5 9 ; see also Guilhelma de Rosers Langton, Stephan, cardinal, 140 Lauzengiers (malicious gossips), 49, 55, 58, 65, 109 n. 3, 127 n. 13, 168 Lavaud, René, 27 n. 19, 71 n. 3, 94 n. 23, 125 n. 2 Lavis, Georges, 93 n. 18 Lawner, Lynne, 160 Lazar, M o s h é , 5, 71 n. 3, 180 n. 14 Leclercq, Jean, 5 Lejeune, Rita, 154 n. 24 Lesbianism, 20, 7 3 - 9 4 Letter (genre), 19, 40 Levy, Emil, 34, 152 n. 4, 152 n. 6, 153

261

Index

n. 7, 153 n. 8, 154 n. 19, 154 n. 20, 154 n. 22, 155 n. 27, 182 n. 30, 182 n. 31 Leys d'amors, 162, 164 Limentani, Alberto, 26 n. 9 Linskill, Joseph, 53, 181 n. 24 Lipking, Lawrence, 193 Literacy, 7

293,37), 180 n. 12; mentioned, 34 Marchello-Nizia, Christiane, 93 n. 5 Maria de Ventadorn, "Gui d'Uisel" (P-C 295,1), 32, 37, 47, 6 9 - 7 0 , 234; life, 13, 24, 26 n. 12, 234 Marie o f Montpellier, 9 Marques, "Domna, a vos me coman"

Lombarda, " N o m volgr'aver" (P-C 288,1), 20, 22, 37, 47, 48, 68, 72 n. 8, 1 6 9 - 7 4 , 175 n. b, 1 8 3 - 9 3 , 234; text and translation, 1 7 7 - 7 8 , 1 8 7 - 8 8 ; life, 24, 27 n. 12, 181 n. 26, 2 3 3 - 3 4 Lote, Georges, 179 n. 1 Louis VII, king o f France, 5, 7, 9 Louis VIII, king o f France, 1 2 9 - 3 0 , 132, 142-45

(P-C 296,1a), 36, 5 2 - 5 3 , 59, 236 Marriage, 3, 5, 6, 9 - 1 0 , 7 0 - 7 1 . See also Consent in marriage; Dowry; Hypergamy; Hypogamy Marshall, J . H „ 179 n. 4, 179 n. 5,

Love, as interlocutor, 45, 55, 6 4 - 6 5 Mahn, 181 n. 24 Mahn, Carl August Friedrich, 41 n. 4, 181 n. 24 Malik al-Kamil, sultan o f Egypt, 141, 147 Malinowski, J . , 152 n. 2 Mansi, Jean Dominique, 154 n. 27 Manuscript A (Rome, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, lat. 5232), 216 Manuscript at Béziers, Centre International de Documentation Occitane, 2 1 1 - 2 5 ; extracts, 2 2 1 - 2 5 Manuscript H (Rome, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, lat. 3207), 3 7 - 3 9 , 216; base for edition, 3 7 - 3 8 , 1 1 7 - 7 8 Manuscript / (Paris, Bibliothèque Nationaie, fr. 854), 2 1 1 - 1 2 , 2 1 6 - 1 8 ; extracts, 2 2 1 - 2 5 Manuscript K (Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, fr. 12473), 216 Manuscript T (Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, fr. 15211), 32, 78; base for edition, 79 Manuscript V (Venice, Biblioteca Marchigiana, app. cod. 11) base for edition, 87-88 Marcabru, " A l so desviat" (P-C 293,5), 110 n. 5; "Contra l'ivern" (P-C 293,14), 1 5 8 - 6 0 , 174; "Estornel" (P-C 293,25), 106; "Ges l'estomels" (P-C 293,26), 106; "L'autrier jost'una sebissa" (P-C 293,30), 15; " L o vers comensa" (P-C 293,32), 110 n. 5; " N o - m pois mudar" (P-C 451,2), 39; "Per savi" (P-C

179 n. 6 Masochism, 1 1 3 - 1 4 , 123 Massi, Francesco, 203 Masso Torrents, Jaime, 33 Matfre Ermengaud, Breviari d'amor, 34 Matilda di Canossa, 193 n. 4 Mazzoni, Francesco, 2 0 7 - 0 8 McLaughlin, Mary Martin, 7 Meneghetti, Maria Luisa, 211 Menocal, Maria Rosa, 26 n. 7 Merlin, 130, 132, 142 Metastasio, Pietro, 201 Meyer, Paul, 55, 212 Mezura (moderation), 186 Middle Ages (concept), 1 - 3 Midons (milady), 7 4 - 7 5 Miniatures, 109, 2 1 2 - 2 1 Monge de Montaudon, "Autra vetz fui" (P-C 305,7), 45; "L'autrier fui" (P-C 305,12), 45 Mongitore, A., 201 Monier, Janine, 13 Monson, Don Alfred, 93 n. 20 Montan, " E u veing vas vos" (P-C 306,2), 35, 54, 59, 236 Mòlk, Ulrich, 164 Muller, Charles, 27 n. 25 Mundy, John H „ 9 - 1 0 , 1 2 - 1 3 , 27 n. 21 Names o f women and men, 12, 68, 171, 172, 180 n. 12, 1 8 8 - 9 2 Narcissus, 1 8 4 - 8 5 , 1 9 1 - 9 2 Negative words, 20, 21, 6 5 - 6 6 , 1 1 3 - 1 4 Nelli, René, 3 2 - 3 3 , 35, 77, 78, 92, 93 n. 5, 93 n. 13, 93 n. 17, 94 n. 23 Nichols, Stephen G., J r . , I l l n. 11 Nicholson, Derek E. T . , 26 n. 9 Niestroy, Erich, 52 Nina Siciliana, 22, 1 9 9 - 2 0 3

262

Index

Nostredame, Jean de, 218, 225 n. 7 Novati, Francesco, 202 Obizzo Malaspina, 53 Occitan language, 26 n. 11 Oral performance, 111 n. 13 Otto IV o f Brunswick, 142 Ovid, 184 Paden, William D . , 5, 6, 13, 27 n. 15, 27 n. 18, 41 n. 2, 71 n. 3, 72 n. 7, 108, 109 n. 2, 111 n. 11, 115, 117, 120, 125 n. 1, 125 n. 2, 126 n. 10, 127 n. 13, 127 n. 15, 127 n. 16, 186, 225 n. 4, 225 n. 5, 225 n. 11 Paris, Gaston, 5 Parody, 56, 58, 59, 86 Partimen (dialogue), 18, 19, 3 6 - 3 7 Pastorela (song about a shepherdess), 1 5 - 1 6 , 18, 27 n. 15, 53, 58, 69 Paterson, Linda M . , 175 n. a Pattison, Walter T . , 49, 108, 110 n. 6, 181 n. 28 Paul, Saint, 6 Paulet de Marselha, "Belha domna" (P-C 319,4), 175; "L'autrier m'anav' " (P-C 319,6), 18 Pedro o f Aragon, 9 Peire Bremon Ricas Novas, "Pois lo bels" (P-C 330,12), 175 n. b; "Rics pretz" (P-C 330,15a), 169, 175, 181 n. 27; "Tut van" (P-C 330,19), 175 Peire Cardenal, "Las amairitz" (P-C 335,30), 1 7 - 1 8 ; style, 6 5 - 6 6 , 72 n. 4; mentioned, 23, 63 Peire d'Alvernhe, " B e l m'es" (P-C 323,6), 111 n. 16; "Cantarai d'aqestz trobadors" (P-C 323,11), 107; "Rossignol" (P-C 323,23), 106; style, 6 3 - 6 4 , 66, 72 n. 4; mentioned, 109 n. 3 Peire de Blai, " E n est son" (P-C 328,1), 158, 175, 175 n. b Peire Milon, "Pois l'us" (P-C 349,5), 174 Peire Raimon de Tolosa, "Pos lo prims" (P-C 355,12), 111 n. 12 Peire Rogier, "Ges non puesc" (P-C 356,4), 26 n. 9, 111 n. 16; "Ja no creirai" (P-C 9,11), 42 n. 7; "Tan no plou" (P-C 356,8), 111 n. 16; in ms. T, 32 Peire Vidal, "Bels Amies cars" (P-C

364,9), 75; "Plus q u e l paubres" (P-C 364,36), 180 n. 14; "Tan mi platz" (P-C 364,48), 111 n. 16 Peire, "Amies Bernartz"(P-C 323,4), 101 105-06 Peirol, "Quant Amors trobet" (P-C 366,29), 45 Pelaez, M . , 205 Pelagius, cardinal legate, 141 Peleus, lance of, 111 n. 11 Perkal-Balinsky, Deborah, 8, 186, 190, 193 n. 3 Persuasion by wives, 8, 14, 15 Peter II, king o f Aragon, 142 Peter Lombard, 4 Petrarch, 2, 206 Philippa de Porcelet, 221 Pickens, Rupert T., 107, 111 n. 17 Pierre de Bénévent, papal legate, 144 Pierre de Castelnau, papal legate, 129 Pillet, Alfred, and Henry Carstens, 50, 51, 52, 54, 55, 57 Pistoleta, " B o n a domna, un conseill" (P-C 372,4), 36, 5 1 - 5 2 , 58, 235 Poe, Elizabeth Wilson, 15, 27 n. 14 Pons de Capdoill, in miniature, 109 Pons de Merindol, 225 n. 4 Pound, Ezra, 193 n. 2 Provençal language, 26 n. 11 Proverbs, 1 6 5 - 6 6 Quadrio, F. S., 201, 203 Radcliff-Umstead, Douglas, 92 n. 1 Raimbaut d'Aurenga, "Amies, en gran consirier" (P-C 389,6), 35, 49, 58, 60 235; " A r s'esplan" (P-C 389,16), 157, 174; "Cars, douz" (P-C 389,22), 174, 180 n. 12; "Donna, eel qe-us" (P-C p. 351), 110 n. 6; " E n aitai" (P-C 389,26), 174; see also Azalais de Porcairagues Raimbaut de Vaqueiras, "Domna, tant vos ai preiada" (P-C 392,7), 36, 53, 58, 181 n. 24, 236 Raimon Bistort d'Arles, "Aissi c o m " (P-C 416,2), 160, 175, 180 n. 12 Raimon de las Salas, "Bertran, si fossetz" (P-C 406,16), 169; "Dieus, aidatz" (P-C 409,2), 27 n. 13; "Domna, quar conois-

263

Index

sens' " (P-C 409,3), 36, 51, 58, 236; "Si-m fos grazitz" (P-C 409,5), 36, 4 9 - 5 0 , 58, 237 Raimon de Miraval, "Bertran" (P-C 406,16), 193 n. 6; see also Gaudairenca Raimon Jordan, " N o - m pues mudar no digua" (P-C 404,5), 34, 8 3 - 8 4 , 236 Raimon VI, count o f Toulouse, 149 Raimon VII, court o f Toulouse, 129, 134, 145-46,148, 154 n. 23. Raimon Vidal, Razos de trobar, 179 n. 4, 179 n. 5, 179 n. 6 Rajna, Pio, 153 n. 9, 199 Ramon de Perella, 147 Rand, E. K., 183 Raupach, Manfred, 175 n. a Raynouard, François-Just-Marie, 111 n. 12, 180 n. 17, 182 n. 30 Razos (prose commentaries), 14, 38, 39, 83, 93 n. 19 Regions o f southern France represented by the trobairitz, 14, 26 n. 12; name o f region used to identify a lady, 181 n. 24 Regies de trobar, 179 n. 4, 179 n. 5 Renaissance, 1 - 4 Rhyme, 20, 6 6 - 6 8 , 138, 153 n. 8, 154 n. 14; derived, 2 1 - 2 2 , 1 5 7 - 8 1 ; masculii.e and feminine, 1 6 0 - 6 1 , 1 6 3 - 6 4 , 1 6 8 69; rhyme-words, 139, 154 n. 14, 185 Ricketts, P. T., 175 n. a Rieger, Angelica, 19, 20, 94 n. 21, 109, 153 n. 6, 211, 218, 225 n. 2, 225 n. 3 Rieger, Dietmar, 41 n. 2, 71 n. 2, 152 n. 1 Rigaut de Berbezilh, in miniature, 109 Rigolot, François, 188, 192 Ripoll treatises, 179 n. 4 Riquer, Martin de, 24, 27 n. 20, 4 8 - 4 9 , 56, 93 n. 6, 93 n. 7, 110 n. 7, 138, 152 n. 5, 153 n. 8, 153 n. 9, 153 n. 11, 175 n. a, 180 n. 17, 225 n. 8 Rochegude Henri-Pascal, 175 n. a Rofin, 54; see also H., Domna Roman law, 12 Roncaglia, Aurelio, 160 Roscher, Helmut, 143, 154 n. 21 Rostanh de Mergas, "La douss'amor" (P-C 428,1), 174, 175 n. b Rostanh, "Bels segner Dieus" (P-C 461,43), 45 Rouillan-Castex, Sylvette, 2 2 0 - 2 1

Sainte-Palaye, Jean Baptiste de la Curne de, 77 Saints, 3, 14 Sakari, Aimo, 46, 1 0 7 - 0 8 , 110 n. 4, 111 n. 19, 111 n. 22, 217 Salut d'amor (love letter), 38 Sankovitch, Tilde, 22, 27 n. 18 Sansone, Giuseppe E., 27 n. 20 Santangelo, S., 2 0 5 - 0 6 Schultz-Gora, Oscar, 31, 32, 34, 35, 42 n. 5, 71 n. 3, 77, 80, 82, 85, 93 n. 12, 125 n. 1, 125 n. 2, 138, 153 n. 8, 1 5 3 n . 11 Senhal (secret name), 75—76, 93 n. 5, 171, 172, 1 8 9 - 9 0 , 206 Serper, A., 154 n. 22 Settembrini, Luigi, 2 0 1 - 0 2 Shahar, Shulamith, 4, 6, 7, 14 Shakespeare, 69 Shapiro, Marianne, 71 n. 1, 95, 107, 167, 186 Shepard, William P., 55 Siberry, Elizabeth, 154 n. 18 Siegel, Sidney, 27 n. 25 Simon de Montfort, 1 4 5 - 4 6 Sirventes (satirical song), 19, 21, 33—34 Siskin, H. Jay, 21 Smith, Nathaniel B . , 56, 157, 179 n. 1 Sordello, 63, 6 5 - 6 6 , 72 n. 4 Spring setting, 71 n. 1, 157 Stäblein, Patricia H., 27 n. 18 Städtler, Katharina, 21 Stehling, Thomas, 92 n. 3 Stengel, Edmund, 93 n. 11 Storme, Julie A., 21 Stronski, Stanislaw, 181 n. 28 Sumption, Jonathan, 146, 154 n. 26, 155 n. 30 Switten, Margaret L., 9, 157 Syntax, 21, 1 1 4 - 1 5 , 1 1 8 - 1 9 Tassoni, Alessandro, 199 Tavera, Antoine, 71 n. 2, 211, 219 Teissier, Jacques, 42 n. 11 Tenso (dialogue), 19, 20, 3 4 - 3 6 , 6 9 - 7 1 , 186 Thiolier-Méjean, Suzanne, 153 n. 12 Thomas, Antoine, 43 n. 24 Throop, P. A., 154 n. 18 Tibors, "Bels dous amies" (P-C 440,1),

264

Index

Tibors (continued) 38, 65-66, 234; life, 14, 15, 24, 27 n. 12, 234 Tiraboschi, Girolamo, 198-99, 209 n. 2 Toja, Gianluigi 111 n. 21 Topsfield, L. T., 181 n. 21 Tornada (final stanza), 21, 103-04, 10608, 171, 191 Torreggiano, Maestro, 204-05 Tristan and Isolde (romance), 5 Trobairitz, word in Occitan, 218-19; word in English, 13 Trobar, 26 n. 7, 103-04 Trucchi, F., 202-03 Uc Catola, "No-m pois mudar, bels amies" (P-C 451,2), 39, 236 Uc de Muret, "Ges si tot" (P-C 455,1), 175 U c de Saint-Circ, "Pei Ramonz" (P-C 457,27), 175; in razo to "Anc mais" (P-C 457,4), 83; mentioned, 24, 78 Valli, L., 206-07 Van Vleck, Amelia E., 20-21, 109 n. 1

Verb tenses, 20, 66-67 Verdon, Jean, 6, 10, 12 Véran, Jules, 36, 42 n. 10 Vidas (biographies), 14, 46, 47, 48, 49, 50, 71 n. 2, 179 n. 11, 193 n. 6, 216-19, 225 n. 4 Vilanova, Dona de, 27 n. 24 Waldensians, 129, 148 Walsh, P. G „ 69 White, Lynn, Jr., 4 Wiacek, Wilhelmina M., 181 n. 25 Wilhelm, James J., 71 n. 3 William IX. See Guilhem de Peitius Wilson, Katharina M., 7, 26 n. 5 Woledge, B., 27 n. 13 Woolf, Virginia, 1 Written text, 111 n. 13 Zilioli, Alessandro, 200 Zink, Michel, 220 Zufferey, François, 19, 22, 27 n. 24, 60 n. 1 Zumthor, Paul, 109 n. 1, 154 n. 24, 179 n. 10, 186, 192

Contributors

GENEVIÈVE BRUNEL-LOBRICHON, Attachée à la Section Romane, Recherche et d'Histoire des Textes, Paris.

Institut de

FRANK M. CHAMBERS, Professor Emeritus of French, University of

Arizona.

PAOLO CHERCHI, Professor of Italian, University of Chicago. JOAN M. FERRANTE, Professor of English and Comparative bia University. SARAH KAY, Lecturer in French, Girton College,

Cambridge

WILLIAM D. PADEN, Professor of French, Northwestern ANGELICA RIEGER, Lecturer in German,

Professor

KATHARINA STÄDTLER, Lecturer Coast).

in French

in German,

Colum-

University.

University.

University of Paris

TILDE SANKOVITCH, Professor of French, Northwestern H. JAY SISKIN, Assistant University.

Literature,

IV-Sorbonne.

University.

Linguistics,

University

Northwestern

of Abidjan

JULIE A. STORME, Assistant Professor of French, Saint Mary's College, Dame, Indiana.

(Ivory Notre

AMELIA E. VAN VLECK, Assistant Professor of French, University of Texas, Austin. FRANÇOIS ZUFFEREY, Professeur de français médiéval,

University of

Lausanne.

UNIVERSITY O F PENNSYLVANIA PRESS MIDDLE AGES SERIES EDWARD PETERS, General Editor

Edward Peters, ed. Christian Society and the Crusades, 1198-1229. Sources in Translation, including The Capture of Damietta by Oliver of Paderborn. 1971 Edward Peters, ed. The First Crusade: The Chronicle of Fulcher of Chartres and Other Source Materials. 1971 Katherine Fischer Drew, trans. The Burgundian Code: The Book of Constitutions or Law of Gundobad and Additional Enactments. 1972 G. G. Coulton. From St. Francis to Dante: Translations from the Chronicle of the Franciscan Salimbene (1221-1288). 1972 Alan C. Kors and Edward Peters, eds. Witchcraft in Europe, 1110-1700: A Documentary History. 1972 Richard C. Dales. The Scientific Achievement of the Middle Ages. 1973 Katherine Fischer Drew, trans. The Lombard Laws. 1973 Henry Charles Lea. The Ordeal. Part III of Superstition and Force. 1973 Henry Charles Lea. Torture. Part IV of Superstition and Force. 1973 Henry Charles Lea (Edward Peters, ed.). The Duel and the Oath. Parts I and II of Superstition and Force. 1974 Edward Peters, ed. Monks, Bishops, and Pagans: Christian Culture in Gaul and Italy, 500-700. 1975 Jeanne Krochalis and Edward Peters, ed. and trans. The World of Piers Plowman. 1975 Julius Goebel, Jr. Felony and Misdemeanor: A Study in the History of Criminal Law. 1976 Susan Mosher Stuard, ed. Women in Medieval Society. 1976 James Muldoon, ed. The Expansion of Europe: The First Phase. 1977 Clifford Peterson. Saint Erkenwald. 1977 Robert Somerville and Kenneth Pennington, eds. Law, Church, and Society: Essays in Honor of Stephan Kuttner. 1977 Donald E. Queller. The Fourth Crusade: The Conquest of Constantinople, 12011204. 1977

Pierre Riche (Jo Ann McNamara, trans.). Daily Life in the World of Charlemagne. 1978 Charles R. Young. The Royal Forests of Medieval England. 1979 Edward Peters, ed. Heresy and Authority in Medieval Europe. 1980 Suzanne Fonay Wemple. Women in Frankish Society: Marriage and the Cloister, 500— 900. 1981 R. G. Davies and J. H. Denton, eds. The English Parliament in the Middle Ages. 1981 Edward Peters. The Magician, the Witch, and the Law. 1982 Barbara H . Rosenwein. Rhinoceros Bound: Cluny in the Tenth Century. 1982 Steven D. Sargent, ed. and trans. On the Threshold of Exact Science: Selected Writings of Anneliese Maier on Late Medieval Natural Philosophy. 1982 Benedicta Ward. Miracles and the Medieval Mind: Theory, Record, and Event, 10001215. 1982 Harry Turtledove, trans. The Chronicle of Theophanes: An English Translation of anni mundi 6095-6305 (A.D. 602-813). 1982 Leonard Cantor, ed. The English Medieval Landscape. 1982 Charles T. Davis. Dante's Italy and Other Essays. 1984 George T. Dennis, trans. Maurice's Strategikon: Handbook of Byzantine Military Strategy. 1984 T h o m a s F. X . Noble. The Republic of St. Peter: The Birth of the Papal State, 680825. 1984 Kenneth Pennington. Pope and Bishops: The Papal Monarchy in the Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries. 1984 Patrick J. Geary. Aristocracy in Provence: The Rhone Basin at the Dawn of the Carolingian Age. 1985 C . Stephen Jaeger. The Origins of Courtliness: Civilizing Trends and the Formation of Courtly Ideals, 939-1210. 1985 J. N . Hillgarth, ed. Christianity and Paganism, 350- 750: The Conversion of Western Europe. 1986 William Chester Jordan. From Servitude to Freedom: Manumission in the Senonais in the Thirteenth Century. 1986 James William Brodman. Ransoming Captives in Crusader Spain: The Order of Merced on the Christian-Islamic Frontier. 1986 Frank Tobin. Meister Eckhart: Thought and Language. 1986 Daniel Bornstein, trans. Dino Compagni's Chronicle of Florence. 1986 James M . Powell. Anatomy of a Crusade, 1213-1221. 1986 Jonathan Riley-Smith. The First Crusade and the Idea of Crusading. 1986 Susan Mosher Stuard, ed. Women in Medieval History and Historiography. 1987 Avril Henry, ed. The Mirour of Mans Saluacioune. 1987 Maria Rosa Menocal. The Arabic Role in Medieval Literary History. 1987 Margaret J. Ehrhart. The Judgment of the Trojan Prince Paris in Medieval Literature. 1987 Betsy Bowden. Chaucer Aloud: The Varieties of Textual Interpretation. 1987 Felipe Fernandez-Armesto. Before Columbus: Exploration and Colonization from the Mediterranean to the Atlantic, 1229-1492. 1987

Michael Resler, trans. EREC by Hartmann von Aue. 1987 A . J . Minnis. Medieval Theory of Authorship. 1987 Uta-Renate Blumenthal. The Investiture Controversy: Church and Monarchy from the Ninth to the Twelfth Century. 1988 Robert Hollander. Boccaccio's Last Fiction: "11 Corbaccio." 1988 Ralph Turner. Men Raised from the Dust: Administrative Service and Upward Mobility in Angevin England. 1988 David Anderson. Before the Knight's Tale: Imitation of Classical Epic in Boccaccio's Teseida. 1988 Charlotte A. N e w m a n . The Anglo-Norman Nobility in the Reign of Henry I: The Second Generation. 1988 Joseph F. O'Callaghan. The Cortes of Castile-Leon, 1188-1350. 1989 William D. Paden. The Voice of the Trobairitz: Essays on the Women Troubadours. 1989 William Chester Jordan. The French Monarchy and the Jews: From Philip Augustus to the Last Capetians. 1989 Edward B. Irving, Jr. Rereading Beowulf. 1989 David Burr. Olivi and Franciscan Poverty: The Origins of the Usus Pauper Controversy. 1989 Willene B. Clark and Meradith M c M u n n , eds. Beasts and Birds of the Middle Ages: The Bestiary and Its Legacy. 1989 Richard C. Hoffmann. Land, Liberties, and Lordship in a Late Medieval Countryside: Agrarian Structures and Change in the Duchy ofWrodaw. 1989 Robert I. Burns. Emperor of Culture: Alfonso X the Learned and His ThirteenthCentury Renaissance. 1989 Mary Frances Wack. The Lover's Malady in the Middle Ages: The "Viaticum" and Its Commentaries. 1989